WASHINGTON IN DOMESTIC LIFE. 

From Original Letters and Manuscripts. By Richard Rush. 

1857. 

GENTLEMEN:--

In confiding to your house the publication of this brief paper on somepoints in the character of Washington, I beg leave to say, that for anydeficiency in the cost of publishing, after all your charges in havingit fitly done are defrayed, I will be responsible. 

And in the very remote probability of the sale of a production solimited as this, in the face of a thousand better things on Washington'scharacter already before the world, ever yielding anything in the way ofprofit after your proper expenditures are all satisfied, it will go, however small, to the Washington Monument Fund, existing in themetropolis of our country. 

 I am, gentlemen, Your very faithful

 And obedient servant, RICHARD RUSH. 

SYDENHAM, NEAR PHILADELPHIA, February 28, 1857. 

To MESSRS. 

J. B. LIPPINCOTT AND CO. , PUBLISHERS, PHILADELPHIA. 

TO

CHARLES J. INGERSOLL. 

 * * * * *

This literary trifle is hardly worth a dedication; yet it has dared totouch, though with incompetent hands, a high subject, and, trifle as itis, I dedicate it to you. At an agreeable little dinner at your tablelately, where we had the new Vice-President, Mr. Breckenridge, whosematernal stock, the Stanhope Smiths and Witherspoons, so rich inintellect, we knew at Princeton, you said we had been friends forupwards of sixty years. You were right, for we were merry boys togetherin Philadelphia before our college days at Princeton; and I may hereadd, that our friendship never has been interrupted. 

RICHARD RUSH. 

INTRODUCTORY EXPLANATION. 

The manuscript or paper here published was prepared from a collection oforiginal letters from General Washington on matters, for the most part, purely domestic and personal, addressed to Colonel Tobias Lear, hisprivate Secretary for a part of the time he was President; and then, andduring periods much longer, his confidential friend. They came into myhands through the voluntary kindness of Mrs. Lear, of the city ofWashington, the estimable relict of Colonel Lear, and niece of Mrs. Washington, whose friendship it was my good lot and that of my family toenjoy; as we did that of Colonel Lear while he lived. The latter died inWashington in 1816. Mrs. Lear first informed me of these letters ten ortwelve years ago when in Washington, and offered them to my perusal andexamination, telling me to take them home and retain them as long as Ichose, and use them as I thought best, for she knew I would not abusethis privilege. I brought them home as requested, being then too muchengaged in the business of the Smithsonian Institution as one of theRegents on its first organization, to examine them while in Washington. She afterwards read, approved, and for some time had in her hands thepaper I drew up from them. 

It consisted of notices of, and extracts from these original letters, the matter being abridged, connecting links used, and omissions madewhere the great author himself marked them private or from partsotherwise not necessary to go before the world. So guarded and prepared, and with a commentary interwoven, Mrs. Lear left its publication to mydiscretion. I returned the original letters, in number more than thirty, in the state I received them from her. I never allowed any one of themto be copied; but gave one away, or two, for I am not at this daycertain which, to Mr. Polk while he was President of the United States, having first asked and obtained Mrs. Lear's consent for that purpose. She also gave me two of them not very long before her decease, which Iprize the more as her gift. I have other original letters from the sameimmortal source, the valued donation in 1830, of the son of ColonelLear, Lincoln Lear, Esquire. 

This excellent lady, who long honored me with her friendship andconfidence in the above and other ways, after surviving Colonel Learforty years, died last December in Washington. There she had continuedto live as his widow; being all this time in possession of, and as Isupposed owning, these original letters. There she lived, beloved as apattern of the Christian virtues, and enjoying the esteem of the circlearound her as an interesting relict of days becoming historical; butever elevating in the associations they recall. Now that she is gone, Iam induced to give to the public the paper in question. In doing so Ihave the best grounds for believing that I perform an act that wouldhave been grateful to her were she living. She was fully informed of myintention to publish it and could not but be sensible that the longrespect and affectionate attachment of General Washington which herhusband enjoyed, as so indelibly stamped upon these letters, is a recordof his probity, capacity, and sterling worth, than which none could everbe more precious, or be likely to endure longer. This consideration itmight be thought affects only the descendants of Colonel Lear or othersdevoted to his memory; but I have ventured to think that the publicationmay not be wholly unacceptable on broader grounds. Nothing, indeed, inauthentic connection with Washington's great name can ever be unwelcometo the American people; and although it may have happened that some fewof these letters have heretofore found their way into print in whole orin part, the number, as far as was known to Mrs. Lear, is believed to bevery small. Hence the publication need not be forborne on that account;more especially if it should be found to carry with it the slightestgeneral interest in the form now presented. 

In regard to the narrative of Arnold's treason as given by the greatChief at his table at Mount Vernon and afterwards written down byColonel Lear, which I have appended to the synopsis of the letters, itwas not within Mrs. Lear's knowledge, nor is it within mine at present, that it has ever been in print before. 

RICHARD RUSH. 

SYDENHAM, NEAR PHILADELPHIA, February, 1857. 

WASHINGTON IN DOMESTIC LIFE. 

When first I opened and cursorily read the original letters from GeneralWashington, mentioned in the foregoing introductory explanation, andnoticed the domestic topics which ran so largely through them, theystruck me as possessing peculiar interest. They were of value as comingfrom that venerated source, and doubly so, considering how little isknown, through his own correspondence, of his domestic life; scarcely, in fact, any of its details. Reading the letters again, I found thematter to be somewhat more varied than my first eager inspection ofthem, as hastily unfolded, had led me to suppose; but they weredesultory, and much broken as to dates. The occasional mixture of othermatter, especially public matter, with the domestic topics, did notdiminish the interest of the letters, but the contrary. In thispublication I follow the order of the dates. Where wide chasms occur, Ihave merely supplied a link in the chain by an explanatory remark hereand there, in aid of the reader, not hazarding other remarks until allthe letters are mentioned. Thus much as to the plan. I proceed to speakof the letters themselves. 

The first in date is of the fifth of September, 1790. It is written inPhiladelphia, where Washington had just then arrived from New York, Mr. Lear, as may be inferred from it, being in New York. He states that hewould proceed onward to Mount Vernon on the day following if Mrs. Washington's health would permit, as she had been indisposed since theirarrival in Philadelphia; that before he arrived, the city corporationhad taken the house of Mr. Robert Morris for his residence, but that itwould not be sufficiently commodious without additions. 

 [This house was in Market Street on the south side near Sixth Street. The market house buildings then stopped at Fourth Street; the town in this street extended westward scarcely as far as Ninth Street; good private dwellings were seen above Fifth Street; Mr. Morris's was perhaps the best; the garden was well inclosed by a wall. ]

He describes the house, remarking that even with the proposed additionsthe gentlemen of his family would have to go into the third story, wherealso Mr. Lear and Mrs. Lear would have to go; and that there would be noplace for his own study and dressing-room but in the back building;there are good stables, and the coach-house would hold his carriages;but his coachmen and postilions would have to sleep over the stablewhere there was no fireplace, though the room might be warmed by astove. The other servants could sleep in the house, he adds, if, inaddition to the present accommodations, a servants' hall were built withone or two lodging-rooms over it. These are samples of the particularitywith which he writes. He tells Mr. Lear that he had left his coach andharness with the coachmaker, Mr. Clarke, in Philadelphia, for repairs, and requests him to see that they are well done and at the timeappointed. The residue of the letter relates to the bringing on of hisservants from New York. It begins "Dear Sir, " and after saying that Mrs. Washington joins with him in best wishes to Mrs. Lear, concludes, "I amsincerely and affectionately yours, Geo. Washington. " The letter fillsthe four pages of a sheet of letter paper in his compact but bold andlegible hand, with a few interlineations made very distinctly. 

The next letter is dated Mount Vernon, September 20, 1790. After sayinga few words about Mr. Morris's house, he reverts to the subject ofbringing his servants from New York to Philadelphia, naming several ofthem, but doubting the expediency of bringing all by sea, especially theupper servants. The steward and his wife are mentioned as perhaps bestnot to be brought at all; he has no wish to part with them: first, because he does not like to be changing; and secondly, because he didnot know how to supply their places, but was much mistaken if theexpenses of the second table, where the steward presided, had notgreatly exceeded the proper mark; he suspected there was nothing broughtto his own table of liquors, fruit, or other things, that had not beenused as profusely at the steward's; that if his suspicions wereunfounded he should be sorry for having entertained them; and if not, itwas at least questionable whether any successor of ****** might not dothe same thing, in which case there might be a change without a benefit. He leaves it with Mr. Lear whether to retain him or not, provided hethought him honest, of which he would be better able to judge oncomparing his accounts with those of his former steward, which he (theGeneral) had not done. He concludes, "with sincere regard and affection, I am yours, Geo. Washington. "

 [At this epoch, the seat of government had just been removed from New York to Philadelphia, making it necessary for General Washington to establish himself in the latter city, which leads him into the details given and to follow. ]

The third letter is from Mount Vernon, September 27, 1790. It begins bysaying that since his last, the date of which is not recollected, as hekept no copies of these letters, two had been received from Mr. Lear, ofwhich he gives the dates. He approves of his mode of removing thefurniture, and asks, "How have you disposed of the Pagoda? It is adelicate piece of stuff, and will require to be handled tenderly. "

Alluding to the house in which he had lived in New York, the lease ofwhich was unexpired, he says that he expected ***** would endeavor toimpose his own terms when he found he could not get it off his hands; weare in his power and he must do what he pleases with us. As the "Lustre"is paid for and securely packed up, and may suit the largestdrawing-room at Mr. Morris's house in Philadelphia, he does not inclineto part with it; there is a mangle in the kitchen, which Mrs. Morrisproposes to leave, taking his mangle instead; [a mangle was a machinefor washing or pressing, then in use, and a fixture, I think;] he wouldnot object provided his was as good, but not if he would be the gainerby exchanging. He concludes, Mrs. Washington and all the family joiningin best wishes to Mrs. Lear and himself, "I am your sincere friend andaffectionate servant, " signing his name as before. 

The next is dated Mount Vernon, October 3, 1790. In this letter herefers to the declaration of the ministers of Britain and Spain aspublished in the newspapers, [A] and requests Mr. Lear to give him theearliest information of these or any other interesting matters, beyondwhat the newspapers say; remarking that Mr. Jefferson's absence from NewYork [Mr. Jefferson was then Secretary of State] might be the means ofdelaying the receipt of official advices to him longer than usual. Herequests Mr. Lear to use his endeavors for ascertaining the best schoolsin Philadelphia with a view to placing Washington Custis, Mrs. Washington's grandson, at the best. If the college is under goodregulations, and they have proper tutors to prepare boys of his standingfor the higher branches of education, he makes a quaere if it would notbe better to put him there at once, the presumption being that a systemmay prevail there by which the gradations are better connected than inschools which have no correspondence with each other. Adverting again tohis servants, he reminds Mr. Lear that no mention had been made ofJohn's wife, and asks what he understands to be her plans. He incloses aletter from John to her, and another from James to his "del Toboso. "[These were four of his black servants. ] He requests him when able toget at Count d'Estaing's letters to send him a transcript of what hesays of a bust he had sent him of Neckar, together with a number ofprints of Neckar, and of the Marquis la Fayette; and concludes in thesame cordial and affectionate style as before. 

Mount Vernon, October 10, 1790. This is next in date. The early parts ofthis letter have reference to the steps for removing his furniture andservants from New York; to the getting rid of the house still upon hishands there, and to the proper care and instruction of his niece, MissHarriet Washington, when he should be established in Philadelphia. Referring again to Washington Custis's education, whom he had adopted asa son and in whom he appears to have taken great interest, [B] he wishesinquiry to be made as to the higher branches taught at the college witha view to placing his nephews, George and Lawrence Washington, at thatInstitution in Philadelphia. He speaks very kindly of these nephews, andof their desire for improvement. Having left the languages, they areengaged, he adds, under Mr. Harrow, in Alexandria, in the study of themathematics and learning French. Concludes as usual. 

Next comes one from Mount Vernon of October 27, 1790. He tells Mr. Learthat on his return from a twelve days' excursion up the Potomac, hefinds three letters from him, which he acknowledges under their dates, and is very glad to learn that he had arrived in Philadelphia, and thatthe servants and furniture had got safely there. It is equally agreeableto him that the steward and his wife had come. He leaves to Mr. L. Thearrangement of the furniture, with remarks of his own as to itsdisposition in some of the rooms; and wishes the rent of Mr. Morris'shouse to be fixed before the day of his going into it. He desired to paya just value; more he had no idea would be asked; but intimates hisfears that the committee [of the city councils of Philadelphia isprobably meant] were holding back under an intention that the rentshould be paid by the public, to which he would not consent. It would bebest, he thinks, if all the servants could be accommodated without usingthe loft over the stable, as no orders he could give them would preventtheir carrying lights there, if they were to use it as lodgers. Byreturn of the hand that takes this and other letters from him to theAlexandria post-office, he hopes to receive later dates from Mr. Lear, and, possibly, something more indicative of peace or war between Spainand England; and concludes, "I am your affectionate friend, Geo. Washington. "

Mount Vernon, October 31, 1790, is the next date. After expressingconcern lest his house in Philadelphia should not be ready in time, andpointing out arrangements for his journey to Philadelphia, he speaksagain of his carriage at the coachmaker's in Philadelphia. He thinksthat a wreath round the crests on the panels would be more correspondentwith the Seasons [allegorical paintings probably in medallion], whichwere to remain there, than the motto; and that the motto might be put onthe plates of the harness, but leaves it to Mr. Lear and the coachmakerto adopt which they thought best when the whole was looked at, as hecould not himself see it as a whole. He speaks of the boarding schoolsin Philadelphia, and is anxious that full and careful inquiry be madewith a view to securing proper advantages in the education of hisniece, but to be made in a way not to give any expectation of apreference between rival seminaries, as he had come to no decision inregard to his niece. As his family on removing to Philadelphia will havenew connections to form with tradespeople, he requests Mr. Lear to findout those in each branch who stand highest for skill and fair dealing, saying it is better to be slow in choosing than be under any necessityof changing. Concludes "with affectionate regards I am your sincerefriend, G. W. "

Mount Vernon, November 7, 1790. A letter full of minute details. It setsout with expressing his renewed anxiety respecting the education of hisadopted son Washington Custis, remarking that if the _schools_ in thecollege are under good masters, and are as fit for boys of his age [hewas probably about eight at this time, for we were schoolmates inPhiladelphia at the dates of the earliest of these letters] as a privateschool would be, he is still of opinion he had better be placed therein the first instance; but the propriety of the step will depend: 1. Upon the character and ability of the masters; 2. Upon the police anddiscipline of the school; and thirdly, upon the number of the pupils. Ifthere be too many pupils, justice cannot be done to them whatever theability of the masters, adding that what ought to be the due proportionis in some measure matter of opinion, but that an extreme must beobvious to all. He leaves it with Mr. Lear to decide that point ifnothing else should be finally resolved upon by himself before hereaches Philadelphia. He next incloses a letter from Mr. GouverneurMorris, then in Paris [but not our minister at the French court at thattime] with the bill of charges for certain articles which he hadrequested him to send from Paris. The plated ware far exceeds in pricethe utmost bounds of his calculation; but as he is persuaded Mr. Morrishad only done what he thought right, he requests Mr. Lear to makeimmediate payment in manner as he points out. Among the articles ofthis plated ware, were wine coolers, for holding four decanters of cutglass, also sent by Mr. Morris; and he seems as little satisfied withthe size and fashion of these coolers, from the description he hasreceived of them, as with their unexpected cost. He thinks moreappropriate ones of real silver might be made, the pattern beingdifferent and work lighter, giving his own ideas of a pattern, and alittle draft of it, and requesting Mr. Lear to talk to a silversmith onthe matter, remarking that perhaps those sent by Mr. Morris might givehints for the pattern; which, if not found too heavy, as he had not yetseen them, might after all answer. He approves of the Pagoda's standingin the smallest drawing-room where Mr. Lear had placed it. Whether the_green_ curtain or a new _yellow_ one is to be used for the staircasewindow in the hall, may depend on his getting an exact match in colorfor the former; in things of this sort one would not regard a smalladditional expense, to save the eye from bad contrasts. He expressesthe hope that his study will be in readiness by the time he arrives, andthat the rubbish and other litter made by those "men of mortar and thecarpenters, " will be removed so that the yard may be made and kept asclean as the parlor. This, he says, is essential, as, by the alterationsmade in the house, the back rooms had become the best and there was anuninterrupted view from them into the yard, especially from thedining-room. He concludes by saying that as Mrs. Washington writes toMrs. Lear, he would only add his best wishes for her and affectionateregards for himself, "being your sincere friend, G. W. "

Mount Vernon, November 12, 1790. This letter is a duplicate written toinform Mr. Lear that he depended upon P****'s coach, horses, and driver, for taking on the children to Philadelphia. His reasons for writing theduplicate was, that Giles (one of his servants), who was sent onWednesday to Alexandria with his first letter with directions that ifthe stage had gone to pursue it to Georgetown so as to overtake themail, had put the letter into the hands of a passenger, who "all butforced it from him, " so anxious was this passenger to do an obligingthing, as he "knew General Washington. " This passenger told his name, but it was "so comical, " he could not recollect it. This was Giles'sstory; and the General adds that as he knew what little dependence wasto be placed on the punctual conveyance of letters by a private hand, hewrites this duplicate by post to repeat his request that Mr. Lear willinform him, by return of post, what he has to expect with _certainty_ asto the coach hired for taking on a part of his family to Philadelphia. His house is full of company, he adds, and concludes as usual. 

Mount Vernon, November 14, 1790. This letter manifests his concern aboutthe house in Philadelphia; for, besides that it is still unfinished, therent, he says, has not yet been fixed, though he has long since wishedit; he is at a loss to understand it all. He hopes that the additionsand alterations made on his account whilst neat, have not been in anextravagant style. The latter would not only be contrary to his wishesbut repugnant to his interest and convenience, as it would be the meansof keeping him from the use and comforts of the house until a later day;and because the furniture and everything else must then be in accordancewith its expensive finish, which would not agree with his presentfurniture, and he had no wish to be taxed to suit the taste of others. The letter is of more length than usual and marked "private;" being, with one other, the only ones in the collection so marked. I will, therefore, notice its contents no further than barely to add, that in apart where he alludes to the still possible intention of making thepublic in Philadelphia pay his rent, his terms of dissent become veryemphatic. In reference to his coach, he would rather have heard that, asrepaired, it was "_plain_ and elegant" than "_rich_ and elegant. "Conclusion as usual. 

Mount Vernon, Nov. 17, 1790. This, he says, is a very bad day. He isjust setting off for Alexandria to a dinner given to him by the citizensof that place. The caps (jockey caps) of Giles and Paris (two of hispostilions) being so much worn that they will be unfit for use by thetime he has completed his journey to Philadelphia, he requests that newones may be made, the tassels to be of better quality than the old ones;and that a new set of harness may be made for the leaders, with apostilion saddle; the saddle-cloth of which to be like the hammer-cloth, that all may be of a piece when necessary to use six horses. [This hesometimes did in travelling. ] The letter concludes as usual. 

"Spurriers, " November 23, 1790. 

 [He is now on his journey to Philadelphia in his own travelling carriage with Mrs. Washington; the children, and the servants in attendance on the children, being in the stage-coach hired for the occasion. ]

He dates from this tavern twelve or fourteen miles south of Baltimore. The roads, he says, are in-famous--no hope of reaching Baltimore thatnight, as they had not yet gone to dinner but were waiting for it. Theletter is only of a few lines, and evidently written in haste, though henever makes apologies on that account. 

Georgetown, March 28, 1791. 

 [The General and family arrived in Philadelphia and took possession of Mr. Morris's house. The session of Congress passed over. It was the short session. He was now on his return to Mount Vernon, having reached the above town on the Maryland side of the Potomac, from which he dates. ]

This letter is on his private affairs. He expresses dissatisfaction atthe conduct of ****** one of his agents in the State of----, in lettingout his property and receiving his rents; he is too well acquainted, hesays, with facts that bear upon the case to be imposed upon by the talehe tells; and even his own letter proves him to be what he would notcall him. 

Mount Vernon, April 3, 1791. This letter is also in part on his privateaffairs. It contains further complaints of this agent. In the closingparts of it [there being at this time growing apprehensions of troublewith the Indians] he makes the remark, that until we could restrain theturbulence and disorderly conduct of our own borderers, it would be invain he feared to expect peace with the Indians; or that they wouldgovern their own people better than we did ours. 

 [It was in the following autumn that General St. Clair's army was defeated by them in the neighborhood of the Miami Villages. ]

Mount Vernon, April 6, 1791. A short letter. It mentions his intentionof continuing his journey southward the next day; his horses being wellrecruited, he hopes they will go on better than they have come fromPhiladelphia. He incloses Mr. Lear, who remains in Philadelphia, someletters to be put on file, and requests him to pay a man who had beenworking in the garden. 

 [The journey southward next day was the commencement of his tour to the Southern States, having made one into the Northern States before he became President. Having completed his tour, he passed several days in Georgetown to execute the powers vested in him for fixing on a place for the permanent seat of government for the United States under the new constitution. ]

Richmond, April 12, 1791. This is a letter of four closely writtenpages, mainly, though not exclusively, about his servants and thedifficulties with them under the non-slavery laws of Philadelphia; butas he requests that the knowledge of its contents and the sentiments heexpresses may be confined to Mrs. Lear and Mrs. Washington, I notice nomore of it. 

Savannah, May 13, 1791. He here says that the continual hurry into whichhe was thrown by entertainments, visits, and ceremonies in the course ofhis southern tour, left him scarcely a moment he could call his own. Hegives directions as to where his letters are to be sent that they maystrike him at the proper points whilst travelling; his horses are muchworn down, he says, by the bad roads, especially the two he bought justbefore leaving Philadelphia, "and my old white horse. "

Fredericksburg, Virginia, June 12, 1791. He informs Mr. Lear that he hadreached this place the day preceding, and expected to get back to MountVernon the day following. He would remain there until the 27th, whichwas the day appointed for him to meet the commissioners at Georgetown tofix on the spot for the public buildings to be erected in the newFederal City, and writes to give Mr. Lear this foreknowledge of hismovements. 

Mount Vernon, June 15, 1791. The early part of this letter relates tocertain blank commissions signed and left with Mr. Lear to be filled upunder the direction and advice of the Secretary of the Treasury. He nextadverts to a vacancy in one of the United States judgeships--that of thedistrict of Pennsylvania--by the death of the late incumbent. Some haveapplied, he says, for the appointment, and others will. In reference tothis and other offices that will be vacant (naming them), he wishes Mr. Lear to get the best information he can as to those who it is thoughtwould fill them "with the greatest ability and integrity. " Severalmeritorious persons, he adds, have already been brought to his view. 

He is glad to hear that the affairs of his household in Philadelphia goon so well, and tells Mr. Lear it might not be improper for him to hinthow foolish it would be in the servants left there to enter into anycombinations for supplanting those in authority [meaning the upperservants]. The attempt would be futile, and must recoil upon themselves;and next, admitting that they were to make the lives of the presentsteward and housekeeper so uneasy as to induce them to quit, otherswould be got, and such, too, as would be equally if not more rigid inexacting the duty required of the servants below them; the steward andhousekeeper were indispensably necessary in taking trouble off of Mrs. Washington's hands and his own, and would be supported in the line oftheir duty, whilst any attempt to counteract them would be considered asthe strongest evidence the other servants could give of theirunworthiness. A good and faithful servant, he adds, was never afraid ofhaving his conduct looked into, but the reverse. 

Mount Vernon, June 19, 1791. He acknowledges the receipt of severalletters from Mr. Lear, and approves what he has done. He tells him thatin the fall he shall want blankets for his servants and people[C] atMount Vernon; and the summer being the best time for buying them, hewishes inquiry to be made on this subject, saying he should want abouttwo hundred. He wants to see Paine's answer to Burke's pamphlet on theFrench Revolution, and requests it may be sent to him. He says that"Paris" has grown to be so lazy and self-willed that John, the coachman, says he has no sort of government of him, as he did nothing that he wastold to do, and everything he was not. The General adds that hisincapacity as a postilion was such that he had determined to leave himbehind when returning to Philadelphia, which would make one or two boysnecessary in his stable at that place, as assistants, and asks whetherit might not be possible to find emigrant Germans to answer the purpose. He concludes, "Be assured of the esteem and regard of yoursaffectionately, G. W. "

Mount Vernon, September 26, 1791. He refers to the house inPhiladelphia; says that he never expressed any dissatisfaction at wantof accommodation in it since he got rid of the workmen; and that thatsupposition must _not_ be adduced as a motive for causing a _publicedifice_ to be built for his use or occupancy; that he has no intentionof interfering with the politics of Pennsylvania, or the householdaccommodations of his successors in the Presidency; but that, forhimself, personally, he had wholly declined living in any publicbuilding. This subject appears to have engaged some of his sensibility, and he tells Mr. Lear he is glad to learn he has put in writing hisviews in regard to it, as that will protect him against misconception onany point. 

Mount Vernon, October 7, 1791. He writes again about the blankets; somehave been offered to him in Alexandria, but he likes neither the sizenor price, and speaks of those to be had in Philadelphia as intolerablynarrow. He cannot think of being disappointed in his supply, as hispeople would suffer in the ensuing winter. He wants one hundred of thelargest size and best quality, and one hundred of the middle size but_good_ in quality. I recollect asking you if among my pamphlets you hadseen the journal of my tour to the French (the word _position_ wasprobably omitted here) on _La beauf_ in the year 1753. I understood youno; but Mrs. Washington thinks you said yes. Pray decide the point forus--I have searched in vain for it here. 

Mount Vernon, October 14, 1791. In this letter he begins by saying he isglad of the intimation given of the intentions of the minister of France[not stated what they are], and pleased though distressed at theinformation that the 24th instant is the day for the meeting ofCongress. He had supposed it to be the 31st, and intended to spendMonday and possibly Tuesday in Georgetown; but now he would endeavor toreach Bladensburg on Monday night and lose no time afterwards inpursuing his journey onward to Philadelphia, as scarce any time would beleft to him for preparing his communications when the session opened, ifthe members were punctual in attending. This makes it the morenecessary, he says, that Mr. Lear should look with accuracy, and withoutdelay, into his speeches and the laws of the past sessions; that allmight be at hand for his own review and consideration. And he requestsMr. Lear, should anything else have occurred to him as fit forrecommendation or communication in his speech to Congress, to note it, that it might be ready for his consideration in case it should not beamong his own memorandums. The conclusion is in his usually cordial way. 

This session of Congress passed over. It was the long one, and ran intoMay 1792. I find in the collection only three letters to Mr. Lear datedin that year. The first is from Mount Vernon, July 30, '92, soon afterhe had left Philadelphia, and is familiarly descriptive of his journeyhomewards. His horses plagued him a good deal, he says, and the sickmare, owing to a dose of physic administered the night he reachedChester, was so much weakened as to be unable to carry Austin [one ofthe postilions] further than the Susquehannah; had to be led thence toHartford, where she was left, and two days afterwards, "gave up theghost. " As he travelled on, he heard great complaints of the Hessianfly, and of rust or mildew in the wheat, and believed that the damagewould be great in some places; but that more was said than the casewarranted, and on the whole the crops would be abundant. On arriving inGeorgetown, he found many well-conceived plans for the public buildingsin the new city, and remarks that it was a pleasure to him to find inour new country so much architectural ability displayed. Concludes, "Iam your affectionate friend, G. W. "

The second is dated Mount Vernon, September 21, '92. He tells Mr. Learthat he had written him but one letter since arriving at Mount Vernon, but was on the eve of writing a second when his of the 5th of August gotto hand, with such information of his movements (Mr. Lear having beenaway from Philadelphia) as might now enable him to direct a letter tohim without danger of its "reverberating back. " He thanks him for theinformation afforded in his letter of the 5th of August and in anotherof the 21st of July; says he has nothing agreeable of a domestic natureto relate. Poor George [the General is here supposed to allude to Mr. George Lewis, one of his nephews, then staying at Mount Vernon], hefears, is not far from that place whence no traveller returns; he is butthe shadow of what he was; has not been out of his room, scarcely out ofhis bed, for six weeks; has intervals of ease which flatter us a little, but he, the General, has little hope of his surviving the winter. It isso he writes of this nephew, adding that the subject gives him muchdistress. Concludes, "with sincere and affectionate regard I am alwaysyour friend, G. W. "

The third is dated Mount Vernon, October 1, '92. In the expectationthat this letter will find Mr. Lear again in Philadelphia, he wishes himto begin in time to compare all his former speeches to Congress with thesubsequent acts of that body that he might see what parts of them passedaltogether unnoticed or had been only partially noticed, that thus hemight be enabled to judge whether any and what parts should be broughtforward again. He requests him also, as before, to note everything thatmay occur to him as fit to be noticed in his communication to Congressthis year, as he desires to have all the materials collected for hisconsideration in preparing his speech. He speaks again of the illness of"poor George, " and says that others of his family are unwell. Concludesin his usually kind and affection manner. 

[This session of Congress--the short session--came to its regular closeon the 3d of March, 1793. ] The General is again at Mount Vernon inApril, and writes to Mr. Lear on the 8th of that month on some of hisprivate affairs. He tells him that his letter of the 3d had beenreceived transmitting Mr. ******'s rental, and Mr. *****'s profession ofhis inability to discharge his bond. The latter he thinks more candidthan the former, but supposes that he must be satisfied with both, knowing he will never get better terms from either. He intimates thatbefore doing anything with respect to the lands the latter had from him, he wishes Mr. Lear to have some conversation with * * * * on a point he(the General) did not clearly understand, as he would not "put it in thepower of malice itself to charge him with any agency in measures thatcould be tortured into impropriety in this matter. " In regard to theformer person [the same mentioned in his letters of March 28 and April3, '91, as having the charge of some of his property], he requests Mr. Lear to endeavor to find out through members of Congress, if he can, thename of some individual in the State in question who would be likely tomake him a faithful agent, as it would not do to leave his concerns inthe hands of ***** any longer; he was too dependent, he feared (besidesother objections to him), for his election to the legislature to fix hisrents at a just medium, or collect them in the manner he ought to do. The conclusion of this letter has reference to the will of his deceasednephew, Mr. George Lewis, who had died at Mount Vernon. 

Mr. Lear had now ceased to be his private Secretary; but the mostintimate correspondence was still kept up with him. On the 21st of June, 1793, there is a letter to him from Philadelphia [Mr. L. Then being inGeorgetown], which the General writes on purpose to say that heconsiders it a very kind and friendly act in him to go to Mount Vernon. The letter finishes with a few lines of allusion to his private affairs. 

Philadelphia, May 6, 1794. This is a letter written to Mr. Lear when thelatter was in England. It treats of private matters, and expresses hispleasure at the reception he had from the Earl of Buchan, Sir JohnSinclair, and others in England to whom General Washington had given himletters. He tells him he was much obliged to him for the severalcommunications in his letters, and placed great reliance on them; thatthe opportunities he derived from mixing with people in different walks, high and low, and of different political sentiments, must have affordedhim an extensive range for observation and comparison; more so by farthan could fall to the lot of a stationary person always revolving in aparticular circle. The General then touches on our home affairs. [He wasstill President, it will be remembered. ] He says that to tell him theBritish order in council of the 8th of June last respecting neutralvessels had given much discontent in the United States; and that that ofthe 6th of November had thrown the people into a flame, could hardly benew to him. In reference to all the existing difficulties with Englandhe tells him that many measures had been moved in Congress, some ofwhich had passed into acts, and others were pending; that among theformer was a law for fortifying our principal seaports, and another forraising an additional corps of eight hundred artillery-men for thedefence of them and other purposes; and that the bills pending were:1st. One to complete our present military establishment; 2d. One toraise an army of twenty-five thousand men in addition to it; and 3d. Abill to organize, put in training, and hold in readiness at a minute'swarning a select corps of eighty thousand militia. He seemed to thinkthat the first and last would pass, but that the result of the secondcould not be so well predicted. He mentions the appointment of Mr. Jayas special minister to England in the hope of settling all ourdifficulties in a temperate way by fair and firm negotiation, and thathe would sail in a few days, with Mr. John Trumbell as his privateSecretary; tells him also of Mr. Randolph's appointment as Secretary ofState, and that Mr. Bradford, of Pennsylvania, was made Attorney Generalin Mr. Randolph's place. In conclusion, he alludes to "little Lincoln"[Mr. Lear's son] and his "lottery tickets, " which, "poor little fellow!"he exclaims, will never be likely to build him a baby-house even; thewhole Washington lottery business having turned out a bed of thornsrather than roses. He terminates the letter by telling him that hispublic avocations will not admit of more than a flying trip to MountVernon this summer, and that this not suiting Mrs. Washington he hastaken a house in Germantown [the vicinity of Philadelphia] to avoid theheat of Philadelphia in July and August, and that Mrs. Washington, Nelly[one of the Miss Custi's], and the rest of the family united with him inevery good wish for his health, prosperity, and safe return; and he begshim to be "assured of the sincerity with which he was and always shouldbe his affectionate friend, G. W. "

Mount Vernon, August 5, 1795. Mr. Lear had got back from England andwas now residing in Georgetown or its neighborhood. The present letterincloses him a power of attorney to vote on the General's shares in thePotomac Company at a meeting of its stockholders to be held on the dayfollowing, in Georgetown. He says he would be there himself to vote inperson if possible; but that having sent to the post-office inAlexandria every day since Friday for letters without receiving any fromany of the officers of the government, he might probably receive a greataccumulation of them on the day following [which was again Friday, and apost day], to which he would have to give his attention and prepareanswers. It was therefore that he sent the power of attorney to meet thecontingency of his not being present. This power of attorney was in hisown handwriting. 

Philadelphia, March 13, 1796. There are brief letters since the abovethat touch on private business. In this of the 13th of March, 1796, alluding to his pecuniary affairs, he says, that for the few years hehas to remain here, the enjoyment of less, with more ease and certainty, will be more convenient to him, and more desirable; had his resourcesbeen adequate to it, he would have purchased the lot and houses inAlexandria which Mr. Lear pointed out; but that as his resourcesdepended on contingencies that might baffle his calculations, he choseto tread on sure ground in all his engagements, being as unwilling toembarrass others by uncertain contracts as to be deceived himself in hisexpectations. 

Philadelphia, April 29, 1796. This is one of a few lines in which herequests Mr. Lear's acceptance of some garden seeds for his garden andfarm. They were portions of some sent to him from England to be plantedat Mount Vernon. 

Philadelphia, November 16, 1796. This relates to the sale of some of hisagricultural produce, and to the disappointments he had experienced inpayments promised to him. 

Mount Vernon, March 25, 1797. The General is now relieved from allpublic duties and cares. On the 3d of March of this year he ceased to bePresident by voluntarily retiring from the post after writing thatfarewell address which a British historian[D] has pronounced unequalledby any composition of uninspired wisdom. He is now a private citizenreturned to his country estate at Mount Vernon on the banks of thePotomac. Mr. Lear is in Georgetown. In this letter to him of the 25th ofMarch '97, he speaks of plans for repairing and refitting his ancientand loved home; but adds that in that rural vicinity he finds difficultyin getting proper workmen, and requests Mr. Lear's aid in procuring somefrom Georgetown, or the new "Federal City, " [as Washington at that daywas usually called. ] Skill and dispatch would be necessaryqualifications, and he thinks that his "_Old Sergeant Cornelius_" mightdo for one of the workmen. It seems that this person had been heard ofin those parts, and he adds that he would give him the preference asknowing his temper and industry. 

Not long, however, is he permitted to remain a private citizen reposingat Mount Vernon amidst all its endearments. The next succeeding yearfinds him again summoned by his country to her service. At the eagersolicitation of the government, the elder Adams then being President, and Mr. Adams' own desire being seconded by the nation's voice, he wasprevailed upon to accept the supreme command of the Army during thedifficulties and even quasi-war that had risen up with our old ally, France. He accepted on condition of receiving no pay or emolument untilactually called into the field. Nevertheless this conditional acceptancethrew upon him burdensome duties. It exposed him to "many officialcalls, to a heavy correspondence, and to a flow of company. " It is sohe expresses himself. In this conjuncture he writes to his attachedfriend and faithful secretary Mr. Lear. Under date of August the second, 1798, from Mount Vernon, he describes to him those fresh duties ashindrances to putting his private affairs in that order so necessarybefore he embarked in new scenes; it being his desire, before quittingthe scene of human action, to leave his concerns in such a condition asto give as little trouble as possible to those who would have themanagement of them afterwards. Under this view of his situation he hadwritten to the Secretary of War to be informed whether he was at libertyto appoint his secretary, who should be entitled to the usual and properallowances; and concludes with asking Mr. Lear if he would join him inthat capacity if the Secretary of War answered in the affirmative. Mr. Lear assents. 

This is the last letter in the series. I learn from Mrs. Lear thatothers not in this collection, bespeaking a high degree of intimacy andconfidence, were written to her husband by the same hand. This may wellbe conceived when it is known that Mr. Lear's connection with thisillustrious man began prior to the year '86, and continued until hisdeath in '99; that he was at his bedside when he died, and drew up theauthentic narrative, which was verified by the physicians, of his lastillness, from its commencement to the closing scene. This was publishedat that time to meet the anxious feelings of his mourning countrymen, struck down at first by his death as by a shock that went through everyheart. 

From one of the letters there dropped out, as I unfolded it, a slip inMr. Lear's handwriting, dated May the first, 1791, containing the copyof a message to General Washington from Lord Cornwallis, of whichCaptain Truxton had been the bearer from the East Indies. His lordship, whom Captain Truxton had seen there, being then Governor General ofIndia. "congratulated General Washington on the establishment of ahappy government in his country, and congratulated the country on theaccession of General Washington to its Chief Magistracy. " The messagewished "General Washington a long enjoyment of tranquillity andhappiness, " adding that, for himself (Lord C. ), he "continued introubled waters. "

I have thus noticed succinctly, perhaps I might more appropriately saydescribed, these letters. In abridging and connecting the train of them, Washington's language is used to the extent that will be seen. The styleis different from that of his official productions and other letters ofhis voluminous correspondence. He naturally stepped into one morefamiliar when writing to a confidential friend on family mattersrelating to his home at Mount Vernon, or as it was to be arranged inPhiladelphia while he was President. But the style has the directnessand sincerity of all his writings. It is apparent that the letters arewritten without reserve. With two or three exceptions, no copies appearto have been kept; yet everything is frank and straight-forward. Understanding human nature thoroughly under all its phases, he dealswisely with men in small things as in great; but he does no oneinjustice. When others are acting disingenuously towards him, thoughseeing through it, he is considerate and forbearing, not taking stepshastily, but ready to make allowances where they could be made. Dishonesty or suspicion of it he never overlooks. In the second letterhe suspects his steward of extravagance in spending too much forsupplies of the table kept for his upper servants; yet he authorizes Mr. Lear to retain him, if, on looking into his accounts, he finds himhonest; intimating that any successor to him might act in the same way, and a dismissal might be only a change without a benefit. Hisreprobation of all dishonesty is seen in more than one of the letters, as well as his restrained modes of dealing with it whilst affecting onlyhis own interests. 

As regards the minutiae seen in the letters; the details respecting hishouse, furniture, servants, carriages, horses, postilions, and so on, these will be read with curiosity and interest. They suggest a new testby which to try Washington, and let him be tried by it. We have notbefore had such details from himself. It is for the first time thecurtain has been so lifted. 

All great men, the very greatest, Caesar, Cromwell, Napoleon, Frederick, Peter the Great, Marlborough, Alexander, all on the long list oftowering names, have had contact with small things. No pinnacle instation, no supremacy in excellence or intellect, can exempt man fromthis portion of his lot. It is a human necessity. Washington goes intothis sphere with a propriety and seemliness not always observable inothers of his high cast, but often signally the reverse. In dealing withsmall things, he shows no undue tenacity of opinion; no selfishness; nopetulance; no misplaced excitements. He never plays the petty tyrant. Hedoes not forget himself; he does not forget others; he assumes nothingfrom any exaltation in himself, but is reasonable and provident in allhis domestic and household arrangements. 

Shall we seek for comparisons, or rather contrasts? With as much ofWashington's domestic portraiture before us as these letters hold up, shall we turn to look at others? There is no difficulty, but inselecting from the vast heap. 

Frederick thought coffee too expensive an indulgence for common use inhis kingdom, saying he was himself reared on beer soup, which was surelygood enough for peasants and common fellows, as he called his people. Hewrote directions to his different cooks with his own hand the better topamper his appetite with every variety of the dishes and sauces he likedbest. He stinted Voltaire in sugar while a guest in his palace, or gaveit to him cheap and bad. He praised him face to face, and ridiculed himbehind his back. Napoleon played blind-man's buff at St. Helena. He losthis temper at his coronation on perceiving that some of the princessesof his family who were to act as trainbearers were not in their rightplaces. Caesar was versed in all the ceremonials of State. It was saidthat he would even have been a perfect Roman gentleman but for a habitof putting one of his fingers in his hair. Yet such a master of formsgave grave offence to the Roman Senate by not rising when they intendedhim a compliment; so unwise was he in small things. Cromwell in a frolicthrew a cushion at Ludlow, who in turn threw one at him. He bedaubedwith ink the face of one of the justices, who, with Cromwell himself, had just been condemning Charles to the block. Peter the Great travelledabout with a pet monkey, which unceremoniously jumped upon the King ofEngland's shoulder when the latter visited the Czar in London. Somegreat men have played leap-frog; some practised this affectation, somethat. The book of history records too amply the child-like diversionsamong those who have flourished on the summits of renown. We hear ofnone of this in Washington; no idle whimsies, no studied or foolisheccentricities; none of the buffoonery of ripe years. They were not inhim; or if they were, self-discipline extirpated them, as it did the badambition and moral callousness that have disfigured too many of thegreat names of the earth, ancient and modern; whilst his matchlesspurity and deathless deeds raise him above them all. This verdict isalready more than half pronounced by the most enlightened andscrutinizing portions of mankind, and time is silently extending itsdomain as he is longer tried by the parallels of history, and by thephilosophy of greatness itself. 

Before his fame, steadily ascending from its adamantine foundation, gavesigns that it was to encircle the globe, some imagined him too prudent. Some thought him devoid of sensibility; a cold, colossal mass, intrenched in taciturnity, or enfolded in a mantle of dignity. Thesequel disclosed that his complete mastery over passion, moving inharmony with his other powers and faculties, lent its essential aidtowards his unrivalled name. Opinion and passion were strong in him. Thelatter existed in vehemence; but he put the curb upon it, turning itinto right directions, and excluding it otherwise from influence uponhis conduct. He stifled his dislikes; he was silent under sneers anddisparaging innuendoes lest inopportune speech might work injury to thegreat cause confided to him. To the success of that cause he lookedsteadily and exclusively. It absorbed his whole soul, and he determinedto concentrate upon it all his forbearance as well as energy. Thecomplicated dangers which encompassed it he knew, from his position, sooner and better than others; but he would not make them public, lestthe foe might hear them, or others whose prepossessions were unfriendly;preferring that temporary odium should rest upon himself. Therefore hisreserve; and thus it was that the grand results of his life came out inmanifold blessings to his country; thus it was that some at firstdistrustful, and others long distrustful, of his superiority, came toadmit it in the end. Be it added, that his native good sense teachinghim the value of social restraint, and his knowledge of the world, itsapproved observances in intercourse, the tone of the gentleman on itsbest models ever also graced his public glory. 

An anecdote I derived from Colonel Lear shortly before his death in1816, may here be related, showing the height to which his passion wouldrise yet be controlled. It belongs to his domestic life which I amdealing with, having occurred under his own roof, whilst it marks publicfeeling the most intense, and points to the moral of his life. I give itin Colonel Lear's words as nearly as I can, having made a note of themat the time. 

Towards the close of a winter's day in 1791, an officer in uniform wasseen to dismount in front of the President's in Philadelphia, and, giving the bridle to his servant, knock at the door of his mansion. Learning from the porter that the President was at dinner, he said hewas on public business and had dispatches for the President. A servantwas sent into the dining-room to give the information to Mr. Lear, wholeft the table and went into the hall where the officer repeated whathe had said. Mr. Lear replied that, as the President's Secretary, hewould take charge of the dispatches and deliver them at the proper time. The officer made answer that he had just arrived from the western army, and his orders were to deliver them with all promptitude, and to thePresident in person; but that he would wait his directions. Mr. Learreturned, and in a whisper imparted to the President what had passed. General Washington rose from the table, and went to the officer. He wasback in a short time, made a word of apology for his absence, but noallusion to the cause of it. He had company that day. Everything went onas usual. Dinner over, the gentlemen passed to the drawing-room of Mrs. Washington, which was open in the evening. The General spoke courteouslyto every lady in the room, as was his custom. His hours were early, andby ten o'clock all the company had gone. Mrs. Washington and Mr. Learremained. Soon Mrs. Washington left the room. 

The General now walked backward and forward slowly for some minuteswithout speaking. Then he sat down on a sofa by the fire, telling Mr. Lear to sit down. To this moment there had been no change in his mannersince his interruption at table. Mr. Lear now perceived emotion. Thisrising in him, he broke out suddenly, "_It's all over--St. Clair'sdefeated--routed;--the officers nearly all killed, the men by wholesale;the route complete--too shocking to think of--and a surprise into thebargain_!"

He uttered all this with great vehemence. Then he paused, got up fromthe sofa and walked about the room several times, agitated but sayingnothing. Near the door he stopped short and stood still a few seconds, when his wrath became terrible. 

"_Yes_, " he burst forth, "HERE _on this very spot, I took leave of him;I wished him success and honor; you have your instructions, I said, fromthe Secretary of War, I had a strict eye to them, and will add but oneword_--BEWARE OF A SURPRISE. _I repeat it_, BEWARE OF A SURPRISE--_youknow how the Indians fight us. He went off with that as my last solemnwarning thrown into his ears. And yet!! to suffer that army to be cut topieces, hack'd, butchered, tomahawk'd, by a surprise--the very thing Iguarded him against!! O God, O God, he's worse than a murderer! how canhe answer it to his country;--the blood of the slain is upon him--thecurse of widows and orphans--the curse of Heaven_!"

This torrent came out in tones appalling. His very frame shook. It wasawful, said Mr. Lear. More than once he threw his hands up as he hurledimprecations upon St. Clair. Mr. Lear remained speechless; awed intobreathless silence. 

The roused Chief sat down on the sofa once more. He seemed conscious ofhis passion, and uncomfortable. He was silent. His warmth beginning tosubside, he at length said in an altered voice: "_This must not gobeyond this room_. " Another pause followed--a longer one--when he saidin a tone quite low, "_General St. Clair shall have justice; I lookedhastily through the dispatches, saw the whole disaster but not all theparticulars; I will receive him without displeasure; I will hear himwithout prejudice; he shall have full justice_. "

He was now, said Mr. Lear, perfectly calm. Half an hour had gone by. Thestorm was over; and no sign of it was afterwards seen in his conduct orheard in his conversation. The result is known. The whole case wasinvestigated by Congress. St. Clair was exculpated and regained theconfidence Washington had in him when appointing him to that command. Hehad put himself into the thickest of the fight and escaped unhurt, though so ill as to be carried on a litter, and unable to mount hishorse without help. 

A passage from one of Mr. Jefferson's letters which the historian Sparksrecords, may here be given, as its spirit covers the private as well aspublic life of Washington. Mr. Jefferson withdrew his services asSecretary of State from the administration of Washington towards theclose of his first term in the Presidency. His retirement from thatpost took place when party spirit was violent and bitter in the extreme;never was it more so in the annals of our country; and it was known thathe had differed from Washington on political questions of the greatestimportance. Nevertheless, writing of him at a later period Mr. Jeffersonsays: "His integrity was most pure; his justice the most inflexible Ihave ever known; no motives of interest or consanguinity, of friendshipor hatred, being able to bias his decision. He was, indeed, in everysense of the word, a wise, a good, and a great man. "

I return to his letters to Mr. Lear. In superintending his domesticaffairs, these letters exhibit him as the head of a well-ordered family, himself the regulator of it all under maxims that best conduce to orderbecause not too rigid. We see that he was truly hospitable; kind;devoted to his kindred whom he gathers around him, interesting himselfin their education and welfare; cheering them with a welcome at MountVernon, and soothing them in sickness and sorrow. The kindred of Mrs. Washington alike share his solicitudes, paternal care, and constantkindness. All this is discernible from the facts that drop out in theseletters. They point to a heart affectionately alive to the best socialand family feelings. We see his attention to the comfort of hisservants, slaves, and others. His government of them, upper andsubordinate, appears to have been perfect by his union of disciplinewith liberality. He knew that his postilions, if they slept over thestable, would carry lights there whether he forbade it or not, for theywould do it when he knew nothing about it and not tell on each other. Hetherefore allowed no sleeping there at all. 

I could not avoid remarking, as characteristic throughout the whole ofthis correspondence, that there is never any complaining of his labors. Letter-writing alone would have been a heavy labor to him but for hissystem and industry. Promptitude in using his pen there must necessarilyhave been, or he could not have written so much. The history of thetimes will show that when he wrote these letters he was simultaneouslywriting others on public business, which, as the world knows, he neverneglected in any jot or tittle no matter what else he might be doing. The domestic letters must therefore have been struck off with greatfacility. Let us call to mind also the more than two hundred volumes offolio manuscript of his public correspondence which Congress purchased, and then remember that the sum of all he wrote is as nothing to what he_did_ in his long career of activity in his country's service, militaryand civil. 

Next I remark, as a new corroboration of the modesty ever so prominentin him, that not once throughout the whole of this correspondence doeshe make any, the slightest, allusion to himself in connection with theRevolutionary War, comparatively recent as it then was. Besides that thegeneral tenor of the correspondence might have supplied occasions forsuch allusions, special opportunities were at hand while skirting thebattlegrounds and other localities of his military operations in thewar, even in his journeys between Mount Vernon and Philadelphia; yetthey are never once made. The casual mention of his "_Old SergeantCornelius_, " whom he happened to want as a workman about his grounds atMount Vernon, is the sole reference that could wake up the mind to hishaving had anything to do with the Revolution. He had helped to pave theway for that great event by the influence of his high character throwninto the scale when the early questions of resistance or submission werein agitation; he had helped it on by his attachment to constitutionalliberty at that epoch though his fortune was at stake, and friendshipsamong the highborn and cultivated from the parent State then among hisassociates in Virginia--could a bosom like his have been swayed by suchthoughts; he had helped it on by the special weight of name he had wonin arms fighting side by side with the proud generals and troops ofBritain confident of victory, but saved from annihilation by his inbornfearlessness and superiority, when death was all around him and dismayeverywhere in Braddock's disastrous fight--their silent homage crowningthe head of their deliverer; his triumphant sword at Yorktown put thecrowning hand to the immortal work--the work that founded this greatnation; yet we could never infer from a word or hint in the course ofthese letters, from first to last, that he had anything to do with thework, except as the name of "_Sergeant Cornelius_" incidentally fallsfrom his pen with only a rural object. What a lesson! Some extolthemselves openly. Some do it under cover of self-humiliation, called bya French writer the pomp of modesty. Washington is simply silent; hewill slide into no allusions to the great and glorious work of his lifein the midst of temptations to it. 

Finally: the charm of these letters is in their being so familiar, soout of the sphere of his correspondence generally, and therefore holdinghim up in lights that seem new. Mankind, long familiar with the externalattributes and grandeur of his character, looking up to his vast fameas hero and statesman uncertain which predominates, have known less ofhim at home with his family, his relations and his friends. The innerparts of his character, the kindlier impulses of his nature, hissympathies with those dear to him, dependent on him, or looking to himfor the solace of his kindness, seem to have remained less publiclyknown. Mr. Sparks, in his preface to his "Life and Writings, " remarksthat "it must be kept in mind that much the larger portion of his lifepassed on a conspicuous public theatre, and that no account of it can bewritten which will not assume essentially the air of history. " He adds, that while in his work "anecdotes are interwoven and such incidents of aprivate and personal nature as are known, they are more rare than couldbe desired. "

The synopsis of the letters which I have given may perhaps tend in somesmall degree to supply this desideratum in his illustrious lifealongside of the more copious anecdotes and reminiscences supplied bythe patriotic and filial devotion of Mr. Custis. This is my humble hope. 

Since the foregoing Letters were received from Mrs. Lear, she hasfavored me with the perusal of other manuscripts introducing us to thedomestic hours of General Washington. Among them is a Diary kept by Mr. Lear at Mount Vernon in 1786, anterior therefore to the time whenWashington became President. From this document I am permitted to copy apassage entire. It is dated the 23d of October, '86. Mr. Drayton and Mr. Izard, gentlemen of South Carolina, had been spending the day at MountVernon. After dinner, the company still round the table, Washington wasled to speak of Arnold's treason, and Mr. Lear wrote down his account ofit in his Diary of that day. Although history has made us familiar withthat whole transaction in its essential facts, to hear it under suchcircumstances from the lips of Washington, seems to impart to it newinterest. We listen with revived curiosity and attention when such anarrator speaks. The copy from Mr. Lear's Diary, in which is recordedthis interesting dinner-table narrative, is in the words following:--

 "MOUNT VERNON, Monday, October 23d, 1786. 

"Mrs. Washington went to Arlington with the two children. Sent a letterdirected to Mr. Samuel Storer to the post-office by Charles, who went upto town (Alexandria) with Master Thompson and Lawrence Washington, whohad spent their vacation here. Mr. Drayton and Mr. Izard here all day. After dinner General Washington was, in the course of conversation, ledto speak of Arnold's treachery, when he gave the following account ofit, which I shall put in his own words, thus: 'I confess I had a goodopinion of Arnold before his treachery was brought to light; had thatnot been the case, I should have had some reason to suspect him sooner, for when he commanded in Philadelphia, the Marquis la Fayette broughtaccounts from France of the armament which was to be sent to co-operatewith us in the ensuing campaign. Soon after this was known, Arnoldpretended to have some private business to transact in Connecticut, andon his way there he called at my quarters; and in the course ofconversation expressed a desire of quitting Philadelphia and joining thearmy the ensuing campaign. I told him that it was probable we shouldhave a very active one, and that if his wound and state of health wouldpermit, I should be extremely glad of his services with the army. Hereplied that he did not think his wound would permit him to take a veryactive part; but still he persisted in his desire of being with thearmy. He went on to Connecticut, and on his return called again upon me. He renewed his request of being with me next campaign, and I made himthe same answer I had done before. He again repeated that he did notthink his wound would permit him to do active duty, and intimated adesire to have the command at West Point. I told him I did not thinkthat would suit him, as I should leave none in the garrison butinvalids, because it would be entirely covered by the main army. Thesubject was dropt at that time, and he returned to Philadelphia. It thenappeared somewhat strange to me, that a man of Arnold's known activityand enterprise, should be desirous of taking so inactive a part. Ihowever thought no more of the matter. When the French troops arrived atRhode Island, I had intelligence from New York that General Clintonintended to make an attack upon them before they could get themselvessettled and fortified. In consequence of that, I was determined toattack New York, which would be left much exposed by his drawing off theBritish troops; and accordingly formed my line of battle, and moved downwith the whole army to King's ferry, which we passed. Arnold came tocamp at that time, and having no command, and consequently no quarters(all the houses thereabouts being occupied by the army), he was obligedto seek lodgings at some distance from the camp. While the army wascrossing at King's ferry, I was going to see the last detachment over, and met Arnold, who asked me if I had thought of anything for him. Itold him that he was to have the command of the light troops, which wasa post of honor, and which his rank indeed entitled him to. Upon thisinformation his countenance changed, and he appeared to be quite fallen;and instead of thanking me, or expressing any pleasure at theappointment, never opened his mouth. I desired him to go on to myquarters and get something to refresh himself, and I would meet himthere soon. He did so. Upon his arrival there, he found Col. Tilghman, whom he took a one side, and mentioning what I had told him, seemed toexpress great uneasiness at it--as his leg, he said, would not permithim to be long on horse-back; and intimated a great desire to have thecommand at West Point. When I returned to my quarters, Col. Tilghmaninformed me of what had passed. I made no reply to it--but his behaviorstruck me as strange and unaccountable. In the course of that night, however, I received information from New York that General Clinton hadaltered his plan and was debarking his troops. This information obligedme likewise to alter my disposition and return to my former station, where I could better cover the country. I then determined to comply withArnold's desire, and accordingly gave him the command of the garrison atWest Point. Things remained in this situation about a fortnight, when Iwrote to the Count Rochambeau desiring to meet him at some intermediateplace (as we could neither of us be long enough from our respectivecommands to visit the other), in order to lay the plan for the siege ofYorktown, and proposed Hartford, where I accordingly went and met theCount. On my return I met the Chevalier Luzerne towards evening withinabout 15 miles of West Point (on his way to join the Count at RhodeIsland), which I intended to reach that night, but he insisted uponturning back with me to the next public house; where, in politeness tohim, I could not but stay all night, determining, however, to get toWest Point to breakfast very early. I sent off my baggage, and desiredColonel Hamilton to go forward and inform General Arnold that I wouldbreakfast with him. Soon after he arrived at Arnold's quarters, a letterwas delivered to Arnold which threw him into the greatest confusion. Hetold Colonel Hamilton that something required his immediate attendanceat the garrison which was on the opposite side of the river to hisquarters; and immediately ordered a horse, to take him to the river; andthe barge, which he kept to cross, to be ready; and desired MajorFranks, his Aid, to inform me when I should arrive, that he was goneover the river and would return immediately. When I got to his quartersand did not find him there, I desired Major Franks to order me somebreakfast; and as I intended to visit the fortifications I would seeGeneral Arnold there. After I had breakfasted, I went over the river, and inquiring for Arnold, the commanding officer told me that he hadnot been there. I likewise inquired at the several redoubts, but no onecould give me any information where he was. The impropriety of hisconduct when he knew I was to be there, struck me very forcibly, and mymind misgave me; but I had not the least idea of the real cause. When Ireturned to Arnold's quarters about two hours after, and told ColonelHamilton that I had not seen him, he gave me a packet which had justarrived for me from Col. Jemmison, which immediately brought the matterto light. I ordered Colonel Hamilton to mount his horse and proceed withthe greatest despatch to a post on the river about eight miles below, inorder to stop the barge if she had not passed; but it was too late. Itseems that the letter which Arnold received which threw him in suchconfusion was from Col. Jemmison, informing him that Andre was taken andthat the papers found upon him were in his possession. Col. Jemmison, when Andre was taken with these papers, could not believe that Arnoldwas a traitor, but rather thought it was an imposition of the Britishin order to destroy our confidence in Arnold. He, however, immediatelyon their being taken, despatched an express after me, ordering him toride night and day till he came up with me. The express went the lowerroad, which was the road by which I had gone to Connecticut, expectingthat I would return by the same route, and that he would meet me; butbefore he had proceeded far, he was informed that I was returning by theupper road. He then cut across the country and followed in my track tillI arrived at West Point. He arrived about two hours after, and broughtthe above packet. When Arnold got down to the barge, he ordered his men, who were very clever fellows and some of the better sort of soldiery, toproceed immediately on board the Vulture sloop of war, as a flag, whichwas lying down the river; saying that they must be very expeditious, ashe must return in a short time to meet me, and promised them two gallonsof rum if they would exert themselves. They did, accordingly; but whenthey got on board the Vulture, instead of their two gallons of rum, heordered the coxswain to be called down into the cabin and informed himthat he and the men must consider themselves as prisoners. The coxswainwas very much astonished, and told him that they came on board under thesanction of a flag. He answered that that was nothing to the purpose;they were prisoners. But the Captain of the Vulture had more generositythan this pitiful scoundrel, and told the coxswain that he would takehis parole for going on shore to get clothes, and whatever else waswanted for himself and his companions. He accordingly came, got hisclothes and returned on board. When they got to New York, GeneralClinton, ashamed of so low and mean an action, set them all at liberty. "

This closes the account. It terminates also the use I have beenpermitted, through the valued friendship of Mrs. Lear, to make of thesemanuscripts. 

R. R. 

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote A: Alluding probably to the Nootka Sound controversy thenpending between these courts. ]

[Footnote B: The affectionate interest General Washington took in thisadopted son is well known. Mr. Custis still lives (1856) and stilldispenses the hospitalities of Arlington, his estate and home inVirginia near the city of Washington; which it overlooks from itsbeautiful heights. His house exhibits paintings, illustrative of ourrevolutionary annals, the work of his amateur pencil; whilst theproductions of his patriotic pen have charmed the public by theanecdotes they record in attractive ways of the personal, rural, andother habits of the great Chief. ]

[Footnote C: The latter mean his slaves. ]

[Footnote D: Alison]