The Publications of the Prince SocietyEstablished May 25th, 1858. 

RADISSON'S VOYAGES. 

VOYAGESOFPETER ESPRIT RADISSON, BEING AN ACCOUNT OF HIS TRAVELS AND EXPERIENCES AMONGTHE NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS, FROM1652 TO 1684. 

TRANSCRIBED FROM ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS IN THE BODLEIAN LIBRARYAND THE BRITISH MUSEUM. 

WITH HISTORICAL ILLUSTRATIONSAND ANINTRODUCTION, BY GIDEON D. SCULL, LONDON, ENGLAND. 

PREFACE. 

It may be regarded as a fortunate circumstance that we are able to add tothe Society's publications this volume of RADISSON'S VOYAGES. Thenarratives contained in it are the record of events and transactions inwhich the author was a principal actor. They were apparently writtenwithout any intention of publication, and are plainly authentic andtrustworthy. They have remained in manuscript more than two hundred years, and in the mean time appear to have escaped the notice of scholars, as noteven extracts from them have, so far as we are aware, found their way intoprint. The author was a native of France, and had an imperfect knowledge ofthe English language. The journals, with the exception of the last in thevolume, are, however, written in that language, and, as might beanticipated, in orthography, in the use of words, and in the structure ofsentences, conform to no known standard of English composition. But themeaning is in all cases clearly conveyed, and, in justice both to theauthor and the reader, they have been printed _verbatim et literatim_, asin the original manuscripts. We desire to place upon record our highappreciation of the courtesy extended to the Editor of this volume by thegovernors of the Bodleian Library and of the British Museum, in allowinghim to copy the original manuscripts in their possession. Our thankslikewise are here tendered to Mr. Edward Denham for the gratuitouscontribution of the excellent index which accompanies the volume. 

EDMUND F. SLAFTER, _President of the Prince Society_. BOSTON, 249 BERKELEY STREET, November 20, 1885. 

TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

PREFACE

INTRODUCTION

FIRST VOYAGE OF PETER ESPRIT RADISSON

SECOND VOYAGE, MADE IN THE UPPER COUNTRY OF THE IROQUOITS

THIRD VOYAGE, MADE TO THE GREAT LAKE OF THE HURONS, UPPER SEA OF THE EAST, AND BAY OF THE NORTH

FOURTH VOYAGE OF PETER ESPRIT RADISSON

RELATION OF A VOYAGE TO THE NORTH PARTS OF AMERICA IN THE YEARS 1682 AND 1683

RELATION OF THE VOYAGE ANNO 1684

OFFICERS OF THE PRINCE SOCIETY

THE PRINCE SOCIETY

PUBLICATIONS OF THE PRINCE SOCIETY

VOLUMES IN PREPARATION BY THE PRINCE SOCIETY

INDEX

INTRODUCTION. 

The author of the narratives contained in this volume was Peter EspritRadisson, who emigrated from France to Canada, as he himself tells us, onthe 24th day of May, 1651. He was born at St. Malo, and in 1656, at ThreeRivers, in Canada, married Elizabeth, the daughter of Madeleine Hainault. [Footnote: Vide _History of the Ojibways_, by the Rev. E. D. Neill, ed. 1885. ] Radisson says that he lived at Three Rivers, where also dwelt "mynatural parents, and country-people, and my brother, his wife andchildren. " [Footnote: The Abbe Cyprian Tanguay, the best genealogicalauthority in Canada, gives the following account of the family: FrancoiseRadisson, a daughter of Pierre Esprit, married at Quebec, in 1668, ClaudeVolant de St. Claude, born in 1636, and had eight children. Pierre andClaude, eldest sons, became priests. Francoise died in infancy: Margueritemarried Noel le Gardeur; Francoise died in infancy; Etienne, born October29, 1664, married in 1693 at Sorel, but seems to have had no issue. JeanFrancois married Marguerite Godfrey at Montreal in 1701. Nicholas, born in1668, married Genevieve Niel, July 30, 1696, and both died in 1703, leavingtwo of their five sons surviving. 

There are descendants of Noel le Gardeur who claim Radisson as theirancestor, and also descendants of Claude Volant, apparently throughNicholas. Among these descendants of the Volant family is the Rt. Rev. Joseph Thomas Duhamel, who was consecrated Bishop of Ottawa, Canada, October 28, 1874. 

Of Medard Chouart's descendants, no account of any of the progeny of hisson Jean Baptiste, born July 25, 1654, can be found. ] This brother, oftenalluded to in Radisson's narratives as his companion on his journeys, wasMedard Chouart, "who was the son of Medard and Marie Poirier, of Charly St. Cyr, France, and in 1641, when only sixteen years old, came to Canada. "[Footnote: Chouart's daughter Marie Antoinette, born June 7, 1661, marriedfirst Jean Jalot in 1679. He was a surgeon, born in 1648, and killed by theIroquois, July 2, 1690. He was called Des Groseilliers. She had ninechildren by Jalot, and there are descendants from them in Canada. On the19th December, 1695, she married, secondly, Jean Bouchard, by whom she hadsix children. The Bouchard-Dorval family of Montreal descends from thismarriage. Vide _Genealogical Dictionary of Canadian Families_, Quebec, 1881. ] He was a pilot, and married, 3rd September, 1647, Helen, thedaughter of Abraham Martin, and widow of Claude Etienne. Abraham Martinleft his name to the celebrated Plains of Abraham, near Quebec. She dyingin 1651, Chouart married, secondly, at Quebec, August 23, 1653, the sisterof Radisson, Margaret Hayet, the widow of John Veron Grandmenil. In Canada, Chouart acted as a donne, or lay assistant, in the Jesuit mission near LakeHuron. He left the service of the mission about 1646, and commenced tradingwith the Indians for furs, in which he was very successful. With his gainshe is supposed to have purchased some land in Canada, as he assumed theseigneurial title of "Sieur des Groseilliers. "

Radisson spent more than ten years trading with the Indians of Canada andthe far West, making long and perilous journeys of from two to three yearseach, in company with his brother-in-law, Des Groseilliers. He carefullymade notes during his wanderings from 1652 to 1664, which he afterwardscopied out on his voyage to England in 1665. Between these years he madefour journeys, and heads his first narrative with this title: "TheRelation of my Voyage, being in Bondage in the Lands of the Irokoits, whichwas the next year after my coming into Canada, in the yeare 1651, the 24thday of May. " In 1652 a roving band of Iroquois, who had gone as far northas the Three Rivers, carried our author as a captive into their country, onthe banks of the Mohawk River. He was adopted into the family of a "greatcaptayne who had killed nineteen men with his own hands, whereof he wasmarked on his right thigh for as many as he had killed. " In the autumn of1653 he accompanied the tribe in his village on a warlike incursion intothe Dutch territory. They arrived "the next day in a small brough of theHollanders, " Rensselaerswyck, and on the fourth day came to Fort Orange. Here they remained several days, and Radisson says: "Our treaty's beingdone, overladened with bootyes abundantly, we putt ourselves in the waythat we came, to see again our village. "

At Fort Orange Radisson met with the Jesuit Father, Joseph Noncet, who hadalso been captured in Canada by the Mohawks and taken to their country. InSeptember he was taken down to Fort Orange by his captors, and it ismentioned in the Jesuit "Relations" of 1653, chapter iv. , that he "foundthere a young man captured near Three Rivers, who had been ransomed by theDutch and acted as interpreter. " A few weeks after the return of theIndians to their village, Radisson made his escape alone, and found his wayagain to Fort Orange, from whence he was sent to New Amsterdam, or Menada, as he calls it. Here he remained three weeks, and then embarked forHolland, where he arrived after a six weeks' voyage, landing at Amsterdam"the 4/7 of January, 1654. A few days after, " he says, "I imbarqued myselffor France, and came to Rochelle well and safe. " He remained until Spring, waiting for "the transport of a shipp for New France. "

The relation of the second journey is entitled, "The Second Voyage, made inthe Upper Country of the Irokoits. " He landed in Canada, from his returnvoyage from France, on the 17th of May, 1654, and on the 15th set off tosee his relatives at Three Rivers. He mentions that "in my absence peacewas made betweene the French and the Iroquoits, which was the reson Istayed not long in a place. The yeare before the ffrench began a newplantation in the upper country of the Iroquoits, which is distant from theLow Iroquoits country some four score leagues, wher I was prisoner and beenin the warrs of that country. .. . At that very time the Reverend FathersJesuits embarked themselves for a second time to dwell there and teachChristian doctrine. I offered myself to them and was, as their custome is, kindly accepted. I prepare meselfe for the journey, which was to be inJune, 1657. " Charlevoix [Footnote: _Charlevoix's History of New France_, Shea's ed. , Vol. II. P. 256. ] says: "In 1651 occurred the almost completedestruction of the Huron nation. Peace was concluded in 1653. Father LeMoyne went in 1654, to ratify the treaty of peace, to Onondaga, and toldthe Indians there he wished to have his cabin in their canton. His offerwas accepted, and a site marked out of which he took possession. He leftQuebec July 2, 1654, and returned September 11. In 1655 Fathers Chaumontand Dablon were sent to Onondaga, and arrived there November 5, and beganat once to build a chapel. [Footnote: _Charlevoix's Hist. Of New France_, Shea's ed. , Vol. II. P. 263. ]

"Father Dablon, having spent some months in the service of the mission atOnondaga, was sent back to Montreal, 30 March, 1656, for reinforcements. Hereturned with Father Francis le Mercier and other help. They set out fromQuebec 7 May, 1656, with a force composed of four nations: French, Onondagas, Senecas, and a few Hurons. About fifty men composed the party. Sieur Dupuys, an officer of the garrison, was appointed commandant of theproposed settlement at Onondaga. On their arrival they at once proceeded toerect a fort, or block-house, for their defence. 

"While these things were passing at Onondaga, the Hurons on the IsleOrleans, where they had taken refuge from the Iroquois, no longer deemingthemselves secure, sought an asylum in Quebec, and in a moment ofresentment at having been abandoned by the French, they sent secretly topropose to the Mohawks to receive them into their canton so as to form onlyone people with them. They had no sooner taken this step than theyrepented; but the Mohawks took them at their word, and seeing that theyendeavored to withdraw their proposition, resorted to secret measures tocompel them to adhere to it. " [Footnote: _Ibid. _, Vol. II. P. 278. ] Thedifferent families of the Hurons held a council, and "the Attignenonhac orCord family resolved to stay with the French; the Arendarrhonon, or Rock, to go to Onondaga; and the Attignaonanton, or Bear, to join the Mohawks. "[Footnote: _Relation Nouvelle France_, 1657 and _Charlevoix_, Shea's ed. , Vol. II. P 280. ] "In 1657 Onondagas had arrived at Montreal to receive theHurons and take them to their canton, as agreed upon the year previous. "[Footnote: _Charlevoix_, Shea's ed. , Vol. III. P. 13. ] Some Frenchmen andtwo Jesuits were to accompany them. One of the former was Radisson, who hadvolunteered; and the two Jesuits were Fathers Paul Ragueneau and JosephInbert Duperon. The party started on their journey in July, 1657. 

The relation of this, the writer's second voyage, is taken up entirely withthe narrative of their journey to Onondaga, his residence at the mission, and its abandonment on the night of the 20th of March, 1658. On his waythither he was present at the massacre of the Hurons by the Iroquois, inAugust, 1657. His account of the events of 1657 and 1658, concerning themission, will be found to give fuller details than those of Charlevoix, [Footnote: _Ibid_. , Vol. III. P. 13. ] and the Jesuit relations written forthose years by Father Ragueneau. Radisson, in concluding his secondnarrative, says: "About the last of March we ended our great and incredibledangers. About fourteen nights after we went downe to the Three Rivers, where most of us stayed. A month after, my brother and I resolves totravell and see countreys. Wee find a good opportunity in our voyage. Weproceeded three years; during that time we had the happiness to see veryfaire countreys. " He says of the third voyage: "Now followeth theAuxoticiat, or Auxotacicae, voyage into the great and filthy lake of thehurrons upper sea of the East and bay of the North. " He mentions that"about the middle of June, 1658, we began to take leave of our company andventer our lives for the common good. "

Concerning the third voyage, Radisson states above, "wee proceeded threeyears. " The memory of the writer had evidently been thrown into someconfusion when recording one of the historical incidents in his relation, as he was finishing his narrative of the fourth journey. At the close ofhis fourth narrative, on his return from the Lake Superior country, wherehe had been over three years, instead of over two, as he mentions, he says:"You must know that seventeen ffrenchmen made a plott with four Algonquinsto make a league with three score Hurrons for to goe and wait for theIroquoits in the passage. " This passage was the Long Sault, on the Ottawariver, where the above seventeen Frenchmen were commanded by a youngofficer of twenty-five, Adam Dollard, Sieur des Ormeaux. The massacre ofthe party took place on May 21, 1660, and is duly recorded by severalauthorities; namely, Dollier de Casson [Footnote: _Histoire de Montreal, Relation de la Nouvelle France_, 1660, p. 14. ], M. Marie [Footnote: _Del'Incarnation_, p. 261. ], and Father Lalemont [Footnote: _Journal_, June 8, 1660. ]. As Radisson has placed the incident in his manuscript, he wouldmake it appear as having occurred in May, 1664. He writes: "It was aterrible spectacle to us, for wee came there eight dayes after that defeat, which saved us without doubt. " He started on this third journey about themiddle of June, 1658, and it would therefore seem he was only absent on ittwo years, instead of over three, as he says. Charlevoix gives the aboveincident in detail. [Footnote: Shea's edition, Vol. III. P. 33, n. ]

During the third voyage Radisson and his brother-in-law went to theMississippi River in 1658/9. He says, "Wee mett with severall sorts ofpeople. Wee conversed with them, being long time in alliance with them. Bythe persuasion of som of them wee went into the great river that dividesitself in two where the hurrons with some Ottanake and the wild men thathad warrs with them had retired. .. . The river is called the forked, becauseit has two branches: the one towards the West, the other towards the South, which we believe runs towards Mexico, by the tokens they gave. " They alsomade diligent inquiry concerning Hudson's Bay, and of the best means toreach that fur-producing country, evidently with a view to futureexploration and trade. They must have returned to the Three Rivers aboutJune 1, 1660. Radisson says: "Wee stayed att home att rest the yeare. Mybrother and I considered whether we should discover what we have seen orno, and because we had not a full and whole discovery which was that wehave not ben in the bay of the north (Hudson's Bay), not knowing anythingbut by report of the wild Christinos, we would make no mention of it forfeare that those wild men should tell us a fibbe. We would have made adiscovery of it ourselves and have an assurance, before we should discoveranything of it. "

In the fourth narrative he says: "The Spring following we weare in hopes tomeet with some company, having ben so fortunat the yeare before. Now duringthe winter, whether it was that my brother revealed to his wife what we hadseene in our voyage and what we further intended, or how it came to passe, it was knowne so much that the ffather Jesuits weare desirous to find out away how they might gett downe the castors from the bay of the North, by theSacques, and so make themselves masters of that trade. They resolved tomake a tryall as soone as the ice would permitt them. So to discover ourintentions they weare very earnest with me to ingage myselfe in thatvoyage, to the end that my brother would give over his, which I uterlydenied them, knowing that they could never bring it about. " They made anapplication to the Governor of Quebec for permission to start upon thistheir fourth voyage; but he refused, unless they agreed to certain hardconditions which they found it impossible to accept. In August theydeparted without the Governor's leave, secretly at midnight, on theirjourney, having made an agreement to join a company of the nation of theSault who were about returning to their country, and who agreed to wait forthem two days in the Lake of St. Peter, some six leagues from Three Rivers. Their journey was made to the country about Lake Superior, where theypassed much of their time among the nations of the Sault, Fire, Christinos(Knisteneux), Beef, and other tribes. 

Being at Lake Superior, Radisson says they came "to a remarkable place. It's a banke of Rocks that the wild men made a Sacrifice to, . .. It's like agreat portall by reason of the beating of the waves. The lower part of thatopening is as bigg as a tower, and grows bigger in the going up. There is, I believe, six acres of land above it; a shipp of 500 tuns could passe by, soe bigg is the arch. I gave it the name of the portail of St. Peter, because my name is so called, and that I was the first Christian that eversaw it. " Concerning Hudson's Bay, whilst they were among the Christinos atLake Assiniboin, Radisson mentions in his narrative that "being resolved toknow what we heard before, we waited untill the Ice should vanish. "

The Governor was greatly displeased at the disobedience of Radisson and hisbrother-in-law in going on their last voyage without his permission. Ontheir return, the narrative states, "he made my brother prisoner for nothaving obeyed his orders; he fines us L. 4, 000 to make a fort at the threerivers, telling us for all manner of satisfaction that he would give usleave to put our coat of armes upon it; and moreover L. 6, 000 for thecountry, saying that wee should not take it so strangely and so bad, beingwee were inhabitants and did intend to finish our days in the same countrywith our relations and friends. .. . Seeing ourselves so wronged, my brotherdid resolve to go and demand justice in France. " Failing to getrestitution, they resolved to go over to the English. They went early in1665 to Port Royal, Nova Scotia, and from thence to New England, where theyengaged an English or New England ship for a trading adventure intoHudson's Straits in 61 deg. North. 

This expedition was attempted because Radisson and Des Groseilliers, ontheir last journey to Lake Superior, "met with some savages on the lake ofAssiniboin, and from them they learned that they might go by land to thebottom of Hudson's Bay, where the English had not been yet, at James Bay;upon which they desired them to conduct them thither, and the savagesaccordingly did it. They returned to the upper lake the same way theycame, and thence to Quebec, where they offered the principal merchants tocarry ships to Hudson's Bay; but their project was rejected. DesGroseilliers then went to France in hopes of a more favorable hearing atCourt; but after presenting several memorials and spending a great deal oftime and money, he was answered as he had been at Quebec, and the projectlooked upon as chimerical. " [Footnote: Oldmixon, Vol. I. P. 548. ] Thisvoyage to Hudson's Straits proved unremunerative. "Wee had knowledge andconversation with the people of those parts, but wee did see and know thatthere was nothing to be done unlesse wee went further, and the season ofthe year was far spent by the indiscretion of our Master. " Radissoncontinues: "Wee were promissed two shipps for a second voyage. " One ofthese ships was sent to "the Isle of Sand, there to fish for Basse to makeoyle of it, " and was soon after lost. 

In New England, in the early part of the year 1665, Radisson and DesGroseilliers met with two of the four English Commissioners who were sentover by Charles II in 1664 to settle several important questions in theprovinces of New York and New England. They were engaged in the prosecutionof their work in the different governments from 1664 to 1665/6. The twoFrenchmen, it appears, were called upon in Boston to defend themselves in alawsuit instituted against them in the courts there, for the annulling ofthe contract in the trading adventure above mentioned, whereby one of thetwo ships contracted for was lost. The writer states, that "the expectationof that ship made us loose our second voyage, which did very muchdiscourage the merchants with whom wee had to do; they went to law with usto make us recant the bargaine that wee had made with them. After wee haddisputed a long time, it was found that the right was on our side and weeinnocent of what they did accuse us. So they endeavoured to come to anagreement, but wee were betrayed by our own party. 

"In the mean time the Commissioners of the King of Great Britain arrived inthat place, & one of them would have us goe with him to New York, and theother advised us to come to England and offer ourselves to the King, whichwee did. " The Commissioners were Colonel Richard Nicolls, Sir Robert Carr, Colonel George Cartwright, and Samuel Mavericke. Sir Robert Carr wished thetwo Frenchmen to go with him to New York, but Colonel George Cartwright, erroneously called by Radisson in his manuscript "Cartaret, " prevailed uponthem to embark with him from Nantucket, August 1, 1665. On this voyageCartwright carried with him "all the original papers of the transactions ofthe Royal Commissioners, together with the maps of the several colonies. "They had also as a fellow passenger George Carr, presumably the brother ofSir Robert, and probably the acting secretary to the Commission. ColonelRichard Nicolls, writing to Secretary Lord Arlington, July 31, 1665, Says, "He supposes Col. Geo. Cartwright is now at sea. " George Carr, also writingto Lord Arlington, December 14, 1665, tells him that "he sends thetransactions of the Commissioners in New England briefly set down, eachcolony by itself. The papers by which all this and much more might havebeen demonstrated were lost in obeying His Majesty's command by keepingcompany with Captain Pierce, who was laden with masts; for otherwise inprobability we might have been in England ten days before we met the Dutch'Caper, ' who after two hours' fight stripped and landed us in Spain. Hearing also some Frenchmen discourse in New England of a passage from theWest Sea to the South Sea, and of a great trade of beaver in that passage, and afterwards meeting with sufficient proof of the truth of what they hadsaid, and knowing what great endeavours have been made for the finding outof a North Western passage, he thought them the best present he couldpossibly make His Majesty, and persuaded them to come to England. Begs HisLordship to procure some consideration for his loss, suffering, andservice. " Colonel Cartwright, upon his capture at Sea by the Dutch "Caper, "threw all his despatches and papers overboard. 

No doubt the captain of the Dutch vessel carefully scrutinized the papersof Radisson and his brother-in-law, and, it may be, carried off some ofthem; for there is evidence in one part at least of the former's narrationof his travels, of some confusion, as the writer has transposed the date ofone important and well-known event in Canadian history. It is evident thatthe writer was busy on his voyage preparing his narrative of travels forpresentation to the King. Towards the conclusion of his manuscript he says:"We are now in the passage, and he that brought us, which was one of theCommissioners called Collonell George Cartaret, was taken by theHollanders, and wee arrived in England in a very bad time for the plagueand the warrs. Being at Oxford, wee went to Sir George Cartaret, who spoketo His Majesty, who gave good hopes that wee should have a shipp ready forthe next Spring, and that the King did allow us forty shillings a week forour maintenance, and wee had chambers in the town by his order, where weestayed three months. Afterwards the King came to London and sent us toWindsor, where wee stayed the rest of the winter. "

Charles II. , with his Court, came to open Parliament and the Courts of Lawat Oxford, September 25, 1665, and left for Hampton Court to reside, January 27, 1666. Radisson and Des Groseilliers must have arrived thereabout the 25th of October. DeWitt, the Dutch statesman, and GrandPensionary of the States of Holland from 1652, becoming informed by thecaptain of the Dutch "Caper" of the errand of Radisson and his companioninto England, despatched an emissary to that country in 1666 to endeavor toentice them out of the English into the service of the Dutch. Sir JohnColleton first brought the matter before the notice of Lord Arlington in aletter of November 12th. The agent of DeWitt was one Elie Godefroy Touret, a native of Picardy, France, and an acquaintance of Groseilliers. Tourethad lived over ten years in the service of the Rhinegrave at Maestricht. Thinking it might possibly aid him in his design, he endeavored to passhimself off in London as Groseilliers' nephew. One Monsieur Delheuredeposed that Groseilliers "always held Touret in suspicion for callinghimself his nephew, and for being in England without employment, not beinga person who could live on his income, and had therefore avoided hiscompany as dangerous to the State. Has heard Touret say that if his uncleGroseilliers were in service of the States of Holland, he would be moreconsidered than here, where his merits are not recognised, and that if hisdiscovery were under the protection of Holland, all would go better withhim. "

On the 21st of November a warrant was issued to the Keeper of the GateHouse, London, "to take into custody the person of Touret for correspondingwith the King's enemies. " On the 23d of December Touret sent in a petitionto Lord Arlington, bitterly complaining of the severity of his treatment, and endeavored to turn the tables upon his accuser by representing thatGroseilliers, Radisson, and a certain priest in London tried to persuadehim to join them in making counterfeit coin, and for his refusal hadpersecuted and entered the accusation against him. 

To Des Groseilliers and Radisson must be given the credit of originatingthe idea of forming a settlement at Hudson's Bay, out of which grew theprofitable organization of the Hudson's Bay Company. They obtained throughthe English Ambassador to France an interview with Prince Rupert, and laidbefore him their plans, which had been before presented to the leadingmerchants of Canada and the French Court. Prince Rupert at once foresaw thevalue of such an enterprise, and aided them in procuring the requiredassistance from several noblemen and gentlemen, to fit out in 1667 twoships from London, the "Eagle, " Captain Stannard, and the "Nonsuch, " ketch, Captain Zechariah Gillam. This Gillam is called by Oldmixon a NewEnglander, and was probably the same one who went in 1664/5 with Radissonand Groseilliers to Hudson's Strait on the unsuccessful voyage from Boston. 

Radisson thus alludes to the two ships that were fitted out in London bythe help of Prince Rupert and his associates. The third year after theirarrival in England "wee went out with a new Company in two small vessels, my brother in one and I in another, and wee went together four hundredleagues from the North of Ireland, where a sudden greate storme did riseand put us asunder. The sea was soe furious six or seven hours after, thatit did almost overturne our ship. So that wee were forced to cut our mastsrather then cutt our lives; but wee came back safe, God be thanked; and theother, I hope, is gone on his voyage, God be with him. "

Captain Gillam and the ketch "Nonsuch, " with Des Groseilliers, proceeded ontheir voyage, "passed thro Hudson's Streights, and then into Baffin's Bayto 75 deg. North, and thence Southwards into 51 deg. , where, in a riverafterwards called Prince Rupert river, He had a friendly correspondencewith the natives, built a Fort, named it Charles Fort, and returned withSuccess. " [Footnote: Oldmixon, _British Empire_, ed. 1741, Vol. I. P. 544]When Gillam and Groseilliers returned, the adventurers concerned in fittingthem out "applied themselves to Charles II. For a patent, who granted oneto them and their successors for the Bay called Hudson's Streights. "[Footnote: _Ibid. _, Vol. I. P. 545. ] The patent bears date the 2d of May, in the twenty-second year of Charles II. , 1670. 

In Ellis's manuscript papers [Footnote: _Ibid_. , Vol. V. P. 319] has beenfound the following original draft of an "answer of the Hudson's BayCompany to a French paper entitled Memoriall justifieing the pretensions ofFrance to Fort Bourbon. " 1696/7. 

"The French in this paper carrying their pretended right of Discovery andsettlement no higher then the year 1682, and their being dispossessed in1684. Wee shall briefly shew what sort of possession that was, and howthose two actions were managed. Mr. Radisson, mentioned in the said paperto have made this settlement for the French at Port Nelson in 1682, wasmany years before settled in England, and marryed an English wife, Sir JohnKirke's daughter, and engaged in the interest and service of the Englishupon private adventure before as well as after the Incorporation of theHudson's Bay Company. In 1667, when Prince Rupert and other noblemen setout two shipps, Radisson went in the Eagle, Captain Stannard commander, andin that voyage the name of Rupert's river was given. Again in 1668 and in1669, and in this voyage directed his course to Port Nelson, and went onshore with one Bayly (designed Governor for the English), fixed the King ofEngland's arms there, & left some goods for trading. In 1671 three shipswere set out from London by the Hudson's Bay Company, then incorporated, and Radisson went in one of them in their service, settled Moose River, &went to Port Nelson, where he left some goods, and wintered at Rupert'sRiver. In 1673, upon some difference with the Hudson's Bay Company, Radisson returned into France and was there persuaded to go to Canada. Heformed severall designs of going on private accounts for the French intoHudson's Bay, which the Governor, Monsr. Frontenac, would by no meanspermitt, declaring it would break the union between the two Kings. "

Oldmixon says [Footnote: Oldmixon, Vol. I. P. 549. ] that theabove-mentioned Charles Baily, with whom went Radisson and ten or twentymen, took out with him Mr. Thomas Gorst as his secretary, who at hisrequest kept a journal, which eventually passed into the possession ofOldmixon. The following extracts give some idea of the life led by thefur-traders at the Fort: "They were apprehensive of being attacked by someIndians, whom the French Jesuits had animated against the English and allthat dealt with them. The French used many artifices to hinder the nativestrading with the English; they gave them great rates for their goods, andobliged Mr Baily to lower the price of his to oblige the Indians who dweltabout Moose river, with whom they drove the greatest trade. The French, toruin their commerce with the natives, came and made a settlement not aboveeight days' journey up that river from the place where the English traded. 'Twas therefore debated whether the Company's Agents should not remove fromRupert's to Moose river, to prevent their traffick being interrupted by theFrench. On the 3d of April, 1674, a council of the principal persons in theFort was held, where Mr Baily, the Governor, Captain Groseilliers, andCaptain Cole were present and gave their several opinions. The Governorinclined to move. Captain Cole was against it, as dangerous, and CaptainGroseilliers for going thither in their bark to trade. [Footnote: Oldmixon, Vol. I. P. 552. ] . .. The Governor, having got everything ready for a voyageto Moose river, sent Captain Groseilliers, Captain Cole, Mr Gorst, andother Indians to trade there. They got two hundred and fifty skins, and theCaptain of the Tabittee Indians informed them the French Jesuits had bribedthe Indians not to deal with the English, but to live in friendship withthe Indian nations in league with the French. .. . The reason they got nomore peltry now was because the Indians thought Groseilliers was too hardfor them, and few would come down to deal with him. " [Footnote: Oldmixon, Vol. I. P. 554. ] After Captain Baily [Footnote: _Ibid. _, Vol. I. P. 555. ]had returned from a voyage in his sloop to trade to the fort, "on the 30thAug a missionary Jesuit, born of English parents, arrived, bearing a letterfrom the Governor of Quebec to Mr Baily, dated the 8th of October, 1673. 

"The Governor of Quebec desired Mr Baily to treat the Jesuit civilly, onaccount of the great amity between the two crowns. Mr Baily resolved tokeep the priest till ships came from England. He brought a letter, also, for Capt Groseilliers, which gave jealousy to the English of hiscorresponding with the French. His son-in-law lived in Quebec, and hadaccompanied the priest part of the way, with three other Frenchmen, who, being afraid to venture among strange Indians, returned. .. . Provisionsrunning short, they were agreed, on the 17th Sept, they were all to departfor Point Comfort, to stay there till the 22d, and then make the best oftheir way for England. In this deplorable condition were they when theJesuit, Capt Groseilliers, & another papist, walking downwards to theseaside at their devotions, heard seven great guns fire distinctly. Theycame home in a transport of joy, told their companions the news, andassured them it was true. Upon which they fired three great guns from thefort to return the salute, though they could ill spare the powder upon suchan uncertainty. " The ship "Prince Rupert" had arrived, with Captain Gillam, bringing the new Governor, William Lyddel, Esq. 

Groseilliers and Radisson, after remaining for several years under theHudson's Bay Company, at last in 1674 felt obliged to sever the connection, and went over again to France. Radisson told his nephew in 1684 that thecause was "the refusal, that showed the bad intention of the Hudson's BayCompany to satisfy us. " Several influential members of the committee ofdirection for the Company were desirous of retaining them in their employ;among them the Duke of York, Prince Rupert their first Governor, Sir JamesHayes, Sir William Young, Sir John Kirke, and others; but it is evidentthere was a hostile feeling towards Radisson and his brother-in-law on thepart of several members of the committee, for even after his successfulexpedition in 1684 they found "some members of the committee offendedbecause I had had the honour of making my reverence to the King and to hisRoyal Highness. "

From 1674 to 1683, Radisson seems to have remained stanch in his allegianceto Louis XIV. In his narrative of the years 1682 and 1683 he shews thatColbert endeavored to induce him to bring his wife over into France, itwould appear to remain there during his absence in Hudson's Bay, as somesort of security for her husband's fidelity to the interests of the Frenchmonarch. After his return from this voyage in 1683 he felt himself againunfairly treated by the French Court, and in 1684, as he relates in hisnarrative, he "passed over to England for good, and of engaging myself sostrongly to the service of his Majesty, and to the interests of the Nation, that any other consideration was never able to detach me from it. "

We again hear of Radisson in Hudson's Bay in 1685; and this is his lastappearance in public records or documents as far as is known. A Canadian, Captain Berger, states that in the beginning of June, 1685, "he and hiscrew ascended four leagues above the English in Hudson's Bay, where theymade a Small Settlement. On the 15th of July they set out to return toQuebec. On the 17th they met with a vessel of ten or twelve guns, commandedby Captain Oslar, on board of which was the man named Bridgar, theGovernor, who was going to relieve the Governor at the head of the Bay. Heis the same that Radisson brought to Quebec three years ago in the shipMonsieur de la Barre restored to him. Berger also says he asked a parleywith the captain of Mr Bridgar's bark, who told him that Radisson had gonewith Mr Chouart, his nephew, fifteen days ago, to winter in the River SantaTheresa, where they wintered a year. " [Footnote: _New York ColonialDocuments_, Vol. IX. ]

After this date the English and the French frequently came into hostilecollision in Hudson's Bay. In 1686 King James demanded satisfaction fromFrance for losses inflicted upon the Company. Then the Jesuits procuredneutrality for America, and knew by that time they were in possession ofFort Albany. In 1687 the French took the "Hayes" sloop, an infraction ofthe treaty. In 1688 they took three ships, valued, in all, at L. 15, 000; L. 113, 000 damage in time of peace. In 1692 the Company set out four ships torecover Fort Albany, taken in 1686. In 1694 the French took York, aliasFort Bourbon. In 1696 the English retook it from them. On the 4thSeptember, 1697, the French retook it and kept it. The peace was madeSeptember 20, 1697. [Footnote: _Minutes Relating to Hudson's Bay Company_. ]In 1680 the stock rose from L. 100 to near L. 1, 000. Notwithstanding thelosses sustained by the Company, amounting to L. 118, 014 between 1682 and1688, they were able to pay in 1684 the shareholders a dividend of fiftyper cent. Radisson brought home in 1684 a cargo of 20, 000 beaver skins. Oldmixon says, "10, 000 Beavers, in all their factories, was one of the bestyears of Trade they ever had, besides other peltry. " Again in 1688 adividend of fifty per cent was made, and in 1689 one of twenty-five percent. In 1690, without any call being made, the stock was trebled, while atthe same time a dividend of twenty-five per cent was paid on the increasedor newly created stock. At the Peace of Utrecht, in 1713, the fortscaptured by the French in 1697 were restored to the Company, who by 1720had again trebled their capital, with a call of only ten per cent. After along and fierce rivalry with the Northwest Fur Company, the two companieswere amalgamated in 1821. [Footnote: Encyclopaedia Britannica. ]

Radisson commences his narrative of 1652 in a reverent spirit, byinscribing it "a la plus grande gloire de Dieu. " All his manuscripts havebeen handed down in perfect preservation. They are written out in a clearand excellent handwriting, showing the writer to have been a person of goodeducation, who had also travelled in Turkey and Italy, and who had been inLondon, and perhaps learned his English there in his early life. Thenarrative of travels between the years 1652 and 1664 was for some time theproperty of Samuel Pepys, the well-known diarist, and Secretary of theAdmiralty to Charles II. And James II. He probably received it from SirGeorge Cartaret, the Vice-Chamberlain of the King and Treasurer of theNavy, for whom it was no doubt carefully copied out from his rough notes bythe author, So that it might, through him, be brought under the notice ofCharles II. Some years after the death of Pepys, in 1703, his collection ofmanuscripts was dispersed and fell into the hands of various Londontradesmen, who bought parcels of it to use in their shops as waste-paper. The most valuable portions were carefully reclaimed by the celebratedcollector, Richard Rawlinson, who in writing to his friend T. Rawlins, from. "London house, January 25th, 1749/50, " says: "I have purchased thebest part of the fine collection of Mr Pepys, Secretary to the Admiraltyduring the reigns of Charles 2d and James 2d. Some are as old as King HenryVIII. They were collected with a design for a Lord High Admiral such as heshould approve; but those times are not yet come, and so little care wastaken of them that they were redeemed from _thus et adores vendentibus_. "

The manuscript containing Radisson's narrative for the years 1682 and 1683was "purchased of Rodd, 8th July, 1839, " by the British Museum. Thenarrative in French, for the year 1684, was bought by Sir Hans Sloane fromthe collection of "Nicolai Joseph Foucault, Comitis Consistoriani, " as hisbookplate informs us. With the manuscript this gentleman had bound up inthe same volume a religious treatise in manuscript, highly illuminated, inItalian, relating to some of the saints of the Catholic Church. [Footnote:I am under obligations to Mr. John Gilmary Shea for valuable information. ]

VOYAGESOFPETER ESPRIT RADISSON. 

_The Relation of my Voyage, being in Bondage in the Lands of the Irokoits, which was the next yeare after my coming into Canada, in the yeare 1651, the 24th day of May. _

Being persuaded in the morning by two of my comrades to go and recreatourselves in fowling, I disposed myselfe to keepe them Company; wherfor Icloathed myselfe the lightest way I could possible, that I might be thenimbler and not stay behinde, as much for the prey that I hoped for, as forto escape the danger into which wee have ventered ourselves of an enemy thecruelest that ever was uppon the face of the Earth. It is to bee observedthat the french had warre with a wild nation called Iroquoites, who forthat time weare soe strong and so to be feared that scarce any body durststirre out either Cottage or house without being taken or kill'd, [Footnote: In 1641-1645 Father Vimont writes: "I had as lief be beset bygoblins as by the Iroquois. The one are about as invisible as the other. Our people on the Richelieu and at Montreal are kept in a closerconfinement than ever were monks or nuns in our smallest convents inFrance. "] saving that he had nimble limbs to escape their fury; beingdeparted, all three well armed, and unanimiously rather die then abandonone another, notwithstanding these resolutions weare but young mensdeboasting; being then in a very litle assurance and lesse security. 

At an offspring of a village of three Rivers we consult together that twoshould go the watter side, the other in a wood hardby to warne us, for toadvertise us if he accidentaly should light [upon] or suspect any Barbarsin ambush, we also retreat ourselves to him if we should discover any thinguppon the River. Having comed to the first river, which was a mile distantfrom our dwellings, wee mett a man who mett a man who kept cattell, andasked him if he had knowne any appearance of Ennemy, and likewise demandedwhich way he would advise us to gett better fortune, and what part he spiedmore danger; he guiding us the best way he could, prohibiting us by nomeans not to render ourselves att the skirts of the mountains; ffor, saidhe, I discovered oftentimes a multitude of people which rose up as it weareof a sudaine from of the Earth, and that doubtless there weare some enemysthat way; which sayings made us looke to ourselves and charge two of ourfowling peeces with great shot the one, and the other with small. Primingour pistols, we went where our fancy first lead us, being impossible for usto avoid the destinies of the heavens; no sooner tourned our backs, but mynose fell ableeding without any provocation in the least. Certainly it wasa warning for me of a beginning of a yeare and a half of hazards and ofmiseryes that weare to befall mee. We did shoot sometime and killed someDuks, which made one of my fellow travellers go no further. I seeing himtaking such a resolution, I proferred some words that did not like him, giving him the character of a timourous, childish humor; so this didnothing prevaile with him, to the Contrary that had with him quite anotherisue then what I hoped for; ffor offending him with my words he prevailedso much with the others that he persuaded them to doe the same. I lett themgoe, laughing them to scorne, beseeching them to helpe me to my fowles, andthat I would tell them the discovery of my designes, hoping to kill meat tomake us meate att my retourne. 

I went my way along the wood some times by the side of the river, where Ifinde something to shute att, though no considerable quantitie, which mademe goe a league off and more, so I could not go in all further thenSt. Peeter's, which is nine mile from the plantation by reason of the riverOvamasis, which hindered me the pasage. I begun'd to think att my retournehow I might transport my fowle. I hide one part in a hollow tree to keepthem from the Eagles and other devouring fowles, so as I came backe thesame way where before had no bad incounter. Arrived within one halfe a milewhere my comrades had left me, I rested awhile by reason that I waslooden'd with three geese, tenn ducks, and one crane, with some teales. 

After having layd downe my burden uppon the grasse, I thought to have hearda noise in the wood by me, which made me to overlook my armes; I found oneof my girdle pistols wette. I shott it off and charged it againe, went upto the wood the soffliest I might, to discover and defend myselfe thebetter against any surprise. After I had gone from tree to tree some 30paces off I espied nothing; as I came back from out of the wood to anadjacent brooke, I perceived a great number of Ducks; my discoveryimbouldened me, and for that there was a litle way to the fort, Idetermined to shute once more; coming nigh preparing meselfe for to shute, I found another worke, the two young men that I left some tenne houresbefore heere weare killed. Whether they came after mee, or weare broughtthither by the Barbars, I know not. However [they] weare murthered. Lookingover them, knew them albeit quite naked, and their hair standing up, theone being shott through with three boulletts and two blowes of an hatchetton the head, and the other runne thorough in severall places with a swordand smitten with an hatchett. Att the same instance my nose begun'd tobleed, which made me afraid of my life; but withdrawing myselfe to thewatter side to see if any body followed mee, I espied twenty or thirtyheads in a long grasse. Mightily surprized att the view, I must needs passethrough the midst of them or tourne backe into the woode. I slipped aboullet uppon the shott and beate the paper into my gunne. I heard a noise, which made me looke on that side; hopeing to save meselfe, perswadingmyselfe I was not yet perceived by them that weare in the medow, and in themeane while some gunns weare lett off with an horrid cry. 

Seeing myselfe compassed round about by a multitude of dogges, or ratherdevils, that rose from the grasse, rushesse, and bushesse, I shott mygunne, whether un warrs or purposly I know not, but I shott with a pistolleconfidently, but was seised on all sids by a great number that threw medowne, taking away my arme without giving mee one blowe; ffor afterwards Ifelt no paine att all, onely a great guidinesse in my heade, from whence itcomes I doe not remember. In the same time they brought me into the wood, where they shewed me the two heads all bloody. After they consultedtogether for a while, retired into their boats, which weare four or fivemiles from thence, and wher I have bin a while before. They layed meehither, houlding me by the hayre, to the imbarking place; there they beganto errect their cottages, which consisted only of some sticks to boyletheir meate, whereof they had plenty, but stuncke, which was strange to meeto finde such an alteration so sudaine. They made [me] sitt downe by. Afterthis they searched me and tooke what I had, then stripped me naked, andtyed a rope about my middle, wherin I remained, fearing to persist, in thesame posture the rest of the night. After this they removed me, laughingand howling like as many wolves, I knowing not the reason, if not for myskin, that was soe whit in respect of theirs. But their gaping did soonecease because of a false alarme, that their Scout who stayed behind gavethem, saying that the ffrench and the wild Algongins, friends to theffrench, came with all speed. They presently put out the fire, and tookehould of the most advantageous passages, and sent 25 men to discover whatit meant, who brought certaine tydings of assurance and liberty. 

In the meanewhile I was garded by 50 men, who gave me a good part of mycloathes. After kindling a fire againe, they gott theire supper ready, which was sudenly don, ffor they dresse their meat halfe boyled, minglingsome yallowish meale in the broath of that infected stinking meate; sowhilst this was adoing they combed my head, and with a filthy greasegreased my head, and dashed all over my face with redd paintings. So then, when the meat was ready, they feeded me with their hod-pot, forcing me toswallow it in a maner. My heart did so faint at this, that in good deede Ishould have given freely up the ghost to be freed from their clawes, thinking every moment they would end my life. They perceived that mystomach could not beare such victuals. They tooke some of this stinkingmeate and boyled it in a cleare watter, then mingled a litle Indian mealeput to it, which meale before was tossed amongst bourning sand, and thenmade in powder betwixt two rocks. I, to shew myselfe cheerfull att this, swallowed downe some of this that seemed to me very unsavoury and clammieby reason of the scume that was upon the meat. Having supped, they untyedmee, and made me lye betwixt them, having one end of one side and one ofanother, and covered me with a red Coverlet, thorough which I might havecounted the starrs. I slept a sound sleep, for they awaked me uppon thebreaking of the day. I dreamed that night that I was with the Jesuits atQuebuc drinking beere, which gave me hopes to be free sometimes, and alsobecause I heard those people lived among Dutch people in a place calledMenada [Footnote: _Menada_, Manhattan, or New Netherlands, called by theFrench of Canada "Manatte. "], and fort of Orang, where without doubt Icould drinke beere. I, after this, finding meselfe somewhat altered, and mybody more like a devil then anything else, after being so smeared and burstwith their filthy meate that I could not digest, but must suffer allpatiently. 

Finally they seemed to me kinder and kinder, giving me of the best bittswhere lesse wormes weare. Then they layd [me] to the watter side, wherethere weare 7 and 30 boats, ffor each of them imbark'd himselfe. They tyedme to the barre in a boat, where they tooke at the same instance the headsof those that weare killed the day before, and for to preserve them theycutt off the flesh to the skull and left nothing but skin and haire, putting of it into a litle panne wherein they melt some grease, and gott itdry with hot stones. They spread themselves from off the side of the rivera good way, and gathered together againe and made a fearfull noise andshott some gunns off, after which followed a kind of an incondit singingafter nots, which was an oudiousom noise. As they weare departing fromthence they injoyned silence, and one of the Company, wherein I was, madethree shouts, which was answered by the like maner from the whole flocke;which done they tooke their way, singing and leaping, and so past the dayin such like. They offered mee meate; but such victuals I reguarded itlitle, but could drinke for thirst. My sperit was troubled with infinitedeale of thoughts, but all to no purpose for the ease of my sicknesse;sometimes despairing, now againe in some hopes. I allwayes indeavoured tocomfort myselfe, though half dead. My resolution was so mastered withfeare, that at every stroake of the oares of these inhumans I thought it tobe my end. 

By sunsett we arrived att the Isles of Richelieu, a place rather forvictors then for captives most pleasant. There is to be seen 300 wild Cowestogether, a number of Elks and Beavers, an infinit of fowls. There we mustmake cottages, and for this purpose they imploy all together their wits andart, ffor 15 of these Islands are drowned in Spring, when the floods beginto rise from the melting of the snow, and that by reason of the lowness ofthe land. Here they found a place fitt enough for 250 men that their armyconsisted [of]. They landed mee & shewed mee great kindnesse, sayingChagon, which is as much [as] to say, as I understood afterwards, becheerfull or merry; but for my part I was both deafe and dumb. Theirbehaviour made me neverthelesse cheerfull, or att least of a smilingcountenance, and constraine my aversion and feare to an assurance, whichproved not ill to my thinking; ffor the young men tooke delight in combingmy head, greasing and powdering out a kinde of redd powder, then tying myhaire with a redd string of leather like to a coard, which caused my haireto grow longer in a short time. 

The day following they prepared themselves to passe the adjacent places andshoote to gett victualls, where we stayed 3 dayes, making great cheere andfires. I more and more getting familiarity with them, that I had theliberty to goe from cottage, having one or two by mee. They untyed mee, andtooke delight to make me speake words of their language, and weare earnestthat I should pronounce as they. They tooke care to give me meate as oftenas I would; they gave me salt that served me all my voyage. They also tookethe paines to put it up safe for mee, not takeing any of it for themselves. There was nothing else but feasting and singing during our abode. I tookenotice that our men decreased, ffor every night one other boate tooke hisway, which persuaded mee that they went to the warrs to gett more booty. 

The fourth day, early in the morning, my Brother, viz. , he that tooke me, so he called me, embarked me without tying me. He gave me an oare, which Itooke with a good will, and rowed till I sweate againe. They, perceaving, made me give over; not content with that I made a signe of my willingnesseto continue that worke. They consent to my desire, but shewed me how Ishould row without putting myselfe into a sweat. Our company beingconsiderable hitherto, was now reduced to three score. Mid-day wee came tothe River of Richlieu, where we weare not farre gon, but mett a new gang oftheir people in cottages; they began to hoop and hollow as the first day ofmy taking. They made me stand upright in the boat, as they themselves, saluting one another with all kindnesse and joy. In this new company therewas one that had a minde to doe me mischiefe, but prevented by him thattooke me. I taking notice of the fellow, I shewed him more friendshipe. Igott some meate roasted for him, and throwing a litle salt and flower overit, which he finding very good tast, gave it to the rest as a rarity, nordid afterwards molest mee. 

They tooke a fancy to teach mee to sing; and as I had allready a beginningof their hooping, it was an easy thing for me to learne, our Algonquinsmaking the same noise. They tooke an exceeding delight to heare mee. Oftenhave I sunged in French, to which they gave eares with a deepe silence. Wepassed that day and night following with litle rest by reason of their joyand mirth. They lead a dance, and tyed my comrades both their heads att theend of a stick and hopt it; this done, every one packt and embarkedhimselfe, some going one way, some another. Being separated, one of theboats that we mett before comes backe againe and approaches the boatwherein I was; I wondered, a woman of the said company taking hould on myhaire, signifying great kindnesse. Shee combs my head with her fingers andtyed my wrist with a bracelett, and sunged. My wish was that shee wouldproceed in our way. After both companys made a shout wee separated, I wassorry for this woman's departure, ffor having shewed me such favour att herfirst aspect, doubtlesse but shee might, if neede required, saved my life. 

Our journey was indifferent good, without any delay, which caused us toarrive in a good and pleasant harbour. It was on the side of the sand whereour people had any paine scarce to errect their cottages, being that it wasa place they had sejourned [at] before. The place round about [was] full oftrees. Heare they kindled a fire and provided what was necessary for theirfood. In this place they cutt off my hair in the front and upon the crowneof the head, and turning up the locks of the haire they dab'd mee with somethicke grease. So done, they brought me a looking-glasse. I viewing myselfeall in a pickle, smir'd with redde and black, covered with such a cappe, and locks tyed up with a peece of leather and stunked horridly, I could notbut fall in love with myselfe, if not that I had better instructions toshun the sin of pride. So after repasting themselves, they made them readyfor the journey with takeing repose that night. This was the time I thoughtto have escaped, ffor in vaine, ffor I being alone feared least I should beapprehended and dealt with more violently. And moreover I was desirous tohave seene their country. 

Att the sun rising I awaked my brother, telling him by signes it was timeto goe. He called the rest, but non would stirre, which made him lye downeagaine. I rose and went to the water side, where I walked awhile. If thereweare another we might, I dare say, escape out of their sight. Heere Irecreated myselfe running a naked swoord into the sand. One of them seeingmee after such an exercise calls mee and shews me his way, which made memore confidence in them. They brought mee a dish full of meate to the waterside. I began to eat like a beare. 

In the mean time they imbark'd themselves, one of them tooke notice that Ihad not a knife, brings me his, which I kept the rest of the voyage, without that they had the least feare of me. Being ready to goe, saving myboat that was ammending, which was soone done. The other boats weare not asyett out of sight, and in the way my boat killed a stagg. They made meshoot att it, and not quite dead they runed it thorough with their swoords, and having cutt it in peeces, they devided it, and proceeded on their way. At 3 of the clock in the afternoone we came into a rappid streame, where weweare forced to land and carry our Equipages and boats thorough a dangerousplace. Wee had not any encounter that day. Att night where we foundcottages ready made, there I cutt wood as the rest with all dilligence. Themorning early following we marched without making great noise, or singingas accustomed. Sejourning awhile, we came to a lake 6 leagues wide, aboutit a very pleasant country imbellished with great forests. That day ourwild people killed 2 Bears, one monstrous like for its biggnesse, the othera small one. Wee arrived to a fine sandy bancke, where not long before manyCabbanes weare errected and places made where Prisoners weare tyed. 

In this place our wild people sweated after the maner following: firstheated stones till they weare redd as fire, then they made a lantherne withsmall sticks, then stoaring the place with deale trees, saving a place inthe middle whereinto they put the stoanes, and covered the place withseverall covers, then striped themselves naked, went into it. They made anoise as if the devil weare there; after they being there for an hour theycame out of the watter, and then throwing one another into the watter, Ithought veryly they weare insensed. It is their usual Custome. Being comedout of this place, they feasted themselves with the two bears, turning theoutside of the tripes inward not washed. They gave every one his share; asfor my part I found them [neither] good, nor savory to the pallet. In thenight they heard some shooting, which made them embark themselves speedily. In the mean while they made me lay downe whilst they rowed very hard. Islept securely till the morning, where I found meselfe in great highrushes. There they stayed without noise. 

From thence wee proceeded, though not without some feare of an Algonquinarmy. We went on for some dayes that lake. Att last they endeavoured toretire to the woods, every one carrying his bundle. After a daye's march wecame to a litle river where we lay'd that night. The day following weproceeded on our journey, where we mett 2 men, with whome our wild menseemed to be acquainted by some signes. These 2 men began to speake a longewhile. After came a company of women, 20 in number, that brought us dryfish and Indian corne. These women loaded themselves, after that we hadeaten, like mules with our baggage. We went through a small wood, the waywell beaten, untill the evening we touched a place for fishing, of 15Cabbans. There they weare well received but myselfe, who was stroaken by ayong man. He, my keeper, made a signe I should to him againe. I tourning tohim instantly, he to me, taking hould of my haire, all the wild men cameabout us, encouraging with their Cryes and hands, which encouraged me mostthat non helpt him more then mee. Wee clawed one another with hands, tooth, and nailes. My adversary being offended I have gotten the best, hekick't me; but my french shoes that they left mee weare harder then his, which made him [give up] that game againe. He tooke me about the wrest, where he found himselfe downe before he was awarre, houlding him upon theground till some came and putt us asunder. My company seeing mee free, began to cry out, giving me watter to wash me, and then fresh fish torelish me. They encouraged me so much, the one combing my head, the othergreasing my haire. There we stayed 2 dayes, where no body durst trouble me. 

In the same Cabban that I was, there has bin a wild man wounded with asmall shott. I thought I have seen him the day of my taking, which made mefeare least I was the one that wounded him. He knowing it to be so hadshewed me as much charity as a Christian might have given. Another of hisfellowes (I also wounded) came to me att my first coming there, whom Ithought to have come for reveng, contrarywise shewed me a cheerfullcountenance; he gave mee a box full of red paintings, calling me hisbrother. I had not as yett caryed any burden, but meeting with an ould man, gave me a sacke of tobacco of 12 pounds' weight, bearing it uppon my head, as it's their usuall custome. We made severall stayes the day by reason ofthe severall encounters of their people that came from villages, as warrsothers from fishing and shooting. In that journey our company increased, among others a great many Hurrons that had bin lately taken, and who forthe most part are as slaves. We lay'd in the wood because they would notgoe into their village in the night time. 

The next day we marched into a village where as wee came in sight we heardnothing but outcryes, as from one side as from the other, being a quarterof a mile from the village. They satt downe and I in the midle, where I sawwomen and men and children with staves and in array, which put me in feare, and instantly stripped me naked. My keeper gave me a signe to be gone asfast as I could drive. In the meane while many of the village came aboutus, among which a good old woman, and a boy with a hatchet in his hand camenear mee. The old woman covered me, and the young man tooke me by the handand lead me out of the company. The old woman made me step aside fromthose that weare ready to stricke att mee. There I left the 2 heads of mycomrades, and that with comforted me yet I escaped the blowes. Then theybrought me into their Cottage; there the old woman shewed me kindnesse. Shee gave me to eate. The great terror I had a litle before tooke mystomack away from me. I stayed an hower, where a great company of peoplecame to see mee. Heere came a company of old men, having pipes in theirmouthes, satt about me. 

After smoaking, they lead me into another cabban, where there weare acompany all Smoaking; they made [me] sitt downe by the fire, which made[me] apprehend they should cast me into the said fire. But it provedotherwise; for the old woman followed mee, Speaking aloud, whom theyanswered with a loud ho, then shee tooke her girdle and about mee shee tyedit, so brought me to her cottage, and made me sitt downe in the same placeI was before. Then shee began to dance and sing a while, after [she] bringsdowne from her box a combe, gives it to a maide that was neare mee, whopresently comes to greas and combe my haire, and tooke away the paint thatthe fellows stuck to my face. Now the old woman getts me some Indian Cornetoasted in the fire. I tooke paines to gether it out of the fire; afterthis shee gave me a blew coverlett, stokins and shoos, and where with tomake me drawers. She looked in my cloathes, and if shee found any lice sheewould squeeze them betwixt her teeth, as if they had ben substantiallmeate. I lay'd with her son, who tooke me from those of my first takers, and gott at last a great acquaintance with many. I did what I could to gettfamiliarity with them, yeat I suffered no wrong att their hands, taking allfreedom, which the old woman inticed me to doe. But still they altered myface where ever I went, and a new dish to satisfy nature. 

I tooke all the pleasures imaginable, having a small peece at my command, shooting patriges and squerells, playing most part of the day with mycompanions. The old woman wished that I would make meselfe more familiarwith her 2 daughters, which weare tolerable among such people. They weareaccustomed to grease and combe my haire in the morning. I went with theminto the wilderness, there they would be gabling which I could notunderstand. They wanted no company but I was shure to be of the number. Ibrought all ways some guifts that I received, which I gave to mypurse-keeper and refuge, the good old woman. I lived 5 weeks withoutthinking from whence I came. I learned more of their maners in 6 weeks thenif I had bin in ffrance 6 months. Att the end I was troubled in minde, which made her inquire if I was Anjonack, a Huron word. Att this I made asif I weare subported for speaking in a strang language, which shee likedwell, calling me by the name of her son who before was killed, Orinha, [Footnote: Called _Orimha_, over-leaf. ] which signifies ledd or stone, without difference of the words. So that it was my Lordshippe. Sheeinquired [of] mee whether I was Asserony, a french. I answering no, sayingI was Panugaga, that is, of their nation, for which shee was pleased. 

My father feasted 300 men that day. My sisters made me clean for thatpurpos, and greased my haire. My mother decked me with a new cover and aredd and blew cappe, with 2 necklace of porcelaine. My sisters tyed me withbraceletts and garters of the same porcelaine. My brother painted my face, and [put] feathers on my head, and tyed both my locks with porcelaine. Myfather was liberall to me, giving me a garland instead of my blew cap and anecklace of porcelaine that hung downe to my heels, and a hattchet in myhand. It was hard for me to defend myselfe against any encounter, being soladen with riches. Then my father made a speech shewing many demonstrationsof vallor, broak a kettle full of Cagamite [Footnote: _Cagamite, Cagaimtie, Sagamite_, a mush made of pounded Indian corn boiled with bits of meat orfish. ] with a hattchett So they sung, as is their usual coustom. They wearewaited on by a sort of yong men, bringing downe dishes of meate ofOriniacke, [Footnote: _Oriniacke, Auriniacks, horiniac_, the moose, thelargest species of deer. Called by the French writers-- Sagard-Theodat, LaHontan, and Charlevoix--_Eslan, Orinal_, or _Orignal_. ] of Castors, and ofred deer mingled with some flowers. The order of makeing was thus: thecorne being dried between 2 stones into powder, being very thick, putt itinto a kettle full of watter, then a quantity of Bear's grease. Thisbanquett being over, they cryed to me Shagon, Orimha, that is, be hearty, stone or ledd. Every one withdrew into his quarters, and so did I. 

But to the purpose of my history. As I went to the fields once, where Imett with 3 of my acquaintance, who had a designe for to hunt a great wayoff, they desired me to goe along. I lett them know in Huron language (forthat I knew better then that of the Iroquoits) I was content, desiring themto stay till I acquainted my mother. One of them came along with mee, andgott leave for me of my kindred. My mother gott me presently a sack ofmeale, 3 paire of shoos, my gun, and tourned backe where the 2 stayed forus. My 2 sisters accompanied me even out of the wildernesse and carried mybundle, where they tooke leave. 

We marched on that day through the woods till we came by a lake where wetravelled without any rest. I wished I had stayed att home, for we had sadvictualls. The next day about noone we came to a River; there we made askiffe, so litle that we could scarce go into it. I admired their skill indoing of it, ffor in lesse then 2 hours they cutt the tree and pulled upthe Rind, of which they made the boat. We embarked ourselves and went tothe lower end of the river, which emptied it selfe into a litle lake ofabout 2 miles in length and a mile in breadth. We passed this lake intoanother river broader then the other; there we found a fresh track of astagge, which made us stay heere a while. It was five of the clock attleast when 2 of our men made themselves ready to looke after that beast;the other and I stayed behind. Not long after we saw the stagge crosse theriver, which foarding brought him to his ending. So done, they went ontheir cours, and came backe againe att 10 of the clocke with 3 bears, acastor, and the stagge which was slaine att our sight. How did wee rejoiceto see that killed which would make the kettle boyle. After we have eaten, wee slept. 

The next day we made trappes for to trapp castors, whilst we weare bussie, one about one thing, one about another. As 3 of us retourned homewards toour cottage we heard a wild man singing. He made us looke to our selvesleast he should prove an ennemy, but as we have seene him, called to him, who came immediately, telling us that he was in pursuite of a Beare sincemorning, and that he gave him over, having lost his 2 doggs by the samebeare. He came with us to our Cottage, where we mett our companion afterhaving killed one beare, 2 staggs, and 2 mountain catts, being 5 in number. Whilst the meat was a boyling that wild man spoake to me the Algonquinlanguage. I wondred to heare this stranger; he tould me that he was taken 2years agoe; he asked me concerning the 3 rivers and of Quebuck, who wishedhimselfe there, and I said the same, though I did not intend it. He askedme if I loved the french. I inquired [of] him also if he loved theAlgonquins? Mary, quoth he, and so doe I my owne nation. Then replyed he, Brother, cheare up, lett us escape, the 3 rivers are not a farre off. Itould him my 3 comrades would not permitt me, and that they promissed mymother to bring me back againe. Then he inquired whether I would live likethe Hurrons, who weare in bondage, or have my owne liberty with theffrench, where there was good bread to be eaten. Feare not, quoth he, shallkill them all 3 this night when they will bee a sleepe, which will be aneasy matter with their owne hatchetts. 

Att last I consented, considering they weare mortall ennemys to my country, that had cutt the throats of so many of my relations, burned and murderedthem. I promissed him to succour him in his designe. They not understandingour language asked the Algonquin what is that that he said, but tould themsome other story, nor did they suspect us in the least. Their belly full, their mind without care, wearyed to the utmost of the formost day'sjourney, fell a sleepe securely, leaning their armes up and downe withoutthe least danger. Then my wild man pushed me, thinking I was a sleepe. Herises and sitts him downe by the fire, behoulding them one after an other, and taking their armes a side, and having the hattchetts in his hand givesme one; to tell the truth I was loathsome to do them mischif that never didme any. Yett for the above said reasons I tooke the hattchet and began theExecution, which was soone done. My fellow comes to him that was nearest tothe fire (I dare say he never saw the stroake), and I have done that liketo an other, but I hitting him with the edge of the hattchett could notdisingage [it] presently, being so deep in his head, rises upon his breast, butt fell back sudainly, making a great noise, which almost waked thethird; but my comrade gave him a deadly blow of a hattchet, and presentlyafter I shott him dead. 

Then we prepared our selves with all speed, throwing their dead corps, after that the wild man took off their heads, into the watter. We tooke 3guns, leaving the 4th, their 2 swoords, their hattchetts, their powder andshott, and all their porselaine; we tooke also some meale and meate. I wassorry for to have ben in such an incounter, but too late to repent. Weetooke our journey that night alongst the river. The break of day we landedon the side of a rock which was smooth. We carryed our boat and equippageinto the wood above a hundred paces from the watter side, where we stayedmost sadly all that day tormented by the Maringoines; [Footnote:_Musquetos_. ] we tourned our boat upside downe, we putt us under it fromthe raine. The night coming, which was the fitest time to leave that place, we goe without any noise for our safty. Wee travelled 14 nights in thatmaner in great feare, hearing boats passing by. When we have perceaved anyfire, left off rowing, and went by with as litle noise as could [be]possible. Att last with many tournings by lande and by watter, wee came tothe lake of St. Peeter's. 

We landed about 4 of the clock, leaving our skiff in among rushes farr outof the way from those that passed that way and doe us injury. We retiredinto the wood, where we made a fire some 200 paces from the river. There weroasted some meat and boyled meale; after, we rested ourselves a while fromthe many labours of the former night. So, having slept, my companion awaksfirst, and stirrs me, saying it was high time that we might by day come toour dweling, of which councel I did not approve. [I] tould him the Ennemyscommonly weare lurking about the river side, and we should doe very well[to] stay in that place till sunnsett. Then, said he, lett us begon, we[are] passed all feare. Let us shake off the yoake of a company of whelpsthat killed so many french and black-coats, and so many of my nation. Nay, saith he, Brother, if you come not, I will leave you, and will go throughthe woods till I shall be over against the french quarters. There I willmake a fire for a signe that they may fetch me. I will tell to the Governorthat you stayed behind. Take courage, man, says he. With this he tooke hispeece and things. Att this I considered how if [I] weare taken att thedoore by meere rashnesse; the next, the impossibility I saw to go bymyselfe if my comrad would leave me, and perhaps the wind might rise, thatI could [only] come to the end of my journey in a long time, and that Ishould be accounted a coward for not daring to hazard myselfe with him thatso much ventured for mee. I resolved to go along through the woods; but thelitle constancy that is to be expected in wild men made me feare he should[take] to his heels, which approved his unfortunate advice; ffor he hathlost his life by it, and I in great danger have escaped by the helpe of theAlmighty. I consent to goe by watter with him. 

In a short time wee came to the lake. The watter very calme and cleare. Noliklyhood of any storme. We hazarded to the other side of the lake, thinking ffor more security. After we passed the third part of the lake, Ibeing the foremost, have perceaved as if it weare a black shaddow, whichproved a real thing. He at this rises and tells mee that it was a companyof buzards, a kinde of geese in that country. We went on, where wee sooneperceaved our owne fatall blindnesse, ffor they weare ennemys. We went backagaine towards the lande with all speed to escape the evident danger, butit was too late; ffor before we could come to the russhes that weare withinhalfe a league of the waterside we weare tired. Seeing them approachingnigher and nigher, we threw the 3 heads in the watter. They meet with these3 heads, which makes them to row harder after us, thinking that we had runnaway from their country. We weare so neere the lande that we saw the bottomof the watter, but yett too deepe to step in. When those cruel inhumanscame within a musquett shott of us, and fearing least the booty should getta way from them, shott severall times att us, and deadly wounding mycomrade, [who] fell dead. I expected such another shott. The litle skiffwas pierced in severall places with their shooting, [so] that watter ran ina pace. I defended me selfe with the 2 arms. Att last they environed mewith their boats, that tooke me just as I was a sinking. They held up thewild man and threw him into one of their boats and me they brought with alldiligence to land. I thought to die without mercy. 

They made a great fire and tooke my comrade's heart out, and choped off hishead, which they put on an end of a stick and carryed it to one of theirboats. They cutt off some of the flesh of that miserable, broyled it andeat it. If he had not ben so desperately wounded they had don their best tokeepe him alive to make him suffer the more by bourning him with smallfires; but being wounded in the chin, and [a] bullet gon through the troat, and another in the shoulder that broake his arme, making him incurable, they burned some parte of his body, and the rest they left there. That wasthe miserable end of that wretch. 

Lett us come now to the beginning of my miseries and calamities that I wasto undergo. Whilst they weare bussie about my companion's head, the otherstyed me safe and fast in a strang maner; having striped me naked, they tyedme above the elbows behind my back, and then they putt a collar about me, not of porcelaine as before, but a rope wrought about my midle. So [they]brought me in that pickle to the boat. As I was imbarqued they asked meeseverall questions. I being not able to answer, gave me great blowes withtheir fists. [They] then pulled out one of my nailes, and partly untied me. 

What displeasure had I, to have seen meselfe taken againe, being almostcome to my journey's end, that I must now goe back againe to suffer suchtorments, as death was to be expected. Having lost all hopes, I resolvedalltogether to die, being a folly to think otherwise. I was not the [only]one in the clawes of those wolves. Their company was composed of 150 men. These tooke about Quebucq and other places 2 frenchmen, one french woman, 17 Hurrons, men as [well as] women. They had Eleven heads which they saydweare of the Algonquins, and I was the 33rd victime with those cruels. 

The wild men that weare Prisners sang their fatal song, which was amornfull song or noise. The 12 couleurs (which weare heads) stood out for ashew. We prisoners weare separated, one in one boat, one in an other. Asfor me, I was put into a boat with a Huron whose fingers weare cutt andbourned, and very [few] amongst them but had the markes of those inhumandevils. They did not permitt me to tarry long with my fellow prisoner, least I should tell him any news, as I imagine, but sent me to anotherboat, where I remained the rest of the voyage by watter, which provedsomewhat to my disadvantage. 

In this boat there was an old man, who having examined me, I answered himas I could best; tould him how I was adopted by such an one by name, and asI was a hunting with my companions that wildman that was killed came to us, and after he had eaten went his way. In the evening [he] came back againeand found us all a sleepe, tooke a hattchett and killed my 3 companions, and awaked me, and so embarked me and brought me to this place. That oldman believed me in some measure, which I perceived in him by his kindnessetowards me. But he was not able to protect me from those that [had] a willto doe me mischief. Many slandred me, but I tooke no notice. 

Some 4 leagues thence they erected cottages by a small river, verydifficult to gett to it, for that there is litle watter on a great sand[bank] a league wide. To this very houre I tooke notice how they tyed theircaptives, though att my owne cost. They planted severall poastes of thebignesse of an arme, then layd us of a length, tyed us to the said poastsfar a sunder from one another. Then tyed our knees, our wrists, and elbows, and our hairs directly upon the crowne of our heads, and then cutt 4 barrsof the bignesse of a legge & used thus. They tooke 2 for the necke, putingone of each side, tying the 2 ends together, so that our heads weare fastin a hole like a trappe; likewayes they did to our leggs. And whattormented us most was the Maringoines and great flyes being in abundance;did all night but puff and blow, that by that means we saved our faces fromthe sting of those ugly creatures; having no use of our hands, we arecruelly tormented. Our voyage was laborious and most miserable, sufferingevery night the like misery. 

When we came neere our dwellings we mett severall gangs of men to ourgreatest disadvantage, for we weare forced to sing, and those that came tosee us gave porcelaine to those that most did us injury. One cutt of afinger, and another pluck'd out a naile, and putt the end of our fingersinto their bourning pipes, & burned severall parts in our bodyes. Sometooke our fingers and of a stick made a thing like a fork, with which[they] gave severall blowes on the back of the hands, which caused ourhands to swell, and became att last insensible as dead. Having souffred allthese crueltyes, which weare nothing to that they make usually souffertheir Prisoners, we arrived att last to the place of execution, which isatt the coming in to their village, which wheere not [long] before Iescaped very neere to be soundly beaten with staves and fists. Now I mustthink to be no lesse traited by reason of the murder of the 3 men, but thefeare of death takes away the feare of blowes. 

Nineteen of us prisoners weare brought thither, and 2 left behind with theheads. In this place we had 8 coulours. Who would not shake att the sightof so many men, women, and children armed with all sorte of Instruments:staves, hand Irons, heelskins wherein they putt halfe a score [of] bullets?Others had brands, rods of thorne, and all suchlike that the Crueltie couldinvent to putt their Prisoners to greater torments. Heere, no help, noremedy. We must passe this dangerous passage in our extremity withouthelpe. He that is the fearfullest, or that is observed to stay the last, getts nothing by it butt more blowes, and putt him to more paine. For themeanest sort of people commonly is more cruell to the fearfullest then tothe others that they see more fearfull, being att last to suffer chearfulyand with constancy. 

They begun to cry to both sides, we marching one after another, environedwith a number of people from all parts to be witnesse to that hidioussight, which seriously may be called the Image of hell in this world. Themen sing their fatall song, the women make horrible cryes, the victorescryes of joy, and their wives make acclamations of mirth. In a word, allprepare for the ruine of these poore victimes who are so tyed, havingnothing saving only our leggs free, for to advance by litle and litleaccording [to] the will of him that leades; ffor as he held us by a longrope, he stayed us to his will, & often he makes us falle, for to shew themcruelty, abusing you so for to give them pleasure and to you more torment. 

As our band was great, there was a greater crew of people to see theprisoners, and the report of my taking being now made, and of the death ofthe 3 men, which afflicted the most part of that nation, great many ofwhich came through a designe of revenge and to molest me more then anyother. But it was altogether otherwise, for among the tumult I perceaved myfather & mother with their 2 daughters. The mother pushes in among the Crewdirectly to mee, and when shee was neere enough, shee clutches hould of myhaire as one desperat, calling me often by my name; drawing me out of myranck, shee putts me into the hands of her husband, who then bid me havecourage, conducting me an other way home to his Cabban, when he made mesitt downe. [He] said to me: You senselesse, thou was my son, and thourendered thyselfe enemy, and thou rendered thyself enemy, thou lovest notthy mother, nor thy father that gave thee thy life, and thounotwithstanding will kill me. Bee merry; Conharrassan, give him to eate. That was the name of one of the sisters. My heart shook with trembling andfeare, which tooke away my stomach. Neverthelesse to signifie a bouldcountenance, knowing well a bould generous minde is allwayes accountedamong all sort of nations, especially among wariors, as that nation is verypresumptious and haughty. Because of their magnanimity and victoriesopposing themselves into all dangers and incounters what ever, running overthe whole land for to make themselves appeere slaining and killing all theymeete in exercising their cruelties, or else shewing mercy to whom theyplease to give liberty. God gave mee the grace to forgett nothing of myduty, as I tould my father the successe of my voyage in the best tearme Icould, and how all things passed, mixturing a litle of their languag withthat of the Hurrons, which I learned more fluently then theirs, beinglonger and more frequently with the Hurrons. 

Every one attentively gave ears to me, hoping by this means to save mylife. Uppon this heere comes a great number of armed men, enters theCabban, where finding mee yett tyed with my cords, fitting by my parents, made their addresses to my father, and spak to him very loud. After a whilemy father made me rise and delivers me into their hands. My mother seeingthis, cryes and laments with both my sisters, and I believing in a terriblemotion to goe directly on to the place of execution. I must march, I mustyeeld wheere force is predominant att the publique place. 

I was conducted where I found a good company of those miserable wretches, alltogether beaten with blowes, covered with blood, and bourned. Onemiserable frenchman, yett breathing, having now ben consumed with blowes ofsticks, past so through the hands of this inraged crew, and seeing he could[bear] no more, cutt off his head and threw it into the fire. This was theend of this Execrable wofull body of this miserable. 

They made me goe up the scaffold where weare 5 men, 3 women, and 2 childrencaptives, and I made the Eleventh. There weare severall scaffolds nigh onean other, where weare these wretches, who with dolefull singingsreplenished the heavens with their Cryes. For I can say that an hourebefore the weather approved very faire, and in an instant the weatherchanged and rayned Extremely. The most part retired for to avoid thishayle, and now we must expect the full rigour of the weather by theretiration of those perfidious [persons], except one part of the Band ofhell who stayed about us for to learn the trade of barbary; ffor thoselitle devils seeing themselves all alone, continued [a] thousand inventionsof wickednesse. This is nothing strang, seeing that they are brought up, and suck the crueltie from their mother's brest. 

I prolong a litle from my purpose of my adventure for to say the tormentsthat I have seen souffred att Coutu, after that they have passed thesallett, att their entering in to the village, and the rencounters thatthey meet ordinarily in the wayes, as above said. They tie the prisoners toa poast by their hands, their backs tourned towards the hangman, who hath abourning fire of dry wood and rind of trees, which doth not quench easily. They putt into this fire hattchets, swords, and such like instruments ofIron. They take these and quench them on human flesh. They pluck out theirnailes for the most part in this sort. They putt a redd coale of fire upponit, and when it is swolen bite it out with their teeth. After they stop theblood with a brand which by litle and litle drawes the veines the one afteranother from off the fingers, and when they draw all as much as they can, they cutt it with peeces of redd hott Iron; they squeeze the fingersbetween 2 stones, and so draw the marrow out of the boanes, and when theflesh is all taken away, they putt it in a dishfull of bourning sand. Afterthey tye your wrist with a corde, putting two for this effect, one drawinghim one way, another of another way. If the sinews be not cutt with astick, putting it through & tourning it, they make them come as fast asthey can, and cutt them in the same way as the others. Some others cuttpeeces of flesh from all parts of the body & broyle them, gett you to eatit, thrusting them into yor mouth, puting into it a stick of fire. Theybreake your teeth with a stoane or clubbs, and use the handle of a kettle, and upon this do hang 5 or 6 hattchetts, red hott, which they hang abouttheir neck and roast your leggs with brands of fire, and thrusting into itsome sticks pointed, wherein they put ledd melted and gunnepowder, and thengive it fire like unto artificiall fire, and make the patient gather it bythe stumps of his remalning fingers. If he cannot sing they make him quacklike a henne. 

I saw two men tyed to a rope, one att each end, and hang them so all night, throwing red coales att them, or bourning sand, and in such like bournetheir feet, leggs, thighs, and breech. The litle ones doe exercisethemselves about such cruelties; they deck the bodyes all over with hardstraw, putting in the end of this straw, thornes, so leaves them; now &then gives them a litle rest, and sometimes gives them fresh watter andmake them repose on fresh leaves. They also give them to eat of the bestthey have that they come to themselves againe, to give them more torments. Then when they see that the patient can no more take up his haire, theycover his head with a platter made of rind full of bourning sand, and oftengetts the platter a fire. In the next place they cloath you with a suitmade of rind of a tree, and this they make bourne out on your body. Theycutt off your stones and the women play with them as with balles. When theySee the miserable die, they open him and pluck out his heart; they drinksome of his blood, and wash the children's heads with the rest to make themvalient. If you have indured all the above said torments patiently andwithout moanes, and have defied death in singing, then they thrust burningblades all along your boanes, and so ending the tragedie cutt off the headand putt it on the end of a stick and draw his body in quarters which theyhawle about their village. Lastly [they] throw him into the watter or leave[him] in the fields to be eaten by the Crowes or doggs. 

Now lett me come to our miserable poore captives that stayed all along[through] the raine upon the scaffold to the mercy of 2 or 300 rogues thatshott us with litle arrowes, and so drew out our beards and the haire fromthose that had any. The showre of rayne being over, all come togetheragaine, and having kindled fires began to burne some of those poorewretches. That day they pluckt 4 nailes out of my fingers, and made mesing, though I had no mind att that time. I became speechlesse oftentimes;then they gave me watter wherin they boyled a certain herbe that thegunsmiths use to pollish their armes. That liquour brought me to my speechagaine. The night being come they made me come downe all naked as I was, &brought to a strang Cottage. I wished heartily it had ben that of myparents. Being come, they tyed me to a poast, where I stayed a full hourewithout the least molestation. 

A woman came there with her boy, inticed him to cutt off one of my fingerswith a flint stoan. The boy was not 4 yeares old. This [boy] takes myfinger and begins to worke, but in vaine, because he had not the strengthto breake my fingers. So my poore finger escaped, having no other hurt donto it but the flesh cutt round about it. His mother made him suck the veryblood that runn from my finger. I had no other torment all that day. Attnight I could not sleepe for because of the great paine. I did eat a litle, and drunk much watter by reason of a feaver I caught by the cruel torment Isuffred. 

The next morning I was brought back againe to the scaffold, where therewere company enough. They made me sing a new, but my mother came there andmade [me] hould my peace, bidding me be cheerfull and that I should notdie. Shee brought mee some meate. Her coming comforted me much, but thatdid not last long; ffor heare comes severall old people, one of which beingon the scaffold, satt him downe by me, houlding in his mouth a pewter pipeburning, tooke my thumb and putt it on the burning tobacco, and so smoaked3 pipes one after another, which made my thumb swell, and the nayle andflesh became as coales. My mother was allwayes by me to comfort me, butsaid not what I thought. That man having finished his hard worke, but I amsure I felt it harder to suffer it. He trembled, whether for feare or forso much action I cannot tell. My mother tyed my fingers with cloath, andwhen he was gon shee greased my haire and combed my haire with a woodencomb, fitter to combe a horse's tayle then anything else. Shee goes backagaine. 

That day they ended many of those poore wretches, flinging some all aliveinto the midle of a great fire. They burned a frenchwoman; they pulled outher breasts and tooke a child out of her belly, which they broyled and madethe mother eat of it; so, in short, [she] died. I was not abused all thatday till the night. They bourned the soales of my feet and leggs. Asouldier run through my foot a swoord red out of the fire, and pluckedseverall of my nailes. I stayed in that maner all night. I neither wantedin the meane while meate nor drinke. I was supplied by my mother andsisters. My father alsoe came to see me & tould me I should have courage. That very time there came a litle boy to gnaw with his teeth the end of myfingers. There appears a man to cutt off my thumb, and being about itleaves me instantly & did no harme, for which I was glad. I believe that myfather dissuaded him from it. 

A while after my father was gon 3 came to the scaffold who swore they wouldme a mischiefe, as I thinke, for yet he tied his leggs to mine, called fora brand of fire, and layd it between his leggs and mine, and sings: but bygood lucke it was out on my side, and did no other effect then bourne myskin, but bourned him to some purpos. In this posture I was to follow him, & being not able to hould mee, draweth mee downe. One of the Company Cuttthe rope that held us with his knife, and makes mee goe up againe thescaffold and then went their way. 

There I stayed till midday alone. There comes a multitude of people whomake me come downe and led mee into a cottage where there weare a number ofsixty old men smoaking tobacco. Here they make mee sitt downe among themand stayed about halfe an houre without that they asked who and why I wasbrought thither, nor did I much care. For the great torments that Isouffred, I knew not whether I was dead or alive. And albeit I was in ahott feavor & great pain, I rejoyced att the sight of my brother, that Ihave not seene since my arrivement. He comes in very sumptuously coveredwith severall necklaces of porcelaine, [Footnote: _Porcelaine_, the Frenchfor wam-pum, or shell beads. ] & a hattchett in his hand, satt downe by thecompany and cast an eye on me now and then. Presently and comes in myfather with a new and long cover, and a new porcelaine about him, with ahatchett in his hands, likewise satt downe with the company. He had acalumet of red stoane in his hands, a cake [Footnote: _Cake_, meaning amedicine-bag. ] uppon his shoulders, that hanged downe his back, and so hadthe rest of the old men. In that same cake are incloased all the things inthe world, as they tould me often, advertising mee that I should [not]disoblige them in the least nor make them angry, by reason they had intheir power the sun, and moone, and the heavans, and consequently all theearth. You must know in this cake there is nothing but tobacco and roots toheale some wounds or sores; some others keepe in it the bones of theirdeceased friends; most of them wolves' heads, squirrels', or any otherbeast's head. When there they have any debatement among them they sacrificeto this tobacco, that they throw into the fire, and make smoake, of thatthey puff out of their pipes; whether for peace or adversity or prosperityor warre, such ceremonies they make very often. 

My father, taking his place, lights his pipe & smoaks as the rest. Theyheld great silence. During this they bring 7 prisoners; to wit, 7 women and2 men, more [then] 10 children from the age of 3 to 12 years, having placedthem all by mee, who as yett had my armes tyed. The others all att liberty, being not tyed, which putt me into some despaire least I should pay forall. Awhile after one of the company rises and makes a long speech, nowshewing the heavens with his hands, and then the earth, and fire. This goodman putt himselfe into a sweate through the earnest discours. Havingfinished his panigerique, another begins, and also many, one after another. 

They gave then liberty to some, butt killed 2 children with hattchetts, anda woman of 50 years old, and threw them out of the cottage (saving onelymyselfe) att full liberty. I was left alone for a stake, they contestedtogether [upon] which my father rose and made a speech which lasted abovean houre, being naked, having nothing on but his drawers and the cover ofhis head, and putt himselfe all in a heate. His eyes weare hollow in hishead; he appeared to me like [as if] mad, and naming often the Algonquinsin their language [that is, Eruata], which made me believe he spoake in mybehalfe. In that very time comes my mother, with two necklaces ofporcelaine, one in her armes, and another about her like a belt. As sooneas shee came in shee began to sing and dance, and flings off one of hernecklaces in the midle of the place, having made many tourns from one endto the other. Shee takes the other necklace and gives it mee, then goes herway. Then my brother rises and holding his hattchett in his hand sings amilitary song. Having finished [he] departs. I feared much that he wasfirst to knock me in the head; and happy are those that can escape so well, rather then be bourned. My father rises for a second time and sings; sodone, retired himselfe. I thought all their guifts, songs, and speechesshould prevaile nothing with mee. 

Those that stayed held a councell and spoake one to an other very long, throwing tobacco into the fire, making exclamations. Then the Cottage wasopen of all sides by those that came to view, some of the company retires, and place was made for them as if they weare Kings. Forty staye about me, and nigh 2000 about my cottage, of men, women, and children. Those thatwent their way retourned presently. Being sett downe, smoaked againewhilest my father, mother, brother, and sisters weare present. My fathersings a while; so done, makes a speech, and taking the porcelaine necklacefrom off me throws it att the feet of an old man, and cutts the cord thatheld me, then makes me rise. The joy that I receaved att that time wasincomparable, for suddenly all my paines and griefs ceased, not feeling theleast paine. He bids me be merry, makes me sing, to which I consented withall my heart. Whilst I did sing they hooped and hollowed on all sids. Theold man bid me "ever be cheerfull, my son!" Having don, my mother, sisters, and the rest of their friends [sung] and danced. 

Then my father takes me by the arme and leads me to his cabban. As we wentalong nothing was heard but hooping and hollowing on all parts, biding meto take great courage. My mother was not long after me, with the rest ofher friends. Now I see myselfe free from death. Their care att this was togive me meate. I have not eaten a bitt all that day, and for the great joyI had conceaved, caused me to have a good stomach, so that I did eatlustily. Then my mother begins to cure my sores and wounds. Then begins mypaines to [break out] a new; ffor shee cleans my wounds and scrapes themwith a knife, and often thrusts a stick in them, and then takes watter inher mouth, and spouts it to make them cleane. The meanwhile my father goesto seeke rootes, and my sister chaws them, and my mother applyes them to mysores as a plaster. The next day the swelling was gone, but worse thenbefore; but in lesse then a fortnight my sores weare healed, saving myfeete, that kept [me] more then a whole month in my Cabban. During thistime my nailes grewed a pace. I remained onely lame of my midle finger, that they have Squeezed between two stoanes. Every one was kind to mee asbeforesaid, and [I] wanted no company to be merry with. 

I should [be] kept too long to tell you the particulars that befell meduring my winter. I was beloved of my Parents as before. My exercise wasallwayes a hunting without that any gave me the least injury. My motherkept me most brave, and my sisters tooke great care of mee. Every moneth Ihad a white shirt, which my father sent for from the Flemeings, who wearenot a farr off our village. I could never gett leave to goe along with mybrother, who went there very often. Finally, seeing myselfe in the formercondition as before, I constituted as long as my father and fortune wouldpermitt mee to live there. Dayly there weare military feasts for the Southnations, and others for the Algonquins and for the French. Theexclamations, hoopings and cryes, songs and dances, signifies nothing butthe murdering and killing, and the intended victory that they will have thenext yeare, which is in the beginning of Spring. In those feasts my fatherheaves up his hattchett against the Algonquins. For this effect [he] makesgreat preparations for his next incamping. Every night [he] never failes toinstruct and encourage the young age to take armes and to reveng the deathof so many of their ennemy that lived among the french nation. The desirethat I had to make me beloved, for the assurance of my life made me resolveto offer myselfe for to serve, and to take party with them. But I fearedmuch least he should mistrust me touching his advis to my resolution. Neverthelesse I finding him once of a good humour and on the point ofhonnour encourages his son to break the kettle and take the hattchett andto be gon to the forraigne nations, and that was of courage and of greatrenowne to see the father of one parte and the son of another part, & thathe should not mispraise if he should seperat from him, but that it was thequickest way to make the world tremble, & by that means have libertyeverywhere by vanquishing the mortall enemy of his nation; uppon this Iventure to aske him what I was. [He] presently answers that I was aIroquoite as himselfe. Lett me revenge, said I, my kindred. I love mybrother. Lett me die with him. I would die with you, but you will notbecause you goe against the ffrench. Lett me a gaine goe with my brother, the prisoners & the heads that I shall bring, to the joy of my mother andsisters, will make me undertake att my retourne to take up the hattchettagainst those of Quebecq, of the 3 rivers, and Monteroyall in declaringthem my name, and that it's I that kills them, and by that you shall know Iam your son, worthy to beare that title that you gave me when you adoptedme. He sett [up] a great crye, saying, have great courage, son Oninga, thybrother died in the warrs not in the Cabban; he was of a courage not of awoman. I goe to aveng his death. If I die, aveng you mine. That one wordwas my leave, which made me hope that one day I might escape, having soegreat an opportunity; or att least I should have the happinesse to seetheir country, which I heard so much recommended by the Iroquoites, whobrought wondrous stories and the facilitie of killing so many men. 

Thus the winter was past in thoughts and preparing for to depart before themelting of the snow, which is very soone in that Country. I began to settmy witts together how I should resolve this my voyage; for my motheropposed against it mightily, saying I should bee lost in the woods, andthat I should gett it [put] off till the next yeare. But at last Iflattered with her and dissembled; besides, my father had the power in hishands. Shee daring not to deny him any thing because shee was not borne inmy father's country, but was taken [when] little in the Huronit's Country. Notwithstanding [she was] well beloved of her husband, having livedtogether more then fourty years, and in that space brought him 9 children, 4 males and 5 females. Two girls died after a while, and 3 sons killed inthe warrs, and one that went 3 years before with a band of 13 men to warreagainst a fiery nation which is farre beyonde the great lake. The 5th hadallready performed 2 voyages with a greate deale of successe. My father wasa great Captayne in warrs, having ben Commander in all his times, anddistructed many villages of their Ennemy, having killed 19 men with hisowne hands, whereof he was marked [on] his right thigh for as many [as] hekilled. He should have as many more, but that you must know that theCommander has not amused himselfe to kille, but in the front of his army toencourage his men. If by chance he tooke any prisoners, he calles one ofhis men and gives him the captives, saying that it's honour enough tocommand the conquerors, and by his example shews to the yong men that hehas the power as much as the honour. He receaved 2 gunn shots and 7 arrowsshotts, and was runne through the shoulders with a lance. He was aged 3score years old, he was talle, and of an excellent witt for a wild man. 

When our baggage was ready, my father makes a feast to which he invites anumber of people, & declares that he was sorry he had resolved to go towarre against an Ennemy which was in a cold country, which hindred him tomarch sooner then he would, but willing to see his sonnes before him, andthat this banquett was made for his 2 sons' farewell. Then he tould thathis adopted son was ready to go with his owne son to be revenged of thedeath of their brothers, and desired the Commander to have a care of usboth. This Commander loved us both, said that the one which [was] meselfeshould be with him to the end. If anything should oppose he would make mefight him. I was not att home when he spoke those words, but my mothertoald me it att my retourne. I was a fishing by with my sisters & brother. When wee came back wee found all ready, butt with a heart broken that ourmother and sisters lett us goe. Few days after I was invited to a militarybanquett where was the Captayne, a yong gallant of 20 years old, with acompany of 8, and I made the 10th. We all did sing and made good cheare ofa fatt beare. We gave our things to slaves, we carried only our musquetts. Our kindred brought us a great way. My sister could not forbeare crying, yett tould me to be of a stout heart. We tooke att last [leave and] bidthem adieu. We tooke on our journey over great snowes for to come to thegreat Lake before the Spring. We travelled 7 days through woods andindifferent country, easie in some places and others difficult. The Riversweare frozen, which made us crosse with a great deale of ease. 

Wee arrived the 7th day in a village called Nojottga [Footnote: _Nojottga_, or Oneioutga, Oneida. ], where we stayed 2 days. From thence came a youngman with us. We arrived into another village, Nontageya [Footnote:_Nontageya_, Onontaguega, or Onondaga. ], where we stayed foure days. Weehad allways great preparations, and weare invited 9 or tenne times a day. Our bellyes had not tyme to emptie themselves, because we feeded so much, and that what was prepared for us weare severall sortes, Stagg, Indiancorne, thick flower, bears, and especially eels. We have not yett searchedour baggs wheare our provision was. In this place wee mended them. For mypart I found in myne 6 pounds of powder and more then 15 pounds of shott, 2shirts, a capp, 8 pairs of shoes, and wherewith to make a paire ofbreeches, and about 1000 graines of black and white porcelaine, and mybrother as many. Wee had new covers, one to our body, another hung downefrom our shoulders like a mantle. Every one [had] a small necklace ofporcelaine and a collar made with a thread of nettles to tye the Prisoners. I had a gunne, a hattchett, and a dagger. That was all we had. Our slavesbrought the packs after us. 

After we marched 3 dayes, we came to a village, Sonon-teeonon, [Footnote:_Sononteeonon_, Tionnontonan, or Seneca. ] there we layd a night. The nextday, after a small journey, we came to the last village of theirconfederates. Heere they doe differ in their speech though of [our] nation. It's called Oiongoiconon. [Footnote: _Oiongoiconon_ is Cayuga. ] Here westay 2 dayes, and sent away our slaves and carryed our bundles ourselves, going allwayes through the woods. We found great plaines of 2 leagues and ahalfe journey without a tree. We saw there stagges, but would not goe outof our way to kill them. We went through 3 villages of this nation neareone another. They admired to see a frenchman accompanying wild men, which Iunderstood by their exclamations. I thought I grewed leane to take litlevoyage, but the way seemed tedious to all. The raquett alwayes with thefeet and sometimes with the hands, which seemed to me hard to indure, yetthave I not complained. Att the parting of the slaves, I made my bundlelight as the rest. We found snowes in few places, saving where the treesmade a shaddow, which hindred the snow to thaw, which made us carry theraquetts with our feete, and sometimes with the hands. 

After 10 days' march [we completed our journey] through a country coveredwith water, and where also are mountaines and great plaines. In thoseplaines wee kill'd stagges, and a great many Tourquies. Thence we came to agreat river of a mile wide which was not frozen, which made us stay there10 or 12 dayes making skiffs of the rind of walnut trees. We made goodcheere and wished to stay there longer. We made 3 skiffs to hould 3 men, and one to hould two. We imbarked though there weare ice in many places, and yett no hinderance to us going small journeys, fearing least whatshould befall us. In 4 dayes we came to a lake much frozen; covered in someplaces with ice by reason of the tossing of the wind, and the ground allcovered with snow. Heere we did our best to save us from the rigour of theaire, and must stay 15 dayes. The wild men admired that the season of theyeare was so backward. Att the end the wind changes southerly, which madethe lake free from Ice and cleare over all the skirts of it, without eithersnow or ice. There was such a thawing that made the litle brookes flow likerivers, which made us imbarque to wander [over] that sweet sea. The weatherlovely, the wind fayre, and nature satisfied. Tending forwards, singing andplaying, not considering the contrary weather past, continued so 6 daysupon the lake and rested the nights ashore. 

The more we proceeded in our journey, the more the pleasant country andwarmer. Ending the lake, we entered into a beautifull sweet river, astoan-cast wide. After halfe a day we rid on it, weare forced to bring bothbarks and equipage uppon our backs to the next streame of that river. Thisdone above 20 times, hawling our boats after us all laden. We went up thatriver att least 30 or 40 leagues. Att last [it] brought us to a lake ofsome 9 miles in length. Being comed to the highest place of the lake, welanded and hid our boats farr enough in the woods, [and] tooke our bundles. We weare 3 dayes going through a great wildernesse where was no wood, notso much as could make us fire. Then the thickned flower did serve usinstead of meate, mingling it with watter. We foorded many litle rivers, inswiming & sayling. Our armes, which we putt uppon some sticks tyed togetherof such wood as that desolat place could afford, to keepe them from theweatt. The evening we came on the side of a violent river, uppon which wemade bridges of trees that we [made] to meet, to go over. 

We left this place after being there 3 dayes. We went up that river in 2dayes; there we killed stagges. After we came to a mouth of another river. We made a litle fort, where it was commanded by our captayne to make nonoise. They desired me to be very quiet, which I observed strictly. Afterrefreshment we imbarked, though unseasonably, in the night, for to make somdiscovery. Some went one way, some another. We went a great way, but notfarr off our fort. The next day we meet altogether & made some Councell, where it was decreed that 2 should go to the furthermost part of a smallriver in a boat, to make a discovery, and see if there weare tracks ofpeople there, whilst the other 9 should take notice of a villag, that theyknew'd to be nigh, and because it was lesse danger to make there adiscovery. The youngest of the company and me are pitched [upon] to goeinto the river. We tooke the lightest boat. It was well, [for] that in someplaces of the river there was not watter enough to carry us. We wearefained to draw the boat after us. I believe not that ever a wild man wentthat way because of the great number of trees that stops the passage of theriver. 

After we have gon the best part of the day, we found ourselves att the endof a small lake some 4 mile in length, and seeing the woods weare not sothick there as wheare wee passed, we hid our boat in some bushes, takingonely our armes along, intending on still to pretend some discovery. Wescarce weare in the midle of the lake when we perceave 2 persons goeing onthe watter side, att the other side of the lake; so my comrade getts him upa tree to discerne better if there weare any more. After he stayed there awhile [he] comes [down] & tells me that he thought they weare 2 women, andthat we might goe kill them. Doubtlesse, said I, if they are women the menare not afarre from them, and we shall be forced to shoote. Wee are alone, and should runne the hazzard of 2 women for to be discovered. Our breethrenalso would be in danger that knowes nothing. Moreover it's night; what dostthou intend to doe? You say well, replyes he; lett us hide ourselves in thewood, for we cannot goe downe in the river in the night time. Att breake ofday we will [goe] back to our companions where we will finde them in thefort. 

Here we came without any provisions, where we must lie under a rottentree. That night it rayned sadly. We weare wett; but a naturall Exercise isgood fire. We weare in our boat early in the morning, and with greatdiligence we came back better then we went up, for the river grewed mightyhigh by reason of so much that fell of raine. I will not omitt a strangeaccident that befell us as we came. You must know that as we past under thetrees, as before mentioned, there layd on one of the trees a snake withfoure feete, her head very bigg, like a Turtle, the nose very small att theend, the necke of 5 thumbs wide, the body about 2 feet, and the tayle of afoot & a halfe, of a blackish collour, onto a shell small and round, withgreat eyes, her teeth very white but not long. That beast was a sleepe uponone of the trees under which wee weare to goe; neither of us ever seeingsuch a creature weare astonished. We could not tell what to doe. It wasimpossible to carry our boat, for the thicknesse of the wood; to shoot atther wee would att least be discovered, besides it would trouble ourCompany. Att last we weare resolved to goe through att what cost soever, and as we weare under that hellish beast, shee started as shee awaked, andwith that fell'd downe into our boat, there weare herbes that served [tosecure] us from that dreadfull animal. We durst not ventur to kill her, forfeare of breaking of our boat. There is the question who was most fearfull?As for me, I quaked. Now seeing shee went not about to doe us hurt, andthat shee was fearfull, we lett her [be] quiet, hoping shortly to land andto tourne upsid downe of our boat to be rid of such a devill. Then mycomrad began to call it, and before we weare out of the litle river ourfeare was over; so we resolved to bring her to the fort, and when oncearrived att the great river, nothing but crosse over it to be neare ourfort. But in the mean while a squirrell made us good spoart for a quarterof an houre. The squirrell would not leap into the water; did but runne, being afraid of us, from one end of the boat to the other; every time hecame nearer, the snake opened her wide mouth & made a kind of a noise, &rose up, having her 2 fore feet uppon the side of the boat, which persuadedus that shee would leave us. We leaned on that side of the boat, so withour owers thrusted her out; we seeing her swime so well, hasted to kill herwith our owers, which shee had for her paines. [Footnote: Radisson'sdescription of this reptile has been shown to one of the most eminentherpetologists in America, who writes that "no such reptile has ever beendescribed by scientific writers. "] The squirrell tooke the flight, soe wewent, longing to be with our comrades to tell them of what we have seene. We found one of our company watching for us att the side of a woode, forthey weare in feare least wee should be taken, & expected us all nightlong. As for their part they neither have seen nor heard anything. Wherefore resolved to goe further, but the news we brought them made themalter their resolution. Wee layd all night in our fort, where we made goodcheare and great fires, fearing nothing, being farr enough in the wood. 

The next day before the breaking of the day we foorded the river, & leavingour 3 boats in the wood, went a foot straight towards the place where wehave seene the 2 persons; & before we came to the lake we tooke notice ofsome fresh trakes which made us look to ourselves, and followed the trakes, which brought us to a small river, where no sooner came but we saw a womanloaden with wood, which made us believ that some cottage or village was notafar off. The Captaine alone takes notice of the place where abouts thediscovery was, who soone brought us [to see] that there weare 5 men & 4women a fishing. We wagged [sic] att this the saffest [way] to comeunawarre uppon them, and like starved doggs or wolves devoured those poorecreatures who in a moment weare massacred. What we gott by this was notmuch, onely stagges' skins with some guirdles made of goate's hair, oftheir owne making. These weare in great estime among our wild men. Two ofours goes to the cabban which was made of rushes, where they founde an oldwoman. They thought it charity to send her into the other world, with twosmall children whome also they killed; so we left that place, giving themto the fishes their bodyes. Every one of us had his head, and my brothertwo; our share being considerable [we] went on along the river till we cameto a small lake. Not desiring to be discovered, we found a faire road closeby a wood, withtooke ourselves out of it with all haste, and went towards avillage. There we came by night, where we visited the wildernesse to findout a secure place for security to hide ourselves; but [finding] noconveniencies we [went] into the wood in a very cleare place. Heere we layddowne uppon our bellies. We did eat, among other things, the fish we gottin the cabban of the fishermen. After dispatching one of the Companybouldly into the village, being thirsty after eating, for heere we had nowater, [which] brings us [so] that we are all very quiett. The great desirewe had to catch and take made us to controule the Buissinesse. 

Early in the morning we came to the side of the wildernesse, where we laydin an ambush, but could see nobody that morning. Att two of the clock inthe after non we see 20, as well men as women, a great way from us. We wentto the wood, whence we perceived many att worke in the fields. Att evening[they] passed by very nigh us, but they neither see nor perceived us. Theywent to cutt wood; whilst they weare att worke there comes foure men andthree women, that tooke notice of our ambush. This we could not avoid, soweare forced to appeare to their ruine. We tooke the 3 women and killed 2men. The other 2 thought to escape, but weare stayed with our peeces; theother 2 that weare aworking would runne away, but one was taken, the otherescaped. The news was brought over all those parts. Thence we runne awaywith our 4 prisoners and the 4 new heads with all speed. The women couldnot goe fast enough, and therefore killed them after they went a wholenight; their corps we threwed into the river; heere we found a boat whichServed us to goe over. We marched all that day without any delay; beingcome to an open field we hid ourselves in bushes till thee next day. Weexamined our Prisoners, who tould us no news; non could understand them, although many Huron words weare in their language. In this place weperceived 2 men a hunting afarre off; we thought [it] not convenient todiscover ourselves, least we should be discovered and passe our aime. Wetooke another day, 2 before and the rest after, thee prisoners in themidle. We speedily went the rest of thee day through a burned country, andthe trees blowne downe with some great windes. The fire over came all, over15 leagues in length and 10 in breadth. We layd in the very midle of thatcountry upon a faire sandy place where we could see 3 or 4 leagues offround about us, and being secure we made the prisoners sing which is theirAcconroga before death. There we made a litle fire to make our Kettle boylea tourkey, with some meale that was left. Seeing no body persued, weresolved to goe thence before daylight to seeke for more booty. We stayed14 nights before we turned back to the village, during which time we mettwith nothing, and having gon on all sides with great paines withoutvictualls. Att last we came to kill 2 Stagges, but did not suffice 12 ofus. We weare forced to gather the dung of the stagges to boyle it with themeat, which made all very bitter. But good stomachs make good favour. Hunger forced us to kill our Prisoners, who weare chargeable in eating ourfood, for want of which have eaten the flesh. So by that means we wearefreed from the trouble. 

The next day we came neere a Village. Att our coming we killed a woman withher child, & seeing no more for us that way we tourned backe againe forfeare of pursueing, and resolved to goe backe to the first village that was3 days' journey; but on the way we mett with 5 and 20 or 30 men and women, who discovered us, which made [us] go to it. They fought & defendedthemselves lustily; but [there is] no resisting the Strongest party, forour guns were a terrour to them, and made them give over. During the fightthe women ranne away. Five of the men weare wounded with arrowes and foureescaped, but he that was sent with me att first to make a discovery washorribly wounded with 2 arrowes and a blow of a club on the head. If he hadstuck to it as we, he might proceed better. We burned him with all speed, that he might not languish long, to putt ourselves in safty. We killed 2 ofthem, & 5 prisoners wee tooke, and came away to where we left our boats, where we arrived within 2 days without resting, or eating or drinking allthe time, saveing a litle stagge's meate. We tooke all their booty, whichwas of 2 sacks of Indian corne, stagges' skins, some pipes, some red andgreen stoanes, and some tobacco in powder, with some small loaves of bread, and some girdles, garters, necklaces made of goats' haire, and some smallcoyne of that country, some bowes and arrowes, and clubbs well wrought. Thetournes of their heads weare of snakes' skin with bears' pawes. The hayreof some of them very long, & all proper men. We went on the other side ofthe river the soonest we could, and came to our fort. After we looked aboutus least we should be surprised, and perceiving nothing, we went about togett meat for our wants & then to sleepe. 

Att midnight we left that place. Six of us tooke a boate, 5 an other, and 2the litle one. We row the rest of the night with all strength, & thebreaking of the day hid ourselves in very long rushes & our boats. Thelitle boat went att the other side of the river, those hid it in the wood. One of them went up a tree to spie about, in case he could perceive anything, to give notice to his comrades, & he was to come within sight of usto warne us. We weare in great danger going downe the streame of that riverin the night time. We had trouble enough to carry all our baggage withoutthe least noise. Being come to the end of the river which empties it selfeinto a lake of some 8 or 9 leagues in compasse, we went into a small riverto kill salmons, as in deed we tooke great many with staves, and sosturgeons, of which we made provision for a long while. Att last findingour selves out of all feare & danger, we went freely a hunting about thelake, where we tarried 3 dayes, and 2 of our Company mett with 2 women thatrunned away from the Sanoutin's country, which is of the Iroquoit nation. Those poore creatures having taken so much paines to sett themselves attliberty to goe to their native country, found themselves besett in agreater slavery then before, they being tyed [and] brought to us. 

The next day we went from thence with the 5 prisoners & the 22 heads. Somuch for the litlenesse of our boats as for the weight we had to putt uponthem, being in danger, which made us make the more hast to the place wherewe intended to make new boats. For 9 days we went through dangerous placeswhich weare like so many precipices with horrible falling of watters. Weweare forced to carry our boats after the same maner as before, with greatpaines. We came att last to a lake where we contrived other boats, andthere we parted our acquisited booty, and then each had care of his owne. We ordered the biggest boat should hould 4 men and 2 prisoners; the next 3men and the 2 women that last weare taken; the 3d should hould 3 and theother prisoner. My brother and I had a man & woman with 4 heads to ourshare, and so the rest accordingly without dispute or noise. 

We wandered severall dayes on that lake. It was a most delightfull place, and a great many islands. Here we killed great many bears. After we came toa most delightfull place for the number of stagges that weare there. Thenceinto a straight river. From thence weare forced to make many carriagesthrough many stony mountains, where we made severall trappes for castors. We tooke above 200 castors there, and fleaced off the best skins. Thereweare some skins so well dressed that [they] held the oyle of beares aspure bottles. During that time we mett severall huntsmen of our country; sowe heard news of our friends. Only our father was not yett retourned fromthe warrs against the french and algonquins. We left our small boats, thatweare purposely confected for our hunting, & tooke our great boats thatcould carry us and all our luggage. 

We went up the same river againe, not without great labour. Att last withmuch ado we arrived at the landing place where wee made a stay of 4 days;where many Iroquoites women came, and among others my 2 sisters, thatreceived me with great joy, with a thousand kindnesses and guifts, as youmay think. I gave them the 2 heads that I had, keeping the woman for mymother, to be her slave. There was nothing but singing & dancing out ofmeere joy for our safe retourne. I had 20 castors for my share, with 2skins full of oyle of beare and another full of oriniack and stagge'sgrease. I gave to each of my sisters 6 stagges' skins to make them coats. Ikept the grease for my mother, to whome it is convenient to give what isnecessary for the family. We made our slaves carry all our booty, & went onto litle journeys through woods with ease, because the woods weare notthick and the earth very faire and plaine. All the way the people made muchof me, till we came to the village, and especially my 2 sisters, that inall they shewed their respects, giveing me meate every time we restedourselves, or painting my face or greasing my haire or combing my head. Attnight they tooke the paines to pull off my stokins, & when I supped theymade me lay downe by them and cover me with their coats, as if the weatherhad ben cold. 

This voyage being ended, albeit I came to this village, & twice with feare& terror, the 3d time notwithstanding with joy & contentment. As we cameneare the village, a multitude of people came to meete us with greatexclamations, and for the most part for my sake, biding me to be cheerfull& qualifying me dodcon, that is, devil, being of great veneration in thatcountry to those that shew any vallour. Being arrived within halfe a leagueof the village, I shewed a great modesty, as usually warriors use to doe. The whole village prepares to give the scourge to the captives, as you[have] heard before, under which I myselfe I was once to undergoe. Mymother comes to meet mee, leaping & singing. I was accompanied with both[of] my sisters. Shee takes the woman, slave that I had, and would not thatany should medle with her. But my brother's prisoner, as the rest of thecaptives, weare soundly beaten. My mother accepted of my brother's 2 heads. My brother's prisoner was burned the same day, and the day following Ireceived the sallery of my booty, which was of porcelaine necklaces, Tournsof beads, pendants, and girdles. 

There was but banqueting for a while. The greatest part of both young men &women came to see me, & the women the choicest of meats, and a most daintyand cordiall bit which I goe to tell you; doe not long for it, is the bestthat is among them. First when the corne is greene they gather so much asneed requireth, of which leaves they preserve the biggest leaves for thesubject that followes. A dozen more or lesse old women meet together alike, of whome the greatest part want teeth, and seeth not a jott, and theircheeks hange downe like an old hunting-dogg, their eyes full of watter andbloodshott. Each takes an eare of corne and putts in their mouths, which isproperly as milke, chawes it, and when their mouths are full, spitts it outin their hands, which possibly they wash not once one yeare; so that theirhands are white inside by reason of the grease that they putt to theirhaire & rubbing of it with the inside of their hands, which keeps thempretty clean, but the outside in the rinknesse of their rinkled hands thereis a quarter of an ounze of filth and stinking grease. 

And so their hands being full of that mince meate minced with their gummsand [enough] to fill a dish. So they chaw chestnutts; then they mingle thiswith bear's grease or oyle of flower (in french we call it Tourne Sol) withtheir hands. So made a mixture, they tye the leaves att one end & make ahodgepot & cover it with the same leaves and tye the upper end so that whatis within these leaves becomes a round ball, which they boile in a kettlefull of watter or brouth made of meate or fish. So there is the descriptionof the most delicious bitt of the world. I leave you taste of their Salmigondy, which I hope to tell you in my following discourses of my othervoyages in that country, and others that I frequented the space of tenneyears. 

To make a period of this my litle voyage. After I stayed awhile in thisvillage with all joy & mirth, for feasts, dances, and playes out of meeregladnesse for our small victorious company's hapy retourne, so after thattheir heads had sufficiently danced, they begin to talke [of going] towarre against the hollanders. Most of us are traited againe for the castorswe bestowed on them. They resolve unanimously to goe on their designe. Every thing ready, we march along. The next day we arrived in a smallbrough [Footnote: _Brough_ probably means borough, used, as the Frenchapplied it to "bourgade, " for a town of Indians or whites. ] of thehollanders, where we masters them, without that those beere-bellies had thecourage to frowne att us. Whether it was out of hope of lucre or otherwise, we with violence tooke the meate out of their potts, and opening theircoubards [cupboards] we take and eat what we [can] gett. For drinking oftheir wine we weare good fellowes. So much that they fought with swordsamong themselves without the least offer of any misdeed to me. I drunk morethen they, but more soberly, letting them make their quarrells without anynotice. 

The 4th day we come to the fort, of Orange, wher we weare very wellreceived, or rather our Castors, every one courting us; and was nothing butpruins and reasins and tobbacco plentifully, and all for ho, ho, which isthanks, adding _nianonnha_, thanke you. We went from house to house. I wentinto the fort with my brother, and have not yett ben knowne a french. But afrench souldier of the fort speaks to me in Iroquois language, & demandedif I was not a stranger, and did veryly believe I was french, for all thatI was all dabbled over with painting and greased. I answered him in thesame language, that no; and then he speaks in swearing, desiring me [totell him] how I fell in the hands of those people. And hearing him speakefrench, amazed, I answered him, for which he rejoyced very much. As heembraces me, he cryes out with such a stirre that I thought him senselesse. He made a shame for all that I was wild but to blush red. I could be noredder then what they painted me before I came there. All came about me, ffrench as well as duch, every one makeing [me] drink out of the bottles, offering me their service; but my time yett was not out, so that I wantednot their service, for the onely rumour of my being a frenchman was enough. The flemish women drawed me by force into their houses, striving who shouldgive, one bread, other meate, to drinke and to eate, and tobacco. I wantednot for those of my nation, Iroquois, who followed me in a great squadroonthrough the streets, as if I had bin a monster in nature or a rare thing tobe seen. 

I went to see the Governor, & talked with me a long time, and tould him thelife that I lead, of which he admired. He offred me to buy me from them attwhat prise so ever, or else should save me, which I accepted not, forseverall reasons. The one was for not to be behoulding to them, and theother being loathsome to leave such kind of good people. For then I beganto love my new parents that weare so good & so favourable to me. The 3dreason was to watch a better opportunity for to retyre to the french ratherthen make that long circuit which after I was forced to doe for to retyreto my country more then 2, 000 leagues; and being that it was my destiny todiscover many wild nations, I would not to strive against destinie. Iremitted myselfe to fortune and adventure of time, as a thing ordained byGod for his greatest glorie, as I hope it will prove. Our treatis beingdone, overladend with bootyes abundantly, we putt ourselves in the way thatwe came to see againe our village, and to passe that winter with our wives, and to eat with them our Cagaimtie in peece, hoping that nobody shouldtrouble us during our wintering, and also to Expect or finde our fathersretourning home. 

Leaving that place, many cryed to see me among a company of wolves, as thatsouldier tould me who knowed me the first houre; and the poore man made thetears come to my eyes. The truth is, I found many occasions to retire forto save me, but have not yett souffred enough to have merited mydeliverence. In 2 dayes' journey we weare retourned to our cabbans, whereevery one of us rendered himself to his dearest kindred or master. Mysisters weare charged of porcelaine, of which I was shure not to faile, forthey weare too liberall to mee and I towards them. I was not 15 dayesretourned, but that nature itselfe reproached me to leade such a life, remembering the sweet behaviour and mildnesse of the french, & consideredwith meselfe what end should I expect of such a barbarous nation, enemy toGod and to man. The great effect that the flemings shewed me, and the litlespace was from us there; can I make that journey one day? The great beliefthat that people had in me should make them not to mistrust me, & by that Ishould have greater occasion to save me without feare of being pursued. 

All these reasons made one deliberat to take a full resolution, withoutfurther delay, of saving meselfe to the flemings; ffor I could be att nosafty among such a nation full of reveng. If in case the ffrench &algonquins defeats that troupe of theirs, then what spite they will havewill reveng it on my boanes; ffor where is no law, no faith to undertake togoe to the ffrench. I was once interrupted, nor have I had a desire toventure againe for the second time. I should delight to be broyled asbefore in pitifull torments. I repented of a good occasion I lett slippe, finding meselfe in the place with offers of many to assist me. But he thatis of a good resolution must be of strong hopes of what he undertakes; & ifthe dangers weare considered which may be found in things of importancy, you ingenious men would become cooks. Finally, without expecting myfather's retourne, putting away all feare & apprehension, I constituted todeliver meselfe from their hands at what ever rate it would come too. Forthis effect I purposed to faine to goe a hunting about the brough; & for todissemble the better, I cutt long sticks to make handles for a kind of asword they use, that thereby they might not have the least suspition. 

One day I tooke but a simple hattchett & a knife, if occasion presented tocutt some tree, & for to have more defence, if unhappily I should berencountred, to make them believe that I was lost in the woods. Moreover, as the whole nation tooke me for proud, having allways great care to beguarnished with porcelaine, & that I would fly away like a beggar, a thingvery unworthy, in this deliberation I ventured. I inquired [of] my brotherif he would keepe me company. I knewed that he never thought, seeing thathe was courting of a young woman, who by the report of many was a bastardto a flemish. I had no difficulty to believe, seeing that the colour of herhayre was much more whiter then that of the Iroquoits. Neverthelesse, sheewas of a great familie. I left them to their love. In shorte, that withoutany provision I tooke journey through the forests guided by fortune. Nodifficulty if I could keepe the highway, which is greatly beatten with thegreat concours of that people that comes & goes to trade with the flemings;but to avoid all encounters I must prolong a farre off. Soe being assistedby the best hope of the world, I made all diligence in the meene while thatmy mother nor kindred should mistrust me in the least. 

I made my departure att 8 of the clock in the morning the 29th 8bre, 1663[1653]. I marched all that journey without eating, but being as accustomedto that, without staying I continued my cours att night. Before thebreaking of the day I found myselfe uncapable because of my feeblenesse andfaintnesse for want of food and repose after such constraint. But the feareof death makes vertu of necessity. The morning commanded me to goe, forit's faire and could ayre, which [was] somewhat advantageous to keepe [me]more cheerfull. Finally the resolution reterning my courage, att 4 of theclocke att evening, the next daye I arrived in a place full of trees cutt, which made mee looke to myselfe, fearing to approach the habitation, thoughmy designe was such. It is a strange thing that to save this life theyabhorre what they wish, & desire which they apprehend. Approaching nigherand nigher untill I perceived an opening that was made by cutting of woodwhere was one man cutting still wood, I went nearer and called him. [He]incontinently leaves his work & comes to me, thinking I was Iroquoise. Isaid nothing to him to the contrary. I kept him in that thought, promissinghim to treat with him all my castors att his house, if he should promise methere should be non of my brother Iroquoise there, by reson we must beliberall to one another. He assured me there was non then there. I touldhim that my castors were hidden and that I should goe for them to-morrow. So satisfied [he] leads me to his cabban & setts before me what good chearehe had, not desiring to loose time because the affaire concerned me much. Itould him I was savage, but that I lived awhile among the ffrench, & that Ihad something valuable to communicate to the governor. That he would giveme a peece of paper and Ink and pen. He wondered very much to see that, what he never saw before don by a wildman. He charges himself with myletter, with promise that he should tell it to nobody of my being there, and to retourne the soonest he could possible, having but 2 litle miles tothe fort of Orange. 

In the meane while of his absence shee shews me good countenance as much asshee could, hoping of a better imaginary profit by me. Shee asked me if wehad so much libertie with the ffrench women to lye with them as they; but Ihad no desire to doe anything, seeing myselfe so insnared att death's dooramongst the terrible torments, but must shew a better countenance to aworse game. In the night we heard some wild men singing, which redoubled mytorments and apprehension, which inticed me to declare to that woman thatmy nation would kill [me] because I loved the ffrench and the flemings morethan they, and that I resolved hereafter to live with the flemings. Sheeperceiving my reason hid me in a corner behind a sack or two of wheat. Nothing was to me but feare. I was scarcely there an houre in the corner, but the flemings came, 4 in number, whereof that french man [who] hadknowne me the first, who presently getts me out & gives me a suite thatthey brought purposely to disguise me if I chanced to light upon any of theIroquoits. I tooke leave of my landlady & landlord, yett [it] grieved memuch that I had nothing to bestow upon them but thanks, being that theyweare very poore, but not so much [so] as I. 

I was conducted to the fort of Orange, where we had no incounter in theway, where I have had the honnour to salute the Governor, who spoakefrench, and by his speech thought him a french man. The next day he causedan other habit to be given me, with shoos & stokins & also linnen. Aminister that was a Jesuit [Footnote: "A minister that was a Jesuit. " Thiswas the Jesuit father, Joseph Noncet. See Introduction, page 3. ] gave megreat offer, also a Marchand, to whom I shall ever have infinitobligations, although they weare satisfied when I came to france attRochel. I stayed 3 dayes inclosed in the fort & hidden. Many came there tosearch me, & doubt not but my parents weare of the party. If my father hadben there he would venture hard, & no doubt but was troubled att it, & sowas my mother, & my parents who loved me as if I weare their owne naturallson. My poore sisters cryed out & lamented through the town of theflemings, as I was tould they called me by my name, ffor they came therethe 3rd day after my flight. Many flemings wondered, & could not perceivehow those could love me so well; but the pleasure caused it, as it agreeswell with the Roman proverbe, "doe as they doe. " I was imbarked by thegovernor's order; after taking leave, and thanks for all his favours, I wasconducted to Menada, a towne faire enough for a new country, where aftersome 3 weekes I embarked in one of their shipps for holland, where wearrived after many boisterous winds and ill weather, and, after some sixweeks' sayle and some days, we landed att Amsterdam the 4th of January, 1664 [1654]. Some days after I imbarked myselfe for france and came toRochelle well & safe, not without blowing my fingers many times as well asI [had] done before [when] I arrived in holland. I stayed till spring, expecting the transporte of a shippe for new france. 

_The Second Voyage made in the Upper Country of the Iroquoits. _

The 15th day of may I embarked in a fisherboat to go for peerce Island, which is 6 score leagues off Quebecq, being there arrived the 7th of may. Isearch diligently the means possible for to end my voyage & render meselfeneere my naturall parents & country people. Att last I found an occasion togoe by some shallops & small boats of the wildernesse, which went up asfarre as the ffrench habitation, there to joyne with the Algonquins &Mountaignaies to warre against the Iroquoits from all times, as theirhistories mentions. Their memory is their Chronicle, for it [passes] fromfather to son, & assuredly very excellent for as much as I know & manyothers has remarked. I embarked into one of their shallops & had the windfavorable for us N. E. In 5 dayes came to Quebecq, the first dwelling placeof the ffrench. I mean not to tell you the great joy I perceivd in me tosee those persons that I never thought to see more, & they in like manerwith me thought I was dead long since. In my absence peace was madebetweene the french & the Iroquoits, which was the reason I stayed not longin a place. The yeare before, the French began a new plantation [Footnote:"Began a new plantation, " at Onondaga. ] in the upper Country of theIroquoits, which is distant from the Low Iroquois Country som fourscoreleagues, where I was prisoner, & been in the warrs of that country. I tookegreat notice of it, as I mentioned in my formest voyage, which made me havemind to goe thither againe, by the reason peace was concluded among them. 

Friends, I must confesse I loved those poore people entirely well;moreover, nothing was to be feared by reason of the great distance whichcauses a difference in their speech, yett they understand one another. Atthat very time the Reverend fathers Jesuits embarked themselves for asecond time to dwell there and teach Christian doctrin. I offered myselfeto them, and was, as their custome is, kindly accepted. I prepare meselfefor the journey, which was to be in June. You must know that the Hurronsweare contained in the article of peace, but not the Algonquins, whichcaused more difficulty; for those Iroquoits who imbarqued us durst not comedowne the 3 rivers where the french should embarque, because it is thedwelling place of the Algonquin. To remedy this the ffrench and thebarbarrs that weare to march, must come to Mont Royall, the last frenchinhabitation, in shalopps. 

It will not be amisse to leave the following of the voyage for to repeatthe reasons why those poor hurrons ventured themselves into their hands, who have bin ennemy one to another all their life time, and that naturally. You must know that the Hurrons, so called by the ffrench, have a bush of ahair rised up artificially uppon the heads like to a cock's comb. Thosepeople, I say, weare 20 or 30, 000 by report of many not 20 years ago. Theirdwelling is neere the uper lake, so called by name of the ffrench. Thatpeople tell us of their pedegree from the beginning, that their habitationabove the Lake, many years agoe, and as they increased, many, great many, began to search out another country. For to tend towards the South theydurst not, for the multitude of people that was there, and besides some oftheir owne nations had against them. Then [they] resolved to goe to thenorth parts, for westward there was much watter, which was without end. Moreover many inhabitants, monstruous for the greatnesse of body. We willspeake about this in another place more att large, where will give an exactaccount of what came to our knowledge dureing our travells, and the land wehave discovered since. If eastward, they had found the Iroquoits whopossessed some parts of the river of Canada, and their dwelling was whereQuebecq is situated, and about that place, & att the upper end ofMontmerency 2 leagues from Quebecq, where was a great village where now isseene a desolat country, that is, for woods and forests, nor more nor lessethen what small bushes nigh the river's side in the place called the Capede Magdelaine. It's such a country that the ffrench calls it the burnedcountry 20 miles about, and in many places the same is to be seene wherethere weare forests. 

So seeing that the north regions weare not so peopled, they pursued [their]route of that way, and for the purpose provided themselves provision for atwelvemonth to live, with all their equipage imbarqued in the begining ofthe Spring. After that they passed great wayes, coming to a lake whichconducts them into a great river, [Footnote: "Coming to a lake whichconducts them into a great river. " Moose River, which leads into Hudson'sBay. ] which river leads them to a great extent of salt watter; so as theybeing good fishers want no fish. They coasted this great watter for a longtime, finding allways some litle nation whose language they knew not, haveing great feare of one another. Finally, finding but a fearfull countryfull of mountains and rocks, they made great boats that might hould some 30men to traverse with more assurance the great bay for to decline from thetediousnesse of the highway, which they must doe, having but small boats;whence they came to a country full of mountains of ice, which made usbelieve that they descended to the goulden arme. 

So, fearing the winter should come on, they made sayles wherein they madegreate way when the wind was behind; otherwyse they could not make use oftheir sayles, and many of their boats weare lost, but still went on, hopingof a better country. They wandered so many moons with great danger andfamine, ffor they began to misse such plenty as they [were] used [to]. Attlast [they] gott out, and coasting the skirts of the sea, and enters as itweare into a country where the sumer begins againe, they weare incouragedto greater hopes, insomuch that the poore people became from their firstorigine to lead another life. Being only conducted by their imaginary ideaor instinct of nature ffor steering, they knewed nothing but towards theroote of the Sun, and likewise by some starrs. Finally the coast bringsthem to the great river St. Lawrence, river of Canada; knowing not that itwas a river till they came just opposit against the mounts of our blessedlady, where they then perceaved to [be] betwixt 2 lands, albeit that litlesummer was past, and that the season of the yeare growing on somewhatsharpe, which made them think to search for winter. [They] mounted allwaysup the river, and finding one side most beautifull for the eye, they passedit over, and planted their cabbans in many parts by reason of the manystreams there flowing with quantity of fish, whereof they made a good storefor their wintering. After a while that upon this undertaking they madecognicence and commerced with the highlanders, inhabitants of that country, who gave them notice that there weare a nation higher who should understandthem, being that they weare great travellers, that they should goe on theother side and there should find another river named Tatousac. 

They seeing the winter drawing on they made a fort and sent to discover thesaid place a band of their men to Tatousac. They finde a nation thatunderstands them not more then the first, but by chance some that escapedthe hands of their ennemy Iroquoits, and doubts that there is greatdifference of language between the Iroquoits and the Hurrons. They weareheard; & further you must note that neere the lake of the Hurrons some 40leagues eastward there is another lake belonging to the nation of theCastors, which is 30 miles about. This nation have no other trafick norindustry then huntsmen. They use to goe once a yeare to the furthest placeof the lake of the Hurrons to sell their Castors for Indian Corne, for somecollors made of nettles, for sacks, & such things, for which they wearecurious enough. So coming backe to their small lake againe, thosemarchandises weare transported to a nation beyond that lake towards N. N. E. , and that nation had commerce with a people called the white fish, whichis norwest to the 3 rivers some 150 leagues in the land. That nation hadintelligence with the Saguenes, who are those that liveth about Tadousac, so that the 2 nations have great correspondency with one another because oftheir mutual language, saving that each one have a particular letter andaccent. 

Finding that nation of the Castors, who for the most part understands theHurron idiom, they conversed together & weare supplied with meat by thatwandring nation that lives onely by what they may or can gett. Contrarywise the Hurrons are seditious. We shall speak of them more amply in itsplace. So those miserable adventurers had ayd during that winter, whodoubtlesse should souffer without this favor. They consulted togetheroften, seeing themselves renforced with such a succour of people for tomake warrs against the Iroqois. 

The next spring their warre was conducted with success, ffor they chassedthe Iroquois out of their country which they lost some winters before. Theymarch up to the furthest part of the Lake Champlaine, to know if that wastheir formest dwelling, but they speak no further of it. Those Iroquoits towander up and downe and spread themselves as you have heard to the laked'Ontario, of which I will after make mention. I heard all this fromfrenchmen that knewed the Huron speech better then I myselfe, and after Iheard it from the wildmen, & it's strang (being if it be so as the frenchas [well] as wildmen do already) that those people should have made acircuit of that litle world. 

The Iroquoits after being putt out of that country of Quebecq, the Hurronsand Algonquins made themselves masters in it; that is to say, they went upabove monmorency after that they left the place of their wintring, whichwas over against Tadousac, att the height of the Chaudiere (so called infrench), and after many years they retourned to live att the gape of theirlake, which is 200 Leagues long & 50 or 60 leagues large. Those hurronslived in a vast country that they found unhabited, & they in a great numberbuilded villages & they multiplied very many. The Iroquoits also gott agreat country, as much by sweetnesse as by force. They became warriorsuppon their owne dispences and cost. They multiplied so much, but theybecame better souldiers, as it's seene by the following of this discourse. The hurrons then inhabited most advantageously in that place, for as muchas for the abundance of dears and staggs, from whence they have the namesince of Staggy. It's certaine that they have had severall other callings, according as they have builded villages. Fishing they have in abundance inhis season of every kind; I may say, more then wee have in Europe. In someplaces in this lake where is an innumerable quantity of fish, that in 2houres they load their boat with as many as they can carry. 

At last [they] became so eminent strong that they weare of a minde to fightagainst the neighbouring nation. Hearing that their sworne ennemys theIroquoits retired towards the nation called Andasstoueronom, which isbeyond the lake d'Ontario, between Virginia & that lake, they resolved togoe & search them for to warre against them; but they shall find it totheir ruine, which I can affirme & assure, because the Iroquoits in themost part of their speeches, which comes from father to son, says, we bears(for it's their name) whilst we scraped the earth with our pawes, for tomake the wheat grow for to maintaine our wives, not thinking that the deareshall leape over the lake to kill the Beare that slept; but they found thatthe beare could scratch the stagge, for his head and leggs are small tooppose. Such speeches have they commonly together, in such that they havehad warrs many years. 

The Holanders being com'd to inhabit Menada, furnished that nation withweopens, by which means they became conquerors. The ffrench planters inNewfrance came up to live among this nation. In effect they doe live nowmany years; but the ambition of the fathers Jesuits not willing to permittffrench families to goe there, for to conserve the best to their profitt, houlding this pretext that yong men should frequent the wild women, so thatthe Christian religion by evil example could not be established. But thetime came that they have forsook it themselves. For a while after theIroquoits came there, the number of seaven hundred, on the snow in thebeginning of Spring, where they make a cruell slaughter as the precedentyears, where some ghostly fathers or brothers or their servants weareconsumed, taken or burnt, as their relation maks mention. 

This selfesame yeare they tooke prisoners of 11 or 12, 000 of those poorepeople in a village att [in] sight of the Jesuits' Fort, which had the nameSaint, but [from] that houre it might have the name of feare. Heere followssicknesse, and famine also was gott among these people, flying from allparts to escape the sword. They found a more rude and cruell enemy; forsome after being taken gott their lives, but the hunger and their treacherymade them kill one another, be it for booty or whatsoever other. Noneescaped, saving some hundred came to Quebecq to recover their firstliberty, but contrary they found their end. So the ffathers left walls, wildernesse, and all open wide to the ennemy and came to Quebecq with therest of the poore fugitives. They were placed in the wildernesse neere thehabitation of Quebecq; but being not a convenient place, they weare putt tothe Isle of Orleans, 3 leagues below Quebecq, in a fort that they made withthe succour of the ffrench, where they lived some years planting & sowingIndian corne for their nourishment, and greased robes of Castors, of whichgrease the profit came to the ffathers, the summe of 10, 000 livres tournoisyearly. 

In this place they weare catched when they least thought of it, not withoutsubject of conivance. God knoweth there weare escaped that time about 150women and some 20 men. The rest are all killed, taken and brought away, ofwhich for the most part weare sett at liberty in the country of theirennemy, where they found a great number of their kindred and relations wholived with all sorte of liberty, and went along with the Iroquois to warreas if they weare natives, in them was no trust to be given, ffor they wearemore cruell then the Iroquois even to their proper country, in soe muchthat the rest resolved to surrender themselves then undergoe the hazard tobe taken by force. The peace was made by the instancy of the ffatherJesuits. As before, some weare going there to live, as they have alreadybegun. They seeing our departure & transporting of our goods to MountRoyall for to runne yea the hazard, they also must come. To lett you know[if] our fortune or theirs be better or worse, it should be a hard thingfor me to declare; you may judge yourselfe. 

Lett us come to our purpose and follow our voyage. Being arrived att thelast french habitation, where we must stay above 15 dayes, ffor to passthat place without guide was a thing impossible, but after the timeexpired, our guides arrived. It was a band of Iroquois that was appointedto fetch us, and conduct us into their country. One day att 10 of the clockin the morning, when we least thought of any, saw severall boats comingfrom the point of St Louis, directly att the foot of a hill so called some3 miles from mont Royall. Then rejoycing all to see coming those that theynever thought to have seene againe, ffor they promissed to come att thebeginning of Spring and should arrive 15 dayes before us, but seeing them, every one speakes but of his imbarcation. 

The Hurrons that weare present began to make speeches to encourage theirwives to make ready with all their stuffe and to feare nothing, being thatthe heavans would have it so disposed, & that it was better to die inIroquois Country and peace with their brethren, then stay in the knott oftheir nativity, that is their country, to be murthered, & better in theIroquois Country in warre for to be burned. All things so disposed, theyprepare themselves to receave the Iroquois, who weare no more then 3, 000 innumber, [Footnote: "No more than 3, 000 in number, " meaning, no doubt, thatnumber at Onondaga and its vicinity. ] and made a halt for to hold councellto know what they must say that they thought of every one and of theHurrons. But those Barbars had an other designe, ffor their destiny was todoe, and not to speake; but for to doe this, this must be a treachery inwhich they are experted. You must know that that bande [of] Irokois [in]descending the last streame or falling watter one of their skiffs madeshipwrake in which weare seaven, all drowned without none could souccourthem. A thing remarkable, that every one strive to help himselfe withoutthat they will give ayde or assistance to an other; uppon this, thatuntoward army, those wild barbarous with vengence, held councell, as isbefore said, for to be revenged of the losse of their Compagnions, wherethey determined, being that they come to fetch the french and the hurrons, to revenge this uppon them and kill them as soone as they should be intheir jurisdiction; but considering after that wee french had a fort intheir country with a good strong guard, and that that should cause affairs, it was concluded that there furor should not be discharged but uppon thepoore hurrons. 

Upon this deliberation they broke councell and arrived att the fort. Theirspeech was cleare contrary to their designe, and promises inviolablyffriendshipp. There was presents and guifts given of both party, but whenthey pertooke the death of their Compagnions they must make other presentsperhaps that prevailed somewhat in their thoughts, and tourne them fromtheir perfidious undertakings. For often the liberalitie of those savagewas seene executed, but the desire brings great booty, and observancecauses that covetousnesse will prove deare to the ffrench as to the Hurronsin few days. Presently they procure some boats, ffor the Iroquoits had buteleven and the hurrons none, for they came in the ffrench shallope. So thatit must be contrivance for the one and other, which was soone done. Inlesse then 8 dayes parted the dwelling we found more then 30 boats, and allvery great, we being also so many in company, 80 Iroquoits, some hundredhuron women and some 10 or 12 men, 20 ffrench with two ffathers Jesuits. Inthis manner we departed Mont royall, every one loaded with his burden. Weepassed the same journie. Wee passed the gulfe of St Louis, and made cabbansin the furthermost part of the streame. That day was laborious to us, somuch that the Iroquoits resolved to be backe againe, and make a company tofight against the Algonquins of Quebecq. Upon this, 30 left us. 

The next day we embarqued though not without confusion, because many wearenot content nor satisfied. What a pleasure the two ffathers to see themtrott up and downe the rocks to gett their menage into the boat, which withmuch adoe they gott in. The boats weare so loaden that many could notproceed if bad weather should happen. The journey but small came only tothe lake of St Louis, 3 leagues beyond the streame. There the savagethrewed the ffathers' bundle on the watter side, and would take no care forthem; seeing many of their men gone, the french as well as Hurrons, whowould have disputed their lives with them for their lives, and hadprevented them if their designe had bin discovered. So that after a greatdebat we must yeeld to the strongest party for the next embarking. 

The ffathers' merchandises weare left behind to oblige the ffrench to staywith it, and seaven of us onely embarqued, one of the ffathers with 6 more, and the rest stayed to bring what was left behind, so that ours wearediminished above 40 men. Wee embarqued indifferently one with another, ffrench, Iroquoits, and Hurrons. After we came to the highest of the Isleof Montroyall; we saw the separation, or rather the great two rivers thatof Canada are composed; the one hath its origine from the west and theother from South Southeast. It was the last that wee sayled, coming to theend of that lake, which is 14 or 15 leagues long and 3 in breadth. We mustmake carriages which are high withall, and the boats by lande because noother way to passe. The trainage is where the watter is not so trepid. Wedraw the boats loaden after us, and when there is not water enough, everyone his bundle by land. 

Having proceeded 3 dayes' journey on the river, we entered another lakesomewhat bigger; it's called St. Francis. This is delightfull to the eye asthe formost. I speak not of the goodnesse, for there are many things to bespoaken off. I am satisfied to assure you that it is a delightfull &beautifull country. We wanted nothing to the view passing those skirts, killing staggs, auriniacks & fowles. As for the fish, what a thing it is tosee them in the bottom of the watter, & take it biting the hooke or lancingit with lance or cramp iron. In this lake the Hurrons began to suspect thetreachery conspirated against them, ffor they observed that the Iroquoitsallways consulted privately together, not giving them the least notice, which made a Hurron with 3 men & 2 women goe away & run away to the ffrenchof Quebecq; & for this intent one very morning, after being imbarqued asthe rest, went in to the midle of the river, where they began to sing &take their leave, to the great astonishment of the rest & to the greatdiscontent of the Iroquoits, that saw themselves so frustrated of so muchbooty that they exspected. But yett they made no signe att the present, butlett them goe without trouble for feare the rest would doe the same, & sobe deprived of the conspiracy layde for the death of their compagnions. Tothat purpose knowing the place where they weare to land, which was in anisland in the midle of the river, a league long & a quarter broade, theyresolved to murder them in the said place, which was promptly executed inthis maner following:--

They embarqued both hurron men and women in their boats, and among themmade up som 20 that embarked themselves in 2 of their boats, in a postureas if they should goe to the warrs, & went before the breake of day. Weweare but 7 frenchmen, & they put us 7 [in] several boats. I find meselfewith 3 Iroquoits & one Hurron man. Coming within sight of the Isle wherethey weare to play their game, one of the Iroquoits in the same boate as Ilanded, takes his gunne & charges it. The hurron and I saw this, butneither dreamed of the tragedy that was att hand. After goes into thewoode, & the Iroquois that governed the boat takes up a hattchett & knocksdowne the poore hurron, that never thought to be so ended, and the otherthat charged his musket in the wood shoots him and fell downe uppon myheels. My feet soone swims in the miserable hurron's bloode. He did quiveras if he had an ague, and was wounded with great many wounds, that stillthey doubled. Both Iroquoits came to me and bid [me have] courage, fforthey would not hurt me; but [as] for him that was killed, he was a dogg, good for nothing. The small knowledge that I have had of their speech madeof a better hope; but one that could not have understood them would haveben certainly in a great terror. This murder could not be committed so butthat the rest of the boats should heare it, and therefore in that very timewe heard sad moans and cryes horidly by hurron women. They threwed thecorps immediately into the water and went the other side of the river intothe abovesaid isle. Being landed together, the poore women went in a flocklike sheep that sees the wolves ready to devour them. There were 8 hurronmen that tooke theire armes. The Iroquoits not hindering them in the least, but contrarily the Captayne of the Iroquoits appeared to defend theircause, giving sharp apprehensions to those that held up armes, and so farrthat he did beat those that offered to hurt them. 

In this example you may perceive the dissimulation & vengence of thiscursed people. So that the Company, reassured in some respects, theaffrighted company, made them goe up to the toppe of the hill and thereerrect cottages some 40 paces from them; during the while I walked on theside where they weare hard at work and firmly believed that the poorehurron was killed by the Iroquoit out of malice, so much trust I putt inthe traiterous words. As I was directly coming where the hurrons weare, what should I see? A band of Iroquoits all daubed, rushing out of a woodall painted, which is the signe of warre. I thought they weare those that Ihave seene in [the] morning before, as effectually they weare. I came tothe place where weare all those poore victims. There was the good ffathercomforting the poore innocent women. The chief of them satt by a vallianthuron who all his life time killed many Iroquoits, and by his vallouracquired the name of great Captayne att home and abroad. The Iroquoit spaketo him, as the ffather told us, and as I myself have heard. "Brother, cheare up, " says he, "and assure yourselfe you shall not be killed bydoggs; thou art both man and captayne, as I myselfe am, and will die in thydefence. " And as the afforesaid crew shewed such a horrid noise, of asudaine the captayne tooke hold of the chaine that was about him, thoushalt not be killed by another hand then by mine. Att that instant thecruell Iroquoits fell upon those hurrons, as many wolves, with hattchetts, swords, and daggers, & killed as many [as] there weare, save onely one man. That hurron captayne seeing himselfe so basly betrayed, he tooke hold ofhis hattchett that hunged downe his side, and strook downe a Iroquoit; butthe infinit deale tooke his courage and life away. This that was saved wasan old man, who in his time had ben att the defeat and taking of severallIroquoits. He in authority by his means saved some. This news brought tothem and his name as benefactor, which deed then saved his life. Heere yousee a good example, that it is decent to be good to his Ennemy. 

After this was done & their corps throwne into the watter, the women wearebrought together. I admired att them, seeing them in such a deepe silence, looking on the ground with their coverletts uppon their heads, not a sighheard, where a litle before they made such a lamentable noise for the losseof their companyion that was killed in my boate. Some 2 howers all waspacified & the kettle almost ready for [to] goe to worke. In this verymoment there calls a councell. The ffather was called as a statsman to thatcouncell, where he hears their wild reasons; that what they had done was inreveng of their deare comrades that weare drowned in coming for them, andalso to certifie the ffrench of their good will. So done, the meate wasdressed, we weare invited. The ffather comes to take his dish, and finds usall 5 in armes, resolving to die valiently, thinking the councell wascalled to conclud our death as the Hurron's. The 6th was not able to menagearmes, being a litle boy. The ffather gave us a brother of his company whohad invincible good looke and a stout heart. We waited onely for hisshooting. The ffather could not persuade him to draw. We told him if hewould not fight, to leave our company; which perceived by the Iroquoits, made them looke to themselves. They came & assured us of their good will. The 4 frenchmen that understood not longed for the schermish & die for it. Att last the ffather prevailed with us, & tould us what was done inCouncell. Two Iroquoits came to us with weapons, who signifies there isnothing layd against you, & commanded their compagnions to put by theirarmes, that they weare our brethren. The agreement was made. Some went tothe feast, some stayed. Having eaten, the ffather calls them againe tocouncell, & for that purpose borrows some porcelaine from the captayne tomake 3 guifts. 

All being together the ffather begins his speech, throwing the first guiftinto the midle of the place, desiring that it might be accepted for theconservation of the ffriendshipe that had ben long between them and us, andso was accepted with a ho, ho, which is an assurance & a promise, asthanks. The 2nd was for the lives of the women which weare in their hands, & to conduct them with saftie into their country, which was accepted inlike manner. The 3rd was to encourage them to bring us to their ownecountry & carry our Marchandises in such [manner] that they may not bewett, nor leave them behind, which was, as abovesaid, punctually observed. 

The councell being ended, the captaynes made speeches to encourage themasters of the boats to take a bundle to his care & charge, & give anaccount of it in the country. I wish the lotts weare so distributed beforewe came from mont royall, but that it is the miserable comfort, better latethen never. Att night every one to his cabben, and the women dispersed intoevery cabban with their children, which was a sight of compassion. The dayfollowing being the 8th day of our departure, some went a hunting, somestayed att home. The next day to that we embarqued all a sunder, a boat foreach. I was more chearfull then the rest, because I knewed a litle of theirlanguage, and many saw me in the low country. Wherefore [they] made meembarque with a yong man, taller & properer then myselfe. We had paines andtoyles enough; especially my sperit was grieved, and have souffred muchtroubles 6 weeks together. I thought we should come to our journey's end &so help one another by things past; ffor a man is glad to drive away thetime by honest, ingenuous discours, and I would rejoyce very much to beallwayes in company uppon my journey. It was contrary to me all the voyage, ffor my boat and an other, wherein weare 2 men & a woman Iroquoit, stayedbehind without seeing or hearing from one another. I leave with you tothink if they weare troubled for me or I for them. There was a greatalteration a litle before; a whole fleete of boats, now to be reduced [to]2 onely. But patience perforce. 

We wandered on that gay river by the means of high and low gulfs that arein it; ffor since I made reflection of the quantity of water that comes inthat river that comes from off the top of the high mountains with such atorrent that it causes a mighty noise which would make the bouldest menafraid. We went on some journeys with a deale of paines and labour becausfor our weeknesse, and moreover a man of the other boat fell sick of theague, soe that one of us must helpe him either in the carriag or drawingthe boat; and, which was wors, my compagnion was childish and yong as I. The long familiarity we had with one another breeded contempt, so that wewould take nothing from one another, which made us goe together by theears, and fought very often till we weare covered in blood. The rest tookedelight to see us fight; but when they saw us take either gun or sword, then came they to putt us a sunder. When we weare in the boat we could notfight but with our tongues, flying water att one another. I believe if thefathers' packet had ben there, the guift could not keepe it from wetting. As for meat we wanted none, and we had store of large staggs along thewatter side. We killed some almost every day, more for sport then forneede. We finding them sometimes in islands, made them goe into the watterand after we killed about a score, we clipped the ears of the rest and hunga bell to it, and then let them loose. What a sporte to see the rest flyefrom that that had the bell!

As I satt with my compagnion I saw once of an evening a very remarquablething. There comes out of a vast forest a multitud of bears, 300 att leasttogether, making a horrid noise, breaking small trees, throwing the rocksdowne by the watter side. We shot att them but [they] stirred not a step, which frightned us that they slighted our shooting. We knewed not whetherwe killed any or no, because of the darke, neither dare we venter to see. The wild men tould me that they never heard their father speake of so manytogether. 

We went to the other side to make cabbans, where being arrived, where wemade fire & put the kettle on. When it was ready we eat our belly full. After supper the sick wild man tould me a story and confirmed it to betrue, which happened to him, being in warre in the upper Country of theIroquoits neere the great river that divides it self in two. "Brother, "sayes he, "it's a thing to be admired to goe afar to travell. You mustknow, although I am sick I am [a] man, and fought stoutly and invaded many. I loved alwayes the ffrench for their goodnesse, but they should [have]given us [to] kill the Algonkins. We should not warre against the ffrench, but traited with them for our castors. You shall know I am above 50 years(yett the fellow did not looke as if he had 40). I was once a Captayne, "says he, "of 13 men, against the nation of the fire & against the Stairinghairs, our Ennemys. We stayed 3 whole winters from our country, and most ofthat time among our ennemy, but durst not appeare because of the smallnumber we had against a multitude, which made us march in the night andhide ourselves in the daytime in forests. Att last we are weary to be solong absent from our wives & countrey. We resolved some more execution, &take the first nation that we should incountre. We have allready killedmany. We went some dayes on that river, which is bordered of fine sands; norocks there to be seene. Being landed one morning to goe out of the wayleast we should be discovered, and for [to] know the place that we weare, sent two of our men to make a discovery, who coming back brought us [word]that they have seen devils, and could not believe that they weare men. Wepresently putt ourselves on our gards, and looke to our armes, thought tohave ben lost, but tooke a strong resolution to die like men, and went tomeet those monsters. We weare close to one an other, saveing they that madea discovery, that went just before us, tould us, being neere the waterside, that they have seene afar off (as they thought) a great heape of stoanes. We needing them mightily we went to gett some. Within 200 paces nigh wefound them converted into men, who weare of an extraordinary height, lyingall along the strand asleepe. Brother, you must know that we weare all infeare to see Such a man and woman of a vast length. They weare by two feetetaller then I, and big accordingly. They had by them two basquetts, a bowand arrows. I came nigh the place. Their arrows weare not so long as ours, but bigger, and their bows the same; each had a small stagg's skin to covertheir nakednesse. They have noe winter in their country. After being gonewe held a councell to consider what was to be done. We weare two boats; theone did carry 8 men, the other 5. That of 8 would goe back againe, but thatof 5 would goe forward into another river. So we departed. The night beingcome, as precedent nights, we saw fires in severall places on the otherside of the river, which made us goe there att the breake of day, to knowwhat it was, which was men as tall as the other man and woman, and greatmany of them together a fishing. We stealed away without any noise andresolved not to stay longer in them parts, where every thing was so bigg. The fruits of trees are as bigg as the heart of an horiniac, which isbigger then that of an oxe. 

"The day after our retourne, being in cottages covered with bushes, weheard a noise in the wood, which made us speedily take our weopens, everyone hiding himselfe behind a tree the better to defend himselfe, butperceaved it was a beast like a Dutch horse, that had a long & straighthorne in the forehead, & came towards us. We shott twice at him; [he] fallsdowne on the ground, but on a sudaine starts up againe and runs full bootatt us; and as we weare behind the trees, thrusts her home very farr intothe tree, & so broak it, and died. We would eat non of her flesh, becausethe flemings eat not their horses' flesh, but tooke off the skin, whichproved heavy, so we left it there. Her horne 5 feet long, and bigger thenthe biggest part of an arme. " [Footnote: In O'Callaghan's _DocumentaryHistory of New York_, Vol. IV. P. 77, 1851, is given an engraving of thisanimal, with the title, "Wild Animals of New Netherlands, " taken from aDutch work published in Amsterdam in 1671. In this work it is thusdescribed: "On the borders of Canada animals are now and again seensomewhat resembling a horse; they have cloven hoofs, shaggy manes, a hornright out of the forehead, a tail like that of the wild hog, black eyes, astag's neck, and love the gloomiest wildernesses, are shy of each other. Sothat the male never feeds with the female except when they associate forthe purpose of increase. Then they lay aside their ferocity. As soon as therutting season is past, they again not only become wild but even attacktheir own. "]

We still proceeded in our journey. In 7 dayes we overtook the boat thatleft us. Now whether it was an unicorne, or a fibbe made by that wild man, yet I cannot tell, but severall others tould me the same, who have seeneseverall times the same beast, so that I firmly believe it. So his storyended, which lasted a great while; ffor having an excellent memory, touldme all the circumstances of his rencounters. 

We [went] from thence the next morning. We came to a beatifull river, wideone league and a halfe, which was not violent nor deepe, soe that we madeno carriages for 15 or 20 leagues, where we had the view of eagles andother birds taking fishes, which we ourselves have done, & killed salmonswith staves. One of my compagnions landed a sturgeon six fadoms deepe andbrought it. Going along the woodside we came where a greate many treesweare cutt, as it weare intended for a fort. At the end of it there was atree left standing, but the rind taken away from it. Upon it there waspainted with a coale 6 men hanged, with their heads at their feete, cuttoff. They weare so well drawen, that the one of them was father by theshortnesse of his haire, which lett us know that the french that was beforeus weare executed. A litle further an other was painted of 2 boats, one of3 men, an other of 2, whereof one was standing with a hattchett in hishands striking on the head. Att an other weare represented 7 boats, pursueing 3 bears, a man drawn as if he weare on land with his guneshooting a stagge. I considering these things, troubled me very much, yea, caused my heart to tremble within me; and moreover when those that wearewith me certified me of what I was too sure, telling me the 6 ffrenchmenweare dead, but tould me to be cheerfull, that I should not die. After Ifound so much treachery in them I could but trust litle in their words orpromisses, yett must shew good countenance to a wors game then I had aminde, telling me the contrary of what they told me of the death of thefrenchmen, to shew them that I was in no feare. 

Being embarqued, the wild men tould me we should goe on the other side ofthat broad river. It was extreamly hott, no wind stiring. I was ready thatboth should be together for the better assurance of my life. I perceivedwell that he alone was not able to performe the voyage; there was the othersick of the other boat, that did row but very slowly. I thought to meselfethey must needs bring me into their countrey if they meet non by the way, and so I comforted meselfe with better hope. We soone came to the otherside of the river. The other boat followed not, being nigh the land. Mycomrade perceaved an eagle on a tree, the feathers of which are in esteemeamong them. He lands and takes his gunne, charges it, and goes into thewood. I was in feare, without blame, for I knewed not what he meant. Iremembered how the poore Hurron was served so a litle before in his boat, and in like manner. As he went about, I could not imagine what was best, but resolved to kill [rather] then be killed. Upon this I take my gunne, which the other saw, desires me not to make any noise, shewing me theeagle, that as yett I have not seene. To obey him I stoope downe like amonkey, visiting my weopon that he should not suspect. My eyesneverthelesse followed for feare. I see at last the truth of his designe;he shoots and kills the eagle. 

[We] after imbarqued ourselves, the night drawing on, and must think to goeto the other boat or he to us, which he did. I admired the weather, cleareand calme that we could scarce see him, yet that we should heare themspeake, and understand, as if they weare but 20 or 30 paces from us. Hebeing come, we sought for conveniency to make cottages, which soone wasdone. The others sooner landed then we. They came to receive us att ourlanding. One tooke my gunne, the other a litle bondle of mine. I wassurprised att this. Then they asked me [for] my powder and shott, andopened my bagge, began to partage my combs & other things that I had. Ithought it the consultest way to submitt to the strongest party, thereforeI tooke [no] notice of what they did. The woman kindled the fire. Seeingmyselfe out of care of my fright, satt me selfe downe by the woman. Sheelooked now and then uppon me, which made me more and more mistrust. In themeane while he that was sick calls me. I came and asked him what hepleased. "I will, " sayd he, "that you imbarque your selfe by me, " andthrows his cappot away, bidding me also to leave my capot. He takes hishattchett, and hangs it to his wrest, goes into the boat, & I with him. Iwould have carryed my gunne. I tooke it from the place where they layd it. They, seeing, laughed & gave a shout, as many beasts, yett it was not intheir power to make me goe to the boat without my weapon; so lett me haveit, and went straight as if we weare to goe on the other side of the river. About the midle the wild man bids mee goe out, to which I would notconsent. I bid him goe. After we disputed awhile, I not obeying, began toconsider if he had a minde to drowne me, that he himselfe would not go inthe water. Being come a litle to myselfe I perceaved that the water was not2 foote deepe. It was so darke, yett one might perceive the bottom coveredwith muskles. Having so much experience, I desired him to have patience; sogott of my shirt & lep't into the watter & gathered about half a bushell ofthose shells or mussells. I made sure that the boat should not leave me, for I fastened my girdle to it, and held the end. Mistrust is the mother ofsafety. We came back againe. We found the kettle ready; they gave me meatand a dish of broth, which exercised me a while. Having done, the man comesand makes me pull of my shirt, having then nothing but my drawers to covermy nackednesse. He putts on my shirt on his back, takes a knif and cutts amedail that hung to my necke. He was a great while searching me and feelingif I was fatt. I wished him farr enough. I looked [for] an opportunity tobe from him, thinking to be better sheltered by the woman. I thought everyfoot he was to cutt my troat. I could [not] beare [it]. I had rather dye[at] once then being so often tormented. I rose and satt me downe by thewoman, in whome was all my trust. Shee perceived I was in great feare, whether by collour of my face or other, I know not. Shee putts her handsuppon my head & combs it downe with her fingers. "My son, " says shee, "bechearfull. It is my husband; he will not hurt thee; he loves me and knoweththat I love thee, and have a mind to have thee to our dwelling. " Then sheerose and takes my shirt from her husband and brings it me. Shee gave me oneof her covers. "Sleepe, " said shee. I wanted not many persuasions. So chuserather the fatall blow sleeping then awake, for I thought never to escape. 

The next morning I finding meselfe freed, which made me hope for thefuture. I have reason to remember that day for two contrary things; first, for my spirits being very much perplexed, and the other for that theweather was contrary though very lovely. That morning they rendered all mythings againe, & filled my bagge with victualls. We left this place, whichfeared me most then hurt was done. Some laughed att me afterwards for myfeares wherein I was, which I more & more hoped for better intertainment. The weather was fair all that day, but the next wee must make a waynage, which [was] not very hard; but my comrade drew carelessly, and the boatslipps from his hands, which turned with such force that it had me along ifI had not lett my hould goe, chusing [rather] that then venter my selfe indanger. Soe that it [no] sooner gott downe then we gott it up againe; butby fortune was not hurted, yett it runn'd aground among rocks. We must goedowne the river. I was driven to swime to it, where I found it full ofwatter, and a hole that 2 fists might goe through it, so that I could notdrive it to land without mending it. My compagnion must also in the waterlike a watter dogg, comes and takes hould of the foure oares. All the wildmen swims like watter doggs, not as we swime. We mende the boat thereneatly, not without miscalling one another. They spoake to me a word that Iunderstood not because of the difference betweene the low Iroquoits andtheir speech, and in the anger and heat we layde the blame uppon oneanother to have lett the boat flippe purposely. I tooke no heed of what healleadged. He comes sudainly uppon me & there cuffed one another untill weweare all in bloode. Being weary, att last, out of breath, we gave overlike 2 cocks over tyred with fighting. We could not fight longer, but mustfind strength to draw up the boat against the streame and overtake theother, which was a good way from us. It was impossible to overtake the day, nor the next. So that we must lay 3 nights by our selves. 

The third day we arrived to a vast place full of Isls, which are called theIsles of Toniata, where we overtooke our compagnions, who stayd for us. There they killed a great bigg and fatt beare. We tooke some of it into ourboats & went on our journey together. We came thence to a place like abazon, made out of an Isle like a halfe moone. Here we caught eeles fivefadoms or more deepe in the waiter, seeing cleerly the bottome in abundanceof fishes. We finde there 9 low country Iroquoits in their cabbans thatcame back from the warre that was against the nation of the Catts. They hadwith them 2 women with a young man of 25 years & a girle of 6 years, allprisoners. They had a head with short haire of one of that nation, thatuses to have their hair turned up like the prickles of an headg hogge. Wecottaged ourselves by them. Some of them knewed me & made much of mee. Theygave me a guirland of porcelaine & a girdle of goat's haire. They askedwhen should I visit my ffriends. I promissed to come there as soone as Icould arrive att the upper village. I gave them my hattchett to give to myffather, and 2 dozen of brass rings & 2 shooting-knives for my sisters, promissing to bring a cover for my mother. They inquired what was it thatmade me goe away, and how. I tould them through woods & arrived att the 3rivers in 12 dayes, and that I souffred much hunger by the way. I would nottell them that I escaped by reason of the Duch. They called me often Devillto have undertaken such a task. I resolved to goe along with them. Heere Ifound certainty, and not till then, of the 6 ffrenchmen, whom they haveseene seaven dayes before att the coming in of the great Lake D'ontario;and that undoubtedly the markes we have seene on the trees weare done byseaven other boats of their owne nation that came backe from the warres inthe north, that mett 2 hurron boats of 8 men, who fought & killed 3Iroquoits and wounded others. Of the hurrons 6 weare slained, one takenalive, and the other escaped. Those 2 boats weare going to the ffrench tolive there. That news satisfied much my wild men, and much more I rejoicedat this. We stayed with them the next day, feasting one another. They cuttand burned the fingers of those miserable wretches, making them sing whilethey plucked out some of their nailes, which done, wee parted wellsatisfied for our meeting. From that place we came to lye att the mouth ofa lake in an island where we have had some tokens of our frenchmen by theimpression of their shooes on the sand that was in the island. In thatisland our wild men hid 10 caskes of Indian Corne, which did us akindnesse, ffor there was no more veneson pye to be gotten. 

The next day we make up our bundles in readinesse to wander uppon thatsweet sea, as is the saying of the Iroquoits, who rekens by their daye'sjourney. This was above 100 leagues in length & 30 in breadth. Seeing thewater so calme and faire, we ventured some 3 leagues, to gaine a point ofthe firme land, that by that means we should shorten 7 or 8 leagues in ourway. We went on along the lake in that maner with great delight, sometimeswith paine and labour. As we went along the water side, the weather veryfaire, it comes to my mind to put out a cover instead of a saile. Mycompanion liked it very well, for generally wild men are given toleasinesse. We seeing that our sayle made us goe faster then the otherboat, not perceiving that the wind came from the land, which carried us farinto the lake, our compagnions made a signe, having more experience thenwee, and judged of the weather that was to come. We would not heare them, thinking to have an advantage. 

Soone after the wind began to blow harder, made us soone strike sayle, andputt our armes to worke. We feeled not the wind because it was in ourbacks, but turning aside we finde that we had enough to doe. We must gettourselves to a better element then that [where] we weare. Instantly comes ashower of raine with a storme of winde that was able to perish us by reasonof the great quantity of watter that came into our boat. The lake began tovapour and make a show of his neptune's sheep. Seeing we went backwardsrather then forwards, we thought ourselves uterly lost. That rogue that waswith me sayd, "See thy God that thou sayest he is above. Will you make mebelieve now that he is good, as the black-coats [the ffather Jesuits] say?They doe lie, and you see the contrary; ffor first you see that the sunburns us often, the raine wetts us, the wind makes us have shipwrake, thethundering, the lightnings burns and kills, and all come from above, andyou say that it's good to be there. For my part I will not goe there. Contrary they say that the reprobats and guilty goeth downe & burne. Theyare mistaken; all is goode heare. Doe not you see the earth that nourishesall living creatures, the water the fishes, and the yus, and that corne andall other seasonable fruits for our foode, which things are not soecontrary to us as that from above?" As he said so he coursed vehementlyafter his owne maner. He tooke his instruments & shewed them to theheavens, saying, "I will not be above; here will [I] stay on earth, whereall my friends are, and not with the french, that are to be burned abovewith torments. " How should one think to escape this torments and storms, but God who through his tender mercy ceas'd the tempest and gave usstrength to row till we came to the side of the water? I may call it amighty storme by reason of the litlenesse of the boat, that are all inwatter to the breadth of 5 fingers or lesse. I thought uppon it, and out ofdistress made a vertue to seeke the means to save ourselves. We tyed a sackfull of corne in the fore end of our boat, & threw it into the watter, which hung downe some foure fathoms, and wee putt our selves in the otherend, so that the end that was towards the wind was higher then the other, and by that means escaped the waves that without doubt, if we had not usedthat means, we had sunk'd. The other boat landed to lett that storme [pass]over. We found them in the even att their cottages, and thought impossiblefor us to escape. 

After severall dayes' travell we came to an isle where we made cottages. Wewent so farre that evening that we might be so much the neerer to take abroader passage which should shorten our voyage above 20 leagues. Att nightwee saw severall fires uppon the land. We all judged that it was ourcompany that went before us. Before brake of day we did what we could toovertake them, not without hazard, by reason the winds that blewed hard, which we could not perceive before. Being come to the bay of the isle wecould not turne back without greater danger, so resolved to proceede. Wecame to the very place where we saw the fires, & found that we weare notmistaken in our opinions. By good looke they weare there, else we hadperished for all being so neere the land, for the lake swelled by reason ofthe great wind that blew, which stayed them there above 14 nights. Neitherfor this reason was there any landing, because of a great banck or heape ofrocks, untill those that weare ashore came to us into the watter to theiroxtars [Footnote: _Oxtars_, up to their armpits. ] and stoped our boats. Wethen cast our selves and all that we had overboord, leaving our boatsthere, which weare immediately in thousands [of] peaces. 

Being arrived, we placed our cottages by a most pleasant delicat river, where for delightfullnesse was what man's heart could wish. There wearewoods, forests, meddows. There we stayed 3 dayes by reason of the weather. One night I layd neare a faire comely lasse that was with us. There theytake no notice, for they live in so great liberty that they are neverjealous one of another. I admired of a sudaine to heare new musick. Sheewas in travell and immediately delivered. I awaked all astonished to seeher drying her child by the fire side. Having done, [she] lapt the child inher bosome and went to bed as if that had ben nothing, without moan or cry, as doe our Europian women. Before we left the place that babe died. I hadgreat mind to baptize him, but feared least they should accuse me to be thecause of his death. 

Being come to the above named place, where weare the ghostly ffathers with8 other french, 3 came to meet us from the fort, which weare but 30 leaguesoff, where I have receaved a censure for being so timidous, [in] notdareing to ffling watter on the head of that poore innocent to make himhappy. We frenchmen began to tell our adventures, having ben out of hopesof ever to see one another, being exceeding glad that we weare deceaved inour opinions. Some leaves us & went by land to their cabbans. The reststayes for faire weather to come to our journey's ende. We wanted notslaves from that place to carry our packs. We came into a river towards thefort which was dangerous for its swiftnesse. From that river that broughtus within 30 leagues of the lake we came into a narrower river from a smalllake where a french fort was built. This river was 2 leagues long & thelake 5 in compasse. About it a most pleasant country, very fruitfull. Goeing up that same river we meet 2 french that weare fishing a kind offish called dab, which is excellent, & have done us great kindnesse, havingleft no more provision then what we needed much. 

Having come to the landing place att the foot of the fort, we found there amost faire castle very neatly built, 2 great & 2 small ones. The bottom wasbuilt with great trees & well tyed in the topp with twiggs of ashure, strengthened with two strong walles & 2 bastions, which made the fortimppregnable of the wild men. There was also a fine fall of woods about it. The french corne grewed there exceeding well, where was as much as coveredhalf a league of land. The country smooth like a boord, a matter of some 3or 4 leagues about. Severall fields of all sides of Indian corne, severallof french tournaps, full of chestnutts and oakes of accorns, with thousandsuch like fruit in abundance. A great company of hoggs so fatt that theyweare not able to goe. A plenty of all sortes of fowles. The ringdoves insuch a number that in a nett 15 or 1600 att once might be taken. So thiswas not a wild country to our imagination, but plentyfull in every thing. 

We weare humanly receaved by the Reverend ffathers Jesuits and some other40 frenchmen, as well domestiques as volontiers. We prepared ourselves totake the country's recreation, some to hunt, some to fish, but prevented bya feaver that seised on us all. Some continued a month, some more and somelesse, which is the tribut that one must pay for the changment of climat. 

Some dayes after we had news that another company of Iroquoits wearearrived att mont Royall. As soone [as] we went from thence the father & therest of the ffrench that did stay behind did imbark themselves with themand followed us so close that ere long would be at us. As they went up tomake cottages in the island of the massacre, which was 16 dayes before ourdeparture, one of the company goes to shute for his pleasure, finds a womanhalf starved for hunger, lying on a rock by a water. He brings her to thecottages & made so much by giving her some luckwarme water, which he boyledwith flower & grease, that she came to herselfe entirely againe. Shee wasexamined. Shee told them what is above said, and when it happened. Shee hidher selfe in a rotten tree during the slaughter, where shee remained 3dayes; after we weare gone shee came foorth for to gett some food, andfound nothing, but founde onely some small grapes, of roots the 3 firstdayes, & nothing else. Shee finding her selfe feeble and weake, not able tosustaine such, resolved for death. The father, knowing her to be aChristian, had a singular care for her, & brought her where I overtooke thesaid father with the 8 french. Being brought [she] was frightened againefor seeing a man charging his gunne to kill her, as shee said, so went awaythat night, & non knowes what became of her. Being weake, not thoroughlyhealed, shee fancied that such a thing might be done. By this, we poore, many have recovered. The father arrives, that affirmes this newes to us, being very sorry for the losse of this poore creature that God has so longpreserved without any subsistance, which shews us apparently that wee oughtnot to despaire, & that keeps those that lives in his feare. We went tomeete the father, I meane those that weare able, to bid the father welcome& his company. Being come safe & in a good disposition together, werendered God thanks. 

There weare many that waited for us, desiring to tourne back againe toQuebecq, obtaining their desier from the fathers & the governour of thefort. They weare 13 in number & one father. After 6 weeks end we recoveredour health. So we went to bring them a part of the way, some to the waterside, some to the laksende, where we tooke of one another farewell, withsuch ceremonys as are used when friends depart. Some dayes after we hearethat the poore woman was in the woods; not that shee knew'd which way totourne, but did follow her owne fancy whersoever it lead her, & so wandered6 dayes, getting some times for her subsistance wild garlick, yong buds oftrees, & roots. Shee was seene in an evening by a river, whereby shee wasfor 3 dayes, by 3 hurrons renegades. They tooke her, but in a sadcondition. They not considering that shee was of their owne nation, stripther. It is the custom to strip whomsoever is lost in the woods. Theybrought her to the village, where the father was that brought her from theplace of murdering to that place whence shee runned away the second time. This father, knowing her, brings her to our fort, that we might see her asa thing incredible but by the mercy of God. I was in the village with thefather and with another frenchman, where we see the crudest thing in natureacted. Those Iroquoits that came along the river with us, some weare aboutfishing, some a hunting, they seeing this woman makes her [their] slave. 

One day a man or theirs was forwearned for his insolency, for not referringto the Governor, doing all out of his owne head. [He him] selfe was to comethat day, leading 2 women with their 2 children, he not intending to givean account of anything but by his owne authority. The elders, heering this, goes and meets him some 50 paces out of the village for to maintaine theirrights. They stayed this man. What weare those beasts? He answered theyweare his; he no sooner had spoaken, but one old man spoak to him thus:"Nephew, you must know that all slaves, as well men as women, are firstbrought before the Councell, and we alone can dispose [of] them. " So said, & turned to the other side, and gave a signe to some soldiers that theybrought for that purpose, to knock those beasts in the head, who executedtheir office & murdered the women. One tooke the child, sett foot on hishead, taking his leggs in his hands, wrought the head, by often turning, from off the body. An other souldier tooke the other child from hismother's brest, that was not yett quite dead, by the feete and knocks hishead against the trunck of a tree. This [is] a daily exercise with them, nor can I tell the one half of their cruelties in like sortes. Those withmany others weare executed, some for not being able to serve, and thechildren for hindering their mothers to worke. So they reckne a trouble tolett them live. O wicked and barbarious inhumanity! I forgott to tell thatthe day the woman layed in, some houres before, shee and I roasted someIndian Corn in the fire: being ready, shee pulled out the grains one by onewith a stick, and as shee was so doing, shee made a horrid outcry, shewingme a toad, which was in the breadth of a dish, which was in the midle ofthe redd ashes striving to gett out. We wondered, for the like was neverseene before. After he gott out of the fire we threwed stoanes & staves atthim till it was killed. That toad lived 2 dayes in or under the fire. 

Having remained in that village 6 dayes, we have seene horrible crueltiescommitted. Three of us resolved to turne back to our fort, which was 5miles off. We brought above 100 women, hurron slaves & others, all loadenedwith corne. We weare allwayes in scarcity for pollicy, though we hadenough, ffor certainty is farre better then the incertainry. Before wedeparted this base place we received [news] that the hurron who was savedby the consent of the rest in the Isle of Massacre, as is above said, 2dayes after his deliverance run'd away by night towards the lower countryof the Iroquoits, where he arrived safe, not without sufferings in the way, ffor such long voyages cannot be performed otherwise, having gon throughvast forests, finding no inn in the way, neither having the leastprovision. Att his coming there he spoake whatever the reveng, wrath, andindignation could provoke or utter against the ffrench, especially againstthe ffathers, saying that it was they that have sold and betrayed them; andthat he would bestow the same uppon them if ever he should meet with them. As for him, he gave heaven thanks that he was yett living; that he had hislife saved by them to whome he would render like service, warning them notto lett the french build a fort, as the upper Iroquoits had done; that hecould tell them of it by experience; that they should remember the nationof the Stagges so bigg. As soone as the french came there, nothing butdeath and slaughter was expected, having caused their death by sorcery, which brought a strange sicknesse amongst them. Such things can prevailemuch uppon such a wild, credulous nation; their minds alltogether for thewarrs in which they delight most of any thing in the world. We came ourway; this news troubled us very much, knowing the litle fidelity that is[in] that wild nation, that have neither faith nor religion, neither lawnor absolut government, as we shall heare the effects of it. 

The autumn scarce began but we heare that the lower Iroquoits contrived atreason against the ffrench. So having contrived & discovered that theyweare resolved to leavy an armie of 500 men of their owne nation, who areesteemed the best souldiers, having the Anojot to assist them; a bold, rashnation, and so thought to surprise the inhabitants of that place. As theyweare contriving and consequently seased upon the fort and towne, thinkingto execute their plot with ease, because of their assurance, trusting (ifcontrary to their contrivance) to the peace, saying that the ffrench weareas many hoggs layed up to be fatted in their country. But, O liberality, what strength hast thou! thou art the onely means wherby men know all andpierce the hearts of the most wild & barbarous people of the world. Hearingsuch news, we make friends by store of guifts, yea such guifts that weareable to betray their country. What is that, that interrest will not do? Wediscover dayly new contryvances of treason by a Councellor. There isnothing done or said but we have advice of it. Their dayly exercise isfeasting, of warrs, songs, throwing of hattchetts, breaking kettles. Whatcan we do? We are in their hands. It's hard to gett away from them. Yea, asmuch as a ship in full sea without pilot, as passengers without skill. Wemust resolve to be uppon our guard, being in the midle of our Ennemy. Forthis purpose we begin to make provisions for the future end. We are touldthat a company of the Aniot nation volontiers was allready in their marchto breake heads & so declare open warres. This company finds enough to doeatt Mount Royall; ffor the ffrench being carelesse of themselves, workingincomparably afarre from their fortifications without the leastapprehension. They killed 2 french and brought them away in triumph, theirheads sett up for a signe of warrs. We seeing no other remedy but must begon and leave a delightful country. The onely thing that we wanted most wasthat wee had no boats to carry our bagage. It's sad to tend from such aplace that is compassed with those great lakes that compose that Empirethat can be named the greatest part of the knowne world. Att last theycontrived some deale boords to make shipps with large bottoms, which wasthe cause of our destruction sooner then was expected. 

You have heard above said how the ffathers inhabited the hurron country toinstruct them in Christian doctrine. They preach the mighty power of theAlmighty, who had drowned the world for to punish the wicked, saving onelyour father Noe with his familie was saved in an arke. One came bringingIndian corne, named Jaluck, who escaped the shipwrake that his countrymenhad gone, being slave among us. He received such instructions of thosedeale boords, & reflected soundly upon the structure that he thought verilythey weare to make an other arke to escape their hands, and by ourinventions cause all the rest to be drowned by a second deluge. Theyimputing so much power to us, as Noe had that grace from God, thought thatGod at least commanded us so to doe. All frightened [he] runns to hisvillage. This comes back makes them all afraid. Each talkes of it. Theelders gathered together to consult what was to be done. In their councell[it] was concluded that our fort should be visited, that our fathers shouldbe examined, & according to their answers deliberation should be taken topreserve both their life and countrey. We had allwayes spyes of our side, which weare out of zele and obedience. The ffathers Jesuits and othersvoluntarily ventured their lives for the preservation of the commonliberty. They remaine in the village of those barbars to spie what theirintent should be, houlding correspondence with some of those of thecouncell by giving them guifts, to the end that we might know what wasconcluded in the Councell & give us advise with all speede. We by thesemeans had intelligence that they weare to come & visit our forts. 

To take away all suspicion of our innocency from thinking to build anyshipp, which if it had come to their knowledge had don a great prejudice toour former designe, a shippe then uppon the docke almost finished. Heere wemade a double floore in the hall where the shippe was abuilding, so thatthe wild men, being ignorant of our way of building, could not take anynotice of our cuningnesse, which proved to our desire. So done, findingnothing that was reported, all began to be quiet and out of feare. By thiswe weare warned from thencefoorth, mistrusting all that came there, sopreserved ourselves, puting nothing in fight that should give the leastsuspition. Both shipps weare accomplished; we kept them secretly & coveredthem with 12 boats of rind that we kept for fishing and hunting. Thewildmen knewed of these small things, but suspected nothing, believing thatthe french would never suspect to venture such a voyage for the difficultieof the way and violence of the swiftnesse of the rivers and length of theway. We stayed for opportunity in some quietnesse, devising to contrive ourgame as soone as the spring should begin. The winter we past not withoutapprehensions, having had severall allarmes, false as [well] as true; foroften weare we putt to our armes, in so much that one of our sentryes wasonce by force drawen from the doore of the fort. He, to avoid the danger, drawes his sword & wounds one of them & comes to the fort, crying, "To yourarmes. " This was soone appeased; some guifts healed the wound. 

The season drawing nigh we must think of some stratageme to escape theirhands and the rest of ours that weare among them; which was a difficulty, because they would have some of us by them allwaye for the betterassurance. But all their contrivances & wit weare too weake to striveagainst our plotts which weare already invented to their deceipt that woulddeceave us. We lett them understand that the time drew neere that thefrench uses to trait their friends in feasting and meriment, and all shouldbe welcome, having no greater ffriends then they weare. They, to see ourfashions as well as to fill their gutts, gave consent. By that means theconsiderablest persons are invited, the ffather & 2 ffrench. There theyweare made much of 2 dayes with great joy, with sounds of trompetts, drumms, and flageoletts, with songs in french as wild. So done, they aresent away, the ffather with them. He was not a mile off but fains to gett afalle and sighed that his arme was broken. The wild men being much troubledatt this accident brings the father back and makes guifts that he may becured. A plaster was sett to his arme, which done [he is] putt into a bed. Then all the wildmen came to see him; he incouraged them that he shouldsoone recover and see them. The french that knewed not the plott cryed forthe ffather, which confirmed the belief of the wildmen. They all retyred totheir village and we [sought] the meanes to embarke ourselves. 

We resolved once more to make another feast when we should have everythingready for our purpose; that is, when the father should be well of hisfayned sicknesse, ffor they allso doe delight in feasting, which was to bedone for the safe recovery of the ffather's health. We dayly had messengersfrom the elders of the country to know how he did, who (after the lake wasopened from the ice that was covered with ice) should be in gooddisposition. Many wished to have the suneshine ardently, their desire wasso great to be gone. Att last our patient begins to walke with a scharfeabout his armes. 

When the shippes and boats weare ready, we sent them word that the fatherwas well, & for joy would make a feast. The elders are invited. They wearesure not to faile, but to be first. Being come, there are speeches made toincourage them to sing and eat. It's folly to induce them to that, for theygoe about it more bould then welcome. They are told that the morow shouldbe the day of mirth. Heare is but play and dances, the ffrench by turns, tokeepe them still in exercise, shewing them tricks to keepe them awake, asthe bird-catcher doth to teach the bird to sing and not to fly away, as wethen intended. Not one wildman was admitted to come into the fort that day, saying it was not our coustomes to shew the splendour of our banquettsbefore they should be presented att table. The wildmen have no other thenground for their table. 

In the meantime we weare not idle, the impatient father exercising himselfeas the rest. The evening being come, the wildmen are brought to the placedestinated, not far from our fort. Every one makes his bundle of provisions& marchandises & household stuff, gunns, &c. , some hid in the ground, andthe rest scattered because we could not save them. We made excellentbisquetts of the last year's corne, & forgott not the hoggs that weare afatning. Att last the trumpetts blowes, putt yourselves in order; there isnothing but outcryes, clapping of hands, & capering, that they may havebetter stomach to their meat. There comes a dozen of great kettles full ofbeaten Indian corne dressed with mince meate. The wisest begins his speech, giving heaven thanks to have brought such generous ffrench to honnour themso. They eate as many wolves, having eyes bigger then bellies; they arerare att it without noise. The time was not yett com'd to acknowledge thehappinesse we received from such incompareable hosts. Heare comes 2 greatkettles full of bussards broyled & salted before the winter, with as manykettles full of ducks. As many turtles was taken in the season by the nett. Heere att this nothing but hooping to man's admiration whilst one was aeating, and other sort comes, as divers of fish, eels, salmon, and carps, which gives them a new stomach. Weare they to burst, heere they will shewtheir courage. The time comes on. The best is that we are sure none willforsake his place, nor man nor woman. A number of french entertaines them, keeping them from sleepe in dancing & singing, for that is the custome. Their lutrill, an instrumentall musick, is much heere in use. Yett nothingis done as yett, ffor there comes the thickened flower, the oyle of bears, venison. To this the knif is not enough; the spunes also are used. Wee seeallready severall postures: the one beats his belly, the other shakes hishead, others stopp their mouthes to keepe in what they have eaten. Theyweare in such an admiration, making strange kinds of faces, that turnedtheir eyes up and downe. We bid them cheare up, & tould them it was anusuall custome with the ffrench to make much of themselves & of theirfriends. "They affect you, and yee must shew such like to them by shewingyour respects to them that they so splendidly trait you. Cheere up likebrave men. If your sleepe overcomes you, you must awake; come, sound [the]drumme, it is not now to beat the Gien; [Footnote: "To beat the gien, "probably meaning the guitar, as Charlevoix mentions that at the feast tothe Indians one of the French young men played upon that instrument fortheir amusement. ] come, make a noise. Trumpett blow and make thy cheeksswell, to make the belly swell alsoe. "

In the end nothing [is] spared that can be invented to the greaterconfusion. There is a strife between the french who will make the greatestnoise. But there is an end to all things; the houre is come, ffor all isembarked. The wildman can hold out no longer; they must sleepe. They cryout, _Skenon_, enough, we can beare no more. "Lett them cry _Skenon_; wewill cry _hunnay_, we are a going, " sayes we. They are told that theffrench are weary & will sleepe alsoe awhile. They say, "Be it so. " We comeaway; all is quiet. Nobody makes a noise after Such a hurly-burly. The fortis shutt up as if we had ben in it. We leave a hogg att the doore forsentery, with a rope tyed to his foot. He wanted no meat for the time. Herewe make a proposition, being three and fifty ffrench in number, to make aslaughter without any difficulty, they being but 100 beasts not able tobudge, & as many women. That done, we could goe to their village att thebreake of the day, where we weare sure there weare not 20 men left, noryong nor old. It was no great matter to deale with 5 or 600 women, & may be1000 children; besides, the huntsmen should not be ready this 2 moneths tocome home. Having done so, we might have a great hole in the skirts of thatuntoward & pervers nation, that it was in way of revenge, because of theirdisloyalty, breaking the peace & watching an opportunity to doe the like tous, that we should by that means have a better opportunity to escape;shewing by this whosoever intends to betray, betrays himselfe. Theffathers' answer was to this, that they weare sent to instruct the peoplein the faith of Jesus Christ and not to destroy; that the crosse must betheir sword; moreover that they are told that we weare able to keepe theplace, having victualls for the space of 4 yeares, with other provisions. [Footnote: The new Governor, Viscount d'Argenson, who arrived in Canada afew months after, disapproved of the evacuation of Onondaga. "The locationof this fortification was probably about three quarters of a mile belowGreen Point, on the farm now occupied [in 1849] by Mr. Myrick Bradley, inthe town of Salina, where the embankment and outlines were plain to be seenfifty years ago. " _History of Onondaga_, by J. V. H. Clarke, Vol. I. P. 161, n. , 1849. ] So done, in the meanewhile some 16 french should goe downeto the french & tell the news; ffor the rest they weare able to oppose allthe Iroquoits, having such a strong fort, and before the time could beexpired some succour was to be expected out of ffrance, as well as with thehelpe of some of the wildmen, their allies, make an assault, and so freeourselves of such a slavery & the many miseries wherin we weare dayly toundergoe, that by that means we might save the lives of many french andcleare a way from such inhumans. It was in vaine to think to convert them, but the destroying of them was to convert them. So discover nations andcountryes, and that the ffrench finding some fourty resolut brothers thatwould have ventured themselves full liberty & assurance of their lives topreserve them from the cruelest enemy that ever was found uppon the earth. All these sayings could prevaile nothing uppon people that will avoid allslaughter. 

So to be obedient to our superiours, without noise of trompet or drum, butzeal with griefe, we left that place. We are all embarked, and now mustlooke for the mouth of the river; and weare put to it, ffor it frized everynight and the Ice of good thicknesse, and consequently dangerous to ventureour boats against it. We must all the way breake the ice with great stavesto make a passage. This gave us paines enough. Att the breake of day weweare in sight att the mouth of the river, where we weare free from ice. Ifthose had but the least suspicion or had looked out, they had seene us. Wesoone by all diligence putt ourselves out of that apprehension, and cameatt the first rising of the river, where freed from ice tenne leagues fromthe fort, where we kept a good watch. 

The day following we came to the Lake d'Ontario. The wind being boisterous, could goe no further. There we sought for a place to make cottages, whichwas in an Island very advantageous, where we stayed 2 dayes for theweather. We weare not without feare, thinking that the wildmen shouldfollow us. They contrary wise stayed (as we heard) seaven nights, thinkingthat we weare asleepe, onely that some rose now and then, and rung thelitle bell which stooke to the hogg's foot. So mystifying the businesseaffaire, [they] went & brought news to the village, which made them comeand looke over the pallisados, and saw in good earnest the Anomiacks wearegone. 

In our journey [we had] bad weather, high winds, snow, and every day raineon our backs. We came to the river att last, where was difficulty enough byreason of the goeing out of the lake, which is hard to find, by the manyisles that are about the opening of the river. We weare in a maner ofsheepe scattered. After many crossings to and fro we find ourselves att thefirst streame; the watters high, went on without danger, but the navigationproved worse & worse because we came into a coulder country and into themost dangerousest precipices. Now the river [was] covered over with ice andsnow which made the river give a terrible noise. The land also covered allover with snow, which rendered us incapable of knowledge where we weare, &consequently found ourselves in great perils. It was well that the riverswelled, for not a mother's son of us could else escape; ffor where wemight have made carriages we [would] innocently have gone uppon thosecurrents. One of our greatest vessells runned on sand and soone full byreason of the running of the stream, but by tournings, with much adoe wegott it out againe, and by all dexterity brought to a harbour, which ishard to find in that place, ffor the ice and the streame continually cuttsthe coasts steepe downe, & so no landing thereabouts. 

Heere a boat of 4 men made shipwrake. Heere every one for himselfe & Godfor all. Heere is no reliefe. There the 3 that could swime weare drowned, because they held not [to] the boat, but would swime to land. The otherthat had held it was saved with much adoe. Afterwards we came where thestreame was not so swifte at all, but as dangerous for its ice. We cutt theice with hattchetts & we found places where [it] was rotten, so we hazardedourselves often to sinke downe to our necks. We knewed the isle of murderagaine because of the woman that runn'd away was with us. Shee had reasonto know it, though all covered with snow. The ffathers some dayes beforeour departur caused her to come to the fort to deliver her out of the handsof her ennemy, because she was a Christian. In short time after herarrivall att Quebecq [she] was marry'd, and died in childbed. 

Six weeks being expired we came to the hight of St Louis, 3 leagues frommont royal, the first habitation of the ffrench. We went all that hightwithout making carriages, trusting to the depth of the watter, & passed itby God's providence, that have made us that passage free; ffor if we hadcome there the day before we could not possibly passe (by the report of theffrench), by reason that underneath the water was mighty swift, the riverwas frozen and covered with ice, and could not have turned back, for thestreame could bring us against our will under the ice. It was our lott tocome after the ice was melted. The french inquire who is there withastonishment, thinking that it should be the charge of the Iroquoits. Wethanked God for our deliverance. 

Heere we had time to rest ourselves awhile att ease, which was notpermitted by the way. About the last of March we ended our great paines andincredible dangers. About 14 nights after we went downe the 3 rivers, wheremost of us stayed. A month after my brother and I resolves to travell andsee countreys. We find a good opportunity. In our voyage wee proceededthree yeares. During that time we had the happinesse to see very fairecountryes. 

_The ende of the second voyage made in the Upper Country of the Iroquoits_. 

_Now followeth the Auxoticiat Voyage into the Great and filthy Lake of theHurrons, Upper Sea of the East, and Bay of the North_. 

Being come to the 3 rivers, where I found my brother who the yeare beforecame back from the lake of the Hurrons with other french, both weare uponthe point of resolution to make a journey a purpose for to discover thegreat lakes that they heard the wild men speak off; yea, have seene before, ffor my brother made severall journeys when the ffathers lived about thelake of the hurrons, which was upon the border of the sea. So my brotherseeing me back from those 2 dangerous voyages, so much by the cruelties ofthe barbars as for the difficulties of the wayes, for this reason hethought I was fitter & more faithfull for the discovery that he was tomake. He plainly told me his minde. I knowing it, longed to see myselfe ina boat. There weare severall companies of wild men Expected from severallplaces, because they promissed the yeare before, & [to] take the advantageof the Spring (this for to deceive the Iroquoits, who are allwayes in waitfor to destroy them), and of the rivers which is by reason of the meltingof the great snows, which is onely that time, ffor otherwise no possibilityto come that way because for the swift streams that runs in summer, and inother places the want of watter, so that no boat can come through. We soonesee the performance of those people, ffor a company came to the 3 riverswhere we weare. They tould us that another company was arrived att MontRoyal, and that 2 more weare to come shortly, the one to the Three Rivers, the other to Saegne, [Footnote: _Saegne, Sacgnes, Sacquenes, _ or the RiverSaguenay. ] a river of Tudousack, who arrived within 2 dayes after. Theydivided themselves because of the scant of provision; ffor if they wearetogether they could not have victualls enough. Many goes and comes toQuebecq for to know the resolution of mr. Governor, who together with theffathers thought fitt to send a company of ffrench to bring backe, ifpossible, those wildmen the next yeare, or others, being that it is thebest manna of the countrey by which the inhabitants doe subsist, and makesthe ffrench vessells to come there and goe back loaden with merchandisesfor the traffique of furriers who comes from the remotest parts of thenorth of America. 

As soone as the resolution was made, many undertakes the voyage; for wherethat there is lucre there are people enough to be had. The best and ablestmen for that businesse weare chosen. They make them goe up the 3 riverswith the band that came with the Sacques. There take those that weare mostcapable for the purpose. Two ffathers weare chosen to conduct that company, and endeavoured to convert some of those foraigners of the remotest countryto the Christian faith. We no sooner heard their designe, but saw theeffects of the buisnesse, which effected in us much gladnesse for thepleasure we could doe to one another, & so abler to oppose an ennemy if byfortune we should meet with any that would doe us hurt or hinder us in ourway. 

About the midle of June we began to take leave of our company and venterour lives for the common good. We find 2 and 30 men, some inhabitants, someGailliards that desired but doe well. What fairer bastion then a goodtongue, especially when one sees his owne chimney smoak, or when we cankiss our owne wives or kisse our neighbour's wife with ease and delight? Itis a strange thing when victualls are wanting, worke whole nights & dayes, lye downe on the bare ground, & not allwayes that hap, the breech in thewatter, the feare in the buttocks, to have the belly empty, the wearinessein the bones, and drowsinesse of the body by the bad weather that you areto suffer, having nothing to keepe you from such calamity. 

Att last we take our journey to see the issue of a prosperous adventure insuch a dangerous enterprise. We resolved not to be the first that shouldcomplaine. The ffrench weare together in order, the wildmen also, saving mybrother & I that weare accustomed to such like voyages, have foreseene whathappened afterwards. Before our setting forth we made some guifts, & bythat means we weare sure of their good will, so that he & I went into theboats of the wild men. We weare nine and twenty french in number and 6wildmen. We embarked our traine in the night, because our number should notbe knowne to some spyes that might bee in some ambush to know ourdeparture; ffor the Iroquoits are allwayes abroad. We weare 2 nights togett to mont royall, where 8 Octanac stayed for us & 2 ffrench. If not forthat company, we had passed the river of the meddowes, which makes an isleof Mont royall and joines itselfe to the lake of St Louis, 3 leaguesfurther then the hight of that name. 

We stayed no longer there then as the french gott themselves ready. Wetooke leave without noise of Gun. We cannot avoid the ambush of that eagle, which is like the owle that sees better in the night then in the day. Weweare not sooner come to the first river, but our wildmen sees 5 sorts ofpeople of divers countrys laden with marchandise and gunns, which servedthem for a shew then for defence if by chance they should be sett on. Sothat the glorie begins to shew itsselfe, no order being observed amongthem. The one sings, the other before goes in that posture without badencounter. We advanced 3 dayes. There was no need of such a silence amongus. Our men composed onely of seaven score men, we had done well if we hadkept together, not to goe before in the river, nor stay behind some 2 or 3leagues. Some 3 or 4 boats now & then to land to kill a wild beast, & soputt themselves into a danger of their lives, & if there weare anyprecipice the rest should be impotent to helpe. We warned them to looke tothemselves. They laughed att us, saying we weare women; that the Iroquoitsdurst not sett on them. That pride had such power that they thoughtthemselves masters of the earth; but they will see themselves soonemistaken. How that great God that takes great care of the most wildcreatures, and will that every man confesses his faults, & gives them graceto come to obedience for the preservation of their lives, sends them aremarquable power & ordnance, which should give terrour and retinue tothose poore misled people from the way of assurance. 

As we wandered in the afforesaid maner all a sunder, there comes a manalone out of the wood with a hattchett in his hand, with his brayer, & acover over his shoulders, making signes aloud that we should come to him. The greatest part of that flock shewed a palish face for feare att thesight of this man, knowing him an ennemy. They approached not without feare& apprehension of some plot. By this you may see the boldnesse of thosebuzards, that think themselves hectors when they see but their shadowes, &tremble when they see a Iroquoit. That wild man seeing us neerer, setts himdowne on the ground & throwes his hattchett away & raises againe all naked, to shew that he hath no armes, desires them to approach neerer for he istheir friend, & would lose his life to save theirs. Hee shewed in deed aright captayne for saveing of men that runned to their ruine by theirindiscretion & want of conduct; and what he did was out of meere piety, seeing well that they wanted wit, to goe so like a company of bucks, everyone to his fancy, where his litle experience leads him, nor thinking thatdanger wherin they weare, shewing by their march they weare no men, for notfearing. As for him, he was ready to die to render them service & prisonerinto their hands freely. "For, " saith he, "I might have escaped your sight, but that I would have saved you. I feare, " sayth he, "not death"; so withthat comes downe into the watter to his midle. There comes many boats abouthim, takes him into one of the boats, tying a coard fast about his body. There is he fastned. He begins to sing his fatal song that they call anouroyall. That horrid tone being finished, makes a long, a very longspeech, saying, "Brethren, the day the sunne is favourable to mee, appointed mee to tell you that yee are witlesse before I die, neither canthey escape their ennemys, that are spred up and downe everywhere, thatwatches all moments their coming to destroy them. Take great courage, brethren, sleepe not; the ennemy is att hand. They wait for you; they aresoe neare that they see you, and heare you, & are sure that you are theirprey. Therefore I was willing to die to give you notice. For my part thatwhat I have ben I am a man & commander in the warrs, and tooke severallprisoners; yet I would put meselfe in death's hands to save your lives. Believe me; keepe you altogether; spend not your powder in vaine, thinkingto frighten your enemys by the noise of your guns. See if the stoanes ofyour arrowes be not bent or loose; bend your bowes; open your ears; keepeyour hattchetts sharpe to cutt trees to make you a fort; doe not spend soemuch greas to greas yourselves, but keep it for your bellies. Stay not toolong in the way. It's robbery to die with conduct. "

That poore wretch spake the truth & gave good instructions, but thegreatest part did not understand what he said, saving the hurrons thatweare with him, and I, that tould them as much as I could perceive. Everyone laughs, saying he himself is afraid & tells us that story. We call hima dogg, a woman, and a henne. We will make you know that we weare men, &for his paines we should burne him when we come to our country. Here youshall see the brutishnesse of those people that think themselves valliantto the last point. No comparison is to be made with them for vallour, butquite contrary. They passe away the rest of that day with greatexclamations of joy, but it will not last long. 

That night wee layd in our boats and made not the ketle boyle, because wehad meat ready dressed. Every boat is tyed up in the rushes, whether out offeare for what the prisoner told them, or that the prisoner should escape, I know not. They went to sleepe without any watch. The ffrench began towish & moane for that place from whence they came from. What will it be ifwee heare yeatt cryes & sorrows after all? Past the breake of day every onetakes his oare to row; the formost oares have great advantage. We heard thetorrent rumble, but could not come to the land that day, although not farrfrom us. Some twelve boats gott afore us. These weare saluted with guns &outcrys. In the meane while one boat runs one way, one another; some menlands and runs away. We are all put to it; non knowes where he is, they areput to such a confusion. All those beasts gathers together againe frighted. Seeing no way to escape, gott themselves all in a heape like unto ducksthat sees the eagle come to them. 

That first feare being over a litle, they resolved to land & to make a fortwith all speed, which was done in lesse then two houres. The most stupidestdrowsy are the nimblest for the hattchett & cutting of trees. The fortbeing finished, every one maketh himselfe in a readiness to sustaine theassult if any had tempted. The prisoner was brought, who soone wasdespatched, burned & roasted & eaten. The Iroquoits had so served them, asmany as they have taken. We mist 20 of our company, but some came safe tous, & lost 13 that weare killed & taken in that defeat. The Iroquoitefinding himselfe weake would not venture, & was obliged to leave us leasthe should be discovered & served as the other. Neverthelesse they shewedgood countenances, went & builded a fort as we have done, where theyfortified themselves & feed on human flesh which they gott in the warres. They weare afraid as much as we, but far from that; ffor the night beingcome, every one imbarks himselfe, to the sound of a low trumpet, by thehelp of the darknesse. We went to the other side, leaving our marchandisesfor our ransome to the ennemy that used us so unkindly. We made somecariages that night with a world of paines. We mist 4 of our boats, so thatwe must alter our equipages. The wildmen complained much that the ffrenchcould not swime, for that they might be together. The ffrench seeing thatthey weare not able to undergo such a voyage, they consult together & forconclusion resolved to give an end to such labours & dangers; moreover, found themselves incapable to follow the wildmen who went with all thespeed possible night & day for the feare that they weare in. The ffathers, seeing our weaknesse, desired the wildmen that they might have one or twoto direct them, which by no means was granted, but bid us doe as the rest. We kept still our resolution, & knowing more tricks then they, would notgoe back, which should be but disdainful & prejudiciall. We told them soplainly that we would finish that voyage or die by the way. Besides thatthe wildmen did not complaine of us att all, but incouraged us. After along arguing, every one had the liberty to goe backwards or forwards, ifany had courage to venter himselfe with us. Seeing the great difficulties, all with one consent went back againe, and we went on. 

The wildmen weare not sorry for their departure, because of their ignorancein the affaire of such navigation. It's a great alteration to see one and30 reduced to 2. We encouraged one another, both willing to live & die withone another; & that [is] the least we could doe, being brothers. Before we[went] to the lake of the hurrons we had crosses enough, but no encounter. We travelled onely in the night in these dangerous places, which could notbe done without many vexations & labours. The vanity was somewhat coolerfor the example we have seene the day before. The hungar was that tormentedus most; for him we could not goe seeke for some wild beasts. Our chiefestfood was onely some few fishes which the wildmen caught by a line, may betwo dozens a whole day, no bigger then my hand. 

Being come to the place of repose, some did goe along the water side on therocks & there exposed ourselves to the rigour of the weather. Upon theserocks we find some shells, blackish without and the inner part whitish byreason of the heat of the sun & of the humidity. They are in a maner gluedto the rock; so we must gett another stone to gett them off by scrapingthem hard. When we thought to have enough [we] went back again to theCottages, where the rest weare getting the litle fishes ready with trips, [Footnote: _Trips_, --meaning "tripe des boiled resolves itself into a blackglue, roche, a species of lichen, which being nauseous but not withoutnourishment. " _Discovery of the Great West_, by Parkman. ] gutts and all. The kittle was full with the scraping of the rocks, which soone after itboyled became like starch, black and clammie & easily to be swallowed. Ithink if any bird had lighted upon the excrements of the said stuff, theyhad stuckt to it as if it weare glue. In the fields we have gatheredseverall fruits, as goosberyes, blackberrys, that in an houre we gatheredabove a bushell of such sorte, although not as yett full ripe. We boyledit, and then every one had his share. Heere was daintinesse slighted. Thebelly did not permitt us to gett on neither shoos nor stockins, that thebetter we might goe over the rocks, which did [make] our feet smart [so]that we came backe. Our feet & thighs & leggs weare scraped with thorns, ina heape of blood. The good God looked uppon those infidels by sending themnow & then a beare into the river, or if we perceived any in an Isle forcedthem to swime, that by that means we might the sooner kill them. But themost parts there abouts is so sterill that there is nothing to be seene butrocks & sand, & on the high wayes but deale trees that grow mostmiraculously, for that earth is not to be seene than can nourish the root, & most of them trees are very bigg & high. We tooke a litle refreshment ina place called the lake of Castors, which is some 30 leagues from the firstgreat lake. Some of those wildmen hid a rest [Footnote: "Hid a rest, " orcache. ] as they went down to the ffrench; but the lake was so full offishes we tooke so much that served us a long while. 

We came to a place where weare abundance of Otters, in so much that Ibelieve all gathered to hinder our passage. We killed some with our arrows, not daring to shoote because we discovered there abouts some tracks, judging to be our ennemy by the impression of their feet in the sand. Allknowes there one another by their march, for each hath his proper steps, some upon their toes, some on their heele, which is natural to them, forwhen they are infants the mother wrapeth them to their mode. Heer I speakenot of the horrid streams we passed, nor of the falls of the water, whichweare of an incredible height. In some parts most faire & delicious, wherepeople formerly lived onely by what they could gett by the bow & arrows. Weweare come above 300 leagues allwayes against the streame, & made 60carriages, besides drawing, besides the swift streams we overcame by theoares & poles to come to that litle lake of Castors which may be 30 or 40leagues in compasse. The upper end of it is full of Islands, where there isnot time lost to wander about, finding wherewithall to make the kettleboyle with venison, great bears, castors & fishes, which are plenty in thatplace. The river that we goe to the great lake is somewhat favorable. Wegoe downe with ease & runing of the watter, which empties itsselfe in thatlake in which we are now coming in. This river hath but 8 high & violentstreams, which is some 30 leagues in length. The place where we weare is abay all full of rocks, small isles, & most between wind and water which aninfinite [number] of fishes, which are seene in the water so cleare aschristiall. That is the reason of so many otters, that lives onely upponfish. Each of us begins to looke to his bundle & merchandizes and preparehimselfe for the bad weather that uses to be on that great extent of water. The wildmen finds what they hid among the rocks 3 months before they cameup to the french. Heere we are stiring about in our boats as nimble as beesand divided ourselves into 2 companys. Seaven boats went towards westnorwest and the rest to the South. 

After we mourned enough for the death of our deare countrymen that weareslained coming up, we take leave of each other with promise of amitie &good correspondence one with another, as for the continuance of peace, asfor the assistance of strength, if the enemy should make an assault. Thatthey should not goe to the french without giving notice one to another &soe goe together. We that weare for the South went on severall dayesmerily, & saw by the way the place where the ffathers Jesuits hadheretofore lived; a delicious place, albeit we could but see it afarre off. The coast of this lake is most delightfull to the minde. The lands smooth, and woods of all sorts. In many places there are many large open fieldswhere in, I believe, wildmen formerly lived before the destruction of themany nations which did inhabit, and tooke more place then 600 leaguesabout; for I can well say that from the river of Canada to the great lakeof the hurrons, which is neere 200 leagues in length & 60 in breadth, as Iguesse, for I have [been] round about it, plenty of fish. There are banksof sand 5 or 6 leagues from the waterside, where such an infinite deale offish that scarcely we are able to draw out our nett. There are fishes asbigg as children of 2 years old. There is sturgeon enough & other sortethat is not knowne to us. The South part is without isles, onely in somebayes where there are some. It is delightfull to goe along the side of thewatter in summer where you may pluck the ducks. 

We must stay often in a place 2 or 3 dayes for the contrary winds; ffor[if] the winds weare anything high, we durst not venter the boats againstthe impetuosity of the waves, which is the reason that our voyages are solong and tedious. A great many large deep rivers empties themselves in thatlake, and an infinit number of other small rivers, that cann beare boats, and all from lakes & pools which are in abundance in that country. 

After we travelled many dayes we arrived att a large island where we foundtheir village, their wives & children. You must know that we passed astrait some 3 leagues beyond that place. The wildmen give it a name; it isanother lake, but not so bigg as that we passed before. We calle it thelake of the staring hairs, because those that live about it have their hairlike a brush turned up. They all have a hole in their nose, which is doneby a straw which is above a foot long. It barrs their faces. Their earshave ordinarily 5 holes, where one may putt the end of his finger. They usethose holes in this sort: to make themselves gallant they passe through ita skrew of coper with much dexterity, and goe on the lake in that posture. When the winter comes they weare no capes because of their haire tournedup. They fill those skrews with swan's downe, & with it their ears covered;but I dare say that the people doe not for to hold out the cold, but ratherfor pride, ffor their country is not so cold as the north, and other lakesthat we have seene since. 

It should be difficult to describe what variety of faces our arrivement didcause, some out of joy, others out of sadnesse. Neverthelesse the numbersof joyfull exceeded that of the sorrowfull. The season began to invite thelustiest to hunting. We neither desire to be idle in any place, havinglearned by experience that idlenesse is the mother of all evil, for itbreeds most part of all sicknesse in those parts where the aire is mostdelightfull. So that they who had most knowledge in these quarters hadfamiliarity with the people that live there about the last lake. 

The nation that we weare with had warrs with the Iroquoits, and must trade. Our wildmen out of feare must consent to their ennemy to live in theirland. It's true that those who lived about the first lake had not for themost part the conveniency of our french merchandise, as since, whichobliged most of the remotest people to make peace, considering the enemy oftheirs that came as a thunder bolt upon them, so that they joyned with them& forgett what was past for their owne preservation. Att our coming therewe made large guifts, to dry up the tears of the friends of the deceased. As we came there the circumjacent neighbours came to visit us, that bid uswelcome, as we are so. There comes newes that there weare ennemy in thefields, that they weare seene att the great field. There is a councellcalled, & resolved that they should be searched & sett uppon them as [soonas] possible may be, which [was] executed speedily. I offered my service, soe went and looked for them 2 dayes; finding them the 3rd day, gave themthe assault when they least thought off it. We played the game so furiouslythat none escaped. 

The day following we returned to our village with 8 of our enemys dead and3 alive. The dead weare eaten & the living weare burned with a small fireto the rigour of cruelties, which comforted the desolat to see themrevenged of the death of their relations that was so served. We weare thenpossessed by the hurrons and Octanac; but our minde was not to stay in anisland, but to be knowne with the remotest people. The victory that we havegotten made them consent to what we could desire, & because that we shewedwilling [ness] to die for their defence. So we desired to goe with acompany of theirs that was going to the nation of the stairing haires. 

We weare wellcomed & much made of, saying that we weare the Gods & devilsof the earth; that we should fournish them, & that they would bring us totheir ennemy to destroy them. We tould them [we] were very well content. Wepersuaded them first to come peaceably, not to destroy them presently, andif they would not condescend, then would wee throw away the hattchett andmake use of our thunders. We sent ambassadors to them with guifts. Thatnation called Pontonatemick without more adoe comes & meets us with therest, & peace was concluded. Feasts were made & dames with guifts came ofeach side, with a great deale of mirth. 

We visited them during that winter, & by that means we made acquaintancewith an other nation called Escotecke, which signified fire, a faire propernation; they are tall & bigg & very strong. We came there in the spring. When we arrived there weare extraordinary banquetts. There they never haveseen men with beards, because they pull their haires as soone as it comesout; but much more astonished when they saw our armes, especially our guns, which they worshipped by blowing smoake of tobacco instead of sacrifice. Iwill not insist much upon their way of living, ffor of their ceremonysheere you will see a pattern. 

In the last voyage that wee made I will lett you onely know what cours werunned in 3 years' time. We desired them to lett us know their neighboringnations. They gave us the names, which I hope to describe their names inthe end of this most imperfect discours, at least those that I canremember. Among others they told us of a nation called Nadoneceronon, whichis very strong, with whome they weare in warres with, & another wanderingnation, living onely uppon what they could come by. Their dwelling was onthe side of the salt watter in summer time, & in the land in the wintertime, for it's cold in their country. They calle themselves Christinos, &their confederats from all times, by reason of their speech, which is thesame, & often have joyned together & have had companys of souldiers towarre against that great nation. We desired not to goe to the North till wehad made a discovery in the South, being desirous to know what they did. They told us if we would goe with them to the great lake of the stinkings, the time was come of their trafick, which was of as many knives as theycould gett from the french nation, because of their dwellings, which wasatt the coming in of a lake called Superior, but since the destructions ofmany neighboring nations they retired themselves to the height of the lake. We knewed those people well. We went to them almost yearly, and the companythat came up with us weare of the said nation, but never could tellpunctually where they lived because they make the barre of the Christinosfrom whence they have the Castors that they bring to the french. This placeis 600 leagues off, by reason of the circuit that we must doe. The hurrons& the Octanacks, from whence we came last, furnishes them also, & comes tothe furthest part of the lake of the stinkings, there to have light earthenpots, and girdles made of goat's hairs, & small shells that grow art thesea side, with which they trim their cloath made of skin. 

We finding this opportunity would not lett it slippe, but made guifts, telling that the other nation would stand in feare of them because of us. We flattered them, saying none would dare to give them the least wrong, inso much that many of the Octanacks that weare present to make the samevoyage. I can assure you I liked noe country as I have that wherein wewintered; ffor whatever a man could desire was to be had in great plenty;viz. Staggs, fishes in abundance, & all sort of meat, corne enough. Thoseof the 2 nations would not come with us, but turned back to their nation. We neverthelesse put ourselves in hazard, for our curiosity, of stay 2 or 3years among that nation. We ventured, for that we understand some of theiridiome & trusted to that. 

We embarked ourselves on the delightfullest lake of the world. I tookenotice of their Cottages & of the journeys of our navigation, for becausethat the country was so pleasant, so beautifull & fruitfull that it grievedme to see that the world could not discover such inticing countrys to livein. This I say because that the Europeans fight for a rock in the seaagainst one another, or for a sterill land and horrid country, that thepeople sent heere or there by the changement of the aire ingenderssicknesse and dies thereof. Contrarywise those kingdoms are so delicious &under so temperat a climat, plentifull of all things, the earth bringingfoorth its fruit twice a yeare, the people live long & lusty & wise intheir way. What conquest would that bee att litle or no cost; whatlaborinth of pleasure should millions of people have, instead that millionscomplaine of misery & poverty! What should not men reape out of the love ofGod in converting the souls heere, is more to be gained to heaven then whatis by differences of nothing there, should not be so many dangers committedunder the pretence of religion! Why so many thoesoever are hid from us byour owne faults, by our negligence, covetousnesse, & unbeliefe. It's true, I confesse, that the accesse is difficult, but must say that we are likethe Cockscombs of Paris, when first they begin to have wings, imaginingthat the larks will fall in their mouths roasted; but we ought [toremember] that vertue is not acquired without labour & taking great paines. 

We meet with severall nations, all sedentary, amazed to see us, & wearevery civil. The further we sejourned the delightfuller the land was to us. I can say that [in] my lifetime I never saw a more incomparable country, for all I have ben in Italy; yett Italy comes short of it, as I think, whenit was inhabited, & now forsaken of the wildmen. Being about the great sea, we conversed with people that dwelleth about the salt water, [Footnote:"That dwelleth about the salt water;" namely, Hudson's Bay. ] who tould usthat they saw some great white thing sometimes uppon the water, & cametowards the shore, & men in the top of it, and made a noise like a companyof swans; which made me believe that they weare mistaken, for I could notimagine what it could be, except the Spaniard; & the reason is that wefound a barill broken as they use in Spaine. Those people have their haireslong. They reape twice a yeare; they are called Tatarga, that is to say, buff. They warre against Nadoneceronons, and warre also against theChristinos. These 2 doe no great harme to one another, because the lake isbetweene both. They are generally stout men, that they are able to defendthemselves. They come but once a year to fight. If the season of the yearehad permitted us to stay, for we intended to goe backe the yeare following, we had indeavoured to make peace betweene them. We had not as yett seenethe nation Nadoneceronons. We had hurrons with us. Wee persuaded them tocome along to see their owne nation that fled there, but they would not byany means. We thought to gett some castors there to bring downe to theffrench, seeing [it] att last impossible to us to make such a circuit in atwelve month's time. We weare every where much made of; neither wantedvictualls, for all the different nations that we mett conducted us &furnished us with all necessaries. Tending to those people, went towardsthe South & came back by the north. 

The Summer passed away with admiration by the diversity of the nations thatwe saw, as for the beauty of the shore of that sweet sea. Heere we sawfishes of divers, some like the sturgeons & have a kind of slice att theend of their nose some 3 fingers broad in the end and 2 onely neere thenose, and some 8 thumbs long, all marbled of a blakish collor. There arebirds whose bills are two and 20 thumbs long. That bird swallows a wholesalmon, keeps it a long time in his bill. We saw alsoe shee-goats verybigg. There is an animal somewhat lesse then a cow whose meat is exceedinggood. There is no want of Staggs nor Buffes. There are so many Tourkeysthat the boys throws stoanes att them for their recreation. We found nosea-serpents as we in other laks have seene, especially in that ofd'Ontario and that of the stairing haires. There are some in that of thehurrons, but scarce, for the great cold in winter. They come not neere theupper lake. In that of the stairing haires I saw yong boy [who] was bitten. He tooke immediately his stony knife & with a pointed stick & cutts off thewhole wound, being no other remedy for it. They are great sorcerors & turnsthe wheele. I shall speake of this at large in my last voyage. Most of theshores of the lake is nothing but sand. There are mountains to be seenefarre in the land. There comes not so many rivers from that lake as fromothers; these that flow from it are deeper and broader, the trees are verybigg, but not so thick. There is a great distance from one another, & aquantitie of all sorts of fruits, but small. The vines grows all by theriver side; the lemons are not so bigg as ours, and sowrer. The grape isvery bigg, greene, is seene there att all times. It never snows nor freezesthere, but mighty hot; yett for all that the country is not so unwholsom, ffor we seldome have seene infirmed people. I will speake of their mannersin my last voyage, which I made in October. 

We came to the strait of the 2 lakes of the stinkings and the upper lake, where there are litle isles towards Norwest, ffew towards the Southest, very small. The lake towards the North att the side of it is full of rocks& sand, yett great shipps can ride on it without danger. We being of 3nations arrived there with booty, disputed awhile, ffor some would returneto their country. That was the nation of the fire, & would have us backe totheir dwelling. We by all means would know the Christinos. To goe backe wasout of our way. We contented the hurrons to our advantage with promises &others with hope, and persuaded the Octonack to keepe his resolution, because we weare but 5 small fine dayes from those of late that lived inthe sault of the coming in of the said upper lake, from whence that name ofsalt, which is _panoestigonce_ in the wild language, which heerafter wewill call the nation of the salt. 

Not many years since that they had a cruell warre against theNadoneseronons. Although much inferiour in numbers, neverthelesse thatsmall number of the salt was a terror unto them, since they had trade withthe ffrench. They never have seene such instruments as the ffrenchfurnished them withall. It is a proude nation, therfore would not submitt, although they had to doe with a bigger nation 30 times then they weare, because that they weare called ennemy by all those that have the accent ofthe Algonquin language, that the wild men call Nadone, which is thebeginning of their name. The Iroquoits have the title of bad ennemy, Maesocchy Nadone. Now seeing that the Christinos had hattchetts & knives, for that they resolved to make peace with those of the sault, that durstnot have gon hundred of leagues uppon that upper lake with assurance. Theywould not hearken to anything because their general resolved to make peacewith those of the Christinos & an other nation that gott gunns, the noiseof which had frighted them more then the bulletts that weare in them. Thetime approached, there came about 100 of the nation of the Sault to thosethat lived towards the north. The christinos gott a bigger company & foughta batail. Some weare slaine of both sids. The Captayne of these of theSault lost his eye by an arrow. The batail being over he made a speech, &said that he lost his fight of one side, & of the other he foresee what hewould doe; his courage being abject by that losse, that he himselfe shouldbe ambassador & conclud the peace. 

He seeing that the Iroquoits came too often, a visit I must confesse verydispleasing, being that some [of] ours looses their lives or liberty, sothat we retired ourselves to the higher lake neerer the nation of theNadoneceronons, where we weare well receaved, but weare mistrusted whenmany weare seene together. We arrived then where the nation of the Saultwas, where we found some french men that came up with us, who thanked uskindly for to come & visit them. The wild Octanaks that came with us foundsome of their nations slaves, who weare also glad to see them. For all theyweare slaves they had meat enough, which they have not in their ownecountry so plentifull, being no huntsmen, but altogether ffishers. As forthose towards the north, they are most expert in hunting, & live upponnothing else the most part of the yeare. We weare long there before we gottacquaintance with those that we desired so much, and they in lik maner hada fervent desire to know us, as we them. Heer comes a company of Christinosfrom the bay of the North sea, to live more at ease in the midle of woods &forests, by reason they might trade with those of the Sault & have theConveniency to kill more beasts. 

There we passed the winter & learned the particularitie that since wee sawby Experience. Heere I will not make a long discours during that time, onely made good cheere & killed staggs, Buffes, Elends, and Castors. TheChristinos had skill in that game above the rest. The snow provedfavourable that yeare, which caused much plenty of every thing. Most of thewoods & forests are very thick, so that it was in some places as darke asin a cellar, by reason of the boughs of trees. The snow that falls, beingvery light, hath not the strenght to stopp the eland, [Footnote: _Elend_, plainly the Moose. "They appear to derive their Dutch appellation(_eelanden_) from _elende_, misery, they die of the smallest wound. "_Documentary History of New York_, by O'Callaghan, Vol. IV. P. 77. ] whichis a mighty strong beast, much like a mule, having a tayle cutt off 2 or 3or 4 thumbes long, the foot cloven like a stagge. He has a muzzle mightybigge. I have seene some that have the nostrills so bigg that I putt intoit my 2 fists att once with ease. Those that uses to be where the buffes beare not so bigg, but about the bignesse of a coach horse. The wildmen callthem the litle sort. As for the Buff, it is a furious animal. One must havea care of him, for every yeare he kills some Nadoneseronons. He comes forthe most part in the plaines & meddows; he feeds like an ox, and theOriniack so but seldom he galopps. I have seene of their hornes that a mancould not lift them from of the ground. They are branchy & flatt in themidle, of which the wildman makes dishes that can well hold 3 quarts. Thesehornes fall off every yeare, & it's a thing impossible that they will growagaine. The horns of Buffs are as those of an ox, but not so long, butbigger, & of a blackish collour; he hath a very long hairy taile; he isreddish, his haire frized & very fine. All the parts of his body much[like] unto an ox. The biggest are bigger then any ox whatsoever. Those areto be found about the lake of the Stinkings & towards the North of thesame. They come not to the upper lake but by chance. It's a pleasur to findthe place of their abode, for they tourne round about compassing 2 or 3acres of land, beating the snow with their feete, & coming to the centerthey lye downe & rise againe to eate the bows of trees that they can reach. They go not out of their circle that they have made untill hunger compellsthem. 

We did what we could to have correspondence with that warlick nation &reconcile them with the Christinos. We went not there that winter. Manyweare slained of both sides the summer last. The wound was yett fresh, wherfore it was hard to conclude peace between them. We could doe nothing, ffor we intended to turne back to the ffrench the summer following. Twoyears weare expired. We hoped to be att the 2 years end with those thatgave us over for dead, having before to come back at a year's end. As weare once in those remote countreys we cannot doe as we would. Att last wedeclared our mind first to those of the Sault, encouraging those of theNorth that we are their brethren, & that we would come back & force theirenemy to peace or that we would help against them. We made guifts one toanother, and thwarted a land of allmost 50 leagues before the snow wasmelted. In the morning it was a pleasur to walke, for we could goe withoutracketts. The snow was hard enough, because it freezed every night. Whenthe sun began to shine we payed for the time past. The snow sticks so toour racketts that I believe our shoes weighed 30 pounds, which was a paine, having a burden uppon our backs besides. 

We arrived, some 150 of us, men & women, to a river side, where we stayed 3weeks making boats. Here we wanted not fish. During that time we madefeasts att a high rate. So we refreshed ourselves from our labours. In thattime we tooke notice that the budds of trees began to spring, which made usto make more hast & be gone. We went up that river 8 dayes till we came toa nation called Pontonatenick & Matonenock; that is, the scrattchers. Therewe gott some Indian meale & corne from those 2 nations, which lasted ustill we came to the first landing Isle. There we weare well receivedagaine. We made guifts to the Elders to encourage the yong people to bringus downe to the ffrench. But mightily mistaken; ffor they would reply, "Should you bring us to be killed? The Iroquoits are every where about theriver & undoubtedly will destroy us if we goe downe, & afterwards our wives& those that stayed behinde. Be wise, brethren, & offer not to goe downethis yeare to the ffrench. Lett us keepe our lives. " We made many privatesuits, but all in vaine. That vexed us most that we had given away most ofour merchandises & swapped a great deale for Castors. Moreover they made nogreat harvest, being but newly there. Beside, they weare no great huntsmen. Our journey was broaken till the next yeare, & must per force. 

That summer I went a hunting, & my brother stayed where he was welcome &putt up a great deale of Indian corne that was given him. He intended tofurnish the wildmen that weare to goe downe to the ffrench if they had notenough. The wild men did not perceive this; ffor if they wanted any, wecould hardly kept it for our use. The winter passes away in goodcorrespondence one with another, & sent ambassadors to the nations thatuses to goe downe to the french, which rejoyced them the more & made uspasse that yeare with a greater pleasur, saving that my brother sell intothe falling sicknesse, & many weare sorry for it. That proceeded onely of along stay in a new discovered country, & the idlenesse contributs much toit. There is nothing comparable to exercise. It is the onely remedy of suchdiseases. After he languished awhile God gave him his health againe. 

The desire that every one had to goe downe to the ffrench made themearnestly looke out for castors. They have not so many there as in thenorth part, so in the beginning of spring many came to our Isle. Thereweare no lesse, I believe, then 500 men that weare willing to venterthemselves. The corne that my brother kept did us a world of service. Thewildmen brought a quantity of flesh salted in a vesell. When we weare readyto depart, heere comes strang news of the defeat of the hurrons, whichnews, I thought, would putt off the voyage. There was a councell held, &most of them weare against the goeing downe to the ffrench, saying that theIroquoits weare to barre this yeare, & the best way was to stay till thefollowing yeare. And now the ennemy, seeing himselfe frustrated of hisexpectation, would not stay longer, thinking thereby that we weare resolvednever more to go downe, and that next yeare there should be a biggercompany, & better able to oppose an ennemy. My brother & I, feeingourselves all out of hopes of our voyage, without our corne, which wasallready bestowed, & without any merchandise, or scarce having one knifebetwixt us both, so we weare in a great apprehension least that the hurronsshould, as they have done often, when the ffathers weare in their country, kill a frenchman. 

Seeing the equipage ready & many more that thought long to depart thencefor marchandise, we uppon this resolved to call a publique councell in theplace; which the Elders hearing, came and advised us not to undertake it, giving many faire words, saying, "Brethren, why are you such ennemys toyourselves to putt yourselves in the hands of those that wait for you? Theywill destroy you and carry you away captives. Will you have your brethrendestroyed that loves you, being slained? Who then will come up and baptizeour children? Stay till the next yeare, & then you are like to have thenumber of 600 men in company with you. Then you may freely goe withoutintermission. Yee shall take the church along with you, & the ffathers &mothers will send their children to be taught in the way of truth of theLord. " Our answer was that we would speake in publique, which granted, theday appointed is come. There gathered above 800 men to see who should havethe glorie in a round. They satt downe on the ground. We desired silence. The elders being in the midle & we in their midle, my brother began toSpeake. "Who am I? am I a foe or a friend? If I am a foe, why did yousuffer me to live so long among you? If I am friend, & if you take so tobe, hearken to what I shall say. You know, my uncles & brethren, that Ihazarded my life goeing up with you; if I have no courage, why did you nottell me att my first coming here? & if you have more witt then we, why didnot you use it by preserving your knives, your hattchetts, & your gunns, that you had from the ffrench? You will see if the ennemy will sett uponyou that you will be attraped like castors in a trape; how will you defendyourselves like men that is not courageous to lett yourselves be catchedlike beasts? How will you defend villages? with castors' skins? how willyou defend your wives & children from the ennemy's hands?"

Then my brother made me stand up, saying, "Shew them the way to make warrsif they are able to uphold it. " I tooke a gowne of castors' skins that oneof them had uppon his shoulder & did beat him with it. I asked the othersif I was a souldier. "Those are the armes that kill, & not your robes. Whatwill your ennemy say when you perish without defending yourselves? Doe notyou know the ffrench way? We are used to fight with armes & not with robes. You say that the Iroquoits waits for you because some of your men wearekilled. It is onely to make you stay untill you are quite out of stocke, that they dispatch you with ease. Doe you think that the ffrench will comeup here when the greatest part of you is slained by your owne fault? Youknow that they cannot come up without you. Shall they come to baptize yourdead? Shall your children learne to be slaves among the Iroquoits for theirffathers' cowardnesse? You call me Iroquoit. Have not you seene medisposing my life with you? Who has given you your life if not the ffrench?Now you will not venter because many of your confederates are come to visityou & venter their lives with you. If you will deceave them you must notthink that they will come an other time for shy words nor desire. You havespoaken of it first, doe what you will. For myne owne part, I will venterchoosing to die like a man then live like a beggar. Having not wherewithalto defend myselfe, farewell; I have my sack of corne ready. Take all mycastors. I shall live without you. " & then departed that company. 

They weare amazed of our proceeding; they stayed long before they spoakeone to another. Att last sent us some considerable persons who bid uscheare up. "We see that you are in the right; the voyage is not broaken. The yong people tooke very ill that you have beaten them with the skin. Allavowed to die like men & undertake the journey. You shall heare what thecouncell will ordaine the morrow. They are to meet privatly & you shall becalled to it. Cheare up & speake as you have done; that is my councell toyou. For this you will remember me when you will see me in your country;ffor I will venter meselfe with you. " Now we are more satisfied then theday before. We weare to use all rhetorique to persuade them to goe downe, ffor we saw the country languish very much, ffor they could not subsist, &moreover they weare afraid of us. The councell is called, but we had noneed to make a speech, finding them disposed to make the voyage & tosubmitt. "Yee women gett your husbands' bundles ready. They goe to gettwherwithall to defend themselves & you alive. "

Our equipage was ready in 6 dayes. We embarked ourselves. We weare innumber about 500, all stout men. We had with us a great store of castors'skins. We came to the South. We now goe back to the north, because toovertake a band of men that went before to give notice to others. We passedthe lake without dangers. We wanted nothing, having good store of corne &netts to catch fish, which is plentyfull in the rivers. We came to a placewhere 8 Iroquoits wintered. That was the company that made a slaughterbefore our departure from home. Our men repented now they did not goesooner, ffor it might be they should have surprised them. 

Att last we are out of those lakes. One hides a caske of meale, the otherhis campiron, & all that could be cumbersome. After many paines & labourswee arrived to the Sault of Columest, so called because of the Stones thatare there very convenient to make tobacco pipes. We are now within 100leagues of the french habitation, & hitherto no bad encounter. We stillfound tracks of men which made us still to have the more care and guard ofourselves. Some 30 leagues from this place we killed wild cowes & then gottourselves into cottages, where we heard some guns goe off, which made usputt out our fires & imbark ourselves with all speed. We navigated all thatnight. About the breake of day we made a stay, that not to goe through theviolent streames for feare the Ennemy should be there to dispute thepassage. We landed & instantly sent 2 men to know whether the passage wasfree. They weare not halfe a mile off when we see a boat of the ennemythwarting the river, which they had not done without discovering our boats, having nothing to cover our boats nor hide them. Our lightest boats shewedthemselves by pursueing the ennemy. They did shoot, but to no effect, whichmade our two men come back in all hast. We seeing ourselves butmerchandmen, so we would not long follow a man of warre, because he runnedswifter then ours. 

We proceeded in our way with great diligence till we came to the carriageplace, where the one halfe of our men weare in readinesse, whilst the otherhalfe carried the baggage & the boats. We had a great alarum, but no hurtdone. We saw but one boat, but have seene foure more going up the river. Methinks they thought themselves some what weake for us, which persuaded us[of] 2 things: 1st, that they weare afraid; andly, that they went to warnetheir company, which thing warned us the more to make hast. 

The 2nd day att evening after we landed & boyled an horiniack which wekilled. We then see 16 boats of our ennemy coming. They no sooner perceivedus but they went on the other side of the river. It was a good looke for usto have seene them. Our wildmen did not say what they thought, ffor theyesteemed themselves already lost. We encouraged them & desired them to havecourage & not [be] afraid, & so farr as I think we weare strong enough forthem, that we must stoutly goe & meet them, and they should stand still. Weshould be alltogether, & put our castors' skins upon pearches, which couldkeepe us from the shott, which we did. We had foure & 20 gunns ready, andgave them to the hurrons, who knewed how to handle them better then theothers. The Iroquoits seeing us come, & that we weare 5 to 1, could notimagine what to doe. Neverthelesse they would shew their courage; beingthat they must passe, they putt themselves in array to fight. If we had notben with some hurrons that knewed the Iroquoits' tricks, I believe that ourwild men had runned away, leaving their fusiques behind. We being neere oneanother, we commanded that they should row with all their strength towardsthem. We kept close one to another to persecut what was our intent. Webegin to make outcryes & sing. The hurrons in one side, the Algonquins attthe other side, the Ottanak, the panoestigons, the Amickkoick, theNadonicenago, the ticacon, and we both encouraged them all, crying out witha loud noise. The Iroquoits begin to shoot, but we made ours to goe oneforwards without any shooting, and that it was the onely way of fighting. They indeed turned their backs & we followed them awhile. Then was it thatwe weare called devils, with great thanks & incouragements that they gaveus, attributing to us the masters of warre and the only Captaynes. Wedesired them to keepe good watch and sentry, and if we weare not surprizedwe should come safe and sound without hurt to the ffrench. The Iroquoiteseeing us goe on our way, made as if they would leave us. 

We made 3 carriages that day, where the ennemy could doe us mischief ifthey had ben there. The cunning knaves followed us neverthelesse prittyclose. We left 5 boats behind that weare not loaden. We did so to see whatinvention our enemy could invent, knowing very well that his mind was tosurprize us. It is enough that we are warned that they follow us. Att lastwe perceived that he was before us, which putt us in some feare; but seeingus resolut, did what he could to augment his number. But we weare mightyvigilent & sent some to make a discovery att every carriage through thewoods. We weare told that they weare in an ambush, & there builded a fortbelow the long Sault, where we weare to passe. Our wildmen said doubtlessethey have gott an other company of their nation, so that some minded tothrow their castors away & returne home. We told them that we weare almostatt the gates of the ffrench habitation, & bid [them] therefore havecourage, & that our lives weare in as great danger as theirs, & if we wearetaken we should never escape because they knewed us, & I because I runnedaway from their country having slained some of their brethren, & my brotherthat long since was the man that furnished their enemy with arms. 

They att last weare persuaded, & landed within a mile of the landing place, & sent 300 men before armed. We made them great bucklers that the shotcould not pearce in some places. They weare to be carryed if there had benoccasion for it. Being come neere the torrent, we finding the Iroquoitslying in ambush, who began to shoot. The rest of our company went aboutcutting of trees & making a fort, whilst some brought the boats; whichbeing come, we left as few means possible might bee. The rest helped tocarry wood. We had about 200 men that weare gallant souldiers. The mostweare hurrons, Pasnoestigons, & Amickkoick frequented the ffrench for atime. The rest weare skillfull in their bows & arrows. The Iroquoitsperceiving our device, resolved to fight by forceing them to lett us passewith our arms. They did not know best what to doe, being not so munishednor so many men above a hundred and fifty. They forsooke the place &retired into the fort, which was underneath the rapide. We in the meanewhile have slained 5 of theirs, & not one of ours hurted, which encouragedour wildmen. We bid them still to have good courage, that we should havethe victory. Wee went & made another fort neere theirs, where 2 of our menweare wounded but lightly. 

It is a horrid thing to heare [of] the enormity of outcryes of thosedifferent nations. The Iroquoits sung like devils, & often made salleys tomake us decline. They gott nothing by that but some arrows that didincommodat them to some purpose. We foresee that such a batail could nothold out long for want of powder, of shott & arrows; so by the consent ofmy brother & the rest, made a speech in the Iroquoit language, inducingmeselfe with armours that I might not be wounded with every bullett orarrow that the ennemy sent perpetually. Then I spoake. "Brethren, we camefrom your country & bring you to ours, not to see you perish unlesse weperish with you. You know that the ffrench are men, & maks forts thatcannot be taken so soone therefore cheare upp, ffor we love you & will diewith you. " This being ended, nothing but howling & crying. We brought ourcastors & tyed them 8 by 8, and rowled them before us. The Iroquoitsfinding that they must come out of their fort to the watterside, where theyleft their boats, to make use of them in case of neede, where indeed madean escape, leaving all their baggage behind, which was not much, neitherhad we enough to fill our bellyes with the meat that was left; there wearekettles, broaken gunns, & rusty hattchetts. 

They being gone, our passage was free, so we made hast & endeavoured tocome to our journey's end; and to make the more hast, some boats went downethat swift streame without making any carriage, hopeing to follow theennemy; but the bad lacke was that where my brother was the boat turned inthe torrent, being seaven of them together, weare in great danger, ffor Godwas mercifull to give them strength to save themselves, to the greatadmiration, for few can speed so well in such precipices. When they came tolande they cutt rocks. My brother lost his booke of annotations of the lastyeare of our being in these foraigne nations. We lost never a castor, butmay be some better thing. It's better [that one] loose all then lose hislife. 

We weare 4 moneths in our voyage without doeing any thing but goe fromriver to river. We mett severall sorts of people. We conversed with them, being long time in alliance with them. By the persuasion of som of them wewent into the great river that divides itselfe in 2, where the hurrons withsome Ottanake & the wild men that had warrs with them had retired. There isnot great difference in their language, as we weare told. This nation havewarrs against those of [the] forked river. It is so called because it has 2branches, the one towards the west, the other towards the South, which webelieve runns towards Mexico, by the tokens they gave us. Being among thesepeople, they told us the prisoners they take tells them that they havewarrs against a nation, against men that build great cabbans & have greatbeards & had such knives as we have had. Moreover they shewed a Decad ofbeads & guilded pearls that they have had from that people, which made usbelieve they weare Europeans. They shewed one of that nation that was takenthe yeare before. We understood him not; he was much more tawny then theywith whome we weare. His armes & leggs weare turned outside; that was thepunishment inflicted uppon him. So they doe with them that they take, &kill them with clubbs & doe often eat them. They doe not burne theirprisoners as those of the northern parts. 

We weare informed of that nation that live in the other river. These wearemen of extraordinary height & biggnesse, that made us believe they had nocommunication with them. They live onely uppon Corne & Citrulles, [Footnote: _Citrulles_, pumpkins. ] which are mighty bigg. They have fish inplenty throughout the yeare. They have fruit as big as the heart of anOriniak, which grows on vast trees which in compasse are three armefull incompasse. When they see litle men they are affraid & cry out, which makesmany come help them. Their arrows are not of stones as ours are, but offish boans & other boans that they worke greatly, as all other things. Their dishes are made of wood. I having seene them, could not but admirethe curiosity of their worke. They have great calumetts of great stones, red & greene. They make a store of tobacco. They have a kind of drink thatmakes them mad for a whole day. This I have not seene, therefore you maybelieve as you please. 

When I came backe I found my brother sick, as I said before. God gave himhis health, more by his courage then by any good medicine, ffor our bodyesare not like those of the wildmen. To our purpose; we came backe to ourcarriage, whilst wee endeavoured to ayde our compagnions in theirextremity. The Iroquoits gott a great way before, not well satisfied tohave stayed for us, having lost 7 of their men; 2 of them weare not nimbleenough, ffor our bulletts & arrows made them stay for good & all. Seaven ofour men weare sick, they have ben like to be drowned, & the other two wearewounded by the Iroquoits. 

The next day we went on without any delay or encounter. I give you leave ifthose of mont Royall weare not overjoyed to see us arrived where theyaffirme us the pitifull conditions that the country was by the cruelty ofthese cruell barbars, that perpetually killed & slaughtered to the verygate of the ffrench fort. All this hindered not our goeing to the ffrenchatt the 3 rivers after we refreshed ourselves 3 dayes, but like to paydearly for our bold attempt. 20 inhabitants came downe with us in ashawlopp. As we doubled the point of the river of the meddows we weare settuppon by severall of the Iroquoits, but durst not come neare us, because oftwo small brasse pieces that the shalop carryed. We tyed our boats together& made a fort about us of castors' skins, which kept us from all danger. Wewent downe the streame in that posture. The ennemy left us, & did well; forour wildmen weare disposed to fight, & our shaloupp could not come nearethem because for want of watter. We came to Quebecq, where we are salutedwith the thundring of the guns & batteryes of the fort, and of the 3 shippsthat weare then att anchor, which had gon back to france without castors ifwe had not come. We weare well traited for 5 dayes. The Governor madeguifts & sent 2 Brigantins to bring us to the 3 rivers, where we arrivedthe 2nd day of, & the 4th day they went away. 

That is the end of our 3 years' voyage & few months. After so much paine &danger God was so mercifull [as] to bring us back saf to our dwelling, where the one was made much off by his wife, the other by his friends &kindred. The ennemy that had discovered us in our goeing downe gott morecompany, with as many as they could to come to the passages, & there towaite for the retourne of those people, knowinge well that they could notstay there long because the season of the yeare was almost spent; but wemade them by our persuasions goe downe to Quebecq, which proved well, fforthe Iroquoits thought they weare gone another way. So came the next dayafter our arrivall to make a discovery to the 3 rivers, where beingperceived, there is care taken to receive them. 

The ffrench cannot goe as the wildmen through the woods, but imbarksthemselves in small boats & went along the river side, knowing that if theennemy was repulsed, he would make his retreat to the river side. SomeAlgonquins weare then att the habitation, who for to shew their vallourdisposed themselves to be the first in the poursuit of the enemy. Some ofthe strongest and nimblest ffrench kept them company, with an other greatnumber of men called Ottanacks, so that we weare soone together by theears. There weare some 300 men of the enemy that came in the space of afourteen night together; but when they saw us they made use of their heels. We weare about 500; but the better to play their game, after they runnedhalf a mile in the wood they turned againe, where then the batail beganmost furiously by shooting att one another. 

That uppermost nation, being not used to shooting nor heare such noise, began to shake off their armours, and tooke their bows and arrows, whichindeed made [more] execution then all the guns that they had brought. Soseeing 50 Algonquins & 15 ffrench keep to it, they resolved to stick to italso, which had not long lasted; ffor seeing that their arrows weare almostspent & they must close together, and that the enemy had an advantage bykeeping themselves behind the trees, and we to fall uppon we must bewithout bucklers, which diminished much our company that was foremost, wegave them in spight us place to retire themselves, which they did with allspeed. Having come to the watter side, where their boats weare, saw theffrench all in a row, who layd in an ambush to receive them, which they haddone if God had not ben for us; ffor they, thinking that the enemy was atthand, mistrusted nothing to the contrary. The ffrench that weare in thewood, seeing the evident danger where their countrymen layd, encouraged theOttanaks, who tooke their armes againe and followed the enemy, who notfeared that way arrived before the ffrench weare apprehended, by goodlooke. 

One of the Iroquoits, thinking his boat would be seene, goes quickly andputts it out of sight, & discovers himselfe, which warned the ffrench tohinder them to goe further uppon that score. Our wildmen made a stand andfell uppon them stoutly. The combat begins a new; they see the ffrench thatweare uppon the watter come neere, which renforced them to take their boatswith all hast, and leave their booty behind. The few boats that the frenchhad brought made that could enter but the 60 ffrench, who weare enough. Thewildmen neverthelesse did not goe without their prey, which was of threemen's heads that they killed att the first fight; but they left Eleven oftheirs in the place, besides many more that weare wounded. They wentstraight to their countrey, which did a great service to the retourne ofour wildmen, and mett with non all their journey, as we heard afterwards. 

They went away the next day, and we stayed att home att rest that yeare. Mybrother and I considered whether we should discover what we have seene orno; and because we had not a full and whole discovery, which was that wehave not ben in the bay of the north, not knowing anything but by report ofthe wild Christinos, we would make no mention of it for feare that thosewild men should tell us a fibbe. We would have made a discovery of itourselves and have an assurance, before we should discover anything of it. 

_The ende of the Auxotacicac voyage, which is the third voyage_. 

_[Fourth Voyage of Peter Esprit Radisson]_

The spring following we weare in hopes to meet with some company, havingben so fortunat the yeare before. Now during the winter, whether it wasthat my brother revealed to his wife what we had seene in our voyage andwhat we further intended, or how it came to passe, it was knowne; so muchthat the ffather Jesuits weare desirous to find out a way how they mightgett downe the castors from the bay of the north by the Sacgnes, and somake themselves masters of that trade. They resolved to make a tryall assoone as the ice would permitt them. So to discover our intentions theyweare very earnest with me to ingage myselfe in that voyage, to the endthat my brother would give over his, which I uterly denied them, knowingthat they could never bring it about, because I heard the wild men say thatalthough the way be easy, the wildmen that are feed att their doors wouldhave hindred them, because they make a livelyhood of that trade. 

In my last voyage I tooke notice of that that goes to three lands, which isfirst from the people of the north to another nation, that the ffrench callSquerells, and another nation that they call porquepicque, and from them tothe Montignes & Algonquins that live in or about Quebucque; but thegreatest hinderance is the scant of watter and the horrid torrents and wantof victuals, being no way to carry more then can serve 14 dayes' or 3weeks' navigation on that river. Neverthelesse the ffathers are gone withthe Governor's son of the three rivers and 6 other ffrench and 12 wildmen. 

During that time we made our proposition to the governor of Quebuc that weweare willing to venture our lives for the good of the countrey, and goe totravell to the remotest countreys with 2 hurrons that made their escapefrom the Iroquoits. They wished nothing more then to bee in those partswhere their wives and families weare, about the Lake of the stairing haire;to that intent would stay untill august to see if any body would come fromthence. My brother and I weare of one minde; and for more assurance mybrother went to Mont royall to bring those two men along. He came backe, being in danger. The Governor gives him leave, conditionaly that he mustcarry two of his servants along with him and give them the moitie of theprofit. My brother was vexed att such an unreasonable a demand, to takeinexperted men to their ruine. All our knowledge and desir depended onelyof this last voyage, besides that the governor should compare 2 of hisservants to us, that have ventured our lives so many years and maintainedthe countrey with our generosity in the presence of all; neither was thereone that had the courage to undertake what wee have done. We made thegovernor a slight answer, and tould him for our part we knewed what weweare, Discoverers before governors. If the wild men came downe, the wayfor them as for us, and that we should be glad to have the honnour of hiscompany, but not of that of his servants, and that we weare both mastersand servants. The Governor was much displeased att this, & commanded us notto go without his leave. We desired the ffathers to Speake to him about it. Our addresses were slight because of the shame was putt uppon them theyeare before of their retourne, besids, they stayed for an opportunity togoe there themselves; ffor their designe is to further the Christian faithto the greatest glory of God, and indeed are charitable to all those thatare in distresse and needy, especially to those that are worthy orindustrious in their way of honesty. This is the truth, lett who he willspeak otherwise, ffor this realy I know meselfe by experience. I hope Ioffend non to tell the truth. We are forced to goe back without doeing anything. 

The month of August that brings a company of the Sault, who weare come bythe river of the three rivers with incredible paines, as they said. It wasa company of seaven boats. We wrote the news of their arrivement to Quebuc. They send us word that they will stay untill the 2 fathers be turned fromSacquenes, that we should goe with them. An answer without reason. Necessity obliged us to goe. Those people are not to be inticed, ffor assoone as they have done their affaire they goe. The governor of that placedefends us to goe. We tould him that the offense was pardonable because itwas every one's interest; neverthelesse we knewed what we weare to doe, andthat he should not be blamed for us. We made guifts to the wildmen, thatwished with all their hearts that we might goe along with them. We toldthem that the governor minded to send servants with them, and forbids us togoe along with them. The wild men would not accept of their company, buttould us that they would stay for us two dayes in the Lake of St Peter inthe grasse some 6 leagues from the 3 rivers; but we did not lett them stayso long, for that very night, my brother having the keys of the Brough asbeing Captayne of the place, we embarqued ourselves. 

We made ready in the morning, so that we went, 3 of us, about midnight. Being come opposit to the fort, they aske who is there. My brother tellshis name. Every one knows what good services we had done to the countrey, and loved us, the inhabitants as well as the souldiers. The sentrey answershim, "God give you a good voyage. " We went on the rest of that night. Att 6in the morning we are arrived to the appointed place, but found no body. Weweare well armed, & had a good boat. We resolved to goe day and night tothe river of the meddows to overtake them. The wildmen did feare that itwas somewhat else, but 3 leagues beyond that of the fort of Richlieu we sawthem coming to us. We putt ourselves uppon our guards, thinking they weareennemy; but weare friends, and received us with joy, and said that if wehad not come in 3 dayes' time, they would have sent their boats to know thereason of our delay. There we are in that river waiting for the night. Being come to the river of the medows, we did separat ourselves, 3 into 3boats. The man that we have taken with us was putt into a boat of 3 men anda woman, but not of the same nation as the rest, but of one that we callsorcerors. They weare going downe to see some friends that lived with thenation of the fire, that now liveth with the Ponoestigonce or the Sault. Itis to be understood that this river is divided much into streams very swift& small before you goe to the river of Canada; [on account] of the greatgame that there is in it, the ennemy is to be feared, which made us gothrough these torrents. This could make any one afraid who is inexperted insuch voyages. 

We suffered much for 3 dayes and 3 nights without rest. As we went we heardthe noise of guns, which made us believe firmly they weare ennemyes. We saw5 boats goe by, and heard others, which daunted our hearts for feare, although wee had 8 boats in number; but weare a great distance one fromanother, as is said in my former voyage, before we could gaine the heightof the river. The boat of the sorcerors where was one of us, albeit made avoyage into the hurrons' country before with the ffathers, it was notusefull, soe we made him embark another, but stayed not there long. Thenight following, he that was in the boat dreamed that the Iroquoits hadtaken him with the rest. In his dreame he cryes out aloud; those that weareatt rest awakes of the noise. We are in alarum, and ready to be gone. Thosethat weare with the man resolved to goe back againe, explicating that anevill presage. The wildmen councelled to send back the ffrenchman, sayinghe should die before he could come to their countrey. It's usually spokenamong the wildmen when a man is sick or not able to doe anything todiscourage him in such sayings. 

Here I will give a relation of that ffrenchman before I goe farther, andwhat a thing it is to have an intrigue. The next day they see a boat oftheir ennemys, as we heard since. They presently landed. The wild menrunned away; the ffrenchman alsoe, as he went along the watter side forfear of loosing himselfe. He finds there an harbour very thick, layeshimselfe downe and falls asleepe. The night being come, the wildmen beingcome to know whether the ennemy had perceived them, but non pursued them, and found their boat in the same place, and imbarques themselves and comesin good time to mount royall. They left the poore ffrenchman there, thinking he had wit enough to come along the watter side, being not abovetenne leagues from thence. Those wild men, after their arrivement, forfeare spoak not one word of him, but went downe to the 3 rivers, wheretheir habitation was. Fourteen days after some boats ventured to goe lookefor some Oriniaks, came to the same place, where they made cottages, andthat within a quarter of mille where this wrech was. One of the ffrenchfinds him on his back and almost quite spent; had his gunne by him. He wasvery weake, and desirous that he should be discovered by some or other. Hefed as long as he could on grappes, and at last became so weake that he wasnot able any further, untill those ffrench found him. After awhile, beingcome to himselfe, he tends downe the three rivers, where being arrived thegovernor emprisons him. He stayed not there long. The inhabitants seeingthat the ennemy, the hunger, and all other miseries tormented this pooreman, and that it was by a divine providence he was alive, they would nothave souffred such inhumanity, but gott him out. 

Three dayes after wee found the tracks of seaven boats, and fire yettburning. We found out by their characters they weare no ennemys, butimagined that they weare Octanaks that went up into their countrey, whichmade us make hast to overtake them. We tooke no rest till we overtookethem. They came from Mount royall and weare gone to the great river andgone by the great river. So that we weare now 14 boats together, whichweare to goe the same way to the height of the upper lake. 

The day following wee weare sett uppon by a Company of Iroquoits thatfortified themselves in the passage, where they waited of Octanack, forthey knewed of their going downe. Our wildmen, seeing that there was no wayto avoid them, resolved to be together, being the best way for them to makea quick Expedition, ffor the season of the yeare pressed us to makeexpedition. We resolved to give a combat. We prepared ourselves withtargetts. Now the businesse was to make a discovery. I doubt not but theennemy was much surprised to see us so in number. The councell was held andresolution taken. I and a wildman weare appointed to goe and see theirfort. I offered myselfe with a free will, to lett them see how willing Iwas to defend them; that is the onely way to gaine the hearts of thosewildmen. We saw that their fort was environed with great rocks that therewas no way to mine it, because there weare no trees neere it. The mine wasnothing else but to cutt the nearest tree, and so by his fall make abracke, and so goe and give an assault. Their fort was nothing but treesone against another in a round or square without sides. 

The ennemy seeing us come neere, shott att us, but in vaine, ffor we havefforewarned ourselves before we came there. It was a pleasur to see ourwildmen with their guns and arrows, which agreed not together. Neverthelesse we told them when they received a breake their guns would beto no purpose; therefore to putt them by and make use of their bows andarrows. The Iroquoits saw themselves putt to it, and the evident dangerthat they weare in, but to late except they would runne away. Yett ourwildmen weare better wild footemen then they. These weare ffrenchmen thatshould give them good directions to overthrow them, resolved to speake forpeace, and throw necklaces of porcelaine over the stakes of their fort. Ourwildmen weare dazelled att such guifts, because that the porcelaine is veryrare and costly in their countrey, and then seeing themselves flatteredwith faire words, to which they gave eare. We trust them by force to putttheir first designe in Execution, but feared their lives and loved theporcelaine, seeing they had it without danger of any life. They wearepersuaded to stay till the next day, because now it was almost night. TheIroquoits make their escape. This occasion lost, our consolation was thatwe had that passage free, but vexed for having lost that opportunity, &contrarywise weare contented of our side, for doubtlesse some of us had benkilled in the bataill. 

The day following we embarqued ourselves quietly, being uppon our guard forfeare of any surprize, ffor that ennemy's danger scarcely begane, who withhis furour made himselfe so redoubted, having ben there up and downe tomake a new slaughter. This morning, in assurance enough; in the afternoonethe two boats that had orders to land some 200 paces from the landingplace, one tooke onely a small bundle very light, tends to the other sideof the carriage, imagining there to make the kettle boyle, having killed 2staggs two houres agoe, and was scarce halfe way when he meets theIroquoits, without doubt for that same businesse. I think both weare muchsurprized. The Iroquoits had a bundle of Castor that he left behind withoutmuch adoe. Our wild men did the same; they both runne away to theirpartners to give them notice. By chance my brother meets them in the way. The wild men seeing that they all weare frightned and out of breath, theyasked the matter, and was told, _nadonnee_, and so soone said, he lettsfall his bundle that he had uppon his back into a bush, and comes backewhere he finds all the wildmen dispaired. He desired me to encourage them, which I performed with all earnestnesse. We runned to the height of thecarriage. As we weare agoing they tooke their armes with all speed. In theway we found the bundle of castors that the ennemy had left. By this meanswe found out that they weare in a fright as wee, and that they came fromthe warrs of the upper country, which we told the wildmen, so encouragedthem to gaine the watter side to discover their forces, where wee no soonercame but 2 boats weare landed & charged their guns, either to defendthemselves or to sett uppon us. We prevented this affair by our diligence, and shott att them with our bows & arrows, as with our gunns. 

They finding such an assault immediately forsooke the place. They wouldhave gone into their boats, but we gave them not so much time. They threwedthemselves into the river to gaine the other side. This river was verynarrow, so that it was very violent. We had killed and taken them all, if 2boats of theirs had not come to their succour, which made us gave over tofollow them, & looke to ourselves, ffor we knewed not the number of theirmen. Three of their men neverthelesse weare killed; the rest is on theother side of the river, where there was a fort which was made long before. There they retired themselves with all speed. We passe our boats to augmentour victory, seeing that they weare many in number. They did what theycould to hinder our passage, butt all in vaine, ffor we made use of thebundle of Castors that they left, which weare to us instead of Gabbions, for we putt them att the heads of our boats, and by that means gott groundin spight of their noses. They killed one of our men as we landed. Theirnumber was not to resist ours. They retired themselves into the fort andbrought the rest of their [men] in hopes to save it. In this they were farmistaken, for we furiously gave an assault, not sparing time to make usbucklers, and made use of nothing else but of castors tyed together. Sowithout any more adoe we gathered together. The Iroquoits spared not theirpowder, but made more noise then hurt. The darknesse covered the earth, which was somewhat favorable for us; but to overcome them the sooner, wefilled a barill full of gun powder, and having stoped the whole of it welland tyed it to the end of a long pole, being att the foote of the fort. Heere we lost 3 of our men; our machine did play with an execution. I maywell say that the ennemy never had seen the like. Moreover I tooke 3 or 4pounds of powder; this I put into a rind of a tree, then a fusy to have thetime to throw the rind, warning the wildmen as soone as the rind made hisexecution that they should enter in and breake the fort upside down, withthe hattchett and the sword in their hands. 

In the meane time the Iroquoits did sing, expecting death, or to theirheels, att the noise of such a smoake & noise that our machines made, withthe slaughter of many of them. Seeing themselves soe betrayed, they lett usgoe free into their fort, that thereby they might save themselves; buthaving environed the fort, we are mingled pell mell, so that we could notknow one another in that skirmish of blowes. There was such an noise thatshould terrifie the stoutest men. Now there falls a showre of raine and aterrible storme, that to my thinking there was somthing extraordinary, thatthe devill himselfe made that storme to give those men leave to escape fromour hands, to destroy another time more of these innocents. In thatdarknesse every one looked about for shelter, not thinking of those braves, that layd downe halfe dead, to pursue them. It was a thing impossible, yettdoe believe that the ennemy was not far. As the storme was over, we cametogether, making a noise, and I am persuaded that many thought themselvesprisoners that weare att Liberty. Some sang their fatall song, albeitwithout any wounds. So that those that had the confidence to come neare theothers weare comforted by assuring them the victory, and that the ennemywas routed. We presently make a great fire, and with all hast make upp thefort againe for feare of any surprize. We searched for those that wearemissing. Those that weare dead and wounded weare visited. We found 11 ofour ennemy slain'd and 2 onely of ours, besides seaven weare wounded, whoin a short time passed all danger of life. While some weare busie in tying5 of the ennemy that could not escape, the others visited the wounds oftheir compagnions, who for to shew their courage sung'd lowder then thosethat weare well. The sleepe that we tooke that night did not make our headsguidy, although we had need of reposeing. Many liked the occupation, forthey filled their bellyes with the flesh of their ennemyes. We broiled someof it and kettles full of the rest. We bourned our comrades, being theircustome to reduce such into ashes being stained in bataill. It is anhonnour to give them such a buriall. 

Att the brake of day we cooked what could accommodate us, and flung therest away. The greatest marke of our victory was that we had 10 heads &foure prisoners, whom we embarqued in hopes to bring them into ourcountrey, and there to burne them att our owne leasures for the moresatisfaction of our wives. We left that place of masacre with horrid cryes. Forgetting the death of our parents, we plagued those infortunate. Weplucked out their nailes one after another. The next morning, after weslept a litle in our boats, we made a signe to begone. They prayed to lettoff my peece, which made greate noise. To fullfill their desire, I lett itof. I noe sooner shott, butt perceived seaven boats of the Iroquoits goingfrom a point towards the land. We were surprised of such an incounter, seeing death before us, being not strong enough to resist such a company, ffor there weare 10 or 12 in every boat. They perceiving us thought that weweare more in number, began in all hast to make a fort, as we received fromtwo discoverers that wee sent to know their postures. It was with much adoethat those two went. Dureing we perswaded our wildmen to send seaven of ourboats to an isle neare hand, and turne often againe to frighten ouradversaryes by our shew of our forces. They had a minde to fortifiethemselves in that island, but we would not suffer it, because there wastime enough in case of necessity, which we represent unto them, making themto gather together all the broaken trees to make them a kind of barricado, prohibiting them to cutt trees, that thereby the ennemy might not suspectour feare & our small number, which they had knowne by the stroaks of theirhattchetts. Those wildmen, thinking to be lost, obeyed us in every thing, telling us every foot, "Be chearfull, and dispose of us as you will, for weare men lost. " We killed our foure prisoners because they embarassed us. They sent, as soone as we weare together, some fourty, that perpetuallywent to and againe to find out our pollicy and weaknesse. 

In the meane time we told the people that they weare men, & if they must, die altogether, and for us to make a fort in the lande was to destroyourselves, because we should put ourselves in prison; to take courage, ifin case we should be forced to take a retreat the Isle was a fort for us, from whence we might well escape in the night. That we weare strangers andthey, if I must say so, in their countrey, & shooting ourselves in a fortall passages would be open uppon us for to save ourselves through thewoods, was a miserable comfort. In the mean time the Iroquoits workedlustily, think att every step we weare to give them an assault, but farrdeceived, ffor if ever blind wished the Light, we wished them the obscurityof the night, which no sooner approached but we embarqued ourselves withoutany noise, and went along. It's strang to me that the ennemy did notencounter us. Without question he had store of prisoners and booty. We leftthe Iroquoits in his fort and the feare in our breeches, for withoutapprehension we rowed from friday to tuesday without intermission. We hadscarce to eat a bitt of sault meat. It was pitty to see our feete & leggsin blood by drawing our boats through the swift streames, where the rockshave such sharp points that there is nothing but death could make men doewhat we did. On the third day the paines & labour we tooke forced us to anintermission, ffor we weare quite spent. After this we went on without anyencounter whatsoever, having escaped very narrowly. We passed a sault thatfalls from a vast height. Some of our wildmen went underneath it, which Ihave seene, & I myselfe had the curiosity, but that quiver makes a man thesurer. The watter runs over the heads with such impetuosity & violence thatit's incredible. Wee went under this torrent a quarter of a mille, thatfalls from the toppe above fourty foot downwards. 

Having come to the lake of the Castors, we went about the lake of thecastors for some victuals, being in great want, and suffered much hunger. So every one constituts himselfe; some went a hunting, some a fishing. Thisdone, we went downe the river of the sorcerers, which brought us to thefirst great lake. What joy had we to see ourselves out of that river sodangerous, after we wrought two and twenty dayes and as many nights, havingnot slept one houre on land all that while. Now being out of danger, assafe from our enemy, perhaps we must enter into another, which perhaps maygive practice & trouble consequently. Our equipage and we weare ready towander uppon that sweet sea; but most of that coast is void of wild beasts, so there was great famine amongst us for want. Yett the coast afforded ussome small fruits. There I found the kindnesse & charity of the wildmen, ffor when they found any place of any quantity of it they called me and mybrother to eat & replenish our bellys, shewing themselves far gratfullerthen many Christians even to their owne relations. 

I cannot forgett here the subtilty of one of these wildmen that was in thesame boat with me. We see a castor along the watter side, that puts hishead out of the watter. That wildman no sooner saw him but throwes himselfout into the watter and downe to the bottom, without so much time as togive notice to any, and before many knewed of anything, he brings up thecastor in his armes as a child, without fearing to be bitten. By this wesee that hunger can doe much. 

Afterwardes we entered into a straight which had 10 leagues in length, fullof islands, where we wanted not fish. We came after to a rapid that makesthe separation of the lake of the hurrons, that we calle Superior, orupper, for that the wildmen hold it to be longer & broader, besids a greatmany islands, which maks appeare in a bigger extent. This rapid wasformerly the dwelling of those with whome wee weare, and consequently wemust not aske them if they knew where they have layed. Wee made cottagesatt our advantages, and found the truth of what those men had often [said], that if once we could come to that place we should make good cheare of afish that they call _Assickmack_, which signifieth a white fish. The beare, the castors, and the Oriniack shewed themselves often, but to their cost;indeed it was to us like a terrestriall paradise. After so long fastning, after so great paines that we had taken, finde ourselves so well bychossing our dyet, and resting when we had a minde to it, 'tis here that wemust tast with pleasur a sweet bitt. We doe not aske for a good sauce; it'sbetter to have it naturally; it is the way to distinguish the sweet fromthe bitter. 

But the season was far spent, and use diligence and leave that place sowished, which wee shall bewaile, to the coursed Iroquoits. What hath thatpoore nation done to thee, and being so far from thy country? Yett if theyhad the same liberty that in former dayes they have had, we poore ffrenchshould not goe further with our heads except we had a strong army. Thosegreat lakes had not so soone comed to our knowledge if it had not ben forthose brutish people; two men had not found out the truth of these seas socheape; the interest and the glorie could not doe what terror doth att theend. We are a litle better come to ourselves and furnished. We left thatinn without reckoning with our host. It is cheape when wee are not to putthe hand to the purse; neverthelesse we must pay out of civility: the onegives thanks to the woods, the other to the river, the third to the earth, the other to the rocks that stayes the ffish; in a word, there is nothingbut _kinekoiur_ of all sorts; the encens of our Encens (?) is not spared. The weather was agreable when we began to navigat upon that great extent ofwatter, finding it so calme and the aire so cleare. We thwarted in a prettybroad place, came to an isle most delightfull for the diversity of itsfruits. We called it the isle of the foure beggars. We arrived about 5 ofthe clocke in the afternone that we came there. We sudainly put the kettleto the fire. We reside there a while, and seeing all this while the faireweather and calme. We went from thence att tenne of the clocke the samenight to gaine the firme lande, which was 6 leagues from us, where wearrived before day. Here we found a small river. I was so curious that Iinquired my dearest friends the name of this streame. They named me it_pauabickkomesibs_, which signifieth a small river of copper. I asked himthe reason. He told me, "Come, and I shall shew thee the reason why. " I wasin a place which was not 200 paces in the wood, where many peeces of copperweare uncovered. Further he told me that the mountaine I saw was of nothingelse. Seeing it so faire & pure, I had a minde to take a peece of it, butthey hindred me, telling my brother there was more where we weare to goe. In this great Lake of myne owne eyes have seene which are admirable, andcane maintaine of a hundred pounds teem will not be decayed. [Footnote: "Ofa hundred pounds teem. " This sentence seems somewhat obscure. The writerperhaps meant to say that he had seen masses of copper not less than ahundred pounds weight. ]

From this place we went along the coasts, which are most delightfull andwounderous, for it's nature that made it so pleasant to the eye, thesperit, and the belly. As we went along we saw banckes of sand so high thatone of our wildmen went upp for curiositie; being there, did shew no morethen a crow. That place is most dangerous when that there is any storme, being no landing place so long as the sandy bancks are under watter; andwhen the wind blowes, that sand doth rise by a strang kind of whirling thatare able to choake the passengers. One day you will see 50 small mountainesatt one side, and the next day, if the wind changes, on the other side. This putts me in mind of the great and vast wildernesses of Turkey land, asthe Turques makes their pylgrimages. 

Some dayes after we observed that there weare some boats before us, butknewed not certainely what they weare. We made all the hast to overtakethem, fearing the ennemy no more. Indeed the faster we could goe the betterfor us, because of the season of the yeare, that began to be cold & freeze. They weare a nation that lived in a land towards the South. This nation isvery small, being not 100 in all, men & women together. As we came neererthem they weare surprized of our safe retourne, and astonied to see us, admiring the rich marchandises that their confederates brought from theffrench, that weare hattchetts and knives and other utensils verycommodious, rare, precious, and necessary in those countreys. They told thenews one to another whilst we made good cheere and great fires. Theymourned for the death of [one] of their comrades; the heads of their ennemyweare danced. Some dayes [after] we separated ourselves, and presentedguiftes to those that weare going an other way, for which we received greatstore of meate, which was putt up in barrills, and grease of bears &Oriniacke. 

After this we came to a remarquable place. It's a banke of Rocks that thewild men made a sacrifice to; they calls it _Nanitoucksinagoit_, whichsignifies the likenesse of the devill. They fling much tobacco and otherthings in its veneration. It is a thing most incredible that that lakeshould be so boisterous, that the waves of it should have the strength todoe what I have to say by this my discours: first, that it's so high andsoe deepe that it's impossible to claime up to the point. There comes manysorte of birds that makes there nest here, the goilants, which is a whitesea-bird of the bignesse of pigeon, which makes me believe what the wildmentold me concerning the sea to be neare directly to the point. It's like agreat Portail, by reason of the beating of the waves. The lower part ofthat oppening is as bigg as a tower, and grows bigger in the going up. There is, I believe, 6 acres of land. Above it a shipp of 500 tuns couldpasse by, soe bigg is the arch. I gave it the name of the portail of StPeter, because my name is so called, and that I was the first Christian[Footnote: "The first Christian that ever saw it. " French Jesuits andfur-traders pushed deeper and deeper into the wilderness of the northernlakes. In 1641 Jacques and Raynbault preached the Faith to a concourse ofIndians at the outlet of Lake Superior. Then came the havoc and desolationof the Iroquois war, and for years further exploration was arrested. Atlength, in 1658, two daring traders penetrated to Lake Superior, winteredthere, and brought back the tales they had heard of the ferocious Sioux, and of a great western river on which they dwelt. Two years later the agedJesuit Mesnard attempted to plant a mission on the southern shore of thelake, but perished in the forest by famine or the tomahawk. Allouezsucceeded him, explored a part of Lake Superior, and heard in his turn ofthe Sioux and their great river, the "Messipi. "--Introduction to Parkman's_Discovery of the Great West_. There can be no doubt but that the "twodaring traders who in 1658 penetrated to Lake Superior, " and dwelt on thegreat river, were Radisson and Des Groseilliers, who repeated their journeya few years after, described in this narrative. The "Pictured Rocks" andthe "Doric Rock" were so named in Governor Cass's and Schoolcraft's_Travels_ in 1820. ] that ever saw it. There is in that place caves verydeepe, caused by the same violence. We must looke to ourselves, and taketime with our small boats. The coast of rocks is 5 or 6 leagues, and therescarce a place to putt a boat in assurance from the waves. When the lake isagitated the waves goeth in these concavities with force and make a mosthorrible noise, most like the shooting of great guns. 

Some dayes afterwards we arrived to a very beautifull point of sand wherethere are 3 beautifull islands, [Footnote: "Three beautiful islands. " InCass's and Schoolcraft's _Travels_ (1820) through the chain of Americanlakes these islands are called Huron Islands, and the bay beyond is markedon their map "Keweena Bay. "] that we called of the Trinity; there be 3 intriangle. From this place we discovered a bay very deepe, where a riverempties its selfe with a noise for the quantitie & dept of the water. Wemust stay there 3 dayes to wait for faire weather to make the Trainage, which was about 6 leagues wide. Soe done, we came to the mouth of a smallriver, where we killed some Oriniacks. We found meddows that weare squared, and 10 leagues as smooth as a boord. We went up some 5 leagues further, where we found some pools made by the castors. We must breake them that wemight passe. The sluce being broaken, what a wounderfull thing to see theindustrie of that animal, which had drowned more then 20 leagues in thegrounds, and cutt all the trees, having left non to make a fire if thecountrey should be dried up. Being come to the height, we must drague ourboats over a trembling ground for the space of an houre. The ground becametrembling by this means: the castor drowning great soyles with dead water, herein growes mosse which is 2 foot thick or there abouts, and when youthink to goe safe and dry, if you take not great care you sink downe toyour head or to the midle of your body. When you are out of one hole youfind yourselfe in another. This I speake by experience, for I meselfe havebin catched often. But the wildmen warned me, which saved me; that is, thatwhen the mosse should breake under I should cast my whole body into thewatter on sudaine. I must with my hands hold the mosse, and goe soe like afrogg, then to draw my boat after me. There was no danger. 

Having passed that place, we made a carriage through the land for 2leagues. The way was well beaten because of the commers and goers, who bymaking that passage shortens their passage by 8 dayes by tourning about thepoint that goes very farr in that great lake; that is to say, 5 to come tothe point, and 3 for to come to the landing of that place of cariage. Inthe end of that point, that goeth very farre, there is an isle, as I wastold, all of copper. This I have not seene. They say that from the isle ofcopper, which is a league in the lake when they are minded to thwart it ina faire and calme wether, beginning from sun rising to sun sett, they cometo a great island, from whence they come the next morning to firme landeatt the other side; so by reason of 20 leagues a day that lake should bebroad of 6 score and 10 leagues. The wildmen doe not much lesse when theweather is faire. 

Five dayes after we came to a place where there was a company of Christinosthat weare in their Cottages. They weare transported for joy to see us comebacke. They made much of us, and called us men indeed, to performe ourpromisse to come and see them againe. We gave them great guifts, whichcaused some suspicion, for it is a very jealous nation. But the short staythat we made tooke away that jealousy. We went on and came to a hollowriver which was a quarter of a mile in bredth. Many of our wildmen went towin the shortest way to their nation, and weare then 3 and 20 boats, for wemett with some in that lake that joyned with us, and came to keepe uscompany, in hopes to gett knives from us, which they love better then weserve God, which should make us blush for shame. Seaven boats stayed of thenation of the Sault. We went on half a day before we could come to thelanding place, and wear forced to make another carriage a point of 2leagues long and some 60 paces broad. As we came to the other sid we wearein a bay of 10 leagues about, if we had gone in. By goeing about that samepoint we passed a straight, for that point was very nigh the other side, which is a cape very much elevated like piramides. That point should bevery fitt to build & advantgeous for the building of a fort, as we did thespring following. In that bay there is a chanell where we take great storeof fishes, sturgeons of a vast biggnesse, and Pycks of seaven foot long. Att the end of this bay we landed. The wildmen gave thanks to that whichthey worship, we to God of Gods, to see ourselves in a place where we mustleave our navigation and forsake our boats to undertake a harder peece ofworke in hand, to which we are forced. The men told us that wee had 5 greatdayes' journeys before we should arrive where their wives weare. We foreseethe hard task that we weare to undergoe by carrying our bundles uppon ourbacks. They weare used to it. Here every one for himselfe & God for all. 

We finding ourselves not able to performe such a taske, & they could notwell tell where to finde their wives, fearing least the Nadoneceronons hadwarrs against their nation and forced them from their appointed place, mybrother and I we consulted what was best to doe, and declared our will tothem, which was thus: "Brethren, we resolve to stay here, being notaccustomed to make any cariage on our backs as yee are wont. Goe yee andlooke for your wives. We will build us a fort here. And seeing that you arenot able to carry all your marchandizes att once, we will keepe them foryou, and will stay for you 14 dayes. Before the time expired you will sendto us if your wives be alive, and if you find them they will fetch what youleave here & what we have; ffor their paines they shall receive guifts ofus. Soe you will see us in your countrey. If they be dead, we will spendall to be revenged, and will gather up the whole countrey for the nextspring, for that purpose to destroy those that weare the causers of theirdeath, and you shall see our strenght and vallour. Although there areseaven thousand fighting men in one village, you'll see we will make themrunne away, & you shall kill them to your best liking by the very noise ofour armes and our presence, who are the Gods of the earth among thosepeople. "

They woundered very much att our resolution. The next day they went theirway and we stay for our assurance in the midst of many nations, being buttwo almost starved for want of food. We went about to make a fort ofstakes, which was in this manner. Suppose that the watter side had ben inone end; att the same end there should be murtherers, and att need we madea bastion in a triangle to defend us from an assault. The doore was nearethe watter side, our fire was in the midle, and our bed on the right hand, covered. There weare boughs of trees all about our fort layed a crosse, oneuppon an other. Besides these boughs we had a long cord tyed with somesmall bells, which weare senteryes. Finally, we made an ende of that fortin 2 dayes' time. We made an end of some fish that we putt by for neede. But as soone as we are lodged we went to fish for more whilst the otherkept the house. I was the fittest to goe out, being yongest. I tooke mygunne and goes where I never was before, so I choosed not one way beforeanother. I went to the wood some 3 or 4 miles. I find a small brooke, whereI walked by the sid awhile, which brought me into meddowes. There was apoole where weare a good store of bustards. I began to creepe though Imight come neare. Thought to be in Canada, where the fowle is scared away;but the poore creatures, seeing me flatt uppon the ground, thought I was abeast as well as they, so they come neare me, whisling like gosslings, thinking to frighten me. The whistling that I made them heare was anothermusick then theirs. There I killed 3 and the rest scared, whichneverthelesse came to that place againe to see what sudaine sicknessebefeled their comrads. I shott againe; two payed for their curiosity. Ithink the Spaniards had no more to fullfill then as kill those birds, thatthought not of such a thunder bolt. There are yett more countreys asfruitfull and as beautifull as the Spaniards to conquer, which may be donewith as much ease & facility, and prove as rich, if not richer, for bread &wine; and all other things are as plentifull as in any part of Europ. ThisI have seene, which am sure the Spaniards have not in such plenty. Now Icome backe with my victory, which was to us more then tenne thousandpistoles. We lived by it 5 dayes. I tooke good notice of the place, inhopes to come there more frequent, but this place is not onely so. 

There we stayed still full 12 dayes without any news, but we had thecompany of other wild men of other countreys that came to us admiring ourfort and the workmanshipp. We suffered non to goe in but one person, andliked it so much the better, & often durst not goe in, so much they stoodin feare of our armes, that weare in good order, which weare 5 guns, twomusquetons, 3 fowling-peeces, 3 paire of great pistoletts, and 2 paire ofpockett ons, and every one his sword and daggar. So that we might say thata Coward was not well enough armed. Mistrust neverthelesse is the mother ofsafety, and the occasion makes the thief. During that time we had severallalarums in the night. The squerels and other small beasts, as well asfoxes, came in and assaulted us. One night I forgott my bracer, which waswett; being up and downe in those pooles to fetch my fowles, one of thesebeasts carried it away, which did us a great deal of wrong, and caused thelife to great many of those against whom I declared myselfe an ennemy. Weimagined that some wildmen might have surprized us; but I may say theyweare far more afrayd then we. Some dayes after we found it one half a milefrom the fort in a hole of a tree, the most part torne. Then I killed anOriniack. I could have killed more, but we liked the fowles better. If wehad both libertie to goe from our fort, we should have procured in a monththat should serve us a whole winter. The wildmen brought us more meate thenwe would, and as much fish as we might eate. 

The 12th day we perceived afarr off some 50 yong men coming towards us, with some of our formest compagnions. We gave them leave to come into ourfort, but they are astonied, calling us every foot devills to have madesuch a machine. They brought us victualls, thinking we weare halfe starved, but weare mightily mistaken, for we had more for them then they weare ableto eate, having 3 score bussards and many sticks where was meate hangedplentifully. They offred to carry our baggage, being come a purpose; but wehad not so much marchandize as when they went from us, because we hid someof them, that they might not have suspicion of us. We told them that forfeare of the dayly multitud of people that came to see us, for to have ourgoods would kill us. We therefore tooke a boat and putt into it ourmarchandises; this we brought farre into the bay, where we sunke them, biding our devill not to lett them to be wett nor rusted, nor suffer themto be taken away, which he promised faithlesse that we should retourne andtake them out of his hands; att which they weare astonished, believing itto be true as the Christians the Gospell. We hid them in the ground on theother sid of the river in a peece of ground. We told them that lye thatthey should not have suspicion of us. We made good cheere. They stayedthere three dayes, during which time many of their wives came thither, andwe traited them well, for they eat not fowle att all, scarce, because theyknow not how to catch them except with their arrowes. We putt a great manyrind about our fort, and broake all the boats that we could have, for thefrost would have broaken them or wild men had stolen them away. That rindwas tyed all in length to putt the fire in it, to frighten the more thesepeople, for they could not approach it without being discovered. If theyventured att the going out we putt the fire to all the torches, shewingthem how we would have defended ourselves. We weare Cesars, being nobody tocontradict us. We went away free from any burden, whilst those pooremiserable thought themselves happy to carry our Equipage, for the hope thatthey had that we should give them a brasse ring, or an awle, or an needle. 

There came above foure hundred persons to see us goe away from that place, which admired more our actions [than] the fools of Paris to see enter theirKing and the Infanta of Spaine, his spouse; for they cry out, "God save theKing and Queene!" Those made horrid noise, and called Gods and Devills ofthe Earth and heavens. We marched foure dayes through the woods. Thecountrey is beautifull, with very few mountaines, the woods cleare. Attlast we came within a league of the Cabbans, where we layed that the nextday might be for our entrey. We 2 poore adventurers for the honneur of ourcountrey, or of those that shall deserve it from that day; the nimblest andstoutest went before to warne before the people that we should make ourentry to-morow. Every one prepares to see what they never before haveseene. We weare in cottages which weare neare a litle lake some 8 leaguesin circuit. Att the watterside there weare abundance of litle boats made oftrees that they have hollowed, and of rind. 

The next day we weare to embarque in them, and arrived att the village bywatter, which was composed of a hundred cabans without pallasados. There isnothing but cryes. The women throw themselves backwards uppon the ground, thinking to give us tokens of friendship and of wellcome. We destinated 3presents, one for the men, one for the women, and the other for thechildren, to the end that they should remember that journey; that we shouldbe spoaken of a hundred years after, if other Europeans should not come inthose quarters and be liberal to them, which will hardly come to passe. Thefirst was a kettle, two hattchetts, and 6 knives, and a blade for a sword. The kettle was to call all nations that weare their friends to the feastwhich is made for the remembrance of the death; that is, they make it oncein seaven years; it's a renewing of ffriendshippe. I will talke further ofit in the following discours. The hattchetts weare to encourage the yongpeople to strengthen themselves in all places, to preserve their wives, andshew themselves men by knocking the heads of their ennemyes with the saidhattchetts. The knives weare to shew that the ffrench weare great andmighty, and their confederats and ffriends. The sword was to signifie thatwe would be masters both of peace and warrs, being willing to healpe andrelieve them, & to destroy our Ennemyes with our armes. The second guiftwas of 2 and 20 awles, 50 needles, 2 gratters of castors, 2 ivory combs and2 wooden ones, with red painte, 6 looking-glasses of tin. The awlessignifieth to take good courage, that we should keepe their lives, and thatthey with their hushands should come downe to the ffrench when time andseason should permitt. The needles for to make them robes of castor, because the ffrench loved them. The 2 gratters weare to dresse the skins;the combes, the paint, to make themselves beautifull; the looking-glassesto admire themselves. The 3rd guift was of brasse rings, of small bells, and rasades of divers couleurs, and given in this maner. We sent a man tomake all the children come together. When they weare there we throw thesethings over their heads. You would admire what a beat was among them, everyone striving to have the best. This was done uppon this consideration, thatthey should be allwayes under our protection, giving them wherewithall tomake them merry & remember us when they should be men. 

This done, we are called to the Councell of welcome and to the feast offfriendshipp, afterwards to the dancing of the heads; but before thedancing we must mourne for the deceased, and then, for to forgett allsorrow, to the dance. We gave them foure small guifts that they shouldcontinue such ceremonyes, which they tooke willingly and did us good, thatgave us authority among the whole nation. We knewed their councels, andmade them doe whatsoever we thought best. This was a great advantage forus, you must think. Amongst such a rowish kind of people a guift is much, and well bestowed, and liberality much esteemed; but not prodigalitie isnot in esteeme, for they abuse it, being brutish. Wee have ben useing suchceremonyes 3 whole dayes, & weare lodged in the cabban of the chiefestcaptayne, who came with us from the ffrench. We liked not the company ofthat blind, therefore left him. He wondred at this, but durst not speake, because we weare demi-gods. We came to a cottage of an ancient witty man, that had had a great familie and many children, his wife old, neverthelessehandsome. They weare of a nation called Malhonmines; that is, the nation ofOats, graine that is much in that countrey. Of this afterwards more attlarge. I tooke this man for my ffather and the woman for my mother, soe thechildren consequently brothers and sisters. They adopted me. I gave everyone a guift, and they to mee. 

Having so disposed of our buissinesse, the winter comes on, that warns us;the snow begins to fall, soe we must retire from the place to seeke ourliving in the woods. Every one getts his equipage ready. So away we goe, but not all to the same place; two, three att the most, went one way, andso of an other. They have so done because victuals weare scant for all in aplace. But lett us where we will, we cannot escape the myghty hand of God, that disposes as he pleases, and who chastes us as a good & a common lovingffather, and not as our sins doe deserve. Finaly wee depart one from another. As many as we weare in number, we are reduced to a small company. Weappointed a rendezvous after two months and a half, to take a new road & anadvice what we should doe. During the said terme we sent messengerseverywhere, to give speciall notice to all manner of persons and nationthat within 5 moons the feast of death was to be celebrated, and that weshould apeare together and explaine what the devill should command us tosay, and then present them presents of peace and union. Now we must live onwhat God sends, and warre against the bears in the meane time, for we couldaime att nothing else, which was the cause that we had no great cheare. Ican say that we with our comrades, who weare about 60, killed in the spaceof 2 moons and a halfe, a thousand moons [Footnote: The writer no doubtmeant that they killed so many that they had bear's grease enough to lastfor a thousand moons. ] we wanted not bear's grease to annoint ourselves, torunne the better. We beated downe the woods dayly for to discovernovellties. We killed severall other beasts, as Oriniacks, staggs, wildcows, Carriboucks, fallow does and bucks, Catts of mountains, child of theDevill; in a word, we lead a good life. The snow increases dayly. There wemake raketts, not to play att ball, but to exercise ourselves in a gameharder and more necessary. They are broad, made like racketts, that theymay goe in the snow and not sinke when they runne after the eland or otherbeast. 

We are come to the small lake, the place of rendezvous, where we found somecompany that weare there before us. We cottage ourselves, staying for therest, that came every day. We stayed 14 dayes in this place most miserable, like to a churchyard; ffor there did fall such a quantity of snow andfrost, and with such a thick mist, that all the snow stoocke to those treesthat are there so ruffe, being deal trees, prusse cedars, and thorns, thatcaused the darknesse uppon the earth that it is to be believed that the sunwas eclipsed them 2 months; ffor after the trees weare so laden with snowthat fel'd afterwards, was as if it had been sifted, so by that means verylight and not able to beare us, albeit we made racketts of 6 foot long anda foot and a halfe broad; so often thinking to tourne ourselves we felldover and over againe in the snow, and if we weare alone we should havedifficultie enough to rise againe. By the noyse we made, the Beasts heardus a great way off; so the famine was among great many that had notprovided before hand, and live upon what they gett that day, never thinkingfor the next. It grows wors and wors dayly. 

To augment our misery we receive news of the Octanaks, who weare about ahundred and fifty, with their families. They had a quarell with the hurronsin the Isle where we had come from some years before in the lake of thestairing hairs, and came purposely to make warres against them the nextsummer. But lett us see if they brought us anything to subsist withall. Butare worst provided then we; having no huntsmen, they are reduced to famine. But, O cursed covetousnesse, what art thou going to doe? It should be farrbetter to see a company of Rogues perish, then see ourselves in danger toperish by that scourg so cruell. Hearing that they have had knives andhattchetts, the victualls of their poore children is taken away from them;yea, what ever they have, those doggs must have their share. They are thecoursedest, unablest, the unfamous & cowarliest people that I have seeneamongst fower score nations that I have frequented. O yee poore people, youshall have their booty, but you shall pay dearly for it! Every one cryesout for hungar; the women become baren, and drie like wood. You men musteate the cord, being you have no more strength to make use of the bow. Children, you must die. Ffrench, you called yourselves Gods of the earth, that you should be feared, for your interest; notwithstanding you shalltast of the bitternesse, and too happy if you escape. Where is the timepast? Where is the plentynesse that yee had in all places and countreys?Here comes a new family of these poore people dayly to us, halfe dead, forthey have but the skin & boans. How shall we have strength to make a holein the snow to lay us downe, seeing we have it not to hale our rackettsafter us, nor to cutt a litle woad to make a fire to keepe us from therigour of the cold, which is extreame in those Countreyes in its season. Oh! if the musick that we heare could give us recreation, we wanted not anylamentable musick nor sad spectacle. In the morning the husband looks upponhis wife, the Brother his sister, the cozen the cozen, the Oncle the nevew, that weare for the most part found deade. They languish with cryes &hideous noise that it was able to make the haire starre on the heads thathave any apprehension. Good God, have mercy on so many poore innocentpeople, and of us that acknowledge thee, that having offended thee punishesus. But wee are not free of that cruell Executioner. Those that have anylife seeketh out for roots, which could not be done without greatdifficultie, the earth being frozen 2 or 3 foote deepe, and the snow 5 or 6above it. The greatest susibstance that we can have is of rind tree whichgrowes like ivie about the trees; but to swallow it, we cutt the stick some2 foot long, tying it in faggott, and boyle it, and when it boyles onehoure or two the rind or skinne comes off with ease, which we take and drieit in the smoake and then reduce it into powder betwixt two graine-stoans, and putting the kettle with the same watter uppon the fire, we make it akind of broath, which nourished us, but becam thirstier and drier then thewoode we eate. 

The 2 first weeke we did eate our doggs. As we went backe uppon our steppsfor to gett any thing to fill our bellyes, we weare glad to gett the boansand carcasses of the beasts that we killed. And happy was he that couldgett what the other did throw away after it had ben boyled 3 or foure timesto gett the substance out of it. We contrived an other plott, to reduce topowder those boanes, the rest of crows and doggs. So putt all that togetherhalfe foot within grounde, and so makes a fire uppon it, We covered allthat very well with earth, soe seeling the heat, and boyled them againe andgave more froth then before; in the next place, the skins that wearereserved to make us shoose, cloath, and stokins, yea, most of the skins ofour cottages, the castors' skins, where the children beshit them above ahundred times. We burned the haire on the coals; the rest goes downethroats, eating heartily these things most abhorred. We went so eagerly toit that our gumms did bleede like one newly wounded. The wood was our foodthe rest of sorrowfull time. Finaly we became the very Image of death. Wemistook ourselves very often, taking the living for the dead and the deadfor the living. We wanted strength to draw the living out of the cabans, orif we did when we could, it was to putt them four paces in the snow. Attthe end the wrath of God begins to appease itselfe, and pityes his poorecreatures. If I should expresse all that befell us in that strangeaccidents, a great volume would not centaine it. Here are above 500 dead, men, women, and children. It's time to come out of such miseryes. Ourbodyes are not able to hold out any further. 

After the storme, calme comes. But stormes favoured us, being that calmekills us. Here comes a wind and raine that putts a new life in us. The snowsails, the forest cleers itselfe, att which sight those that had stringsleft in their bowes takes courage to use it. The weather continued so 3dayes that we needed no racketts more, for the snow hardned much. The smallstaggs are [as] if they weare stakes in it after they made 7 or 8 capers. It's an easy matter for us to take them and cutt their throats with ourknives. Now we see ourselves a litle fournished, but yett have not payed, ffor it cost many their lives. Our gutts became very straight by our longfasting, that they could not centaine the quantity that some putt in them. I cannot omitt the pleasant thoughts of some of them wildmen. Seeing mybrother allwayes in the same condition, they said that some Devill broughthim wherewithall to eate; but if they had seene his body they should be ofanother oppinion. The beard that covered his face made as if he had notaltered his face. For me that had no beard, they said I loved them, becauseI lived as well as they. From the second day we began to walke. 

There came 2 men from a strange countrey who had a dogg; the buissinessewas how to catch him cunningly, knowing well those people love theirbeasts. Neverthelesse wee offred guifts, but they would not, which made mestubborne. That dogge was very leane, and as hungry as we weare, but themasters have not suffered so much. I went one night neere that same cottageto doe what discretion permitts me not to speake. Those men weareNadoneseronons. They weare much respected that no body durst not offendthem, being that we weare uppon their land with their leave. The dogg comesout, not by any smell, but by good like. I take him and bring him a litleway. I stabbed him with my dagger. I brought him to the cottage, where [he]was broyled like a pigge and cutt in peeces, gutts and all, soe every oneof the family had his share. The snow where he was killed was not lost, ffor one of our company went and gott it to season the kettles. We began tolooke better dayly. We gave the rendezvous to the convenientest place tocelebrat that great feast. 

Some 2 moons after there came 8 ambassadors from the nation ofNadoneseronons, that we will call now the Nation of the beefe. Those meneach had 2 wives, loadened of Oats, corne that growes in that countrey, ofa small quantity of Indian Corne, with other grains, & it was to present tous, which we received as a great favour & token of friendshippe; but it hadbeen welcome if they had brought it a month or two before. They made greatceremonys in greasing our feete and leggs, and we painted them with red. They stript us naked and putt uppon us cloath of buffe and of whitecastors. After this they weeped uppon our heads untill we weare wetted bytheir tears, and made us smoake in their pipes after they kindled them. Itwas not in common pipes, but in pipes of peace and of the warrs, that theypull out but very seldom, when there is occasion for heaven and earth. Thisdone, they perfumed our cloaths and armour one after an other, and toconclude did throw a great quantity of tobbacco into the fire. We told themthat they prevented us, for letting us know that all persons of theirnation came to visite us, that we might dispose of them. 

The next morning they weare called by our Interpretor. We understood not aword of their language, being quit contrary to those that we weare with. They are arrived, they satt downe. We made a place for us more elevated, tobe more att our ease & to appeare in more state. We borrowed their Calumet, saying that we are in their countrey, and that it was not lawfull for us tocarry anything out of our countrey. That pipe is of a red stone, as biggeas a fist and as long as a hand. The small reede as long as five foot, inbreadth, and of the thicknesse of a thumb. There is tyed to it the tayle ofan eagle all painted over with severall couleurs and open like a fan, orlike that makes a kind of a wheele when he shuts; below the toppe of thesteeke is covered with feathers of ducks and other birds that are of a finecollour. We tooke the tayle of the eagle, and instead of it we hung 12 Ironbows in the same manner as the feathers weare, and a blade about it alongthe staffe, a hattchett planted in the ground, and that calumet over it, and all our armours about it uppon forks. Every one smoaked his pipe oftobacco, nor they never goe without it. During that while there was a greatsilence. We prepared some powder that was litle wetted, and the good powderwas precious to us. Our Interpreter told them in our name, "Brethren, wehave accepted of your guifts. Yee are called here to know our will andpleasur that is such: first, we take you for our brethren by taking youinto our protection, and for to shew you, we, instead of the eagles' tayle, have putt some of our armours, to the end that no ennemy shall approach itto breake the affinitie that we make now with you. " Then we tooke the 12Iron off the bowes and lift them up, telling them those points shall passeover the whole world to defend and destroy your ennemyes, that are ours. Then we putt the Irons in the same place againe. Then we tooke the swordand bad them have good courage, that by our means they should vanquishtheir Ennemy. After we tooke the hattchett that was planted in the ground, we tourned round about, telling them that we should kill those that wouldwarre against them, and that we would make forts that they should come withmore assurance to the feast of the dead. That done, we throw powder in thefire, that had more strenght then we thought; it made the brands fly fromone side to the other. We intended to make them believe that it was some ofour Tobacco, and make them smoake as they made us smoake. But hearing sucha noise, and they seeing that fire fled of every side, without any furtherdelay or looke for so much time as looke for the dore of the cottage, onerunne one way, another an other way, ffor they never saw a sacrifice oftobacco so violent. They went all away, and we onely stayed in the place. We followed them to reassure them of their faintings. We visited them intheir appartments, where they received [us] all trembling for feare, believing realy by that same meanes that we weare the Devils of the earth. There was nothing but feasting for 8 dayes. 

The time now was nigh that we must goe to the rendezvous; this was betwixta small lake and a medow. Being arrived, most of ours weare allready intheir cottages. In 3 dayes' time there arrived eighten severall nations, and came privatly, to have done the sooner. As we became to the number of500, we held a councell. Then the shouts and cryes and the encouragmentsweare proclaimed, that a fort should be builded. They went about the workeand made a large fort. It was about 603 score paces in lenght and 600 inbreadth, so that it was a square. There we had a brooke that came from thelake and emptied itselfe in those medows, which had more then foure leaguesin lenght. Our fort might be seene afar off, and on that side mostdelightfull, for the great many stagges that took the boldnesse to becarried by quarters where att other times they made good cheare. 

In two dayes this was finished. Soone 30 yong men of the nation of thebeefe arrived there, having nothing but bows and arrows, with very shortgarments, to be the nimbler in chasing the stagges. The Iron of theirarrows weare made of staggs' pointed horens very neatly. They weare allproper men, and dressed with paint. They weare the discoverers and theforeguard. We kept a round place in the midle of our Cabban and covered itwith long poles with skins over them, that we might have a shelter to keepeus from the snow. The cottages weare all in good order; in each 10, twelvecompanies or families. That company was brought to that place where therewas wood layd for the fires. The snow was taken away, and the earth coveredwith deale tree bows. Severall kettles weare brought there full of meate. They rested and eat above 5 houres without speaking one to another. Theconsiderablest of our companyes went and made speeches to them. After onetakes his bow and shoots an arrow, and then cryes aloud, there speaks somefew words, saying that they weare to lett them know the Elders of theirvillage weare to come the morrow to renew the friendship and to make itwith the ffrench, and that a great many of their yong people came andbrought them some part of their wayes to take their advice, ffor they had aminde to goe against the Christinos, who weare ready for them, and they inlike manner to save their wives & children. They weare scattered in manyCabbans that night, expecting those that weare to come. To that purposethere was a vast large place prepared some hundred paces from the fort, where everything was ready for the receiving of those persons. They weareto sett their tents, that they bring uppon their backs. The pearches weareputt out and planted as we received the news; the snow putt aside, and theboughs of trees covered the ground. 

The day following they arrived with an incredible pomp. This made me thinkeof the Intrance that the Polanders did in Paris, saving that they had notso many Jewells, but instead of them they had so many feathers. The ffirstweare yong people with their bows and arrows and Buckler on theirshoulders, uppon which weare represented all manner of figures, accordingto their knowledge, as of the sun and moone, of terrestriall beasts, aboutits feathers very artificialy painted. Most of the men their faces weareall over dabbed with severall collours. Their hair turned up like a Crowne, and weare cutt very even, but rather so burned, for the fire is theircicers. They leave a tuff of haire upon their Crowne of their heads, tyeit, and putt att the end of it some small pearles or some Turkey stones, tobind their heads. They have a role commonly made of a snake's skin, wherethey tye severall bears' paws, or give a forme to some bitts of buff'shorns, and put it about the said role. They grease themselves with verythick grease, & mingle it in reddish earth, which they bourne, as we ourbreeks. With this stuffe they gett their haire to stand up. They cutt somedowne of Swan or other fowle that hath a white feather, and cover with itthe crowne of their heads. Their ears are pierced in 5 places; the holesare so bigg that your little finger might passe through. They have yallowwaire that they make with copper, made like a starr or a half moone, &there hang it. Many have Turkeys. They are cloathed with Oriniack & staggs'skins, but very light. Every one had the skin of a crow hanging att theirguirdles. Their stokens all inbrodered with pearles and with their ownporke-pick worke. They have very handsome shoose laced very thick all overwith a peece sowen att the side of the heele, which was of a haire of Buff, which trailed above halfe a foot upon the earth, or rather on the snow. They had swords and knives of a foot and a halfe long, and hattchetts veryingeniously done, and clubbs of wood made like backswords; some made of around head that I admired it. When they kille their ennemy they cutt offthe tuffe of haire and tye it about their armes. After all, they have awhite robe made of Castors' skins painted. Those having passed through themidle of ours, that weare ranged att every side of the way. The Elders camewith great gravitie and modestie, covered with buff coats which hung downeto the grounde. Every one had in his hand a pipe of Councell sett withprecious jewells. They had a sack on their shoulders, and that that holdsit grows in the midle of their stomacks and on their shoulders. In thissacke all the world is inclosed. Their face is not painted, but their headsdressed as the foremost. Then the women laden like unto so many mules, their burdens made a greater sheu then they themselves; but I supose theweight was not equivolent to its bignesse. They weare conducted to theappointed place, where the women unfolded their bundles, and slang theirskins whereof their tents are made, so that they had houses [in] less thenhalf an hour. 

After they rested they came to the biggest cabbane constituted for thatpurpose. There were fires kindled. Our Captayne made a speech ofthanksgiving, which should be long to writ it. We are called to thecouncell of new come chiefe, where we came in great pompe, as you shallheare. First they come to make a sacrifice to the french, being Gods andmasters of all things, as of peace, as warrs; making the knives, thehattchetts, and the kettles rattle, etc. That they came purposely to puttthemselves under their protection. Moreover, that they came to bring themback againe to their countrey, having by their means destroyed theirEnnemyes abroad & neere. So Said, they present us with guifts of Castors'Skins, assuring us that the mountains weare elevated, the valleys risen, the ways very smooth, the bows of trees cutt downe to goe with more ease, and bridges erected over rivers, for not to wett our feete; that the doresof their villages, cottages of their wives and daughters, weare open at anytime to receive us, being wee kept them alive by our marchandises. TheSecond guift was, yet they would die in their alliance, and that tocertifie to all nations by continuing the peace, & weare willing to receiveand assist them in their countrey, being well satisfied they weare come tocelebrat the feast of the dead. The 3rd guift was for to have one of thedoors of the fort opened, if neede required, to receive and keepe them fromthe Christinos that come to destroy them; being allwayes men, and theheavens made them so, that they weare obliged to goe before to defend theircountry and their wives, which is the dearest thing they had in the world, & in all times they weare esteemed stout & true soldiers, & that yett theywould make it appeare by going to meet them; and that they would notdegenerat, but shew by their actions that they weare as valiant as theirfore ffathers. The 4th guift was presented to us, which [was] of BuffSkins, to desire our assistance ffor being the masters of their lives, andcould dispose of them as we would, as well of the peace as of the warrs, and that we might very well see that they did well to goe defend their ownecountrey; that the true means to gett the victory was to have a thunder. They meant a gune, calling it _miniskoick_. 

The speech being finished, they intreated us to be att the feast. We goepresently back againe to fournish us with woaden bowls. We made foure mento carry our guns afore us, that we charged of powder alone, because oftheir unskillfullnesse that they might have killed their ffathers. We eachof us had a paire of pistoletts and Sword, a dagger. We had a role ofporkepick about our heads, which was as a crowne, and two litle boyes thatcarryed the vessells that we had most need of; this was our dishes and ourspoons. They made a place higher & most elevate, knowing our customs, inthe midle for us to sitt, where we had the men lay our armes. Presentlycomes foure elders, with the calumet kindled in their hands. They presentthe candles to us to smoake, and foure beautifull maids that went before uscarrying bears' skins to putt under us. When we weare together, an old manrifes & throws our calumet att our feet, and bids them take the kettlesfrom of the sire, and spoake that he thanked the sun that never was a dayto him so happy as when he saw those terrible men whose words makes theearth quacke, and sang a while. Having ended, came and covers us with hisvestment, and all naked except his feet and leggs, he saith, "Yee aremasters over us; dead or alive you have the power over us, and may disposeof us as your pleasur. " So done, takes the callumet of the feast, andbrings it, So a maiden brings us a coale of fire to kindle it. So done, werose, and one of us begins to sing. We bad the interpreter to tell them weshould save & keepe their lives, taking them for our brethren, and totestify that we short of all our artillery, which was of twelve gunns. Wedraw our Swords and long knives to our defence, if need should require, which putt the men in Such a terror that they knewed not what was best torun or stay. We throw a handfull of powder in the fire to make a greaternoise and smoake. 

Our songs being finished, we began our teeth to worke. We had there a kindeof rice, much like oats. It growes in the watter in 3 or 4 foote deepe. There is a God that shews himselfe in every countrey, almighty, full ofgoodnesse, and the preservation of those poore people who knoweth him notThey have a particular way to gather up that graine. Two takes a boat andtwo sticks, by which they gett the eare downe and gett the corne out of it. Their boat being full, they bring it to a fitt place to dry it, and that istheir food for the most part of the winter, and doe dresse it thus: fforeach man a handfull of that they putt in the pott, that swells so much thatit can suffice a man. After the feast was over there comes two maidensbringing wherewithall to smoake, the one the pipes, the other the fire. They offered ffirst to one of the elders, that satt downe by us. When hehad smoaked, he bids them give it us. This being done, we went backe to ourfort as we came. 

The day following we made the principall Persons come together to answer totheir guifts. Being come with great solemnity, there we made ourInterpreter tell them that we weare come from the other side of the greatsalted lake, not to kill them but to make them live; acknowledging you forour brethren and children, whom we will love henceforth as our owne; thenwe gave them a kettle. The second guift was to encourage them in all theirundertakings, telling them that we liked men that generously defendedthemselves against all their ennemyes; and as we weare masters of peace andwarrs, we are to dispose the affairs that we would see an universall peaceall over the earth; and that this time we could not goe and force thenations that weare yett further to condescend & submitt to our will, butthat we would see the neighbouring countreys in peace and union; that theChristinos weare our brethren, and have frequented them many winters; thatwe adopted them for our children, and tooke them under our protection; thatwe should send them ambassadors; that I myself should make them come, andconclude a generall peace; that we weare sure of their obedience to us;that the ffirst that should breake the peace we would be their ennemy, andwould reduce them to powder with our heavenly fire; that we had the word ofthe Christinos as well as theirs, and our thunders should serve us to makewarrs against those that would not submitt to our will and desire, whichwas to see them good ffriends, to goe and make warrs against the uppernations, that doth not know us as yett. The guift was of 6 hattchetts. The3rd was to oblige them to receive our propositions, likewise theChristinos, to lead them to the dance of Union, which was to be celebratedat the death's feast and banquett of kindred. If they would continue thewarrs, that was not the meanes to see us againe in their Countrey. The 4thwas that we thanked them ffor making us a free passage through theircountreys. The guift was of 2 dozen of knives. The last was of smallertrifles, --6 gratters, 2 dozen of awles, 2 dozen of needles, 6 dozens oflooking-glasses made of tine, a dozen of litle bells, 6 Ivory combs, with alitle vermillion. Butt ffor to make a recompence to the good old man thatspake so favorably, we gave him a hattchett, and to the Elders each a bladefor a Sword, and to the 2 maidens that served us 2 necklaces, which puttabout their necks, and 2 braceletts for their armes. The last guift was ingenerall for all the women to love us and give us to eat when we shouldcome to their cottages. The company gave us great Ho! ho! ho! that is, thanks. Our wildmen made others for their interest. 

A company of about 50 weare dispatched to warne the Christinos of what wehad done. I went myself, where we arrived the 3rd day, early in themorning. I was received with great demonstration of ffriendshippe. All thatday we feasted, danced, and sing. I compared that place before to theButtery of Paris, ffor the great quantity of meat that they use to havethere; but now will compare it to that of London. There I received guiftsof all sorts of meate, of grease more then 20 men could carry. The customeis not to deface anything that they present. There weare above 600 men in afort, with a great deale of baggage on their shoulders, and did draw itupon light slids made very neatly. I have not seen them att their entrance, ffor the snow blinded mee. Coming back, we passed a lake hardly frozen, andthe sun [shone upon it] for the most part, ffor I looked a whilesteadfastly on it, so I was troubled with this seaven or eight dayes. 

The meane while that we are there, arrived above a thousand that had notben there but for those two redoubted nations that weare to see them doewhat they never before had, a difference which was executed with a greatdeale of mirth. I ffor feare of being inuied I will obmitt onely that thereweare playes, mirths, and bataills for sport, goeing and coming with cryes;each plaid his part. In the publick place the women danced with melody. Theyong men that indeavoured to gett a pryse, indeavoured to clime up a greatpost, very smooth, and greased with oyle of beare & oriniack grease. Thestake was att least of 15 foot high. The price was a knife or other thing. We layd the stake there, but whoso could catch it should have it. The feastwas made to eate all up. To honnour the feast many men and women did burst. Those of that place coming backe, came in sight of those of the village orfort, made postures in similitud of warrs. This was to discover the ennemyby signs; any that should doe soe we gave orders to take him, or kill himand take his head off. The prisoner to be tyed [and] to fight inretreating. To pull an arrow out of the body; to exercise and strike with aclubbe, a buckler to theire feete, and take it if neede requireth, anddefende himselfe, if neede requirs, from the ennemy; being in sentery toheark the ennemy that comes neere, and to heare the better lay him downe onthe side. These postures are playd while the drums beate. This was aserious thing, without speaking except by nodding or gesture. Their drumsweare earthen potts full of watter, covered with staggs-skin. The stickslike hammers for the purpose. The elders have bomkins to the end of theirstaves full of small stones, which makes a ratle, to which yong men andwomen goe in a cadance. The elders are about these potts, beating them andsinging. The women also by, having a nosegay in their hands, and dance verymodestly, not lifting much their feete from the ground, keeping their headsdownewards, makeing a sweet harmony. We made guifts for that while 14 days'time. Every one brings the most exquisite things, to shew what his countryaffoards. The renewing of their alliances, the mariages according to theircountrey coustoms, are made; also the visit of the boans of their deceasedffriends, ffor they keepe them and bestow them uppon one another. We sangin our language as they in theirs, to which they gave greate attention. Wegave them severall guifts, and received many. They bestowed upon us above300 robs of castors, out of which we brought not five to the ffrench, beingfar in the countrey. 

This feast ended, every one retourns to his countrey well satisfied. To beas good as our words, we came to the nation of the beefe, which was seavensmall Journeys from that place. We promised in like maner to the Christinosthe next spring we should come to their side of the upper lake, and therethey should meete us, to come into their countrey. We being arrived amongthe nation of the beefe, we wondred to finde ourselves in a towne whereweare great cabbans most covered with skins and other close matts. Theytould us that there weare 7, 000 men. This we believed. Those have as manywives as they can keepe. If any one did trespasse upon the other, his nosewas cutt off, and often the crowne of his head. The maidens have all manerof freedome, but are forced to mary when they come to the age. The morethey beare children the more they are respected. I have seene a man having14 wives. There they have no wood, and make provision of mosse for theirfiring. This their place is environed with pearches which are a gooddistance one from an other, that they gett in the valleys where the Buffeuse to repaire, uppon which they do live. They sow corne, but their harvestis small. The soyle is good, but the cold hinders it, and the graine verysmall. In their countrey are mines of copper, of pewter, and of ledd. Thereare mountains covered with a kind of Stone that is transparent and tender, and like to that of Venice. The people stay not there all the yeare; theyretire in winter towards the woods of the North, where they kill a quantityof Castors, and I say that there are not so good in the whole world, butnot in such a store as the Christinos, but far better. 

Wee stayed there 6 weeks, and came back with a company of people of thenation of the Sault, that came along with us loaden with booty. We weare 12dayes before we could overtake our company that went to the lake. Thespring approaches, which [is] the fitest time to kill the Oriniack. Awildman and I with my brother killed that time above 600, besides otherbeasts. We came to the lake side with much paines, ffor we sent our wildmenbefore, and we two weare forced to make cariages 5 dayes through the woods. After we mett with a company that did us a great deale of service, fforthey carryed what we had, and arrived att the appointed place before 3dayes ended. Here we made a fort. Att our arrivall we found att least 20cottages full. 

One very faire evening we went to finde what we hide before, which we findein a good condition. We went about to execut our resolution, fforseeingthat we must stay that yeare there, ffor which wee weare not very sorry, being resolved to know what we heard before. We waited untill the Iceshould vanish, but received [news] that the Octanaks built a fort on thepoint that formes that Bay, which resembles a small lake. We went towardsit with all speede. We had a great store of booty which we would not trustto the wildmen, ffor the occasion makes the thiefe. We overloaded our slideon that rotten Ice, and the further we went the Sun was stronger, whichmade our Trainage have more difficultie. I seeing my brother so strained, Itooke the slide, which was heavier then mine, and he mine. Being in thatextent above foure leagues from the ground, we sunke downe above the onehalfe of the legge in the Ice, and must advance in spight of our teeth. Toleave our booty was to undoe us. We strived so that I hurted myselfe in somuch that I could not stand up right, nor any further. This putt us ingreat trouble. Uppon this I advised my brother to leave me with his slide. We putt the two sleds one by another. I tooke some cloathes to cover mee. After I stripped myselfe from my wett cloathes, I layed myselfe downe onthe slide; my brother leaves me to the keeping of that good God. We had notabove two leagues more to goe. He makes hast and came there in time andsends wildmen for me and the slids. There we found the perfidiousnesse ofthe Octanaks. Seeing us in Extremitie, would prescribe us laws. We promisedthem whatever they asked. They came to fetch me. 

For eight dayes I was so tormented I thought never to recover. I restedneither day nor night; at last by means that God and my brother did use, which was by rubbing my leggs with hott oyle of bears and keeping my thighand leggs well tyed, it came to its former strenght. After a while I cameto me selfe. There comes a great company of new wildmen to seeke a nationin that land for a weighty buissinesse. They desired me to goe a long, so Iprepare myselfe to goe with them. I marched well 2 dayes; the 3rd day thesore begins to breake out againe, in so much that I could goe no further. Those left me, albeit I came for their sake. You will see the cruelties ofthose beasts, and I may think that those that liveth on fish uses moreinhumanities then those that feed upon flesh; neverthelesse I proceededforwards the best I could, but knewed [not] where for the most part, thesun being my onely guide. 

There was some snow as yett on the ground, which was so hard in themornings that I could not percave any tracks. The worst was that I had nota hattchett nor other arme, and not above the weight of ten pounds ofvictualls, without any drink. I was obliged to proceed five dayes for mygood fortune. I indured much in the morning, but a litle warmed, I wentwith more ease. I looked betimes for som old cabbans where I found wood tomake fire wherwith. I melted the snow in my cappe that was so greasy. Onenight I finding a cottage covered it with boughs of trees that I foundready cutt. The fire came to it as I began to slumber, which soone awakedme in hast, lame as I was, to save meselfe from the fire. My racketts, shoos, and stokens kept me my life; I must needs save them. I tooke themand flung them as farr as I could in the snow. The fire being out, I wasforced to looke for them, as dark as it was, in the said snow, all naked &very lame, and almost starved both for hungar and cold. But what is it thata man cannot doe when he seeth that it concerns his life, that one day hemust loose? Yett we are to prolong it as much as we cane, & the very fearemaketh us to invent new wayes. 

The fifth day I heard a noyse and thought it of a wolfe. I stood still, andsoone perceived that it was of a man. Many wild men weare up and downelooking for me, fearing least the Bears should have devoured me. That mancame neere and saluts me, and demands whether it was I. We both satt downe;he looks in my sacke to see if I had victualls, where he finds a peece asbigg as my fist. He eats this without participation, being their usuallway. He inquireth if I was a hungary. I tould him no, to shew meselfe stoutand resolute. He takes a pipe of tobacco, and then above 20 pounds ofvictualls he takes out of his sack, and greased, and gives it me to eate. Ieat what I could, and gave him the rest. He bids me have courage, that thevillage was not far off. He demands if I knewed the way, but I was not suchas should say no. The village was att hand. The other wildmen arrived butthe day before, and after a while came by boats to the lake. The boatsweare made of Oriniacks' skins. I find my brother with a company ofChristinos that weare arrived in my absence. We resolved to cover ourbuissinesse better, and close our designe as if we weare going a hunting, and send them before; that we would follow them the next night, which wedid, & succeeded, but not without much labor and danger; for not knowingthe right way to thwart the other side of the lake, we weare in danger toperish a thousand times because of the crums of Ice. We thwarted a place of15 leagues. We arrived on the other side att night. When we came there, weknewed not where to goe, on the right or left hand, ffor we saw no body. Att last, as we with full sayle came from a deepe Bay, we perceived smoakeand tents. Then many boats from thence came to meete us. We are receivedwith much Joy by those poore Christinos. They suffered not that we trod onground; they leade us into the midle of their cottages in our own boats, like a couple of cocks in a Basquett. There weare some wildmen thatfollowed us but late. We went away with all hast possible to arrive thesooner att the great river. We came to the seaside, where we finde an oldhowse all demollished and battered with boulletts. We weare told that thosethat came there weare of two nations, one of the wolf, the other of thelong-horned beast. All those nations are distinguished by therepresentation of the beasts or animals. They tell us particularities ofthe Europians. We know ourselves, and what Europ is, therefore in vainethey tell us as for that. 

We went from Isle to Isle all that summer. We pluckt abundance of Ducks, asof all other sort of fowles; we wanted nor fish nor fresh meate. We wearewell beloved, and weare overjoyed that we promised them to come with suchshipps as we invented. This place hath a great store of cows. The wildmenkill them not except for necessary use. We went further in the bay to seethe place that they weare to passe that summer. That river comes from thelake and empties itselfe in the river of Sagnes, called Tadousack, which isa hundred leagues in the great river of Canada, as where we weare in theBay of the north. We left in this place our marks and rendezvous. Thewildmen that brought us defended us above all things, if we would comedirectly to them, that we should by no means land, and so goe to the riverto the other sid, that is, to the north, towards the sea, telling us thatthose people weare very treacherous. Now, whether they tould us this out ofpollicy, least we should not come to them ffirst, & so be deprived of whatthey thought to gett from us [I know not]. In that you may see that theenvy and envy raigns every where amongst poore barbarous wild people as attCourts. They made us a mapp of what we could not see, because the time wasnigh to reape among the bustards and Ducks. As we came to the place wherethese oats growes (they grow in many places), you would think it strang tosee the great number of ffowles, that are so fatt by eating of this grainethat heardly they will move from it. I have seene a wildman killing 3 ducksat once with one arrow. It is an ordinary thing to see five [or] sixhundred swans together. I must professe I wondred that the winter there wasso cold, when the sand boyles att the watter side for the extreame heate ofthe Sun. I putt some eggs in that sand, and leave them halfe an houre; theeggs weare as hard as stones. We passed that summer quietly, coasting theseaside, and as the cold began, we prevented the Ice. We have thecommoditie of the river to carry our things in our boats to the best place, where weare most bests. 

This is a wandring nation, and containeth a vaste countrey. In winter theylive in the land for the hunting sake, and in summer by the watter forfishing. They never are many together, ffor feare of wronging one another. They are of a good nature, & not great whore masters, having but one wife, and are [more] satisfied then any others that I knewed. They cloaththemselves all over with castors' skins in winter, in summer of staggs'skins. They are the best huntsmen of all America, and scorns to catch acastor in a trappe. The circumjacent nations goe all naked when the seasonpermitts it. But this have more modestie, ffor they putt a piece of coppermade like a finger of a glove, which they use before their nature. Theyhave the same tenents as the nation of the beefe, and their apparell fromtopp to toe. The women are tender and delicat, and takes as much paines asslaves. They are of more acute wits then the men, ffor the men are fools, but diligent about their worke. They kill not the yong castors, but leavethem in the watter, being that they are sure that they will take himagaine, which no other nation doth. They burne not their prisoners, butknock them in the head, or slain them with arrows, saying it's not decentfor men to be so cruell. They have a stone of Turquois from the nation ofthe buff and beefe, with whome they had warrs. They pollish them, and givethem the forme of pearle, long, flatt, round, and [hang] them att theirnose. They [find] greene stones, very fine, att the side of the same bay ofthe sea to the norwest. There is a nation called among themselves neuter. They speake the beefe and Christinos' speech, being friends to both. Thosepoore people could not tell us what to give us. They weare overjoyed whenwe sayd we should bring them commodities. We went up on another river, tothe upper lake. The nation of the beefe sent us guifts, and we to them, by[the] ambassadors. In the midle of winter we joyned with a Company of thefort, who gladly received us. They weare resolved to goe to the ffrench thenext spring, because they weare quite out of stocke. The feast of the deadconsumed a great deale of it. They blamed us, saying we should not trustany that we did not know. They upon this asked if we are where thetrumpetts are blowne. We sayd yea, and tould that they weare a nation notto be trusted, and if we came to that sea we should warre against them, becaus they weare bad nation, and did their indeavour to tak us to make ustheir slaves. 

In the beginning of Spring there came a company of men that came to see usfrom the elders, and brought us furrs to intice us to see them againe. Icannot omitt [a] pleasant encounter that happened to my brother as we weareboth in a cottag. Two of the nation of the beefe came to see us; in thattime my brother had some trade in his hands. The wildmen satt neere us. Mybrother shews unto them the Image which [re]presented the flight of Josephand holy mary with the child Jesus, to avoid the anger of herod, and theVirgin and child weare riding the asse, and Joseph carrying a long cloake. My brother shewing that animal, naming it _tatanga_, which is a buffe, thewildmen, seeing the representation of a woman, weare astonished and weeps, pulls their haire, and tumbles up and downe to the fire, so continued halfan houre, till he was in a sweat, and wetted with his tears the rest of thewildmen that weare there. One of them went out of the cottage. My brotherand I weare surprized; thought they might have seene a vision, fforinstantly the man putt his hands on his face, as if he should make thesigne of the crosse. Now as he came to himselfe, he made us understand, ffor I began to know much of their speech, that first we weare Devills, knowing all what is and what was done; moreover, that he had his desire, that was his wif and child, whome weare taken by the nation of the beefefoure years agoe. So he tooke the asse for the nation of the beefe, theVirgin mary for the picture of his wife, and Jesus for his son, and Josephfor himselfe, saying, "There am I with my long robe, seeking for my wifeand child. "

By our ambassadors I came to know an other Lake which is northerly of theircountrey. They say that it's bigger then all the rest. The upper end isallways frozen. Their ffish comes from those parts. There are people thatlives there and dare not trade in it towards the south. There is a river sodeepe and blacke that there is no bottome. They say that fish goes neitherout nor in to that river. It is very warme, and if they durst navigate init, they should not come to the end in 40 dayes. That river comes from thelake, and the inhabitants makes warrs against the birds, that defends &offends with theire bills that are as sharpe as sword. This I cannot tellfor truth, but told me. All the circumjacent neighbours do incourage us, saying that they would venter their lives with us, for which we weare muchoverjoyed to see them so freely disposed to goe along with us. Here nothingbut courage. "Brother, doe not lye, ffor the ffrench will not believethee. " All men of courage and vallour, lett them fetch commodities, and notstand lazing and be a beggar in the cabbane. It is the way to be beloved ofwomen, to goe and bring them wherewithall to be joyfull. We present guiftsto one and to another for to warne them to that end that we should make theearth quake, and give terror to the Iroquoits if they weare so bold as toshew themselves. The Christinos made guifts that they might come with us. This was graunted unto them, to send 2 boats, to testifie that they weareretained slaves among the other nations, although they furnish them withcastors. The boats ready, we embarque ourselves. We weare 700. There wasnot seene such a company to goe downe to the ffrench. There weare above 400Christinos' boats that brought us their castors, in hopes that the peopleshould give some marchandises for them. Att their retourne the biggestboats could carry onely the man and his wife, and could scarce carry withthem 3 castors, so little weare their boats. In summer time I have seene300 men goe to warrs, and each man his boat, ffor they are that makes theleast boats. The company that we had filled above 360 boats. There weareboats that caryed seaven men, and the least two. It was a pleasur to seethat imbarquing, ffor all the yong women went in stark naked, their hairshanging down, yett it is not their coustoms to doe soe. I thought it theirshame, but contrary they thinke it excellent & old custome good. They singa loud and sweetly. They stood in their boats, and remained in that posturehalfe a day, to encourage us to come and lodge with them againe. Thereforethey are not alltogether ashamed to shew us all, to intice us, andinanimate the men to defend themselves valliantly and come and injoy them. 

In two dayes we arrived att the River of the sturgeon, so called because ofthe great quantity of sturgeons that we tooke there. Here we weare to makeour provissions to passe the lake some 14 dayes. In the said tearme weedryed up above a million of sturgeons. [Footnote: He no doubt meant to say, above "un mille, " or "above a thousand. "] The women followed us close;after our abode there two dayes they overtooke us. We had severall falsallarums, which putt us in severall troubles. They woundred to have foundan Oryanck dead uppon the place, with a boullet in his body. There thousandlyes weare forged. Therefore we goe from thence, but before we come to theLongpoint whereof we spoak before, the wildmen called it _okinotoname_, weperceive smoake. We goe to discover what it was, and by ill looke we foundit was a Iroquoits boat of seaven men, who doubtlesse stayed that winter inthe lake of the hurrons, and came there to discover somewhat. I cannot saythat they weare the first that came there. God graunt that they may be thelast. As they saw us, away they, as swift as their heels could drive. Theyleft their boat and all. They to the woods, and weare pursued, but invaine, ffor they weare gone before three houres. The pursuers came backe;the one brings a gun, the one a hattchett, the other a kettle, and soforth. The councell was called, where it was decreed to go backe and shookeoff to goe downe to the ffrench till the next yeare. This vexed us sore tosee such a fleete and such an opportunity come to nothing, foreseeing thatsuch an other may be not in tenne years. We weare to persuade them to thecontrary, but checked soundly, saying we weare worse then Ennemyes byperswading them to goe and be slained. In this we must lett theire fearepasse over, and we back to the river of the sturgeons, where we found ourwives, very buissie in killing those creatures that comes there tomultiplie. We dayly heare some newe reporte. All every where ennemy byfancy. 

We in the meane time buissie ourselves in the good of our country, whichwill recompence us badly ffor such toyle and labour. Twelve dayes arepassed, in which time we gained some hopes of faire words. We called acouncell before the company was disbanded, where we represented, if theyweare discouvers, they had not vallued the losse of their kettle, knowingwell they weare to gett another where their army layed, and if there shouldbe an army it should appeare and we in such an number, they could be wellafraid and turne backe. Our reasons weare hard and put in execution. Thenext day we embarqued, saving the Christinos, that weare afraid of a sightof a boat made of another stuff then theirs, that they went back as we camewhere the Iroquoits' boat was. Our words proved true and so proceeded inour way. 

Being come nigh the Sault, we found a place where 2 of these men sweated, &for want of covers buried themselves in the sand by the watter side tokeepe their bodyes from the flyes called maringoines, which otherwise hadkilled them with their stings. We thwarted those 2 great lakes with greatpleasur, having the wind faire with us. It was a great satisfaction to seeso many boats, and so many that never had before commerce with the ffrench. So my brother and I thought wee should be wellcomed. But, O covetousnesse, thou art the cause of many evils! We made a small sayle to every boate;every one strived to be not the last. The wind was double wayes favourableto us. The one gave us rest, the other advanced us very much, which weewanted much because of the above said delay. We now are comed to thecariages and swift streames to gett the lake of the Castors. We made themwith a courage, promptitud, and hungar which made goe with hast as well asthe wind. We goe downe all the great river without any encounter, till wecame to the long Sault, where my brother some years before made ashipwrake. Being in that place we had worke enough. The first thing wee sawwas severall boats that the Ennemy had left att the riverside. This puttgreat feare in the hearts of our people. Nor they nor we could tell what todoe; and seeing no body appeared we sent to discover what they weare. Thediscovers calls us, and bids us come, that those who weare there could doeus no harme. 

You must know that 17 ffrench made a plott with foure Algonquins to make aleague with three score hurrons for to goe and wait for the Iroquoits inthe passage att their retourne with their castors on their ground, hopingto beat and destroy them with ease, being destitut of necessary things. Ifone hath his gun he wants his powder, and so the rest. Att the other sidewithout doubt had notice that the travelers weare abroad, and would notfaile to come downe with a company, and to make a valiant deede and heroickaction was to destroy them all, and consequently make the ffrench trembleas well as the wildmen, ffor the one could not live without the other; theone for his commodities, the other ffor his castors; so that the Iroqoitspretending to wait for us at the passage came thither fflocking. Theffrench and wild company, to putt the Iroquoit in some feare, and hinderhis coming there so often with such confidence, weare resolved to lay asnare against him. That company of souldiers being come to the farthestplace of that long sault without being discovered, thought allready to beconquerors making cariage, having abroad 15 men to make discoveries, butmett as many ennemyes. They assaulted each other, and the Iroquoits foundthemselves weake, left there their lives and bodyes, saving 2 that madetheir escape, went to give notice to 200 of theirs that made ready as theyheard the gunns, to help their foreguard. The ffrench seeing such greatodds made a retreat, and warned by foure Algonquins that a fort was builtnot afar off, built by his nation the last yeare, they fled into it in anill houre. In the meane while the Iroquoits consulted what they should doe;they sent to 550 Iroquoits of the lower nation and 50 Orijonot that wearenot afar off. Now they would asault the ffrench in their ffort, the ffortnot holding but 20 men. The hurrons could not come in and could not avoidthe shott of the ennemy. Then the ffrench pulled downe the fort, and closedtogether they stoutly began to worke. Those that the ffrench had killed, cutt their heads off & put them uppon long poles of their fort. Thisskermish dured two dayes & two nights. The Iroquoits finds themselvesplagued, ffor the ffrench had a kind of bucklers and shelters. Now arrives600 men that they did not think of in the least. Here is nothing but cryes, fire, and flame day & night. Here is not to be doubted, the one to take theother, the one to defend himselfe till death. The hurrons seeing such acompany submitted to the ennemyes, but are like to pay for their cowardise, being in their hands weare tyed, abused, smitten, and burned as if theyweare taken by force, ffor those barbarous weare revenged on their boanesas any was wounded or killed in the battaille. 

In this great extremity our small company of one and twenty did resist 5days against 800 men, and the two foremost dayes against 200 which weareseaven dayes together without intermission, & the worst was that they hadno watter, as we saw, ffor they made a hole in the ground out of which theygott but litle because they weare on a hill. It was to be pitied. There wasnot a tree but was shot with buletts. The Iroquoits come with bucklers tomake a breach. The ffrench putt fire to a barill of powder, thinking toshoake the Iroquoits or make him goe back; but did to their greatprejudice, for it fell againe in their fort, which made an end of theircombat. Uppon this the Ennemy enters, kills and slains all that he finds, so one did not make an escape, saveing one that was found alive; but hestayed not long, for in a short time after his fortune was as the rest; foras he was brought to one of the Forts of the Irokoits, as he was bid to sitdown he finds a Pistolet by him, and takes it at adventure, not knowingwhether it was charged or no. He puts the end to the breast of him thattyed him, and killd him in the presence of all his camerades; but withoutany more adoe he was burnt very cruelly. All the French though dead weretyed to posts along the River side, and the 4 Algonquins. As for the huronsthey were burnt at their discretion. Some neverthelesse escaped to bringthe certain newes how all passed. [Footnote: Frenchmen massacred at LongSault. See Introduction. ] It was a terrible spectacle to us, for wee camethere 8 dayes after that defeat, which saved us without doubt. I beleevefor certain that the Iroqoits lost many men, having to doe with such braveand valiant souldiers as that company was. Wee visited that place and therewas a fine Fort; three were about the other two. 

Wee went down the river without making any carriage, and wee adventuredvery much. As Soon as wee were at the lower end many of our wildmen had amind to goe back and not to goe any further, thinking really that all theFrench were killed. As for my Brother and I, wee did fear very much thatafter such a thing the pride of the enemy would make them attempt anythingupon the habitations of mount Royall, which is but 30 leagues from thence. Wee did advise them to make a ffort, or to put us in one of the enemies', and to send immediately two very light boats, that could not be overtakenif the enemy should discover them; and that being arrived at thehabitation, they should make them shoot the peeces of Ordnance, and that assoon as the night should come wee would embarque our selves and should hearthe noise, or else wee should take councell of what wee should doe, andstay for them at the height of the Isle of mount Royall; which was doneaccordingly without any hazard, for all the enemies were gone dispairing ofour comeing down, and for what they had done and for what they had lost, which by the report of some Hurons was more then four score men; and if theFrench had had a Fort flanke & some water they had resisted the enemymiraculously and forced them to leave them for want of powder and shott andalso of other provisions. They were furnished for the whole summer. Our twoboats did goe, but the rest were soe impatient that they resolved to followthem, being willing to run the same hazard; and wee arrived the nextmorning and were in sight when the peeces were shott off, with a greatdeale of Joy to see so great a number of boats that did almost cover thewhole River. 

Wee stayd 3 dayes at mont-Royall, and then wee went down to the threeRivers. The wildmen did aske our advice whether it was best for them to goedown further. We told them no, because of the dangers that they may meetwith at their returne, for the Irokoits could have notice of their comeingdown, and so come and lay in ambush for them, and it was in the latterseason, being about the end of August. Well, as soon as their businesse wasdone, they went back again very well satisfyed and wee very ill satisfiedfor our reception, which was very bad considering the service wee had doneto the countrey, which will at another time discourage those that by ourexample would be willing to venture their lives for the benefit of thecountrey, seeing a Governor that would grow rich by the labours and hazardsof others. 

Before I goe further I have a mind to let you know the fabulous beleafe ofthose poore People, that you may see their ignorance concerning the soul'simmortality, being separated from the body. The kindred and the friends ofthe deceased give notice to the others, who gather together and cry for thedead, which gives warning to the young men to take the armes to give someassistance and consolation to the deceased. Presently the corps is coveredwith white skins very well tyed. Afterwards all the kindred come to thecottage of the deceased and begin to mourn and lament. After they are wearyof making such musick the husbands or Friends of the deceased send theirwives for gifts to pacifie a little the Widdow and to dry her tears. Thoseguifts are of skins and of what they can get, for at such a ceremony theyare very liberall. As soon as that is done and the night comes, all theyoung men are desired to come and doe what they will to have done to them. So that when darknesse has covered the whole face of the Earth they comeall singing with staves in their hands for their armes, and after they areset round the cabbin, begin to knock and make such a noise that one wouldthinke they have a mind to tear all in peeces, and that they are possessedof some Devills. All this is done to expell and frighten the soule out ofthat poor and miserable body that she might not trouble his carcase nor hisbones, and to make it depart the sooner to goe and see their Ancestors, andto take possession of their immortall glory, which cannot be obtained but afortnight towards the setting of the sun. The first step that she makes isof seven dayes, to begin her course, but there are many difficulties, fforit is through a very thick wood full of thorns, of stones and flints, which[brings] great trouble to that poor soule. At last having overcome allthose dangers and toyles she comes to a River of about a Quarter of a milebroad where there is a bridge made onely of one planke, being supported bya beame pointed at one end, which is the reason that planke rises and fallsperpetually, having not any rest nor stay, and when the soule comes nearthe side of that river, she meets with a man of extraordinary stature, whois very leane and holds a dagger of very hard wood and very keen in hishands, and speakes these words when he sees the petitioning soule comenear: _Pale_, _pale_, which signifies, Goe, goe; and at every word thebridge ballances, and rises his knife, and the traveller offering himselfe, receives a blow by which he is cut in two, and each halfe is found uponthat moving, and according as he had lived they stay upon it; that is, ifhis body was valiant the passage was soon made free to him, for the twohalfes come together and joyn themselves again. So passe to the other sidewhere she finds a bladder of bear's grease to grease herselfe and refreshherselfe for that which she is to do, which being done she finds a woodsomewhat cleerer and a straight road that she must goe, and for 5 dayesneither goe to the right nor to the left hand, where at last being arrivedshe finds a very great and cleer fire, through which she must resolve topasse. That fire is kindled by the young men that dyed since the beginningof the world to know whether those that come have loved the women or havebeen good huntsmen; and if that soule has not had any of those rare Vertuesshe burnes and broiles the sole of her feet by going through the fire; butquite contrary if she has had them qualityes, she passes through withoutburning her selfe in the least, and from that so hot place she finds greaseand paint of all sorts of colour with which she daubs and makes herselfebeautifull, to come to that place so wished for. But she has not yet alldone, nor made an end of her voyage; being so dress'd she continues hercourse still towards the same pole for the space of two dayes in a verycleer wood, and where there is very high and tall trees of which most beoakes, which is the reason that there is great store of bears. All alongthat way they do nothing else but see their enemies layd all along upon theground, that sing their fatall song for having been vanquished in thisworld and also in the other, not daring to be so bold as to kill one ofthose animalls, and feed onely upon the down of these beasts. Beingarrived, if I may say, at the doore of that imaginarie paradise, they finda company of their ancestors long since deceased, by whom they are receivedwith a great deale of ceremony, and are brought by so venerable a companywithin halfe a daye's journey of the place of the meeting, and all alongthe rest of the way they discourse of things of this world that are passd;for you must know they travell halfe a day without speaking one word, butkeepe a very deep silence, for, said they, it is like the Goslings toconfound one another with words. As soon as they are arrived they must havea time to come to themselves, to think well upon what they are to speakwithout any precipitation, but with Judgement, so that they are come whereall manner of company with drumms & dryd bumpkins, full of stones and othersuch instruments. The elders that have brought her there cover her with avery large white skin, and colour her leggs with vermillion and her feetlikewise, and so she is received amongst the Predestinates. There is a deepsilence made as soon as she is come in, and then one of the elders makes along speech to encourage the young people to go a hunting to kill some meatto make a feast for entertainment of the soul of their countryman, which isput in execution with a great deal of diligence and hast; and while themeat is boyling or roasting, and that there is great preparations made forthe feast, the young maidens set out themselves with the richest Jewellsand present the beesome to the new-comer. A little while after the kettlesare filled, there is feasting every where, comedies acted, and whatsoeveris rare is there to be seene; there is dancing every where. Now remainesnothing but to provide that poor soule of a companion, which she doespresently, for she has the choice of very beautifull women, and may take asmany as she pleases, which makes her felicity immortall. 

By this you may see the silly beleefe of these poor People. I have seenright-minded Jesuites weep bitterly hearing me speake of so many Nationsthat perish for want of Instruction; but most of them are like the wildmen, that thinke they offend if they reserve any thing for the next day. I haveseen also some of the same company say, "Alas, what pity 'tis to loose somany Castors. Is there no way to goe there? The fish and the sauce inviteus to it; is there no meanes to catch it? Oh, how happy should I be to goin those countreys as an Envoye, being it is so good a countrey. " That isthe relation that was made me severall times by those wildmen, for Ithought they would never have done. But let us come to our arrivall againe. 

The Governour, seeing us come back with a considerable summe for our ownparticular, and seeing that his time was expired and that he was to goeaway, made use of that excuse to doe us wrong & to enrich himselfe with thegoods that wee had so dearly bought, and by our meanes wee made the countryto subsist, that without us had beene, I beleeve, oftentimes quite undoneand ruined, and the better to say at his last beeding, no castors, no ship, & what to doe without necessary commodities. He made also my brotherprisoner for not having observed his orders, and to be gone without hisleave, although one of his letters made him blush for shame, not knowingwhat to say, but that he would have some of them at what price soever, thathe might the better maintain his coach & horses at Paris. He fines us fourthousand pounds to make a Fort at the three Rivers, telling us for allmanner of satisfaction that he would give us leave to put our coat of armesupon it, and moreover 6, 000 pounds for the country, saying that wee shouldnot take it so strangely and so bad, being wee were inhabitants and didintend to finish our days in the same country with our Relations andFriends. But the Bougre did grease his chopps with it, and more, made uspay a custome which was the 4th part, which came to 14, 000 pounds, so thatwee had left but 46, 000 pounds, and took away L. 24, 000. Was not he aTyrant to deal so with us, after wee had so hazarded our lives, & havingbrought in lesse then 2 years by that voyage, as the Factors of the saidcountry said, between 40 and 50, 000 pistolls? For they spoke to me in thismanner: "In which country have you been? From whence doe you come? For weenever saw the like. From whence did come such excellent castors? Since yourarrivall is come into our magazin very near 600, 000 pounds Tournois of thatfilthy merchandise, which will be prized like gold in France. " And themwere the very words that they said to me. 

Seeing ourselves so wronged, my brother did resolve to goe and demandJustice in France. It had been better for him to have been contented withhis losses without going and spend the rest in halfe a year's time inFrance, having L. 10, 000 that he left with his wife, that was as good aHouswife as he. There he is in France; he is paid with fair words and withpromise to make him goe back from whence he came; but he feeing noassurance of it, did engage himselfe with a merchant of Rochell, who was tosend him a Ship the next spring. In that hope he comes away in a fisherboat to the pierced Island, some 20 leagues off from the Isle d'eluticosty, [Footnote: _Eluticosty_, Anticosti, an island at the mouth of the river St. Lawrence. ] the place where the ship was to come; that was to come whilst hewas going in a shallop to Quebucq, where I was to goe away with him to therendezvous, being he could not do anything without me; but with a greatdeel of difficulty it proved, so that I thought it possible to goe tast ofthe pleasures of France, and by a small vessell that I might not be idleduring his absence. He presently told me what he had done, and what weeshould doe. Wee embarked, being nine of us. In a few dayes wee came to thepierced Island, where wee found severall shipps newly arrived; & in one ofthem wee found a father Jesuit that told us that wee should not find whatwee thought to find, and that he had put a good order, and that it was notwell done to distroy in that manner a Country, and to wrong so manyInhabitants. He advised me to leave my Brother, telling me that his designswere pernicious. Wee see ourselves frustrated of our hopes. My Brother toldme that wee had store of merchandize that would bring much profit to thefrench habitations that are in the Cadis. I, who was desirous of nothingbut new things, made no scruple. 

Wee arrived at St. Peter, in the Isle of Cape Breton, at the habitation ofMonsr. Denier, where wee delivered some merchandizes for some Originackskins; from thence to Camseau where every day wee were threatned to beburned by the french; but God be thanked, wee escaped from their hands byavoiding a surprize. And in that place my Brother told me of his designe tocome and see new England, which our servants heard, and grumbled andlaboured underhand against us, for which our lives were in very greatdanger. Wee sent some of them away, and at last with much labour & dangerwee came to Port Royall, which is inhabited by the french under the EnglishGovernment, where some few dayes after came some English shipps thatbrought about our designes, where being come wee did declare our designes. Wee were entertained, and wee had a ship promissed us, and the Articlesdrawn, and wee did put to sea the next spring for our discovery, and weewent to the entry of Hudson's streight by the 61 degree. Wee had knowledgeand conversation with the people of those parts, but wee did see and knowthat there was nothing to be done unlesse wee went further, and the seasonof the yeare was far spent by the indiscretion of our master, that onelywere accustomed to see some Barbadoes Sugers, and not mountaines of Sugercandy, which did frighten him, that he would goe no further, complainingthat he was furnished but for 4 months, & that he had neither Sailes, norCord, nor Pitch, nor Towe, to stay out a winter. Seeing well that it wastoo late, he would goe no further, so brought us back to the place fromwhence wee came, where wee were welcome, although with great losse of goods& hope, but the last was not quite lost. Wee were promissed 2 shipps for asecond voyage. They were made fit and ready, and being the season of theyeare was not yet come to be gone, one of them 2 shipps was sent to theIsle of Sand, there to fish for the Basse [Footnote: This fishingexpedition was to the well-known Sable Island. In 1676 "The King grantedMedard Chouart, Sieur des Grozelliers, and Pierre Esprit, Sieur desRadision, the privilege of establishing fisheries for white porpoises andseal in the river St. Lawrence in New France. "] to make Oyle of it, wherewee came in very bad weather, and the ship was lost in that Island, but themen were saved. The expectation of that ship made us loose our 2nd voyage, which did very much discourage the merchants with whom wee had to doe. Theywent to law with us to make us recant the bargaine that wee had made withthem. After wee had disputed a long time it was found that the right was onour side, and wee innocent of what they did accuse us. So they endeavouredto come to an agreement, but wee were betrayed by our own Party. In themeantime the Commissioners of the King of Great Brittain arrived in thatplace, and one of them would have us goe with him to New Yorke, and theother advised us to come to England and offer our selves to the King, whichwee did. Those of new England in generall made profers unto us of what shipwee would if wee would goe on in our Designes; but wee answered them that ascalded cat fears the water though it be cold. 

Wee are now in the passage, and he that brought us, which was one of theCommissioners called Collonell George Carteret, was taken by theHollanders, and wee arrived in England in a very bad time for the Plagueand the warrs. Being at Oxford, wee went to Sir George Carteret, who spoketo his Majestie, who gave us good hopes that wee should have a ship readyfor the next spring, and that the king did allow us 40 shillings a week forour maintenance, and wee had chambers in the Town by his order, where weestayed 3 months. Afterwards the King came to London and sent us to Windsor, where wee stayed the rest of the winter. Wee are sent for from that place, the season growing neare, and put into the hands of Sir Peter Colleton. Theship was got ready something too late, and our master was not fit for sucha Designe. But the Hollanders being come to the River of Thames had stopp'dthe passage, soe wee lost that opportunity. So wee were put off till thenext yeare, & a little while after that same ship was sent to Virginia andother places to know some news of the Barbadoes, and to be informed if thatIsland was not in danger; which if it had been lost, had taken from theEnglish Ladyes the meanes or the pleasure of drinking french wine. Those ofBurdeaux & of Rochell were great loosers in the expectation of the ship, that was not gone to the Isle of Sand, but to Holland. Wee lost our secondvoyage, for the order was given to late for the fitting another ship, whichcost a great deale of money to noe purpose. The third yeare wee went outwith a new company in 2 small vessells, my Brother in one & I in another, &wee went together 400 leagues from the North of Ireland, where a suddengreat storme did rise & put us asunder. The sea was soe furious 6 or 7houres after that it did almost overturne our ship, so that wee were forcedto cut our masts rather then cutt our lives; but wee came back safe, God bethanked, and the other, I hope, is gone on his voyage, God be with him. Ihope to embarke myselfe by the helpe of God this fourth yeare, & I beseechhim to grant me better successe then I have had hitherto, & beseech him togive me Grace & to make me partaker of that everlasting happinesse which isthe onely thing a man ought to look after. 

I have here put the names of severall Nations amongst which I have been forthe most part, which I think may extend to some 900 leagues by thereckoning of my Travells. 

The names of the Nations that live in the South:--

Avieronons. Khionontateronons. Oscovarahronoms. Aviottronons. Ohcrokonanechronons. Huattochronoms. Anontackeronons. Ahondironons. Skinchiohronoms. Sonontueronons. Ougmarahronoms. Attitachronons. Oyongoironons. Akrahkuaeronoms. Ontorahronons. Audastoueronons. Oneronoms. Aoveatsiovaenhronons. Konkhaderichonons. Eressaronoms. Attochingochronons. Andonanchronons. Attionendarouks. Maingonis. Kionontateronons. Ehriehronoms. Socoquis. Ouendack. Tontataratonhronoms. Pacoiquis. Ariotachronoms. 

All these Nations are sedentaries, and live upon corn and other grains, byhunting and fishing, which is plentifull, and by the ragouts of roots. There were many destroyed by the Iroquoits, and I have seen most of thosethat are left. 

The names of the Nations that live in the North:--

Chisedeck. Nipifiriniens. Piffings. Bersiamites. Tivifeimi. Malhonniners. Sagfeggons. Outimaganii. Afinipour. Attikamegues. Ouachegami. Trinivoick. Ovaouchkairing or Mitchitamon. Nafaonakouetons. Algonquins. Orturbi. Pontonatemick. Kischeripirini. Ovasovarin. Escouteck. Minifigons. Atcheligonens. Panoestigons. Kotakoaveteny. Annikouay. Nadoucenako. Kinoncheripirini. Otanack. Titascons. Matouchkarini. Ouncisagay. Christinos. Ountchatarounongha. Abaouicktigonions. Nadouceronons. Sagahigavirini. Roquay. Quinipigousek. Sagnitaovigama. Mantonech. Tatanga. 

The two last are sedentary and doe reap, and all the rest are wanderingpeople, that live by their hunting and Fishing, and some few of Rice thatthey doe labour for, and a great many of them have been destroyed by theIroquoites. Besides all the above-named Nations I have seen eight or ninemore since my voyages. 

VOYAGESOFPETER ESPRIT RADISSON. 

_The Relation of a Voyage made by Peter Raddisson, Esquire, to the Northparts of America, in the years 1682 and 1683. _

In the first place, I think myself oblidg'd to vindicat myself from theimputation of inconstancy for acting in this voyage against the EnglishIntrest, and in the yeare 1683 against the French Intrest, for which, if Icould not give a very good account, I might justly lye under the sentenc ofcapritiousness & inconstancy. But severall Persons of probity and goodrepute, being sensible what my brother-in-Law, Mr Chouard Des Groisiliers, and myself performed in severall voyadges for the Gentlemen conserned inthe Hudson's Bay Trade, relating to the Comers of Bever skins, and the justcause of dissattisfaction which both of us had, to make us retire intoFrance. I have no cause to believe that I in the least deserve to bee taxedwith lightness or inconstancy for the Imployments wherein I since ingaged, although they were against the Interests of the said Company, for it issuffitiently known that my Brother nor myself omitted nothing that lay inour power, having both of us severall times adventur'd our lives, and didall that was possible for Persons of courage and Honour to perform for theadvantage and profit of the said Company, ever since the yeare 1665 untothe yeare 1674. But finding that all our advise was slighted and rejected, and the Councill of other persons imbrac'd and made use of, whichmanifestly tended to the ruin of the setlement of the Beaver Trade, & thaton all occasions wee were look'd upon as useless persons, that deservedneither reward nor incouragement, this unkinde usage made us at last take aresolution, though with very great reluctancy, to return back into France;for in the maine it is well knowne that I have a greater inclination forthe Interest of England than for that of ffrance, being marry'd at Londonunto an Honorable familly, [Footnote: He married, between 1666 and 1673, for his second wife, the daughter of Sir John Kirke. He was one of theoriginal founders of the Hudson's Bay Company, having subscribed L. 300 tothe common stock in 1670. He was one of the seven members on the Committeeof management for the Company, and was no doubt instrumental in securing toRadisson a permanent pension of 1, 200 livres a year, after he left theservice of France. In all probability, Radisson emigrated to Canada withhis family in 1694, for in that year his son's name thus appears as holdinga land patent: "1695. Another patent of confirmation to 'Sieur EtienneVolant Radisson' of the concession made to him the 19th of October, 1694, of the isles, islets, and 'baitures' not granted, that are to be foundacross Lake St Peter, above the islands granted to the 'Sieur Sorel, ' fromthe edge of the north channel, as far as the great middle channel, calledthe channel of Platte Island, " etc. , etc. As Peter Radisson's will cannowhere be found at Somerset House, London, he probably died in Canada. ]whos alliance had also the deeper ingadged me in the Intrest of the Nation. Morover, all my friends know the tender love I had for my wife, and that Ideclared unto them how much I was troubled in being reduced to thenecessity of leaving her. I hope thes considerations will vindicate myproceedings touching the severall Interests which I espous'd, and what Ishall relate in this ensuing Narrative touching my proceedings in regard ofthe English in this voyadge in the River, and also in Nelson's harbour inthe year 1683, and will justify me against what has ben reported to myprejudice to render me Odious unto the nation. For it will appeare thathaving had the good fortune to defend my setlment against those which atthat time I look'd upon as my Ennemy's, & defeated them by frustratingtheir designes, I improv'd the advantage I had over them the best I could;yet would they do me right, they must own that they had more just cause togive me thanks than to complaine of me, having ever used them kindly aslong as they pleas'd to live with me. I freely confess I used all the skillI could to compass my designes, & knowing very well what these Gentlemenintended against me, I thought it better to surprise them than that theyshould me; knowing that if they had ben afore hand with me, I should havepassed my time wors with them than they did with me. I come now to discoursof my voyadge, not thinking it materiall heere to mention the campaign Imade in the french fleet, since I left England, in the Expeditions forGuinea, Tobaga, [Footnote: This expedition was commanded by Jean, Countd'Estrees. He reduced the Island of Tobaga. He was made a Marshal ofFrance, and sent out, 1 August, 1687, as Viceroy over America. ] and otheroccasions wherein I was concern'd before I ingadged in this voyadge. 

At the time my Brother-in-Law and I were dissattisfy'd with the Hudson'sBay Company, wee were severall times invited by the late Monsieur Colbertto return back for france, with large promises that wee should bee verykindly entertain'd. Wee refused a great while all the offers that were madeus; but seeing our businesse went wors and wors with the company, withoutany likelyhood of finding any better usage, at last wee accepted the offerthat was made unto us, of paying us 400 Lewi-Dors redy money, ofdischarging all our Debts, and to give us good Employments. Theseconditions being agreed upon, wee passed over into france in Xber, 1674. 

As soon as wee got to Paris wee waited upon monsieur Colbert. Heereproached us for preferring the English Interest before that of ffrance;but having heard our defence, and observ'd by what wee said unto him of ourdiscoverys in the Northern parts of America, and of the acquaintance weehad with the Natives, how fit wee might bee for his purpos, hee soonassur'd us of his favor & protection, & also of the King's pardon for whatwas past, with an intire restoration unto the same state wee were in beforewee left france, upon condition that wee should employ our care & industryfor the advancement & increas of the comers of the Beaver Trade in thefrench Collonies in Canada. Hee also confirmed the promis had ben made usat London, of the gratuity of 400 french Pistolls, that all our Debtsshould bee discharg'd, & that wee should bee put into Employments. OurLetters Pattents of pardon & restoration were forthwith dispatch't, &monsieur Colbert would have it expressly mention'd in them, for what causthe King granted them, viz. , to employ the greatest of our skill & industrywith the Natives, for the utillity & advancement of the Beaver Trade in thefrench Collonies. The 400 peeces of Gould was pay'd us, & all things elsepromised was perform'd, excepting only the Employment, for the which weewere made to attend a great while, and all to no purpos. 

But at last I perceaved the cause of this delay, & that my marrying inEngland made me bee suspected, because my wife remained there. Monsr. Colbert having delayed us a long time with sundry Excuses, one day heeexplained himself, saying I should bring my wife over into france if Iexpected that a full confidence should bee put in mee. I represented untohim that it was nott a thing fully in my power to doe, my wife's fatherrefusing to give me the Liberty of bringing her over into france; but Ipromiss'd him to use my best endeavors to that effect. In the meantimeMonsr. Colbert intimated that hee would have my Brother-in-Law & myselfmake a voyadge unto Canada, to advise with the Governour what was best therto bee done, assuring us that hee would write unto him in our behalf. 

Wee undertook the voyadge, but being arriv'd at Quebeck, wee found thatjelosy & interest which some Persons had over those that had the absolutecommand, at that time, of the Trade in Canada, & whos Creatures wereImploy'd for new Discoverys, ordered things so that the Count De Frontinac, the Governor, took no care to perform what wee had ben promis'd hee shouldhave don for us; so that finding myself slighted, I left my Brother-in-Lawwith his familly in Canada, & returned back again for France, intending toserve at sea in the fleet. Accordingly I there passed the Campaigns abovemention'd untill wee suffer'd shippwreck at the Isle D'ane, from whichbeing escaped, I returned with the rest of the Army unto Brest, in themoneth of July, having lost all my Equipage in this disaster. The ViceAdmirall & the Intendant wrote to Court in my favour, & upon the goodcharacter they were pleas'd to give of me, I receav'd a gratuity of 100Louis D'ors upon the King's account, to renew my Equipage; & theseGentlemen also were pleased to tell me I should ere long have the commandof a Man of Warr; but thinking that could not so easily bee, I desiredleave to make a turn over into England under pretext of visitting my wife &to make a farther Tryall of bringing her over into france, whereupon I hadmy pass granted, with a farther gratuity of 100 Louis D'ors towards thecharges of my voyage. I was comanded to make what dispatch possible mightbee, & espetially to mind the business of bringing my wife along with me, &then I shold not doubt of having good Imployments. 

I set forwards, & arrived in London the 4th of July, & amongst otherdiscours told my father-in-Law, Sir John Kirk, of what great importance itwas unto me of making my fortune in france to take my wife along with methither; notwithstanding, hee would by no means give his consent thereunto, but desired me to write to my friends in France concerning some pretentionhee had against the Inhabitants of Canada, [Footnote: John Kirke and hiselder brothers, Sir David, Sir Lewis, and others, held a large claimagainst Canada, or rather France, dating back to 1633, which amounted in1654, including principal and interest, to over--L. 34. 000. ] which I did. Iendeavor'd also, during my stay at London, both by myself & by Friends, totry if the Gentlemen of the Company might conceave any better thoughts ofme, & whether I might not by some means or other be restor'd unto theirgood liking; but all my endevors proved in vaine. I found no likelyhood ofeffecting what I so much desir'd, therefore I return'd into France &arrived at Brest the 12th of 8ber, 1679. .. . Having inform'd the ViceAdmirall & the Intendant of the litle Successe I had in my voyadge, & thatit was not through any neglect of myne, they order'd me to goe give anAccount of it unto the Marquis De Signelay, which I did; & telling him Icould not prevaile to bring my wife over along with me, hee revil'd me, &told me hee knew very well what an Inclination I had still for the EnglishIntrest, saying with all that I must not expect any confidence should beeput in me, nor that I shold not have the least Imployment, whilst my wifestay'd in England. 

Neverthelesse, hee promis'd to speak to his Father, Monsieur Colbert, touching my affaires, which hee also performed; & afterwards waiting uponhim, hee spake unto me much after the same rate his sonn, the Marquis DeSignelay had don before, as to what concerned my wife, & order'd me to goeunto monsieur Bellinzany, his chief agent for the businesse of Trade, whowould farther inform me of his intentions. Meeting with Monsieur Belinzany, hee told me that monsieur Colbert thought it necessary that I shouldconferr with monsieur De La Chesnay, [Footnote: M. Du Chesneau wasappointed 30 May, 1675, Intendant of Justice, Police, and Finance ofCanada, Acadia, and Isles of Newfoundland. ] a Canada Merchant who mannadg'dall the Trade of thos parts, & who was then at Paris, that with him somemesures should bee taken to make the best advantage of our Discoveries &intreagues in the Northern parts of Canada, to advance the Beaver Trade, &as much as possible might bee to hinder all strangers from driving thattrade to the prejudice of the French Collonies. The said monsr. Belinzanyalso told me I could not more oblige monsr. Colbert, nor take any bettercours to obtaine his friendship by any servis whatsoever, than by using allmy skill & industry in drawing all the natives of thos Northern parts ofAmerica to traffick with & to favor the French, & to hinder & disswade themfrom trading with strangers, assuring me of a great reward for the servis Ishould render the state upon this account, & that Mr. De La Chesiiay wouldfurnish me in Cannada with all things necessary for executing whatdessignes wee should conclude upon together to this intent. 

According to these Instructions I went unto Mr. De La Chesnay. Weediscours'd a long time together, & after severall inquiry's of the state ofthe countrys that I had most frequented, having communicated unto him myobservations, hee propos'd unto me to undertake to establish a treaty forthe Beaver trade in the Great Bay where I had ben some years before uponthe account of the English. Wee spent two Dayes in adjusting the means ofselling this business; at last it was agreed that I should make a voyadgeinto England to endevor to perswade my wife to come away, & also at thesame time to inform myself what shipps the Hudson Bay Company intended tofit out for those parts. I performed this second voyage for England withsome remainder of hopes to find the Gentlemen of the Company somethingbetter inclin'd towards me than they had ben formerly; but whether theythen looked upon me as wholy unneccessary for their purpos, or as one thatwas altogether unable to doe them any harm, I was sufferr'd to come awaywithout receaving the least token of kindnesse. All the satisfaction I hadin the voyadge was that Prince Rupert was pleas'd to tell me that hee wasvery sorry my offers of servis was so much slighted. 

I resolv'd with myself not to bee dejected at this coldnesse, & returnedinto france, thinking there to have found Monsieur De La Chesnay; but beingcome to Paris, I heard hee was gon, & I presently resolved to follow him toCanada, to execute what wee had concluded upon at Paris. I went to take myleave of monsieur Colbert, acquainting him of my dessigne, whereof heeapproved very well. Hee wished me a good voyadge, advising me to becarefull. I went to visit the Society of the Jesuits at Paris, as beingalso concern'd with La Chesnay in the Beaver Trade. They gave mee somemoney for my voyadge. I went & took shipp at Rochell, & arrived at Quebeckthe 25th of 7ber, 1682. As soon as I went ashore I spake with monsieur LaChesnay, who seem'd to bee very glad to see me, and after some discours ofwhat wee had concluded upon at Paris, hee said the businesse must beepresently set about; & being privy unto the Court Intrigues, & fullyacquainted with the mesures wee were to use in this enterprize, hee took mealong with him unto the Governor's house, & ingadg'd me to demand hisassistance & such orders as wee should stand in need of from him for thecarrying on our Dessigne. But the Governor spake unto us in a way as if heeapproved not of the businesse; whereupon La Chesnay demanded a Pass for meto return back unto Europ by the way of New England, in a vessel belongingto the Governor of Accadia, which was at that instant at Quebeck, & redy tosaile in som short time. 

These formalitys being over, Monsieur La Chesnay & I spake home to thebusinesse. Wee agreed upon the voyage, & of all things that were to beesetled relative unto our concerns & Intrest. Hee undertook to buy theGoods, & to furnish all things that concern'd the Treaty; to furnish mewith a vessell well fitted & stored with good provisions. It was agreedthat I should have one fourth part of the Beaver for my care and paines, &the danger I expos'd myself unto in making the setlment. My Brother-in-Law, Desgroisilliers, who was then at Quebeck, made a contract with De LaChesnay for the same voyage allmost on the same terms as I had don. Allthings being thus concluded, the Governor was desired that I might haveleave to take three men along with me. Hee knew very well to what intent, but hee pretended to bee ignorant of it, for 'tis unlikely that hee couldthink I would return back to france without doing something about what LaChesnay & I had mention'd unto him, seeing I demanded these three men togoe along with me. One was my kinsman, John Baptista Des Grosiliers, ofwhom I made great account, having frequented the country all his life, &had contracted great familliarity & acquaintance with the natives abouttrade. Hee laid out L. 500 Tournais of his own money in the voyadge &charge, disbursed by monsieur De La Chesnay in the Enterprize. The secondwas Peter Allmand, whom I took for my Pilot, & the 3d was John BaptistaGodfry, who understood perfectly well the Languadge of the natives, & onethat I knew was capable of Treating. I set saile from Quebeck the 4th of9ber, 1682, with my 3 men, in the Governor of Accady's vessell, having myorders to bee redy the Spring following, at the L'isle perse, hallow Isle, at the entrance of the River Saint Lawrence, unto which place La Chesnaywas to send me a vessell well Equipp'd & fitted according to agreement forExecuting the dessigne. Hee also promisd to send mee fuller Instructions inwriting, for my directions when I should bee on the place. 

Wee arrived at Accadia the 26th of november, 1682, and there winter'd. Inthe Spring I repair'd unto hallow Island. The vessell I expected arrived, but proved not so good as was promised, for it was only an old Barque ofabout 50 Tunns with an Equippage but of 12 men, thos with me beingcomprised in the number. There was goods enough on board to have carry'd onthe Treaty, but Provisions were scant, so that had I not ben so deeplyingadg'd as I was in the businesse, such a kind of a vessell would havequite discouradg'd me. But the arrivall of my Brother-in-Law, Desgrosiliers, in a vessell of about 30 Tunns, with a crew of 15 men, incouradg'd me, so that wee joyntly resolved not to quit our Enterprize;but wee had much adoe to perswade our men to it, being unwilling to exposethemselves to the danger of a voyadge of 900 Leagues in such small, ordinary vessells, & in such boisterous seas, where ther was also danger ofIce. However, they seeing us willing to run the same fortune as they did, they at length consented, & it was agree'd upon betwixt my Brother-in-Law &myself to steere the same cours, & to keep as neere each other as weecould, the better to assist one another as occasion required. Wee sailedfrom the Island the 11th July, 1682 [1683. ] After the space of 19 dayes'sailing, being past the Straights of new found Land, the seamen on board myBrother-in-Law's vessell mutin'd against him, refusing to proceed anyfarther, pretending they feared being split with the Ice, also of ingadgingin unknown countreys where they might be reduced to want Provisions in theWinter. Wee pacify'd the mutineers by threatnings & by promises, & thesight of a saile in 57 deg. 30 minutes, North Lat. , upon the Coast ofBrador, somwhat contributed thereunto, every one desiring to shun thissail. Wee were twixt him & the shoar, & they bore directly towards us, desirous to speak with us; but wee not being in a condition of making anyresistance, I thought it the best not to stand towards him, but steeringthe same cours as hee did, wee recover'd under the shoar, & so out ofDanger; they tackt about & stood off 2 hours before night, & wee lost sightof them. There was much ice in those seas, which drive to the Southwards. Wee put into Harbour to avoide the Danger of it, as also to take in freshWater & some other Provisions at the Coast of the Indians called Esquimos, the most cruell of all the salvages when they meet an advantage to surprizePersons. Neverthelesse, they came to our shipp side, & traded with us forsome hundred of Woolf Skins. Wee stay'd there 2 dayes, during which timethere happned a nother mutiny, our men refusing to proceed any farther; butI pacify'd the seditious, & having put to sea I order'd our men to preservethe Wood & Water wee had taken on board the best they could, for myBrother-in-Law & I had resolved not to goe a shoare untill wee had gain'dour Port, unless wee were chased. The winds proving favorable, wee entredHudson's Straight and sailed along on the Northern shoare; there was muchIce. Some of my Seamen kill'd a white Beare of Extraordinary biggness. Theyeat of it to such excess that they all fell Extremely sick with head akes &loosnesse, that I thought they would have dyed out. I was forc'd to give myBrother notice of this accident, & to desire his assistance, so that bytakeing Orvietan & sweating they escaped that Danger, but all their skinpell'd off. Wee were inform'd by the Indians that those white Bears have aPoison in the Liver, that diffuses itself through the whole mass of thebody, which occasions these distempers unto thos that eat of them. 

I observ'd during this Disorder, neer Mile Island, at the western point, wee drove N. W. By the compass about 8 leagues in 6 hours, towards CapeHenry. Wee had much adoe to recover out of the Ice, & had like divers timesto have perrish'd, but God was pleas'd to preserve us. My brother-in-Law, fearing to bear too much saile, stay'd behind. I arrived before him, the26th of August, on the western coast of Hudson's Bay, & we met the 2nd of7ber, at the entrance of the River called _Kakivvakiona_ by the Indians, which significies "Let him that comes, goe. " Being enter'd into this River, our first care was to finde a convenient place where to secure ourvessells, & to build us a House. Wee sailed up the River about 15 miles, &wee stop't at a litle Canall, whrein wee lay our vessells, finding theplace convenient to reside at. I left my brother-in-Law busy about buildinga house, & the next day after our arrivall I went up into the Country, toseek for Indians. To this purpos I went in a Canoo, with my nephew &another of my crew, being all 3 armed with firelocks & Pistolls, & in 8dayes wee went about 40 leagues up the River, & through woods, withoutmeeting one Indian or seeing any signe where any had lately ben; & findingseverall Trees gnawed by Beavors, wee judged there was but few Inhabitantsin those parts. In our travelling wee kill'd some Deere. But the 8th dayafter our departure, our canoo being drawn ashore & overturn'd neer thewater side, reposing ourselves in a small Island, about evening an Indianpursuing a Deere espyed our Canoo. Thinking there were some of his ownNation, hee whistled to give notice of the Beast, that pass'd by to thelitle Island not farr off from us. My nephew having first spyed the Indian, told me of it, not mynding the Deere. I presently went to the water side &called the Indian, who was a good while before hee spake, & then said heeunderstood me not, & presently run away into the woods. 

I was glad of meeting this Indian, & it gave me some hopes of seeing moreere long. Wee stood upon our gard all night. Next morning I caus'd ourcanoo to bee carry'd the other side of the Island, to have it in readynessto use in case of danger. I caused a fier to bee made a 100 paces off. Inthe morning wee discovered nyne canoos at the point of the Island comingtowards us, & being within hearing, I demanded who they were; they return'da friendly answer. I told them the cause of my coming into their country, &who I was. One of the eldest of them, armed with his lance, Bow & arrows, etc. , etc. , rose up & took an arrow from his Quiver, making a signe fromEast to West & from North to South, broke it in 2 peeces, & flung it intothe River, addressing himself to his companions, saying to this purpos:"Young men, bee not afraid; the Sun is favorable unto us. Our ennemys shallfeare us, for this is the man that we have wished for ever since the dayesof our fathers. " After which they all swimed a shore unto me, & coming outof their canoos I invited them unto my Fier. My nephew & the other man thatwas with him came also within 10 paces of us without any feare, althoughthey see the Indian well armed. I asked them who was their Chief Commander, speaking unto him unknownst to me. Hee bowed the head, & another told me itwas hee that I talked unto. Then I took him by the hand, and making him sitdowne, I spoke unto him according to the genius of the Indians, unto whom, if one will bee esteemed, it is necessary to bragg of one's vallour, ofone's strength and ablnesse to succour & protect them from their Ennemyes. They must also bee made believe that one is wholy for their Intrest & havea great complesance for them, espetially in making them presents. Thisamongst them is the greatest band of friendshipp. I would at this firstenterview make myself known. The chief of these salvages sitting by me, Isaid to him in his Languadge, "I know all the Earth; your friends shall beemy friends; & I am come hether to bring you arms to destroy your Ennemys. You nor your wife nor children shall not dye of hunger, for I have broughtMerchandize. Bee of good cheere; I will bee thy sonn, & I have brought theea father; hee is yonder below building a fort, where I have 2 great shipps. You must give me 2 or 3 of your Canoos that your people may go visit yourfather. "

Hee made a long speech to thank me & to assure me that both himself & allhis nation would venture their Lifes in my servis. I gave them some Tobacco& Pipes, & seeing one of them used a peece of flat Iron to cut his Tobacco, I desired to see that peece of Iron & flung it into the fier, wherat theyall wonder'd, for at the same time I seemed to weep; & drying up my tears, I told them I was very much grieved to see my Brethren so ill provided ofall things, & told them they should want for nothing whilst I was withthem; & I tooke my sword I had by my side & gave it unto him from whom Itook the peece of Iron; also I caus'd some bundles of litle knives to beebrought from my canoo, which I distributed amongst them. I made them smoke, & gave them to eate, & whilst they were eating, I set forth the presents Ibrought them, amongst the rest a fowling-peece, with some powder & shot fortheir chief commander. I told him, in presenting him with it, I took himfor my Father; hee in like mannor took me to bee his sonn in covering mewith his gowne. I gave him my blanket, which I desired him to carry untohis wife as a token from me, intending shee should bee my mother. Heethanked me, as also did the rest, to the number of 26, who in testimony oftheir gratitude cast their garments at my feete & went to their canoos &brought all the furr Skins they had; after which ceremonys wee parted. Theypromised before noone they would send me 3 of their canoos, wherein theyfailed not. They put my Beavors in them, & wee went towards the place whereI left my Brother-in-Law. I arrived the 12th of 7ber, to the greatsatisfaction of all our people, having inform'd them the happy success ofmy Journey by meeting with the Natives. 

The very day I return'd from this litle Journey wee were alarm'd by thenoise of some Great Gunns. The Indians that came along with us heard them, & I told them that these Gunns were from some of our shipps that were inthe great River called Kawirinagaw, 3 or 4 leagues' distance from that wherwee were setled; but being desirous to bee sattisfyed what it should meane, I went in a Canoo unto the mouth of our River, & seeing nothing, I suppos'dwee were all mistaken, & I sent my nephew with another french man of mycrew back with the salvages unto the Indians; but the same evening theyheard the Gunns so plaine that ther was no farther cause of doubt but thatther was a shipp; upon which they return'd back to tell me of it, wheruponI presently went myself with 3 men to make the discovery. Having crossedover this great River Kawirinagaw, which signifies the dangerous, on the16th, in the morning, wee discovered a Tent upon an Island. I sent one ofmy men privatly to see what it was. He came back soon after & told me theywere building a House & that there was a shipp; wherupon I approached asneere as I could without being discover'd, & set myself with my men as itwere in ambush, to surprize some of thos that were there & to make themprisoners to know what or who they might bee. I was as wary as might bee, &spent the whole night very neere the place where the Hous stood, withoutseeing anybody stirr or speak untill about noon next day, & then I see theywere English, & drawing neerer them the better to observe them, I return'dto my canoo with my men. Wee shewed ourselves a Cannon-shott off & stayedas if wee had ben salvages that wonder'd to see anybody there building aHouse. It was not long before wee were discover'd, & they hollowed unto us, inviting us to goe unto them, pronouncing some words in the Indian tongue, which they Read in a Book. But seeing wee did not come unto them, they cameunto us along the shoare, & standing right opposit unto us, I spoke untothem in the Indian tongue & in French, but they understood me not; but atlast asking them in English who they were & what they intended to do there, they answer'd they were English men come hether to trade for Beaver. Afterwards I asked them who gave them permission, & what commission theyhad for it. They told me they had no commission, & that they were of NewEngland. I told them I was setled in the country before them for the FrenchCompany, & that I had strength sufficient to hinder them from Trading to myprejudice; that I had a Fort 7 leagues off, but that the noise of theirGunns made me come to see them, thinking that it might bee a french shippthat I expected, which was to come to a River farther North then this wherethey were, that had put in there by some accident contrary to mydirections; that I had 2 other shipps lately arriv'd from Canada, commandedby myself & my Brother, & therefore I advised them not to make any longerstay there, & that they were best bee gon & take along with them on boardwhat they had landed. 

In speaking I caus'd my canoo to draw as neer the shoare as could bee, thatI might the better discern thos I talked with; & finding it was youngGuillem that comanded the shipp, I was very glad of it, for I wasintimately acquainted with him. As soon as hee knew mee hee invited meashore. I came accordingly, & wee imbraced each other. Hee invited me onboard his shipp to treat me. I would not seem to have any distrust, buthaving precaution'd myself went along with him. I caus'd my 3 men to comeout of my canoo & to stay ashore with 2 Englishmen whilest I went on boardwith the Captain. I see on board a New England man that I knew very well. Before I enter'd the shipp the Captain caused English coullers to bee setup, & as soon as I came on board some great Gunns to bee fir'd. I told himit was not needfull to shoot any more, fearing least our men might beeallarm'd & might doe him some mischief. Hee proposed that wee mightTraffick together. I told him I would acquaint our other officers of it, &that I would use my endeavor to get their consent that hee should pass thewinter wher hee was without receaving any prejudice, the season being toofar past to bee gon away. I told him hee might continue to build his Housewithout any need of fortifications, telling him I would secure him from anydanger on the part of the Indians, over whom I had an absolute sway, & tosecure him from any surprize on my part. I would before our parting let himknow with what number of men I would bee attended when I came to visit him, giving him to understand that if I came with more then what was agreedbetwixt us, it would bee a sure signe our officers would not consent untothe proposal of our trading together. I also advised him hee should notfier any Gunns, & that hee should not suffer his men to goe out of theIsland, fearing they might bee met by the french men that I had in thewoods, that hee might not blame me for any accident that might ensue if heedid not follow my advice. I told him also the salvages advised mee my shippwas arrived to the Northwards, & promiss'd that I would come visit himagaine in 15 days & would tell him farther. Wherof hee was very thankfull, & desired me to bee mindfull of him; after which wee seperated very wellsattisfy'd with each other, hee verily beleeving I had the strenght I spakeof, & I resolving always to hold him in this opinion, desiring to have himbee gone, or if hee persisted to interrupt me in my trade, to wait someopportunity of seizing his shipp, which was a lawfull Prize, having noCommission from England nor france to trade. But I would not attemptanything rashly, for fear of missing my ayme; especially I would avoidespilling blood. 

Being returned with my men on board my Canoo, wee fell down the River withwhat hast wee could; but wee were scarce gon three Leagues from the Islandwhere the new England shipp lay, but that wee discovered another shippunder saile coming into the River. Wee got ashore to the southwards, &being gon out of the Canoo to stay for the shipp that was sailing towardsus, I caused a Fier to bee made; & the shipp being over against us, sheecame to Anchor & sent not her Boat ashore that night untill next morning. Wee watched all night to observe what was don, & in the morning, seeing thelong boat rowing towards us, I caused my 3 men, well armed, to stand at theentrance into the wood 20 paces from me, & I came alone to the water side. Mr Bridgar, whom the Company sent Governor into that country, was in theBoate, with 6 of the crew belonging unto the shipp wherof Capt Guillam wasCommander, who was father, as I understood afterwards, unto him thatComanded the New England shipp that I had discover'd the day before. Seeingthe shallopp come towards me, I spake a kinde of jargon like that of thesalvages, which signify'd nothing, only to amuse those in the boat or tomake them speake, the better to observe them, & to see if there might beeany that had frequented the Indians & that spak their Languadge. All weresilent; & the boat coming a ground 10 or 12 paces from me, seeing one ofthe seamen leap in the water to come a shore, I showed him my wepons, forbidding him to stirr, telling him that none in the Boate should come ashore untill I knew who they were; & observing by the make of the shipp &the habit of the saylors that they were English, I spake in theirLanguadge, & I understood that the seamen that leapt in the water which Ihinder'd to proceed any farther said aloud, "Governor, it is English theyspake unto you;" & upon my continuing to ask who they were who comanded theshipp, & what they sought there, some body answer'd, "What has any body todoe to inquire? Wee are English. " Unto which I reply'd, "And I am French, and require you to bee gon;" & at the same instant making signe unto my mento appeare, they shewed themselves at the entrance of the wood. Those ofthe shallop thinking in all likelyhood wee were more in number, were aboutto have answer'd me in mild terms & to tell me they were of London, thatthe shipp belong'd unto the Hudson Bay Company, & was Comanded by CaptGuillem. I inform'd them also who I was; that they came too late, & that Ihad taken possession of those parts in the name & behalf of the King offfrance. 

There was severall other things said, which is not needfull heere torelate, the English asserting they had right to come into thos parts, & Isaying the contrary; but at last Mr Bridgar saying hee desired to comeashore with 3 of his crew to embrace me, I told him that I should bee verywell sattisfy'd. Hee came a shore, & after mutuall salutations, hee askedof me if this was not the River Kakiwakionay. I answer'd it was not, & thatit was farther to the Southward; that this was called _Kawirinagau_, or thedangerous. Hee asked of me if it was not the River where Sir Thomas Button, that comanded an English shipp, had formerly winter'd. I told him it was, &shew'd him the place, to the northwards. Then hee invited me to goe aboard. My crew being come up, disswaded me, especially my Nephew; yet, taking 2hostages which I left ashore with my men, for I suspected Capt Guillem, having declared himself my Ennemy at London, being of the faction of thosewhich were the cause that I deserted the English Intrest, I went aboard, &I did well to use this precaution, otherwise Capt Guillem would have stop'tme, as I was since inform'd; but all things past very well. Wee din'dtogether. I discoursed of my Establishment in the country; that I had goodnumbers of ffrench men in the woods with the Indians; that I had 2 shipps &expected another; that I was building a Fort; to conclude, all that I saidunto young Guillem, Master of the New England shipp, I said the same untoMr Bridgar, & more too. He took all for currant, & it was well for me heewas so credulous, for would hee have ben at the troble I was of travelling40 leagues through woods & Brakes, & lye on the could ground to make myDiscoverys, hee wold soon have perceaved my weakness. I had reason to hideit & to doe what I did. Morover, not having men suffitient to resist withopen force, it was necessary to use pollicy. It's true I had a greatadvantage in having the natives on my side, which was a great strength, &that indeed wherupon I most of all depended. 

Having stay'd a good while on board I desir'd to go ashore, which beingdon, I made a signe to my men to bring the hostages, which they had carry'dinto the woods. They brought them to the water side, & I sent them aboardtheir shipp. I confess I repented more then once of my going aboard. It wastoo rashly don, & it was happy for me that I got off as I did. Before Icame ashore I promissed Mr. Bridgar & the Captain that in 15 Dayes I wouldvisit them againe. In the mean time, the better to bee assured of theirproceedings, I stay'd 2 dayes in the Woods to observe their actions; andhaving upon the matter seen their dessigne, that they intended to build aFort, I passed the River to the Southwards to return to my Brother-in-Law, who might well bee in some feare for me. But coming unto him, hee was veryglad of what had past, & of the good condition I had sett matters. Weeconsulted together what mesures to take not to be surpriz'd & to maintaineourselves the best wee could in our setlement for carrying on our Treaty. Wee endeavor'd to secure the Indians, who promis'd to loose their Lives forus; & the more to oblidge them to our side I granted them my nephew &another frenchman to goe along with them into the country to make theseverall sorts of Indians to come traffick with us, & the more, toincourage them I sent presents unto the chiefest of them. 

During my voyage of Discovering 2 English shipps, there happned an Illaccident for us. Our Company had kill'd 60 Deere, which had ben a greathelp towards our winter provisions; but by an Inundation of waters causedby great Rains they were all carry'd away. Such great floods are common inthose parts. The loss was very great unto us, for wee had but 4 Barrells ofPork & 2 of Beef; but our men repair'd this Losse, having kill'd some moreDeere and 4, 000 white Partridges, somewhat bigger than thos of Europ. TheIndians also brought us Provisions they had kill'd from severall parts at agreat distance off. Ten dayes after my return from Discovering the English, I took 5 other men to observe what they did. I had forseen that wee shouldbee forced to stay for faire weather to crosse the mouth of the dangerousRiver of Kauvirinagaw, which also proved accordingly, for the season beganto be boisterous; but having stay'd some time, at last wee got safe over, although it was in the night, & 14 dayes after our departure wee gainedneere the place where Mr Bridgar lay. Wee presently see the shipp layaground on the ooze, a mile from the place where they built their House. Being come neere the shipp, wee hailed severall times & no body answered, which oblig'd us to goe towards land, wondring at their silence. At lengtha man called us & beckn'd to us to come back. Going towards him & askinghow all did, hee said something better, but that all were asleep. I wouldnot disturb them & went alone unto the Governor's house, whom I found justgetting up. After the common ceremonys were past, I consider'd the postureof things, & finding there was no great danger, & that I need not fearecalling my people, wee went in all together. I made one of my men pass forCaptain of the shipp that I said was lately arrived. Mr Bridgar beleev'd itwas so, & all that I thought good to say unto him, endeavoring all alongthat hee should know nothing of the New England Interloper. Wee shot offseverall Musquets in drinking healths, those of the vessell never beingconcern'd, wherby I judg'd they were careless & stood not well on theirgard, & might bee easily surpriz'd. I resolved to vew them. Therefore, takeing leave of Mr. Bridgar, I went with my people towards the vessell. Wee went on board to rights without opposition. The Captain was somthingstartled at first to see us, but I bid him not feare; I was not there withany dessigne to harme him; on the contrary, was ready to assist & help himwherin hee should comand me, advising him to use more Diligence than heedid to preserve himselfe & shipps from the Danger I see hee was in of beinglost, which afterwards happned. But hee was displeas'd at my Counsill, saying hee knew better what to doe than I could tell him. That might bee, said I, but not in the Indians' country, where I had ben more frequent thanhe. However, hee desired me to send him som refreshments from time to timeduring the winter season, espetially some oyle & candles, of which heestood in great want, which I promis'd to doe, & perform'd accordingly. Heemade me present of a peece of Beeff & a few Bisketts. Being fully inform'dof what I desired to know, & that I need not feare any harm these Gentlemencould doe me in regard of my trade, I took leave of the Captain, to goe seewhat passed on behalf of the new England Interloper. 

I arrived there next day in the afternoon, & found they had employ'd thetime better than the others had don, having built a Fort, well fortifyedwith 6 great Gunns mounted. I fired a musket to give notice unto those inthe Fort of my coming, & I landed on a litle beach under the Gunns. Thelieutenant came out with another man well arm'd to see what wee were. Whenhee see me hee congratulated my safe return, & asked what news. I told himI had found, though with great difficulty, what I sought after, & that Icame to visit them, having taken other men than those I had before; thatone of those with me was captain of the shipp lately arrived, & the other 4were of Cannada. The Lieutenant answer'd me very briskly: "Were they 40Devills wee will not feare. Wee have built a Fort, & doe fear nothing. " Yethee invited mee into his Fort to treat me, provided I would go in alone, which I refused, intimating hee might have spoke with more modesty, comingto visit him in friendship & good will, & not in a hostile manner. I toldhim also I desired to discours with his Captain, who doubtless would havemore moderation. Wherupon he sent to inform the Captain, who came unto mewell armed, & told me that I need not bee jealous of the Fort hee hadcaused to bee built, that 'twas no prejudice to me, & that I should at anytime comand it, adding withall that hee feared me not so much as hee didthe English of London, & that hee built this fort to defend himself againstthe Salvages, & all thos that would attack him. I thank'd him for hiscivillitys unto me, & assur'd him I came not thither to shew any displesurefor his building a fort, but to offer him 20 of my men to assist him, & totell him that thos hee so much feared were arrived, offering my servis todefend him, telling him if hee would follow my consill I would defend himfrom all danger, knowing very well the Orders these new comers had, & alsowhat condition they were in. I also told him that as to the differencewhich was betwixt us about the trade, it was referr'd unto the arbitrementof both our Kings; that for good luck to him, his father comanded the shippnewly arrived; that he brought a Governor for the English Company, whom Iintended to hinder from assuming that Title in the Countrys wherin I wasestablished for the french company, & as for his part, I would make himpass for a french man, therby to keep him from receaving any dammadge. 

Having said thes things to the Captain of the fort, I made him call his mentogether, unto whom I gave a charge in his presence that they should notgoe out of their fort, nor fire any Gunns, nor shew their cullers; thatthey should cover the head & stern of their shipp; & that they shouldsuffer neither ffrench nor English to come near their fort, neither by landnor by Water, & that they should fier on any of my people as would offer toapproach without my orders. The Captain promis'd all should bee observ'dthat I had said, & comanded his men in my presence so to doe, desiring meto spare him 2 of my men as soon as I could, to guard them. I told him thathis father, Captain of the Company's shipp, was sick, wherat hee seem'd tobee much trobled, & desired me to put him in a way to see him without anydamadge. I told him the danger & difficulty of it; nevertheless, havingprivat reasons that this enterview of Father & Sonn might be procur'd by mymeans, I told him I would use my best endeavor to give him thissatisfaction, & that I hop'd to effect it, provided hee would follow mydirections. Hee agreed to doe what I advised, & after some litle studdy weeagreed that hee should come along with me disguis'd like one that lived inthe woods, & that I wold make him passe for a french man. This beingconcluded, I sent my men next morning early to kill some fowle. Theyreturned by 10 o'clocke with 30 or 40 Partridge, which I took into mycanoo, with a Barrill of Oyle & some candles that I had promis'd the oldCaptain Guillem. I left one of my men hostage in the fort, and imbarkedwith young Guillem to goe shew him his father. The tyde being low, wee wereforced to stop a mile short of the shipp, & goe ashore & walk up towardsthe shipp with our provisions. I left one of my men to keepe the Canoo, with orders to keep off, & coming neere the shipp I placed 2 of my best menbetwixt the House Mr. Bridgar caus'd to bee built & the water side, comanding them not to shew themselves, & to suffer the Governor to goe tothe vessell, but to seize him if they see him come back before I was gotout of the shipp. 

Having ordered things in this manner, I went with one of my men & youngGuillem aboard the shipp, where wee againe entered without any opposition. I presented unto Captain Guillem the Provisions I had brought him, forwhich hee gave me thanks. Afterwards, I made my 2 men go into his cabbin, one of which was his son, though unknown to him. I desired Captain Guillemto bid 2 of his servants to withdraw, having a thing of consequence toinform him of, which being don, I told him the secret was that I hadbrought his sonn to give him a visit, having earnestly desired it of me; &having told him how necessary it was to keep it privat, to prevent thedamadge might befall them both if it shold bee known, I presented the sonunto his father, who Imbraced each other very tenderly & with great joy;yet hee told him hee exposed him unto a great deale of danger. They hadsome priviat discours togather, after which hee desired me to save my newFrench man. I told him I would discharge myself of that trust, & againeadvised him to bee carefull of preserving his shipp, & that nothing shouldbee capable of making any difference betwixt us, but the Treaty hee mightmake with the Indians. Hee told me the shipp belonged to the Company; thatas to the Trade, I had no cause to bee afraid on his account, & that thoughhee got not one skin, it would nothing troble him; hee was assured of hiswages. I warned him that he should not suffer his men to scatter abroad, espetially that they should not goe towards his sonn's fort, which heepromis'd should bee observ'd. Whilst wee were in this discours, theGovernor, hearing I was come, came unto the Shipp & told me that my Fortmust needs bee neerer unto him than hee expected, seeing I return'd sospeedily. I told him, smiling, that I did fly when there was need to servemy friends, & that knowing his people were sick & wanted refreshments, Iwould not loose time in supplying them, assuring him of giving him partwhat our men did kill at all times. Some prying a litle too narrowly, youngGuillem thought hee had ben discovered, wherat the Father & son were not alitle concern'd. I took upon me, & said it was not civill so narrowly toexamine my people; they excus'd it, & the tyde being com in, I took leaveto be gon. The Governor & Captain divided my provisions, & having made asigne unto my 2 men to rise out of their ambush, I came out of the shipp, &wee march'd all of us unto the place where wee left our Canoo. Wee got intoit, & the young Captain admired to see a litle thing made of the rhind of aTree resist so many knocks of Ice as wee met withall in returning. 

Next day wee arrived at the Fort, & very seasonably for us; for had weestayed a litle longer on the water, wee had ben surprized with a terriblestorm at N. W. , with snow & haile, which doubtless would have sunk us. Thestorm held 2 days, & hinder'd us from going to our pretended fort up theriver; but the weather being setled, I took leave of the Captain. TheLieut. Would faine have accompanyed us unto our habitation, but I sav'd himthat Labour for good reasons, & to conceall the way. Parting from the fort, wee went to the upper part of the Island; but towards evening wee returnedback, & next day were in sight of the sea, wherin wee were to goe to doublethe point to enter the River where our habitation was; but all was sofrozen that it was almost impossible to pass any farther. Wee were also sohem'd in on all sides with Ice, that wee could neither go forward nor getto Land, yet wee must get over the Ice or perrish. Wee continued 4 hours inthis condition, without being able to get backwards or forwards, being ingreat danger of our lifes. Our cloaths were frozen on our backs, & weecould not stirr but with great paine; but at length with much adoe wee gotashore, our canoo being broke to peeces. Each of us trussed up our cloaths& arms, & marched along the shoare towards our habitation, not having eatanything in 3 days, but some crows & Birds of prey that last of all retirefrom these parts. There was no other fowle all along that coast, which wasall covered with Ice & snow. At length wee arrived opposite unto ourhabitation, which was the other side of the River, not knowing how to getover, being cover'd with Ice; but 4 of our men ventur'd in a Boat to comeunto us. They had like to have ben staved by the Ice. Wee also were in verygreat danger, but wee surmounted all these difficultys & got unto ourhabitation, for which wee had very great cause to give God thanks of seeingone another after having run through so great Dangers. 

During my travelling abroad, my brother-in-Law had put our House intopretty good order. Wee were secure, fearing nothing from the Indians, beingour allies; & as for our neighbours, their disorder, & the litle care theytook of informing themselves of us, set us safe from fearing them. But asit might well happen that the Governor Bridgar might have notice that theNew England Interloper was in the same river hee was, & that in longrunning hee might discover the truth of all that I had discoursed &concealed from him, & also that hee might come to understand that wee hadnot the strength that I boasted of, I thought it fit to prevent Danger; &the best way was to assure my self of the New England shipp in makingmyself master of her; for had Mr. Bridgar ben beforehand with mee, heewould have ben too strong for me, & I had ben utterly unable to resist him;but the question was how to effect this businesse, wherin I see manifestdifficultys; but they must bee surmounted, or wee must perrish. Therefore Imade it my business wholy to follow this Enterprise, referring the care ofour House & of the Traffick unto my brother-in-Law. 

Seeing the River quite froze over, every other day for a fortnight I sentmy men through the woods to see in what state the Company's shipp lay. Atlength they told me shee lay a ground neer the shoare, the creek wherinshee was to have layn the Winter being frozen up, which made me conjectureshee would infallibly bee lost. I also sent 2 of my men unto Young CaptainGuillem into the Island, which hee had desired of me for his safegard; butI was told by my people that hee intended to deceave me, having, contraryunto his promise of not receaving any into his Fort but such as should comeby my Orders, had sent his Boat to receave 2 men from the Company's shipp, which Mr. Bridgar had sent to discover what they could the way that I touldhim our fort was, & also to see if they could find any wreck of theirshipp; but these 2 men, seeing thos of the fort begin to stir & to Lanchout their Boat, they thought they would fier on them, as I had comanded. They were affrighted & run away. Being come to Mr. Bridgar, they told himthere was a Fort & a french shipp neerer unto them than I had said. Uponthis information, Mr. Bridgar sent 2 men to pass from north to south, toknow if it were true that wee had 2 Shipps besides that which was at theIsland. Wherof being advised by my people, I sent out 3 severall ways toendeavor to take the 2 men Mr. Bridgar had sent to make this discovery, having ordered my people not to doe them any violence. My people succeded, for they found the 2 poore men within 5 leagues of our House, allmost deadwith cold & hunger, so that it was no hard matter to take them. Theyyeelded, & were brought unto my habitation, where having refreshed themwith such provision as wee had, they seemed nothing displeas'd at fallinginto our hands. I understood by them the orders Mr. Bridgar had given themfor making the Discovery, which made me stand the more close on my Gard, &to use fresh means to hinder that the Governor Bridgar should not haveknowledge of the New-England Interlopers. 

About this time I sent some provisions unto Mr. Bridgar, who was in greatwant, although hee strove to keep it from my knowledge. Hee thanked mee byhis Letters, & assur'd me hee would not interrupt my trade, & that heewould not any more suffer his men to come neere the forts, which heethought had ben ours. I also sent to visit young Guillem to observe hisproceedings, & to see in what condition hee was, to make my best advantageof it. The 2 Englishmen which my people brought, told me the Company'sshipp was stay'd to peeces, & the captain, Leftenant, & 4 seamen drown'd;but 18 of the company being ashore escaped that danger. Upon this advice Iwent to visit Mr. Bridgar, to observe his actions. I brought him 100Partridges, & gave him some Powder to kill fowle, & offer'd him my servis. I asked where his shipp was, but hee would not owne shee was lost, but saidshee was 4 leagues lower in the River. I would not press him any farther inthe businesse, but civilly took our leave of each other. 

From thence I went unto the Fort in the Island also, to see what pastthere, & to endeavor to compasse the dessigne I had laid of taking theShipp & fort, having since discovered by letters intercepted, that youngGuillim intended to shew me a trick & destroy me. Being come to the fort inthe Island, I made no shew of knowing the losse of his father, nor of theCompany's shipp, only I told young Guillim his father continued ill, & didnot think safe to write him, fearing to discover him. Afterwards I desiredhee would come unto our habitation; & so I returned without effecting anymore that day. Eight days after, I returned to see Mr. Bridgar, unto whom Isaid that hee did not take sufficient care to preserve his men; that I had2 of them at my Fort, who told me of the losse of his shipp, which heeowned. I told him I would assist him, & would send him his 2 men & whatelse hee desired. I also offer'd him one of our Barques, with provisionsrequisit to convey him in the Spring unto the bottom of the Bay, which heerefused. I assured him of all the servis that lay in my power, treating himwith all civillity could bee for the Esteeme that I ever bore unto theEnglish nation. As for Mr. Bridgar, I had no great caus to bee over wellpleased with him, being advised that hee spake ill of mee in my absence, &had said publickly unto his people that hee would destroy my Trade, shouldhee give 6 axes & proportionably of other Goods unto the Indians for aBevor Skin. [Footnote: The Company's early standard for trading was: "For 1Gun, one with another, 10 good Skins, that is, winter beavor; 12 Skins forthe biggest sort, 10 for the mean, and 8 for the smallest. Powder, a beaverfor 1/2 a lb. A beaver for 4 lb. Of shot. A beaver for a great and littlehatchet. A beaver for 6 great knives or 8 jack-knives. Beads, a beaver for1/2 a lb. Six beavers for one good laced coat. Five beavers for one redplain coat. Coats for women, laced, two yards, six beavers. Coats forwomen, plain, Five beavers. Tobacco, a beaver for 1 lb. Powder-horns, abeaver for a large one and two small ones. Kettles, a beaver for one lb. OfKettle. Looking-glasses and combs, 2 skins. "] I have an attestation heerofto shew. I stayed 2 dayes on this voyadge with Mr. Bridgar, having then areall intent to serve him, seeing hee was not in a condition to hurt me; &returning unto my habitation, I called at Young Gwillim's fort in theIsland, where I intended to execute my dessigne, it being now time. 

When I arrived at the fort, I told young Gwillim his father continued ill, & that hee referr'd all unto me, upon which I said unto him touching hisfather & of his resolution, hee earnestly desired I would goe back with him& take him along with me, disguised as before, that hee might see him; butI disswaded him from this, & put in his head rather to come see ourhabitation, & how wee lived. I knew hee had a desire to doe soe, thereforeI would sattisfy his curiosity. Having, therefore, perswaded him to this, wee parted next morning betimes. Hee took his Carpenter along with him, &wee arrived at our habitation, Young Gwillim & his man being sufficientlytired. I thought it not convenient that young Gwillim should see the 2Englishmen that was at our House. I kept them privat, & fitted them to beegon next morning, with 2 of my men, to goe athwart the woods unto theirhabitation, having promis'd Mr. Bridgar to send them unto him. I gave themTobacco, Cloaths, & severall other things Mr. Bridgar desired; but whenthey were to depart, one of the Englishmen fell at my feet & earnestlydesired that I would not send him away. I would not have granted hisrequest but that my Brother-in-Law desired me to do it, & that it wouldalso ease Mr. Bridgar's charge, who wanted provisions; so I sufferred theother to depart along with my 2 men, having given them directions. I causedyoung Gwillem to see them going, telling him I sent them unto our Fort upthe river. 

I continued a whole moneth at quiet, treating young Guillem, my new guest, with all civillity, which hee abused in severall particulars; for havingprobably discovered that wee had not the strength that I made him beleevewee had, hee unadvisedly speak threatning words of me behind my back, calling me Pyrate, & saying hee would trade with the Indians in the Springin spight of me. Hee had also the confidence to strike one of my men, but Iconnived at it. But one day discoursing of the privilledges of new England, he had the confidence to speak slightly of the best of Kings, wherupon Icalled him pittyfull Dogg for talking after that manner, & told him thatfor my part, having had the honour to have ben in his majesty's servis, Iwould pray for his majesty as long as I lived. Hee answered mee with harshwords that hee would return back to his fort, & when hee was there, thatwould not dare talk to him as I did. I could not have a fairer opportunityto begin what I dessigned. Upon which I told the young foole that I broughthim from his fort & would carry him thither againe when I pleas'd, not whenhee liked. Hee spake severall other impertinencys, that made me tell himthat I would lay him up safe enough if hee behaved not himself wiser. Heeasked me if hee was a prisoner. I told him I would consider of it, & that Iwould secure my Trade, seeing hee threatened to hinder it. After which Iretired & gave him leave to bee inform'd by the Englishman how that hisfather & the company's shipp were lost, & the bad condition Mr. Bridgar wasin. I left a french man with them that understood English, but they knew itnot. When I went out, young Gwillim bid the Englishman make his escape &goe tell his master that hee would give him 6 Barrills of Powder & otherprovisions if hee would attempt to deliver him out of my hands. TheEnglishman made no reply, neither did hee tell me of what had ben proposedunto him. I understood it by my frenchman, that heard the whole matter, & Ifound it was high time to act for my owne safety. 

That evning I made no shew of any thing, but going to bed I asked our menif the fier Locks that wee placed at night round our fort to defend us fromthos that would attack us were in order. At this word of fire Locks youngGwillim, who knew not the meaning of it, was suddenly startled & would haverun away, thinking wee intended to kill him. I caused him to bee stay'd, &freed him of his feare. But next morning I made him an unwelcom compliment;I told him that I was going to take his shipp & fort. Hee answered veryangrily that if I had 100 men I could not effect it, & that his men wouldkill 40 before they could come neere the pallissade. I was nothingdiscouradged at his bravado, knowing very well that I should compasse mydessigne. I made account that 2 of my men would have stay'd in the fort forhostages, but having what libberty they would, one of them returned to ourhabitation without my order. I was angry at it, but I made no shew of it, having laid my dessigne so as to make more use of skill & pollicy than ofopen force; seeing therefore the haughty answer young Gwillem made me, thatI could not take his fort with 100 men, I asked of him how many men hee hadin it. Hee said nyne. I desired him to choose the like number of myne, Ibeing one of the number, telling him I would desire no more, & that in 2dayes I would give him a good account of his fort & of his shipp, & that Iwould not have him to have the shame of being present to see what I shoulddoe. Hee chose & named such of my men as hee pleas'd, & I would not chooseany others. I sufferr'd him to come with me to the water side, & I made theninth man that went upon this Expedition, with an Englishman of Mr. Bridgar's to bee a wittness of the busenesse. 

Being arriv'd within half a league of the fort, I left the Englishman withone frenchman, ordering they should not stirr without farther order; at thesame time I sent 2 of my men directly to the fort to the Southward of theIsland, & I planted myself with my other 5 men at the North point of thesame Island to observe what they did that I sent to the fort. They werestop't by 3 Englishmen armed, that asked if they had any letters from theirmaster. My people answer'd, according to my Instructions, that hee wascoming along with mee; that being weary, wee stay'd behind; that they camea litle before for some brandy which they offerr'd to carry. The Englishmenwould needs doe the office, & my 2 men stay'd in the fort. Hee that washostage had orders to seize on the Court of Gard Dore, one of them newlycome to seize the Dore of the House, & the 3 was to goe in & out, that incase the dessigne was discover'd hee might stopp the passage of the Dorewith Blocks of wood, to hinder it from being shutt & to give me freedom toenter unto their assistance; but there needed not so much adoe, for Ienter'd into the fort before thos that were appointed to defend it wereaware. The Lieutenant was startled at seeing me, & asked "wher his masterwas; it was high time to appear & act. " I answered the Lieutenant "itmatter'd not where his master was, but to tell me what men hee had & tocall them out;" & my men being enter'd the fort & all together, I told thosthat were present the cause of my coming, that I intended to bee Master ofthe place, & that 'twas too late to dispute. I commanded them to bring methe Keys of the Fort & all their Arms, & to tell mee if they had any Powderin their chests, & how much, referring myself unto what they should say. They made no resistance, but brought me their Arms, & as for Powder, theysaid they had none. I took possession of the Fort in the name of the Kingof ffrance, & from thence was conducted by the Lieutenant to takepossession of the shipp also in the same name, which I did without anyresistance; & whilst I was doing all this, young Guillem's men seemed torejoyce at it rather then to bee troubled, complaining of him for their Illusage, & that hee had kill'd his Supercargo. But a Scotchman, one of thecrew, to shew his zeale, made his Escape & run through the woods towardsMr. Bridgar's House to give him notice of what pas't. I sent 2 of mynimblest men to run after him, but they could not overtake him, being gon 4hours before them. Hee arrived at Mr. Bridgar's house, who upon therelation of the Scotchman resolved to come surprise me. 

In the meane while I gave my Brother notice of all that past, & that Ifeared a Scotchman might occasion me some troble that had got away unto Mr. Bridgar, & that I feared I might bee too deeply ingadg'd unless heepresently gave me the assistance of 4 men, having more English prisoners tokeep than I had french men with me. I was not deceiv'd in my conjecture. Atmidnight one of our Doggs alarm'd our sentinell, who told me hee heard anoise on board the shipp. I caus'd my People to handle their armes, & shutup the English in the cabins under the Gard of 2 of my men. I with 4 otherswent out to goe to the shipp. I found men armed on board, & required themto lay downe their arms & to yeeld. There was 4 that submitted & someothers got away in the dark. My men would have fired, but I hinder'd them, for which they murmur'd against me. I led the prisoners away to the fort &examin'd them one after another. I found they were of Mr. Bridgar's people, & that hee was to have ben of the number, but hee stay'd half a Leaguebehind to see the success of the businesse. The last of the Prisoners Iexamin'd was the Scotch man that had made his escape when I took the fort;& knowing hee was the only cause that Mr. Bridgar ingadg'd in thebusinesse, I would revenge me in making him afraid. 

I caus'd him to bee ty'd to a stake & told that hee should bee hang'd nextday. I caus'd the other prisoners, his comrades, to bee very kindlytreated; & having no farther dessigne but to make the Scotch man afraide, Imade one advise him to desire the Lewtenant of the fort to begg me to sparehis life, which hee did, & easily obtain'd his request, although hee wassomething startled, not knowing what I meant to doe with him. The 4 men Idesired of my Brother-in-Law arrived during these transactions, & by thissupply finding myself strong enough to resist whatever Mr. Bridgar coulddoe against me, I wrote unto him & desired to know if hee did avow what hismen had don, whom I detain'd Prisoners, who had Broke the 2 Dores & thedeck of the shipp to take away the Powder. Hee made me a very dubiousanswer, complaining against me that I had not ben true unto him, havingconcealed this matter from him. Hee writ me also that having suffitientorders for taking all vessells that came into those parts to Trade, heewould have joyned with me in seizing of this; but seeing the purchas wasfal'n into my hands, hee hoped hee should share with mee in it. 

I sent back his 3 men with some Tobacco & other provisions, but kept theirarms, bidding them tell Mr. Bridgar on my behalf that had I known hee wouldhave come himself on this Expedition, I would have taken my mesures to havereceav'd him ere he could have had the time to get back; but I heard of ita litle too late, & that in some short time I would goe visit him to knowwhat hee would bee at, & that seeing hee pretended to bee so ignorant inwhat quallity I liv'd in that country, I would goe and inform him. Beforethese men's departure to Mr. Bridgar's I was inform'd that some English menhad hidden Powder without the fort. I examin'd them all. Not one would owneit; but at last I made them confess it, & 5 or 6 pound was found that hadben hid. Then I took care to secure the fort. I sent 4 of the English menof the fort unto my Brother-in-Law, & I prepar'd to goe discover what Mr. Bridgar was doing. I came to his House & went in before hee had notice ofmy coming. Hee appeared much surpris'd; but I spoke to him in such a manneras shewed that I had no intent to hurt him, & I told him that by his lateacting hee had so disoblidged all the ffrench that I could not well tellhow to assist him. I told him hee had much better gon a milder way to work, in the condition hee was in, and that seeing hee was not as good as hisword to me, I knew very well how to deall with him; but I had no intentionat that time to act any thing against Mr. Bridgar. I only did it tofrighten him, that hee should live kindly by me; & in supplying him fromtime to time with what he wanted, my chief ayme was to disable him fromTrading, & to reduce him to a necessity of going away in the Spring. 

Seeing Mr. Bridgar astonish'd at my being there with 12 men, & in acondition of ruining him if I had desire to it, I thought fit to setle hismynd by sending away 6 of my men unto my Brother-in-Law, & kept but 6 withme, 4 of which I sent out into the woods to kill some provisions for Mr. Bridgar. About this time I receaved a letter from my Brother wherin heeblam'd me for acting after this manner with persons that but 2 days agoeendeavor'd to surprise me; that if I did so, hee would forsake all; that Ihad better disarm them for our greater security, & that I should not chargemyself with any of them. It was also the judgment of the other french men, who were all exasperated against Mr. Bridgar. Not to displease my ownepeople, instead of 4 English men that I promis'd Mr. Bridgar to take alongwith me that hee might the better preserve the rest, I took but 2, one ofwhich I put in the Fort at the Island, & the other I brought unto ourhabitation. I promiss'd Mr. Bridgar before I left him to supply him withPowder & anything else that was in my power, & demanding what store ofmusquets hee had remaining, hee told me hee had Ten, & of them 8 werebroken. I tooke the 8 that were spoyl'd, & left him myne that was wellfixt, promising to get his mended. Hee also offer'd me a pocket Pistoll, saying hee knew well enough that I intended to disarm him. I told him itwas not to disarm him, to take away his bad arms & to give him good instead of them. I offerr'd him my Pistolls, but hee would not accept ofthem. In this state I left him, & went to our habitation to give myBrother-in-Law an account of what I had don. 

Some dayes after, I went to the Fort in the Island to see if all was wellthere, & having given all necessary directions I return'd unto our place, taking the Lieutenant of the Fort along with me, unto whom I gave my ownechamber & all manner of libberty; taking him to bee wiser than his captain, whom they were forc'd to confine in my absence. Hee thanked mee for mycivillityes, & desiring hee might goe to his Captain, I consented. Aboutthis time I had advise, by one of the men that I left to guard the fort inthe Island, that Mr. Bridgar, contrary to his promis, went thether with 2of his men, & that our men having suffer'd them to enter into the fort, they retain'd Mr. Bridgar & sent the other 2 away, having given them someBread & Brandy. This man also told me that Mr. Bridgar seemed very muchtrobl'd at his being stopt, & acted like a mad man. This made me presentlygoe to the fort to hinder any attempts might be made against me. Beingarrived, I found Mr. Bridgar in a sad condition, having drank to excess. Him that comanded in the fort had much adoe to hinder him from killing theEnglishman that desired to stay with us. Hee spoke a thousand thingsagainst me in my hearing, threatning to kill me if I did not doe him right. But having a long time born it, I was at length constraint to bid him beequiet; & desirous to know his dessignes, I asked him if any of his Peoplewere to come, because I see smoake & fiers in crossing the River. Hee SaidYes, & that hee would shortly shew me what hee could doe, looking for 14men which hee expected, besides the 2 my people return'd back. I told him Iknew very well hee had not soe many men, having let many of his men perishfor want of meate, for whom hee was to bee accountable; & morover I was notafraid of his threats. Nevertheless, no body appear'd, & next dayly Iorder'd matters so as Mr. Bridgar should come along with me unto ourhabitation, wherunto hee see it was in vaine to resist. I assured him thatneither I nor any of my People shold goe to his House in his absence, &that when hee had recreated himself 10 or 15 Days with mee at ourhabitation, hee might return with all freedom againe unto his House. 

Mr. Bridgar was a fortnight at our House without being overtired, & itappeared by his looks that hee had not ben Ill treated; but I not havingleasure allways to keep him company, my affairs calling me abroad, I lefthim with my Brother-in-Law whilst I went unto the Fort in the Island to seehow matters went there; & at my going away I told Mr. Bridgar that if heepleas'd hee might dispose himself for his departure home next morning, torectify some disorders committed by his people in his absence, to getvictualls, & I told him I would meet him by the way to goe along with him. Having dispatcht my business at the fort of the Island, I went away betimesto bee at Mr. Bridgar's house before him, to hinder him from abusing hismen. The badness of the weather made me goe into the House before hee came. As Soon as I was enter'd, the men beseech'd me to have compassion on them. I blam'd them for what they had don, & for the future advised them to beemore obedient unto their master, telling them I would desire him to pardonthem, & that in the Spring I would give passage unto those that would goehome by the way of ffrance. Mr. Bridgar arrived soon after me. I beg'd hispardon for going into his House before hee came, assuring him that I hadstill the dessigne of serving him & assisting him, as hee should find whenhee pleas'd to make use of me, for Powder & anything else hee needed; whichalso I performed when it was desir'd of me, or that I knew Mr. Bridgarstood in need of any thing I had. I parted from Mr. Bridgar's habitation toreturn unto our own. I passed by the fort in the Island, & put anotherfrenchman to comand in the place of him was there before, whom I intendedto take with me to work uppon our shipps. 

The Spring now drawing on, the English of the fort of the Island murmur'dbecause of one of Mr. Bridgar's men that I had brought thether to live withthem. I was forst to send him back to give them content, not daring to sendhim to our habitation, our french men opposing it, wee having too manyallready. Arriving at our habitation, I was inform'd that the Englishcaptain very grossly abused one of his men that I kept with him. Hee washis carpenter. I was an eye witness myself of his outrageous usage of thispoore man, though hee did not see me. I blamed the Captain for it, & sentthe man to the fort of the Island, to look after the vessell to keep her ingood condition. My nephew arrived about this time, with the french men thatwent with him to invite downe the Indians, & 2 days after there cameseverall that brought provisions. They admired to see the English that weehad in our House, & they offer'd us 200 Bevor skins to suffer them to goekill the rest of them; but I declar'd unto them I was far from consentingtherunto, & charged them on the contrary not to doe them any harm; & Mr. Bridgar coming at instant with one of his men unto our habitation, Iadvised him not to hazard himself any more without having some of my menwith him, & desir'd him, whilst hee was at my House, not to speak to theIndians. Yet hee did, & I could not forbeare telling him my mynde, whichmade him goe away of a suddain. I attended him with 7 or 8 of my men, fearing least the Indians who went away but the Day before might doe him amischief. I came back next day, being inform'd that a good company ofIndians, our old Allies, were to come; & I found they were come with adessigne to warr against the English, by the perswasion of some Indiansthat I see about 8ber last, & with whom I had renew'd an alliance. Ithanked the Indians for their good will in being ready to make warr againstour Ennemys; but I also told them that I had no intent to doe them anyharm, & that having hindred them from hurting me I was sattisfy'd, & thattherefore they would oblidge me to say nothing of it, having promis'd methey would bee gon in the Spring, but if they came againe I would sufferthem to destroy them. The Indians made great complaints unto me of theEnglish in the bottom of the Bay, which I will heere omitt, desiring tospeak only of what concerns myself; but I ought not omit this. Amongstother things, they alleadg'd to have my consent that they might warragainst the English. They said thus: "Thou hast made us make presents tomake thine Ennemys become ours, & ours to bee thyne. Wee will not bee foundlyers. " By this may bee seen what dependance is to bee laid on thefriendship of this people when once they have promis'd. I told them alsothat I lov'd them as my own Brethren the French, & that I would deal betterby them than the English of the Bay did, & that if any of my men did themthe least injury I would kill him with my own hands; adding withall that Iwas very sorry I was not better stor'd with Goods, to give them greatertokens of my friendship; that I came this voyage unprovided, not knowing ifI should meet them, but I promis'd to come another time better stor'd ofall things they wanted, & in a condition to help them to destroy theirEnnemys & to send them away very well sattisfy'd. The English admir'd tosee with what freedom I lived with these salvages. This pas't in thebeginning of Aprill, 1683. Being faire wether, I caused my nephew toprepare himself, with 3 men, to carry Provisions & Brandy unto our frenchmen & to the English men at the fort of the Island. The Ice began to beedangerous, & I see that it was not safe hazarding to goe over it after thistime; therefore I said to my nephew that hee would doe well to proceedfarther unto the Indians, unto whom hee promis'd to give an account how weedid, & to inform them also that wee had conquer'd our Ennemys. 

After my nephew's departure on this voyadge, there hapned an unlookt-foraccident the 22 or 23rd of Aprill, at night. Having haled our vessells asfar as wee could into a litle slip in a wood, wee thought them very secure, lying under a litle Hill about 10 fathom high, our Houses being about thesame distance off from the River side; yet about 10 o'clock at night ahideous great noise rous'd us all out of our sleep, & our sentinill came &told us it was the clattering of much Ice, & that the floods came downewith much violence. Wee hasted unto the river side & see what the sentinelltold us, & great flakes of Ice were born by the waters upon the topp of ourlitle Hill; but the worst was that the Ice having stop't the river's mouth, they gather'd in heaps & were carry'd back with great violence & enter'dwith such force into all our Brooks that discharg'd into the River that'twas impossible our vessells could resist, & they were stay'd all topeeces. There remained only the bottom, which stuck fast in the Ice or inthe mudd, & had it held 2 hours longer wee must have ben forst to climbethe trees to save our lives; but by good fortune the flood abated. Theriver was cleer'd by the going away of the Ice, & 3 days after, wee see thedisorder our vessells were in, & the good luck wee had in making so great avoyadge in such bad vessells, for myne was quite Rotten & my Brother's wasnot trunnel'd. This accident put us into a great feare the like mischiefmight bee hapned unto the New England shipp; the Indians telling us thatthe River was more dangerous than ours, & that they beleev'd the vessellcould not escape in the place wher shee lay. But mr Bridgar havingheertofore related unto me alike accident hapned in the River Kechechewanin the Bottom of the Bay, that a vessell was preserv'd by cutting the Iceround about her, I took the same cours, & order'd the Ice should bee cutround this vessell quite to the keele, & I have reason to thank mr Bridgarfor this advice; it sav'd the vessell. Shee was only driven ashore by theviolence of the Ice, & there lay without much dammadge. Whilst the watersdecreas'd wee consulted upon which of the 2 bottoms wee should build us ashipp, & it was at last resolv'd it shold bee on myne. Upon which weewrought day & night without intermission, intending this vessell shouldcarry the English into the Bay, as I had promis'd mr Bridgar. 

I went down 2 or 3 times to the River's mouth to see what the floods & Icehad don there, & if I could pass the point into the other River, wher mrBridgar & the English vessell was at the fort of the Island, for wasimpossible to pass through the woods, all being cover'd with water. Iadventur'd to pass, & I doubled the point in a canoo of bark, though theIce was so thick that wee drew our canoo over it. Being enter'd the River, I march'd along the South Shore & got safe to the fort of the Island withgreat difficulty. I found the shipp lying dry, as I mention'd before, in abad condition, but easily remedy'd, the stern being only a litle broke. Igave directions to have her fitted, & I incouradged the English to work, which they did perform better than the french. Having given thesedirections, I took the shipp's Boat & went down to Mr. Bridgar'shabitation, & looking in what condition it was, I found that 4 of his menwere dead for lack of food, & two that had ben poyson'd a litle before bydrinking some liquer they found in the Doctor's chest, not knowing what itwas. Another of Mr. Bridgar's men had his Arm broke by an accident abroad ahunting. 

Seeing all these disorders, I passed as soon as I could to the South sideof the river to recover unto our Houses, from whence I promis'd Mr. BridgarI would send his English Curiorgion that was with us some Brandy, vinegar, Lynnen, & what provisions I could spare out of the small store wee hadleft. Being got a shore, I sent back the Boat to the fort of the Isle, withorders unto my 2 men I left there to bring my canoo & to use it forfowling. In returning I went a shore with one of Mr. Bridgar's men that Itook along with me to carry back the provisions I had promis'd, althoughhee did not seeme to be very thankfull for it, continueing his threatnings, & boasted that hee expected shipps would come unto him with which hee wouldtake us all. I was nothing daunted at this, but kept on my cours, knowingvery well Mr. Bridgar was not in a capacity of doing us any harm; but itbeing impossible but that his being present on the place should hinder me, I order'd my business so as to bee gon with what skins I had, & sent awayMr. Bridgar after having secured our Trade. 

I made severall journeys to the Fort of the Island about repairing of theshipp; also I went severall times to Mr. Bridgar's house to carry himprovisions, & to assist him & also his men with all things that I couldprocure, which they can testify; & had it not ben for me they had suffredmuch more misery. I had like to bee lost severall times in these journeysby reason of great stores of Ice; & the passage of the entrance of theRiver to Double the point to enter into that where Mr. Bridgar & the newEngland shipp lay was allways dangerous. 

I will not here insist upon the perrills I expos'd my self unto in coming &going to prepare things for our departure when the season would permitt;but I cannot omit telling that amongst other kindnesses I did Mr. Bridgar Igave him stuff suffitient to sheath his shallup, which was quite out oforder, as also cordage & all things else necessary; but hee did not well byme, for contrary to his word which he had given me not to goe to the fortin the Island, hee attempted to goe thether with his people in his shallup, & being come within musket-shott under a pretence of desiring some Powder, the comander would not suffer him to come any neerer, & made him cast ankerfarther off. Hee sent his boats for Mr. Bridgar, who came alone into thefort, though hee earnestly desired one of his men might bee admitted alongwith him, but was deny'd. His men were order'd to lodge themselves ashorethe North side of the River in hutts, & provisions was sent unto them. Mr. Bridgar spent that night in the Fort, went away the next day. The daybefore I see the shallup going full salle towards the fort, whether I wasalso going myself by land with one Englishman in whom I put a great dealeof confidence, having no body else with me. I did suspect that Mr. Bridgarhad a dessign to make some surprise, but I was not much afraid by reason ofthe care & good order I had taken to prevent him. 

Nevertheless I feared that things went not well; for when I came neer thefort, seeing the boate coming for me, & that the comander did not make thesignall that was agreed upon betwixt us, this startled me very much, & Iappeared as a man that had cause to feare the worst; which one of ourfrenchmen that steered the boat wherin ther was 4 Englishmen perceiving, cry'd out all was well, & made the signall. I blamed him & the comander forputting me in feare in not making the usuall signes. 

When I came to the fort I was told Mr. Bridgar was there, & that hee wasreceayed, as has been recited. I was also tould hee had privat discourswith the carpenter of the new England shipp that I had formerly ingadged ina friendly manner to attend & serve him. This discours made the comanderthe more narrowly to inspect Mr. Bridgar. & to stand better upon his gard, the Scotch man telling him hee was not come thither with any goodintention; so that the comander of the Fort sent him away in the morning, having given him some Pork, Pease, & Powder. Having given Orders at thefort, I went to Mr. Bridgar. Being come to his House, I taxed him of breachof promise, & I tould him ther should bee no quarter if hee offered to doesoe any more, & that therefore hee should prepare himself to goe for theBay (as soone as ever the Ice did permitt) in the vessell that wee hadleft, it being so agreed on by our french men, assuring him I would furnishhim with all things necessary for the voyadge. Hee appear'd much amaz'd atthe compliment I made him, & hee told me in plaine terms that it must beeone of thes 3 things that must make him quit the place, --his master'sorders, force, or hunger. Hee desired me afterwards that if the captain ofthe salvages of the river of new Severn came, that hee might see him by mymeans, which I promis'd to doe. 

Having thus disposed Mr. Bridgar for his departure, I continued to assisthim & his people with all that I could to enable them to work to sitourselves to bee gon. I left Mr. Bridgar in his house & I went unto ours, &having consulted my Brother-in-Law, wee resolved that 'twas best to burnthe fort in the Island & secure Mr. Bridgar, thereby to draw back our men &to ease us of the care of defending the fort & of the trouble of so manyother precautions of securing ourselves from being surprized by Mr. Bridgar. The crew of both our vessells made an agreement amongst themselvesto oppose our dessigne of giving our shipp unto the English for theirtransportation. It was necessary at the first to seeme to yeeld, knowingthat in time wee should master the factions. It was the master of my Barkthat began the mutiny. The chief reason that made me seem to yeeld was thatI would not have the English come to know of our Divisions, who happlymight have taken some advantage of it. Wee had 4 amongst us unto whom Igranted libberty upon their parole; but to make sure of those of newEngland, wee caus'd a Lodge to bee built in a litle Island over against ourHouse where they were at a distance off us. Wee sent from time to time tovisit them to see what they did. Wee gave them a fowling-peece to divertthem, but one day abusing my nephew, wee took away the Gun from them. 

Going afterwards unto the fort of the Island, I sent a boate unto Mr. Bridgar, advising him the captain hee desired to see was come, & that heemight come with one of his men; which hee did, & as soon as hee was come Itold him that to assure our Trade I was obliged to secure him & wouldcommit him into the custody of my nephew, unto whom I would give orders totreat him kindly & with all manner of respect, telling him withall thatwhen I had put all things on board the vessell that was in the fort, Iwould go & set it on Fier. I told him hee might send his man with me to hisHouse with what Orders hee thought fit. I went thither the same day. I toldMr. Bridgar's people that not being able to supply them any longer but withPowder only, & being redy for my departure to Cannada, it was necessarythat those that intended to stay should speak their minds, & that thosethat desired to go should have their passage. I demanded their names, whichthey all told me except 2. I ordered them to have a great care of allthings in the House. I left one frenchman to observe them & to goe fowling, Mr. Bridgar's men not being us'd to it. These Orders being given, I leftMr. Bridgar's house & cross'd over to the South side, where I met 2 of ourfrench men a hunting. I sent them with what fowle they had kill'd to thefort of the Island, where they might bee servisable unto the rest incarrying down the shipp & in bringing her to an anker right against Mr. Bridgar's house, to take on board his goods, which was accordingly don. Icame by land unto the other river, & met at the entrance of it severallIndians that waited impatiently for me, how wee might adjust & setle ourTrade. 

They would have had my Brother-in-Law to have rated the Goods at the sameprizes as the English did in the bottom of the Bay, & they expected also Iwould bee more kind unto them. But this would have ruined our trade;therefore I resolved to stand firm in this occasion, becaus what wee nowconcluded upon with these Salvages touching comers would have ben a Rulefor the future. The Indians being assembled presently after my arrivall, &having laid out their presents before me, being Beavors' tailes, cariboutongues dry'd, Greas of Bears, Deere, & of Elks, one of the Indians spaketo my Brother-in-Law & mee in this wife: "You men that pretend to give usour Lifes, will not you let us live? You know what Beavor is worth, & thepaines wee take to get it. You stile your selves our brethren, & yet youwill not give us what those that are not our brethren will give. Accept ourpresents, or wee will come see you no more, but will goe unto others. " Iwas a good while silent without answering the compliment of this Salvage, which made one of his companions urge me to give my answer; and it beingthat wheron our wellfare depended, & that wee must appeare resolute in thisoccasion, I said to the Indian that pressed me to answer, "To whom willthou have me answer? I heard a dogg bark; let a man speak & hee shall see Iknow to defend myself; that wee Love our Brothers & deserve to bee loved bythem, being come hither a purpose to save your lives. " Having said thesewords, I rose & drew my dagger. I took the chief of thes Indians by thehaire, who had adopted me for his sonn, & I demanded of him who hee was. Hee answered, "Thy father. " "Well, " said I, "if thou art my father & dostlove me, & if thou art the chief, speak for me. Thou art master of myGoods; this Dogg that spoke but now, what doth hee heare? Let him begon tohis brethren, the English in the Bay; but I mistake, hee need not goe sofarr, hee may see them in the Island, " intimating unto them that I hadovercom the English. "I know very well, " said I, continueing my discours tomy Indian father, "what woods are, & what 'tis to leave one's wife & runthe danger of dying with hunger or to bee kill'd by one's Ennemys. Youavoide all these dangers in coming unto us. So that I see plainly 'tisbetter for you to trade with us than with the others; yet I will have pittyon this wretch, & will spare his life, though hee has a desire to goe untoour Ennemys. " I caused a sword-blade to bee brought me, & I said unto himthat spake, "Heere, take this, & begon to your brethren, the English; tellthem my name, & that I will goe take them. " There was a necessity I shouldspeak after this rate in this juncture, or else our trade had ben ruin'dfor ever. Submit once unto the Salvages, & they are never to bee recalled. 

Having said what I had a mind to say unto the Indian, I went to withdrawwith my Brother-in-Law; but wee were both stop't by the chief of theIndians, who incouraged us, saying, Wee are men; wee force nobody; everyone was free, & that hee & his Nation would hold true unto us; that heewould goe perswade the Nations to come unto us, as hee had alredy don, bythe presents wee had sent them by him; desiring wee would accept of his, &that wee would trade at our own discretion. Therupon the Indian that spake, unto whom I had presented the sword, being highly displeas'd, said heewould kill the Assempoits if they came downe unto us. I answer'd him Iwould march into his country & eate Sagamite in the head of the head of hisgrandmother, which is a great threat amongst the Salvages, & the greatestdistast can bee given them. At the same instant I caus'd the presents to betaken up & distributed, 3 fathom of black tobacco, among the Salvages thatwere content to bee our friends; saying, by way of disgrace to him thatappear'd opposit to us, that hee should goe smoak in the country of thetame woolfe women's tobacco. I invited the others to a feast; after whichthe salvages traded with us for their Beavors, & wee dismissed them allvery well sattisfy'd. 

Having ended my business with the Indians, I imbark'd without delay to goeback, & I found the new England shipp at anchor over against Mr. Bridgar'sHouse, as I had order'd. I went into the House & caus'd an Inventory to betaken of all that was there. Then I went to the fort of the Island, havingsent order to my nephew to burn it. I found him there with Mr. Bridgar, whowould himself bee the first in setting the Fort a fire, of which I wasglad. There being no more to doe there, I went down to the shipp, & foundthey had put everything abord. I gave Order to my Nephew at my coming awaythat the next day hee should bring Mr. Bridgar along with him unto ourHouse, where being arriv'd, my Brother-in-Law, not knowing him as well as Idid, made him bee sent into the Island with the Captain of the new Englandshipp & his folks; of which Mr. Bridgar complain'd unto me next day, desiring that I would release him from thence, saying hee could not endureto bee with those people; which I promis'd to doe, & in a few days afterbrought him unto a place I caus'd to bee fitted on a point on the Northside of our River, where hee found his own men in a very good Condition. Inot being yet able to overcome our Men's obstinacy in not yeelding that Ishould give our vessell unto the English, Mr. Bridgar propos'd that heewould build a Deck upon the Shallup if I would but furnish him withmaterialls necessary for it; saying that if the shallup were but welldecked & fitted, he would willingly venture to goe in her unto the Bay, rather then to accept of his passage for france in one of our vessells. Iofferr'd him all that hee desir'd to that purpos, & stay'd with him tillthe shipp that I caus'd to bee fitted was arriv'd. When shee was come, Isee a smoak on the other side of the River. I crossed over, & found that itwas my Indian father. I told him how glad I was to see him, & invited himto goe aboard, saying that going at my request, my nephew would use himcivilly; that they would fier a Great Gun at his arrivall, would give himsomething to eate, would make him a present of Bisketts, & of 2 fathom ofTobacco. Hee said I was a foole to think my people would doe all thiswithout order. I wrote with a coale on the rind of a Tree, & gave it to himto carry aboard. Hee, seeing that All I said unto him was punctuallyperform'd, was much surpris'd, saying wee were Divells; so they call thosthat doe any thing that is strange unto them. I return'd back to ourhouses, having don with Mr. Bridgar. 

I had sounded the Captain of the Shipp that was in the Island right againstour house, to know of him that, being an English man, whether hee wouldgive a writing under his hand to consent that Mr. Bridgar should bee put inposession of his shipp, or if hee had rather I should carry her to Quebeck;but hee & his men intreated mee very earnestly not to deliver them unto Mr. Bridgar, beleeving they should receave better usage of the french than ofthe English. I told my Brother-in-Law what the Captain said, & that heerefer'd himself wholy unto our discretion. 

Whilst wee were busy in fitting things for our departure, I found myselfnecessitated to compose a great feude that hapined betwixt my Indianfather's familly & another great familly of the country. I had notice of itby a child, some of my Indian father's, who playing with his comrades, whoquarrelling with him, one told him that hee should bee kill'd, & all hisFamilly, in revenge of one of the familly of the Martins, that his fatherhad kill'd; for the famillys of the Indians are distinguis'd by the namesof Sundry Beasts; & death being very affrighting unto thos people, thischild came to my House weeping bitterly, & after much adoe I had to makehim speak, hee told me how his comrade had threatned him. I thought atfirst of somthing else, & that the salvages had quarrel'd amongstthemselves. Desiring, therefore, to concern my self in keeping peaceamongst them, I presently sent for this chief of the Indians, my adoptedfather, who being come according to my order, I told him the cause of myfeare, & what his child had told me. I had no sooner don speaking, but heeleaning against a pillar and covering his face with his hands, hee cryedmore than his child had don before; & having asked what was the matter, after having a litle dry'd up his teares, hee told me that an Indian ofanother familly, intending to have surpris'd his wife, whom hee loved verytenderly, hee kill'd him, & the salvages that sided to revenge the other'scause having chased him, hee was forc'd to fly, & that was it that made himmeet mee about 8ber last; that hee continued the feare of his Ennemys'displeasure, that they would come kill him. 

I tould him hee should not fear any thing, the frenchmen being his fathers& I his sonn; that our king that had sent mee thither cover'd him with hishand, expecting they should all live in Peace; that I was there to setlehim, & that I would doe it or dye; that I would require all the Indians tocome in that day [that they] might know me & that hee should know myintentions. Having thus spoke unto him, I caus'd a fowling-peece & 2ketles, 3 coats, 4 sword-blades, 4 tranches, 6 graters, 6 dozen of knives, 10 axes, 10 fathom of tobacco, 2 coverlets for women, 3 capps, some Powder& shott, & said unto the salvage my adopted father, in presence of hisallies that were ther present, "Heere is that will cure the wound & dryaway tears, which will make men live. I will have my brethren love oneanother; let 2 of you presently goe and invite the familly of the Martinsto the feast of amity, and make them accept my presents. If they refute it& seek for blood, it is just I should sacrifice my life for my father, whomI love as I doe all the rest of the Indians our allies, more than I doe myowne selfe, So that I am redy to lay down my head to bee cutt off in casemy presents did not serv turn, but I would stirr up all the frenchmen mybrethren to carry Gunns to assist me to make warr against that familly. "

The salvages went to goe unto the familly that was ennemy unto my adoptedfather to make them offer of my presents, & in my name to invite them untothe feast of unity. I stay'd so litle a while in the country afterwardsthat I could not quite determine this differrence. In due time I willrelate what upon Inquiry I farther heard of it in my last voyadge. 

This businesse being upon a matter ended, I was inform'd that Mr. Bridgar, contrary to his promise of not speaking with the Indians, yet enter'd intodiscours with them & said that wee were Ill people, & told them hee wouldcome & kill us; that hee would traffick with them more to their advantagethen wee did; that hee would give them 6 axes for a Bever Skin & afowling-peece for 5 skins. I taxed Mr. Bridgar with it; also I ratted thesalvages, who promis'd they would go neere him no more, & that I shouldfeare nothing. Being desirous to make all things redy for my departure, Iagaine crossed over the dangerous river to goe burn Mr. Bridgar's House, there being nothing left remaining in it, having caused evry thing to beeput on board the New England shipp & taken a full Inventary of it before. Ihad along with me 3 English men & one frenchman, relying more on theEnglish, who loved me because I used them kindly, than I did on theffrenchmen. What I did at this time doth shew the great confidence I put inthe English; for had I in the least distrusted them, I would not haveventur'd to have gon 11 Leagues from my habitation with 3 English & but oneof my owne french men to have fired Mr. Bridgar's House. Wee were very liketo bee lost in returning home. I never was in so great danger in all mylife. Wee were surpris'd with a suddain storm of wind neere the flats, &there was such a great mist that wee knew not where wee were. 

Being return'd unto our Habitation, I found our Men had brought the shippto anker neere our House, & seeing the weather beginning to come favorable, I gave my Nephew Instructions to carry on the Trade in my absence untillour Return. I left 7 men with him & the absolute comand & disposall of allthings; which being don I caused our ffurrs to bee put on board & the shippto fall down to the mouth of the river to set saile the first faire wind. It was where I left Mr. Bridgar. His shallup being well provided &furnish'd with all things, hee was ready to saile; but having made sometripps from one river unto the other, the sight of such vast quantitys ofIce as was in those seas made him afraide to venture himselfe in so small avessell to saile unto the Bay. So that wee fitting things to bee gon the 20July, having sent for Mr. Bridgar to come receave his Provisions, hee toldme hee thought it too rash an action for him to venture himself so great avoyadge in so small a vessell, & desired I would give him passage in ourshipp, supposing all along that I would compell him to imbark for ffrance. I told him hee should bee very welcom, & that I intended not to force himto anything but only to quitt the place. It was concluded that hee shouldimbark with my Brother-in-Law in the small vessell. Hee said hee had rathergoe in the other shipp; but it was but just that the Captain shouldcontinue on board, & wee could not with great reason take Mr. Bridgar onboard, having allredy more English to keep then wee were french. 

The 27th of July wee weighed Ankor & passed the flatts; but next day, having as yet sailed but 8 or 9 Leagues, wee were forced to enter into theIce & used all our Endevor not to bee farr from each other. The Bark, tacking to come, cast her Grapers on the same Ice as wee fastned unto. Sheesplit to peeces, so that wee were forced to fend presently to their help &to take out all the goods was on board her, & to lay them on the Ice, tocareen, which wee did with much difficulty. Wee continued in this dangertill the 24 of August. Wee visitted one another with all freedom; yet weestood on our gard, for the Englishman that wee found the beginning of thewinter in the snow, remembring how kindly hee was used by me, gave meenotice of a dessigne the Englishmen had that were in the Bark, of cuttingall the Frenchmen's throats, & that they only waited a fit opportunity todoe it. This hint made us watch them the more narrowly. At night time weesecured them under lock & key, & in the day time they enjoy'd their fullliberty. 

When wee were got to the southward in the 56 Degree, Mr. Bridgar desired meto let him have the Bark to goe to the Bay along with his men. I tould himI would speak to my Brother-in-Law about it, who was not much against it. Ther was only the master & some other obstinat fellows that opposed; but atlength I got all to consent, and having taken the things out, wee deliveredthe Bark unto Mr. Bridgar, taking his receipt. It was in good will that Imannadg'd all this for him, and I thought hee would have gon in the Bark, for hee knows that I offerrd it unto him; but having made the Englishmanthat belong'd unto him, and since chosen to stay with us, and in whom weeput much confidence, to desire leave of me to goe along with Mr. Bridgar, wee presently supposed, and wee were not deceived, that 'twas by hisperswasion this seaman desired to bee gon, & wee had some apprehension thatMr. Bridgar might have some dessigne to trepan us by returning unto portNelson before us to surprise our people, wherunto the English seaman thatunderstood our business might have ben very servicable unto him. Havingtherefore conferr'd amongst ourselves upon this Demand, wee resolv'd tokeep Mr. Bridgar and to take him along with us unto Quebeck. Wee caus'd himto come out of the Bark and told him our resolution; wherat hee flew intogreat passion, espetially against me, who was not much concerned at it. Weecaus'd him to come into our vessell, and wee tould his people that they mayproceed on their voyage without him, and hee should come along with us;after which wee took in our graple Irons from off the Ice, seeing the seaopen to the westward and the way free'd to saile. Wee were distant about120 leagues from the bottom of the Bay when wee parted from the Bark, whomight easily have got ther in 8 days, and they had Provisions on board forabove a month, vizt, a Barrill of Oatmealle, 42 double peeces of Beeff, 8or 10 salt gees, 2 peeces of Pork, a powder Barrell full of Bisket, 8 or 10pounds of powder, & 50 pounds of short. I gave over & above, unknown to myBrother-in-Law, 2 horns full of Powder & a Bottle of Brandy, besides aBarrill they drank the evening before wee parted. I made one of the newEngland seamen to goe on board the Bark to strengthen the crew, many ofthem being sickly. 

Being got out of the Ice, having a favorable wind, wee soon got into thestraights, where through the negligence or the ignorance of one of ourFrench pilots and seamen, the English being confin'd in the night, a stormof wind & snow drove us into a Bay from whence wee could not get out. Weewere driven a shoare without any hopes of getting off; but when weeexpected evry moment to be lost, God was pleased to deliver us out of thisDanger, finding amongst the Rocks wherin wee were ingadg'd the finestHarbour that could bee; 50 shipps could have layn there & ben preserv'dwithout Anchor or cable in the highest storms. Wee lay there 2 days, &having refitted our shipp wee set saile & had the wether pretty favorableuntill wee arriv'd at Quebeck, which was the end of 8ber. As soon as everwee arriv'd wee went unto Monr La Barre, Governor of Cannada, to give himan Account of what wee had don. Hee thought fit wee should restore theshipp unto the new England Merchants, in warning them they should goe nomore unto the place from whence shee came. [Footnote: This restoration didnot meet with the approval of Monsr. De Seignelay, for he wrote to Govr. Dela Barre, 10th April, 1684: "It is impossible to imagine what you meant, when of your own authority, without calling on the Intendant, and withoutcarrying the affair before the Sovereign council, you caused to be given upto one Guillin, a vessel captured by the men named Radisson and desGrozelliers, and in truth you ought to prevent the appearance before hisMajesty's eyes of this kind of proceeding, in which there is not a shadowof reason, and whereby you have furnished the English with matter of whichthey will take advantage; for by your ordinance you have caused a vessel tobe restored that according to law ought to be considered a Pirate, havingno commission, and the English will not fail to say that you had so fullyacknowledged the vessel to have been provided with requisite papers, thatyou had it surrendered to the owners; and will thence pretend to establishtheir legitimate possession of Nelson's river, before the said Radisson anddes Grozeliers had been there. " _New York Colonial MSS. _, Vol. IX. P. 221. ]Mr. Bridgar imbark'd himself on her with young Guillem for New Englandagainst my mynde, for I advis'd him as a friend to imbark himself on theffrench shipps, which were ready to saile for Rocheil. I foretold him whatcame to pass, that hee would lye a long while in New England for passage. Wee parted good ffriends, & hee can beare me witnesse that I intimated untohim at that time my affection for the English Intrest, & that I was stillof the same mynde of serving the King & the nation as fully &affectionately as I had now serv'd the ffrench. 

Eight or tenn days after my arrivall, Monsr. La Barre sent for me, to shewme a letter hee had receaved from Monsr. Colbert by a man-of-warr that hadbrought over some soldiers, by which hee writ him that those which partedlast yeare to make discoverys in the Northern parts of America being eitherreturned or would soon return, hee desired one of them to give the court anaccount of what they had don, & of what setlements might bee made in thoseparts; & the Governour told me that I must forthwith prepare myself to goesattisfy Monsr. Colbert in the business. I willingly accepted the motion, &left my business in the hands of Monsr. De La Chenay, although I had notany very good opinion of him, having dealt very ill by me; but thinking Icould not bee a looser by satisfying the prime Minister of state, althoughI neglected my owne privat affaires, I took leave of Monsr. La Barre, &imbark'd for france with my Brother-in-Law, the 11 9ber, 1683, in thefrigat that brought the soldiers, and arrived at Rochell the 18 of Xber, where I heard of the death of Monsr. Colbert; yet I continued my jorney toParis, to give the Court an account of my proceedings. I arriv'd at Pariswith my Brother-in-Law the 15th January, wher I understood ther was greatcomplaints made against me in the King's Councill by my Lord Preston, hisMajesty's Envoy Extrordinary, concerning what had past in the River andPort Nelson, and that I was accus'd of having cruelly abused the English, Robbed, stoln, and burnt their habitation; for all which my Lord Prestondemanded satisfaction, and that exemplary punishment might bee inflicted onthe offenders, to content his majesty. This advice did not discourage mefrom presenting myself before the Marquiss De Signalay, & to inform him ofall that had past betwixt the English and me during my voyadge. Hee foundnothing amiss in all my proceedings, wherof I made him a true relation; andso farr was it from being blamed in the Court of france, that I may say, without flattering my self, it was well approved, & was comended. [Footnote: Louis XIV. To De la Barre, to April, 1684: "The King of Englandhas authorized his ambassador to speak to me respecting what occurred inthe river Nelson between the English and Radisson and des Grozelliers, whereupon I am happy to inform you that, as I am unwilling to afford theKing of England any cause of complaint, & as I think it important, nevertheless, to prevent the English establishing themselves on that river, it would be well for you to have a proposal made to the commandant atHudson's Bay that neither the French nor the English should have power tomake any new establishments; to which I am persuaded he will give hisconsent the more readily, as he is not in a position to prevent those whichmy subjects wish to form in said Nelson's river. "] I doe not say that Ideserv'd it, only that I endeavor'd, in all my proceedings, to dischargethe part of an honnest man, and that I think I did no other. I referr it tobee judged by what is contain'd in this narrative, which I protest isfaithfull & sincere; and if I have deserved the accusations made against mein the Court of ffrance, I think it needlesse to say aught else in myjustification; which is fully to bee seen in the Relation of the voyadge Imade by his Majesty's order last year, 1684, for the Royal Company ofHudson's Bay; the successe and profitable returns whereof has destroyed, unto the shame of my Ennemys, all the evell impressions they would havegiven of my actions. 

VOYAGES OF PETER ESPRIT RADISSON. 

_Relation of the Voyage of Peter Esprit Radisson, Anno_ 1684. 

_(Translated from the French. )_

 * * * * *

I have treated at length the narrative of my voyage in the years 1682 and1683, in Hudson's Bay, to the North of Canada. Up to my arrival in the cityof Paris, all things were prepared for the fitting out of the ships withwhich I should make my return to the North of Canada, pending thenegotiations at Court for the return to me of every fourth beaver skin thatthe very Christian King took for the customs duty, which had been promissedto me in consideration of my discoveries, voyages, and Services; by which Ihoped to profit over & above my share during the first years of thatestablishment. It was also at the same time that my Lord Viscount Preston, Minister Extraordinary from the King at the Court of France, continued topursue me concerning the things of which I was accused by the accountagainst me of the gentlemen of the Royal Hudson's Bay Company; my enemieshaving taken due care to publish the enormous crimes of which I wascharged, & my friends taking the pains to support me under it, & to give meadvice of all that passed. Although at last no longer able to suffer anyone to tax my conduct, I considered myself obliged to undeceive each one. Iresolved at length within myself to speak, to the effect of making itappear as if my dissatisfaction had passed away. For that effect I madechoice of persons who did me the honor of loving me, and this was done inthe conversations that I had with them upon the subject. That my heart, little given to dissimulation, had avowed to them, on different occasions, the sorrow that I had felt at being obliged to abandon the service ofEngland because of the bad treatment that I had received from them, & thatI should not be sorry of returning to it, being more in a condition than Ihad been for it, of rendering service to the king and the nation, if theywere disposed to render me justice and to remember my services. I spokealso several times to the English Government. I had left my nephew, son ofSieur des Groseilliers, my brother-in-law, with other Frenchmen, near PortNelson, who were there the sole masters of the beaver trade, which ought tobe considerable at that port, and that it depended upon me to make itprofitable for the English. All these things having been reported by one ofmy particular friends to the persons who are in the interest of theGovernment, they judged correctly that a man who spoke freely in thatmanner, & who made no difficulty in letting his sentiments be known, & whoshewed by them that it was possible to be easily led back, by renderingjustice to him, to a party that he had only abandoned throughdissatisfaction, I was requested to have some conferences with these samepersons. I took in this matter the first step without repugnance, & uponthe report that was made to my Lord Preston of things that we had treatedupon in the interviews, & of that of which I claimed to be capable ofdoing, I was exhorted from his side of re-entering into my firstengagements with the English; assuring me that if I could execute thatwhich I had proposed, I should receive from His majesty in England, & fromHis Royal Highness of the Hudson's Bay Company, & from the Government, allkinds of good treatment & an entire satisfaction; that, moreover, I neednot make myself uneasy of that which regarded my interests, this ministerbeing willing himself to be charged with the care of me, to preserve them, & of procuring me other advantages after that I should be put in a positionof rendering service to the King his master. They represented to me againthat His Royal Highness honoring the Hudson's Bay Company with hisprotection, it would pass even on to me if I would employ upon it mycredit, my attentions, & the experience that I had in the country of theNorth, for the utility & the benefit of the affairs of that Company, inwhich His Royal Highness took great interest. 

At the same time I received some letters at Paris from the Sieur EcuyerYoung, one of those interested in the Hudson's Bay Company, in which hesolicited me on his part, & in the name of the Company, to return intoEngland, giving me some assurances of a good reception, & that I shouldhave reason to be satisfied on my part in regard to my particularinterests, as well as for some advantages that they would make me. Theseletters, joined to those in which my Lord Preston continued his urgenciesagainst me to the very Christian King, decided me to determine, by thecounsel of one of my friends, to yield myself at last to all theirsolicitations of passing over to England for good, & of engaging myself sostrongly to the service of His Majesty, & to the interests of the Nation, that any other consideration was never able to detach me from it. There wasonly my Lord Preston, some of his household, & the friend who hadcounselled me to come into England, who knew of my design. I took care tosave appearances from suspicion by the danger in which I exposed myself, &up to the evening of my departure I had some conferences with the ministersof the Court of France, & the persons who there have the departments of themarine & commerce, upon some propositions of armament, & the Equipment ofthe Ships destined for my 2nd voyage. They wished to bind me to make themupon the same footing as the proceeding, which has made since then the talkof the two nations. 

The day of my departure was fixed for the 24th of April, 1684; but at last, that those with whom I was obliged to confer daily by order of theMinisters of France never doubted in the least of my discontinuing to seethem, I told them that I was obliged to make a little journey into thecountry for some family business, & I could be useful to them during thattime by going to London, where I arrived the 10th of May. 

At the moment of my arrival I had the honor of going to see the gentlemen, Ecuyer Young and the Chevalier Hayes, both of whom were interested in theHudson's Bay Company, who gave me a good reception in showing me the joythat they felt at my return, & in giving me such assurances that I shouldreceive on their part & on that of their company all manner ofsatisfaction. I then explained fully to them the nature of the service thatI expected to render to His Majesty, to the Company, & to the Nation, inestablishing the Beaver trade in Canada & making those to profit by it whowere interested, to the extent of 15 or 20, 000 Beaver skins that I hoped tofind already in the hands of the French that I had left there, that wouldcost to them only the Interest that I had in the thing, & the justsatisfaction that was owing to the French who had made the trade for them. 

These gentlemen having received in an agreeable manner my proposition, &wishing to give me some marks of their satisfaction, did me the honour ofpresenting me to His Majesty & to His Royal Highness, to whom I made mysubmission, the offer of my very humble services, a sincere protestationthat I would do my duty, that even to the peril of my life I would employall my care & attention for the advantage of the affairs of the Company, &that I would seek all occasions of giving proof of my zeal & inviolablefidelity for the service of the King, of all which His Majesty & His RoyalHighness appeared satisfied, & did me the favour of honouring me with someevidences of their satisfaction upon my return, & of giving me some marksof their protection. 

After that I had several conferences in the assembled body, & in particularwith the gentlemen interested in the Hudson's Bay Company, in which I madethem acquainted in what manner it was necessary for them to proceed therefor establishing to the best advantage the Beaver trade in the Northerncountry, the means of properly sustaining it, & of ruining in a short timethe trade with foreigners, & to that end I would commence by becomingmaster of both the fort & the settlement of the French, as well as of allthe furs that they had traded for since my departure, on the condition thatmy influence would serve to convert them, & that my nephew whom I had leftcommandant in that fort & the other French would be paid what would be tothem their legitimate due. These gentlemen, satisfied with what I had saidto them, believed with justice that they would be able to have entireconfidence in me. As for that, having resolved to entrust me with theirorders for going with their shipps, equipped & furnished with everything tofound that establishment in putting into execution my projects, they gavethe power of settling in my own mind & conscience the claims of my nephew &the other French, assuring me that they would be satisfied with the accountthat I would present to them. I accepted that commission with the greatestpleasure in the world, and I hurried with so much diligence the necessarythings for my departure, that in less than eight days I was in a conditionto embark myself. This was done even without any precaution on my part formy own interests, for I did not wish to make any composition with thesegentlemen. I said to them that since they had confidence in me, I wishedalso on my part to make use of it generously with them and remit everythingto the success of my voyage, and on my return, in the hope that I had thatthey would satisfy my honesty of purpose, and that after having given tothem some marks of my sincerity in executing the things to perform which Ihad engaged myself for their service, they would render me all the justicethat I had cause for hoping from gentlemen of honour and probity. The shipsdestined for Hudson's Bay and the execution of my design were ready to makesail, & myself being all prepared for embarking, I took leave of thegentlemen of the Company in giving them fresh assurances of the goodsuccess of my voyage if God did me the favour of preserving me from thedangers to which I went to expose myself; of which they appeared so wellsatisfied that the Chevalier Hayes dared not flatter himself of theadvantage that I promissed to him, that they should get from 15 to 20, 000Beavers that I hoped to find in the hands of the French, said, in embracingme, that the company would be satisfied if I had only 5, 000 of them there. 

The event has justified that which I predicted, and these gentlemen havenot been deceived in the hopes that I have given to them. I departed fromthe port of Gravesend the 17th of the same month of May, in the ship called"The Happy Return, " in the company of 2 others that these gentlemen sentalso to Port Nelson for the same reason. The winds having been favourablefor us, we arrived in a few days upon the western side of Buttons Baywithout anything happening to us worth mentioning, but the winds and thecurrents. We having been made to drift to the South of Port Nelson about 40leagues, and the ice having separated the ship in which I was from the 2others in Hudson's Straits, I began to doubt of succeeding in my enterpriseby the apprehension that I had that the 2 ships having arrived sooner thanours the men who were inside would not hazard themselves to take any stepwhich could at all do them any damage. Under this anxiety, knowing thenecessity that there was that I should arrive the first, I resolved toembark myself in a shallop that we had brought to be employed in anyservice that might be necessary. I ordered the captain to equip it, andalthough but little more than 20 leagues from Port Nelson, I put myself onboard with 7 men, and after 48 hours of fatigue, without having been ableto take any rest because of the danger that there was to us, we found bythe breadth of Hayes river, which having recognized, at last we touchedland at a point north of the river, where we landed with an Englishman whospoke good french, whom I wished to make accompany me in order that hemight be the witness of all that I did. 

After having come to land I recognized by certain marks that my nephew, having heard the noise of the cannon of the English ships, had come to theplace where we landed to know if his father or myself were arrived, andthat he had himself returned after having recognized that they were Englishshipps. These same marks gave me also to know that he had left me furtheraway from those that I had given him since I had established him forGovernor in my absence. The which should inform me of his condition and theplace where he was with his men; but I did not find it to the purpose ofgoing as far as that place, that I had not learned truly the condition ofthe English who had arrived in the country since I had departed from it. Iresolved then to embark myself afresh in the shallop to go and learn somenews. I encouraged for that purpose the 7 men who were with me, who were sodiligent that in spite of a contrary wind and tide we arrived in a verylittle time at the mouth of that great and frightful river of Port Nelson, where I had wished to see myself with such impatience that I had notdreamed a moment of the danger to which we had exposed ourselves. Thatpleasure was soon followed by another; for I saw at anchor in this sameplace 2 ships, of which one had the glorious flag of His Majesty hoistedupon his main mast, that I recognized to be the one that was commanded byCaptain Outlaw when the one in which I was passed had been separated fromthe 2 others. At the same time I made the shallop approach & I perceivedthe new Governor with all his men under arms upon the deck, who demanded ofus where our shallop came from, and who we were. Upon that I made myselfknown, & I went on board the ship, where I learned that the one which wasalongside was an English frigate that had wintered in the Port of Nelsonwith the Governor, which port they had abandoned to retire themselves forfear of being insulted by the French & the savages; but that having beenmet with by Capt Outlaw going out of the bay, he had returned, havinglearned that I had thrown myself into the service of England, and that Icame into the country to re-establish there everything to the advantage ofthe nation. 

My first care after that was of making myself informed of what had passedbetween the English & the French since my departure & their arrival. Bywhat the English told me I judged that it was proper to risque everythingto try to join my nephew as soon as possible, & the men that I had leftwith him; in fine, of endeavouring to reach them by kindness, or tointercept them by cunning, before they received the shock upon what designI came, for that was of extreme consequence. Thus without waiting for thearrival of the ship in which I had come, I resolved to embark myself uponthe same shallop, which was named "The Little Adventure;" which I did not, nevertheless, on the same day, because the Governor found it proper todelay the party until the following day, & of giving me other men in theplace of those that I had brought, who sound themselves fatigued. Iembarked myself on the morrow, early in the morning, with Captain Gazer;but the wind being found contrary, I had myself landed on the coast, withCaptain Gazer & the Englishman who spoke French, & after having sent backthe shallop with the other men, I resolved to go by land as far as theplace where I should find the marks of my nephew, which should make merecognise the place where he was & his condition. We marched, all three, until the morrow morning; but being arrived at the place where I had toldmy nephew to leave me some marks, which having taken up, I learned that he& his men had left our old houses & that they had built themselves anotherof them upon an island above the rapids of the river Hayes. After that wecontinued our route until opposite to the houses which had been abandoned, where I hoped that we should discover something, or at least that we shouldmake ourselves seen or heard by firing some reports of the gun & making ofsmoke; in which my attempt was not altogether vain, for after having restedsome time in that place we perceived 10 canoes of savages, who descendedthe river. I believed at first that it would be probable they had theresome French with them; that my nephew would be able to send to discover whowere the people newly arrived, which obliged me to tell Captain Gazer thatI should go down to the bank of the river to speak to them; that I prayedhim to await me upon the heights without any apprehension, & that in alittle while he would be able to render evidence of my fidelity for theservice of the Company. I was at the same moment met by the savages, & fromthe bank of the river I made them the accustomed signal, to the end ofobliging them to come towards me; but having perceived that they did notput themselves to the trouble of doing it, I spoke to them in theirlanguage, for to make myself known; which done, they approached the bank, &not recognising me, they demanded of me to see the marks that I had; whichhaving shown them, they gave evidence, by their cries & postures ofdiversion, the pleasure that they had of my arrival. I learned then fromthem that my nephew & the other Frenchmen were above the rapids of theriver, distant about 4 leagues from the place where I was, & that they hadtold them that my brother-in-law, des Groisille, should also come with me;which obliged me telling them that he was arrived, & that they would seehim in a few days. Then I told them that we had always loved them as ourbrothers, & that I would give them some marks of my amity, for which theythanked me in begging me to not be angry for that which, by counsel, theyhad been trading with the English, nor of that when I found them going tomeet their captain, who had gone across some woods, with 20 men, to theEnglish ships, to procure some powder & guns, which they did; that theirlaying over for a month, in awaiting for me, had compelled them, but thatsince I had arrived they would not go on farther, & that their chief, whomthey went to inform of my arrival, would speak more of it to me. As I hadoccasion for some one among them to inform my nephew that I was in thecountry, I asked of all of them if they loved the son of des Groisille, &if he had not some relation among them; upon which there was one of themwho said to me, "He is my Son; I am ready to do that which thou wishest;" &at that moment, he having landed, I made him throw his Beaver skin on theground, & after having called Captain Gazer, I spoke in these terms to thissavage in the presence of all the others: "I have made peace with theEnglish for love of you. They & I from henceforth shall be but one. Embracethis captain & myself in token of peace. He is thy new brother, & this onethy son. Go at once to him to carry this news, with the token of peace, &tell him to come to see me in this place here, whilst the savages of theCompany go to attend me to the mouth of the river. "

This savage did not fail to go & inform his son, my nephew, of my arrival, & of carrying to him the news of peace between the French & the English, during which we awaited with impatience his descent towards the place wherewe were; whom, nevertheless, did not arrive until the morrow, about 9o'clock in the morning. I saw at first appear my nephew, in a canoe with 3other Frenchmen, accompanied by another canoe of the savages that I hadsent, & which came in advance to inform me of the arrival of my nephew. Ipromised to this savage & his comrade each one a watch-coat, & returned tothem their Beaver skins, with the order of going to join those of theirnation, & to wait for me at the mouth of the river. After that, CaptainGazer, the Englishman who spoke French, & myself waded into the waterhalf-leg deep to land upon a little island where my nephew, with his men, would come on shore. He had arrived there before us, & he came to meet us, saluting me, greatly surprised at the union that I had made with theEnglish. We then proceeded all together in his canoe as far as our oldhouses, where I had the English and French to enter, & whilst theyentertained each other with the recital of their mutual hardships, I spokeprivately to my nephew in these terms:--

"It is within your recollection, without doubt, of having heard your fatherrelate how many pains & fatigues we have had in serving France duringseveral years. You have also been informed by him that the recompense wehad reason to hope for from her was a black ingratitude on the part of theCourt as well as on the part of the company of Canada; & that they havingreduced us to the necessity of seeking to serve elsewhere, the Englishreceived us with evidences of pleasure & of satisfaction. You know also themotives that have obliged your father & myself, after 13 years of service, to leave the English. The necessity of subsisting, the refusal that showedthe bad intention of the Hudson's Bay Company to satisfy us, have givenoccasion to our separation, & to the establishment that we have made, & forwhich I left you in possession in parting for France. But you ignore, without doubt, that the Prince who reigns in England had disavowed theproceedings of the Company in regard to us, & that he had caused us to berecalled to his service, to receive the benefits of his Royal protection, &a complete satisfying of our own discontents. I have left your father inEngland, happier than we in this, that he is assured of his subsistance, and that he commences to taste some repose; whilst I come to inform youthat we are now Englishmen, & that we have preferred the goodness &kindness of a clement & easy king, in following our inclinations, which areto serve people of heart & honour in preference to the offers that the Kingof France caused to be made to us by his ministers, to oblige us to workindirectly for his glory. I received an order, before leaving London, oftaking care of you, & of obliging you to serve the English nation. You areyoung, & in a condition to work profitably for your fortune. If you areresolved to follow my sentiments I never will abandon you. You will receivethe same treatment as myself. I will participate even at the expense of myinterests for your satisfaction. I will have a care also of those whoremain under my control in this place with you, & I shall leave nothingundone that will be able to contribute to your advancement. I love you; youare of my blood. I know that you have courage & resolution; decide foryourself promptly, & make me see by your response, that I wait for, thatyou are worthy of the goodness of the clement prince that I serve; but donot forget, above all things, the injuries that the French have inflictedupon one who has given his life to you, & that you are in my power. "

When my nephew had heard all that I had to say to him, he protested to methat he had no other sentiments but mine, & that he would do all that Iwould wish of him, but that he begged me to have care of his mother; towhich I answered that I had not forgotten that she was my sister, & thatthe confidence that he gave me evidence of had on that occasion imposedupon me a double engagement, which obliged me of having care of her & ofhim; with which, having been satisfied, he remitted to me the power ofcommandant that I had left to him, & having embraced him, I said to himthat he should appear in the assembly of the English & French as satisfiedas he should be, & leave the rest to my management. After which were-entered into the house, & I commanded one of the Frenchmen to go outimmediately & inform his comrades that all would go well if they shouldhave an entire confidence in me & obey all my orders, which doing, theyshould want nothing. I ordered also this same Frenchman to inform thesavages to come to me & work immediately with their comrades to bring backinto the house newly built the Beaver skins buried in the wood; & to thatend, to be able to work with more diligence, I told them I would doubletheir rations. Then I told my nephew to cross the river with the Frenchmanwho served him as interpreter, & go by land to the north side at therendezvous that I had given to the savages the preceding day, whilst Iwould make my way by water to the same meeting-place with Captain Gazer & 2other men who remained with me; the which having embarked in my nephew'scanoe, I descended the river as far as the mouth, where I found thesavages, who awaited me with impatience, they having been joined thefollowing day by 30 other canoes of savages that I had had warned todescend, by their captain who had come towards me. We were all together inthe canoes of the savages & boarded some ships which were stranded uponNelson's River. 

This was in that strait that the chief of the savages spoke to me of manythings, & who after having received from my hands one of the presentsdesigned for the chief of these nations, he told me that he & his peoplewould speak of my name to all the nations, to invite them to come to me tosmoke the pipe of peace; but he blamed strongly the English Governor fortelling him that my brother had been made to die, that I was a prisoner, &that he had come to destroy the rest of the French. The chief of thesavages added to the blame his complaint also. He said haughtily that theGovernor was unworthy of his friendship & of those of their old brotherswho commenced to establish it amongst them, in telling them suchfalsehoods. Grumbling & passion had a share in his indignation. He offeredseveral times to inflict injuries upon the governor, who endeavoured tojustify himself for these things that he had said to them throughimprudence against the truth. But the chief savage would not hear anythingin his defense, neither of those of the other Englishmen there; all of themwere become under suspicion. Nevertheless I appeased this difference by theauthority that I have upon the spirit of these nations; & after having madethe governor & the chief embrace, & having myself embraced both of them, giving the savage to understand that it was a sign of peace, I said to himalso that I wished to make a feast for this same peace, & that I had givenorders what they should have to eat. 

On such similar occasions the savages have the custom of making a speechprecede the feast, which consists in recognising for their brothers thosewith whom they make peace, & praise their strength. After having informedthe chief of the savages of the experience, strength, valour of the Englishnation, he acquitted himself with much judgment in that action, for whichhe was applauded by our and his own people. I said afterwards in presenceof his people that the French were not good seamen, that they were afraidof the icebergs which they would have to pass across to bring anymerchandise, besides that their ships were weak & incapable of resistancein the northern seas; but as to those of the English, they were strong, hardy, & enterprising, that they had the knowledge of all seas, & aninfinite number of large & strong ships which carried for them merchandisesin all weathers & without stoppage. Of which this chief, having fullevidence, was satisfied. 

He came to dine with us whilst his people were eating together of thatwhich I had ordered to be given them. The repast being finished, it was aquestion with me whether I should commence to open a trade; & as I hadformed the design of abolishing the custom which the English had introducedsince I had left their service, which was of giving some presents to thesavages to draw them to our side, which was opposed to that that I hadpractised, for in place of giving some presents I had myself made, I saidthen to the chief of the savages in the presence of those of his nation, "that he should make me presents that I ordinarily received on similaroccasions. " Upon that they spoke between themselves, & at length theypresented me with 60 skins of Beaver, in asking me to accept them as a signof our ancient friendship, & of considering that they were poor & farremoved from their country; that they had fasted several days in coming, &that they were obliged to fast also in returning; that the French of Canadamade them presents to oblige them to open their parcels; & that the Englishat the bottom of the bay gave to all the nations 3 hatchets for a Beaverskin. They added to that, that the Beaver was very difficult to kill, &that their misery was worthy of pity. 

I replied to them that I had compassion for their condition, & that I woulddo all that was in my power to relieve them; but that it was much morereasonable that they made me some presents rather than I to them, becausethat I came from a country very far more removed than they to carry to themexcellent merchandise; that I spared them the trouble of going to Quebec; &as to the difference in the trade of the English at the bottom of the Baywith ours, I told them that each was the master of that which belonged tohim, & at liberty to dispose of it according to his pleasure; that itmattered very little of trading with them, since I had for my friends allthe other nations; that those there were the masters of my merchandises whoyielded themselves to my generosity for it; that there were 30 years that Ihad been their brother, & that I would be in the future their father ifthey continued to love me, but that if they were of other sentiments, I wasvery easy about the future; that I would cause all the nations around to becalled, to carry to them my merchandises; that the gain that they wouldreceive by the succour rendered them powerful & placed them in a conditionto dispute the passage to all the savages who dwelt in the lands; that bythis means they would reduce themselves to lead a languishing life, & tosee their wives & children die by war or by famine, of which their allies, although powerful, could not guarantee them of it, because I was informedthat they had neither knives nor guns. 

This discourse obliged these savages to submit themselves to all that Iwished; so that seeing them disposed to trade, I said to them that as theyhad an extreme need of knives & guns, I would give them 10 knives for oneBeaver, although the master of the earth, the King, my sovereign, had givenme orders to not give but 5 of them, & that as for the guns, I would givethem one of them for 12 Beavers; which they went to accept, when theGovernor, through fear or imprudence, told them that we demanded of thembut 7 & up to 10 Beavers for each gun, which was the reason that it wasmade necessary to give them to the savages at that price. The trade wasthen made with all manner of tranquillity & good friendship. After whichthese people took their leave of us very well satisfied according to allappearances, as much in general as in particular of our proceeding, & thechief as well as the other savages promissed us to return in token of theirsatisfaction. But at the moment that they went to leave, my nephew havinglearned from a chief of a neighbouring nation who was with them that theywould not return, he drew aside the savage chief & told him that he hadbeen informed that he did not love us, & that he would return no more. Atwhich this chief seemed very much surprised in demanding who had told himthat. My nephew said to him, "It is the savage called Bear's Grease;" whichhaving heard, he made at the same time all his people range themselves inarms, speaking to one & to the other; in fine, obligeing the one who wasaccused to declare himself with the firmness of a man of courage, withoutwhich they could do nothing with him, but Bear's Grease could say nothingin reply. Jealousy, which prevails as much also among these nations asamong Christians, had given place to this report, in which my nephew hadplaced belief because he knew that the conduct of the Governor towards themhad given to them as much of discontent against us all as he had causedloss to the Company; the genius of these people being that one should neverdemand whatever is just, that is to say, that which one wishes to have foreach thing that one trades for, & that when one retracts, he is not a man. That makes it clear that there are, properly, only the people who haveknowledge of the manners & customs of these nations who are capable oftrading with them, to whom firmness & resolution are also extremelynecessary. I myself again attended on this occasion, to the end ofappeasing this little difference between the savages, & I effected theirreconciliation, which was the reason that their chief protested to meafresh in calling me "Porcupine's Head, ", which is the name that they havegiven me among them, that he would always come to me to trade, & thatwhereas I had seen him but with a hundred of his young men, he would bringwith him 13 different nations, & that he wanted nothing in his country, neither men nor beaver skins, for my service; after which they left us, &we dispersed ourselves to go and take possession of the house of my nephewin the manner that I had arranged with him for it. 

With this in view I parted with the Governor, Captain Gazer, & our peopleto go by land as far as the place where we had left one of our canoes uponthe river Hayes, whilst the other party went by sea with the shallop, "theAdventure, " to round the point. We had the pleasure of contemplating at ourease the beauty of the country & of its shores, with which the Governor wascharmed by the difference that there was in the places that he had seenupon Nelson's river. 

We embarked ourselves then in the canoe just at the place where the Frenchhad built their new house, where we found those who were left much advancedin the work that I had ordered them to do, but, however, very inquiet onaccount of having no news from my nephew, their commandant, nor of me. Theyhad carried all the beaver skins from the wood into the house & punctuallyexecuted all my other orders. 

Having then seen myself master of all things without having been obliged tocome to any extremity for it, the French being in the disposition ofcontinueing their allegiance to me, I made them take an Inventory of allthat was in the house, where I found 239 packages of beaver skins, to thenumber of 12, 000 skins, and some merchandise for trading yet for 7 or 8, 000more, which gave me much satisfaction. Then I told my nephew to give acommand in my name to these same Frenchmen to bring down the beaver skinsas far as the place where they should be embarked to transport them to theships, which was executed with so much diligence that in 6 days eight orten men did (in spite of difficulties which hindered them that we could goin that place but by canoes because of the rapidity & want of water thatthey had in the river) what others would have had trouble in doing in 6months, without any exaggeration. 

My nephew had in my absence chosen this place where he built the new housethat was, so to speak, inaccessible, to the end of guaranteeing himselffrom the attacks that they would be able to make against him; & it was thatsame thing which restrained the liberty of going & coming there freely &easily. The savages with whom we had made the trading, not having made somuch diligence on their route as we, for returning themselves into theircountry, having found out that I was in our house, came to me there todemand some tobacco, because that I had not given them any of that whichwas in the ships, because that it was not good, making as an excuse that itwas at the bottom of the cellar. I made them a present of some that mynephew had to spare, of which they were satisfied; but I was surprised onseeing upon the sands, in my walk around the house with the governor, rejected quantities of an other tobacco, which had been, according toappearances, thus thrown away through indignation. I turned over in my mindwhat could have possibly given occasion for this, when the great chief &captain of the savages came to tell me that some young men of the band, irritated by the recollection of that which the English had said to them, that my brother, des Groseilliers, was dead, that I was a prisoner, & thatthey were come to make all the other Frenchmen perish, as well as somereports of cannon that they had fired with ball in the wood the day that Iwas arrived, had thus thrown away this tobacco which had come from theEnglish by mistake, not wishing to smoke any of it. He assured me also thatthe young men had wicked designs upon the English; that he had divertedthem from it by hindering them from going out of the house. The Governor, who had difficulty in believing that this tobacco thrown upon the sands wasthe omen of some grievous enterprise, was nevertheless convinced of it bythe discourse of the savage. I begged him to come with me into the house, &to go out from it no more, with the other English, for some time; assuringthem, nevertheless, that they had nothing to fear, & that all the French &myself would perish rather than suffer that one of them should be in theleast insulted. After which I ordered my nephew to make all those savagesimbark immediately, so as to continue their journey as far as their owncountry, which was done. Thus we were delivered from all kinds ofapprehension, & free to work at our business. 

In the mean while I could not admire enough the constancy of my nephew & ofhis men in that in which they themselves laboured to dispossess themselvesof any but good in favour of the English, their old enemies, for whom theyhad just pretensions, without having any other assurances of theirsatisfaction but the confidence that they had in my promises. Besides, Icould not prevent myself from showing the pleasure that I experienced inhaving succeeded in my enterprise, & of seeing that in commencing to givesome proofs of my zeal for the service of the English Company I made itprofit them by an advantage very considerable; which gave them for thefuture assurances of my fidelity, & obliged them to have care of myinterests in giving me that which belonged to me legitimately, & acquittingme towards my nephew & the other French of that which I had promissed them, & that a long & laborious work had gained for them. After that, that is tosay, during the 3 days that we rested in that house, I wished to informmyself exactly, from my nephew, in the presence of the Englishmen, of allthat which had passed between them since that I had departed from thecountry, & know in what manner he had killed two Englishmen there; uponwhich my nephew began to speak in these words:--

"Some days after your departure, in the year 1683, the 27th of July, thenumber of reports of cannon-shots that we heard fired on the side of thegreat river made us believe that they came from some English ship that hadarrived. In fact, having sent 3 of my men to know, & endeavour tounderstand their design, I learned from them on their return that it was 2English ships, & that they had encountered 3 men of that nation a leaguefrom these vessels, but that they had not spoken to them, having contentedthemselves with saluting both. As my principal design was to discover theEnglish ones, & that my men had done nothing in it, I sent back 3 others ofthem to inform themselves of all that passed. These 3 last, having arrivedat the point which is between the 2 Rivers of Nelson & Hayes, they met 14or 15 savages loaded with merchandise, to whom, having demanded from whencethey were & from whence they had come, they had replied that their nationlived along the river called Nenosavern, which was at the South of that ofHayes, & that they came to trade with their brothers, who were establishedat the bottom of the Bay; after which my men told them who they were andwhere they lived, in begging them to come smoke with them some tobacco themost esteemed in the country; to which they freely consented, in making itappear to them that they were much chagrined in not having known soonerthat we were established near them, giving evidence that they would havebeen well pleased to have made their trade with us. 

"In continueing to converse upon several things touching trade, theyarrived together in our house, reserving each time that but one of themshould enter at once; which under a pretext of having forgotten something, one had returned upon his steps, saying to his comrades that they had leaveto wait for him at the house of the French, where he arrived 2 days after, to be the witness of the good reception that I made to his brothers, whom Imade also participants in giving to him some tobacco; but I discovered thatthis savage had had quite another design than of going to seek that whichhe had lost, having learned that he had been heard telling the othersavages that he had been to find the English, & that he was charged by themof making some enterprise against us. In fact, this villain, having seen mealone & without any defence, must set himself to execute his wicked design. He seized me by the hand, & in telling me that I was of no value since Iloved not the English, & that I had not paid him by a present for thepossession of the country that I lived in to him who was the chief of allthe nations, & the friend of the English at the bottom of the Bay, he letfall the robe which covered him, & standing all naked he struck me a blowwith his poniard, which I luckily parried with the hand, where I received alight wound, which did not hinder me from seizing him by a necklace that hehad around his neck, & of throwing him to the ground; which having given methe leisure of taking my sword & looking about, I perceived that the othersavages had also poniards in their hands, with the exception of one, whocried out, 'Do not kill the French; for their death will be avenged, by allthe nations from above, upon all our families. '

"The movement that I had made to take my sword did not prevent me fromholding my foot upon the throat of my enemy, & knew that that posture on mysword had frightened the other conspirators. There was none of them therewho dared approach; on the contrary, they all went out of the house armedwith their poniards. But some Frenchmen who were near to us, havingperceived things thus, they ran in a fury right to the house, where havingentered, the savages threw their poniards upon the ground in saying to usthat the English had promissed to their chief a barrel of powder & othermerchandise to kill all the French; but that their chief being dead, forthey believed in fact that he was so, we had nothing more to fear, becausethat they were men of courage, abhorring wicked actions. My people, havingseen that I was wounded, put themselves into a state to lay violent handson the savages; but I prevented any disturbance, wishing by thatgenerousity, & in sparing his life to the chief, to give some proofs of mycourage, & that I did not fear neither the English there nor themselves. After which they left us, & we resolved to put ourselves better upon ourguard in the future, & of making come to our relief the savages our allies. 

"Some days after, these savages, by the smoke of our fires, which were ourordinary signals, arrived at our house. According to their custom, theyhaving been apprised of my adventure, without saying anything to us, marched upon the track of the other savages, & having overtaken them, theyinvited them to a feast, in order to know from them the truth of thethings; of which having been informed, the one among them who was myadopted brother-in-law spoke to the chief who had wished to assassinate methus, as has been reported to me by him: 'Thou art not a man, because that, having about thee 15 of thy people thou hast tried to accomplish the end ofkilling a single man. ' To which the other replied haughtily, & withimpudence, 'It is true; but if I have missed him this autumn with thefifteen men, he shall not escape in the Spring by my own hand alone. ' 'Itis necessary, ' then replied my adopted brother-in-law, 'that thou makest medie first; for without that I shall hinder thy wicked design. ' Upon which, having come within reach, the chief whose life I had spared received a blowof a bayonet in the stomach, & another of a hatchet upon the head, uponwhich he fell dead upon the spot. In respect to the others, they did notretaliate with any kind of bad treatment, & they allowed them to retirewith all liberty, in saying to them that if they were in the design ofrevenging the death of their chief, they had only to speak, & they woulddeclare war upon them. 

"After that expedition these same savages our allies divided into twoparties, & without telling us their design descended to the place where theEnglish made their establishment; they attacked them & killed some of them, of which they then came to inform me, in telling me that they had killed agreat number of my enemies to avenge me of the conspiracy that they haddone me & my brother, and that they were ready to sacrifice their lives formy service; in recognition of which I thanked them & made them a feast, begging them not to kill any more of them, & to await the return of myfather & my uncle, who would revenge upon the English the insult which theyhad made me, without their tarnishing the glory that they had merited inchastising the English & the savages, their friends, of their perfidy. Wewere nevertheless always upon the defensive, & we apprehended beingsurprised at the place where we were as much on the part of the English, asof those of the savages, their friends; that is why we resolved of comingto establish ourselves in the place where we are at present, & which is, asyou see, difficult enough of access for all those who have not beenenslaved as we are amongst the savages. We built there this house in a fewdays with the assistance of the savages, & for still greater security weobliged several among them to pass the winter with us on the condition ofour feeding them, which was the reason that our young men parted in thesummer, having almost consumed all our provisions. During the winternothing worthy of mention passed, except that some savages made severaljuggles to know from our Manitou, who is their familiar spirit among them, if my father and my uncle would return in the spring; who answered themthat they would not be missing there, and that they would bring with themall kinds of merchandise and of that which would avenge them on theirenemies. 

"At the beginning of April, 1684, some savages from the South coast arrivedat our new house to trade for guns; but as we had none of them they went tothe English, who had, as I afterwards learned, made them Some presents &promissed them many other things if they would undertake to kill me withthe one of my men whom you saw still wounded, who spoke plainly thelanguage of the country. These savages, encouraged by the hope of gain, accepted the proposition and promissed to execute it. For that means theyfound an opportunity of gaining over one of the savages who was among us, who served them as a spy, and informed them of all that we did. Nevertheless they dared not attack us with open force, because they fearedus, & that was the reason why they proceeded otherwise in it; and this ishow it was to be done. 

"The Frenchman that you saw wounded, having gone by my orders with one ofhis comrades to the place where these savages, our friends, made somesmoked stag meat that they had killed, to tell them to bring me some of it, fell, in chasing a stag, upon the barrel of his gun, and bent it in such amanner that he could not kill anything with it without before havingstraightened it; which having done, after having arrived at the place wherethe savages were, he wished to make a test of it, firing blank at somedistance from their cabin; but whilst he disposed himself to that, one ofthe savages who had promissed to the English his death & mine, who wasunknown to several of his comrades amongst the others, fired a shot at himwith his gun, which pierced his shoulder with a ball. He cried out directlythat they had killed him, & that it was for the men who loved the French toavenge his death; which the Savages who were our friends having heard, wentout of their cabins & followed the culprit without his adherents daring todeclare themselves. But the pursuit was useless, for he saved himself inthe wood after having thrown away his gun & taken in its place his bow &his quiver. This behaviour surprised our allies, the savages, exceedingly, & obliged them to swear, in their manner, vengeance for it, as much againstthat savage nation as against the English; but not having enough guns forthat enterprise, they resolved to wait until my father and uncle hadarrived. In the mean time they sent to entreat all the nations who hadsworn friendship to my father & my uncle to come to make war upon theEnglish & the savages on the southern coast, representing to them that theywere obliged to take our side because that they had at other times acceptedour presents in token of peace & of goodwill; that as to the rest, we werealways men of courage, & their brothers. 

"As soon as these other nations had received intelligence of the conditionin which we were, they resolved to assist us with all their forces, & inwaiting the return of my father or my uncle to send hostages for it to givea token of their courage, in the persons of two of their young men. One ofthe most considerable chiefs among these nations was deputed to conductthem. I received them as I ought. This chief was the adopted father of myuncle, & one of the best friends of the French, whom I found adapted toserve me to procure an interview with the English, to the end of knowingwhat could possibly be their resolution. For that purpose I deputed thischief savage towards the English, to persuade them to allow that I shouldvisit them & take their word that they would not make me any insult, neither whilst with them nor along the route there, for which this chiefstood security. The English accepted the proposition. I made them a visitwith one of the French who carried the present that I had seat to makethem, in the manner of the savages, & who received it on their part for meaccording to custom. We traded nothing in that interview regarding ourbusiness, because I remembered that the English attributed directly thatwhich had been done against them to the savages. All the advantage that Ireceived in that step was of making a trade for the savages, my friends, ofguns which I wanted; although they cost me dear by the gratuity which I wasobliged to make to those who I employed there; but it was important that Ihad in fact hindered the savages from it who came down from the country totrade, of passing on as far as the English. The end of that invitation andthat visit, was that I promissed to the solicitation of the Governor of theEnglish of visiting there once again with my chief; after which we retiredto our house, where I was informed by some discontented savages not to goany more to see the English, because that they had resolved either toarrest me prisoner or of killing me. Which my chief having also learned, hetold me that he wished no more to be security with his word with a nationwho had none of it; which obliged us to remain at home, keeping up a verystrict guard. At the same time the river Hayes having become free, severaldetachments of the nations who were our allies arrived to assist us. TheAsenipoetes [Footnote: _Asenipoetes, Assinipoueles, Assenipoulacs, _ and, according to Dr. O'Callaghan, _Assiniboins_, or "Sioux of the Rocks. "]alone made more than 400 men. They were the descendants of the greatChristionaux of the old acquaintance of my uncle, & all ready to make warwith the English; but I did not find it desirable to interest them in itdirectly nor indirectly, because I did not wish to be held on the defensivein awaiting the return of my father or of my uncle, & that besides I knewthat several other nations who loved the French, more particularly thosewho would come to our relief at the least signal. In the mean time thechief of the Asenipoetes did not wish us to leave his camp around ourhouse, resolved to await up to the last moment the return of my uncle, ofwhom he always spoke, making himself break forth with the joy that he wouldhave in seeing him by a thousand postures; & he often repeated that hewished to make it appear that he had been worthy of the presents that theGovernor of Canada had made to him formerly in giving tokens of his zeal toserve the French. 

"The necessity for stores which should arrive in their camp partly hinderedthe effects of that praiseworthy resolution, & obliged the chief of theAsenipoetes to send back into his country 40 canoes in which he embarked200 men of the most feeble & of the least resolute. He kept with him a likenumber of them more robust, & those who were able to endure fatigue &hunger, and determined having them to content themselves with certain smallfruits, which commenced to ripen, for their subsistence, in order to awaitthe new moon, in which the spirit of the other savages had predicted thearrival of my uncle, which they believed infallible, because theirsuperstitious custom is of giving faith to all which their Manitoupredicts. They remained in that state until the end of the first quarter ofthe moon, during which their oracles had assured them that my uncle wouldarrive; but the time having expired, they believed their Manitou haddeceived them, & it was determined between them to join themselves with us& of separating in 2 bodys, so as to go attack the English & the savages atthe south; resolved in case that the enterprise had the success that theyexpected, of passing the winter with us, to burn the English ships in orderto remove the means of defending themselves in the Spring & of effectingtheir return. That which contributed much to that deliberation was someinformation which was given to them that the English had formed a design ofcoming to seek the French to attack them, which they wished to prevent. 

"These menaces on the part of the English were capable of producing badeffects, the genius of the savages being of never awaiting their enemies, but on the contrary of going to seek them. In this design the chief of theAsenipoetes disposed himself to march against the English with a party ofhis people; when 10 or 12 persons were seen on the northern side of theHayes river seeking for these same fruits on which the savages had livedfor some time, he believed that they were the advance guard of the English& of the savages from the South, whom he supposed united, who came toattack us; which obliged him to make all his men take their bows andarrows, after which he ranged them in order of battle & made this addressin our presence: 'My design is to pass the river with 2 of the mostcourageous among you to go attack the enemy, & of disposing of you in amanner that you may be in a condition of relieving me or of receiving me, whilst the French will form the corps of reserve; that our women will loadin our canoes all our effects, which they are to throw over in casenecessity requires it But before undertaking this expedition I wish thatyou make choice of a chief to command you in my absence or in case of mydeath. ' Which having been done at the moment, this brave chief addressingus said: 'We camp ourselves upon the edge of the wood with our guns, so asto hinder the approach of the enemy; & then it would be necessary to marchthe men upon the edge of the water, to the end that they should be in acondition to pass to support or to receive him, according to thenecessity. '

"After that he passes the river with 2 men of the most hardihood of histroops, who had greased themselves, like himself, from the feet up to thehead. Having each only 2 poniards for arms, their design was to go right tothe chief of the English, present to him a pipe of tobacco as a mark ofunion, & then, if he refused it, endeavour to kill him & make forthemselves a passage through his people with their poniards as far as theplace where they would be able to pass the river to be supported by theirmen. But after having marched as far as the place where the persons werewho they had seen, they recognized that it was some women; to whom havingspoken, they returned upon their steps, & said to us that there was nothingto fear, & that it was a false alarm. This general proceeding on their partgave us proofs of their courage & of their amity in a manner that theconfidence that we had placed in their help had put us in a condition offearing nothing on the part of the English nor of those there of thesavages of the South; and we were in that state when God, who is the authorof all things, & who disposes of them according to his good pleasure, gaveme the grace of my uncle's arrival in this country to arrest the course ofthe disorders, who could come & work for our reconciliation. That work somuch desired on both sides is accomplished. It depends not upon me that itmay not be permanent. Live henceforth like brothers in good union & withoutjealousy. As to myself, I am resolved, if the time should arrive, ofsacrificing my life for the glory of the King of Great Britain, for theinterest of the nation & the advantage of the Hudson's Bay Company, & ofobeying in all thirds my uncle. "

I found this with regard to repeating the recital that my nephew made usconcerning what had passed between him & the English & the savages, theirallies, that although he had apprised me of the true state in which the 2parties were at the time of my arrival, yet I also saw plainly the needthat the English had of being succoured, & the necessity that the Frenchhad for provisions, of merchandise, and especially of guns, which could notcome to them but by my means. 

But it is time to resume the care of our affairs, & to continue to renderan account of our conduct. Our people worked always with great applicationto transport the beaver skins a half league across the wood, for it was theroad that it was necessary to make from the house as far as the place wherethe shallops were, & they carried them to the little frigate, whichdischarged them upon the ships. I was always present at the work, for thepurpose of animating all our men, who gave themselves in this work no restuntil it was done, & that against the experience of the Captains of ourships, whom some had made believe that the business would drag at length;but having gone to them I assured them that if they were ready to do sothey could raise the anchor to-morrow. 

There things thus disposed of, it only disturbed me yet more to execute asecret order that the company had given me, leaving it, however, to myprudence and discretion. It was of retaining in its service my nephew andsome other Frenchmen, & above all the one who spoke the savage dialect, whowas the wounded one, to remain in the country in my absence, which I darednot promise myself. In the meantime I resolved to make the proposition tomy nephew, believing that after gaining him I should be able easily to addthe others also. I caused to assemble for that end 5 or 6 of the savages ofthe most consideration in the country with the Governor, & in theirpresence I said to him, that for the glory of the King & for the advantageof the company it was necessary that he should remain in the country. Towhich he was averse at first; but the Governor having assured him that hewould trust him as his own nephew, & that he would divide the authoritythat he had with him, & myself on my part having reproached him that he wasnot loyal to the oath of allegiance that he had sworn to me, these reasonsobliged him to determine, & he assured me that he was ready to do all thatI wished of him. What contributed much was the discourse that the savagesmade to him, telling him that I left him amongst them to receive in myabsence the marks of amity that they had sworn to me, & that they regardedhim as the nephew of the one who had brought peace to the nations & madethe union of the English & French in making by the same means the brothersof both. 

This last success in my affairs was proof to me of the authority that I hadover the French & the savages; for my nephew had no sooner declared that hesubmitted himself to do what I wished, than all the other Frenchmen offeredthemselves to risk the ennui of remaining in the country, although mydesign was only to leave but two of them; & the savages on their part burstout in cries of joy in such a manner that I no more considered after thatbut to put an end to all things. 

All our beaver skins having been embarked, I resolved, after having puteverything into tranquil & assured state for my return into England, wheremy presence was absolutely necessary, to make known to the Company in whatmanner it was necessary to act to profit advantageously the solidestablishment that I came to do & the things which were of indispensiblenecessity in the country to facilitate the trade with the savages &hindering them from making any of it with foreigners, that is to say, withthe French of Canada. 

I was then for the last time with my nephew at the house of our Frenchmen, to the end of leaving there some Englishmen. I found there a number ofsavages arrived to visit me, who called my nephew & myself into one oftheir cabins, where a venerable old man spoke to me in these terms:"Porcupine's head, thy heart is good & thou hast great courage, having madepeace with the English for the love of us. Behold, we have come towardsthee, old & young, wives & daughters & little children, to thank thee forit, & to recognise thee for our father. We wish to be the children & adoptfor our son thy nephew that thou lovest so much, & in fine to give thee aneternal mark of the obligation that we have to thee. We weep no morehenceforth except for the memory of those of whom thou bearest the name. "After which, having told one of the young people to speak, he fell like asif in a swoon, & the other spoke after that same manner: "Men & women, young men & children, even those who are at the breast, remember this onehere for your father. He is better than the sun who warms you. You willfind always in him a protector who will help you in your needs & consoleyou in your afflictions. Men, remember that he gave you guns during thecourse of the year for you to defend yourselves against your Enemies, & tokill the beasts who nourish you & your families. Wives, consider that hegave you hatchets & knives with which you banish hunger from your country;daughters & children, fear nothing more, since the one who is your fatherloves you always, & that he gave you from time to time all that isnecessary for you to have your subsistance. We all together weep no more, on the contrary give evidence by cries of our mirth that we have beheld theman of courage;" & at the same time they set themselves to cry with alltheir might, weeping bitterly for the last time, in saying, "We have lostour father; [Footnote: "But here is one that you adopt for your father. "_Note by Radisson, _] we have lost our children. " [Footnote: "Here is thenephew of your father, who will be your son; he remains with you & he willhave care of his mothers. " _Note by Radisson, _]

After that piteful music they all came to be acknowledged. To beacknowledged by our adoption with some presents, & covering us with robesof white beaver skins, giving us quantities of beavers' tails, Somebladders of stag's marrow, several tongues of the same animal smoked, thatwhich is the most exquisite to eat among them. They also presented us twogreat copper boilers full of smoked & boiled flesh, of which we ate alltogether, they, the English, & ourselves, & it is what is called a feastamong these nations. After that I said adieu to them, & having given chargein the house what should be embarked in the ship, I went down to the mouthof the River, where Captain Gazer worked to build a fort in the same placewhere the preceding year Sieur Bridger had made to be constructed hisshallop. It was the most advantageous situation that he had been able tofind, & I advised that he should make all the diligence possible; but hehad some men who by their delicacy were incapable of responding to hisvigilence. I made this observation because I hold it for a maxim that oneshould only employ men robust, skilful, & capable of serving, & that thosewho are of a complexion feeble, or who flatter themselves of havingprotection & favour, ought to be dismissed. 

Then we passed to the place where the ships were, because my design was tooblige by my presence the captains to return to their ships ready to makesail; but I was no sooner arrived there than a savage came to inform methat my adopted father, whom I had not seen because that he was at thewars, waited for me at the place where Captain Gazer was building the Fortof which I came to speak. That is why I resolved to go there, & I expressedthe same hope to the savage whom I sent back to give information to myfather that the Governor would come with me to make some friendship to him& protect him in my absence. It was with the consent of the Governor & uponhis parole that I had told him that; nevertheless he did not wish to come, & I was for the first time found a liar among the savages, which is of adangerous consequence, for these nations have in abomination this vice. Hecame to me, however, in no wise angry in that interview, & I received noteven a reproach from him. 

When I was at the rendezvous they told me that my adopted father was goneaway from it because I had annoyed a savage, for he had been informed thatI had arrived to see him. This savage having remembered the obligation toreturn, although very sad on account of some news that he had learned uponthe road, which was that the chief of the nation who inhabited the heightabove the river Neosaverne, named "the bearded, " & one of his sons, whowere his relations, had been killed in going to insult those among thesavages who were set to the duty of taking care of the Frenchman who hadbeen wounded by a savage gained over by the English, after that he hadembraced me, & that he had informed me of the circumstance of that affaire, & the number of people he had as followers, I wrote to the Governor to cometo me in the place where we were, to make him know in effect that he mustafter my departure prevent the continuation of these disorders in virtue ofthe treaty of peace & of union that I had made in presence of the savagesbetween the French & the English. 

The Governor having arrived, I presented to him my adopted father, & saidto him that as it was the chief who commanded the nation that inhabited inthe place where they built the fort, I had made him some little presents byCaptain Gazer, & that it was also desirable that he make some to him, because I had promissed some the preceeding year that I had not given;which the Governor found very bad, & he became irritated even against thischief without any cause for it; except that it might be because he was myadopted father, & I have learned since that he was angry that when I hadarrived I had not given any present to a simple savage who served as a spy, who was the son of that chief called "the bearded. " That was a horribleextravagence; for this Governor was inferior to me, & I was not under anyobligation to recognize his favor; besides, I had never made any presentsbut to the chiefs of the nations. Moreover, it was not for our Governor tocensure my conduct. I had received some independent orders, which had beengiven me on account of the outrage that he had committed; but acting forthe service of my King and for those of the Company, I passed it over insilence. I saw that it would be imprudent if I should speak my sentimentsopenly to a man who after my departure should command all those whoremained in the country. [Footnote: "That would have perhaps drawn upon himsome contempt. " _Note by Radisson. _ ] I contented myself then with lettinghim know the inconveniences which would happen from the indifference thathe affected to have for the chief of the savage nations, & I exhorted himalso to change at once his policy in regard to my adopted father; not bythat consideration, but because that he was, as I said to him, the chief ofthe nations which inhabited the place where they built the fort, which hepromissed me of undoing. After that I went on board our ship. 

My nephew, who remained in the fort with the Governor, having learned thatthe ships were ready to leave, kept himself near me with the French whom Ihad resolved to leave in Canada, to say adieu to me, & it was in thecompany of this Governor that they made the journey, during which, as Ihave since learned from my nephew, he showed to them more good will than hehad yet done, assuring them that they should never want anything, & inconsideration of me they would receive the same treatment as himself. Thebehaviour that my nephew & the other Frenchmen had shown gave no reason fordoubting the sincerity of their protestations. They no longer believed thatany one could have any mistrust of them. My nephew & his interpreter hadbeen solicited to remain in the country to serve the company, & they hadconsented to it without a murmur because I had charged myself with the careof their interests in England. All that passed in the presence and by thepersuasions of the Governor. Nevertheless, behold a surprising change whichcame to pass by the inconstancy, the caprice, & the wicked behaviour ofthis same Governor. 

I disposed myself to part with the other Frenchmen, when the Governor, having come aboard of the little frigate, caused a signal to be made tohold a council of war. Upon this the Captains of the ships & myselfrendered ourselves on board, where my nephew followed us, remaining uponthe poop, whilst the officers & myself were in the room where this Governordemanded of us, at first, if we had any valid reasons why he should notsend back in the ships all the Frenchmen who were in the country; to allwhich the others having said nothing, I was obliged to speak in theseterms: "At my departure from England I received a verbal order from thecompany, in particular from Sir James Hayes, to leave in the country wherewe are as many of the Frenchmen as I should find desirable for the good &advantage of the company. I have upon that resolved to engage my nephew &his interpreter to remain in it, & I have come for that end, by myattendance, for the consent of the Governor, who demands to-day that theymay be sent back as people who apparently are known to him as suspected. Ihave always believed, & I believe it still, that their presence is usefulin this Country and also necessary to the Company, and it was difficult tobe able to overlook two, because they are known to all the nations. It isalso upon them that I have relied for the Security of the merchandiseswhich are left behind at the houses of the French, because without theirassistance or their presence they would be exposed to pillage. NeverthelessI do not pretend to oppose my self to the design that the Governor has putin execution & the proposition that he proposes making. He is free to undowhat he pleases, but he cannot make me subscribe to his resolutions, because I see that they are directly opposed to those of the Company, to myinstructions, and to my experience. On the contrary, I will protest beforeGod and before men against all that he does, because, after what he hassaid to you, he is incapable of doing what is advantageous for his masters. It is in vain that one should give him good councels, for he has not thespirit to understand them, that he may again deal a blow to which he wouldwish I opposed nothing. "

This declaration had without doubt made some impression upon a spirit notanticipated in an imaginary capacity of governor; but this one here, on thecontrary, fortified himself in his resolution, & begged me to tell theFrench to embark themselves, without considering that my nephew had nottime enough to go seek his clothes, nor several bonds that were due to himin Canada, which remained in the house of the French, and that I hadabandoned to him, to yield whatever I was in a condition of givingsatisfaction to him, & that in the hope that the Company would set up forhim the way exclusively. 

The Council after that broke up; but the Governor, apprehending that theFrenchmen would not obey, wished to give an order to the Captains to seizeupon them and put them on board. He had even the insolence of putting mefirst on the lists, as if I was suspected or guilty of something, for whichCaptain Bond having perceived, said to him that he should not make a chargeof that kind, as I must be excepted from it, because he remembered nothingin me but much of attachment for the service of his masters, & that theyshould take care of the establishment that we had made, & of the advantagesthat would accrue to the Company. They obliged the Governor to make anotherlist, and thus finished a council of war held against the interests ofthose who had given power to assemble them. The persons who had anyknowledge of these savages of the north would be able to judge of theprejudice which the conduct of this imprudent Governor would withoutcontradiction have caused the Company. Many would attribute his proceedingto his little experience, or to some particular hatred that he hadconceived against the French. Be it as it may, I was not of his way ofthinking; and I believed that his timidity & want of courage had promptedhim to do all that he had done, by the apprehension that he had of theFrench undertaking something against him; & what confirmed me in thatthought was the precaution that he had taken for preventing the French fromspeaking to any person since the day of council, for he put them away fromthe moment that we went away from them. I made out also that he had wantedbut the occasion of putting to the sword my nephew if he had had the leastpretext; but knowing his wicked designs, I made him understand, as well asthe other Frenchmen, that we were to go to England, & that he must notleave the ship, because we were at any moment ready to depart. 

Although this change surprised my nephew & his interpreter, neverthelessthey appeared not discontented with it, especially when I had assured them, as well as the other Frenchmen, that they would receive all kinds of goodtreatment in England, and that it would do them no harm in their personsnor in their pretensions. I left them then in the ship, and having embarkedmyself in the frigate, we were put ashore two leagues from the place wherethey were at anchor, to take on board some goods that remained on theshore, with more diligence than we had been able to make with the ships;which having succeeded in happily doing, we went to rejoin the ships at theplace where they were at anchor, in one of which my nephew and the otherFrenchmen were staying during this time without having taken the leaststep, although they were in a condition for any enterprise, because theycould easily render themselves masters of the two ships and burn them, having there for both but two men and one boy in each; after which theycould also, without danger, go on shore on the south side with the canoesof the savages, who were from the north, and then make themselves mastersof their houses and their merchandise, which were guarded but by two men;but to go there to them, he made doubts of all that I had told him, andthat it would be ill intentioned to the service of the company, as it wasto the Governor. That is why they were not capable, neither those nor theothers, after having submitted themselves & having taken the oath offidelity as they had done. 

At length, after having suffered in my honour and in my probity many thingson the part of the Governor, [Footnote: "Before Radisson's arrival, Capt. John Abraham had been to Port Nelson with supplies of stores, & finding MrBridgar was gone, he staid himself, & was continued Governor by the Companyin 1684. " _Oldmixon_. ] and much fatigue and indisposition of trouble and ofcare in my person, to come to the end of my design, having happilysucceeded, and all that was to be embarked in the ships being on board, wemade sail the 4th day of September, 1684, and we arrived at the Downs, without anything passing worth mentioning, the 23rd of October of the sameyear. 

The impatience that I had of informing the Gentlemen of the Hudson's BayCompany of the happy success of my voyage, and our return, and that I hadacquitted myself for the service of the King and their own interest in allthe engagements into which I had entered, obliged me to mount a horse thesame day, to present myself in London, where I arrived at midnight. Allwhich did not hinder me, so the Sieur Ecuyer Young was informed, who wasone of those interested, who having come to me on the morrow morning totake me, did me the honour to present me to His Majesty and to His RoyalHighness, to whom I rendered an account of all which had been done; and Ihad the consolation of receiving some marks of the satisfaction of thesegreat princes, who in token gave order to the Sieur Ecuyer Young to tellthe company to have care of my interests, & to remember my services. 

Some days after, I went before the Committee of the Hudson's Bay Company, to render to it an account of my conduct, hoping to receive theirapprobation of my proceeding as the first fruits of the just satisfaction &recompence which was my due; but in place of that I found the members ofthe Committee for the most part offended because I had had the honour ofmaking my reverence to the King and to his Royal Highness, & these samepersons continued even their bad intention to injure me, and, under pretextof refusing me the justice which is due to me, they oppose themselves alsoto the solid and useful resolutions that are necessary for the glory of hisMajesty and the advantage of the Nation and their own Interest. 

FINIS. 

OFFICERS OF THE PRINCE SOCIETY. 1885. 

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 _President_. THE REV. EDMUND F. SLAFTER, A. M. BOSTON, MASS. 

 _Vice-Presidents_. JOHN WARD DEAN, A. M. BOSTON, MASS. WILLIAM B. TRASK BOSTON, MASS. THE HON. CHARLES H. BELL, LL. D. EXETER, N. H. JAMES P. BAXTER, A. M. PORTLAND, ME. 

 _Corresponding Secretary_. THE REV. HENRY W. FOOTE, A. M. BOSTON, MASS. 

 _Recording Secretary_. DAVID GREENE HASKINS, JR. , A. M. CAMBRIDGE, MASS. 

 _Treasurer_. ELBRIDGE H. GOSS BOSTON, MASS. 

THE PRINCE SOCIETY. 

1885. 

 * * * * *

The Hon. Charles Francis Adams, LL. D. Boston, Mass. Charles Francis Adams, Jr. , A. B. Quincy, Mass. Thomas Coffin Amory, A. M. Boston, Mass. William Sumner Appleton, A. M. Boston, Mass. Walter T. Avery New York, N. Y. Thomas Willing Balch Philadelphia, Pa. George L. Balcom Claremont, N. H. Charles Candee Baldwin, M. A. Cleveland, Ohio. Charles E. Banks, M. D. Chelsea, Mass. Samuel L. M. Barlow New York, N. Y. James Phinney Baxter, A. M. Portland, Me. The Hon. Charles H. Bell, LL. D. Exeter. N. H. John J. Bell, A. M. Exeter, N. H. J. Carson Brevoort, LL. D. Brooklyn, N. Y. The Rev. Phillips Brooks, D. D. Boston, Mass. Sidney Brooks, A. M. Boston, Mass. John Marshall Brown, A. M. Portland, Me, John Nicholas Brown Providence, R. I. Joseph O. Brown New York, N. Y. Philip Henry Brown, A. M. Portland, Me. Thomas O. H. P. Burnham Boston, Mass. The Hon. Mellen Chamberlain, A. M. Chelsea, Mass. The Hon. William Eaton Chandler, A. M. Washington, D. C. George Bigelow Chase, A. M. Boston, Mass. Clarence H. Clark Philadelphia, Pa. Gen. John S. Clark Auburn, N. Y. The Hon. Samuel Crocker Cobb Boston, Mass. Ethan N. Coburn Charlestown, Mass. Jeremiah Coburn, A. M. Boston, Mass. Deloraine P. Corey Boston, Mass. Erastus Corning Albany, N. Y. Ellery Bicknell Crane Worcester, Mass. Abram E. Cutter Charlestown, Mass. William M. Darlington Pittsburg, Pa. John Ward Dean, A. M. Boston, Mass. Charles Deane, LL. D. Cambridge, Mass. Edward Denham New Bedford, Mass. John Charles Dent Toronto, Canada. Prof. Franklin B. Dexter, A. M. New Haven, Ct. The Rev. Henry Martyn Dexter, D. D. Boston, Mass. Samuel Adams Drake Melrose, Mass. Henry Thayer Drowne New York, N. Y. Henry H. Edes Charlestown, Mass. Jonathan Edwards, A. B. , M. D. New Haven, Ct. William Henry Egle, A. M. , M. D. Harrisurg, Pa. Janus G. Elder Lewiston, Me. Prof. William Elder, A. M. Waterville, Me. Samuel Eliot, LL. D. Boston, Mass. The Hon. William M. Evarts, LL. D. New York, N. Y. Joseph Story Fay Woods Holl, Mass. John S. H. Fogg, M. D. Boston, Mass. The Rev. Henry W. Foote, A. M. Boston, Mass. Samuel P. Fowler Danvers, Mass. James E. Gale Haverhill, Mass. Isaac D. Garfield Syracuse, N. Y. Julius Gay, A. M. Farmington, Ct. Abner C. Goodell, Jr. , A. M. Salem, Mass. Elbridge H. Goss Boston, Mass. The Hon. Justice Horace Gray, LL. D. Boston, Mass. William W. Greenough, A. B. Boston, Mass. Isaac J. Greenwood, A. M. New York, N. Y. Charles H. Guild Somerville, Mass. David Greene Haskins, Jr. , A. M. Cambridge, Mass. The Hon. Rutherford B. Hayes, LL. D. Fremont, Ohio. Thomas Wentworth Higginson, A. M. Cambridge, Mass. W. Scott Hill, M. D. Augusta, Me. Amor Leander Hollingworth, A. M. Milton, Mass. James F. Hunnewell Charlestown, Mass. Henry Higgins Hurlbut Chicago, Ill. Theodore Irwin Oswego, N. Y. The Rev. Henry Fitch Jenks, A. M. Lawrence, Mass. The Hon. Clark Jillson Worcester, Mass. Sawyer Junior Nashua, N. H. D. S. Kellogg, M. D. Plattsburgh, N. Y. George Lamb Boston, Mass. Edward F. De Lancey New York, N. Y. Henry Lee, A. M. Boston, Mass. Henry Cabot Lodge, Ph. D. Boston, Mass. William T. R. Marvin, A. M. Boston, Mass. William F. Matchett Boston, Mass. Frederic W. G. May Boston, Mass. The Rev. James H. Means, D. D. Boston, Mass. George H. Moore, LL. D. New York, N. Y. The Rev. James De Normandie, A. M. Boston, Mass. Prof. Charles E. Norton, LL. D. Cambridge, Mass. John H. Osborne Auburn, N. Y. George T. Paine Providence, R. I. Nathaniel Paine Worcester, Mass. John Carver Palfrey, A. M. Boston, Mass. Daniel Parish, Jr. New York, N. Y. Francis Parkman, LL. D. Boston, Mass. Augustus T. Perkins, A. M. Boston, Mass. The Rt. Rev. William Stevens Perry, D. D. , LL. D. Davenport, Iowa. William Frederick Poole, LL. D. Chicago, Ill. Samuel S. Purple, M. D. New York, N. Y. The Rt. Rev. Charles F. Robertson, D. D. , LL. D. St. Louis, Mo. The Hon. Nathaniel Foster Safford, A. M. Milton, Mass. Gideon D. Scull London, Eng. Joshua Montgomery Sears, A. B. Boston, Mass. John Gilmary Shea, LL. D. Elizabeth, N. J. The Hon. Mark Skinner Chicago, Ill. The Rev. Carlos Slafter, A. M. Dedham, Mass. The Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A. M. Boston, Mass. Charles C. Smith Boston, Mass. Oliver Bliss Stebbins Boston, Mass. George Stewart, Jr. Quebec, Canada. The Rev. Increase Niles Tarbox, D. D. Newton, Mass. Walter Eliot Thwing Boston, Mass. William B. Trask Boston, Mass. Joseph B. Walker, A. M. Concord, N. H. William Henry Wardwell Boston, Mass. Miss Rachel Wetherill Philadelphia, Pa. Henry Wheatland, A. M. , M. D. Salem, Mass. John Gardner White, A. M. Cambridge, Mass. William H. Whitmore, A. M. Boston, Mass. Henry Austin Whitney, A. M. Boston, Mass. The Hon. Marshall P. Wilder, Ph. D. , LL. D. Boston, Mass. Henry Winsor Philadelphia, Pa. The Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, LL. D. Boston, Mass. Charles Levi Woodbury Boston, Mass. Ashbel Woodward, M. D. Franklin, Ct. J. Otis Woodward Albany, N. Y. 

 LIBRARIES. American Antiquarian Society Worcester, Mass. Amherst College Library Amherst, Mass. Astor Library New York, N. Y. Bibliotheque Nationale Paris, France. Bodleian Library Oxford, Eng. Boston Athenaeum Boston, Mass. Boston Library Society Boston, Mass. British Museum London, Eng. Concord Public Library Concord, Mass. Cornell University Library Ithaca, N. Y. Eben Dale Sutton Reference Library Peabody, Mass. Free Public Library Worcester, Mass. Free Public Library of Toronto Toronto, Canada. Gloucester Public Library Gloucester, Mass. Grosvenor Library Buffalo, N. Y. Harvard College Library Cambridge, Mass. Historical Society of Pennsylvania Philadelphia, Pa. Lancaster Public Library Lancaster, Mass. Library Company of Philadelphia Philadelphia, Pa. Library of Parliament Ottawa, Canada. Library of the State Department Washington, D. C. Literary and Historical Society of Quebec Quebec, Canada. Long Island Historical Society Brooklyn, N. Y. Maine Historical Society Portland, Me. Maryland Historical Society Baltimore, Md. Massachusetts Historical Society Boston, Mass. Mercantile Library New York, N. Y. Minnesota Historical Society St. Paul, Minn. Newburyport Public Library, Peabody Fund Newburyport, Mass. New England Historic Genealogical Society Boston, Mass. Newton Free Library Newton, Mass. New York Society Library New York, N. Y. Peabody Institute of the City of Baltimore Baltimore, Md. Plymouth Public Library Plymouth, Mass. Portsmouth Athensum Portsmouth, N. H. Public Library of Cincinnati Cincinnati, Ohio. Public Library of the City of Boston Boston, Mass. Redwood Library Newport, R. I. State Historical Society of Wisconsin Madison, Wis. State Library of Massachusetts Boston, Mass. State Library of New York Albany, N. Y. State Library of Rhode Island Providence, R. I. State Library of Vermont Montpelier, Vt. Williams College Library Williamstown, Mass. Woburn Public Library Woburn, Mass. Yale College Library New Haven, Ct. Young Men's Library Buffalo, N. Y. 

INDEX. 

AbaouicktigonionsAbraham, Capt. JohnAccadiaAhondirononsAkrahkuseronomsAlgonquinsAllmund, PeterAmickkoicksAmsterdamAndasstoueronomAndonanchrononsAnimal, a strangeAniot nationAnnikouayAnojotAnomiacksAnontackerononsAnticosti IslandAoveatsiovaenhrononsArendarrhonons go to OnondagaAriotachronomsArlington, LordAsenipoetesAsinipourAssenipoulacs. (See Asenipoetes. )AssickmackAssiniboins. (See Asenipoetes. )Assinipoueles. (See Asenipoetes. )AtcheligonensAttignaonantons join the MohawksAttignenonhacsAttikameguesAttionendarouksAttochingochrononsAuriniacksAvierononsAviottronons

B. 

Baffin's BayBaily, Capt. CharlesBarbadoesBasse, caught for oilBayly, Capt. Charles. (See Baily, Capt. Charles. )Bear Family. (See Attignaonantons. )Bear, White, the eating of makes men sickBears, abundance ofBeaversBeef IndiansBellinzany, MonsieurBerger, CaptainBersiamitesBlackberriesBoats of Oriniack skinsBond, CaptainBordeauxBostonBouchard, JeanBouchard-Darval familyBradley, MyrickBridgar, CaptainBrother. (_See_ Chouart, Medard. )Brough, definedBuffesButton's BayButton, Sir Thomas

C. 

Cadis, TheCagamite, definedCamseauCanadaCape de MagdelaineCape HenryCaper, the shipCarr, GeorgeCarr, Sir RobertCarriboucksCartaret, Sir GeorgeCarteret, Col. George. (_See_ Cartwright, Col. George. )Cartwright, Col. GeorgeCass, GovernorCasson, Dollier deCastorsCastors, skins used for bottles; sold by Indians for corn; a source of profit to the fathersCayuga villageCharles II. CharlevoixChaudiereChaumont, FatherChisedeckChristinos, TheChouart, Jean BaptisteChouart, Marie AntoinetteChouart, Medard; arrives in Canada; marries; a donne at Lake Huron; becomes a trader; called Sieur des Groseilliers; children of; travels with Radisson; called Des Groseilliers and spoken of as a brother of RadissonCitrullesClarke, J. V. H. Colbert, MonsieurCole, CaptainColleton, Sir PeterColonial Documents of New YorkCopper, abundance ofCopper wire used by IndiansCord family. (See Attignenonhacs. )Cows, wildCruelties of Indians

D. 

Dab-fishDablon, FatherD'Argenson, ViscountDe Frontinac, CountDe la Barre, GovernorDelheure, MonsieurDenier, MonsieurDe Seignelay, MarquisDes Groseilliers, --, nephew of Radisson --(See Chouart, Medard. )D'Estrees, Jean, CountDe WittDollard, AdamDoric RockDress of Indians. (See Indian Costume. )Drums of IndiansDu Chefneau, MonsieurDucks, abundance ofDuhamel, Rev. Joseph ThomasDuperon, Joseph InbertDupuys, Sieur

E. 

Eagle, the shipEhriehronomsElendsElksEllis's manuscriptsEnglandEressaronomsEruata, definedEscoteckeEscouteckEslanEsquimos

F. 

Fire IndiansFishes of large sizeFort AlbanyFort BourbonFort CharlesFort OrangeFort RichelieuFoucault, Nicolai JosephFranceFrench, the, break the treaty, and come into a collision in Hudson's Bay

G. 

GailliardsGazer, CaptainGenealogical Dictionary of Canadian FamiliesGien, a musical instrumentGillam, Captain ZachariahGillam, --, son of Captain ZachariahGoatsGodfrey, MargueriteGodfry, John BaptistaGooseberriesGorst, ThomasGrapesGreen PointGroseilliers. (See Chouart, Medard. )Guillam. (See Gillam. )Guinea, visited by RadissonGuitar

H. 

Hallow IsleHappy Return, the shipHayes RiverHayes, Sir JamesHayes, the sloop, capturedHight of St. LouisHollandHollandersHoriniac, definedHuattochronomsHudson's BayHudson's Bay CompanyHudson's Bay tradeHudson's StraitsHuron IslandsHuronsHurons, massacred by Iroquois, number of

I. 

Indian amusementsIndian costumesIndian council, describedIndian cruelties. (See Cruelties of Indians. )Indians, designated by their footmarks, Indians, eat human flesh, Indians, food ofIndians, funeral ritesIndians, luggage describedIndians, manner of cooking their meatIndians, manner of sweatingIndians, their musical instrumentsIndians, Nations of the North, nations of the SouthIndians, pierce their ears and nosesIndians, treachery ofIrelandIroquois join the Mohawks; massacre the HuronsIsle D'AneIsle D'EluticostyIsle of Cape BretonIsle of MontrealIsle of OrleansIsle of RichelieuIsle of SandIsle PerseIsles of ToniataItaly compared to America

J. 

Jacques, FatherJalot, JeanJaluckJames IIJames BayJesuits

K. 

Kakivvakiona RiverKawirinagaw RiverKechechewan RiverKeweena RiverKinoncheripiriniKionontaterononsKirke, Sir DavidKirke, Sir JohnKirke, Sir LewisKischeripiriniKnisteneaux. (See Christinos. )KonkhaderichononsKotakoaveteny

L. 

La HontanLake AssiniboinLake ChamplaineLake HuronLake of CastorsLake of the StinkingsLake OntarioLake St. FrancisLake St. LouisLake St. PeterLake SuperiorLe Gardeur, NoelLe Mercier, Father FrancisLichen, _tripe des roche_LondonLongpointLong Sault, massacre atLouis XIVLow Iroquois countryLyddel, Governor William

M. 

Maesoochy NadoneMaingonisMalhonminesMalhonninersManatte (See Manhattan and New Netherland. )ManhattanMantoneckMarie, MonsieurMaringoinesMartin, AbrahamMassacre of HuronsMassacre at Long SaultMatouchkariniMatonenocksMaverick, SamuelMedicine-bagMenadaMesnard, FatherMessipiMile IslandMinisigonsMinutes relating to Hudson's Bay CompanyMission, Jesuit, at Lake SuperiorMitchitamonMohawksMontignesMontmorency RiverMontrealMont RoyalMoose. (_See_ Castors and Elends. )Moose RiverMountaignaiesMusquetos. (_See_ Maringoines. )

N. 

NadoneNadonecerononNadoneceronons (_See_ Nation of Beefe. )NadoucenakoNadoucerononsNantucketNasaonakouetonsNation of Beefe (_See_ Nadoneceronons. )Nation of the SaultNations of the NorthNations of the SouthNeill, Rev. E. D. Nelson's HarborNelson's RiverNenosavern RiverNeosavern RiverNephew of Radisson. (_See_ Des Groseilliers. )New AmsterdamNew EnglandNew NetherlandNew YorkNew York Colonial MSS. Nicolls, Col. RichardNiel, GenevieveNipisiriniensNojottagaNoncet, Father JosephNonsuch, the shipNontageya. (_See_ Onondaga. )

O. 

Oats, Nation ofO'Callaghan, Dr. OctanacksOhcrokonanechrononsOiongoiconon. (_See_ Cayuga. )OjibwaysOkinotonameOldmixonOneida villageOneronomsOnondagasOnondaga village; number of Indians in that vicinity; missionOntorahrononsOrignalOrijonotsOrimha, definedOrinalOrinhaOriniacke; defined; how cookedOrmeaux, Sieur desOrturbiOscovarahronomsOslar, CaptainOttanaksOttersOuachegamiOuendackOugmarahronomsOuncisagayOuntchatarounonghaOutimagamiOutlaw, CaptainOvaouchkairingOvasovarinOxfordOyongoironons

P. 

PacoiquisParisParkman, FrancisPasnoestigonsPauabickhomesibsPeace of UtrechtPeerce IslandPepys, SamuelPerse, L'IslePictured RocksPierce, CaptainPiffingsPlains of Abraham, named after Abraham MartinPoint ComfortPoint of St. LouisPoirier, MariePontonatemickPorcelainePorpoises, whitePortall of St PeterPort NelsonPort RoyalPreston, LordPrince Rupert, the shipPrince RupertPumpkins

Q. 

Quebec; the Governor of, sends letter to Captain BailyQuinipigousek

R. 

Radisson, Claude Volant de St. CloudeRadisson, EtienneRadisson, Etienne VolantRadisson, FrancoisRadisson, Jean FrancoisRadisson, MargueriteRadisson, NicholasRadisson, Peter Esprit, emigrates to Canada; birth of; marriage; children of; trade with Indians; makes notes of his wanderings; title of first narrative; taken captive and escapes; embarks forHolland and France, title ofsecond narrative, returns to Canada, joins Jesuits, spends threeyears in travelling, third voyage, visits Lake Superior, offersto visit Hudson's Bay, meetsEnglish Commissioners, lawsuitagainst, visits Nantucket, taken to Spain, in England, accused of trying to counterfeitcoin, originated the Hudson'sBay Settlement, visits PrinceRupert, difficulty with Hudson'sBay Company, goes to Port Nelson, to France and England, with Hudson's Bay Company (1685), narrative of, described, owners of, first voyage, goes fowling, superstition of, captured by Indians, treatment of, taught to sing, dressed by Indians, wrestleswith an Indian, adopted, taken on a journey, meets anAlgonquin and escapes, recaptured, tortured, parentsprotect him, foster-father, goes with the natives on thewar-path, journey described, meets a strange animal, capturesprisoners, kills prisoners, divides booty, meets foster-friends, visits Fort Orange, refuses to escape, repents therefusal, escapes, reaches Menada, sails for Amsterdamand reaches Rochelle, second voyage, has Iroquoisguides, enters Lake St. Francis, treachery of Iroquois, reaches a great river, searchedby Indians, meets old friends, his boat driven from shore, witnesses birth of an Indianchild, meets Jesuits, treachery of Indians, builds aship, gives feast to Indians, escapes, reaches Lake Ontario, reaches Hight of St. Louis, and rests at Three Rivers, prepares to start upon another voyage, warned by an Indian, assaulted by Indians, someof the party return, fightsIndians, meets Indians fromHudson's Bay, made much of, describes the country, gives battle, rests for the winter, resumes his journey, forced to stop a year, calls acouncil, starts south, assaultedby Iroquois, arrives atQuebec, fourth narrative, proposes to make another voyage, assaulted by Iroquois, attacksIndian fort, Indians escape, attacks another fort, burial of Indians, kills his prisoners, reaches Lake of Castors, Lake Superior, findsmuch copper, compares thecountry with Turkey, namesthe Pictured Rocks, visitsHuron Islands, meets Christinos, builds fort, remainstwelve days, distributespresents, calls council, rests for the winter, famine, eats his dogs, visited byNadoneseronons, builds fort, council; feast;leaves with the nation of Sault;accident; sick; helped byan Indian; meets Christinos;voyages among the Islands;meets Nation of the Beefe;shows the Indians a Biblicalimage; hears of a river atthe north; at River of the Sturgeon;meets Iroquois; arrivesat the Sault; visitsplace of massacre; arrives atPort Royal; wronged; hisbrother goes to France; goes toIsle d'Eluticosty; and then toCape Breton; threatened bythe French; enters Hudson'sStraits; receives grant for fishing;goes to England; unsuccessfulattempt to leave that country;vindicates himself; hismarriage; his pension;brings his family to Canada;voyage to Guinea; in France;in England; in France;back to Canada; sails forQuebec and reaches Accadia;mutiny on the ship; enters Hudson'sStraits; visited by Indians;gives presents; meets English;arrival of a New Englandship; disputes their claim;loses winter provisions; visitsthe ships, but conceals the arrival ofone from the other; returnsto his house; hinders the spiessent by Bridgar; Sends provisionsto Bridgar; acts as Spy;visited by Gillam;words with Gillam; takesGillam's fort and ship; surprisedby Bridgar's men; letterto Bridgar; visit to Bridgar, who breaks his promise;Bridgar held a prisoner;goes to Bridgar's house; sendsa message to Indians; freshet;visits Bridgar, and findsmen sick; helps Bridgar todepart; Indian council;Bridgar makes trouble; weighsanchor; gives the bark toBridgar; is driven ashore;finds a fine harbor; arrives atQuebec; restores ship to theNew England merchants; letterfrom Colbert; goes to France;complaints against; notproven; dissembles; Frenchand English desire his co-operation, but he joins the English;presented to the King; sailsfrom England; arrives at HayesRiver; meets the Governor atPort Nelson; meets savages;meets his nephew; conferencewith his nephew; collectsbeaver skins; savagescomplain of the Governor; conciliatesthe savages; divideshis party; makes an inventoryof his stores; finds tobaccoscattered, as an omen; sendssavages away; nephew explainswhy he killed two Englishmen;loads ship with beaver skins;consults his nephew;places his affairs in the hands of hisnephew and the Governor;leave-taking with the Indians; goes aboard ship, meets his foster-father, advises the Governor to change his policy, counsel on ship-board, disagrees with Governor, sails for and arrives in England, gives account of his voyage to the king, and goes before the Hudson Bay Company, who refuse to give him his due, Radisson, Pierre, son of PeterRagueneau, Father PaulRaynbault, FatherRensselaerswyckRiceRiver of CanadaRiver of RichelieuRiver of the MedowsRiver of the SturgeonRiver OvamasisRiver SaguenayRiver St. LawrenceRochelleRock family of IndiansRoquayRupert, PrinceRupert's River

S. 

Sable IslandSacgnes. (_See_ River Saguenay. )SacquenesSaegne. (_See_ River Saguenay. )SagahigaviriniSagamite, definedSagard-TheodatSagnes RiverSagnitaovigamaSagseggonsSaguenesSaint Peter'sSalt, Indian name forSalt, Nation of. (_See_ Nation of the Sault)Sanoutin CountrySault, Company ofSault, Indians of the. (_See_ Nation of the Sault)Sault of ColumestSchoolcraftSea-serpentsSeneca villageSenecas, theShea, J. G. Signelay. (_See_ De Seignelay, Marquis. )SiouxSioux of the RocksSkinchiohronomsSloane, Sir HansSocoquisSononteeonon. (_See_ Seneca. )SonontuerononsSorel, SieurSpainSquerellsStagsStairing hairesStannard, CaptainStraits of New FoundlandSturgeons

T. 

Tabittee IndiansTadousacTanguay, Abbe CyprianTatangaTatargaTatousac RiverThree RiversTitasconsTiviseimiTobacco Scattered on the land, an omen of troubleTobagaTontataratonhronomsTouret, Elie GodefroyTourne Sol, how madeTrade-standard with IndiansTrees paintedTrinivoickTrips, _tripe des roche_Tsonnontonan. (_See_ Seneca village. )Turkey in Europe compared to AmericaTurkeysTurquois stone

U. Utrecht, Peace of

V. 

Vimont, FatherVirginia

W. 

Wampum

Y. 

York, Duke ofYork, _alias_ Fort BourbonYoung, Sieur Ecuyer