INAUGURAL ADDRESSES OF THE PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES

FROM GEORGE WASHINGTON TO GEORGE W. BUSH

1789-2005

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GEORGE WASHINGTON, FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS

IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK THURSDAY, APRIL 30, 1789

[Transcriber's note: The Nation's first chief executive took his oathof office in April in New York City on the balcony of the Senate Chamberat Federal Hall on Wall Street. General Washington had been unanimouslyelected President by the first electoral college, and John Adams waselected Vice President because he received the second greatest number ofvotes. Under the rules, each elector cast two votes. The Chancellor ofNew York and fellow Freemason, Robert R. Livingston administered theoath of office. The Bible on which the oath was sworn belonged to NewYork's St. John's Masonic Lodge. The new President gave his inauguraladdress before a joint session of the two Houses of Congress assembledinside the Senate Chamber. ]

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:

Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled mewith greater anxieties than that of which the notification wastransmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the presentmonth. On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I cannever hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I hadchosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, withan immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years--a retreatwhich was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to meby the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptionsin my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the otherhand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of mycountry called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and mostexperienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into hisqualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who(inheriting inferior endowments from nature and unpracticed in theduties of civil administration) ought to be peculiarly conscious of hisown deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is thatit has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a justappreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All Idare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too muchswayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by anaffectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence ofmy fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacityas well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and itsconsequences be judged by my country with some share of the partialityin which they originated. 

Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to thepublic summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarlyimproper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications tothat Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in thecouncils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every humandefect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties andhappiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted bythemselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrumentemployed in its administration to execute with success the functionsallotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author ofevery public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses yoursentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow-citizens atlarge less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adorethe Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those ofthe United States. Every step by which they have advanced to thecharacter of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished bysome token of providential agency; and in the important revolution justaccomplished in the system of their united government the tranquildeliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities fromwhich the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by whichmost governments have been established without some return of piousgratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessingswhich the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of thepresent crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to besuppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there arenone under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and freegovernment can more auspiciously commence. 

By the article establishing the executive department it is made the dutyof the President "to recommend to your consideration such measures as heshall judge necessary and expedient. " The circumstances under which Inow meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further thanto refer to the great constitutional charter under which you areassembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects towhich your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent withthose circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings whichactuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particularmeasures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and thepatriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as onone side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor partyanimosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which oughtto watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, onanother, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in thepure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminenceof free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can winthe affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world. Idwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love formy country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughlyestablished than that there exists in the economy and course of naturean indissoluble union between virtue and happiness; between duty andadvantage; between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimouspolicy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity; since weought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven cannever be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of orderand right which Heaven itself has ordained; and since the preservationof the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model ofgovernment are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, stakedon the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people. 

Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain withyour judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional powerdelegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is rendered expedientat the present juncture by the nature of objections which have beenurged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has givenbirth to them. Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on thissubject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from officialopportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in yourdiscernment and pursuit of the public good; for I assure myself thatwhilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger thebenefits of an united and effective government, or which ought to awaitthe future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristicrights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficientlyinfluence your deliberations on the question how far the former can beimpregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageouslypromoted. 

To the foregoing observations I have one to add, which will be mostproperly addressed to the House of Representatives. It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. When I was first honoredwith a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of anarduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated myduty required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation. Fromthis resolution I have in no instance departed; and being still underthe impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable tomyself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensablyincluded in a permanent provision for the executive department, and mustaccordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which Iam placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actualexpenditures as the public good may be thought to require. 

Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened bythe occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave;but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the HumanRace in humble supplication that, since He has been pleased to favor theAmerican people with opportunities for deliberating in perfecttranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimityon a form of government for the security of their union and theadvancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equallyconspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and thewise measures on which the success of this Government must depend. 

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GEORGE WASHINGTON, SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS

IN THE CITY OF PHILADELPHIA, MONDAY, MARCH 4, 1793

[Transcriber's note: President Washington's second oath of office wastaken in the Senate Chamber of Congress Hall in Philadelphia on March 4, the date fixed by the Continental Congress for inaugurations. Before anassembly of Congressmen, Cabinet officers, judges of the federal anddistrict courts, foreign officials, and a small gathering ofPhiladelphians, the President offered the shortest inaugural addressever given. Associate Justice of the Supreme Court William Cushingadministered the oath of office. ]

Fellow Citizens:

I am again called upon by the voice of my country to execute thefunctions of its Chief Magistrate. When the occasion proper for it shallarrive, I shall endeavor to express the high sense I entertain of thisdistinguished honor, and of the confidence which has been reposed in meby the people of united America. 

Previous to the execution of any official act of the President theConstitution requires an oath of office. This oath I am now about totake, and in your presence: That if it shall be found during myadministration of the Government I have in any instance violatedwillingly or knowingly the injunctions thereof, I may (besides incurringconstitutional punishment) be subject to the upbraidings of all who arenow witnesses of the present solemn ceremony. 

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JOHN ADAMS INAUGURAL ADDRESS

IN THE CITY OF PHILADELPHIA SATURDAY, MARCH 4, 1797

[Transcriber's note: The first Vice President became the secondPresident of the United States. His opponent in the election, ThomasJefferson, had won the second greatest number of electoral votes andtherefore had been elected Vice President by the electoral college. Chief Justice Oliver Ellsworth administered the oath of office in theHall of the House of Representatives in Federal Hall before a jointsession of Congress. ]

When it was first perceived, in early times, that no middle course forAmerica remained between unlimited submission to a foreign legislatureand a total independence of its claims, men of reflection were lessapprehensive of danger from the formidable power of fleets and armiesthey must determine to resist than from those contests and dissensionswhich would certainly arise concerning the forms of government to beinstituted over the whole and over the parts of this extensive country. Relying, however, on the purity of their intentions, the justice oftheir cause, and the integrity and intelligence of the people, under anoverruling Providence which had so signally protected this country fromthe first, the representatives of this nation, then consisting of littlemore than half its present number, not only broke to pieces the chainswhich were forging and the rod of iron that was lifted up, but franklycut asunder the ties which had bound them, and launched into an ocean ofuncertainty. 

The zeal and ardor of the people during the Revolutionary war, supplyingthe place of government, commanded a degree of order sufficient at leastfor the temporary preservation of society. The Confederation which wasearly felt to be necessary was prepared from the models of the Batavianand Helvetic confederacies, the only examples which remain with anydetail and precision in history, and certainly the only ones which thepeople at large had ever considered. But reflecting on the strikingdifference in so many particulars between this country and those where acourier may go from the seat of government to the frontier in a singleday, it was then certainly foreseen by some who assisted in Congress atthe formation of it that it could not be durable. 

Negligence of its regulations, inattention to its recommendations, ifnot disobedience to its authority, not only in individuals but inStates, soon appeared with their melancholy consequences--universallanguor, jealousies and rivalries of States, decline of navigation andcommerce, discouragement of necessary manufactures, universal fall inthe value of lands and their produce, contempt of public and privatefaith, loss of consideration and credit with foreign nations, and atlength in discontents, animosities, combinations, partial conventions, and insurrection, threatening some great national calamity. 

In this dangerous crisis the people of America were not abandoned bytheir usual good sense, presence of mind, resolution, or integrity. Measures were pursued to concert a plan to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the commondefense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings ofliberty. The public disquisitions, discussions, and deliberations issuedin the present happy Constitution of Government. 

Employed in the service of my country abroad during the whole course ofthese transactions, I first saw the Constitution of the United States ina foreign country. Irritated by no literary altercation, animated by nopublic debate, heated by no party animosity, I read it with greatsatisfaction, as the result of good heads prompted by good hearts, as anexperiment better adapted to the genius, character, situation, andrelations of this nation and country than any which had ever beenproposed or suggested. In its general principles and great outlines itwas conformable to such a system of government as I had ever mostesteemed, and in some States, my own native State in particular, hadcontributed to establish. Claiming a right of suffrage, in common withmy fellow-citizens, in the adoption or rejection of a constitution whichwas to rule me and my posterity, as well as them and theirs, I did nothesitate to express my approbation of it on all occasions, in public andin private. It was not then, nor has been since, any objection to it inmy mind that the Executive and Senate were not more permanent. Nor haveI ever entertained a thought of promoting any alteration in it but suchas the people themselves, in the course of their experience, should seeand feel to be necessary or expedient, and by their representatives inCongress and the State legislatures, according to the Constitutionitself, adopt and ordain. 

Returning to the bosom of my country after a painful separation from itfor ten years, I had the honor to be elected to a station under the neworder of things, and I have repeatedly laid myself under the mostserious obligations to support the Constitution. The operation of it hasequaled the most sanguine expectations of its friends, and from anhabitual attention to it, satisfaction in its administration, anddelight in its effects upon the peace, order, prosperity, and happinessof the nation I have acquired an habitual attachment to it andveneration for it. 

What other form of government, indeed, can so well deserve our esteemand love?

There may be little solidity in an ancient idea that congregations ofmen into cities and nations are the most pleasing objects in the sightof superior intelligences, but this is very certain, that to abenevolent human mind there can be no spectacle presented by any nationmore pleasing, more noble, majestic, or august, than an assembly likethat which has so often been seen in this and the other Chamber ofCongress, of a Government in which the Executive authority, as well asthat of all the branches of the Legislature, are exercised by citizensselected at regular periods by their neighbors to make and execute lawsfor the general good. Can anything essential, anything more than mereornament and decoration, be added to this by robes and diamonds? Canauthority be more amiable and respectable when it descends fromaccidents or institutions established in remote antiquity than when itsprings fresh from the hearts and judgments of an honest and enlightenedpeople? For it is the people only that are represented. It is theirpower and majesty that is reflected, and only for their good, in everylegitimate government, under whatever form it may appear. The existenceof such a government as ours for any length of time is a full proof of ageneral dissemination of knowledge and virtue throughout the whole bodyof the people. And what object or consideration more pleasing than thiscan be presented to the human mind? If national pride is everjustifiable or excusable it is when it springs, not from power orriches, grandeur or glory, but from conviction of national innocence, information, and benevolence. 

In the midst of these pleasing ideas we should be unfaithful toourselves if we should ever lose sight of the danger to our liberties ifanything partial or extraneous should infect the purity of our free, fair, virtuous, and independent elections. If an election is to bedetermined by a majority of a single vote, and that can be procured by aparty through artifice or corruption, the Government may be the choiceof a party for its own ends, not of the nation for the national good. Ifthat solitary suffrage can be obtained by foreign nations by flattery ormenaces, by fraud or violence, by terror, intrigue, or venality, theGovernment may not be the choice of the American people, but of foreignnations. It may be foreign nations who govern us, and not we, thepeople, who govern ourselves; and candid men will acknowledge that insuch cases choice would have little advantage to boast of over lot orchance. 

Such is the amiable and interesting system of government (and such aresome of the abuses to which it may be exposed) which the people ofAmerica have exhibited to the admiration and anxiety of the wise andvirtuous of all nations for eight years under the administration of acitizen who, by a long course of great actions, regulated by prudence, justice, temperance, and fortitude, conducting a people inspired withthe same virtues and animated with the same ardent patriotism and loveof liberty to independence and peace, to increasing wealth andunexampled prosperity, has merited the gratitude of his fellow-citizens, commanded the highest praises of foreign nations, and secured immortalglory with posterity. 

In that retirement which is his voluntary choice may he long live toenjoy the delicious recollection of his services, the gratitude ofmankind, the happy fruits of them to himself and the world, which aredaily increasing, and that splendid prospect of the future fortunes ofthis country which is opening from year to year. His name may be still arampart, and the knowledge that he lives a bulwark, against all open orsecret enemies of his country's peace. This example has been recommendedto the imitation of his successors by both Houses of Congress and by thevoice of the legislatures and the people throughout the nation. 

On this subject it might become me better to be silent or to speak withdiffidence; but as something may be expected, the occasion, I hope, willbe admitted as an apology if I venture to say that if a preference, uponprinciple, of a free republican government, formed upon long and seriousreflection, after a diligent and impartial inquiry after truth; if anattachment to the Constitution of the United States, and a conscientiousdetermination to support it until it shall be altered by the judgmentsand wishes of the people, expressed in the mode prescribed in it; if arespectful attention to the constitutions of the individual States and aconstant caution and delicacy toward the State governments; if an equaland impartial regard to the rights, interest, honor, and happiness ofall the States in the Union, without preference or regard to a northernor southern, an eastern or western, position, their various politicalopinions on unessential points or their personal attachments; if a loveof virtuous men of all parties and denominations; if a love of scienceand letters and a wish to patronize every rational effort to encourageschools, colleges, universities, academies, and every institution forpropagating knowledge, virtue, and religion among all classes of thepeople, not only for their benign influence on the happiness of life inall its stages and classes, and of society in all its forms, but as theonly means of preserving our Constitution from its natural enemies, thespirit of sophistry, the spirit of party, the spirit of intrigue, theprofligacy of corruption, and the pestilence of foreign influence, whichis the angel of destruction to elective governments; if a love of equallaws, of justice, and humanity in the interior administration; if aninclination to improve agriculture, commerce, and manufacturers fornecessity, convenience, and defense; if a spirit of equity and humanitytoward the aboriginal nations of America, and a disposition to melioratetheir condition by inclining them to be more friendly to us, and ourcitizens to be more friendly to them; if an inflexible determination tomaintain peace and inviolable faith with all nations, and that system ofneutrality and impartiality among the belligerent powers of Europe whichhas been adopted by this Government and so solemnly sanctioned by bothHouses of Congress and applauded by the legislatures of the States andthe public opinion, until it shall be otherwise ordained by Congress; ifa personal esteem for the French nation, formed in a residence of sevenyears chiefly among them, and a sincere desire to preserve thefriendship which has been so much for the honor and interest of bothnations; if, while the conscious honor and integrity of the people ofAmerica and the internal sentiment of their own power and energies mustbe preserved, an earnest endeavor to investigate every just cause andremove every colorable pretense of complaint; if an intention to pursueby amicable negotiation a reparation for the injuries that have beencommitted on the commerce of our fellow-citizens by whatever nation, andif success can not be obtained, to lay the facts before the Legislature, that they may consider what further measures the honor and interest ofthe Government and its constituents demand; if a resolution to dojustice as far as may depend upon me, at all times and to all nations, and maintain peace, friendship, and benevolence with all the world; ifan unshaken confidence in the honor, spirit, and resources of theAmerican people, on which I have so often hazarded my all and never beendeceived; if elevated ideas of the high destinies of this country and ofmy own duties toward it, founded on a knowledge of the moral principlesand intellectual improvements of the people deeply engraven on my mindin early life, and not obscured but exalted by experience and age; and, with humble reverence, I feel it to be my duty to add, if a venerationfor the religion of a people who profess and call themselves Christians, and a fixed resolution to consider a decent respect for Christianityamong the best recommendations for the public service, can enable me inany degree to comply with your wishes, it shall be my strenuous endeavorthat this sagacious injunction of the two Houses shall not be withouteffect. 

With this great example before me, with the sense and spirit, the faithand honor, the duty and interest, of the same American people pledged tosupport the Constitution of the United States, I entertain no doubt ofits continuance in all its energy, and my mind is prepared withouthesitation to lay myself under the most solemn obligations to support itto the utmost of my power. 

And may that Being who is supreme over all, the Patron of Order, theFountain of Justice, and the Protector in all ages of the world ofvirtuous liberty, continue His blessing upon this nation and itsGovernment and give it all possible success and duration consistent withthe ends of His providence. 

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THOMAS JEFFERSON FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS

IN THE WASHINGTON, D. C. , WEDNESDAY, MARCH 4, 1801

[Transcriber's note: Chief Justice John Marshall administered the firstexecutive oath of office ever taken in the new federal city in the newSenate Chamber (now the Old Supreme Court Chamber) of the partiallybuilt Capitol building. The outcome of the election of 1800 had been indoubt until late February because Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr, thetwo leading candidates, each had received 73 electoral votes. Consequently, the House of Representatives met in a special session toresolve the impasse, pursuant to the terms spelled out in theConstitution. After 30 hours of debate and balloting, Mr. Jeffersonemerged as the President and Mr. Burr the Vice President. President JohnAdams, who had run unsuccessfully for a second term, left Washington onthe day of the inauguration without attending the ceremony. ]

Friends and Fellow-Citizens:

Called upon to undertake the duties of the first executive office of ourcountry, I avail myself of the presence of that portion of myfellow-citizens which is here assembled to express my grateful thanksfor the favor with which they have been pleased to look toward me, todeclare a sincere consciousness that the task is above my talents, andthat I approach it with those anxious and awful presentiments which thegreatness of the charge and the weakness of my powers so justly inspire. A rising nation, spread over a wide and fruitful land, traversing allthe seas with the rich productions of their industry, engaged incommerce with nations who feel power and forget right, advancing rapidlyto destinies beyond the reach of mortal eye--when I contemplate thesetranscendent objects, and see the honor, the happiness, and the hopes ofthis beloved country committed to the issue, and the auspices of thisday, I shrink from the contemplation, and humble myself before themagnitude of the undertaking. Utterly, indeed, should I despair did notthe presence of many whom I here see remind me that in the other highauthorities provided by our Constitution I shall find resources ofwisdom, of virtue, and of zeal on which to rely under all difficulties. To you, then, gentlemen, who are charged with the sovereign functions oflegislation, and to those associated with you, I look with encouragementfor that guidance and support which may enable us to steer with safetythe vessel in which we are all embarked amidst the conflicting elementsof a troubled world. 

During the contest of opinion through which we have passed the animationof discussions and of exertions has sometimes worn an aspect which mightimpose on strangers unused to think freely and to speak and to writewhat they think; but this being now decided by the voice of the nation, announced according to the rules of the Constitution, all will, ofcourse, arrange themselves under the will of the law, and unite incommon efforts for the common good. All, too, will bear in mind thissacred principle, that though the will of the majority is in all casesto prevail, that will to be rightful must be reasonable; that theminority possess their equal rights, which equal law must protect, andto violate would be oppression. Let us, then, fellow-citizens, unitewith one heart and one mind. Let us restore to social intercourse thatharmony and affection without which liberty and even life itself are butdreary things. And let us reflect that, having banished from our landthat religious intolerance under which mankind so long bled andsuffered, we have yet gained little if we countenance a politicalintolerance as despotic, as wicked, and capable of as bitter and bloodypersecutions. During the throes and convulsions of the ancient world, during the agonizing spasms of infuriated man, seeking through blood andslaughter his long-lost liberty, it was not wonderful that theagitation of the billows should reach even this distant and peacefulshore; that this should be more felt and feared by some and less byothers, and should divide opinions as to measures of safety. But everydifference of opinion is not a difference of principle. We have calledby different names brethren of the same principle. We are allRepublicans, we are all Federalists. If there be any among us who wouldwish to dissolve this Union or to change its republican form, let themstand undisturbed as monuments of the safety with which error of opinionmay be tolerated where reason is left free to combat it. I know, indeed, that some honest men fear that a republican government can not bestrong, that this Government is not strong enough; but would the honestpatriot, in the full tide of successful experiment, abandon a governmentwhich has so far kept us free and firm on the theoretic and visionaryfear that this Government, the world's best hope, may by possibilitywant energy to preserve itself? I trust not. I believe this, on thecontrary, the strongest Government on earth. I believe it the only onewhere every man, at the call of the law, would fly to the standard ofthe law, and would meet invasions of the public order as his ownpersonal concern. Sometimes it is said that man can not be trusted withthe government of himself. Can he, then, be trusted with the governmentof others? Or have we found angels in the forms of kings to govern him?Let history answer this question. 

Let us, then, with courage and confidence pursue our own Federal andRepublican principles, our attachment to union and representativegovernment. Kindly separated by nature and a wide ocean from theexterminating havoc of one quarter of the globe; too high-minded toendure the degradations of the others; possessing a chosen country, withroom enough for our descendants to the thousandth and thousandthgeneration; entertaining a due sense of our equal right to the use ofour own faculties, to the acquisitions of our own industry, to honor andconfidence from our fellow-citizens, resulting not from birth, but fromour actions and their sense of them; enlightened by a benign religion, professed, indeed, and practiced in various forms, yet all of theminculcating honesty, truth, temperance, gratitude, and the love of man;acknowledging and adoring an overruling Providence, which by all itsdispensations proves that it delights in the happiness of man here andhis greater happiness hereafter--with all these blessings, what more isnecessary to make us a happy and a prosperous people? Still one thingmore, fellow-citizens--a wise and frugal Government, which shallrestrain men from injuring one another, shall leave them otherwise freeto regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shallnot take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned. This is thesum of good government, and this is necessary to close the circle of ourfelicities. 

About to enter, fellow-citizens, on the exercise of duties whichcomprehend everything dear and valuable to you, it is proper you shouldunderstand what I deem the essential principles of our Government, andconsequently those which ought to shape its Administration. I willcompress them within the narrowest compass they will bear, stating thegeneral principle, but not all its limitations. Equal and exact justiceto all men, of whatever state or persuasion, religious or political;peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entanglingalliances with none; the support of the State governments in all theirrights, as the most competent administrations for our domestic concernsand the surest bulwarks against antirepublican tendencies; thepreservation of the General Government in its whole constitutionalvigor, as the sheet anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad; ajealous care of the right of election by the people--a mild and safecorrective of abuses which are lopped by the sword of revolution wherepeaceable remedies are unprovided; absolute acquiescence in thedecisions of the majority, the vital principle of republics, from whichis no appeal but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent ofdespotism; a well disciplined militia, our best reliance in peace andfor the first moments of war, till regulars may relieve them; thesupremacy of the civil over the military authority; economy in thepublic expense, that labor may be lightly burthened; the honest paymentof our debts and sacred preservation of the public faith; encouragementof agriculture, and of commerce as its handmaid; the diffusion ofinformation and arraignment of all abuses at the bar of the publicreason; freedom of religion; freedom of the press, and freedom of personunder the protection of the habeas corpus, and trial by juriesimpartially selected. These principles form the bright constellationwhich has gone before us and guided our steps through an age ofrevolution and reformation. The wisdom of our sages and blood of ourheroes have been devoted to their attainment. They should be the creedof our political faith, the text of civic instruction, the touchstone bywhich to try the services of those we trust; and should we wander fromthem in moments of error or of alarm, let us hasten to retrace our stepsand to regain the road which alone leads to peace, liberty, and safety. 

I repair, then, fellow-citizens, to the post you have assigned me. Withexperience enough in subordinate offices to have seen the difficultiesof this the greatest of all, I have learnt to expect that it will rarelyfall to the lot of imperfect man to retire from this station with thereputation and the favor which bring him into it. Without pretensions tothat high confidence you reposed in our first and greatest revolutionarycharacter, whose preeminent services had entitled him to the first placein his country's love and destined for him the fairest page in thevolume of faithful history, I ask so much confidence only as may givefirmness and effect to the legal administration of your affairs. I shalloften go wrong through defect of judgment. When right, I shall often bethought wrong by those whose positions will not command a view of thewhole ground. I ask your indulgence for my own errors, which will neverbe intentional, and your support against the errors of others, who maycondemn what they would not if seen in all its parts. The approbationimplied by your suffrage is a great consolation to me for the past, andmy future solicitude will be to retain the good opinion of those whohave bestowed it in advance, to conciliate that of others by doing themall the good in my power, and to be instrumental to the happiness andfreedom of all. 

Relying, then, on the patronage of your good will, I advance withobedience to the work, ready to retire from it whenever you becomesensible how much better choice it is in your power to make. And maythat Infinite Power which rules the destinies of the universe lead ourcouncils to what is best, and give them a favorable issue for your peaceand prosperity. 

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THOMAS JEFFERSON SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS

IN WASHINGTON D. C. , MONDAY, MARCH 4, 1805

[Transcriber's note: The second inauguration of Mr. Jefferson followedan election under which the offices of President and Vice President wereto be separately sought, pursuant to the newly adopted 12th Amendment tothe Constitution. George Clinton of New York was elected Vice President. Chief Justice John Marshall administered the oath of office in theSenate Chamber at the Capitol. ]

Proceeding, fellow-citizens, to that qualification which theConstitution requires before my entrance on the charge again conferredon me, it is my duty to express the deep sense I entertain of this newproof of confidence from my fellow-citizens at large, and the zeal withwhich it inspires me so to conduct myself as may best satisfy their justexpectations. 

On taking this station on a former occasion I declared the principles onwhich I believed it my duty to administer the affairs of ourCommonwealth. MY conscience tells me I have on every occasion acted upto that declaration according to its obvious import and to theunderstanding of every candid mind. 

In the transaction of your foreign affairs we have endeavored tocultivate the friendship of all nations, and especially of those withwhich we have the most important relations. We have done them justice onall occasions, favored where favor was lawful, and cherished mutualinterests and intercourse on fair and equal terms. We are firmlyconvinced, and we act on that conviction, that with nations as withindividuals our interests soundly calculated will ever be foundinseparable from our moral duties, and history bears witness to the factthat a just nation is trusted on its word when recourse is had toarmaments and wars to bridle others. 

At home, fellow-citizens, you best know whether we have done well orill. The suppression of unnecessary offices, of useless establishmentsand expenses, enabled us to discontinue our internal taxes. These, covering our land with officers and opening our doors to theirintrusions, had already begun that process of domiciliary vexation whichonce entered is scarcely to be restrained from reaching successivelyevery article of property and produce. If among these taxes some minorones fell which had not been inconvenient, it was because their amountwould not have paid the officers who collected them, and because, ifthey had any merit, the State authorities might adopt them instead ofothers less approved. 

The remaining revenue on the consumption of foreign articles is paidchiefly by those who can afford to add foreign luxuries to domesticcomforts, being collected on our seaboard and frontiers only, andincorporated with the transactions of our mercantile citizens, it may bethe pleasure and the pride of an American to ask, What farmer, whatmechanic, what laborer ever sees a taxgatherer of the United States?These contributions enable us to support the current expenses of theGovernment, to fulfill contracts with foreign nations, to extinguish thenative right of soil within our limits, to extend those limits, and toapply such a surplus to our public debts as places at a short day theirfinal redemption, and that redemption once effected the revenue therebyliberated may, by a just repartition of it among the States and acorresponding amendment of the Constitution, be applied in time of peaceto rivers, canals, roads, arts, manufactures, education, and other greatobjects within each State. In time of war, if injustice by ourselves orothers must sometimes produce war, increased as the same revenue will beby increased population and consumption, and aided by other resourcesreserved for that crisis, it may meet within the year all the expensesof the year without encroaching on the rights of future generations byburthening them with the debts of the past. War will then be but asuspension of useful works, and a return to a state of peace, a returnto the progress of improvement. 

I have said, fellow-citizens, that the income reserved had enabled us toextend our limits, but that extension may possibly pay for itself beforewe are called on, and in the meantime may keep down the accruinginterest; in all events, it will replace the advances we shall havemade. I know that the acquisition of Louisiana had been disapproved bysome from a candid apprehension that the enlargement of our territorywould endanger its union. But who can limit the extent to which thefederative principle may operate effectively? The larger our associationthe less will it be shaken by local passions; and in any view is it notbetter that the opposite bank of the Mississippi should be settled byour own brethren and children than by strangers of another family? Withwhich should we be most likely to live in harmony and friendlyintercourse?

In matters of religion I have considered that its free exercise isplaced by the Constitution independent of the powers of the GeneralGovernment. I have therefore undertaken on no occasion to prescribe thereligious exercises suited to it, but have left them, as theConstitution found them, under the direction and discipline of thechurch or state authorities acknowledged by the several religioussocieties. 

The aboriginal inhabitants of these countries I have regarded with thecommiseration their history inspires. Endowed with the faculties and therights of men, breathing an ardent love of liberty and independence, andoccupying a country which left them no desire but to be undisturbed, thestream of overflowing population from other regions directed itself onthese shores; without power to divert or habits to contend against it, they have been overwhelmed by the current or driven before it; nowreduced within limits too narrow for the hunter's state, humanityenjoins us to teach them agriculture and the domestic arts; to encouragethem to that industry which alone can enable them to maintain theirplace in existence and to prepare them in time for that state of societywhich to bodily comforts adds the improvement of the mind and morals. Wehave therefore liberally furnished them with the implements of husbandryand household use; we have placed among them instructors in the arts offirst necessity, and they are covered with the aegis of the law againstaggressors from among ourselves. 

But the endeavors to enlighten them on the fate which awaits theirpresent course of life, to induce them to exercise their reason, followits dictates, and change their pursuits with the change of circumstanceshave powerful obstacles to encounter; they are combated by the habits oftheir bodies, prejudices of their minds, ignorance, pride, and theinfluence of interested and crafty individuals among them who feelthemselves something in the present order of things and fear to becomenothing in any other. These persons inculcate a sanctimonious reverencefor the customs of their ancestors; that whatsoever they did must bedone through all time; that reason is a false guide, and to advanceunder its counsel in their physical, moral, or political condition isperilous innovation; that their duty is to remain as their Creator madethem, ignorance being safety and knowledge full of danger; in short, myfriends, among them also is seen the action and counteraction of goodsense and of bigotry; they too have their antiphilosophists who find aninterest in keeping things in their present state, who dreadreformation, and exert all their faculties to maintain the ascendancy ofhabit over the duty of improving our reason and obeying its mandates. 

In giving these outlines I do not mean, fellow-citizens, to arrogate tomyself the merit of the measures. That is due, in the first place, tothe reflecting character of our citizens at large, who, by the weight ofpublic opinion, influence and strengthen the public measures. It is dueto the sound discretion with which they select from among themselvesthose to whom they confide the legislative duties. It is due to the zealand wisdom of the characters thus selected, who lay the foundations ofpublic happiness in wholesome laws, the execution of which alone remainsfor others, and it is due to the able and faithful auxiliaries, whosepatriotism has associated them with me in the executive functions. 

During this course of administration, and in order to disturb it, theartillery of the press has been leveled against us, charged withwhatsoever its licentiousness could devise or dare. These abuses of aninstitution so important to freedom and science are deeply to beregretted, inasmuch as they tend to lessen its usefulness and to sap itssafety. They might, indeed, have been corrected by the wholesomepunishments reserved to and provided by the laws of the several Statesagainst falsehood and defamation, but public duties more urgent press onthe time of public servants, and the offenders have therefore been leftto find their punishment in the public indignation. 

Nor was it uninteresting to the world that an experiment should befairly and fully made, whether freedom of discussion, unaided by power, is not sufficient for the propagation and protection of truth--whether agovernment conducting itself in the true spirit of its constitution, with zeal and purity, and doing no act which it would be unwilling thewhole world should witness, can be written down by falsehood anddefamation. The experiment has been tried; you have witnessed the scene;our fellow-citizens looked on, cool and collected; they saw the latentsource from which these outrages proceeded; they gathered around theirpublic functionaries, and when the Constitution called them to thedecision by suffrage, they pronounced their verdict, honorable to thosewho had served them and consolatory to the friend of man who believesthat he may be trusted with the control of his own affairs. 

No inference is here intended that the laws provided by the Statesagainst false and defamatory publications should not be enforced; he whohas time renders a service to public morals and public tranquillity inreforming these abuses by the salutary coercions of the law; but theexperiment is noted to prove that, since truth and reason havemaintained their ground against false opinions in league with falsefacts, the press, confined to truth, needs no other legal restraint; thepublic judgment will correct false reasoning and opinions on a fullhearing of all parties; and no other definite line can be drawn betweenthe inestimable liberty of the press and its demoralizinglicentiousness. If there be still improprieties which this rule wouldnot restrain, its supplement must be sought in the censorship of publicopinion. 

Contemplating the union of sentiment now manifested so generally asauguring harmony and happiness to our future course, I offer to ourcountry sincere congratulations. With those, too, not yet rallied to thesame point the disposition to do so is gaining strength; facts arepiercing through the veil drawn over them, and our doubting brethrenwill at length see that the mass of their fellow-citizens with whom theycan not yet resolve to act as to principles and measures, think as theythink and desire what they desire; that our wish as well as theirs isthat the public efforts may be directed honestly to the public good, that peace be cultivated, civil and religious liberty unassailed, lawand order preserved, equality of rights maintained, and that state ofproperty, equal or unequal, which results to every man from his ownindustry or that of his father's. When satisfied of these views it isnot in human nature that they should not approve and support them. Inthe meantime let us cherish them with patient affection, let us do themjustice, and more than justice, in all competitions of interest; and weneed not doubt that truth, reason, and their own interests will atlength prevail, will gather them into the fold of their country, andwill complete that entire union of opinion which gives to a nation theblessing of harmony and the benefit of all its strength. 

I shall now enter on the duties to which my fellow-citizens have againcalled me, and shall proceed in the spirit of those principles whichthey have approved. I fear not that any motives of interest may lead meastray; I am sensible of no passion which could seduce me knowingly fromthe path of justice, but the weaknesses of human nature and the limitsof my own understanding will produce errors of judgment sometimesinjurious to your interests. I shall need, therefore, all the indulgencewhich I have heretofore experienced from my constituents; the want of itwill certainly not lessen with increasing years. I shall need, too, thefavor of that Being in whose hands we are, who led our fathers, asIsrael of old, from their native land and planted them in a countryflowing with all the necessaries and comforts of life; who has coveredour infancy with His providence and our riper years with His wisdom andpower, and to whose goodness I ask you to join in supplications with methat He will so enlighten the minds of your servants, guide theircouncils, and prosper their measures that whatsoever they do shallresult in your good, and shall secure to you the peace, friendship, andapprobation of all nations. 

* * * * *

JAMES MADISON FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS

SATURDAY, MARCH 4, 1809

[Transcriber's note: Chief Justice John Marshall administered the oathof office in the Hall of the House of Representatives (now NationalStatuary Hall). Subsequently the oath by Presidents-elect, with fewexceptions, was taken in the House Chamber or in a place of the Capitolassociated with the Congress as a whole. The Vice Presidential oath ofoffice for most administrations was taken in the Senate Chamber. President Jefferson watched the ceremony, but he joined the crowd ofassembled visitors since he no longer was an office-holder. The mildMarch weather drew a crowd of about 10, 000 persons. ]

Unwilling to depart from examples of the most revered authority, I availmyself of the occasion now presented to express the profound impressionmade on me by the call of my country to the station to the duties ofwhich I am about to pledge myself by the most solemn of sanctions. Sodistinguished a mark of confidence, proceeding from the deliberate andtranquil suffrage of a free and virtuous nation, would under anycircumstances have commanded my gratitude and devotion, as well asfilled me with an awful sense of the trust to be assumed. Under thevarious circumstances which give peculiar solemnity to the existingperiod, I feel that both the honor and the responsibility allotted to meare inexpressibly enhanced. 

The present situation of the world is indeed without a parallel and thatof our own country full of difficulties. The pressure of these, too, isthe more severely felt because they have fallen upon us at a moment whenthe national prosperity being at a height not before attained, thecontrast resulting from the change has been rendered the more striking. Under the benign influence of our republican institutions, and themaintenance of peace with all nations whilst so many of them wereengaged in bloody and wasteful wars, the fruits of a just policy wereenjoyed in an unrivaled growth of our faculties and resources. Proofs ofthis were seen in the improvements of agriculture, in the successfulenterprises of commerce, in the progress of manufacturers and usefularts, in the increase of the public revenue and the use made of it inreducing the public debt, and in the valuable works and establishmentseverywhere multiplying over the face of our land. 

It is a precious reflection that the transition from this prosperouscondition of our country to the scene which has for some time beendistressing us is not chargeable on any unwarrantable views, nor, as Itrust, on any involuntary errors in the public councils. Indulging nopassions which trespass on the rights or the repose of other nations, ithas been the true glory of the United States to cultivate peace byobserving justice, and to entitle themselves to the respect of thenations at war by fulfilling their neutral obligations with the mostscrupulous impartiality. If there be candor in the world, the truth ofthese assertions will not be questioned; posterity at least will dojustice to them. 

This unexceptionable course could not avail against the injustice andviolence of the belligerent powers. In their rage against each other, orimpelled by more direct motives, principles of retaliation have beenintroduced equally contrary to universal reason and acknowledged law. How long their arbitrary edicts will be continued in spite of thedemonstrations that not even a pretext for them has been given by theUnited States, and of the fair and liberal attempt to induce arevocation of them, can not be anticipated. Assuring myself that underevery vicissitude the determined spirit and united councils of thenation will be safeguards to its honor and its essential interests, Irepair to the post assigned me with no other discouragement than whatsprings from my own inadequacy to its high duties. If I do not sinkunder the weight of this deep conviction it is because I find somesupport in a consciousness of the purposes and a confidence in theprinciples which I bring with me into this arduous service. 

To cherish peace and friendly intercourse with all nations havingcorrespondent dispositions; to maintain sincere neutrality towardbelligerent nations; to prefer in all cases amicable discussion andreasonable accommodation of differences to a decision of them by anappeal to arms; to exclude foreign intrigues and foreign partialities, so degrading to all countries and so baneful to free ones; to foster aspirit of independence too just to invade the rights of others, tooproud to surrender our own, too liberal to indulge unworthy prejudicesourselves and too elevated not to look down upon them in others; to holdthe union of the States as the basis of their peace and happiness; tosupport the Constitution, which is the cement of the Union, as well inits limitations as in its authorities; to respect the rights andauthorities reserved to the States and to the people as equallyincorporated with and essential to the success of the general system; toavoid the slightest interference with the right of conscience or thefunctions of religion, so wisely exempted from civil jurisdiction; topreserve in their full energy the other salutary provisions in behalf ofprivate and personal rights, and of the freedom of the press; to observeeconomy in public expenditures; to liberate the public resources by anhonorable discharge of the public debts; to keep within the requisitelimits a standing military force, always remembering that an armed andtrained militia is the firmest bulwark of republics--that withoutstanding armies their liberty can never be in danger, nor with largeones safe; to promote by authorized means improvements friendly toagriculture, to manufactures, and to external as well as internalcommerce; to favor in like manner the advancement of science and thediffusion of information as the best aliment to true liberty; to carryon the benevolent plans which have been so meritoriously applied to theconversion of our aboriginal neighbors from the degradation andwretchedness of savage life to a participation of the improvements ofwhich the human mind and manners are susceptible in a civilizedstate--as far as sentiments and intentions such as these can aid thefulfillment of my duty, they will be a resource which can not fail me. 

It is my good fortune, moreover, to have the path in which I am to treadlighted by examples of illustrious services successfully rendered in themost trying difficulties by those who have marched before me. Of thoseof my immediate predecessor it might least become me here to speak. Imay, however, be pardoned for not suppressing the sympathy with which myheart is full in the rich reward he enjoys in the benedictions of abeloved country, gratefully bestowed or exalted talents zealouslydevoted through a long career to the advancement of its highest interestand happiness. 

But the source to which I look or the aids which alone can supply mydeficiencies is in the well-tried intelligence and virtue of myfellow-citizens, and in the counsels of those representing them in theother departments associated in the care of the national interests. Inthese my confidence will under every difficulty be best placed, next tothat which we have all been encouraged to feel in the guardianship andguidance of that Almighty Being whose power regulates the destiny ofnations, whose blessings have been so conspicuously dispensed to thisrising Republic, and to whom we are bound to address our devoutgratitude for the past, as well as our fervent supplications and besthopes for the future. 

* * * * *

JAMES MADISON, SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS

THURSDAY, MARCH 4, 1813

[Transcriber's note: Chief Justice John Marshall administered the oathof office in the Hall of the House of Representatives. The United Stateswas at war with Great Britain at the time of James Madison's secondinauguration. Most of the battles had occurred at sea, and the physicalreminders of war seemed remote to the group assembled at the Capitol. Inlittle more than a year, however, both the Capitol and Executive Mansionwould be burned by an invading British garrison, and the city throwninto a panic. ]

About to add the solemnity of an oath to the obligations imposed by asecond call to the station in which my country heretofore placed me, Ifind in the presence of this respectable assembly an opportunity ofpublicly repeating my profound sense of so distinguished a confidenceand of the responsibility united with it. The impressions on me arestrengthened by such an evidence that my faithful endeavors to dischargemy arduous duties have been favorably estimated, and by a considerationof the momentous period at which the trust has been renewed. From theweight and magnitude now belonging to it I should be compelled to shrinkif I had less reliance on the support of an enlightened and generouspeople, and felt less deeply a conviction that the war with a powerfulnation, which forms so prominent a feature in our situation, is stampedwith that justice which invites the smiles of Heaven on the means ofconducting it to a successful termination. 

May we not cherish this sentiment without presumption when we reflect onthe characters by which this war is distinguished?

It was not declared on the part of the United States until it had beenlong made on them, in reality though not in name; until arguments andpostulations had been exhausted; until a positive declaration had beenreceived that the wrongs provoking it would not be discontinued; noruntil this last appeal could no longer be delayed without breaking downthe spirit of the nation, destroying all confidence in itself and in itspolitical institutions, and either perpetuating a state of disgracefulsuffering or regaining by more costly sacrifices and more severestruggles our lost rank and respect among independent powers. 

On the issue of the war are staked our national sovereignty on the highseas and the security of an important class of citizens whoseoccupations give the proper value to those of every other class. Not tocontend for such a stake is to surrender our equality with other powerson the element common to all and to violate the sacred title which everymember of the society has to its protection. I need not call into viewthe unlawfulness of the practice by which our mariners are forced at thewill of every cruising officer from their own vessels into foreign ones, nor paint the outrages inseparable from it. The proofs are in therecords of each successive Administration of our Government, and thecruel sufferings of that portion of the American people have found theirway to every bosom not dead to the sympathies of human nature. 

As the war was just in its origin and necessary and noble in itsobjects, we can reflect with a proud satisfaction that in carrying it onno principle of justice or honor, no usage of civilized nations, noprecept of courtesy or humanity, have been infringed. The war has beenwaged on our part with scrupulous regard to all these obligations, andin a spirit of liberality which was never surpassed. 

How little has been the effect of this example on the conduct of theenemy!

They have retained as prisoners of war citizens of the United States notliable to be so considered under the usages of war. 

They have refused to consider as prisoners of war, and threatened topunish as traitors and deserters, persons emigrating without restraintto the United States, incorporated by naturalization into our politicalfamily, and fighting under the authority of their adopted country inopen and honorable war for the maintenance of its rights and safety. Such is the avowed purpose of a Government which is in the practice ofnaturalizing by thousands citizens of other countries, and not only ofpermitting but compelling them to fight its battles against their nativecountry. 

They have not, it is true, taken into their own hands the hatchet andthe knife, devoted to indiscriminate massacre, but they have let loosethe savages armed with these cruel instruments; have allured them intotheir service, and carried them to battle by their sides, eager to gluttheir savage thirst with the blood of the vanquished and to finish thework of torture and death on maimed and defenseless captives. And, whatwas never before seen, British commanders have extorted victory over theunconquerable valor of our troops by presenting to the sympathy of theirchief captives awaiting massacre from their savage associates. And nowwe find them, in further contempt of the modes of honorable warfare, supplying the place of a conquering force by attempts to disorganize ourpolitical society, to dismember our confederated Republic. Happily, likeothers, these will recoil on the authors; but they mark the degeneratecounsels from which they emanate, and if they did not belong to a senseof unexampled inconsistencies might excite the greater wonder asproceeding from a Government which founded the very war in which it hasbeen so long engaged on a charge against the disorganizing andinsurrectional policy of its adversary. 

To render the justice of the war on our part the more conspicuous, thereluctance to commence it was followed by the earliest and strongestmanifestations of a disposition to arrest its progress. The sword wasscarcely out of the scabbard before the enemy was apprised of thereasonable terms on which it would be resheathed. Still more preciseadvances were repeated, and have been received in a spirit forbiddingevery reliance not placed on the military resources of the nation. 

These resources are amply sufficient to bring the war to an honorableissue. Our nation is in number more than half that of the British Isles. It is composed of a brave, a free, a virtuous, and an intelligentpeople. Our country abounds in the necessaries, the arts, and thecomforts of life. A general prosperity is visible in the publiccountenance. The means employed by the British cabinet to undermine ithave recoiled on themselves; have given to our national faculties a morerapid development, and, draining or diverting the precious metals fromBritish circulation and British vaults, have poured them into those ofthe United States. It is a propitious consideration that an unavoidablewar should have found this seasonable facility for the contributionsrequired to support it. When the public voice called for war, all knew, and still know, that without them it could not be carried on through theperiod which it might last, and the patriotism, the good sense, and themanly spirit of our fellow-citizens are pledges for the cheerfulnesswith which they will bear each his share of the common burden. To renderthe war short and its success sure, animated and systematic exertionsalone are necessary, and the success of our arms now may long preserveour country from the necessity of another resort to them. Already havethe gallant exploits of our naval heroes proved to the world ourinherent capacity to maintain our rights on one element. If thereputation of our arms has been thrown under clouds on the other, presaging flashes of heroic enterprise assure us that nothing is wantingto correspondent triumphs there also but the discipline and habits whichare in daily progress. 

* * * * *

JAMES MONROE FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS

TUESDAY, MARCH 4, 1817

[Transcriber's note: Because the Capitol was under reconstruction afterthe fire, President-elect Monroe offered to take his oath of office inthe House Chamber of the temporary "Brick Capitol, " located on the sitewhere the Supreme Court building now stands. A controversy resulted fromthe inaugural committees proposals concerning the use of the HouseChamber on the second floor of the brick building. Speaker Henry Claydeclined the use of the hall and suggested that the proceedings be heldoutside. The President's speech to the crowd from a platform adjacent tothe brick building was the first outdoor inaugural address. ChiefJustice John Marshall administered the oath of office. ]

I should be destitute of feeling if I was not deeply affected by thestrong proof which my fellow-citizens have given me of their confidencein calling me to the high office whose functions I am about to assume. As the expression of their good opinion of my conduct in the publicservice, I derive from it a gratification which those who are consciousof having done all that they could to merit it can alone feel. MYsensibility is increased by a just estimate of the importance of thetrust and of the nature and extent of its duties, with the properdischarge of which the highest interests of a great and free people areintimately connected. Conscious of my own deficiency, I cannot enter onthese duties without great anxiety for the result. From a justresponsibility I will never shrink, calculating with confidence that inmy best efforts to promote the public welfare my motives will always beduly appreciated and my conduct be viewed with that candor andindulgence which I have experienced in other stations. 

In commencing the duties of the chief executive office it has been thepractice of the distinguished men who have gone before me to explain theprinciples which would govern them in their respective Administrations. In following their venerated example my attention is naturally drawn tothe great causes which have contributed in a principal degree to producethe present happy condition of the United States. They will best explainthe nature of our duties and shed much light on the policy which oughtto be pursued in future. 

From the commencement of our Revolution to the present day almost fortyyears have elapsed, and from the establishment of this Constitutiontwenty-eight. Through this whole term the Government has been what mayemphatically be called self-government. And what has been the effect? Towhatever object we turn our attention, whether it relates to our foreignor domestic concerns, we find abundant cause to felicitate ourselves inthe excellence of our institutions. During a period fraught withdifficulties and marked by very extraordinary events the United Stateshave flourished beyond example. Their citizens individually have beenhappy and the nation prosperous. 

Under this Constitution our commerce has been wisely regulated withforeign nations and between the States; new States have been admittedinto our Union; our territory has been enlarged by fair and honorabletreaty, and with great advantage to the original States; the States, respectively protected by the National Government under a mild, parentalsystem against foreign dangers, and enjoying within their separatespheres, by a wise partition of power, a just proportion of thesovereignty, have improved their police, extended their settlements, andattained a strength and maturity which are the best proofs of wholesomelaws well administered. And if we look to the condition of individualswhat a proud spectacle does it exhibit! On whom has oppression fallen inany quarter of our Union? Who has been deprived of any right of personor property? Who restrained from offering his vows in the mode which heprefers to the Divine Author of his being? It is well known that allthese blessings have been enjoyed in their fullest extent; and I addwith peculiar satisfaction that there has been no example of a capitalpunishment being inflicted on anyone for the crime of high treason. 

Some who might admit the competency of our Government to thesebeneficent duties might doubt it in trials which put to the test itsstrength and efficiency as a member of the great community of nations. Here too experience has afforded us the most satisfactory proof in itsfavor. Just as this Constitution was put into action several of theprincipal States of Europe had become much agitated and some of themseriously convulsed. Destructive wars ensued, which have of late onlybeen terminated. In the course of these conflicts the United Statesreceived great injury from several of the parties. It was their interestto stand aloof from the contest, to demand justice from the partycommitting the injury, and to cultivate by a fair and honorable conductthe friendship of all. War became at length inevitable, and the resulthas shown that our Government is equal to that, the greatest of trials, under the most unfavorable circumstances. Of the virtue of the peopleand of the heroic exploits of the Army, the Navy, and the militia I neednot speak. 

Such, then, is the happy Government under which we live--a Governmentadequate to every purpose for which the social compact is formed; aGovernment elective in all its branches, under which every citizen mayby his merit obtain the highest trust recognized by the Constitution;which contains within it no cause of discord, none to put at varianceone portion of the community with another; a Government which protectsevery citizen in the full enjoyment of his rights, and is able toprotect the nation against injustice from foreign powers. 

Other considerations of the highest importance admonish us to cherishour Union and to cling to the Government which supports it. Fortunate aswe are in our political institutions, we have not been less so in othercircumstances on which our prosperity and happiness essentially depend. Situated within the temperate zone, and extending through many degreesof latitude along the Atlantic, the United States enjoy all thevarieties of climate, and every production incident to that portion ofthe globe. Penetrating internally to the Great Lakes and beyond thesources of the great rivers which communicate through our wholeinterior, no country was ever happier with respect to its domain. Blessed, too, with a fertile soil, our produce has always been veryabundant, leaving, even in years the least favorable, a surplus for thewants of our fellow-men in other countries. Such is our peculiarfelicity that there is not a part of our Union that is not particularlyinterested in preserving it. The great agricultural interest of thenation prospers under its protection. Local interests are not lessfostered by it. Our fellow-citizens of the North engaged in navigationfind great encouragement in being made the favored carriers of the vastproductions of the other portions of the United States, while theinhabitants of these are amply recompensed, in their turn, by thenursery for seamen and naval force thus formed and reared up for thesupport of our common rights. Our manufactures find a generousencouragement by the policy which patronizes domestic industry, and thesurplus of our produce a steady and profitable market by local wants inless-favored parts at home. 

Such, then, being the highly favored condition of our country, it is theinterest of every citizen to maintain it. What are the dangers whichmenace us? If any exist they ought to be ascertained and guardedagainst. 

In explaining my sentiments on this subject it may be asked, What raisedus to the present happy state? How did we accomplish the Revolution? Howremedy the defects of the first instrument of our Union, by infusinginto the National Government sufficient power for national purposes, without impairing the just rights of the States or affecting those ofindividuals? How sustain and pass with glory through the late war? TheGovernment has been in the hands of the people. To the people, therefore, and to the faithful and able depositaries of their trust isthe credit due. Had the people of the United States been educated indifferent principles had they been less intelligent, less independent, or less virtuous can it be believed that we should have maintained thesame steady and consistent career or been blessed with the same success?While, then, the constituent body retains its present sound andhealthful state everything will be safe. They will choose competent andfaithful representatives for every department. It is only when thepeople become ignorant and corrupt, when they degenerate into apopulace, that they are incapable of exercising the sovereignty. Usurpation is then an easy attainment, and an usurper soon found. Thepeople themselves become the willing instruments of their own debasementand ruin. Let us, then, look to the great cause, and endeavor topreserve it in full force. Let us by all wise and constitutionalmeasures promote intelligence among the people as the best means ofpreserving our liberties. 

Dangers from abroad are not less deserving of attention. Experiencingthe fortune of other nations, the United States may be again involved inwar, and it may in that event be the object of the adverse party tooverset our Government, to break our Union, and demolish us as a nation. Our distance from Europe and the just, moderate, and pacific policy ofour Government may form some security against these dangers, but theyought to be anticipated and guarded against. Many of our citizens areengaged in commerce and navigation, and all of them are in a certaindegree dependent on their prosperous state. Many are engaged in thefisheries. These interests are exposed to invasion in the wars betweenother powers, and we should disregard the faithful admonition ofexperience if we did not expect it. We must support our rights or loseour character, and with it, perhaps, our liberties. A people who fail todo it can scarcely be said to hold a place among independent nations. National honor is national property of the highest value. The sentimentin the mind of every citizen is national strength. It ought therefore tobe cherished. 

To secure us against these dangers our coast and inland frontiers shouldbe fortified, our Army and Navy, regulated upon just principles as tothe force of each, be kept in perfect order, and our militia be placedon the best practicable footing. To put our extensive coast in such astate of defense as to secure our cities and interior from invasion willbe attended with expense, but the work when finished will be permanent, and it is fair to presume that a single campaign of invasion by a navalforce superior to our own, aided by a few thousand land troops, wouldexpose us to greater expense, without taking into the estimate the lossof property and distress of our citizens, than would be sufficient forthis great work. Our land and naval forces should be moderate, butadequate to the necessary purposes--the former to garrison and preserveour fortifications and to meet the first invasions of a foreign foe, and, while constituting the elements of a greater force, to preserve thescience as well as all the necessary implements of war in a state to bebrought into activity in the event of war; the latter, retained withinthe limits proper in a state of peace, might aid in maintaining theneutrality of the United States with dignity in the wars of other powersand in saving the property of their citizens from spoliation. In time ofwar, with the enlargement of which the great naval resources of thecountry render it susceptible, and which should be duly fostered intime of peace, it would contribute essentially, both as an auxiliary ofdefense and as a powerful engine of annoyance, to diminish thecalamities of war and to bring the war to a speedy and honorabletermination. 

But it ought always to be held prominently in view that the safety ofthese States and of everything dear to a free people must depend in aneminent degree on the militia. Invasions may be made too formidable tobe resisted by any land and naval force which it would comport eitherwith the principles of our Government or the circumstances of the UnitedStates to maintain. In such cases recourse must be had to the great bodyof the people, and in a manner to produce the best effect. It is of thehighest importance, therefore, that they be so organized and trained asto be prepared for any emergency. The arrangement should be such as toput at the command of the Government the ardent patriotism and youthfulvigor of the country. If formed on equal and just principles, it can notbe oppressive. It is the crisis which makes the pressure, and not thelaws which provide a remedy for it. This arrangement should be formed, too, in time of peace, to be the better prepared for war. With such anorganization of such a people the United States have nothing to dreadfrom foreign invasion. At its approach an overwhelming force of gallantmen might always be put in motion. 

Other interests of high importance will claim attention, among which theimprovement of our country by roads and canals, proceeding always with aconstitutional sanction, holds a distinguished place. By thusfacilitating the intercourse between the States we shall add much to theconvenience and comfort of our fellow-citizens, much to the ornament ofthe country, and, what is of greater importance, we shall shortendistances, and, by making each part more accessible to and dependent onthe other, we shall bind the Union more closely together. Nature hasdone so much for us by intersecting the country with so many greatrivers, bays, and lakes, approaching from distant points so near to eachother, that the inducement to complete the work seems to be peculiarlystrong. A more interesting spectacle was perhaps never seen than isexhibited within the limits of the United States--a territory so vastand advantageously situated, containing objects so grand, so useful, sohappily connected in all their parts!

Our manufacturers will likewise require the systematic and fosteringcare of the Government. Possessing as we do all the raw materials, thefruit of our own soil and industry, we ought not to depend in the degreewe have done on supplies from other countries. While we are thusdependent the sudden event of war, unsought and unexpected, can not failto plunge us into the most serious difficulties. It is important, too, that the capital which nourishes our manufacturers should be domestic, as its influence in that case instead of exhausting, as it may do inforeign hands, would be felt advantageously on agriculture and everyother branch of industry. Equally important is it to provide at home amarket for our raw materials, as by extending the competition it willenhance the price and protect the cultivator against the casualtiesincident to foreign markets. 

With the Indian tribes it is our duty to cultivate friendly relationsand to act with kindness and liberality in all our transactions. Equallyproper is it to persevere in our efforts to extend to them theadvantages of civilization. 

The great amount of our revenue and the flourishing state of theTreasury are a full proof of the competency of the national resourcesfor any emergency, as they are of the willingness of our fellow-citizensto bear the burdens which the public necessities require. The vastamount of vacant lands, the value of which daily augments, forms anadditional resource of great extent and duration. These resources, besides accomplishing every other necessary purpose, put it completelyin the power of the United States to discharge the national debt at anearly period. Peace is the best time for improvement and preparation ofevery kind; it is in peace that our commerce flourishes most, that taxesare most easily paid, and that the revenue is most productive. 

The Executive is charged officially in the Departments under it with thedisbursement of the public money, and is responsible for the faithfulapplication of it to the purposes for which it is raised. TheLegislature is the watchful guardian over the public purse. It is itsduty to see that the disbursement has been honestly made. To meet therequisite responsibility every facility should be afforded to theExecutive to enable it to bring the public agents intrusted with thepublic money strictly and promptly to account. Nothing should bepresumed against them; but if, with the requisite facilities, the publicmoney is suffered to lie long and uselessly in their hands, they willnot be the only defaulters, nor will the demoralizing effect be confinedto them. It will evince a relaxation and want of tone in theAdministration which will be felt by the whole community. I shall do allI can to secure economy and fidelity in this important branch of theAdministration, and I doubt not that the Legislature will perform itsduty with equal zeal. A thorough examination should be regularly made, and I will promote it. 

It is particularly gratifying to me to enter on the discharge of theseduties at a time when the United States are blessed with peace. It is astate most consistent with their prosperity and happiness. It will be mysincere desire to preserve it, so far as depends on the Executive, onjust principles with all nations, claiming nothing unreasonable of anyand rendering to each what is its due. 

Equally gratifying is it to witness the increased harmony of opinionwhich pervades our Union. Discord does not belong to our system. Unionis recommended as well by the free and benign principles of ourGovernment, extending its blessings to every individual, as by the othereminent advantages attending it. The American people have encounteredtogether great dangers and sustained severe trials with success. Theyconstitute one great family with a common interest. Experience hasenlightened us on some questions of essential importance to the country. The progress has been slow, dictated by a just reflection and a faithfulregard to every interest connected with it. To promote this harmony inaccord with the principles of our republican Government and in a mannerto give them the most complete effect, and to advance in all otherrespects the best interests of our Union, will be the object of myconstant and zealous exertions. 

Never did a government commence under auspices so favorable, nor everwas success so complete. If we look to the history of other nations, ancient or modern, we find no example of a growth so rapid, so gigantic, of a people so prosperous and happy. In contemplating what we have stillto perform, the heart of every citizen must expand with joy when hereflects how near our Government has approached to perfection; that inrespect to it we have no essential improvement to make; that the greatobject is to preserve it in the essential principles and features whichcharacterize it, and that is to be done by preserving the virtue andenlightening the minds of the people; and as a security against foreigndangers to adopt such arrangements as are indispensable to the supportof our independence, our rights and liberties. If we persevere in thecareer in which we have advanced so far and in the path already traced, we can not fail, under the favor of a gracious Providence, to attain thehigh destiny which seems to await us. 

In the Administrations of the illustrious men who have preceded me inthis high station, with some of whom I have been connected by theclosest ties from early life, examples are presented which will alwaysbe found highly instructive and useful to their successors. From these Ishall endeavor to derive all the advantages which they may afford. Of myimmediate predecessor, under whom so important a portion of this greatand successful experiment has been made, I shall be pardoned forexpressing my earnest wishes that he may long enjoy in his retirementthe affections of a grateful country, the best reward of exalted talentsand the most faithful and meritorious service. Relying on the aid to bederived from the other departments of the Government, I enter on thetrust to which I have been called by the suffrages of my fellow-citizenswith my fervent prayers to the Almighty that He will be graciouslypleased to continue to us that protection which He has already soconspicuously displayed in our favor. 

* * * * *

JAMES MONROE, SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS

MONDAY, MARCH 5, 1821

[Transcriber's note: In 1821, March 4 fell on a Sunday for the firsttime that presidential inaugurations had been observed. Although hisprevious term had expired on Saturday, the President waited until thefollowing Monday upon the advice of Chief Justice Marshall, before goingto the newly rebuilt Hall of the House of Representatives to take theoath of office. Because the weather was cold and wet, the ceremonieswere conducted indoors. The change in the location caused some confusionand many visitors and dignitaries were unable to find a place to standinside the building. ]

Fellow-Citizens:

I shall not attempt to describe the grateful emotions which the new andvery distinguished proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, evinced by my reelection to this high trust, has excited in my bosom. The approbation which it announces of my conduct in the preceding termaffords me a consolation which I shall profoundly feel through life. Thegeneral accord with which it has been expressed adds to the great andnever-ceasing obligations which it imposes. To merit the continuance ofthis good opinion, and to carry it with me into my retirement as thesolace of advancing years, will be the object of my most zealous andunceasing efforts. 

Having no pretensions to the high and commanding claims of mypredecessors, whose names are so much more conspicuously identified withour Revolution, and who contributed so preeminently to promote itssuccess, I consider myself rather as the instrument than the cause ofthe union which has prevailed in the late election. In surmounting, infavor of my humble pretensions, the difficulties which so often producedivision in like occurrences, it is obvious that other powerful causes, indicating the great strength and stability of our Union, haveessentially contributed to draw you together. That these powerful causesexist, and that they are permanent, is my fixed opinion; that they mayproduce a like accord in all questions touching, however remotely, theliberty, prosperity and happiness of our country will always be theobject of my most fervent prayers to the Supreme Author of All Good. 

In a government which is founded by the people, who possess exclusivelythe sovereignty, it seems proper that the person who may be placed bytheir suffrages in this high trust should declare on commencing itsduties the principles on which he intends to conduct the Administration. If the person thus elected has served the preceding term, an opportunityis afforded him to review its principal occurrences and to give suchfurther explanation respecting them as in his judgment may be useful tohis constituents. The events of one year have influence on those ofanother, and, in like manner, of a preceding on the succeedingAdministration. The movements of a great nation are connected in alltheir parts. If errors have been committed they ought to be corrected;if the policy is sound it ought to be supported. It is by a thoroughknowledge of the whole subject that our fellow-citizens are enabled tojudge correctly of the past and to give a proper direction to thefuture. 

Just before the commencement of the last term the United States hadconcluded a war with a very powerful nation on conditions equal andhonorable to both parties. The events of that war are too recent and toodeeply impressed on the memory of all to require a development from me. Our commerce had been in a great measure driven from the sea, ourAtlantic and inland frontiers were invaded in almost every part; thewaste of life along our coast and on some parts of our inland frontiers, to the defense of which our gallant and patriotic citizens were called, was immense, in addition to which not less than $120, 000, 000 were addedat its end to the public debt. 

As soon as the war had terminated, the nation, admonished by its events, resolved to place itself in a situation which should be bettercalculated to prevent the recurrence of a like evil, and, in case itshould recur, to mitigate its calamities. With this view, after reducingour land force to the basis of a peace establishment, which has beenfurther modified since, provision was made for the construction offortifications at proper points through the whole extent of our coastand such an augmentation of our naval force as should be well adapted toboth purposes. The laws making this provision were passed in 1815 and1816, and it has been since the constant effort of the Executive tocarry them into effect. 

The advantage of these fortifications and of an augmented naval force inthe extent contemplated, in a point of economy, has been fullyillustrated by a report of the Board of Engineers and NavalCommissioners lately communicated to Congress, by which it appears thatin an invasion by 20, 000 men, with a correspondent naval force, in acampaign of six months only, the whole expense of the construction ofthe works would be defrayed by the difference in the sum necessary tomaintain the force which would be adequate to our defense with the aidof those works and that which would be incurred without them. The reasonof this difference is obvious. If fortifications are judiciously placedon our great inlets, as distant from our cities as circumstances willpermit, they will form the only points of attack, and the enemy will bedetained there by a small regular force a sufficient time to enable ourmilitia to collect and repair to that on which the attack is made. Aforce adequate to the enemy, collected at that single point, withsuitable preparation for such others as might be menaced, is all thatwould be requisite. But if there were no fortifications, then the enemymight go where he pleased, and, changing his position and sailing fromplace to place, our force must be called out and spread in vast numbersalong the whole coast and on both sides of every bay and river as highup in each as it might be navigable for ships of war. By thesefortifications, supported by our Navy, to which they would afford likesupport, we should present to other powers an armed front from St. Croixto the Sabine, which would protect in the event of war our whole coastand interior from invasion; and even in the wars of other powers, inwhich we were neutral, they would be found eminently useful, as, bykeeping their public ships at a distance from our cities, peace andorder in them would be preserved and the Government be protected frominsult. 

It need scarcely be remarked that these measures have not been resortedto in a spirit of hostility to other powers. Such a disposition does notexist toward any power. Peace and good will have been, and willhereafter be, cultivated with all, and by the most faithful regard tojustice. They have been dictated by a love of peace, of economy, and anearnest desire to save the lives of our fellow-citizens from thatdestruction and our country from that devastation which are inseparablefrom war when it finds us unprepared for it. It is believed, andexperience has shown, that such a preparation is the best expedient thatcan be resorted to prevent war. I add with much pleasure thatconsiderable progress has already been made in these measures ofdefense, and that they will be completed in a few years, considering thegreat extent and importance of the object, if the plan be zealously andsteadily persevered in. 

The conduct of the Government in what relates to foreign powers isalways an object of the highest importance to the nation. Itsagriculture, commerce, manufactures, fisheries, revenue, in short, itspeace, may all be affected by it. Attention is therefore due to thissubject. 

At the period adverted to the powers of Europe, after having beenengaged in long and destructive wars with each other, had concluded apeace, which happily still exists. Our peace with the power with whom wehad been engaged had also been concluded. The war between Spain and thecolonies in South America, which had commenced many years before, wasthen the only conflict that remained unsettled. This being a contestbetween different parts of the same community, in which other powers hadnot interfered, was not affected by their accommodations. 

This contest was considered at an early stage by my predecessor a civilwar in which the parties were entitled to equal rights in our ports. This decision, the first made by any power, being formed on greatconsideration of the comparative strength and resources of the parties, the length of time, and successful opposition made by the colonies, andof all other circumstances on which it ought to depend, was in strictaccord with the law of nations. Congress has invariably acted on thisprinciple, having made no change in our relations with either party. Ourattitude has therefore been that of neutrality between them, which hasbeen maintained by the Government with the strictest impartiality. Noaid has been afforded to either, nor has any privilege been enjoyed bythe one which has not been equally open to the other party, and everyexertion has been made in its power to enforce the execution of the lawsprohibiting illegal equipments with equal rigor against both. 

By this equality between the parties their public vessels have beenreceived in our ports on the same footing; they have enjoyed an equalright to purchase and export arms, munitions of war, and every othersupply, the exportation of all articles whatever being permitted underlaws which were passed long before the commencement of the contest; ourcitizens have traded equally with both, and their commerce with each hasbeen alike protected by the Government. 

Respecting the attitude which it may be proper for the United States tomaintain hereafter between the parties, I have no hesitation in statingit as my opinion that the neutrality heretofore observed should still beadhered to. From the change in the Government of Spain and thenegotiation now depending, invited by the Cortes and accepted by thecolonies, it may be presumed, that their differences will be settled onthe terms proposed by the colonies. Should the war be continued, theUnited States, regarding its occurrences, will always have it in theirpower to adopt such measures respecting it as their honor and interestmay require. 

Shortly after the general peace a band of adventurers took advantage ofthis conflict and of the facility which it afforded to establish asystem of buccaneering in the neighboring seas, to the great annoyanceof the commerce of the United States, and, as was represented, of thatof other powers. Of this spirit and of its injurious bearing on theUnited States strong proofs were afforded by the establishment at AmeliaIsland, and the purposes to which it was made instrumental by this bandin 1817, and by the occurrences which took place in other parts ofFlorida in 1818, the details of which in both instances are too wellknown to require to be now recited. I am satisfied had a less decisivecourse been adopted that the worst consequences would have resulted fromit. We have seen that these checks, decisive as they were, were notsufficient to crush that piratical spirit. Many culprits brought withinour limits have been condemned to suffer death, the punishment due tothat atrocious crime. The decisions of upright and enlightened tribunalsfall equally on all whose crimes subject them, by a fair interpretationof the law, to its censure. It belongs to the Executive not to sufferthe executions under these decisions to transcend the great purpose forwhich punishment is necessary. The full benefit of example beingsecured, policy as well as humanity equally forbids that they should becarried further. I have acted on this principle, pardoning those whoappear to have been led astray by ignorance of the criminality of theacts they had committed, and suffering the law to take effect on thoseonly in whose favor no extenuating circumstances could be urged. 

Great confidence is entertained that the late treaty with Spain, whichhas been ratified by both the parties, and the ratifications whereofhave been exchanged, has placed the relations of the two countries on abasis of permanent friendship. The provision made by it for such of ourcitizens as have claims on Spain of the character described will, it ispresumed, be very satisfactory to them, and the boundary which isestablished between the territories of the parties westward of theMississippi, heretofore in dispute, has, it is thought, been settled onconditions just and advantageous to both. But to the acquisition ofFlorida too much importance can not be attached. It secures to theUnited States a territory important in itself, and whose importance ismuch increased by its bearing on many of the highest interests of theUnion. It opens to several of the neighboring States a free passage tothe ocean, through the Province ceded, by several rivers, having theirsources high up within their limits. It secures us against all futureannoyance from powerful Indian tribes. It gives us several excellentharbors in the Gulf of Mexico for ships of war of the largest size. Itcovers by its position in the Gulf the Mississippi and other greatwaters within our extended limits, and thereby enables the United Statesto afford complete protection to the vast and very valuable productionsof our whole Western country, which find a market through those streams. 

By a treaty with the British Government, bearing date on the 20th ofOctober, 1818, the convention regulating the commerce between the UnitedStates and Great Britain, concluded on the 3d of July, 1815, which wasabout expiring, was revived and continued for the term of ten years fromthe time of its expiration. By that treaty, also, the differences whichhad arisen under the treaty of Ghent respecting the right claimed by theUnited States for their citizens to take and cure fish on the coast ofHis Britannic Majesty's dominions in America, with other differences onimportant interests, were adjusted to the satisfaction of both parties. No agreement has yet been entered into respecting the commerce betweenthe United States and the British dominions in the West Indies and onthis continent. The restraints imposed on that commerce by GreatBritain, and reciprocated by the United States on a principle ofdefense, continue still in force. 

The negotiation with France for the regulation of the commercialrelations between the two countries, which in the course of the lastsummer had been commenced at Paris, has since been transferred to thiscity, and will be pursued on the part of the United States in the spiritof conciliation, and with an earnest desire that it may terminate in anarrangement satisfactory to both parties. 

Our relations with the Barbary Powers are preserved in the same stateand by the same means that were employed when I came into this office. As early as 1801 it was found necessary to send a squadron into theMediterranean for the protection of our commerce and no period hasintervened, a short term excepted, when it was thought advisable towithdraw it. The great interests which the United States have in thePacific, in commerce and in the fisheries, have also made it necessaryto maintain a naval force there. In disposing of this force in bothinstances the most effectual measures in our power have been taken, without interfering with its other duties, for the suppression of theslave trade and of piracy in the neighboring seas. 

The situation of the United States in regard to their resources, theextent of their revenue, and the facility with which it is raisedaffords a most gratifying spectacle. The payment of nearly $67, 000, 000of the public debt, with the great progress made in measures of defenseand in other improvements of various kinds since the late war, areconclusive proofs of this extraordinary prosperity, especially when itis recollected that these expenditures have been defrayed without aburthen on the people, the direct tax and excise having been repealedsoon after the conclusion of the late war, and the revenue applied tothese great objects having been raised in a manner not to be felt. Ourgreat resources therefore remain untouched for any purpose which mayaffect the vital interests of the nation. For all such purposes they areinexhaustible. They are more especially to be found in the virtue, patriotism, and intelligence of our fellow-citizens, and in the devotionwith which they would yield up by any just measure of taxation all theirproperty in support of the rights and honor of their country. 

Under the present depression of prices, affecting all the productions ofthe country and every branch of industry, proceeding from causesexplained on a former occasion, the revenue has considerably diminished, the effect of which has been to compel Congress either to abandon thesegreat measures of defense or to resort to loans or internal taxes tosupply the deficiency. On the presumption that this depression and thedeficiency in the revenue arising from it would be temporary, loans wereauthorized for the demands of the last and present year. Anxious torelieve my fellow-citizens in 1817 from every burthen which could bedispensed with and the state of the Treasury permitting it, Irecommended the repeal of the internal taxes, knowing that such reliefwas then peculiarly necessary in consequence of the great exertions madein the late war. I made that recommendation under a pledge that shouldthe public exigencies require a recurrence to them at any time while Iremained in this trust, I would with equal promptitude perform the dutywhich would then be alike incumbent on me. By the experiment now makingit will be seen by the next session of Congress whether the revenueshall have been so augmented as to be adequate to all these necessarypurposes. Should the deficiency still continue, and especially should itbe probable that it would be permanent, the course to be pursued appearsto me to be obvious. I am satisfied that under certain circumstancesloans may be resorted to with great advantage. I am equally wellsatisfied, as a general rule, that the demands of the current year, especially in time of peace, should be provided for by the revenue ofthat year. 

I have never dreaded, nor have I ever shunned, in any situation in whichI have been placed making appeals to the virtue and patriotism of myfellow-citizens, well knowing that they could never be made in vain, especially in times of great emergency or for purposes of high nationalimportance. Independently of the exigency of the case, manyconsiderations of great weight urge a policy having in view a provisionof revenue to meet to a certain extent the demands of the nation, without relying altogether on the precarious resource of foreigncommerce. I am satisfied that internal duties and excises, withcorresponding imposts on foreign articles of the same kind, would, without imposing any serious burdens on the people, enhance the price ofproduce, promote our manufactures, and augment the revenue, at the sametime that they made it more secure and permanent. 

The care of the Indian tribes within our limits has long been anessential part of our system, but, unfortunately, it has not beenexecuted in a manner to accomplish all the objects intended by it. Wehave treated them as independent nations, without their having anysubstantial pretensions to that rank. The distinction has flatteredtheir pride, retarded their improvement, and in many instances paved theway to their destruction. The progress of our settlements westward, supported as they are by a dense population, has constantly driven themback, with almost the total sacrifice of the lands which they have beencompelled to abandon. They have claims on the magnanimity and, I mayadd, on the justice of this nation which we must all feel. We shouldbecome their real benefactors; we should perform the office of theirGreat Father, the endearing title which they emphatically give to theChief Magistrate of our Union. Their sovereignty over vast territoriesshould cease, in lieu of which the right of soil should be secured toeach individual and his posterity in competent portions; and for theterritory thus ceded by each tribe some reasonable equivalent should begranted, to be vested in permanent funds for the support of civilgovernment over them and for the education of their children, for theirinstruction in the arts of husbandry, and to provide sustenance for themuntil they could provide it for themselves. My earnest hope is thatCongress will digest some plan, founded on these principles, with suchimprovements as their wisdom may suggest, and carry it into effect assoon as it may be practicable. 

Europe is again unsettled and the prospect of war increasing. Should theflame light up in any quarter, how far it may extend it is impossible toforesee. It is our peculiar felicity to be altogether unconnected withthe causes which produce this menacing aspect elsewhere. With everypower we are in perfect amity, and it is our interest to remain so if itbe practicable on just conditions. I see no reasonable cause toapprehend variance with any power, unless it proceed from a violation ofour maritime rights. In these contests, should they occur, and towhatever extent they may be carried, we shall be neutral; but as aneutral power we have rights which it is our duty to maintain. For likeinjuries it will be incumbent on us to seek redress in a spirit ofamity, in full confidence that, injuring none, none would knowinglyinjure us. For more imminent dangers we should be prepared, and itshould always be recollected that such preparation adapted to thecircumstances and sanctioned by the judgment and wishes of ourconstituents can not fail to have a good effect in averting dangers ofevery kind. We should recollect also that the season of peace is bestadapted to these preparations. 

If we turn our attention, fellow-citizens, more immediately to theinternal concerns of our country, and more especially to those on whichits future welfare depends, we have every reason to anticipate thehappiest results. It is now rather more than forty-four years since wedeclared our independence, and thirty-seven since it was acknowledged. The talents and virtues which were displayed in that great struggle werea sure presage of all that has since followed. A people who were able tosurmount in their infant state such great perils would be more competentas they rose into manhood to repel any which they might meet in theirprogress. Their physical strength would be more adequate to foreigndanger, and the practice of self-government, aided by the light ofexperience, could not fail to produce an effect equally salutary on allthose questions connected with the internal organization. Thesefavorable anticipations have been realized. 

In our whole system, national and State, we have shunned all the defectswhich unceasingly preyed on the vitals and destroyed the ancientRepublics. In them there were distinct orders, a nobility and a people, or the people governed in one assembly. Thus, in the one instance therewas a perpetual conflict between the orders in society for theascendency, in which the victory of either terminated in the overthrowof the government and the ruin of the state; in the other, in which thepeople governed in a body, and whose dominions seldom exceeded thedimensions of a county in one of our States, a tumultuous and disorderlymovement permitted only a transitory existence. In this great nationthere is but one order, that of the people, whose power, by a peculiarlyhappy improvement of the representative principle, is transferred fromthem, without impairing in the slightest degree their sovereignty, tobodies of their own creation, and to persons elected by themselves, inthe full extent necessary for all the purposes of free, enlightened andefficient government. The whole system is elective, the completesovereignty being in the people, and every officer in every departmentderiving his authority from and being responsible to them for hisconduct. 

Our career has corresponded with this great outline. Perfection in ourorganization could not have been expected in the outset either in theNational or State Governments or in tracing the line between theirrespective powers. But no serious conflict has arisen, nor any contestbut such as are managed by argument and by a fair appeal to the goodsense of the people, and many of the defects which experience hadclearly demonstrated in both Governments have been remedied. By steadilypursuing this course in this spirit there is every reason to believethat our system will soon attain the highest degree of perfection ofwhich human institutions are capable, and that the movement in all itsbranches will exhibit such a degree of order and harmony as to commandthe admiration and respect of the civilized world. 

Our physical attainments have not been less eminent. Twenty-five yearsago the river Mississippi was shut up and our Western brethren had nooutlet for their commerce. What has been the progress since that time?The river has not only become the property of the United States from itssource to the ocean, with all its tributary streams (with the exceptionof the upper part of the Red River only), but Louisiana, with a fair andliberal boundary on the western side and the Floridas on the eastern, have been ceded to us. The United States now enjoy the complete anduninterrupted sovereignty over the whole territory from St. Croix to theSabine. New States, settled from among ourselves in this and in otherparts, have been admitted into our Union in equal participation in thenational sovereignty with the original States. Our population hasaugmented in an astonishing degree and extended in every direction. Wenow, fellow-citizens, comprise within our limits the dimensions andfaculties of a great power under a Government possessing all theenergies of any government ever known to the Old World, with an utterincapacity to oppress the people. 

Entering with these views the office which I have just solemnly sworn toexecute with fidelity and to the utmost of my ability, I derive greatsatisfaction from a knowledge that I shall be assisted in the severalDepartments by the very enlightened and upright citizens from whom Ihave received so much aid in the preceding term. With full confidence inthe continuance of that candor and generous indulgence from myfellow-citizens at large which I have heretofore experienced, and witha firm reliance on the protection of Almighty God, I shall forthwithcommence the duties of the high trust to which you have called me. 

* * * * *

JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, INAUGURAL ADDRESS

FRIDAY, MARCH 4, 1825

[Transcriber's note: The only son of a former President to be electedto the Nation's highest office, John Quincy Adams was chosen by theHouse of Representatives when the electoral college could not determinea clear winner of the 1824 election. The outcome was assured when HenryClay, one of the front-runners, threw his support to Mr. Adams so thatAndrew Jackson's candidacy would fail. General Jackson had polled morepopular votes in the election, but he did not gain enough electoralvotes to win outright. The oath of office was administered by ChiefJustice John Marshall inside the Hall of the House of Representatives. ]

In compliance with an usage coeval with the existence of our FederalConstitution, and sanctioned by the example of my predecessors in thecareer upon which I am about to enter, I appear, my fellow-citizens, inyour presence and in that of Heaven to bind myself by the solemnities ofreligious obligation to the faithful performance of the duties allottedto me in the station to which I have been called. 

In unfolding to my countrymen the principles by which I shall begoverned in the fulfillment of those duties my first resort will be tothat Constitution which I shall swear to the best of my ability topreserve, protect, and defend. That revered instrument enumerates thepowers and prescribes the duties of the Executive Magistrate, and in itsfirst words declares the purposes to which these and the whole action ofthe Government instituted by it should be invariably and sacredlydevoted--to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insuredomestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote thegeneral welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to the people ofthis Union in their successive generations. Since the adoption of thissocial compact one of these generations has passed away. It is the workof our forefathers. Administered by some of the most eminent men whocontributed to its formation, through a most eventful period in theannals of the world, and through all the vicissitudes of peace and warincidental to the condition of associated man, it has not disappointedthe hopes and aspirations of those illustrious benefactors of their ageand nation. It has promoted the lasting welfare of that country so dearto us all; it has to an extent far beyond the ordinary lot of humanitysecured the freedom and happiness of this people. We now receive it as aprecious inheritance from those to whom we are indebted for itsestablishment, doubly bound by the examples which they have left us andby the blessings which we have enjoyed as the fruits of their labors totransmit the same unimpaired to the succeeding generation. 

In the compass of thirty-six years since this great national covenantwas instituted a body of laws enacted under its authority and inconformity with its provisions has unfolded its powers and carried intopractical operation its effective energies. Subordinate departments havedistributed the executive functions in their various relations toforeign affairs, to the revenue and expenditures, and to the militaryforce of the Union by land and sea. A coordinate department of thejudiciary has expounded the Constitution and the laws, settling inharmonious coincidence with the legislative will numerous weightyquestions of construction which the imperfection of human language hadrendered unavoidable. The year of jubilee since the first formation ofour Union has just elapsed; that of the declaration of our independenceis at hand. The consummation of both was effected by this Constitution. 

Since that period a population of four millions has multiplied totwelve. A territory bounded by the Mississippi has been extended fromsea to sea. New States have been admitted to the Union in numbers nearlyequal to those of the first Confederation. Treaties of peace, amity, andcommerce have been concluded with the principal dominions of the earth. The people of other nations, inhabitants of regions acquired not byconquest, but by compact, have been united with us in the participationof our rights and duties, of our burdens and blessings. The forest hasfallen by the ax of our woodsmen; the soil has been made to teem by thetillage of our farmers; our commerce has whitened every ocean. Thedominion of man over physical nature has been extended by the inventionof our artists. Liberty and law have marched hand in hand. All thepurposes of human association have been accomplished as effectively asunder any other government on the globe, and at a cost little exceedingin a whole generation the expenditure of other nations in a single year. 

Such is the unexaggerated picture of our condition under a Constitutionfounded upon the republican principle of equal rights. To admit thatthis picture has its shades is but to say that it is still the conditionof men upon earth. From evil--physical, moral, and political--it is notour claim to be exempt. We have suffered sometimes by the visitation ofHeaven through disease; often by the wrongs and injustice of othernations, even to the extremities of war; and, lastly, by dissensionsamong ourselves--dissensions perhaps inseparable from the enjoyment offreedom, but which have more than once appeared to threaten thedissolution of the Union, and with it the overthrow of all theenjoyments of our present lot and all our earthly hopes of the future. The causes of these dissensions have been various, founded upondifferences of speculation in the theory of republican government; uponconflicting views of policy in our relations with foreign nations; uponjealousies of partial and sectional interests, aggravated by prejudicesand prepossessions which strangers to each other are ever apt toentertain. 

It is a source of gratification and of encouragement to me to observethat the great result of this experiment upon the theory of human rightshas at the close of that generation by which it was formed been crownedwith success equal to the most sanguine expectations of its founders. Union, justice, tranquillity, the common defense, the general welfare, and the blessings of liberty--all have been promoted by the Governmentunder which we have lived. Standing at this point of time, looking backto that generation which has gone by and forward to that which isadvancing, we may at once indulge in grateful exultation and in cheeringhope. From the experience of the past we derive instructive lessons forthe future. Of the two great political parties which have divided theopinions and feelings of our country, the candid and the just will nowadmit that both have contributed splendid talents, spotless integrity, ardent patriotism, and disinterested sacrifices to the formation andadministration of this Government, and that both have required a liberalindulgence for a portion of human infirmity and error. The revolutionarywars of Europe, commencing precisely at the moment when the Governmentof the United States first went into operation under this Constitution, excited a collision of sentiments and of sympathies which kindled allthe passions and imbittered the conflict of parties till the nation wasinvolved in war and the Union was shaken to its center. This time oftrial embraced a period of five and twenty years, during which thepolicy of the Union in its relations with Europe constituted theprincipal basis of our political divisions and the most arduous part ofthe action of our Federal Government. With the catastrophe in which thewars of the French Revolution terminated, and our own subsequent peacewith Great Britain, this baneful weed of party strife was uprooted. Fromthat time no difference of principle, connected either with the theoryof government or with our intercourse with foreign nations, has existedor been called forth in force sufficient to sustain a continuedcombination of parties or to give more than wholesome animation topublic sentiment or legislative debate. Our political creed is, withouta dissenting voice that can be heard, that the will of the people is thesource and the happiness of the people the end of all legitimategovernment upon earth; that the best security for the beneficence andthe best guaranty against the abuse of power consists in the freedom, the purity, and the frequency of popular elections; that the GeneralGovernment of the Union and the separate governments of the States areall sovereignties of limited powers, fellow-servants of the samemasters, uncontrolled within their respective spheres, uncontrollable byencroachments upon each other; that the firmest security of peace is thepreparation during peace of the defenses of war; that a rigorous economyand accountability of public expenditures should guard against theaggravation and alleviate when possible the burden of taxation; that themilitary should be kept in strict subordination to the civil power; thatthe freedom of the press and of religious opinion should be inviolate;that the policy of our country is peace and the ark of our salvationunion are articles of faith upon which we are all now agreed. If therehave been those who doubted whether a confederated representativedemocracy were a government competent to the wise and orderly managementof the common concerns of a mighty nation, those doubts have beendispelled; if there have been projects of partial confederacies to beerected upon the ruins of the Union, they have been scattered to thewinds; if there have been dangerous attachments to one foreign nationand antipathies against another, they have been extinguished. Ten yearsof peace, at home and abroad, have assuaged the animosities of politicalcontention and blended into harmony the most discordant elements ofpublic opinion. There still remains one effort of magnanimity, onesacrifice of prejudice and passion, to be made by the individualsthroughout the nation who have heretofore followed the standards ofpolitical party. It is that of discarding every remnant of rancoragainst each other, of embracing as countrymen and friends, and ofyielding to talents and virtue alone that confidence which in times ofcontention for principle was bestowed only upon those who bore the badgeof party communion. 

The collisions of party spirit which originate in speculative opinionsor in different views of administrative policy are in their naturetransitory. Those which are founded on geographical divisions, adverseinterests of soil, climate, and modes of domestic life are morepermanent, and therefore, perhaps, more dangerous. It is this whichgives inestimable value to the character of our Government, at oncefederal and national. It holds out to us a perpetual admonition topreserve alike and with equal anxiety the rights of each individualState in its own government and the rights of the whole nation in thatof the Union. Whatsoever is of domestic concernment, unconnected withthe other members of the Union or with foreign lands, belongsexclusively to the administration of the State governments. Whatsoeverdirectly involves the rights and interests of the federative fraternityor of foreign powers is of the resort of this General Government. Theduties of both are obvious in the general principle, though sometimesperplexed with difficulties in the detail. To respect the rights of theState governments is the inviolable duty of that of the Union; thegovernment of every State will feel its own obligation to respect andpreserve the rights of the whole. The prejudices everywhere too commonlyentertained against distant strangers are worn away, and the jealousiesof jarring interests are allayed by the composition and functions of thegreat national councils annually assembled from all quarters of theUnion at this place. Here the distinguished men from every section ofour country, while meeting to deliberate upon the great interests ofthose by whom they are deputed, learn to estimate the talents and dojustice to the virtues of each other. The harmony of the nation ispromoted and the whole Union is knit together by the sentiments ofmutual respect, the habits of social intercourse, and the ties ofpersonal friendship formed between the representatives of its severalparts in the performance of their service at this metropolis. 

Passing from this general review of the purposes and injunctions of theFederal Constitution and their results as indicating the first traces ofthe path of duty in the discharge of my public trust, I turn to theAdministration of my immediate predecessor as the second. It has passedaway in a period of profound peace, how much to the satisfaction of ourcountry and to the honor of our country's name is known to you all. Thegreat features of its policy, in general concurrence with the will ofthe Legislature, have been to cherish peace while preparing fordefensive war; to yield exact justice to other nations and maintain therights of our own; to cherish the principles of freedom and of equalrights wherever they were proclaimed; to discharge with all possiblepromptitude the national debt; to reduce within the narrowest limits ofefficiency the military force; to improve the organization anddiscipline of the Army; to provide and sustain a school of militaryscience; to extend equal protection to all the great interests of thenation; to promote the civilization of the Indian tribes, and to proceedin the great system of internal improvements within the limits of theconstitutional power of the Union. Under the pledge of these promises, made by that eminent citizen at the time of his first induction to thisoffice, in his career of eight years the internal taxes have beenrepealed; sixty millions of the public debt have been discharged;provision has been made for the comfort and relief of the aged andindigent among the surviving warriors of the Revolution; the regulararmed force has been reduced and its constitution revised and perfected;the accountability for the expenditure of public moneys has been mademore effective; the Floridas have been peaceably acquired, and ourboundary has been extended to the Pacific Ocean; the independence of thesouthern nations of this hemisphere has been recognized, and recommendedby example and by counsel to the potentates of Europe; progress has beenmade in the defense of the country by fortifications and the increase ofthe Navy, toward the effectual suppression of the African traffic inslaves; in alluring the aboriginal hunters of our land to thecultivation of the soil and of the mind, in exploring the interiorregions of the Union, and in preparing by scientific researches andsurveys for the further application of our national resources to theinternal improvement of our country. 

In this brief outline of the promise and performance of my immediatepredecessor the line of duty for his successor is clearly delineated. Topursue to their consummation those purposes of improvement in our commoncondition instituted or recommended by him will embrace the whole sphereof my obligations. To the topic of internal improvement, emphaticallyurged by him at his inauguration, I recur with peculiar satisfaction. Itis that from which I am convinced that the unborn millions of ourposterity who are in future ages to people this continent will derivetheir most fervent gratitude to the founders of the Union; that in whichthe beneficent action of its Government will be most deeply felt andacknowledged. The magnificence and splendor of their public works areamong the imperishable glories of the ancient republics. The roads andaqueducts of Rome have been the admiration of all after ages, and havesurvived thousands of years after all her conquests have been swallowedup in despotism or become the spoil of barbarians. Some diversity ofopinion has prevailed with regard to the powers of Congress forlegislation upon objects of this nature. The most respectful deferenceis due to doubts originating in pure patriotism and sustained byvenerated authority. But nearly twenty years have passed since theconstruction of the first national road was commenced. The authority forits construction was then unquestioned. To how many thousands of ourcountrymen has it proved a benefit? To what single individual has itever proved an injury? Repeated, liberal, and candid discussions in theLegislature have conciliated the sentiments and approximated theopinions of enlightened minds upon the question of constitutional power. I can not but hope that by the same process of friendly, patient, andpersevering deliberation all constitutional objections will ultimatelybe removed. The extent and limitation of the powers of the GeneralGovernment in relation to this transcendently important interest will besettled and acknowledged to the common satisfaction of all, and everyspeculative scruple will be solved by a practical public blessing. 

Fellow-citizens, you are acquainted with the peculiar circumstances ofthe recent election, which have resulted in affording me the opportunityof addressing you at this time. You have heard the exposition of theprinciples which will direct me in the fulfillment of the high andsolemn trust imposed upon me in this station. Less possessed of yourconfidence in advance than any of my predecessors, I am deeply consciousof the prospect that I shall stand more and oftener in need of yourindulgence. Intentions upright and pure, a heart devoted to the welfareof our country, and the unceasing application of all the facultiesallotted to me to her service are all the pledges that I can give forthe faithful performance of the arduous duties I am to undertake. To theguidance of the legislative councils, to the assistance of the executiveand subordinate departments, to the friendly cooperation of therespective State governments, to the candid and liberal support of thepeople so far as it may be deserved by honest industry and zeal, I shalllook for whatever success may attend my public service; and knowing that"except the Lord keep the city the watchman waketh but in vain, " withfervent supplications for His favor, to His overruling providence Icommit with humble but fearless confidence my own fate and the futuredestinies of my country. 

* * * * *

ANDREW JACKSON, FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS

WEDNESDAY, MARCH 4, 1829

[Transcriber's note: The election of Andrew Jackson was heralded as anew page in the history of the Republic. The first military leaderelected President since George Washington, he was much admired by theelectorate, who came to Washington to celebrate "Old Hickory's"inauguration. Outgoing President Adams did not join in the ceremony, which was held for the first time on the East Portico of the Capitolbuilding. Chief Justice John Marshall administered the oath of office. After the proceedings at the Capitol, a large group of citizens walkedwith the new President along Pennsylvania Avenue to the White House, andmany of them visited the executive mansion that day and evening. Suchlarge numbers of people arrived that many of the furnishings wereruined. President Jackson left the building by a window to avoid thecrush of people. ]

Fellow-Citizens:

About to undertake the arduous duties that I have been appointed toperform by the choice of a free people, I avail myself of this customaryand solemn occasion to express the gratitude which their confidenceinspires and to acknowledge the accountability which my situationenjoins. While the magnitude of their interests convinces me that nothanks can be adequate to the honor they have conferred, it admonishesme that the best return I can make is the zealous dedication of myhumble abilities to their service and their good. 

As the instrument of the Federal Constitution it will devolve on me fora stated period to execute the laws of the United States, to superintendtheir foreign and their confederate relations, to manage their revenue, to command their forces, and, by communications to the Legislature, towatch over and to promote their interests generally. And the principlesof action by which I shall endeavor to accomplish this circle of dutiesit is now proper for me briefly to explain. 

In administering the laws of Congress I shall keep steadily in view thelimitations as well as the extent of the Executive power trustingthereby to discharge the functions of my office without transcending itsauthority. With foreign nations it will be my study to preserve peaceand to cultivate friendship on fair and honorable terms, and in theadjustment of any differences that may exist or arise to exhibit theforbearance becoming a powerful nation rather than the sensibilitybelonging to a gallant people. 

In such measures as I may be called on to pursue in regard to the rightsof the separate States I hope to be animated by a proper respect forthose sovereign members of our Union, taking care not to confound thepowers they have reserved to themselves with those they have granted tothe Confederacy. 

The management of the public revenue--that searching operation in allgovernments--is among the most delicate and important trusts in ours, and it will, of course, demand no inconsiderable share of my officialsolicitude. Under every aspect in which it can be considered it wouldappear that advantage must result from the observance of a strict andfaithful economy. This I shall aim at the more anxiously both because itwill facilitate the extinguishment of the national debt, the unnecessaryduration of which is incompatible with real independence, and because itwill counteract that tendency to public and private profligacy which aprofuse expenditure of money by the Government is but too apt toengender. Powerful auxiliaries to the attainment of this desirable endare to be found in the regulations provided by the wisdom of Congressfor the specific appropriation of public money and the promptaccountability of public officers. 

With regard to a proper selection of the subjects of impost with a viewto revenue, it would seem to me that the spirit of equity, caution andcompromise in which the Constitution was formed requires that the greatinterests of agriculture, commerce, and manufactures should be equallyfavored, and that perhaps the only exception to this rule should consistin the peculiar encouragement of any products of either of them that maybe found essential to our national independence. 

Internal improvement and the diffusion of knowledge, so far as they canbe promoted by the constitutional acts of the Federal Government, are ofhigh importance. 

Considering standing armies as dangerous to free governments in time ofpeace, I shall not seek to enlarge our present establishment, nordisregard that salutary lesson of political experience which teachesthat the military should be held subordinate to the civil power. Thegradual increase of our Navy, whose flag has displayed in distant climesour skill in navigation and our fame in arms; the preservation of ourforts, arsenals, and dockyards, and the introduction of progressiveimprovements in the discipline and science of both branches of ourmilitary service are so plainly prescribed by prudence that I should beexcused for omitting their mention sooner than for enlarging on theirimportance. But the bulwark of our defense is the national militia, which in the present state of our intelligence and population mustrender us invincible. As long as our Government is administered for thegood of the people, and is regulated by their will; as long as itsecures to us the rights of person and of property, liberty ofconscience and of the press, it will be worth defending; and so long asit is worth defending a patriotic militia will cover it with animpenetrable aegis. Partial injuries and occasional mortifications wemay be subjected to, but a million of armed freemen, possessed of themeans of war, can never be conquered by a foreign foe. To any justsystem, therefore, calculated to strengthen this natural safeguard ofthe country I shall cheerfully lend all the aid in my power. 

It will be my sincere and constant desire to observe toward the Indiantribes within our limits a just and liberal policy, and to give thathumane and considerate attention to their rights and their wants whichis consistent with the habits of our Government and the feelings of ourpeople. 

The recent demonstration of public sentiment inscribes on the list ofExecutive duties, in characters too legible to be overlooked, the taskof reform, which will require particularly the correction of thoseabuses that have brought the patronage of the Federal Government intoconflict with the freedom of elections, and the counteraction of thosecauses which have disturbed the rightful course of appointment and haveplaced or continued power in unfaithful or incompetent hands. 

In the performance of a task thus generally delineated I shall endeavorto select men whose diligence and talents will insure in theirrespective stations able and faithful cooperation, depending for theadvancement of the public service more on the integrity and zeal of thepublic officers than on their numbers. 

A diffidence, perhaps too just, in my own qualifications will teach meto look with reverence to the examples of public virtue left by myillustrious predecessors, and with veneration to the lights that flowfrom the mind that founded and the mind that reformed our system. Thesame diffidence induces me to hope for instruction and aid from thecoordinate branches of the Government, and for the indulgence andsupport of my fellow-citizens generally. And a firm reliance on thegoodness of that Power whose providence mercifully protected ournational infancy, and has since upheld our liberties in variousvicissitudes, encourages me to offer up my ardent supplications that Hewill continue to make our beloved country the object of His divine careand gracious benediction. 

* * * * *

ANDREW JACKSON, SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS

MONDAY, MARCH 4, 1833

[Transcriber's note: Cold weather and the President's poor healthcaused the second inauguration to be much quieter than the first. ThePresident's speech was delivered to a large assembly inside the Hall ofthe House of Representatives. Chief Justice John Marshall administeredthe oath of office for the ninth, and last, time. ]

Fellow-Citizens:

The will of the American people, expressed through their unsolicitedsuffrages, calls me before you to pass through the solemnitiespreparatory to taking upon myself the duties of President of the UnitedStates for another term. For their approbation of my public conductthrough a period which has not been without its difficulties, and forthis renewed expression of their confidence in my good intentions, I amat a loss for terms adequate to the expression of my gratitude. It shallbe displayed to the extent of my humble abilities in continued effortsso to administer the Government as to preserve their liberty and promotetheir happiness. 

So many events have occurred within the last four years which havenecessarily called forth--sometimes under circumstances the mostdelicate and painful--my views of the principles and policy which oughtto be pursued by the General Government that I need on this occasion butallude to a few leading considerations connected with some of them. 

The foreign policy adopted by our Government soon after the formation ofour present Constitution, and very generally pursued by successiveAdministrations, has been crowned with almost complete success, and haselevated our character among the nations of the earth. To do justice toall and to submit to wrong from none has been during my Administrationits governing maxim, and so happy have been its results that we are notonly at peace with all the world, but have few causes of controversy, and those of minor importance, remaining unadjusted. 

In the domestic policy of this Government there are two objects whichespecially deserve the attention of the people and theirrepresentatives, and which have been and will continue to be thesubjects of my increasing solicitude. They are the preservation of therights of the several States and the integrity of the Union. 

These great objects are necessarily connected, and can only be attainedby an enlightened exercise of the powers of each within its appropriatesphere in conformity with the public will constitutionally expressed. Tothis end it becomes the duty of all to yield a ready and patrioticsubmission to the laws constitutionally enacted and thereby promote andstrengthen a proper confidence in those institutions of the severalStates and of the United States which the people themselves haveordained for their own government. 

My experience in public concerns and the observation of a life somewhatadvanced confirm the opinions long since imbibed by me, that thedestruction of our State governments or the annihilation of theircontrol over the local concerns of the people would lead directly torevolution and anarchy, and finally to despotism and militarydomination. In proportion, therefore, as the General Governmentencroaches upon the rights of the States, in the same proportion does itimpair its own power and detract from its ability to fulfill thepurposes of its creation. Solemnly impressed with these considerations, my countrymen will ever find me ready to exercise my constitutionalpowers in arresting measures which may directly or indirectly encroachupon the rights of the States or tend to consolidate all political powerin the General Government. But of equal, and, indeed, of incalculable, importance is the union of these States, and the sacred duty of all tocontribute to its preservation by a liberal support of the GeneralGovernment in the exercise of its just powers. You have been wiselyadmonished to "accustom yourselves to think and speak of the Union as ofthe palladium of your political safety and prosperity, watching for itspreservation with Jealous anxiety, discountenancing whatever may suggesteven a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned, and indignantlyfrowning upon the first dawning of any attempt to alienate any portionof our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties which nowlink together the various parts. " Without union our independence andliberty would never have been achieved; without union they never can bemaintained. Divided into twenty-four, or even a smaller number, ofseparate communities, we shall see our internal trade burdened withnumberless restraints and exactions; communication between distantpoints and sections obstructed or cut off; our sons made soldiers todeluge with blood the fields they now till in peace; the mass of ourpeople borne down and impoverished by taxes to support armies andnavies, and military leaders at the head of their victorious legionsbecoming our lawgivers and judges. The loss of liberty, of all goodgovernment, of peace, plenty, and happiness, must inevitably follow adissolution of the Union. In supporting it, therefore, we support allthat is dear to the freeman and the philanthropist. 

The time at which I stand before you is full of interest. The eyes ofall nations are fixed on our Republic. The event of the existing crisiswill be decisive in the opinion of mankind of the practicability of ourfederal system of government. Great is the stake placed in our hands;great is the responsibility which must rest upon the people of theUnited States. Let us realize the importance of the attitude in which westand before the world. Let us exercise forbearance and firmness. Let usextricate our country from the dangers which surround it and learnwisdom from the lessons they inculcate. 

Deeply impressed with the truth of these observations, and under theobligation of that solemn oath which I am about to take, I shallcontinue to exert all my faculties to maintain the just powers of theConstitution and to transmit unimpaired to posterity the blessings ofour Federal Union. At the same time, it will be my aim to inculcate bymy official acts the necessity of exercising by the General Governmentthose powers only that are clearly delegated; to encourage simplicityand economy in the expenditures of the Government; to raise no moremoney from the people than may be requisite for these objects, and in amanner that will best promote the interests of all classes of thecommunity and of all portions of the Union. Constantly bearing in mindthat in entering into society "individuals must give up a share ofliberty to preserve the rest, " it will be my desire so to discharge myduties as to foster with our brethren in all parts of the country aspirit of liberal concession and compromise, and, by reconciling ourfellow-citizens to those partial sacrifices which they must unavoidablymake for the preservation of a greater good, to recommend our invaluableGovernment and Union to the confidence and affections of the Americanpeople. 

Finally, it is my most fervent prayer to that Almighty Being before whomI now stand, and who has kept us in His hands from the infancy of ourRepublic to the present day, that He will so overrule all my intentionsand actions and inspire the hearts of my fellow-citizens that we may bepreserved from dangers of all kinds and continue forever a united andhappy people. 

* * * * *

MARTIN VAN BUREN, INAUGURAL ADDRESS

SATURDAY, MARCH 4, 1837

[Transcriber's note: The ailing President Jackson and his VicePresident Van Buren rode together to the Capitol from the White House ina carriage made of timbers from the U. S. S. Constitution. Chief JusticeRoger Taney administered the oath of office on the East Portico of theCapitol. For the first and only time, the election for Vice Presidenthad been decided by the Senate, as provided by the Constitution, whenthe electoral college could not select a winner. The new Vice President, Richard M. Johnson, took his oath in the Senate Chamber. ]

Fellow-Citizens:

The practice of all my predecessors imposes on me an obligation Icheerfully fulfill--to accompany the first and solemn act of my publictrust with an avowal of the principles that will guide me in performingit and an expression of my feelings on assuming a charge so responsibleand vast. In imitating their example I tread in the footsteps ofillustrious men, whose superiors it is our happiness to believe are notfound on the executive calendar of any country. Among them we recognizethe earliest and firmest pillars of the Republic--those by whom ournational independence was first declared, him who above all otherscontributed to establish it on the field of battle, and those whoseexpanded intellect and patriotism constructed, improved, and perfectedthe inestimable institutions under which we live. If such men in theposition I now occupy felt themselves overwhelmed by a sense ofgratitude for this the highest of all marks of their country'sconfidence, and by a consciousness of their inability adequately todischarge the duties of an office so difficult and exalted, how muchmore must these considerations affect one who can rely on no such claimsfor favor or forbearance! Unlike all who have preceded me, theRevolution that gave us existence as one people was achieved at theperiod of my birth; and whilst I contemplate with grateful reverencethat memorable event, I feel that I belong to a later age and that I maynot expect my countrymen to weigh my actions with the same kind andpartial hand. 

So sensibly, fellow-citizens, do these circumstances press themselvesupon me that I should not dare to enter upon my path of duty did I notlook for the generous aid of those who will be associated with me in thevarious and coordinate branches of the Government; did I not repose withunwavering reliance on the patriotism, the intelligence, and thekindness of a people who never yet deserted a public servant honestlylaboring their cause; and, above all, did I not permit myself humbly tohope for the sustaining support of an ever-watchful and beneficentProvidence. 

To the confidence and consolation derived from these sources it would beungrateful not to add those which spring from our present fortunatecondition. Though not altogether exempt from embarrassments that disturbour tranquillity at home and threaten it abroad, yet in all theattributes of a great, happy, and flourishing people we stand without aparallel in the world. Abroad we enjoy the respect and, with scarcely anexception, the friendship of every nation; at home, while our Governmentquietly but efficiently performs the sole legitimate end of politicalinstitutions--in doing the greatest good to the greatest number--wepresent an aggregate of human prosperity surely not elsewhere to befound. 

How imperious, then, is the obligation imposed upon every citizen, inhis own sphere of action, whether limited or extended, to exert himselfin perpetuating a condition of things so singularly happy! All thelessons of history and experience must be lost upon us if we are contentto trust alone to the peculiar advantages we happen to possess. Positionand climate and the bounteous resources that nature has scattered withso liberal a hand--even the diffused intelligence and elevated characterof our people--will avail us nothing if we fail sacredly to uphold thosepolitical institutions that were wisely and deliberately formed withreference to every circumstance that could preserve or might endangerthe blessings we enjoy. The thoughtful framers of our Constitutionlegislated for our country as they found it. Looking upon it with theeyes of statesmen and patriots, they saw all the sources of rapid andwonderful prosperity; but they saw also that various habits, opinionsand institutions peculiar to the various portions of so vast a regionwere deeply fixed. Distinct sovereignties were in actual existence, whose cordial union was essential to the welfare and happiness of all. Between many of them there was, at least to some extent, a realdiversity of interests, liable to be exaggerated through sinisterdesigns; they differed in size, in population, in wealth, and in actualand prospective resources and power; they varied in the character oftheir industry and staple productions, and [in some] existed domesticinstitutions which, unwisely disturbed, might endanger the harmony ofthe whole. Most carefully were all these circumstances weighed, and thefoundations of the new Government laid upon principles of reciprocalconcession and equitable compromise. The jealousies which the smallerStates might entertain of the power of the rest were allayed by a ruleof representation confessedly unequal at the time, and designed foreverto remain so. A natural fear that the broad scope of general legislationmight bear upon and unwisely control particular interests wascounteracted by limits strictly drawn around the action of the Federalauthority, and to the people and the States was left unimpaired theirsovereign power over the innumerable subjects embraced in the internalgovernment of a just republic, excepting such only as necessarilyappertain to the concerns of the whole confederacy or its intercourse asa united community with the other nations of the world. 

This provident forecast has been verified by time. Half a century, teeming with extraordinary events, and elsewhere producing astonishingresults, has passed along, but on our institutions it has left noinjurious mark. From a small community we have risen to a peoplepowerful in numbers and in strength; but with our increase has gone handin hand the progress of just principles. The privileges, civil andreligious, of the humblest individual are still sacredly protected athome, and while the valor and fortitude of our people have removed farfrom us the slightest apprehension of foreign power, they have not yetinduced us in a single instance to forget what is right. Our commercehas been extended to the remotest nations; the value and even nature ofour productions have been greatly changed; a wide difference has arisenin the relative wealth and resources of every portion of our country;yet the spirit of mutual regard and of faithful adherence to existingcompacts has continued to prevail in our councils and never long beenabsent from our conduct. We have learned by experience a fruitfullesson--that an implicit and undeviating adherence to the principles onwhich we set out can carry us prosperously onward through all theconflicts of circumstances and vicissitudes inseparable from the lapseof years. 

The success that has thus attended our great experiment is in itself asufficient cause for gratitude, on account of the happiness it hasactually conferred and the example it has unanswerably given But to me, my fellow-citizens, looking forward to the far-distant future withardent prayers and confiding hopes, this retrospect presents a groundfor still deeper delight. It impresses on my mind a firm belief that theperpetuity of our institutions depends upon ourselves; that if wemaintain the principles on which they were established they are destinedto confer their benefits on countless generations yet to come, and thatAmerica will present to every friend of mankind the cheering proof thata popular government, wisely formed, is wanting in no element ofendurance or strength. Fifty years ago its rapid failure was boldlypredicted. Latent and uncontrollable causes of dissolution were supposedto exist even by the wise and good, and not only did unfriendly orspeculative theorists anticipate for us the fate of past republics, butthe fears of many an honest patriot overbalanced his sanguine hopes. Look back on these forebodings, not hastily but reluctantly made, andsee how in every instance they have completely failed. 

An imperfect experience during the struggles of the Revolution wassupposed to warrant the belief that the people would not bear thetaxation requisite to discharge an immense public debt already incurredand to pay the necessary expenses of the Government. The cost of two warshas been paid, not only without a murmur, but with unequaled alacrity. No one is now left to doubt that every burden will be cheerfully bornethat may be necessary to sustain our civil institutions or guard ourhonor or welfare. Indeed, all experience has shown that the willingnessof the people to contribute to these ends in cases of emergency hasuniformly outrun the confidence of their representatives. 

In the early stages of the new Government, when all felt the imposinginfluence as they recognized the unequaled services of the firstPresident, it was a common sentiment that the great weight of hischaracter could alone bind the discordant materials of our Governmenttogether and save us from the violence of contending factions. Since hisdeath nearly forty years are gone. Party exasperation has been oftencarried to its highest point; the virtue and fortitude of the peoplehave sometimes been greatly tried; yet our system, purified and enhancedin value by all it has encountered, still preserves its spirit of freeand fearless discussion, blended with unimpaired fraternal feeling. 

The capacity of the people for self-government, and their willingness, from a high sense of duty and without those exhibitions of coercivepower so generally employed in other countries, to submit to all needfulrestraints and exactions of municipal law, have also been favorablyexemplified in the history of the American States. Occasionally, it istrue, the ardor of public sentiment, outrunning the regular progress ofthe judicial tribunals or seeking to reach cases not denounced ascriminal by the existing law, has displayed itself in a mannercalculated to give pain to the friends of free government and toencourage the hopes of those who wish for its overthrow. Theseoccurrences, however, have been far less frequent in our country than inany other of equal population on the globe, and with the diffusion ofintelligence it may well be hoped that they will constantly diminish infrequency and violence. The generous patriotism and sound common senseof the great mass of our fellow-citizens will assuredly in time producethis result; for as every assumption of illegal power not only woundsthe majesty of the law, but furnishes a pretext for abridging theliberties of the people, the latter have the most direct and permanentinterest in preserving the landmarks of social order and maintaining onall occasions the inviolability of those constitutional and legalprovisions which they themselves have made. 

In a supposed unfitness of our institutions for those hostileemergencies which no country can always avoid their friends found afruitful source of apprehension, their enemies of hope. While theyforesaw less promptness of action than in governments differentlyformed, they overlooked the far more important consideration that withus war could never be the result of individual or irresponsible will, but must be a measure of redress for injuries sustained voluntarilyresorted to by those who were to bear the necessary sacrifice, who wouldconsequently feel an individual interest in the contest, and whoseenergy would be commensurate with the difficulties to be encountered. Actual events have proved their error; the last war, far from impairing, gave new confidence to our Government, and amid recent apprehensions ofa similar conflict we saw that the energies of our country would not bewanting in ample season to vindicate its rights. We may not possess, aswe should not desire to possess, the extended and ever-ready militaryorganization of other nations; we may occasionally suffer in the outsetfor the want of it; but among ourselves all doubt upon this great pointhas ceased, while a salutary experience will prevent a contrary opinionfrom inviting aggression from abroad. 

Certain danger was foretold from the extension of our territory, themultiplication of States, and the increase of population. Our system wassupposed to be adapted only to boundaries comparatively narrow. Thesehave been widened beyond conjecture; the members of our Confederacy arealready doubled, and the numbers of our people are incredibly augmented. The alleged causes of danger have long surpassed anticipation, but noneof the consequences have followed. The power and influence of theRepublic have arisen to a height obvious to all mankind; respect for itsauthority was not more apparent at its ancient than it is at its presentlimits; new and inexhaustible sources of general prosperity have beenopened; the effects of distance have been averted by the inventivegenius of our people, developed and fostered by the spirit of ourinstitutions; and the enlarged variety and amount of interests, productions, and pursuits have strengthened the chain of mutualdependence and formed a circle of mutual benefits too apparent ever tobe overlooked. 

In justly balancing the powers of the Federal and State authoritiesdifficulties nearly insurmountable arose at the outset and subsequentcollisions were deemed inevitable. Amid these it was scarcely believedpossible that a scheme of government so complex in construction couldremain uninjured. From time to time embarrassments have certainlyoccurred; but how just is the confidence of future safety imparted bythe knowledge that each in succession has been happily removed!Overlooking partial and temporary evils as inseparable from thepractical operation of all human institutions, and looking only to thegeneral result, every patriot has reason to be satisfied. While theFederal Government has successfully performed its appropriate functionsin relation to foreign affairs and concerns evidently national, that ofevery State has remarkably improved in protecting and developing localinterests and individual welfare; and if the vibrations of authorityhave occasionally tended too much toward one or the other, it isunquestionably certain that the ultimate operation of the entire systemhas been to strengthen all the existing institutions and to elevate ourwhole country in prosperity and renown. 

The last, perhaps the greatest, of the prominent sources of discord anddisaster supposed to lurk in our political condition was the institutionof domestic slavery. Our forefathers were deeply impressed with thedelicacy of this subject, and they treated it with a forbearance soevidently wise that in spite of every sinister foreboding it never untilthe present period disturbed the tranquillity of our common country. Such a result is sufficient evidence of the justice and the patriotismof their course; it is evidence not to be mistaken that an adherence toit can prevent all embarrassment from this as well as from every otheranticipated cause of difficulty or danger. Have not recent events madeit obvious to the slightest reflection that the least deviation fromthis spirit of forbearance is injurious to every interest, that ofhumanity included? Amidst the violence of excited passions this generousand fraternal feeling has been sometimes disregarded; and standing as Inow do before my countrymen, in this high place of honor and of trust, Ican not refrain from anxiously invoking my fellow-citizens never to bedeaf to its dictates. Perceiving before my election the deep interestthis subject was beginning to excite, I believed it a solemn duty fullyto make known my sentiments in regard to it, and now, when every motivefor misrepresentation has passed away, I trust that they will becandidly weighed and understood. At least they will be my standard ofconduct in the path before me. I then declared that if the desire ofthose of my countrymen who were favorable to my election was gratified"I must go into the Presidential chair the inflexible and uncompromisingopponent of every attempt on the part of Congress to abolish slavery inthe District of Columbia against the wishes of the slaveholding States, and also with a determination equally decided to resist the slightestinterference with it in the States where it exists. " I submitted also tomy fellow-citizens, with fullness and frankness, the reasons which ledme to this determination. The result authorizes me to believe that theyhave been approved and are confided in by a majority of the people ofthe United States, including those whom they most immediately affect. Itnow only remains to add that no bill conflicting with these views canever receive my constitutional sanction. These opinions have beenadopted in the firm belief that they are in accordance with the spiritthat actuated the venerated fathers of the Republic, and that succeedingexperience has proved them to be humane, patriotic, expedient, honorable, and just. If the agitation of this subject was intended toreach the stability of our institutions, enough has occurred to showthat it has signally failed, and that in this as in every other instancethe apprehensions of the timid and the hopes of the wicked for thedestruction of our Government are again destined to be disappointed. Here and there, indeed, scenes of dangerous excitement have occurred, terrifying instances of local violence have been witnessed, and areckless disregard of the consequences of their conduct has exposedindividuals to popular indignation; but neither masses of the people norsections of the country have been swerved from their devotion to thebond of union and the principles it has made sacred. It will be everthus. Such attempts at dangerous agitation may periodically return, butwith each the object will be better understood. That predominatingaffection for our political system which prevails throughout ourterritorial limits, that calm and enlightened judgment which ultimatelygoverns our people as one vast body, will always be at hand to resistand control every effort, foreign or domestic, which aims or would leadto overthrow our institutions. 

What can be more gratifying than such a retrospect as this? We look backon obstacles avoided and dangers overcome, on expectations more thanrealized and prosperity perfectly secured. To the hopes of the hostile, the fears of the timid, and the doubts of the anxious actual experiencehas given the conclusive reply. We have seen time gradually dispel everyunfavorable foreboding and our Constitution surmount every adversecircumstance dreaded at the outset as beyond control. Present excitementwill at all times magnify present dangers, but true philosophy mustteach us that none more threatening than the past can remain to beovercome; and we ought (for we have just reason) to entertain an abidingconfidence in the stability of our institutions and an entire convictionthat if administered in the true form, character, and spirit in whichthey were established they are abundantly adequate to preserve to us andour children the rich blessings already derived from them, to make ourbeloved land for a thousand generations that chosen spot where happinesssprings from a perfect equality of political rights. 

For myself, therefore, I desire to declare that the principle that willgovern me in the high duty to which my country calls me is a strictadherence to the letter and spirit of the Constitution as it wasdesigned by those who framed it. Looking back to it as a sacredinstrument carefully and not easily framed; remembering that it wasthroughout a work of concession and compromise; viewing it as limited tonational objects; regarding it as leaving to the people and the Statesall power not explicitly parted with, I shall endeavor to preserve, protect, and defend it by anxiously referring to its provision fordirection in every action. To matters of domestic concernment which ithas intrusted to the Federal Government and to such as relate to ourintercourse with foreign nations I shall zealously devote myself; beyondthose limits I shall never pass. 

To enter on this occasion into a further or more minute exposition of myviews on the various questions of domestic policy would be as obtrusiveas it is probably unexpected. Before the suffrages of my countrymen wereconferred upon me I submitted to them, with great precision, my opinionson all the most prominent of these subjects. Those opinions I shallendeavor to carry out with my utmost ability. 

Our course of foreign policy has been so uniform and intelligible as toconstitute a rule of Executive conduct which leaves little to mydiscretion, unless, indeed, I were willing to run counter to the lightsof experience and the known opinions of my constituents. We sedulouslycultivate the friendship of all nations as the conditions mostcompatible with our welfare and the principles of our Government. Wedecline alliances as adverse to our peace. We desire commercialrelations on equal terms, being ever willing to give a fair equivalentfor advantages received. We endeavor to conduct our intercourse withopenness and sincerity, promptly avowing our objects and seeking toestablish that mutual frankness which is as beneficial in the dealingsof nations as of men. We have no disposition and we disclaim all rightto meddle in disputes, whether internal or foreign, that may molestother countries, regarding them in their actual state as socialcommunities, and preserving a strict neutrality in all theircontroversies. Well knowing the tried valor of our people and ourexhaustless resources, we neither anticipate nor fear any designedaggression; and in the consciousness of our own just conduct we feel asecurity that we shall never be called upon to exert our determinationnever to permit an invasion of our rights without punishment or redress. 

In approaching, then, in the presence of my assembled countrymen, tomake the solemn promise that yet remains, and to pledge myself that Iwill faithfully execute the office I am about to fill, I bring with me asettled purpose to maintain the institutions of my country, which Itrust will atone for the errors I commit. 

In receiving from the people the sacred trust twice confided to myillustrious predecessor, and which he has discharged so faithfully andso well, I know that I can not expect to perform the arduous task withequal ability and success. But united as I have been in his counsels, adaily witness of his exclusive and unsurpassed devotion to his country'swelfare, agreeing with him in sentiments which his countrymen havewarmly supported, and permitted to partake largely of his confidence, Imay hope that somewhat of the same cheering approbation will be found toattend upon my path. For him I but express with my own the wishes ofall, that he may yet long live to enjoy the brilliant evening of hiswell-spent life; and for myself, conscious of but one desire, faithfullyto serve my country, I throw myself without fear on its justice and itskindness. Beyond that I only look to the gracious protection of theDivine Being whose strengthening support I humbly solicit, and whom Ifervently pray to look down upon us all. May it be among thedispensations of His providence to bless our beloved country with honorsand with length of days. May her ways be ways of pleasantness and allher paths be peace!

* * * * *

WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON, INAUGURAL ADDRESS

THURSDAY, MARCH 4, 1841

[Transcriber's note: President Harrison has the dual distinction amongall the Presidents of giving the longest inaugural speech and of servingthe shortest term of office. Known to the public as "Old Tippecanoe, "the former general of the Indian campaigns delivered anhour-and-forty-five-minute speech in a snowstorm. The oath of officewas administered on the East Portico of the Capitol by Chief JusticeRoger Taney. The 68-year-old President stood outside for the entireproceeding, greeted crowds of well-wishers at the White House later thatday, and attended several celebrations that evening. One month later hedied of pneumonia. ]

Called from a retirement which I had supposed was to continue for theresidue of my life to fill the chief executive office of this great andfree nation, I appear before you, fellow-citizens, to take the oathswhich the Constitution prescribes as a necessary qualification for theperformance of its duties; and in obedience to a custom coeval with ourGovernment and what I believe to be your expectations I proceed topresent to you a summary of the principles which will govern me in thedischarge of the duties which I shall be called upon to perform. 

It was the remark of a Roman consul in an early period of thatcelebrated Republic that a most striking contrast was observable in theconduct of candidates for offices of power and trust before and afterobtaining them, they seldom carrying out in the latter case the pledgesand promises made in the former. However much the world may haveimproved in many respects in the lapse of upward of two thousand yearssince the remark was made by the virtuous and indignant Roman, I fearthat a strict examination of the annals of some of the modern electivegovernments would develop similar instances of violated confidence. 

Although the fiat of the people has gone forth proclaiming me the ChiefMagistrate of this glorious Union, nothing upon their part remaining tobe done, it may be thought that a motive may exist to keep up thedelusion under which they may be supposed to have acted in relation tomy principles and opinions; and perhaps there may be some in thisassembly who have come here either prepared to condemn those I shall nowdeliver, or, approving them, to doubt the sincerity with which they arenow uttered. But the lapse of a few months will confirm or dispel theirfears. The outline of principles to govern and measures to be adopted byan Administration not yet begun will soon be exchanged for immutablehistory, and I shall stand either exonerated by my countrymen or classedwith the mass of those who promised that they might deceive andflattered with the intention to betray. However strong may be my presentpurpose to realize the expectations of a magnanimous and confidingpeople, I too well understand the dangerous temptations to which I shallbe exposed from the magnitude of the power which it has been thepleasure of the people to commit to my hands not to place my chiefconfidence upon the aid of that Almighty Power which has hithertoprotected me and enabled me to bring to favorable issues other importantbut still greatly inferior trusts heretofore confided to me by mycountry. 

The broad foundation upon which our Constitution rests being thepeople--a breath of theirs having made, as a breath can unmake, change, or modify it--it can be assigned to none of the great divisions ofgovernment but to that of democracy. If such is its theory, those whoare called upon to administer it must recognize as its leading principlethe duty of shaping their measures so as to produce the greatest good tothe greatest number. But with these broad admissions, if we wouldcompare the sovereignty acknowledged to exist in the mass of our peoplewith the power claimed by other sovereignties, even by those which havebeen considered most purely democratic, we shall find a most essentialdifference. All others lay claim to power limited only by their ownwill. The majority of our citizens, on the contrary, possess asovereignty with an amount of power precisely equal to that which hasbeen granted to them by the parties to the national compact, and nothingbeyond. We admit of no government by divine right, believing that so faras power is concerned the Beneficent Creator has made no distinctionamongst men; that all are upon an equality, and that the only legitimateright to govern is an express grant of power from the governed. TheConstitution of the United States is the instrument containing thisgrant of power to the several departments composing the Government. Onan examination of that instrument it will be found to containdeclarations of power granted and of power withheld. The latter is alsosusceptible of division into power which the majority had the right togrant, but which they do not think proper to intrust to their agents, and that which they could not have granted, not being possessed bythemselves. In other words, there are certain rights possessed by eachindividual American citizen which in his compact with the others he hasnever surrendered. Some of them, indeed, he is unable to surrender, being, in the language of our system, unalienable. The boasted privilegeof a Roman citizen was to him a shield only against a petty provincialruler, whilst the proud democrat of Athens would console himself under asentence of death for a supposed violation of the national faith--whichno one understood and which at times was the subject of the mockery ofall--or the banishment from his home, his family, and his country withor without an alleged cause, that it was the act not of a single tyrantor hated aristocracy, but of his assembled countrymen. Far different isthe power of our sovereignty. It can interfere with no one's faith, prescribe forms of worship for no one's observance, inflict nopunishment but after well-ascertained guilt, the result of investigationunder rules prescribed by the Constitution itself. These preciousprivileges, and those scarcely less important of giving expression tohis thoughts and opinions, either by writing or speaking, unrestrainedbut by the liability for injury to others, and that of a fullparticipation in all the advantages which flow from the Government, theacknowledged property of all, the American citizen derives from nocharter granted by his fellow-man. He claims them because he is himselfa man, fashioned by the same Almighty hand as the rest of his speciesand entitled to a full share of the blessings with which He has endowedthem. Notwithstanding the limited sovereignty possessed by the people ofthe United States and the restricted grant of power to the Governmentwhich they have adopted, enough has been given to accomplish all theobjects for which it was created. It has been found powerful in war, andhitherto justice has been administered, and intimate union effected, domestic tranquillity preserved, and personal liberty secured to thecitizen. As was to be expected, however, from the defect of language andthe necessarily sententious manner in which the Constitution is written, disputes have arisen as to the amount of power which it has actuallygranted or was intended to grant. 

This is more particularly the case in relation to that part of theinstrument which treats of the legislative branch, and not only asregards the exercise of powers claimed under a general clause givingthat body the authority to pass all laws necessary to carry into effectthe specified powers, but in relation to the latter also. It is, however, consolatory to reflect that most of the instances of allegeddeparture from the letter or spirit of the Constitution have ultimatelyreceived the sanction of a majority of the people. And the fact thatmany of our statesmen most distinguished for talent and patriotism havebeen at one time or other of their political career on both sides ofeach of the most warmly disputed questions forces upon us the inferencethat the errors, if errors there were, are attributable to the intrinsicdifficulty in many instances of ascertaining the intentions of theframers of the Constitution rather than the influence of any sinister orunpatriotic motive. But the great danger to our institutions does notappear to me to be in a usurpation by the Government of power notgranted by the people, but by the accumulation in one of the departmentsof that which was assigned to others. Limited as are the powers whichhave been granted, still enough have been granted to constitute adespotism if concentrated in one of the departments. This danger isgreatly heightened, as it has been always observable that men are lessjealous of encroachments of one department upon another than upon theirown reserved rights. When the Constitution of the United States firstcame from the hands of the Convention which formed it, many of thesternest republicans of the day were alarmed at the extent of the powerwhich had been granted to the Federal Government, and more particularlyof that portion which had been assigned to the executive branch. Therewere in it features which appeared not to be in harmony with their ideasof a simple representative democracy or republic, and knowing thetendency of power to increase itself, particularly when exercised by asingle individual, predictions were made that at no very remote periodthe Government would terminate in virtual monarchy. It would not becomeme to say that the fears of these patriots have been already realized;but as I sincerely believe that the tendency of measures and of men'sopinions for some years past has been in that direction, it is, Iconceive, strictly proper that I should take this occasion to repeat theassurances I have heretofore given of my determination to arrest theprogress of that tendency if it really exists and restore the Governmentto its pristine health and vigor, as far as this can be effected by anylegitimate exercise of the power placed in my hands. 

I proceed to state in as summary a manner as I can my opinion of thesources of the evils which have been so extensively complained of andthe correctives which may be applied. Some of the former areunquestionably to be found in the defects of the Constitution; others, in my judgment, are attributable to a misconstruction of some of itsprovisions. Of the former is the eligibility of the same individual to asecond term of the Presidency. The sagacious mind of Mr. Jefferson earlysaw and lamented this error, and attempts have been made, hithertowithout success, to apply the amendatory power of the States to itscorrection. As, however, one mode of correction is in the power of everyPresident, and consequently in mine, it would be useless, and perhapsinvidious, to enumerate the evils of which, in the opinion of many ofour fellow-citizens, this error of the sages who framed the Constitutionmay have been the source and the bitter fruits which we are still togather from it if it continues to disfigure our system. It may beobserved, however, as a general remark, that republics can commit nogreater error than to adopt or continue any feature in their systems ofgovernment which may be calculated to create or increase the lover ofpower in the bosoms of those to whom necessity obliges them to committhe management of their affairs; and surely nothing is more likely toproduce such a state of mind than the long continuance of an office ofhigh trust. Nothing can be more corrupting, nothing more destructive ofall those noble feelings which belong to the character of a devotedrepublican patriot. When this corrupting passion once takes possessionof the human mind, like the love of gold it becomes insatiable. It isthe never-dying worm in his bosom, grows with his growth and strengthenswith the declining years of its victim. If this is true, it is the partof wisdom for a republic to limit the service of that officer at leastto whom she has intrusted the management of her foreign relations, theexecution of her laws, and the command of her armies and navies to aperiod so short as to prevent his forgetting that he is the accountableagent, not the principal; the servant, not the master. Until anamendment of the Constitution can be effected public opinion may securethe desired object. I give my aid to it by renewing the pledgeheretofore given that under no circumstances will I consent to serve asecond term. 

But if there is danger to public liberty from the acknowledged defectsof the Constitution in the want of limit to the continuance of theExecutive power in the same hands, there is, I apprehend, not much lessfrom a misconstruction of that instrument as it regards the powersactually given. I can not conceive that by a fair construction any oreither of its provisions would be found to constitute the President apart of the legislative power. It can not be claimed from the power torecommend, since, although enjoined as a duty upon him, it is aprivilege which he holds in common with every other citizen; andalthough there may be something more of confidence in the propriety ofthe measures recommended in the one case than in the other, in theobligations of ultimate decision there can be no difference. In thelanguage of the Constitution, "all the legislative powers" which itgrants "are vested in the Congress of the United States. " It would be asolecism in language to say that any portion of these is not included inthe whole. 

It may be said, indeed, that the Constitution has given to the Executivethe power to annul the acts of the legislative body by refusing to themhis assent. So a similar power has necessarily resulted from thatinstrument to the judiciary, and yet the judiciary forms no part of theLegislature. There is, it is true, this difference between these grantsof power: The Executive can put his negative upon the acts of theLegislature for other cause than that of want of conformity to theConstitution, whilst the judiciary can only declare void those whichviolate that instrument. But the decision of the judiciary is final insuch a case, whereas in every instance where the veto of the Executiveis applied it may be overcome by a vote of two-thirds of both Houses ofCongress. The negative upon the acts of the legislative by the executiveauthority, and that in the hands of one individual, would seem to be anincongruity in our system. Like some others of a similar character, however, it appears to be highly expedient, and if used only with theforbearance and in the spirit which was intended by its authors it maybe productive of great good and be found one of the best safeguards tothe Union. At the period of the formation of the Constitution theprinciple does not appear to have enjoyed much favor in the Stategovernments. It existed but in two, and in one of these there was aplural executive. If we would search for the motives which operated uponthe purely patriotic and enlightened assembly which framed theConstitution for the adoption of a provision so apparently repugnant tothe leading democratic principle that the majority should govern, wemust reject the idea that they anticipated from it any benefit to theordinary course of legislation. They knew too well the high degree ofintelligence which existed among the people and the enlightenedcharacter of the State legislatures not to have the fullest confidencethat the two bodies elected by them would be worthy representatives ofsuch constituents, and, of course, that they would require no aid inconceiving and maturing the measures which the circumstances of thecountry might require. And it is preposterous to suppose that a thoughtcould for a moment have been entertained that the President, placed atthe capital, in the center of the country, could better understand thewants and wishes of the people than their own immediate representatives, who spend a part of every year among them, living with them, oftenlaboring with them, and bound to them by the triple tie of interest, duty, and affection. To assist or control Congress, then, in itsordinary legislation could not, I conceive, have been the motive forconferring the veto power on the President. This argument acquiresadditional force from the fact of its never having been thus used by thefirst six Presidents--and two of them were members of the Convention, one presiding over its deliberations and the other bearing a largershare in consummating the labors of that august body than any otherperson. But if bills were never returned to Congress by either of thePresidents above referred to upon the ground of their being inexpedientor not as well adapted as they might be to the wants of the people, theveto was applied upon that of want of conformity to the Constitution orbecause errors had been committed from a too hasty enactment. 

There is another ground for the adoption of the veto principle, whichhad probably more influence in recommending it to the Convention thanany other. I refer to the security which it gives to the just andequitable action of the Legislature upon all parts of the Union. Itcould not but have occurred to the Convention that in a country soextensive, embracing so great a variety of soil and climate, andconsequently of products, and which from the same causes must everexhibit a great difference in the amount of the population of itsvarious sections, calling for a great diversity in the employments ofthe people, that the legislation of the majority might not always justlyregard the rights and interests of the minority, and that acts of thischaracter might be passed under an express grant by the words of theConstitution, and therefore not within the competency of the judiciaryto declare void; that however enlightened and patriotic they mightsuppose from past experience the members of Congress might be, andhowever largely partaking, in the general, of the liberal feelings ofthe people, it was impossible to expect that bodies so constitutedshould not sometimes be controlled by local interests and sectionalfeelings. It was proper, therefore, to provide some umpire from whosesituation and mode of appointment more independence and freedom fromsuch influences might be expected. Such a one was afforded by theexecutive department constituted by the Constitution. A person electedto that high office, having his constituents in every section, State, and subdivision of the Union, must consider himself bound by the mostsolemn sanctions to guard, protect, and defend the rights of all and ofevery portion, great or small, from the injustice and oppression of therest. I consider the veto power, therefore, given by the Constitution tothe Executive of the United States solely as a conservative power, to beused only first, to protect the Constitution from violation; secondly, the people from the effects of hasty legislation where their will hasbeen probably disregarded or not well understood, and, thirdly, toprevent the effects of combinations violative of the rights ofminorities. In reference to the second of these objects I may observethat I consider it the right and privilege of the people to decidedisputed points of the Constitution arising from the general grant ofpower to Congress to carry into effect the powers expressly given; and Ibelieve with Mr. Madison that "repeated recognitions under variedcircumstances in acts of the legislative, executive, and judicialbranches of the Government, accompanied by indications in differentmodes of the concurrence of the general will of the nation, " asaffording to the President sufficient authority for his considering suchdisputed points as settled. 

Upward of half a century has elapsed since the adoption of the presentform of government. It would be an object more highly desirable than thegratification of the curiosity of speculative statesmen if its precisesituation could be ascertained, a fair exhibit made of the operations ofeach of its departments, of the powers which they respectively claim andexercise, of the collisions which have occurred between them or betweenthe whole Government and those of the States or either of them. We couldthen compare our actual condition after fifty years' trial of our systemwith what it was in the commencement of its operations and ascertainwhether the predictions of the patriots who opposed its adoption or theconfident hopes of its advocates have been best realized. The greatdread of the former seems to have been that the reserved powers of theStates would be absorbed by those of the Federal Government and aconsolidated power established, leaving to the States the shadow only ofthat independent action for which they had so zealously contended and onthe preservation of which they relied as the last hope of liberty. Without denying that the result to which they looked with so muchapprehension is in the way of being realized, it is obvious that theydid not clearly see the mode of its accomplishment. The GeneralGovernment has seized upon none of the reserved rights of the States. ASfar as any open warfare may have gone, the State authorities have amplymaintained their rights. To a casual observer our system presents noappearance of discord between the different members which compose it. Even the addition of many new ones has produced no jarring. They move intheir respective orbits in perfect harmony with the central head andwith each other. But there is still an undercurrent at work by which, ifnot seasonably checked, the worst apprehensions of our antifederalpatriots will be realized, and not only will the State authorities beovershadowed by the great increase of power in the executive departmentof the General Government, but the character of that Government, if notits designation, be essentially and radically changed. This state ofthings has been in part effected by causes inherent in the Constitutionand in part by the never-failing tendency of political power to increaseitself. By making the President the sole distributer of all thepatronage of the Government the framers of the Constitution do notappear to have anticipated at how short a period it would become aformidable instrument to control the free operations of the Stategovernments. Of trifling importance at first, it had early in Mr. Jefferson's Administration become so powerful as to create great alarmin the mind of that patriot from the potent influence it might exert incontrolling the freedom of the elective franchise. If such could havethen been the effects of its influence, how much greater must be thedanger at this time, quadrupled in amount as it certainly is and morecompletely under the control of the Executive will than theirconstruction of their powers allowed or the forbearing characters of allthe early Presidents permitted them to make. But it is not by the extentof its patronage alone that the executive department has becomedangerous, but by the use which it appears may be made of the appointingpower to bring under its control the whole revenues of the country. TheConstitution has declared it to be the duty of the President to see thatthe laws are executed, and it makes him the Commander in Chief of theArmies and Navy of the United States. If the opinion of the mostapproved writers upon that species of mixed government which in modernEurope is termed monarchy in contradistinction to despotism is correct, there was wanting no other addition to the powers of our ChiefMagistrate to stamp a monarchical character on our Government but thecontrol of the public finances; and to me it appears strange indeed thatanyone should doubt that the entire control which the Presidentpossesses over the officers who have the custody of the public money, bythe power of removal with or without cause, does, for all mischievouspurposes at least, virtually subject the treasure also to his disposal. The first Roman Emperor, in his attempt to seize the sacred treasure, silenced the opposition of the officer to whose charge it had beencommitted by a significant allusion to his sword. By a selection ofpolitical instruments for the care of the public money a reference totheir commissions by a President would be quite as effectual an argumentas that of Caesar to the Roman knight. I am not insensible of the greatdifficulty that exists in drawing a proper plan for the safe-keepingand disbursement of the public revenues, and I know the importance whichhas been attached by men of great abilities and patriotism to thedivorce, as it is called, of the Treasury from the banking institutionsIt is not the divorce which is complained of, but the unhallowed unionof the Treasury with the executive department, which has created suchextensive alarm. To this danger to our republican institutions and thatcreated by the influence given to the Executive through theinstrumentality of the Federal officers I propose to apply all theremedies which may be at my command. It was certainly a great error inthe framers of the Constitution not to have made the officer at the headof the Treasury Department entirely independent of the Executive. Heshould at least have been removable only upon the demand of the popularbranch of the Legislature. I have determined never to remove a Secretaryof the Treasury without communicating all the circumstances attendingsuch removal to both Houses of Congress. 

The influence of the Executive in controlling the freedom of theelective franchise through the medium of the public officers can beeffectually checked by renewing the prohibition published by Mr. Jefferson forbidding their interference in elections further than givingtheir own votes, and their own independence secured by an assurance ofperfect immunity in exercising this sacred privilege of freemen underthe dictates of their own unbiased judgments. Never with my consentshall an officer of the people, compensated for his services out oftheir pockets, become the pliant instrument of Executive will. 

There is no part of the means placed in the hands of the Executive whichmight be used with greater effect for unhallowed purposes than thecontrol of the public press. The maxim which our ancestors derived fromthe mother country that "the freedom of the press is the great bulwarkof civil and religious liberty" is one of the most precious legacieswhich they have left us. We have learned, too, from our own as well asthe experience of other countries, that golden shackles, by whomsoeveror by whatever pretense imposed, are as fatal to it as the iron bonds ofdespotism. The presses in the necessary employment of the Governmentshould never be used "to clear the guilty or to varnish crime. " A decentand manly examination of the acts of the Government should be not onlytolerated, but encouraged. 

Upon another occasion I have given my opinion at some length upon theimpropriety of Executive interference in the legislation ofCongress--that the article in the Constitution making it the duty ofthe President to communicate information and authorizing him torecommend measures was not intended to make him the source inlegislation, and, in particular, that he should never be looked to forschemes of finance. It would be very strange, indeed, that theConstitution should have strictly forbidden one branch of theLegislature from interfering in the origination of such bills and thatit should be considered proper that an altogether different departmentof the Government should be permitted to do so. Some of our bestpolitical maxims and opinions have been drawn from our parent isle. There are others, however, which can not be introduced in our systemwithout singular incongruity and the production of much mischief, andthis I conceive to be one. No matter in which of the houses ofParliament a bill may originate nor by whom introduced--a minister or amember of the opposition--by the fiction of law, or rather ofconstitutional principle, the sovereign is supposed to have prepared itagreeably to his will and then submitted it to Parliament for theiradvice and consent. Now the very reverse is the case here, not only withregard to the principle, but the forms prescribed by the Constitution. The principle certainly assigns to the only body constituted by theConstitution (the legislative body) the power to make laws, and theforms even direct that the enactment should be ascribed to them. TheSenate, in relation to revenue bills, have the right to proposeamendments, and so has the Executive by the power given him to returnthem to the House of Representatives with his objections. It is in hispower also to propose amendments in the existing revenue laws, suggestedby his observations upon their defective or injurious operation. But thedelicate duty of devising schemes of revenue should be left where theConstitution has placed it--with the immediate representatives of thepeople. For similar reasons the mode of keeping the public treasureshould be prescribed by them, and the further removed it may be from thecontrol of the Executive the more wholesome the arrangement and the morein accordance with republican principle. 

Connected with this subject is the character of the currency. The ideaof making it exclusively metallic, however well intended, appears to meto be fraught with more fatal consequences than any other scheme havingno relation to the personal rights of the citizens that has ever beendevised. If any single scheme could produce the effect of arresting atonce that mutation of condition by which thousands of our most indigentfellow-citizens by their industry and enterprise are raised to thepossession of wealth, that is the one. If there is one measure bettercalculated than another to produce that state of things so muchdeprecated by all true republicans, by which the rich are daily addingto their hoards and the poor sinking deeper into penury, it is anexclusive metallic currency. Or if there is a process by which thecharacter of the country for generosity and nobleness of feeling may bedestroyed by the great increase and neck toleration of usury, it is anexclusive metallic currency. 

Amongst the other duties of a delicate character which the President iscalled upon to perform is the supervision of the government of theTerritories of the United States. Those of them which are destined tobecome members of our great political family are compensated by theirrapid progress from infancy to manhood for the partial and temporarydeprivation of their political rights. It is in this District only whereAmerican citizens are to be found who under a settled policy aredeprived of many important political privileges without any inspiringhope as to the future. Their only consolation under circumstances ofsuch deprivation is that of the devoted exterior guards of a camp--thattheir sufferings secure tranquillity and safety within. Are there any oftheir countrymen, who would subject them to greater sacrifices, to anyother humiliations than those essentially necessary to the security ofthe object for which they were thus separated from theirfellow-citizens? Are their rights alone not to be guaranteed by theapplication of those great principles upon which all our constitutionsare founded? We are told by the greatest of British orators andstatesmen that at the commencement of the War of the Revolution the moststupid men in England spoke of "their American subjects. " Are there, indeed, citizens of any of our States who have dreamed of their subjectsin the District of Columbia? Such dreams can never be realized by anyagency of mine. The people of the District of Columbia are not thesubjects of the people of the States, but free American citizens. Beingin the latter condition when the Constitution was formed, no words usedin that instrument could have been intended to deprive them of thatcharacter. If there is anything in the great principle of unalienablerights so emphatically insisted upon in our Declaration of Independence, they could neither make nor the United States accept a surrender oftheir liberties and become the subjects--in other words, the slaves--oftheir former fellow-citizens. If this be true--and it will scarcely bedenied by anyone who has a correct idea of his own rights as an Americancitizen--the grant to Congress of exclusive jurisdiction in the Districtof Columbia can be interpreted, so far as respects the aggregate peopleof the United States, as meaning nothing more than to allow to Congressthe controlling power necessary to afford a free and safe exercise ofthe functions assigned to the General Government by the Constitution. Inall other respects the legislation of Congress should be adapted totheir peculiar position and wants and be conformable with theirdeliberate opinions of their own interests. 

I have spoken of the necessity of keeping the respective departments ofthe Government, as well as all the other authorities of our country, within their appropriate orbits. This is a matter of difficulty in somecases, as the powers which they respectively claim are often not definedby any distinct lines. Mischievous, however, in their tendencies ascollisions of this kind may be, those which arise between the respectivecommunities which for certain purposes compose one nation are much moreso, for no such nation can long exist without the careful culture ofthose feelings of confidence and affection which are the effective bondsto union between free and confederated states. Strong as is the tie ofinterest, it has been often found ineffectual. Men blinded by theirpassions have been known to adopt measures for their country in directopposition to all the suggestions of policy. The alternative, then, isto destroy or keep down a bad passion by creating and fostering a goodone, and this seems to be the corner stone upon which our Americanpolitical architects have reared the fabric of our Government. Thecement which was to bind it and perpetuate its existence was theaffectionate attachment between all its members. To insure thecontinuance of this feeling, produced at first by a community ofdangers, of sufferings, and of interests, the advantages of each weremade accessible to all. No participation in any good possessed by anymember of our extensive Confederacy, except in domestic government, waswithheld from the citizen of any other member. By a process attendedwith no difficulty, no delay, no expense but that of removal, thecitizen of one might become the citizen of any other, and successivelyof the whole. The lines, too, separating powers to be exercised by thecitizens of one State from those of another seem to be so distinctlydrawn as to leave no room for misunderstanding. The citizens of eachState unite in their persons all the privileges which that characterconfers and all that they may claim as citizens of the United States, but in no case can the same persons at the same time act as the citizenof two separate States, and he is therefore positively precluded fromany interference with the reserved powers of any State but that of whichhe is for the time being a citizen. He may, indeed, offer to thecitizens of other States his advice as to their management, and the formin which it is tendered is left to his own discretion and sense ofpropriety. It may be observed, however, that organized associations ofcitizens requiring compliance with their wishes too much resemble therecommendations of Athens to her allies, supported by an armed andpowerful fleet. It was, indeed, to the ambition of the leading States ofGreece to control the domestic concerns of the others that thedestruction of that celebrated Confederacy, and subsequently of all itsmembers, is mainly to be attributed, and it is owing to the absence ofthat spirit that the Helvetic Confederacy has for so many years beenpreserved. Never has there been seen in the institutions of the separatemembers of any confederacy more elements of discord. In the principlesand forms of government and religion, as well as in the circumstances ofthe several Cantons, so marked a discrepancy was observable as topromise anything but harmony in their intercourse or permanency in theiralliance, and yet for ages neither has been interrupted. Content withthe positive benefits which their union produced, with the independenceand safety from foreign aggression which it secured, these sagaciouspeople respected the institutions of each other, however repugnant totheir own principles and prejudices. 

Our Confederacy, fellow-citizens, can only be preserved by the sameforbearance. Our citizens must be content with the exercise of thepowers with which the Constitution clothes them. The attempt of those ofone State to control the domestic institutions of another can onlyresult in feelings of distrust and jealousy, the certain harbingers ofdisunion, violence, and civil war, and the ultimate destruction of ourfree institutions. Our Confederacy is perfectly illustrated by the termsand principles governing a common copartnership. There is a fund ofpower to be exercised under the direction of the joint councils of theallied members, but that which has been reserved by the individualmembers is intangible by the common Government or the individual memberscomposing it. To attempt it finds no support in the principles of ourConstitution. 

It should be our constant and earnest endeavor mutually to cultivate aspirit of concord and harmony among the various parts of ourConfederacy. Experience has abundantly taught us that the agitation bycitizens of one part of the Union of a subject not confided to theGeneral Government, but exclusively under the guardianship of the localauthorities, is productive of no other consequences than bitterness, alienation, discord, and injury to the very cause which is intended tobe advanced. Of all the great interests which appertain to our country, that of union--cordial, confiding, fraternal union--is by far the mostimportant, since it is the only true and sure guaranty of all others. 

In consequence of the embarrassed state of business and the currency, some of the States may meet with difficulty in their financial concerns. However deeply we may regret anything imprudent or excessive in theengagements into which States have entered for purposes of their own, itdoes not become us to disparage the States governments, nor todiscourage them from making proper efforts for their own relief. On thecontrary, it is our duty to encourage them to the extent of ourconstitutional authority to apply their best means and cheerfully tomake all necessary sacrifices and submit to all necessary burdens tofulfill their engagements and maintain their credit, for the characterand credit of the several States form a part of the character and creditof the whole country. The resources of the country are abundant, theenterprise and activity of our people proverbial, and we may well hopethat wise legislation and prudent administration by the respectivegovernments, each acting within its own sphere, will restore formerprosperity. 

Unpleasant and even dangerous as collisions may sometimes be between theconstituted authorities of the citizens of our country in relation tothe lines which separate their respective jurisdictions, the results canbe of no vital injury to our institutions if that ardent patriotism, that devoted attachment to liberty, that spirit of moderation andforbearance for which our countrymen were once distinguished, continueto be cherished. If this continues to be the ruling passion of oursouls, the weaker feeling of the mistaken enthusiast will be corrected, the Utopian dreams of the scheming politician dissipated, and thecomplicated intrigues of the demagogue rendered harmless. The spirit ofliberty is the sovereign balm for every injury which our institutionsmay receive. On the contrary, no care that can be used in theconstruction of our Government, no division of powers, no distributionof checks in its several departments, will prove effectual to keep us afree people if this spirit is suffered to decay; and decay it willwithout constant nurture. To the neglect of this duty the besthistorians agree in attributing the ruin of all the republics with whoseexistence and fall their writings have made us acquainted. The samecauses will ever produce the same effects, and as long as the love ofpower is a dominant passion of the human bosom, and as long as theunderstandings of men can be warped and their affections changed byoperations upon their passions and prejudices, so long will theliberties of a people depend on their own constant attention to itspreservation. The danger to all well-established free governments arisesfrom the unwillingness of the people to believe in its existence or fromthe influence of designing men diverting their attention from thequarter whence it approaches to a source from which it can never come. This is the old trick of those who would usurp the government of theircountry. In the name of democracy they speak, warning the people againstthe influence of wealth and the danger of aristocracy. History, ancientand modern, is full of such examples. Caesar became the master of theRoman people and the senate under the pretense of supporting thedemocratic claims of the former against the aristocracy of the latter;Cromwell, in the character of protector of the liberties of the people, became the dictator of England, and Bolivar possessed himself ofunlimited power with the title of his country's liberator. There is, onthe contrary, no instance on record of an extensive andwell-established republic being changed into an aristocracy. Thetendencies of all such governments in their decline is to monarchy, andthe antagonist principle to liberty there is the spirit of faction--aspirit which assumes the character and in times of great excitementimposes itself upon the people as the genuine spirit of freedom, and, like the false Christs whose coming was foretold by the Savior, seeksto, and were it possible would, impose upon the true and most faithfuldisciples of liberty. It is in periods like this that it behooves thepeople to be most watchful of those to whom they have intrusted power. And although there is at times much difficulty in distinguishing thefalse from the true spirit, a calm and dispassionate investigation willdetect the counterfeit, as well by the character of its operations asthe results that are produced. The true spirit of liberty, althoughdevoted, persevering, bold, and uncompromising in principle, thatsecured is mild and tolerant and scrupulous as to the means it employs, whilst the spirit of party, assuming to be that of liberty, is harsh, vindictive, and intolerant, and totally reckless as to the character ofthe allies which it brings to the aid of its cause. When the genuinespirit of liberty animates the body of a people to a thoroughexamination of their affairs, it leads to the excision of everyexcrescence which may have fastened itself upon any of the departmentsof the government, and restores the system to its pristine health andbeauty. But the reign of an intolerant spirit of party amongst a freepeople seldom fails to result in a dangerous accession to the executivepower introduced and established amidst unusual professions of devotionto democracy. 

The foregoing remarks relate almost exclusively to matters connectedwith our domestic concerns. It may be proper, however, that I shouldgive some indications to my fellow-citizens of my proposed course ofconduct in the management of our foreign relations. I assure them, therefore, that it is my intention to use every means in my power topreserve the friendly intercourse which now so happily subsists withevery foreign nation, and that although, of course, not well informed asto the state of pending negotiations with any of them, I see in thepersonal characters of the sovereigns, as well as in the mutualinterests of our own and of the governments with which our relations aremost intimate, a pleasing guaranty that the harmony so important to theinterests of their subjects as well as of our citizens will not beinterrupted by the advancement of any claim or pretension upon theirpart to which our honor would not permit us to yield. Long the defenderof my country's rights in the field, I trust that my fellow-citizenswill not see in my earnest desire to preserve peace with foreign powersany indication that their rights will ever be sacrificed or the honor ofthe nation tarnished by any admission on the part of their ChiefMagistrate unworthy of their former glory. In our intercourse with ouraboriginal neighbors the same liberality and justice which marked thecourse prescribed to me by two of my illustrious predecessors whenacting under their direction in the discharge of the duties ofsuperintendent and commissioner shall be strictly observed. I canconceive of no more sublime spectacle, none more likely to propitiate animpartial and common Creator, than a rigid adherence to the principlesof justice on the part of a powerful nation in its transactions with aweaker and uncivilized people whom circumstances have placed at itsdisposal. 

Before concluding, fellow-citizens, I must say something to you on thesubject of the parties at this time existing in our country. To me itappears perfectly clear that the interest of that country requires thatthe violence of the spirit by which those parties are at this timegoverned must be greatly mitigated, if not entirely extinguished, orconsequences will ensue which are appalling to be thought of. 

If parties in a republic are necessary to secure a degree of vigilancesufficient to keep the public functionaries within the bounds of law andduty, at that point their usefulness ends. Beyond that they becomedestructive of public virtue, the parent of a spirit antagonist to thatof liberty, and eventually its inevitable conqueror. We have examples ofrepublics where the love of country and of liberty at one time were thedominant passions of the whole mass of citizens, and yet, with thecontinuance of the name and forms of free government, not a vestige ofthese qualities remaining in the bosoms of any one of its citizens. Itwas the beautiful remark of a distinguished English writer that "in theRoman senate Octavius had a party and Anthony a party, but theCommonwealth had none. " Yet the senate continued to meet in the templeof liberty to talk of the sacredness and beauty of the Commonwealth andgaze at the statues of the elder Brutus and of the Curtii and Decii, andthe people assembled in the forum, not, as in the days of Camillus andthe Scipios, to cast their free votes for annual magistrates or passupon the acts of the senate, but to receive from the hands of theleaders of the respective parties their share of the spoils and to shoutfor one or the other, as those collected in Gaul or Egypt and the lesserAsia would furnish the larger dividend. The spirit of liberty had fled, and, avoiding the abodes of civilized man, had sought protection in thewilds of Scythia or Scandinavia; and so under the operation of the samecauses and influences it will fly from our Capitol and our forums. Acalamity so awful, not only to our country, but to the world, must bedeprecated by every patriot and every tendency to a state of thingslikely to produce it immediately checked. Such a tendency hasexisted--does exist. Always the friend of my countrymen, never theirflatterer, it becomes my duty to say to them from this high place towhich their partiality has exalted me that there exists in the land aspirit hostile to their best interests--hostile to liberty itself. It isa spirit contracted in its views, selfish in its objects. It looks tothe aggrandizement of a few even to the destruction of the interests ofthe whole. The entire remedy is with the people. Something, however, maybe effected by the means which they have placed in my hands. It is unionthat we want, not of a party for the sake of that party, but a union ofthe whole country for the sake of the whole country, for the defense ofits interests and its honor against foreign aggression, for the defenseof those principles for which our ancestors so gloriously contended. Asfar as it depends upon me it shall be accomplished. All the influencethat I possess shall be exerted to prevent the formation at least of anExecutive party in the halls of the legislative body. I wish for thesupport of no member of that body to any measure of mine that does notsatisfy his judgment and his sense of duty to those from whom he holdshis appointment, nor any confidence in advance from the people but thatasked for by Mr. Jefferson, "to give firmness and effect to the legaladministration of their affairs. "

I deem the present occasion sufficiently important and solemn to justifyme in expressing to my fellow-citizens a profound reverence for theChristian religion and a thorough conviction that sound morals, religious liberty, and a just sense of religious responsibility areessentially connected with all true and lasting happiness; and to thatgood Being who has blessed us by the gifts of civil and religiousfreedom, who watched over and prospered the labors of our fathers andhas hitherto preserved to us institutions far exceeding in excellencethose of any other people, let us unite in fervently commending everyinterest of our beloved country in all future time. 

Fellow-citizens, being fully invested with that high office to which thepartiality of my countrymen has called me, I now take an affectionateleave of you. You will bear with you to your homes the remembrance ofthe pledge I have this day given to discharge all the high duties of myexalted station according to the best of my ability, and I shall enterupon their performance with entire confidence in the support of a justand generous people. 

* * * * *

JAMES KNOX POLK, INAUGURAL ADDRESS

TUESDAY, MARCH 4, 1845

[Transcriber's note: The inaugural ceremonies of former TennesseeGovernor and Speaker of the House James Knox Polk were conducted beforea large crowd that stood in the pouring rain. The popular politician hadbeen nominated on the ninth ballot as his party's candidate. His namehad not been in nomination until the third polling of the delegates atthe national convention. The outgoing President Tyler, who had takenoffice upon the death of William Henry Harrison, rode to the Capitolwith Mr. Polk. The oath of office was administered on the East Porticoby Chief Justice Roger Taney. The events of the ceremony weretelegraphed to Baltimore by Samuel Morse on his year-old invention. ]

Fellow-Citizens:

Without solicitation on my part, I have been chosen by the free andvoluntary suffrages of my countrymen to the most honorable and mostresponsible office on earth. I am deeply impressed with gratitude forthe confidence reposed in me. Honored with this distinguishedconsideration at an earlier period of life than any of my predecessors, I can not disguise the diffidence with which I am about to enter on thedischarge of my official duties. 

If the more aged and experienced men who have filled the office ofPresident of the United States even in the infancy of the Republicdistrusted their ability to discharge the duties of that exaltedstation, what ought not to be the apprehensions of one so much youngerand less endowed now that our domain extends from ocean to ocean, thatour people have so greatly increased in numbers, and at a time when sogreat diversity of opinion prevails in regard to the principles andpolicy which should characterize the administration of our Government?Well may the boldest fear and the wisest tremble when incurringresponsibilities on which may depend our country's peace and prosperity, and in some degree the hopes and happiness of the whole human family. 

In assuming responsibilities so vast I fervently invoke the aid of thatAlmighty Ruler of the Universe in whose hands are the destinies ofnations and of men to guard this Heaven-favored land against themischiefs which without His guidance might arise from an unwise publicpolicy. With a firm reliance upon the wisdom of Omnipotence to sustainand direct me in the path of duty which I am appointed to pursue, Istand in the presence of this assembled multitude of my countrymen totake upon myself the solemn obligation "to the best of my ability topreserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States. "

A concise enumeration of the principles which will guide me in theadministrative policy of the Government is not only in accordance withthe examples set me by all my predecessors, but is eminently befittingthe occasion. 

The Constitution itself, plainly written as it is, the safeguard of ourfederative compact, the offspring of concession and compromise, bindingtogether in the bonds of peace and union this great and increasingfamily of free and independent States, will be the chart by which Ishall be directed. 

It will be my first care to administer the Government in the true spiritof that instrument, and to assume no powers not expressly granted orclearly implied in its terms. The Government of the United States is oneof delegated and limited powers, and it is by a strict adherence to theclearly granted powers and by abstaining from the exercise of doubtfulor unauthorized implied powers that we have the only sure guarantyagainst the recurrence of those unfortunate collisions between theFederal and State authorities which have occasionally so much disturbedthe harmony of our system and even threatened the perpetuity of ourglorious Union. 

"To the States, respectively, or to the people" have been reserved "thepowers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution norprohibited by it to the States. " Each State is a complete sovereigntywithin the sphere of its reserved powers. The Government of the Union, acting within the sphere of its delegated authority, is also a completesovereignty. While the General Government should abstain from theexercise of authority not clearly delegated to it, the States should beequally careful that in the maintenance of their rights they do notoverstep the limits of powers reserved to them. One of the mostdistinguished of my predecessors attached deserved importance to "thesupport of the State governments in all their rights, as the mostcompetent administration for our domestic concerns and the surestbulwark against antirepublican tendencies, " and to the "preservation ofthe General Government in its whole constitutional vigor, as the sheetanchor of our peace at home and safety abroad. "

To the Government of the United States has been intrusted the exclusivemanagement of our foreign affairs. Beyond that it wields a few generalenumerated powers. It does not force reform on the States. It leavesindividuals, over whom it casts its protecting influence, entirely freeto improve their own condition by the legitimate exercise of all theirmental and physical powers. It is a common protector of each and all theStates; of every man who lives upon our soil, whether of native orforeign birth; of every religious sect, in their worship of the Almightyaccording to the dictates of their own conscience; of every shade ofopinion, and the most free inquiry; of every art, trade, and occupationconsistent with the laws of the States. And we rejoice in the generalhappiness, prosperity, and advancement of our country, which have beenthe offspring of freedom, and not of power. 

This most admirable and wisest system of well-regulated self-governmentamong men ever devised by human minds has been tested by its successfuloperation for more than half a century, and if preserved from theusurpations of the Federal Government on the one hand and the exerciseby the States of powers not reserved to them on the other, will, Ifervently hope and believe, endure for ages to come and dispense theblessings of civil and religious liberty to distant generations. Toeffect objects so dear to every patriot I shall devote myself withanxious solicitude. It will be my desire to guard against that mostfruitful source of danger to the harmonious action of our system whichconsists in substituting the mere discretion and caprice of theExecutive or of majorities in the legislative department of theGovernment for powers which have been withheld from the FederalGovernment by the Constitution. By the theory of our Governmentmajorities rule, but this right is not an arbitrary or unlimited one. Itis a right to be exercised in subordination to the Constitution and inconformity to it. One great object of the Constitution was to restrainmajorities from oppressing minorities or encroaching upon their justrights. Minorities have a right to appeal to the Constitution as ashield against such oppression. 

That the blessings of liberty which our Constitution secures may beenjoyed alike by minorities and majorities, the Executive has beenwisely invested with a qualified veto upon the acts of the Legislature. It is a negative power, and is conservative in its character. It arrestsfor the time hasty, inconsiderate, or unconstitutional legislation, invites reconsideration, and transfers questions at issue between thelegislative and executive departments to the tribunal of the people. Like all other powers, it is subject to be abused. When judiciously andproperly exercised, the Constitution itself may be saved from infractionand the rights of all preserved and protected. 

The inestimable value of our Federal Union is felt and acknowledged byall. By this system of united and confederated States our people arepermitted collectively and individually to seek their own happiness intheir own way, and the consequences have been most auspicious. Since theUnion was formed the number of the States has increased from thirteen totwenty-eight; two of these have taken their position as members of theConfederacy within the last week. Our population has increased fromthree to twenty millions. New communities and States are seekingprotection under its aegis, and multitudes from the Old World areflocking to our shores to participate in its blessings. Beneath itsbenign sway peace and prosperity prevail. Freed from the burdens andmiseries of war, our trade and intercourse have extended throughout theworld. Mind, no longer tasked in devising means to accomplish or resistschemes of ambition, usurpation, or conquest, is devoting itself toman's true interests in developing his faculties and powers and thecapacity of nature to minister to his enjoyments. Genius is free toannounce its inventions and discoveries, and the hand is free toaccomplish whatever the head conceives not incompatible with the rightsof a fellow-being. All distinctions of birth or of rank have beenabolished. All citizens, whether native or adopted, are placed uponterms of precise equality. All are entitled to equal rights and equalprotection. No union exists between church and state, and perfectfreedom of opinion is guaranteed to all sects and creeds. 

These are some of the blessings secured to our happy land by our FederalUnion. To perpetuate them it is our sacred duty to preserve it. Whoshall assign limits to the achievements of free minds and free handsunder the protection of this glorious Union? No treason to mankind sincethe organization of society would be equal in atrocity to that of himwho would lift his hand to destroy it. He would overthrow the nobleststructure of human wisdom, which protects himself and his fellow-man. Hewould stop the progress of free government and involve his countryeither in anarchy or despotism. He would extinguish the fire of liberty, which warms and animates the hearts of happy millions and invites allthe nations of the earth to imitate our example. If he say that errorand wrong are committed in the administration of the Government, let himremember that nothing human can be perfect, and that under no othersystem of government revealed by Heaven or devised by man has reasonbeen allowed so free and broad a scope to combat error. Has the sword ofdespots proved to be a safer or surer instrument of reform in governmentthan enlightened reason? Does he expect to find among the ruins of thisUnion a happier abode for our swarming millions than they now have underit? Every lover of his country must shudder at the thought of thepossibility of its dissolution, and will be ready to adopt the patrioticsentiment, "Our Federal Union--it must be preserved. " To preserve it thecompromises which alone enabled our fathers to form a commonconstitution for the government and protection of so many States anddistinct communities, of such diversified habits, interests, anddomestic institutions, must be sacredly and religiously observed. Anyattempt to disturb or destroy these compromises, being terms of thecompact of union, can lead to none other than the most ruinous anddisastrous consequences. 

It is a source of deep regret that in some sections of our countrymisguided persons have occasionally indulged in schemes and agitationswhose object is the destruction of domestic institutions existing inother sections--institutions which existed at the adoption of theConstitution and were recognized and protected by it. All must see thatif it were possible for them to be successful in attaining their objectthe dissolution of the Union and the consequent destruction of our happyform of government must speedily follow. 

I am happy to believe that at every period of our existence as a nationthere has existed, and continues to exist, among the great mass of ourpeople a devotion to the Union of the States which will shield andprotect it against the moral treason of any who would seriouslycontemplate its destruction. To secure a continuance of that devotionthe compromises of the Constitution must not only be preserved, butsectional jealousies and heartburnings must be discountenanced, and allshould remember that they are members of the same political family, having a common destiny. To increase the attachment of our people to theUnion, our laws should be just. Any policy which shall tend to favormonopolies or the peculiar interests of sections or classes must operateto the prejudice of the interest of their fellow-citizens, and shouldbe avoided. If the compromises of the Constitution be preserved, ifsectional jealousies and heartburnings be discountenanced, if our lawsbe just and the Government be practically administered strictly withinthe limits of power prescribed to it, we may discard all apprehensionsfor the safety of the Union. 

With these views of the nature, character, and objects of the Governmentand the value of the Union, I shall steadily oppose the creation ofthose institutions and systems which in their nature tend to pervert itfrom its legitimate purposes and make it the instrument of sections, classes, and individuals. We need no national banks or other extraneousinstitutions planted around the Government to control or strengthen itin opposition to the will of its authors. Experience has taught us howunnecessary they are as auxiliaries of the public authorities--howimpotent for good and how powerful for mischief. 

Ours was intended to be a plain and frugal government, and I shallregard it to be my duty to recommend to Congress and, as far as theExecutive is concerned, to enforce by all the means within my power thestrictest economy in the expenditure of the public money which may becompatible with the public interests. 

A national debt has become almost an institution of European monarchies. It is viewed in some of them as an essential prop to existinggovernments. Melancholy is the condition of that people whose governmentcan be sustained only by a system which periodically transfers largeamounts from the labor of the many to the coffers of the few. Such asystem is incompatible with the ends for which our republican Governmentwas instituted. Under a wise policy the debts contracted in ourRevolution and during the War of 1812 have been happily extinguished. Bya judicious application of the revenues not required for other necessarypurposes, it is not doubted that the debt which has grown out of thecircumstances of the last few years may be speedily paid off. 

I congratulate my fellow-citizens on the entire restoration of thecredit of the General Government of the Union and that of many of theStates. Happy would it be for the indebted States if they were freedfrom their liabilities, many of which were incautiously contracted. Although the Government of the Union is neither in a legal nor a moralsense bound for the debts of the States, and it would be a violation ofour compact of union to assume them, yet we can not but feel a deepinterest in seeing all the States meet their public liabilities and payoff their just debts at the earliest practicable period. That they willdo so as soon as it can be done without imposing too heavy burdens ontheir citizens there is no reason to doubt. The sound moral andhonorable feeling of the people of the indebted States can not bequestioned, and we are happy to perceive a settled disposition on theirpart, as their ability returns after a season of unexampled pecuniaryembarrassment, to pay off all just demands and to acquiesce in anyreasonable measures to accomplish that object. 

One of the difficulties which we have had to encounter in the practicaladministration of the Government consists in the adjustment of ourrevenue laws and the levy of the taxes necessary for the support ofGovernment. In the general proposition that no more money shall becollected than the necessities of an economical administration shallrequire all parties seem to acquiesce. Nor does there seem to be anymaterial difference of opinion as to the absence of right in theGovernment to tax one section of country, or one class of citizens, orone occupation, for the mere profit of another. "Justice and soundpolicy forbid the Federal Government to foster one branch of industry tothe detriment of another, or to cherish the interests of one portion tothe injury of another portion of our common country. " I have heretoforedeclared to my fellow-citizens that "in my judgment it is the duty ofthe Government to extend, as far as it may be practicable to do so, byits revenue laws and all other means within its power, fair and justprotection to all of the great interests of the whole Union, embracingagriculture, manufactures, the mechanic arts, commerce, and navigation. "I have also declared my opinion to be "in favor of a tariff forrevenue, " and that "in adjusting the details of such a tariff I havesanctioned such moderate discriminating duties as would produce theamount of revenue needed and at the same time afford reasonableincidental protection to our home industry, " and that I was "opposed toa tariff for protection merely, and not for revenue. "

The power "to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises" wasan indispensable one to be conferred on the Federal Government, whichwithout it would possess no means of providing for its own support. Inexecuting this power by levying a tariff of duties for the support ofGovernment, the raising of revenue should be the object and protectionthe incident. To reverse this principle and make protection the objectand revenue the incident would be to inflict manifest injustice upon allother than the protected interests. In levying duties for revenue it isdoubtless proper to make such discriminations within the revenueprinciple as will afford incidental protection to our home interests. Within the revenue limit there is a discretion to discriminate; beyondthat limit the rightful exercise of the power is not conceded. Theincidental protection afforded to our home interests by discriminationswithin the revenue range it is believed will be ample. In makingdiscriminations all our home interests should as far as practicable beequally protected. The largest portion of our people are agriculturists. Others are employed in manufactures, commerce, navigation, and themechanic arts. They are all engaged in their respective pursuits andtheir joint labors constitute the national or home industry. To tax onebranch of this home industry for the benefit of another would be unjust. No one of these interests can rightfully claim an advantage over theothers, or to be enriched by impoverishing the others. All are equallyentitled to the fostering care and protection of the Government. Inexercising a sound discretion in levying discriminating duties withinthe limit prescribed, care should be taken that it be done in a mannernot to benefit the wealthy few at the expense of the toiling millions bytaxing lowest the luxuries of life, or articles of superior quality andhigh price, which can only be consumed by the wealthy, and highest thenecessaries of life, or articles of coarse quality and low price, whichthe poor and great mass of our people must consume. The burdens ofgovernment should as far as practicable be distributed justly andequally among all classes of our population. These general views, longentertained on this subject, I have deemed it proper to reiterate. It isa subject upon which conflicting interests of sections and occupationsare supposed to exist, and a spirit of mutual concession and compromisein adjusting its details should be cherished by every part of ourwidespread country as the only means of preserving harmony and acheerful acquiescence of all in the operation of our revenue laws. Ourpatriotic citizens in every part of the Union will readily submit to thepayment of such taxes as shall be needed for the support of theirGovernment, whether in peace or in war, if they are so levied as todistribute the burdens as equally as possible among them. 

The Republic of Texas has made known her desire to come into our Union, to form a part of our Confederacy and enjoy with us the blessings ofliberty secured and guaranteed by our Constitution. Texas was once apart of our country--was unwisely ceded away to a foreign power--is nowindependent, and possesses an undoubted right to dispose of a part orthe whole of her territory and to merge her sovereignty as a separateand independent state in ours. I congratulate my country that by an actof the late Congress of the United States the assent of this Governmenthas been given to the reunion, and it only remains for the two countriesto agree upon the terms to consummate an object so important to both. 

I regard the question of annexation as belonging exclusively to theUnited States and Texas. They are independent powers competent tocontract, and foreign nations have no right to interfere with them or totake exceptions to their reunion. Foreign powers do not seem toappreciate the true character of our Government. Our Union is aconfederation of independent States, whose policy is peace with eachother and all the world. To enlarge its limits is to extend thedominions of peace over additional territories and increasing millions. The world has nothing to fear from military ambition in our Government. While the Chief Magistrate and the popular branch of Congress areelected for short terms by the suffrages of those millions who must intheir own persons bear all the burdens and miseries of war, ourGovernment can not be otherwise than pacific. Foreign powers shouldtherefore look on the annexation of Texas to the United States not asthe conquest of a nation seeking to extend her dominions by arms andviolence, but as the peaceful acquisition of a territory once her own, by adding another member to our confederation, with the consent of thatmember, thereby diminishing the chances of war and opening to them newand ever-increasing markets for their products. 

To Texas the reunion is important, because the strong protecting arm ofour Government would be extended over her, and the vast resources of herfertile soil and genial climate would be speedily developed, while thesafety of New Orleans and of our whole southwestern frontier againsthostile aggression, as well as the interests of the whole Union, wouldbe promoted by it. 

In the earlier stages of our national existence the opinion prevailedwith some that our system of confederated States could not operatesuccessfully over an extended territory, and serious objections have atdifferent times been made to the enlargement of our boundaries. Theseobjections were earnestly urged when we acquired Louisiana. Experiencehas shown that they were not well founded. The title of numerous Indiantribes to vast tracts of country has been extinguished; new States havebeen admitted into the Union; new Territories have been created and ourjurisdiction and laws extended over them. As our population hasexpanded, the Union has been cemented and strengthened. AS ourboundaries have been enlarged and our agricultural population has beenspread over a large surface, our federative system has acquiredadditional strength and security. It may well be doubted whether itwould not be in greater danger of overthrow if our present populationwere confined to the comparatively narrow limits of the originalthirteen States than it is now that they are sparsely settled over amore expanded territory. It is confidently believed that our system maybe safely extended to the utmost bounds of our territorial limits, andthat as it shall be extended the bonds of our Union, so far from beingweakened, will become stronger. 

None can fail to see the danger to our safety and future peace if Texasremains an independent state or becomes an ally or dependency of someforeign nation more powerful than herself. Is there one among ourcitizens who would not prefer perpetual peace with Texas to occasionalwars, which so often occur between bordering independent nations? Isthere one who would not prefer free intercourse with her to high dutieson all our products and manufactures which enter her ports or cross herfrontiers? Is there one who would not prefer an unrestrictedcommunication with her citizens to the frontier obstructions which mustoccur if she remains out of the Union? Whatever is good or evil in thelocal institutions of Texas will remain her own whether annexed to theUnited States or not. None of the present States will be responsible forthem any more than they are for the local institutions of each other. They have confederated together for certain specified objects. Upon thesame principle that they would refuse to form a perpetual union withTexas because of her local institutions our forefathers would have beenprevented from forming our present Union. Perceiving no valid objectionto the measure and many reasons for its adoption vitally affecting thepeace, the safety, and the prosperity of both countries, I shall on thebroad principle which formed the basis and produced the adoption of ourConstitution, and not in any narrow spirit of sectional policy, endeavorby all Constitutional, honorable, and appropriate means to consummatethe expressed will of the people and Government of the United States bythe reannexation of Texas to our Union at the earliest practicableperiod. 

Nor will it become in a less degree my duty to assert and maintain byall constitutional means the right of the United States to that portionof our territory which lies beyond the Rocky Mountains. Our title to thecountry of the Oregon is "clear and unquestionable, " and already are ourpeople preparing to perfect that title by occupying it with their wivesand children. But eighty years ago our population was confined on thewest by the ridge of the Alleghanies. Within that period--within thelifetime, I might say, of some of my hearers--our people, increasing tomany millions, have filled the eastern valley of the Mississippi, adventurously ascended the Missouri to its headsprings, and are alreadyengaged in establishing the blessings of self-government in valleys ofwhich the rivers flow to the Pacific. The world beholds the peacefultriumphs of the industry of our emigrants. To us belongs the duty ofprotecting them adequately wherever they may be upon our soil. Thejurisdiction of our laws and the benefits of our republican institutionsshould be extended over them in the distant regions which they haveselected for their homes. The increasing facilities of intercourse willeasily bring the States, of which the formation in that part of ourterritory can not be long delayed, within the sphere of our federativeUnion. In the meantime every obligation imposed by treaty orconventional stipulations should be sacredly respected. 

In the management of our foreign relations it will be my aim to observea careful respect for the rights of other nations, while our own will bethe subject of constant watchfulness. Equal and exact justice shouldcharacterize all our intercourse with foreign countries. All allianceshaving a tendency to jeopard the welfare and honor of our country orsacrifice any one of the national interests will be studiously avoided, and yet no opportunity will be lost to cultivate a favorableunderstanding with foreign governments by which our navigation andcommerce may be extended and the ample products of our fertile soil, aswell as the manufactures of our skillful artisans, find a ready marketand remunerating prices in foreign countries. 

In taking "care that the laws be faithfully executed, " a strictperformance of duty will be exacted from all public officers. From thoseofficers, especially, who are charged with the collection anddisbursement of the public revenue will prompt and rigid accountabilitybe required. Any culpable failure or delay on their part to account forthe moneys intrusted to them at the times and in the manner required bylaw will in every instance terminate the official connection of suchdefaulting officer with the Government. 

Although in our country the Chief Magistrate must almost of necessity bechosen by a party and stand pledged to its principles and measures, yetin his official action he should not be the President of a part only, but of the whole people of the United States. While he executes the lawswith an impartial hand, shrinks from no proper responsibility, andfaithfully carries out in the executive department of the Government theprinciples and policy of those who have chosen him, he should not beunmindful that our fellow-citizens who have differed with him in opinionare entitled to the full and free exercise of their opinions andjudgments, and that the rights of all are entitled to respect andregard. 

Confidently relying upon the aid and assistance of the coordinatedepartments of the Government in conducting our public affairs, I enterupon the discharge of the high duties which have been assigned me by thepeople, again humbly supplicating that Divine Being who has watched overand protected our beloved country from its infancy to the present hourto continue His gracious benedictions upon us, that we may continue tobe a prosperous and happy people. 

* * * * *

ZACHARY TAYLOR, INAUGURAL ADDRESS

MONDAY, MARCH 5, 1849

[Transcriber's note: For the second time in the history of the Republic, March 4 fell on a Sunday. The inaugural ceremony was postponed until thefollowing Monday, raising the question as to whether the Nation waswithout a President for a day. General Taylor, popularly known as "OldRough and Ready, " was famous for his exploits in the Mexican War. Henever had voted in a national election until his own contest for thePresidency. Outgoing President Polk accompanied the general to theceremony at the Capitol. The oath of office was administered by ChiefJustice Roger Taney on the East Portico. After the ceremony, the newPresident attended several inaugural celebrations, including a ball thatevening in a specially built pavilion on Judiciary Square. ]

Elected by the American people to the highest office known to our laws, I appear here to take the oath prescribed by the Constitution, and, incompliance with a time-honored custom, to address those who are nowassembled. 

The confidence and respect shown by my countrymen in calling me to bethe Chief Magistrate of a Republic holding a high rank among the nationsof the earth have inspired me with feelings of the most profoundgratitude; but when I reflect that the acceptance of the office whichtheir partiality has bestowed imposes the discharge of the most arduousduties and involves the weightiest obligations, I am conscious that theposition which I have been called to fill, though sufficient to satisfythe loftiest ambition, is surrounded by fearful responsibilities. Happily, however, in the performance of my new duties I shall not bewithout able cooperation. The legislative and judicial branches of theGovernment present prominent examples of distinguished civil attainmentsand matured experience, and it shall be my endeavor to call to myassistance in the Executive Departments individuals whose talents, integrity, and purity of character will furnish ample guaranties for thefaithful and honorable performance of the trusts to be committed totheir charge. With such aids and an honest purpose to do whatever isright, I hope to execute diligently, impartially, and for the bestinterests of the country the manifold duties devolved upon me. 

In the discharge of these duties my guide will be the Constitution, which I this day swear to "preserve, protect, and defend. " For theinterpretation of that instrument I shall look to the decisions of thejudicial tribunals established by its authority and to the practice ofthe Government under the earlier Presidents, who had so large a share inits formation. To the example of those illustrious patriots I shallalways defer with reverence, and especially to his example who was by somany titles "the Father of his Country. "

To command the Army and Navy of the United States; with the advice andconsent of the Senate, to make treaties and to appoint ambassadors andother officers; to give to Congress information of the state of theUnion and recommend such measures as he shall judge to be necessary; andto take care that the laws shall be faithfully executed--these are themost important functions intrusted to the President by the Constitution, and it may be expected that I shall briefly indicate the principleswhich will control me in their execution. 

Chosen by the body of the people under the assurance that myAdministration would be devoted to the welfare of the whole country, andnot to the support of any particular section or merely local interest, Ithis day renew the declarations I have heretofore made and proclaim myfixed determination to maintain to the extent of my ability theGovernment in its original purity and to adopt as the basis of my publicpolicy those great republican doctrines which constitute the strength ofour national existence. 

In reference to the Army and Navy, lately employed with so muchdistinction on active service, care shall be taken to insure the highestcondition of efficiency, and in furtherance of that object the militaryand naval schools, sustained by the liberality of Congress, shallreceive the special attention of the Executive. 

As American freemen we can not but sympathize in all efforts to extendthe blessings of civil and political liberty, but at the same time weare warned by the admonitions of history and the voice of our ownbeloved Washington to abstain from entangling alliances with foreignnations. In all disputes between conflicting governments it is ourinterest not less than our duty to remain strictly neutral, while ourgeographical position, the genius of our institutions and our people, the advancing spirit of civilization, and, above all, the dictates ofreligion direct us to the cultivation of peaceful and friendly relationswith all other powers. It is to be hoped that no international questioncan now arise which a government confident in its own strength andresolved to protect its own just rights may not settle by wisenegotiation; and it eminently becomes a government like our own, foundedon the morality and intelligence of its citizens and upheld by theiraffections, to exhaust every resort of honorable diplomacy beforeappealing to arms. In the conduct of our foreign relations I shallconform to these views, as I believe them essential to the bestinterests and the true honor of the country. 

The appointing power vested in the President imposes delicate andonerous duties. So far as it is possible to be informed, I shall makehonesty, capacity, and fidelity indispensable prerequisites to thebestowal of office, and the absence of either of these qualities shallbe deemed sufficient cause for removal. 

It shall be my study to recommend such constitutional measures toCongress as may be necessary and proper to secure encouragement andprotection to the great interests of agriculture, commerce, andmanufactures, to improve our rivers and harbors, to provide for thespeedy extinguishment of the public debt, to enforce a strictaccountability on the part of all officers of the Government and theutmost economy in all public expenditures; but it is for the wisdom ofCongress itself, in which all legislative powers are vested by theConstitution, to regulate these and other matters of domestic policy. Ishall look with confidence to the enlightened patriotism of that body toadopt such measures of conciliation as may harmonize conflictinginterests and tend to perpetuate that Union which should be theparamount object of our hopes and affections. In any action calculatedto promote an object so near the heart of everyone who truly loves hiscountry I will zealously unite with the coordinate branches of theGovernment. 

In conclusion I congratulate you, my fellow-citizens, upon the highstate of prosperity to which the goodness of Divine Providence hasconducted our common country. Let us invoke a continuance of the sameprotecting care which has led us from small beginnings to the eminencewe this day occupy, and let us seek to deserve that continuance byprudence and moderation in our councils, by well-directed attempts toassuage the bitterness which too often marks unavoidable differences ofopinion, by the promulgation and practice of just and liberalprinciples, and by an enlarged patriotism, which shall acknowledge nolimits but those of our own widespread Republic. 

* * * * *

FRANKLIN PIERCE, INAUGURAL ADDRESS

FRIDAY, MARCH 4, 1853

[Transcriber's note: On religious grounds, former Senator and CongressmanFranklin Pierce chose "to affirm" rather than "to swear" the executiveoath of office. He was the only President to use the choice offered bythe Constitution. Famed as an officer of a volunteer brigade in theMexican War, he was nominated as the Democratic candidate in thenational convention on the 49th ballot. His name had not been placed innomination until the 35th polling of the delegates. Chief Justice RogerTaney administered the oath of office on the East Portico of theCapitol. Several weeks before arriving in Washington, the Pierces' onlysurviving child had been killed in a train accident. ]

My Countrymen:

It is a relief to feel that no heart but my own can know the personalregret and bitter sorrow over which I have been borne to a position sosuitable for others rather than desirable for myself. 

The circumstances under which I have been called for a limited period topreside over the destinies of the Republic fill me with a profound senseof responsibility, but with nothing like shrinking apprehension. Irepair to the post assigned me not as to one sought, but in obedience tothe unsolicited expression of your will, answerable only for a fearless, faithful, and diligent exercise of my best powers. I ought to be, andam, truly grateful for the rare manifestation of the nation'sconfidence; but this, so far from lightening my obligations, only addsto their weight. You have summoned me in my weakness; you must sustainme by your strength. When looking for the fulfillment of reasonablerequirements, you will not be unmindful of the great changes which haveoccurred, even within the last quarter of a century, and the consequentaugmentation and complexity of duties imposed in the administration bothof your home and foreign affairs. 

Whether the elements of inherent force in the Republic have kept pacewith its unparalleled progression in territory, population, and wealthhas been the subject of earnest thought and discussion on both sides ofthe ocean. Less than sixty-four years ago the Father of his Country made"the" then "recent accession of the important State of North Carolina tothe Constitution of the United States" one of the subjects of hisspecial congratulation. At that moment, however, when the agitationconsequent upon the Revolutionary struggle had hardly subsided, when wewere just emerging from the weakness and embarrassments of theConfederation, there was an evident consciousness of vigor equal to thegreat mission so wisely and bravely fulfilled by our fathers. It was nota presumptuous assurance, but a calm faith, springing from a clear viewof the sources of power in a government constituted like ours. It is noparadox to say that although comparatively weak the new-born nation wasintrinsically strong. Inconsiderable in population and apparentresources, it was upheld by a broad and intelligent comprehension ofrights and an all-pervading purpose to maintain them, stronger thanarmaments. It came from the furnace of the Revolution, tempered to thenecessities of the times. The thoughts of the men of that day were aspractical as their sentiments were patriotic. They wasted no portion oftheir energies upon idle and delusive speculations, but with a firm andfearless step advanced beyond the governmental landmarks which hadhitherto circumscribed the limits of human freedom and planted theirstandard, where it has stood against dangers which have threatened fromabroad, and internal agitation, which has at times fearfully menaced athome. They proved themselves equal to the solution of the great problem, to understand which their minds had been illuminated by the dawninglights of the Revolution. The object sought was not a thing dreamed of;it was a thing realized. They had exhibited only the power to achieve, but, what all history affirms to be so much more unusual, the capacityto maintain. The oppressed throughout the world from that day to thepresent have turned their eyes hitherward, not to find those lightsextinguished or to fear lest they should wane, but to be constantlycheered by their steady and increasing radiance. 

In this our country has, in my judgment, thus far fulfilled its highestduty to suffering humanity. It has spoken and will continue to speak, not only by its words, but by its acts, the language of sympathy, encouragement, and hope to those who earnestly listen to tones whichpronounce for the largest rational liberty. But after all, the mostanimating encouragement and potent appeal for freedom will be its ownhistory--its trials and its triumphs. Preeminently, the power of ouradvocacy reposes in our example; but no example, be it remembered, canbe powerful for lasting good, whatever apparent advantages may begained, which is not based upon eternal principles of right and justice. Our fathers decided for themselves, both upon the hour to declare andthe hour to strike. They were their own judges of the circumstancesunder which it became them to pledge to each other "their lives, theirfortunes, and their sacred honor" for the acquisition of the pricelessinheritance transmitted to us. The energy with which that great conflictwas opened and, under the guidance of a manifest and beneficentProvidence the uncomplaining endurance with which it was prosecuted toits consummation were only surpassed by the wisdom and patriotic spiritof concession which characterized all the counsels of the early fathers. 

One of the most impressive evidences of that wisdom is to be found inthe fact that the actual working of our system has dispelled a degree ofsolicitude which at the outset disturbed bold hearts and far-reachingintellects. The apprehension of dangers from extended territory, multiplied States, accumulated wealth, and augmented population hasproved to be unfounded. The stars upon your banner have become nearlythreefold their original number; your densely populated possessionsskirt the shores of the two great oceans; and yet this vast increase ofpeople and territory has not only shown itself compatible with theharmonious action of the States and Federal Government in theirrespective constitutional spheres, but has afforded an additionalguaranty of the strength and integrity of both. 

With an experience thus suggestive and cheering, the policy of myAdministration will not be controlled by any timid forebodings of evilfrom expansion. Indeed, it is not to be disguised that our attitude as anation and our position on the globe render the acquisition of certainpossessions not within our jurisdiction eminently important for ourprotection, if not in the future essential for the preservation of therights of commerce and the peace of the world. Should they be obtained, it will be through no grasping spirit, but with a view to obviousnational interest and security, and in a manner entirely consistent withthe strictest observance of national faith. We have nothing in ourhistory or position to invite aggression; we have everything to beckonus to the cultivation of relations of peace and amity with all nations. Purposes, therefore, at once just and pacific will be significantlymarked in the conduct of our foreign affairs. I intend that myAdministration shall leave no blot upon our fair record, and trust I maysafely give the assurance that no act within the legitimate scope of myconstitutional control will be tolerated on the part of any portion ofour citizens which can not challenge a ready justification before thetribunal of the civilized world. An Administration would be unworthy ofconfidence at home or respect abroad should it cease to be influenced bythe conviction that no apparent advantage can be purchased at a price sodear as that of national wrong or dishonor. It is not your privilege asa nation to speak of a distant past. The striking incidents of yourhistory, replete with instruction and furnishing abundant grounds forhopeful confidence, are comprised in a period comparatively brief. Butif your past is limited, your future is boundless. Its obligationsthrong the unexplored pathway of advancement, and will be limitless asduration. Hence a sound and comprehensive policy should embrace not lessthe distant future than the urgent present. 

The great objects of our pursuit as a people are best to be attained bypeace, and are entirely consistent with the tranquillity and interestsof the rest of mankind. With the neighboring nations upon our continentwe should cultivate kindly and fraternal relations. We can desirenothing in regard to them so much as to see them consolidate theirstrength and pursue the paths of prosperity and happiness. If in thecourse of their growth we should open new channels of trade and createadditional facilities for friendly intercourse, the benefits realizedwill be equal and mutual. Of the complicated European systems ofnational polity we have heretofore been independent. From their wars, their tumults, and anxieties we have been, happily, almost entirelyexempt. Whilst these are confined to the nations which gave themexistence, and within their legitimate jurisdiction, they can not affectus except as they appeal to our sympathies in the cause of human freedomand universal advancement. But the vast interests of commerce are commonto all mankind, and the advantages of trade and internationalintercourse must always present a noble field for the moral influence ofa great people. 

With these views firmly and honestly carried out, we have a right toexpect, and shall under all circumstances require, prompt reciprocity. The rights which belong to us as a nation are not alone to be regarded, but those which pertain to every citizen in his individual capacity, athome and abroad, must be sacredly maintained. So long as he can discernevery star in its place upon that ensign, without wealth to purchase forhim preferment or title to secure for him place, it will be hisprivilege, and must be his acknowledged right, to stand unabashed evenin the presence of princes, with a proud consciousness that he ishimself one of a nation of sovereigns and that he can not in legitimatepursuit wander so far from home that the agent whom he shall leavebehind in the place which I now occupy will not see that no rude hand ofpower or tyrannical passion is laid upon him with impunity. He mustrealize that upon every sea and on every soil where our enterprise mayrightfully seek the protection of our flag American citizenship is aninviolable panoply for the security of American rights. And in thisconnection it can hardly be necessary to reaffirm a principle whichshould now be regarded as fundamental. The rights, security, and reposeof this Confederacy reject the idea of interference or colonization onthis side of the ocean by any foreign power beyond present jurisdictionas utterly inadmissible. 

The opportunities of observation furnished by my brief experience as asoldier confirmed in my own mind the opinion, entertained and acted uponby others from the formation of the Government, that the maintenance oflarge standing armies in our country would be not only dangerous, butunnecessary. They also illustrated the importance--I might well say theabsolute necessity--of the military science and practical skillfurnished in such an eminent degree by the institution which has madeyour Army what it is, under the discipline and instruction of officersnot more distinguished for their solid attainments, gallantry, anddevotion to the public service than for unobtrusive bearing and highmoral tone. The Army as organized must be the nucleus around which inevery time of need the strength of your military power, the sure bulwarkof your defense--a national militia--may be readily formed into awell-disciplined and efficient organization. And the skill andself-devotion of the Navy assure you that you may take the performanceof the past as a pledge for the future, and may confidently expect thatthe flag which has waved its untarnished folds over every sea will stillfloat in undiminished honor. But these, like many other subjects, willbe appropriately brought at a future time to the attention of thecoordinate branches of the Government, to which I shall always look withprofound respect and with trustful confidence that they will accord tome the aid and support which I shall so much need and which theirexperience and wisdom will readily suggest. 

In the administration of domestic affairs you expect a devoted integrityin the public service and an observance of rigid economy in alldepartments, so marked as never justly to be questioned. If thisreasonable expectation be not realized, I frankly confess that one ofyour leading hopes is doomed to disappointment, and that my efforts in avery important particular must result in a humiliating failure. Officescan be properly regarded only in the light of aids for theaccomplishment of these objects, and as occupancy can confer noprerogative nor importunate desire for preferment any claim, the publicinterest imperatively demands that they be considered with solereference to the duties to be performed. Good citizens may well claimthe protection of good laws and the benign influence of good government, but a claim for office is what the people of a republic should neverrecognize. No reasonable man of any party will expect the Administrationto be so regardless of its responsibility and of the obvious elements ofsuccess as to retain persons known to be under the influence ofpolitical hostility and partisan prejudice in positions which willrequire not only severe labor, but cordial cooperation. Having noimplied engagements to ratify, no rewards to bestow, no resentments toremember, and no personal wishes to consult in selections for officialstation, I shall fulfill this difficult and delicate trust, admitting nomotive as worthy either of my character or position which does notcontemplate an efficient discharge of duty and the best interests of mycountry. I acknowledge my obligations to the masses of my countrymen, and to them alone. Higher objects than personal aggrandizement gavedirection and energy to their exertions in the late canvass, and theyshall not be disappointed. They require at my hands diligence, integrity, and capacity wherever there are duties to be performed. Without these qualities in their public servants, more stringent lawsfor the prevention or punishment of fraud, negligence, and peculationwill be vain. With them they will be unnecessary. 

But these are not the only points to which you look for vigilantwatchfulness. The dangers of a concentration of all power in the generalgovernment of a confederacy so vast as ours are too obvious to bedisregarded. You have a right, therefore, to expect your agents in everydepartment to regard strictly the limits imposed upon them by theConstitution of the United States. The great scheme of ourconstitutional liberty rests upon a proper distribution of power betweenthe State and Federal authorities, and experience has shown that theharmony and happiness of our people must depend upon a justdiscrimination between the separate rights and responsibilities of theStates and your common rights and obligations under the GeneralGovernment; and here, in my opinion, are the considerations which shouldform the true basis of future concord in regard to the questions whichhave most seriously disturbed public tranquillity. If the FederalGovernment will confine itself to the exercise of powers clearly grantedby the Constitution, it can hardly happen that its action upon anyquestion should endanger the institutions of the States or interferewith their right to manage matters strictly domestic according to thewill of their own people. 

In expressing briefly my views upon an important subject rich hasrecently agitated the nation to almost a fearful degree, I am moved byno other impulse than a most earnest desire for the perpetuation of thatUnion which has made us what we are, showering upon us blessings andconferring a power and influence which our fathers could hardly haveanticipated, even with their most sanguine hopes directed to a far-offfuture. The sentiments I now announce were not unknown before theexpression of the voice which called me here. My own position upon thissubject was clear and unequivocal, upon the record of my words and myacts, and it is only recurred to at this time because silence mightperhaps be misconstrued. With the Union my best and dearest earthlyhopes are entwined. Without it what are we individually or collectively?What becomes of the noblest field ever opened for the advancement of ourrace in religion, in government, in the arts, and in all that dignifiesand adorns mankind? From that radiant constellation which both illuminesour own way and points out to struggling nations their course, let but asingle star be lost, and, if these be not utter darkness, the luster ofthe whole is dimmed. Do my countrymen need any assurance that such acatastrophe is not to overtake them while I possess the power to stayit? It is with me an earnest and vital belief that as the Union has beenthe source, under Providence, of our prosperity to this time, so it isthe surest pledge of a continuance of the blessings we have enjoyed, andwhich we are sacredly bound to transmit undiminished to our children. The field of calm and free discussion in our country is open, and willalways be so, but never has been and never can be traversed for good ina spirit of sectionalism and uncharitableness. The founders of theRepublic dealt with things as they were presented to them, in a spiritof self-sacrificing patriotism, and, as time has proved, with acomprehensive wisdom which it will always be safe for us to consult. Every measure tending to strengthen the fraternal feelings of all themembers of our Union has had my heartfelt approbation. To every theoryof society or government, whether the offspring of feverish ambition orof morbid enthusiasm, calculated to dissolve the bonds of law andaffection which unite us, I shall interpose a ready and sternresistance. I believe that involuntary servitude, as it exists indifferent States of this Confederacy, is recognized by the Constitution. I believe that it stands like any other admitted right, and that theStates where it exists are entitled to efficient remedies to enforce theconstitutional provisions. I hold that the laws of 1850, commonly calledthe "compromise measures, " are strictly constitutional and to beunhesitatingly carried into effect. I believe that the constitutedauthorities of this Republic are bound to regard the rights of the Southin this respect as they would view any other legal and constitutionalright, and that the laws to enforce them should be respected and obeyed, not with a reluctance encouraged by abstract opinions as to theirpropriety in a different state of society, but cheerfully and accordingto the decisions of the tribunal to which their exposition belongs. Suchhave been, and are, my convictions, and upon them I shall act. Ifervently hope that the question is at rest, and that no sectional orambitious or fanatical excitement may again threaten the durability ofour institutions or obscure the light of our prosperity. 

But let not the foundation of our hope rest upon man's wisdom. It willnot be sufficient that sectional prejudices find no place in the publicdeliberations. It will not be sufficient that the rash counsels of humanpassion are rejected. It must be felt that there is no national securitybut in the nation's humble, acknowledged dependence upon God and Hisoverruling providence. 

We have been carried in safety through a perilous crisis. Wise counsels, like those which gave us the Constitution, prevailed to uphold it. Letthe period be remembered as an admonition, and not as an encouragement, in any section of the Union, to make experiments where experiments arefraught with such fearful hazard. Let it be impressed upon all heartsthat, beautiful as our fabric is, no earthly power or wisdom could everreunite its broken fragments. Standing, as I do, almost within view ofthe green slopes of Monticello, and, as it were, within reach of thetomb of Washington, with all the cherished memories of the pastgathering around me like so many eloquent voices of exhortation fromheaven, I can express no better hope for my country than that the kindProvidence which smiled upon our fathers may enable their children topreserve the blessings they have inherited. 

* * * * *

JAMES BUCHANAN, INAUGURAL ADDRESS

WEDNESDAY, MARCH 4, 1857

[Transcriber's note: The Democratic Party chose another candidate insteadof their incumbent President when they nominated James Buchanan at thenational convention. Since the Jackson Administration, he had adistinguished career as a Senator, Congressman, Cabinet officer, andambassador. The oath of office was administered by Chief Justice RogerTaney on the East Portico of the Capitol. A parade had preceded theceremony at the Capitol, and an inaugural ball was held that evening for6, 000 celebrants in a specially built hall on Judiciary Square. ]

Fellow-Citizens:

I appear before you this day to take the solemn oath "that I willfaithfully execute the office of President of the United States and willto the best of my ability preserve, protect, and defend the Constitutionof the United States. "

In entering upon this great office I must humbly invoke the God of ourfathers for wisdom and firmness to execute its high and responsibleduties in such a manner as to restore harmony and ancient friendshipamong the people of the several States and to preserve our freeinstitutions throughout many generations. Convinced that I owe myelection to the inherent love for the Constitution and the Union whichstill animates the hearts of the American people, let me earnestly asktheir powerful support in sustaining all just measures calculated toperpetuate these, the richest political blessings which Heaven has everbestowed upon any nation. Having determined not to become a candidatefor reelection, I shall have no motive to influence my conduct inadministering the Government except the desire ably and faithfully toserve my country and to live in grateful memory of my countrymen. 

We have recently passed through a Presidential contest in which thepassions of our fellow-citizens were excited to the highest degree byquestions of deep and vital importance; but when the people proclaimedtheir will the tempest at once subsided and all was calm. 

The voice of the majority, speaking in the manner prescribed by theConstitution, was heard, and instant submission followed. Our owncountry could alone have exhibited so grand and striking a spectacle ofthe capacity of man for self-government. 

What a happy conception, then, was it for Congress to apply this simplerule, that the will of the majority shall govern, to the settlement ofthe question of domestic slavery in the Territories. Congress is neither"to legislate slavery into any Territory or State nor to exclude ittherefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form andregulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only tothe Constitution of the United States. "

As a natural consequence, Congress has also prescribed that when theTerritory of Kansas shall be admitted as a State it "shall be receivedinto the Union with or without slavery, as their constitution mayprescribe at the time of their admission. "

A difference of opinion has arisen in regard to the point of time whenthe people of a Territory shall decide this question for themselves. 

This is, happily, a matter of but little practical importance. Besides, it is a judicial question, which legitimately belongs to the SupremeCourt of the United States, before whom it is now pending, and will, itis understood, be speedily and finally settled. To their decision, incommon with all good citizens, I shall cheerfully submit, whatever thismay be, though it has ever been my individual opinion that under theNebraska-Kansas act the appropriate period will be when the number ofactual residents in the Territory shall justify the formation of aconstitution with a view to its admission as a State into the Union. Butbe this as it may, it is the imperative and indispensable duty of theGovernment of the United States to secure to every resident inhabitantthe free and independent expression of his opinion by his vote. Thissacred right of each individual must be preserved. That beingaccomplished, nothing can be fairer than to leave the people of aTerritory free from all foreign interference to decide their own destinyfor themselves, subject only to the Constitution of the United States. 

The whole Territorial question being thus settled upon the principle ofpopular sovereignty--a principle as ancient as free governmentitself--everything of a practical nature has been decided. No otherquestion remains for adjustment, because all agree that under theConstitution slavery in the States is beyond the reach of any humanpower except that of the respective States themselves wherein it exists. May we not, then, hope that the long agitation on this subject isapproaching its end, and that the geographical parties to which it hasgiven birth, so much dreaded by the Father of his Country, will speedilybecome extinct? Most happy will it be for the country when the publicmind shall be diverted from this question to others of more pressing andpractical importance. Throughout the whole progress of this agitation, which has scarcely known any intermission for more than twenty years, whilst it has been productive of no positive good to any human being ithas been the prolific source of great evils to the master, to the slave, and to the whole country. It has alienated and estranged the people ofthe sister States from each other, and has even seriously endangered thevery existence of the Union. Nor has the danger yet entirely ceased. Under our system there is a remedy for all mere political evils in thesound sense and sober judgment of the people. Time is a greatcorrective. Political subjects which but a few years ago excited andexasperated the public mind have passed away and are now nearlyforgotten. But this question of domestic slavery is of far graverimportance than any mere political question, because should theagitation continue it may eventually endanger the personal safety of alarge portion of our countrymen where the institution exists. In thatevent no form of government, however admirable in itself and howeverproductive of material benefits, can compensate for the loss of peaceand domestic security around the family altar. Let every Union-lovingman, therefore, exert his best influence to suppress this agitation, which since the recent legislation of Congress is without any legitimateobject. 

It is an evil omen of the times that men have undertaken to calculatethe mere material value of the Union. Reasoned estimates have beenpresented of the pecuniary profits and local advantages which wouldresult to different States and sections from its dissolution and of thecomparative injuries which such an event would inflict on other Statesand sections. Even descending to this low and narrow view of the mightyquestion, all such calculations are at fault. The bare reference to asingle consideration will be conclusive on this point. We at presentenjoy a free trade throughout our extensive and expanding country suchas the world has never witnessed. This trade is conducted on railroadsand canals, on noble rivers and arms of the sea, which bind together theNorth and the South, the East and the West, of our Confederacy. Annihilate this trade, arrest its free progress by the geographicallines of jealous and hostile States, and you destroy the prosperity andonward march of the whole and every part and involve all in one commonruin. But such considerations, important as they are in themselves, sinkinto insignificance when we reflect on the terrific evils which wouldresult from disunion to every portion of the Confederacy--to the North, not more than to the South, to the East not more than to the West. TheseI shall not attempt to portray, because I feel an humble confidence thatthe kind Providence which inspired our fathers with wisdom to frame themost perfect form of government and union ever devised by man will notsuffer it to perish until it shall have been peacefully instrumental byits example in the extension of civil and religious liberty throughoutthe world. 

Next in importance to the maintenance of the Constitution and the Unionis the duty of preserving the Government free from the taint or even thesuspicion of corruption. Public virtue is the vital spirit of republics, and history proves that when this has decayed and the love of money hasusurped its place, although the forms of free government may remain fora season, the substance has departed forever. 

Our present financial condition is without a parallel in history. Nonation has ever before been embarrassed from too large a surplus in itstreasury. This almost necessarily gives birth to extravagantlegislation. It produces wild schemes of expenditure and begets a raceof speculators and jobbers, whose ingenuity is exerted in contriving andpromoting expedients to obtain public money. The purity of officialagents, whether rightfully or wrongfully, is suspected, and thecharacter of the government suffers in the estimation of the people. This is in itself a very great evil. 

The natural mode of relief from this embarrassment is to appropriate thesurplus in the Treasury to great national objects for which a clearwarrant can be found in the Constitution. Among these I might mentionthe extinguishment of the public debt, a reasonable increase of theNavy, which is at present inadequate to the protection of our vasttonnage afloat, now greater than that of any other nation, as well as tothe defense of our extended seacoast. 

It is beyond all question the true principle that no more revenue oughtto be collected from the people than the amount necessary to defray theexpenses of a wise, economical, and efficient administration of theGovernment. To reach this point it was necessary to resort to amodification of the tariff, and this has, I trust, been accomplished insuch a manner as to do as little injury as may have been practicable toour domestic manufactures, especially those necessary for the defense ofthe country. Any discrimination against a particular branch for thepurpose of benefiting favored corporations, individuals, or interestswould have been unjust to the rest of the community and inconsistentwith that spirit of fairness and equality which ought to govern in theadjustment of a revenue tariff. 

But the squandering of the public money sinks into comparativeinsignificance as a temptation to corruption when compared with thesquandering of the public lands. 

No nation in the tide of time has ever been blessed with so rich andnoble an inheritance as we enjoy in the public lands. In administeringthis important trust, whilst it may be wise to grant portions of themfor the improvement of the remainder, yet we should never forget that itis our cardinal policy to reserve these lands, as much as may be, foractual settlers, and this at moderate prices. We shall thus not onlybest promote the prosperity of the new States and Territories, byfurnishing them a hardy and independent race of honest and industriouscitizens, but shall secure homes for our children and our children'schildren, as well as for those exiles from foreign shores who may seekin this country to improve their condition and to enjoy the blessings ofcivil and religious liberty. Such emigrants have done much to promotethe growth and prosperity of the country. They have proved faithful bothin peace and in war. After becoming citizens they are entitled, underthe Constitution and laws, to be placed on a perfect equality withnative-born citizens, and in this character they should ever be kindlyrecognized. 

The Federal Constitution is a grant from the States to Congress ofcertain specific powers, and the question whether this grant should beliberally or strictly construed has more or less divided politicalparties from the beginning. Without entering into the argument, I desireto state at the commencement of my Administration that long experienceand observation have convinced me that a strict construction of thepowers of the Government is the only true, as well as the only safe, theory of the Constitution. Whenever in our past history doubtful powershave been exercised by Congress, these have never failed to produceinjurious and unhappy consequences. Many such instances might be adducedif this were the proper occasion. Neither is it necessary for the publicservice to strain the language of the Constitution, because all thegreat and useful powers required for a successful administration of theGovernment, both in peace and in war, have been granted, either inexpress terms or by the plainest implication. 

Whilst deeply convinced of these truths, I yet consider it clear thatunder the war-making power Congress may appropriate money toward theconstruction of a military road when this is absolutely necessary forthe defense of any State or Territory of the Union against foreigninvasion. Under the Constitution Congress has power "to declare war, ""to raise and support armies, " "to provide and maintain a navy, " and tocall forth the militia to "repel invasions. " Thus endowed, in an amplemanner, with the war-making power, the corresponding duty is requiredthat "the United States shall protect each of them [the States] againstinvasion. " Now, how is it possible to afford this protection toCalifornia and our Pacific possessions except by means of a militaryroad through the Territories of the United States, over which men andmunitions of war may be speedily transported from the Atlantic States tomeet and to repel the invader? In the event of a war with a naval powermuch stronger than our own we should then have no other available accessto the Pacific Coast, because such a power would instantly close theroute across the isthmus of Central America. It is impossible toconceive that whilst the Constitution has expressly required Congress todefend all the States it should yet deny to them, by any fairconstruction, the only possible means by which one of these States canbe defended. Besides, the Government, ever since its origin, has been inthe constant practice of constructing military roads. It might also bewise to consider whether the love for the Union which now animates ourfellow-citizens on the Pacific Coast may not be impaired by our neglector refusal to provide for them, in their remote and isolated condition, the only means by which the power of the States on this side of theRocky Mountains can reach them in sufficient time to "protect" them"against invasion. " I forbear for the present from expressing an opinionas to the wisest and most economical mode in which the Government canlend its aid in accomplishing this great and necessary work. I believethat many of the difficulties in the way, which now appear formidable, will in a great degree vanish as soon as the nearest and best routeshall have been satisfactorily ascertained. 

It may be proper that on this occasion I should make some brief remarksin regard to our rights and duties as a member of the great family ofnations. In our intercourse with them there are some plain principles, approved by our own experience, from which we should never depart. Weought to cultivate peace, commerce, and friendship with all nations, andthis not merely as the best means of promoting our own materialinterests, but in a spirit of Christian benevolence toward ourfellow-men, wherever their lot may be cast. Our diplomacy should bedirect and frank, neither seeking to obtain more nor accepting less thanis our due. We ought to cherish a sacred regard for the independence ofall nations, and never attempt to interfere in the domestic concerns ofany unless this shall be imperatively required by the great law ofself-preservation. To avoid entangling alliances has been a maxim ofour policy ever since the days of Washington, and its wisdom's no onewill attempt to dispute. In short, we ought to do justice in a kindlyspirit to all nations and require justice from them in return. 

It is our glory that whilst other nations have extended their dominionsby the sword we have never acquired any territory except by fairpurchase or, as in the case of Texas, by the voluntary determination ofa brave, kindred, and independent people to blend their destinies withour own. Even our acquisitions from Mexico form no exception. Unwillingto take advantage of the fortune of war against a sister republic, wepurchased these possessions under the treaty of peace for a sum whichwas considered at the time a fair equivalent. Our past history forbidsthat we shall in the future acquire territory unless this be sanctionedby the laws of justice and honor. Acting on this principle, no nationwill have a right to interfere or to complain if in the progress ofevents we shall still further extend our possessions. Hitherto in allour acquisitions the people, under the protection of the American flag, have enjoyed civil and religious liberty, as well as equal and justlaws, and have been contented, prosperous, and happy. Their trade withthe rest of the world has rapidly increased, and thus every commercialnation has shared largely in their successful progress. 

I shall now proceed to take the oath prescribed by the Constitution, whilst humbly invoking the blessing of Divine Providence on this greatpeople. 

* * * * *

ABRAHAM LINCOLN, FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS

MONDAY, MARCH 4, 1861

[Transcriber's note: The national upheaval of secession was a grimreality at Abraham Lincoln's inauguration. Jefferson Davis had beeninaugurated as the President of the Confederacy two weeks earlier. Theformer Illinois Congressman had arrived in Washington by a secret routeto avoid danger, and his movements were guarded by General WinfieldScott's soldiers. Ignoring advice to the contrary, the President-electrode with President Buchanan in an open carriage to the Capitol, wherehe took the oath of office on the East Portico. Chief Justice RogerTaney administered the executive oath for the seventh time. The Capitolitself was sheathed in scaffolding because the copper and wood"Bulfinch" dome was being replaced with a cast iron dome designed byThomas U. Walter. ]

Fellow-Citizens of the United States:

In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appearbefore you to address you briefly and to take in your presence the oathprescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by thePresident "before he enters on the execution of this office. "

I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss thosematters of administration about which there is no special anxiety orexcitement. 

Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States thatby the accession of a Republican Administration their property and theirpeace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never beenany reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ampleevidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open totheir inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches ofhim who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speecheswhen I declare that--

I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with theinstitution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I haveno lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so. 

Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I hadmade this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them; andmore than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as alaw to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which Inow read:

Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its owndomestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, isessential to that balance of power on which the perfection and enduranceof our political fabric depend; and we denounce the lawless invasion byarmed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter whatpretext, as among the gravest of crimes. 

I now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so I only press upon thepublic attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case issusceptible that the property, peace, and security of no section are tobe in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration. I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitutionand the laws, can be given will be cheerfully given to all the Stateswhen lawfully demanded, for whatever cause--as cheerfully to one sectionas to another. 

There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives fromservice or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly written in theConstitution as any other of its provisions:

No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulationtherein be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be deliveredup on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due. 

It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those whomade it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and theintention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress sweartheir support to the whole Constitution--to this provision as much as toany other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come withinthe terms of this clause "shall be delivered up" their oaths areunanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could theynot with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of whichto keep good that unanimous oath?

There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should beenforced by national or by State authority, but surely that differenceis not a very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can beof but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it isdone. And should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall gounkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?

Again: In any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards ofliberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, sothat a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? And might itnot be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement ofthat clause in the Constitution which guarantees that "the citizens ofeach State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities ofcitizens in the several States"?

I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with nopurpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules;and while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress asproper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by allthose acts which stand unrepealed than to violate any of them trustingto find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional. 

It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a Presidentunder our National Constitution. During that period fifteen differentand greatly distinguished citizens have in succession administered theexecutive branch of the Government. They have conducted it through manyperils, and generally with great success. Yet, with all this scope ofprecedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutionalterm of four years under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption ofthe Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted. 

I hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitutionthe Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if notexpressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It issafe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in itsorganic law for its own termination. Continue to execute all the expressprovisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endureforever, it being impossible to destroy it except by some action notprovided for in the instrument itself. 

Again: If the United States be not a government proper, but anassociation of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as acontract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it?One party to a contract may violate it--break it, so to speak--but doesit not require all to lawfully rescind it?

Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition thatin legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the historyof the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. Itwas formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It wasmatured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It wasfurther matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expresslyplighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles ofConfederation in 1778. And finally, in 1787, one of the declared objectsfor ordaining and establishing the Constitution was "to form a moreperfect Union. "

But if destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the Statesbe lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before theConstitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity. 

It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion canlawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to thateffect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any State orStates against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary orrevolutionary, according to circumstances. 

I therefore consider that in view of the Constitution and the laws theUnion is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws ofthe Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this I deem tobe only a simple duty on my part, and I shall perform it so far aspracticable unless my rightful masters, the American people, shallwithhold the requisite means or in some authoritative manner direct thecontrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as thedeclared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend andmaintain itself. 

In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence, and thereshall be none unless it be forced upon the national authority. The powerconfided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the propertyand places belonging to the Government and to collect the duties andimposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there willbe no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere. Where hostility to the United States in any interior locality shall beso great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens fromholding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxiousstrangers among the people for that object. While the strict legal rightmay exist in the Government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating and so nearly impracticablewithal that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of suchoffices. 

The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all partsof the Union. So far as possible the people everywhere shall have thatsense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought andreflection. The course here indicated will be followed unless currentevents and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised, according to circumstances actually existing and with a view and a hopeof a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration offraternal sympathies and affections. 

That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy theUnion at all events and are glad of any pretext to do it I will neitheraffirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word to them. To those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak?

Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of ournational fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will youhazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that anyportion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, whilethe certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you flyfrom, will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake?

All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights canbe maintained. Is it true, then, that any right plainly written in theConstitution has been denied? I think not. Happily, the human mind is soconstituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly writtenprovision of the Constitution has ever been denied. If by the mere forceof numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly writtenconstitutional right, it might in a moral point of view justifyrevolution; certainly would if such right were a vital one. But such isnot our case. All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals areso plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties andprohibitions, in the Constitution that controversies never ariseconcerning them. But no organic law can ever be framed with a provisionspecifically applicable to every question which may occur in practicaladministration. No foresight can anticipate nor any document ofreasonable length contain express provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by Stateauthority? The Constitution does not expressly say. May Congressprohibit slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expresslysay. Must Congress protect slavery in the Territories? The Constitutiondoes not expressly say. 

From questions of this class spring all our constitutionalcontroversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the Governmentmust cease. There is no other alternative, for continuing the Governmentis acquiescence on one side or the other. If a minority in such casewill secede rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent which in turnwill divide and ruin them, for a minority of their own will secede fromthem whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by such minority. Forinstance, why may not any portion of a new confederacy a year or twohence arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of the presentUnion now claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion sentimentsare now being educated to the exact temper of doing this. 

Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to composea new union as to produce harmony only and prevent renewed secession?

Plainly the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. Amajority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, andalways changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions andsentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejectsit does of necessity fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity isimpossible. The rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, iswholly inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchyor despotism in some form is all that is left. 

I do not forget the position assumed by some that constitutionalquestions are to be decided by the Supreme Court, nor do I deny thatsuch decisions must be binding in any case upon the parties to a suit asto the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to very highrespect and consideration in all parallel cases by all other departmentsof the Government. And while it is obviously possible that such decisionmay be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it, being limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may beoverruled and never become a precedent for other cases, can better beborne than could the evils of a different practice. At the same time, the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the Governmentupon vital questions affecting the whole people is to be irrevocablyfixed by decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made inordinary litigation between parties in personal actions the people willhave ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practicallyresigned their Government into the hands of that eminent tribunal. Noris there in this view any assault upon the court or the judges. It is aduty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly broughtbefore them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn theirdecisions to political purposes. 

One section of our country believes slavery is right and ought to beextended, while the other believes it is wrong and ought not to beextended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive-slaveclause of the Constitution and the law for the suppression of theforeign slave trade are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law canever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectlysupports the law itself. The great body of the people abide by the drylegal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, Ithink, can not be perfectly cured, and it would be worse in both casesafter the separation of the sections than before. The foreign slavetrade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived withoutrestriction in one section, while fugitive slaves, now only partiallysurrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other. 

Physically speaking, we can not separate. We can not remove ourrespective sections from each other nor build an impassable wall betweenthem. A husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence andbeyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of our countrycan not do this. They can not but remain face to face, and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactoryafter separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier thanfriends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced betweenaliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you can notfight always; and when, after much loss on both sides and no gain oneither, you cease fighting, the identical old questions, as to terms ofintercourse, are again upon you. 

This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabitit. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing Government, they canexercise their constitutional right of amending it or theirrevolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I can not be ignorantof the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous ofhaving the National Constitution amended. While I make no recommendationof amendments, I fully recognize the rightful authority of the peopleover the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the modesprescribed in the instrument itself; and I should, under existingcircumstances, favor rather than oppose a fair opportunity beingafforded the people to act upon it. I will venture to add that to me theconvention mode seems preferable, in that it allows amendments tooriginate with the people themselves, instead of only permitting them totake or reject propositions originated by others, not especially chosenfor the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they wouldwish to either accept or refuse. I understand a proposed amendment tothe Constitution--which amendment, however, I have not seen--has passedCongress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall neverinterfere with the domestic institutions of the States, including thatof persons held to service. To avoid misconstruction of what I havesaid, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments sofar as to say that, holding such a provision to now be impliedconstitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express andirrevocable. 

The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and theyhave referred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of theStates. The people themselves can do this if also they choose, but theExecutive as such has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administerthe present Government as it came to his hands and to transmit itunimpaired by him to his successor. 

Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice ofthe people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In ourpresent differences, is either party without faith of being in theright? If the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with His eternal truth andjustice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, thattruth and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this greattribunal of the American people. 

By the frame of the Government under which we live this same people havewisely given their public servants but little power for mischief, andhave with equal wisdom provided for the return of that little to theirown hands at very short intervals. While the people retain their virtueand vigilance no Administration by any extreme of wickedness or follycan very seriously injure the Government in the short space of fouryears. 

My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this wholesubject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be anobject to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would nevertake deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time; but nogood object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfiedstill have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it; while the new Administration willhave no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it wereadmitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in thedispute, there still is no single good reason for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him whohas never yet forsaken this favored land are still competent to adjustin the best way all our present difficulty. 

In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, isthe momentous issue of civil war. The Government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. Youhave no oath registered in heaven to destroy the Government, while Ishall have the most solemn one to "preserve, protect, and defend it. "

I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not beenemies. Though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds ofaffection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from everybattlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone allover this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when againtouched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature. 

* * * * *

ABRAHAM LINCOLN, SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS

SATURDAY, MARCH 4, 1865

[Transcriber's note: Weeks of wet weather preceding Lincoln's secondinauguration had caused Pennsylvania Avenue to become a sea of mud andstanding water. Thousands of spectators stood in thick mud at theCapitol grounds to hear the President. As he stood on the East Porticoto take the executive oath, the completed Capitol dome over thePresident's head was a physical reminder of the resolve of hisAdministration throughout the years of civil war. Chief Justice SalmonChase administered the oath of office. In little more than a month, thePresident would be assassinated. ]

Fellow-Countrymen:

At this second appearing to take the oath of the Presidential officethere is less occasion for an extended address than there was at thefirst. Then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursuedseemed fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, duringwhich public declarations have been constantly called forth on everypoint and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attentionand engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could bepresented. The progress of our arms, upon which all else chieflydepends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, Itrust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hopefor the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured. 

On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts wereanxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it, all soughtto avert it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from thisplace, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, urgent agentswere in the city seeking to destroy it without war--seeking to dissolvethe Union and divide effects by negotiation. Both parties deprecatedwar, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the warcame. 

One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributedgenerally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew thatthis interest was somehow the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which theinsurgents would rend the Union even by war, while the Governmentclaimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargementof it. Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the durationwhich it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of theconflict might cease with or even before the conflict itself shouldcease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamentaland astounding. Both read the same Bible and pray to the same God, andeach invokes His aid against the other. It may seem strange that any menshould dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread fromthe sweat of other men's faces, but let us judge not, that we be notjudged. The prayers of both could not be answered. That of neither hasbeen answered fully. The Almighty has His own purposes. "Woe unto theworld because of offenses; for it must needs be that offenses come, butwoe to that man by whom the offense cometh. " If we shall suppose thatAmerican slavery is one of those offenses which, in the providence ofGod, must needs come, but which, having continued through His appointedtime, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and Souththis terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributeswhich the believers in a living God always ascribe to Him? Fondly do wehope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of war may speedilypass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piledby the bondsman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shallbe sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paidby another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said "the judgments of the Lord are true andrighteous altogether. " With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let usstrive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow andhis orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lastingpeace among ourselves and with all nations. 

* * * * *

ULYSSES S. GRANT, FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS

THURSDAY, MARCH 4, 1869

[Transcriber's note: General Grant was the first of many Civil Warofficers to become President of the United States. He refused to ride inthe carriage to the Capitol with President Johnson, who then decided notto attend the ceremony. The oath of office was administered by ChiefJustice Salmon Chase on the East Portico. The inaugural parade boastedeight full divisions of the Army--the largest contingent yet to march onsuch an occasion. That evening, a ball was held in the TreasuryBuilding. ]

Citizens of the United States:

Your suffrages having elected me to the office of President of theUnited States, I have, in conformity to the Constitution of our country, taken the oath of office prescribed therein. I have taken this oathwithout mental reservation and with the determination to do to the bestof my ability all that is required of me. The responsibilities of theposition I feel, but accept them without fear. The office has come to meunsought; I commence its duties untrammeled. I bring to it a consciousdesire and determination to fill it to the best of my ability to thesatisfaction of the people. 

On all leading questions agitating the public mind I will always expressmy views to Congress and urge them according to my judgment, and when Ithink it advisable will exercise the constitutional privilege ofinterposing a veto to defeat measures which I oppose; but all laws willbe faithfully executed, whether they meet my approval or not. 

I shall on all subjects have a policy to recommend, but none to enforceagainst the will of the people. Laws are to govern all alike--thoseopposed as well as those who favor them. I know no method to secure therepeal of bad or obnoxious laws so effective as their stringentexecution. 

The country having just emerged from a great rebellion, many questionswill come before it for settlement in the next four years whichpreceding Administrations have never had to deal with. In meeting theseit is desirable that they should be approached calmly, withoutprejudice, hate, or sectional pride, remembering that the greatest goodto the greatest number is the object to be attained. 

This requires security of person, property, and free religious andpolitical opinion in every part of our common country, without regard tolocal prejudice. All laws to secure these ends will receive my bestefforts for their enforcement. 

A great debt has been contracted in securing to us and our posterity theUnion. The payment of this, principal and interest, as well as thereturn to a specie basis as soon as it can be accomplished withoutmaterial detriment to the debtor class or to the country at large, mustbe provided for. To protect the national honor, every dollar ofGovernment indebtedness should be paid in gold, unless otherwiseexpressly stipulated in the contract. Let it be understood that norepudiator of one farthing of our public debt will be trusted in publicplace, and it will go far toward strengthening a credit which ought tobe the best in the world, and will ultimately enable us to replace thedebt with bonds bearing less interest than we now pay. To this should beadded a faithful collection of the revenue, a strict accountability tothe Treasury for every dollar collected, and the greatest practicableretrenchment in expenditure in every department of Government. 

When we compare the paying capacity of the country now, with the tenStates in poverty from the effects of war, but soon to emerge, I trust, into greater prosperity than ever before, with its paying capacitytwenty-five years ago, and calculate what it probably will betwenty-five years hence, who can doubt the feasibility of paying everydollar then with more ease than we now pay for useless luxuries? Why, itlooks as though Providence had bestowed upon us a strong box in theprecious metals locked up in the sterile mountains of the far West, andwhich we are now forging the key to unlock, to meet the very contingencythat is now upon us. 

Ultimately it may be necessary to insure the facilities to reach theseriches and it may be necessary also that the General Government shouldgive its aid to secure this access; but that should only be when adollar of obligation to pay secures precisely the same sort of dollar touse now, and not before. Whilst the question of specie payments is inabeyance the prudent business man is careful about contracting debtspayable in the distant future. The nation should follow the same rule. Aprostrate commerce is to be rebuilt and all industries encouraged. 

The young men of the country--those who from their age must be itsrulers twenty-five years hence--have a peculiar interest in maintainingthe national honor. A moment's reflection as to what will be ourcommanding influence among the nations of the earth in their day, ifthey are only true to themselves, should inspire them with nationalpride. All divisions--geographical, political, and religious--can joinin this common sentiment. How the public debt is to be paid or speciepayments resumed is not so important as that a plan should be adoptedand acquiesced in. A united determination to do is worth more thandivided counsels upon the method of doing. Legislation upon this subjectmay not be necessary now, or even advisable, but it will be when thecivil law is more fully restored in all parts of the country and traderesumes its wonted channels. 

It will be my endeavor to execute all laws in good faith, to collect allrevenues assessed, and to have them properly accounted for andeconomically disbursed. I will to the best of my ability appoint tooffice those only who will carry out this design. 

In regard to foreign policy, I would deal with nations as equitable lawrequires individuals to deal with each other, and I would protect thelaw-abiding citizen, whether of native or foreign birth, wherever hisrights are jeopardized or the flag of our country floats. I wouldrespect the rights of all nations, demanding equal respect for our own. If others depart from this rule in their dealings with us, we may becompelled to follow their precedent. 

The proper treatment of the original occupants of this land--the Indiansone deserving of careful study. I will favor any course toward themwhich tends to their civilization and ultimate citizenship. 

The question of suffrage is one which is likely to agitate the public solong as a portion of the citizens of the nation are excluded from itsprivileges in any State. It seems to me very desirable that thisquestion should be settled now, and I entertain the hope and express thedesire that it may be by the ratification of the fifteenth article ofamendment to the Constitution. 

In conclusion I ask patient forbearance one toward another throughoutthe land, and a determined effort on the part of every citizen to do hisshare toward cementing a happy union; and I ask the prayers of thenation to Almighty God in behalf of this consummation. 

* * * * *

ULYSSES S. GRANT, SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS

TUESDAY, MARCH 4, 1873

[Transcriber's note: Frigid temperatures caused many of the eventsplanned for the second inauguration to be abandoned. The thermometer didnot rise much above zero all day, persuading many to avoid the ceremonyon the East Portico of the Capitol. The oath of office was administeredby Chief Justice Salmon Chase. A parade and a display of fireworks werefeatured later that day, as well as a ball in a temporary woodenstructure on Judiciary Square. The wind blew continuously through theballroom and many of the guests at the ball never removed their coats. ]

Fellow-Citizens:

Under Providence I have been called a second time to act as Executiveover this great nation. It has been my endeavor in the past to maintainall the laws, and, so far as lay in my power, to act for the bestinterests of the whole people. My best efforts will be given in the samedirection in the future, aided, I trust, by my four years' experience inthe office. 

When my first term of the office of Chief Executive began, the countryhad not recovered from the effects of a great internal revolution, andthree of the former States of the Union had not been restored to theirFederal relations. 

It seemed to me wise that no new questions should be raised so long asthat condition of affairs existed. Therefore the past four years, so faras I could control events, have been consumed in the effort to restoreharmony, public credit, commerce, and all the arts of peace andprogress. It is my firm conviction that the civilized world is tendingtoward republicanism, or government by the people through their chosenrepresentatives, and that our own great Republic is destined to be theguiding star to all others. 

Under our Republic we support an army less than that of any Europeanpower of any standing and a navy less than that of either of at leastfive of them. There could be no extension of territory on the continentwhich would call for an increase of this force, but rather might suchextension enable us to diminish it. 

The theory of government changes with general progress. Now that thetelegraph is made available for communicating thought, together withrapid transit by steam, all parts of a continent are made contiguous forall purposes of government, and communication between the extreme limitsof the country made easier than it was throughout the old thirteenStates at the beginning of our national existence. 

The effects of the late civil strife have been to free the slave andmake him a citizen. Yet he is not possessed of the civil rights whichcitizenship should carry with it. This is wrong, and should becorrected. To this correction I stand committed, so far as Executiveinfluence can avail. 

Social equality is not a subject to be legislated upon, nor shall I askthat anything be done to advance the social status of the colored man, except to give him a fair chance to develop what there is good in him, give him access to the schools, and when he travels let him feel assuredthat his conduct will regulate the treatment and fare he will receive. 

The States lately at war with the General Government are now happilyrehabilitated, and no Executive control is exercised in any one of themthat would not be exercised in any other State under like circumstances. 

In the first year of the past Administration the proposition came up forthe admission of Santo Domingo as a Territory of the Union. It was not aquestion of my seeking, but was a proposition from the people of SantoDomingo, and which I entertained. I believe now, as I did then, that itwas for the best interest of this country, for the people of SantoDomingo, and all concerned that the proposition should be receivedfavorably. It was, however, rejected constitutionally, and therefore thesubject was never brought up again by me. 

In future, while I hold my present office, the subject of acquisition ofterritory must have the support of the people before I will recommendany proposition looking to such acquisition. I say here, however, that Ido not share in the apprehension held by many as to the danger ofgovernments becoming weakened and destroyed by reason of their extensionof territory. Commerce, education, and rapid transit of thought andmatter by telegraph and steam have changed all this. Rather do I believethat our Great Maker is preparing the world, in His own good time, tobecome one nation, speaking one language, and when armies and navieswill be no longer required. 

My efforts in the future will be directed to the restoration of goodfeeling between the different sections of our common country; to therestoration of our currency to a fixed value as compared with theworld's standard of values--gold--and, if possible, to a par with it; tothe construction of cheap routes of transit throughout the land, to theend that the products of all may find a market and leave a livingremuneration to the producer; to the maintenance of friendly relationswith all our neighbors and with distant nations; to the reestablishmentof our commerce and share in the carrying trade upon the ocean; to theencouragement of such manufacturing industries as can be economicallypursued in this country, to the end that the exports of home productsand industries may pay for our imports--the only sure method ofreturning to and permanently maintaining a specie basis; to theelevation of labor; and, by a humane course, to bring the aborigines ofthe country under the benign influences of education and civilization. It is either this or war of extermination: Wars of extermination, engaged in by people pursuing commerce and all industrial pursuits, areexpensive even against the weakest people, and are demoralizing andwicked. Our superiority of strength and advantages of civilizationshould make us lenient toward the Indian. The wrong inflicted upon himshould be taken into account and the balance placed to his credit. Themoral view of the question should be considered and the question asked, Can not the Indian be made a useful and productive member of society byproper teaching and treatment? If the effort is made in good faith, wewill stand better before the civilized nations of the earth and in ourown consciences for having made it. 

All these things are not to be accomplished by one individual, but theywill receive my support and such recommendations to Congress as will inmy judgment best serve to carry them into effect. I beg your support andencouragement. 

It has been, and is, my earnest desire to correct abuses that have grownup in the civil service of the country. To secure this reformation rulesregulating methods of appointment and promotions were established andhave been tried. My efforts for such reformation shall be continued tothe best of my judgment. The spirit of the rules adopted will bemaintained. 

I acknowledge before this assemblage, representing, as it does, everysection of our country, the obligation I am under to my countrymen forthe great honor they have conferred on me by returning me to the highestoffice within their gift, and the further obligation resting on me torender to them the best services within my power. This I promise, looking forward with the greatest anxiety to the day when I shall bereleased from responsibilities that at times are almost overwhelming, and from which I have scarcely had a respite since the eventful firingupon Fort Sumter, in April, 1861, to the present day. My services werethen tendered and accepted under the first call for troops growing outof that event. 

I did not ask for place or position, and was entirely without influenceor the acquaintance of persons of influence, but was resolved to performmy part in a struggle threatening the very existence of the nation. Iperformed a conscientious duty, without asking promotion or command, andwithout a revengeful feeling toward any section or individual. 

Notwithstanding this, throughout the war, and from my candidacy for mypresent office in 1868 to the close of the last Presidential campaign, Ihave been the subject of abuse and slander scarcely ever equaled inpolitical history, which to-day I feel that I can afford to disregard inview of your verdict, which I gratefully accept as my vindication. 

* * * * *

RUTHERFORD B. HAYES, INAUGURAL ADDRESS

MONDAY, MARCH 5, 1877

[Transcriber's note: The outcome of the election of 1876 was not knownuntil the week before the inauguration itself. Democrat Samuel Tildenhad won the greater number of popular votes and lacked only oneelectoral vote to claim a majority in the electoral college. Twentydisputed electoral votes, however, kept hopes alive for RepublicanGovernor Hayes of Ohio. A fifteen-member Electoral Commission wasappointed by the Congress to deliberate the outcome of the election. Bya majority vote of 8 to 7 the Commission gave all of the disputed votesto the Republican candidate, and Mr. Hayes was elected President onMarch 2. Since March 4 was a Sunday, he took the oath of office in theRed Room at the White House on March 3, and again on Monday on the EastPortico of the Capitol. Chief Justice Morrison Waite administered bothoaths. ]

Fellow-Citizens:

We have assembled to repeat the public ceremonial, begun by Washington, observed by all my predecessors, and now a time-honored custom, whichmarks the commencement of a new term of the Presidential office. Calledto the duties of this great trust, I proceed, in compliance with usage, to announce some of the leading principles, on the subjects that nowchiefly engage the public attention, by which it is my desire to beguided in the discharge of those duties. I shall not undertake to laydown irrevocably principles or measures of administration, but rather tospeak of the motives which should animate us, and to suggest certainimportant ends to be attained in accordance with our institutions andessential to the welfare of our country. 

At the outset of the discussions which preceded the recent Presidentialelection it seemed to me fitting that I should fully make known mysentiments in regard to several of the important questions which thenappeared to demand the consideration of the country. Following theexample, and in part adopting the language, of one of my predecessors, Iwish now, when every motive for misrepresentation has passed away, torepeat what was said before the election, trusting that my countrymenwill candidly weigh and understand it, and that they will feel assuredthat the sentiments declared in accepting the nomination for thePresidency will be the standard of my conduct in the path before me, charged, as I now am, with the grave and difficult task of carrying themout in the practical administration of the Government so far as depends, under the Constitution and laws on the Chief Executive of the nation. 

The permanent pacification of the country upon such principles and bysuch measures as will secure the complete protection of all its citizensin the free enjoyment of all their constitutional rights is now the onesubject in our public affairs which all thoughtful and patrioticcitizens regard as of supreme importance. 

Many of the calamitous efforts of the tremendous revolution which haspassed over the Southern States still remain. The immeasurable benefitswhich will surely follow, sooner or later, the hearty and generousacceptance of the legitimate results of that revolution have not yetbeen realized. Difficult and embarrassing questions meet us at thethreshold of this subject. The people of those States are stillimpoverished, and the inestimable blessing of wise, honest, and peacefullocal self-government is not fully enjoyed. Whatever difference ofopinion may exist as to the cause of this condition of things, the factis clear that in the progress of events the time has come when suchgovernment is the imperative necessity required by all the variedinterests, public and private, of those States. But it must not beforgotten that only a local government which recognizes and maintainsinviolate the rights of all is a true self-government. 

With respect to the two distinct races whose peculiar relations to eachother have brought upon us the deplorable complications and perplexitieswhich exist in those States, it must be a government which guards theinterests of both races carefully and equally. It must be a governmentwhich submits loyally and heartily to the Constitution and the laws--thelaws of the nation and the laws of the States themselves--accepting andobeying faithfully the whole Constitution as it is. 

Resting upon this sure and substantial foundation, the superstructure ofbeneficent local governments can be built up, and not otherwise. Infurtherance of such obedience to the letter and the spirit of theConstitution, and in behalf of all that its attainment implies, allso-called party interests lose their apparent importance, and partylines may well be permitted to fade into insignificance. The question wehave to consider for the immediate welfare of those States of the Unionis the question of government or no government; of social order and allthe peaceful industries and the happiness that belongs to it, or areturn to barbarism. It is a question in which every citizen of thenation is deeply interested, and with respect to which we ought not tobe, in a partisan sense, either Republicans or Democrats, butfellow-citizens and fellowmen, to whom the interests of a commoncountry and a common humanity are dear. 

The sweeping revolution of the entire labor system of a large portion ofour country and the advance of 4, 000, 000 people from a condition ofservitude to that of citizenship, upon an equal footing with theirformer masters, could not occur without presenting problems of thegravest moment, to be dealt with by the emancipated race, by theirformer masters, and by the General Government, the author of the act ofemancipation. That it was a wise, just, and providential act, fraughtwith good for all concerned, is not generally conceded throughout thecountry. That a moral obligation rests upon the National Government toemploy its constitutional power and influence to establish the rights ofthe people it has emancipated, and to protect them in the enjoyment ofthose rights when they are infringed or assailed, is also generallyadmitted. 

The evils which afflict the Southern States can only be removed orremedied by the united and harmonious efforts of both races, actuated bymotives of mutual sympathy and regard; and while in duty bound and fullydetermined to protect the rights of all by every constitutional means atthe disposal of my Administration, I am sincerely anxious to use everylegitimate influence in favor of honest and efficient localself-government as the true resource of those States for the promotionof the contentment and prosperity of their citizens. In the effort Ishall make to accomplish this purpose I ask the cordial cooperation ofall who cherish an interest in the welfare of the country, trusting thatparty ties and the prejudice of race will be freely surrendered inbehalf of the great purpose to be accomplished. In the important work ofrestoring the South it is not the political situation alone that meritsattention. The material development of that section of the country hasbeen arrested by the social and political revolution through which ithas passed, and now needs and deserves the considerate care of theNational Government within the just limits prescribed by theConstitution and wise public economy. 

But at the basis of all prosperity, for that as well as for every otherpart of the country, lies the improvement of the intellectual and moralcondition of the people. Universal suffrage should rest upon universaleducation. To this end, liberal and permanent provision should be madefor the support of free schools by the State governments, and, if needbe, supplemented by legitimate aid from national authority. 

Let me assure my countrymen of the Southern States that it is my earnestdesire to regard and promote their truest interest--the interests of thewhite and of the colored people both and equally--and to put forth mybest efforts in behalf of a civil policy which will forever wipe out inour political affairs the color line and the distinction between Northand South, to the end that we may have not merely a united North or aunited South, but a united country. 

I ask the attention of the public to the paramount necessity of reformin our civil service--a reform not merely as to certain abuses andpractices of so-called official patronage which have come to have thesanction of usage in the several Departments of our Government, but achange in the system of appointment itself; a reform that shall bethorough, radical, and complete; a return to the principles andpractices of the founders of the Government. They neither expected nordesired from public officers any partisan service. They meant thatpublic officers should owe their whole service to the Government and tothe people. They meant that the officer should be secure in his tenureas long as his personal character remained untarnished and theperformance of his duties satisfactory. They held that appointments tooffice were not to be made nor expected merely as rewards for partisanservices, nor merely on the nomination of members of Congress, as beingentitled in any respect to the control of such appointments. 

The fact that both the great political parties of the country, indeclaring their principles prior to the election, gave a prominent placeto the subject of reform of our civil service, recognizing and stronglyurging its necessity, in terms almost identical in their specific importwith those I have here employed, must be accepted as a conclusiveargument in behalf of these measures. It must be regarded as theexpression of the united voice and will of the whole country upon thissubject, and both political parties are virtually pledged to give ittheir unreserved support. 

The President of the United States of necessity owes his election tooffice to the suffrage and zealous labors of a political party, themembers of which cherish with ardor and regard as of essentialimportance the principles of their party organization; but he shouldstrive to be always mindful of the fact that he serves his party bestwho serves the country best. 

In furtherance of the reform we seek, and in other important respects achange of great importance, I recommend an amendment to the Constitutionprescribing a term of six years for the Presidential office andforbidding a reelection. 

With respect to the financial condition of the country, I shall notattempt an extended history of the embarrassment and prostration whichwe have suffered during the past three years. The depression in all ourvaried commercial and manufacturing interests throughout the country, which began in September, 1873, still continues. It is very gratifying, however, to be able to say that there are indications all around us of acoming change to prosperous times. 

Upon the currency question, intimately connected, as it is, with thistopic, I may be permitted to repeat here the statement made in my letterof acceptance, that in my judgment the feeling of uncertaintyinseparable from an irredeemable paper currency, with its fluctuation ofvalues, is one of the greatest obstacles to a return to prosperoustimes. The only safe paper currency is one which rests upon a coin basisand is at all times and promptly convertible into coin. 

I adhere to the views heretofore expressed by me in favor ofCongressional legislation in behalf of an early resumption of speciepayments, and I am satisfied not only that this is wise, but that theinterests, as well as the public sentiment, of the country imperativelydemand it. 

Passing from these remarks upon the condition of our own country toconsider our relations with other lands, we are reminded by theinternational complications abroad, threatening the peace of Europe, that our traditional rule of noninterference in the affairs of foreignnations has proved of great value in past times and ought to be strictlyobserved. 

The policy inaugurated by my honored predecessor, President Grant, ofsubmitting to arbitration grave questions in dispute between ourselvesand foreign powers points to a new, and incomparably the best, instrumentality for the preservation of peace, and will, as I believe, become a beneficent example of the course to be pursued in similaremergencies by other nations. 

If, unhappily, questions of difference should at any time during theperiod of my Administration arise between the United States and anyforeign government, it will certainly be my disposition and my hope toaid in their settlement in the same peaceful and honorable way, thussecuring to our country the great blessings of peace and mutual goodoffices with all the nations of the world. 

Fellow-citizens, we have reached the close of a political contest markedby the excitement which usually attends the contests between greatpolitical parties whose members espouse and advocate with earnest faiththeir respective creeds. The circumstances were, perhaps, in no respectextraordinary save in the closeness and the consequent uncertainty ofthe result. 

For the first time in the history of the country it has been deemedbest, in view of the peculiar circumstances of the case, that theobjections and questions in dispute with reference to the counting ofthe electoral votes should be referred to the decision of a tribunalappointed for this purpose. 

That tribunal--established by law for this sole purpose; its members, all of them, men of long-established reputation for integrity andintelligence, and, with the exception of those who are also members ofthe supreme judiciary, chosen equally from both political parties; itsdeliberations enlightened by the research and the arguments of ablecounsel--was entitled to the fullest confidence of the American people. Its decisions have been patiently waited for, and accepted as legallyconclusive by the general judgment of the public. For the present, opinion will widely vary as to the wisdom of the several conclusionsannounced by that tribunal. This is to be anticipated in every instancewhere matters of dispute are made the subject of arbitration under theforms of law. Human judgment is never unerring, and is rarely regardedas otherwise than wrong by the unsuccessful party in the contest. 

The fact that two great political parties have in this way settled adispute in regard to which good men differ as to the facts and the lawno less than as to the proper course to be pursued in solving thequestion in controversy is an occasion for general rejoicing. 

Upon one point there is entire unanimity in public sentiment--thatconflicting claims to the Presidency must be amicably and peaceablyadjusted, and that when so adjusted the general acquiescence of thenation ought surely to follow. 

It has been reserved for a government of the people, where the right ofsuffrage is universal, to give to the world the first example in historyof a great nation, in the midst of the struggle of opposing parties forpower, hushing its party tumults to yield the issue of the contest toadjustment according to the forms of law. 

Looking for the guidance of that Divine Hand by which the destinies ofnations and individuals are shaped, I call upon you, Senators, Representatives, judges, fellow-citizens, here and everywhere, to unitewith me in an earnest effort to secure to our country the blessings, notonly of material prosperity, but of justice, peace, and union--a uniondepending not upon the constraint of force, but upon the loving devotionof a free people; "and that all things may be so ordered and settledupon the best and surest foundations that peace and happiness, truth andjustice, religion and piety, may be established among us for allgenerations. "

* * * * *

JAMES A. GARFIELD INAUGURAL ADDRESS

FRIDAY, MARCH 4, 1881

[Transcriber's note: Snow on the ground discouraged many spectators fromattending the ceremony at the Capitol. Congressman Garfield had beennominated on his party's 36th ballot at the convention; and he had wonthe popular vote by a slim margin. The former Civil War general wasadministered the oath of office by Chief Justice Morrison Waite on thesnow-covered East Portico of the Capitol. In the parade and theinaugural ball later that day, John Philip Sousa led the Marine Corpsband. The ball was held at the Smithsonian Institution's new NationalMuseum (now the Arts and Industries Building). ]

Fellow-Citizens:

We stand to-day upon an eminence which overlooks a hundred years ofnational life--a century crowded with perils, but crowned with thetriumphs of liberty and law. Before continuing the onward march let uspause on this height for a moment to strengthen our faith and renew ourhope by a glance at the pathway along which our people have traveled. 

It is now three days more than a hundred years since the adoption of thefirst written constitution of the United States--the Articles ofConfederation and Perpetual Union. The new Republic was then beset withdanger on every hand. It had not conquered a place in the family ofnations. The decisive battle of the war for independence, whosecentennial anniversary will soon be gratefully celebrated at Yorktown, had not yet been fought. The colonists were struggling not only againstthe armies of a great nation, but against the settled opinions ofmankind; for the world did not then believe that the supreme authorityof government could be safely intrusted to the guardianship of thepeople themselves. 

We can not overestimate the fervent love of liberty, the intelligentcourage, and the sum of common sense with which our fathers made thegreat experiment of self-government. When they found, after a shorttrial, that the confederacy of States, was too weak to meet thenecessities of a vigorous and expanding republic, they boldly set itaside, and in its stead established a National Union, founded directlyupon the will of the people, endowed with full power ofself-preservation and ample authority for the accomplishment of itsgreat object. 

Under this Constitution the boundaries of freedom have been enlarged, the foundations of order and peace have been strengthened, and thegrowth of our people in all the better elements of national life hasindicated the wisdom of the founders and given new hope to theirdescendants. Under this Constitution our people long ago made themselvessafe against danger from without and secured for their mariners and flagequality of rights on all the seas. Under this Constitution twenty-fiveStates have been added to the Union, with constitutions and laws, framedand enforced by their own citizens, to secure the manifold blessings oflocal self-government. 

The jurisdiction of this Constitution now covers an area fifty timesgreater than that of the original thirteen States and a populationtwenty times greater than that of 1780. 

The supreme trial of the Constitution came at last under the tremendouspressure of civil war. We ourselves are witnesses that the Union emergedfrom the blood and fire of that conflict purified and made stronger forall the beneficent purposes of good government. 

And now, at the close of this first century of growth, with theinspirations of its history in their hearts, our people have latelyreviewed the condition of the nation, passed judgment upon the conductand opinions of political parties, and have registered their willconcerning the future administration of the Government. To interpret andto execute that will in accordance with the Constitution is theparamount duty of the Executive. 

Even from this brief review it is manifest that the nation is resolutelyfacing to the front, resolved to employ its best energies in developingthe great possibilities of the future. Sacredly preserving whatever hasbeen gained to liberty and good government during the century, ourpeople are determined to leave behind them all those bittercontroversies concerning things which have been irrevocably settled, andthe further discussion of which can only stir up strife and delay theonward march. 

The supremacy of the nation and its laws should be no longer a subjectof debate. That discussion, which for half a century threatened theexistence of the Union, was closed at last in the high court of war by adecree from which there is no appeal--that the Constitution and the lawsmade in pursuance thereof are and shall continue to be the supreme lawof the land, binding alike upon the States and the people. This decreedoes not disturb the autonomy of the States nor interfere with any oftheir necessary rights of local self-government, but it does fix andestablish the permanent supremacy of the Union. 

The will of the nation, speaking with the voice of battle and throughthe amended Constitution, has fulfilled the great promise of 1776 byproclaiming "liberty throughout the land to all the inhabitantsthereof. "

The elevation of the negro race from slavery to the full rights ofcitizenship is the most important political change we have known sincethe adoption of the Constitution of 1787. NO thoughtful man can fail toappreciate its beneficent effect upon our institutions and people. Ithas freed us from the perpetual danger of war and dissolution. It hasadded immensely to the moral and industrial forces of our people. It hasliberated the master as well as the slave from a relation which wrongedand enfeebled both. It has surrendered to their own guardianship themanhood of more than 5, 000, 000 people, and has opened to each one ofthem a career of freedom and usefulness. It has given new inspiration tothe power of self-help in both races by making labor more honorable tothe one and more necessary to the other. The influence of this forcewill grow greater and bear richer fruit with the coming years. 

No doubt this great change has caused serious disturbance to ourSouthern communities. This is to be deplored, though it was perhapsunavoidable. But those who resisted the change should remember thatunder our institutions there was no middle ground for the negro racebetween slavery and equal citizenship. There can be no permanentdisfranchised peasantry in the United States. Freedom can never yieldits fullness of blessings so long as the law or its administrationplaces the smallest obstacle in the pathway of any virtuous citizen. 

The emancipated race has already made remarkable progress. Withunquestioning devotion to the Union, with a patience and gentleness notborn of fear, they have "followed the light as God gave them to see thelight. " They are rapidly laying the material foundations ofself-support, widening their circle of intelligence, and beginning toenjoy the blessings that gather around the homes of the industriouspoor. They deserve the generous encouragement of all good men. So far asmy authority can lawfully extend they shall enjoy the full and equalprotection of the Constitution and the laws. 

The free enjoyment of equal suffrage is still in question, and a frankstatement of the issue may aid its solution. It is alleged that in manycommunities negro citizens are practically denied the freedom of theballot. In so far as the truth of this allegation is admitted, it isanswered that in many places honest local government is impossible ifthe mass of uneducated negroes are allowed to vote. These are graveallegations. So far as the latter is true, it is the only palliationthat can be offered for opposing the freedom of the ballot. Bad localgovernment is certainly a great evil, which ought to be prevented; butto violate the freedom and sanctities of the suffrage is more than anevil. It is a crime which, if persisted in, will destroy the Governmentitself. Suicide is not a remedy. If in other lands it be high treason tocompass the death of the king, it shall be counted no less a crime hereto strangle our sovereign power and stifle its voice. 

It has been said that unsettled questions have no pity for the repose ofnations. It should be said with the utmost emphasis that this questionof the suffrage will never give repose or safety to the States or to thenation until each, within its own jurisdiction, makes and keeps theballot free and pure by the strong sanctions of the law. 

But the danger which arises from ignorance in the voter can not bedenied. It covers a field far wider than that of negro suffrage and thepresent condition of the race. It is a danger that lurks and hides inthe sources and fountains of power in every state. We have no standardby which to measure the disaster that may be brought upon us byignorance and vice in the citizens when joined to corruption and fraudin the suffrage. 

The voters of the Union, who make and unmake constitutions, and uponwhose will hang the destinies of our governments, can transmit theirsupreme authority to no successors save the coming generation of voters, who are the sole heirs of sovereign power. If that generation comes toits inheritance blinded by ignorance and corrupted by vice, the fall ofthe Republic will be certain and remediless. 

The census has already sounded the alarm in the appalling figures whichmark how dangerously high the tide of illiteracy has risen among ourvoters and their children. 

To the South this question is of supreme importance. But theresponsibility for the existence of slavery did not rest upon the Southalone. The nation itself is responsible for the extension of thesuffrage, and is under special obligations to aid in removing theilliteracy which it has added to the voting population. For the Northand South alike there is but one remedy. All the constitutional power ofthe nation and of the States and all the volunteer forces of the peopleshould be surrendered to meet this danger by the savory influence ofuniversal education. 

It is the high privilege and sacred duty of those now living to educatetheir successors and fit them, by intelligence and virtue, for theinheritance which awaits them. 

In this beneficent work sections and races should be forgotten andpartisanship should be unknown. Let our people find a new meaning in thedivine oracle which declares that "a little child shall lead them, " forour own little children will soon control the destinies of the Republic. 

My countrymen, we do not now differ in our judgment concerning thecontroversies of past generations, and fifty years hence our childrenwill not be divided in their opinions concerning our controversies. Theywill surely bless their fathers and their fathers' God that the Unionwas preserved, that slavery was overthrown, and that both races weremade equal before the law. We may hasten or we may retard, but we cannot prevent, the final reconciliation. Is it not possible for us now tomake a truce with time by anticipating and accepting its inevitableverdict?

Enterprises of the highest importance to our moral and materialwell-being unite us and offer ample employment of our best powers. Letall our people, leaving behind them the battlefields of dead issues, move forward and in their strength of liberty and the restored Union winthe grander victories of peace. 

The prosperity which now prevails is without parallel in our history. Fruitful seasons have done much to secure it, but they have not doneall. The preservation of the public credit and the resumption of speciepayments, so successfully attained by the Administration of mypredecessors, have enabled our people to secure the blessings which theseasons brought. 

By the experience of commercial nations in all ages it has been foundthat gold and silver afford the only safe foundation for a monetarysystem. Confusion has recently been created by variations in therelative value of the two metals, but I confidently believe thatarrangements can be made between the leading commercial nations whichwill secure the general use of both metals. Congress should provide thatthe compulsory coinage of silver now required by law may not disturb ourmonetary system by driving either metal out of circulation. If possible, such an adjustment should be made that the purchasing power of everycoined dollar will be exactly equal to its debt-paying power in all themarkets of the world. 

The chief duty of the National Government in connection with thecurrency of the country is to coin money and declare its value. Gravedoubts have been entertained whether Congress is authorized by theConstitution to make any form of paper money legal tender. The presentissue of United States notes has been sustained by the necessities ofwar; but such paper should depend for its value and currency upon itsconvenience in use and its prompt redemption in coin at the will of theholder, and not upon its compulsory circulation. These notes are notmoney, but promises to pay money. If the holders demand it, the promiseshould be kept. 

The refunding of the national debt at a lower rate of interest should beaccomplished without compelling the withdrawal of the national-banknotes, and thus disturbing the business of the country. 

I venture to refer to the position I have occupied on financialquestions during a long service in Congress, and to say that time andexperience have strengthened the opinions I have so often expressed onthese subjects. 

The finances of the Government shall suffer no detriment which it may bepossible for my Administration to prevent. 

The interests of agriculture deserve more attention from the Governmentthan they have yet received. The farms of the United States afford homesand employment for more than one-half our people, and furnish much thelargest part of all our exports. As the Government lights our coasts forthe protection of mariners and the benefit of commerce, so it shouldgive to the tillers of the soil the best lights of practical science andexperience. 

Our manufacturers are rapidly making us industrially independent, andare opening to capital and labor new and profitable fields ofemployment. Their steady and healthy growth should still be matured. Ourfacilities for transportation should be promoted by the continuedimprovement of our harbors and great interior waterways and by theincrease of our tonnage on the ocean. 

The development of the world's commerce has led to an urgent demand forshortening the great sea voyage around Cape Horn by constructing shipcanals or railways across the isthmus which unites the continents. Various plans to this end have been suggested and will needconsideration, but none of them has been sufficiently matured to warrantthe United States in extending pecuniary aid. The subject, however, isone which will immediately engage the attention of the Government with aview to a thorough protection to American interests. We will urge nonarrow policy nor seek peculiar or exclusive privileges in anycommercial route; but, in the language of my predecessor, I believe itto be the right "and duty of the United States to assert and maintainsuch supervision and authority over any interoceanic canal across theisthmus that connects North and South America as will protect ournational interest. "

The Constitution guarantees absolute religious freedom. Congress isprohibited from making any law respecting an establishment of religionor prohibiting the free exercise thereof. The Territories of the UnitedStates are subject to the direct legislative authority of Congress, andhence the General Government is responsible for any violation of theConstitution in any of them. It is therefore a reproach to theGovernment that in the most populous of the Territories theconstitutional guaranty is not enjoyed by the people and the authorityof Congress is set at naught. The Mormon Church not only offends themoral sense of manhood by sanctioning polygamy, but prevents theadministration of justice through ordinary instrumentalities of law. 

In my judgment it is the duty of Congress, while respecting to theuttermost the conscientious convictions and religious scruples of everycitizen, to prohibit within its jurisdiction all criminal practices, especially of that class which destroy the family relations and endangersocial order. Nor can any ecclesiastical organization be safelypermitted to usurp in the smallest degree the functions and powers ofthe National Government. 

The civil service can never be placed on a satisfactory basis until itis regulated by law. For the good of the service itself, for theprotection of those who are intrusted with the appointing power againstthe waste of time and obstruction to the public business caused by theinordinate pressure for place, and for the protection of incumbentsagainst intrigue and wrong, I shall at the proper time ask Congress tofix the tenure of the minor offices of the several Executive Departmentsand prescribe the grounds upon which removals shall be made during theterms for which incumbents have been appointed. 

Finally, acting always within the authority and limitations of theConstitution, invading neither the rights of the States nor the reservedrights of the people, it will be the purpose of my Administration tomaintain the authority of the nation in all places within itsjurisdiction; to enforce obedience to all the laws of the Union in theinterests of the people; to demand rigid economy in all the expendituresof the Government, and to require the honest and faithful service of allexecutive officers, remembering that the offices were created, not forthe benefit of incumbents or their supporters, but for the service ofthe Government. 

And now, fellow-citizens, I am about to assume the great trust which youhave committed to my hands. I appeal to you for that earnest andthoughtful support which makes this Government in fact, as it is in law, a government of the people. 

I shall greatly rely upon the wisdom and patriotism of Congress and ofthose who may share with me the responsibilities and duties ofadministration, and, above all, upon our efforts to promote the welfareof this great people and their Government I reverently invoke thesupport and blessings of Almighty God. 

* * * * *

GROVER CLEVELAND, FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS

WEDNESDAY, MARCH 4, 1885

[Transcriber's note: On the East Portico of the Capitol, the formerGovernor of New York was administered the oath of office by ChiefJustice Morrison Waite. A Democrat whose popularity, in part, was theresult that he was not part of the Washington political establishment, Mr. Cleveland rode to the Capitol with President Arthur, who had takenoffice upon the assassination of President Garfield. After the ceremony, a fireworks display at the White House and a ball at the PensionBuilding on Judiciary Square were held for the public. ]

Fellow-Citizens:

In the presence of this vast assemblage of my countrymen I am about tosupplement and seal by the oath which I shall take the manifestation ofthe will of a great and free people. In the exercise of their power andright of self-government they have committed to one of theirfellow-citizens a supreme and sacred trust, and he here consecrateshimself to their service. 

This impressive ceremony adds little to the solemn sense ofresponsibility with which I contemplate the duty I owe to all the peopleof the land. Nothing can relieve me from anxiety lest by any act of minetheir interests may suffer, and nothing is needed to strengthen myresolution to engage every faculty and effort in the promotion of theirwelfare. 

Amid the din of party strife the people's choice was made, but itsattendant circumstances have demonstrated anew the strength and safetyof a government by the people. In each succeeding year it more clearlyappears that our democratic principle needs no apology, and that in itsfearless and faithful application is to be found the surest guaranty ofgood government. 

But the best results in the operation of a government wherein everycitizen has a share largely depend upon a proper limitation of purelypartisan zeal and effort and a correct appreciation of the time when theheat of the partisan should be merged in the patriotism of the citizen. 

To-day the executive branch of the Government is transferred to newkeeping. But this is still the Government of all the people, and itshould be none the less an object of their affectionate solicitude. Atthis hour the animosities of political strife, the bitterness ofpartisan defeat, and the exultation of partisan triumph should besupplanted by an ungrudging acquiescence in the popular will and asober, conscientious concern for the general weal. Moreover, if fromthis hour we cheerfully and honestly abandon all sectional prejudice anddistrust, and determine, with manly confidence in one another, to workout harmoniously the achievements of our national destiny, we shalldeserve to realize all the benefits which our happy form of governmentcan bestow. 

On this auspicious occasion we may well renew the pledge of our devotionto the Constitution, which, launched by the founders of the Republic andconsecrated by their prayers and patriotic devotion, has for almost acentury borne the hopes and the aspirations of a great people throughprosperity and peace and through the shock of foreign conflicts and theperils of domestic strife and vicissitudes. 

By the Father of his Country our Constitution was commended for adoptionas "the result of a spirit of amity and mutual concession. " In that samespirit it should be administered, in order to promote the lastingwelfare of the country and to secure the full measure of its pricelessbenefits to us and to those who will succeed to the blessings of ournational life. The large variety of diverse and competing interestssubject to Federal control, persistently seeking the recognition oftheir claims, need give us no fear that "the greatest good to thegreatest number" will fail to be accomplished if in the halls ofnational legislation that spirit of amity and mutual concession shallprevail in which the Constitution had its birth. If this involves thesurrender or postponement of private interests and the abandonment oflocal advantages, compensation will be found in the assurance that thecommon interest is subserved and the general welfare advanced. 

In the discharge of my official duty I shall endeavor to be guided by ajust and unstrained construction of the Constitution, a carefulobservance of the distinction between the powers granted to the FederalGovernment and those reserved to the States or to the people, and by acautious appreciation of those functions which by the Constitution andlaws have been especially assigned to the executive branch of theGovernment. 

But he who takes the oath today to preserve, protect, and defend theConstitution of the United States only assumes the solemn obligationwhich every patriotic citizen--on the farm, in the workshop, in the busymarts of trade, and everywhere--should share with him. The Constitutionwhich prescribes his oath, my countrymen, is yours; the Government youhave chosen him to administer for a time is yours; the suffrage whichexecutes the will of freemen is yours; the laws and the entire scheme ofour civil rule, from the town meeting to the State capitals and thenational capital, is yours. Your every voter, as surely as your ChiefMagistrate, under the same high sanction, though in a different sphere, exercises a public trust. Nor is this all. Every citizen owes to thecountry a vigilant watch and close scrutiny of its public servants and afair and reasonable estimate of their fidelity and usefulness. Thus isthe people's will impressed upon the whole framework of our civilpolity--municipal, State, and Federal; and this is the price of ourliberty and the inspiration of our faith in the Republic. 

It is the duty of those serving the people in public place to closelylimit public expenditures to the actual needs of the Governmenteconomically administered, because this bounds the right of theGovernment to exact tribute from the earnings of labor or the propertyof the citizen, and because public extravagance begets extravaganceamong the people. We should never be ashamed of the simplicity andprudential economies which are best suited to the operation of arepublican form of government and most compatible with the mission ofthe American people. Those who are selected for a limited time to managepublic affairs are still of the people, and may do much by their exampleto encourage, consistently with the dignity of their official functions, that plain way of life which among their fellow-citizens aids integrityand promotes thrift and prosperity. 

The genius of our institutions, the needs of our people in their homelife, and the attention which is demanded for the settlement anddevelopment of the resources of our vast territory dictate thescrupulous avoidance of any departure from that foreign policy commendedby the history, the traditions, and the prosperity of our Republic. Itis the policy of independence, favored by our position and defended byour known love of justice and by our power. It is the policy of peacesuitable to our interests. It is the policy of neutrality, rejecting anyshare in foreign broils and ambitions upon other continents andrepelling their intrusion here. It is the policy of Monroe and ofWashington and Jefferson--"Peace, commerce, and honest friendship withall nations; entangling alliance with none. "

A due regard for the interests and prosperity of all the people demandsthat our finances shall be established upon such a sound and sensiblebasis as shall secure the safety and confidence of business interestsand make the wage of labor sure and steady, and that our system ofrevenue shall be so adjusted as to relieve the people of unnecessarytaxation, having a due regard to the interests of capital invested andworkingmen employed in American industries, and preventing theaccumulation of a surplus in the Treasury to tempt extravagance andwaste. 

Care for the property of the nation and for the needs of future settlersrequires that the public domain should be protected from purloiningschemes and unlawful occupation. 

The conscience of the people demands that the Indians within ourboundaries shall be fairly and honestly treated as wards of theGovernment and their education and civilization promoted with a view totheir ultimate citizenship, and that polygamy in the Territories, destructive of the family relation and offensive to the moral sense ofthe civilized world, shall be repressed. 

The laws should be rigidly enforced which prohibit the immigration of aservile class to compete with American labor, with no intention ofacquiring citizenship, and bringing with them and retaining habits andcustoms repugnant to our civilization. 

The people demand reform in the administration of the Government and theapplication of business principles to public affairs. As a means to thisend, civil-service reform should be in good faith enforced. Our citizenshave the right to protection from the incompetency of public employeeswho hold their places solely as the reward of partisan service, and fromthe corrupting influence of those who promise and the vicious methods ofthose who expect such rewards; and those who worthily seek publicemployment have the right to insist that merit and competency shall berecognized instead of party subserviency or the surrender of honestpolitical belief. 

In the administration of a government pledged to do equal and exactjustice to all men there should be no pretext for anxiety touching theprotection of the freedmen in their rights or their security in theenjoyment of their privileges under the Constitution and its amendments. All discussion as to their fitness for the place accorded to them asAmerican citizens is idle and unprofitable except as it suggests thenecessity for their improvement. The fact that they are citizensentitles them to all the rights due to that relation and charges themwith all its duties, obligations, and responsibilities. 

These topics and the constant and ever-varying wants of an active andenterprising population may well receive the attention and the patrioticendeavor of all who make and execute the Federal law. Our duties arepractical and call for industrious application, an intelligentperception of the claims of public office, and, above all, a firmdetermination, by united action, to secure to all the people of the landthe full benefits of the best form of government ever vouchsafed to man. And let us not trust to human effort alone, but humbly acknowledging thepower and goodness of Almighty God, who presides over the destiny ofnations, and who has at all times been revealed in our country'shistory, let us invoke His aid and His blessings upon our labors. 

* * * * *

BENJAMIN HARRISON, INAUGURAL ADDRESS

MONDAY, MARCH 4, 1889

[Transcriber's note: Nominated on the 8th ballot of the Republicanconvention, the Civil War veteran, jurist, and Senator from Indiana wasthe only grandson of a President to be elected to the office, as well asthe only incumbent to lose in the following election to the person hehad defeated. In a rainstorm, the oath of office was administered byChief Justice Melville Fuller on the East Portico of the Capitol. President Cleveland held an umbrella over his head as he took the oath. John Philip Sousa's Marine Corps band played for a large crowd at theinaugural ball in the Pension Building. ]

Fellow-Citizens:

There is no constitutional or legal requirement that the President shalltake the oath of office in the presence of the people, but there is somanifest an appropriateness in the public induction to office of thechief executive officer of the nation that from the beginning of theGovernment the people, to whose service the official oath consecratesthe officer, have been called to witness the solemn ceremonial. The oathtaken in the presence of the people becomes a mutual covenant. Theofficer covenants to serve the whole body of the people by a faithfulexecution of the laws, so that they may be the unfailing defense andsecurity of those who respect and observe them, and that neither wealth, station, nor the power of combinations shall be able to evade their justpenalties or to wrest them from a beneficent public purpose to serve theends of cruelty or selfishness. 

My promise is spoken; yours unspoken, but not the less real and solemn. The people of every State have here their representatives. Surely I donot misinterpret the spirit of the occasion when I assume that the wholebody of the people covenant with me and with each other to-day tosupport and defend the Constitution and the Union of the States, toyield willing obedience to all the laws and each to every other citizenhis equal civil and political rights. Entering thus solemnly intocovenant with each other, we may reverently invoke and confidentlyexpect the favor and help of Almighty God--that He will give to mewisdom, strength, and fidelity, and to our people a spirit of fraternityand a love of righteousness and peace. 

This occasion derives peculiar interest from the fact that thePresidential term which begins this day is the twenty-sixth under ourConstitution. The first inauguration of President Washington took placein New York, where Congress was then sitting, on the 30th day of April, 1789, having been deferred by reason of delays attending theorganization of the Congress and the canvass of the electoral vote. Ourpeople have already worthily observed the centennials of the Declarationof Independence, of the battle of Yorktown, and of the adoption of theConstitution, and will shortly celebrate in New York the institution ofthe second great department of our constitutional scheme of government. When the centennial of the institution of the judicial department, bythe organization of the Supreme Court, shall have been suitablyobserved, as I trust it will be, our nation will have fully entered itssecond century. 

I will not attempt to note the marvelous and in great part happycontrasts between our country as it steps over the threshold into itssecond century of organized existence under the Constitution and thatweak but wisely ordered young nation that looked undauntedly down thefirst century, when all its years stretched out before it. 

Our people will not fail at this time to recall the incidents whichaccompanied the institution of government under the Constitution, or tofind inspiration and guidance in the teachings and example of Washingtonand his great associates, and hope and courage in the contrast whichthirty-eight populous and prosperous States offer to the thirteenStates, weak in everything except courage and the love of liberty, thatthen fringed our Atlantic seaboard. 

The Territory of Dakota has now a population greater than any of theoriginal States (except Virginia) and greater than the aggregate of fiveof the smaller States in 1790. The center of population when ournational capital was located was east of Baltimore, and it was argued bymany well-informed persons that it would move eastward rather thanwestward; yet in 1880 it was found to be near Cincinnati, and the newcensus about to be taken will show another stride to the westward. Thatwhich was the body has come to be only the rich fringe of the nation'srobe. But our growth has not been limited to territory, population andaggregate wealth, marvelous as it has been in each of those directions. The masses of our people are better fed, clothed, and housed than theirfathers were. The facilities for popular education have been vastlyenlarged and more generally diffused. 

The virtues of courage and patriotism have given recent proof of theircontinued presence and increasing power in the hearts and over the livesof our people. The influences of religion have been multiplied andstrengthened. The sweet offices of charity have greatly increased. Thevirtue of temperance is held in higher estimation. We have not attainedan ideal condition. Not all of our people are happy and prosperous; notall of them are virtuous and law-abiding. But on the whole theopportunities offered to the individual to secure the comforts of lifeare better than are found elsewhere and largely better than they werehere one hundred years ago. 

The surrender of a large measure of sovereignty to the GeneralGovernment, effected by the adoption of the Constitution, was notaccomplished until the suggestions of reason were strongly reenforced bythe more imperative voice of experience. The divergent interests ofpeace speedily demanded a "more perfect union. " The merchant, theshipmaster, and the manufacturer discovered and disclosed to ourstatesmen and to the people that commercial emancipation must be addedto the political freedom which had been so bravely won. The commercialpolicy of the mother country had not relaxed any of its hard andoppressive features. To hold in check the development of our commercialmarine, to prevent or retard the establishment and growth ofmanufactures in the States, and so to secure the American market fortheir shops and the carrying trade for their ships, was the policy ofEuropean statesmen, and was pursued with the most selfish vigor. 

Petitions poured in upon Congress urging the imposition ofdiscriminating duties that should encourage the production of neededthings at home. The patriotism of the people, which no longer foundafield of exercise in war, was energetically directed to the duty ofequipping the young Republic for the defense of its independence bymaking its people self-dependent. Societies for the promotion of homemanufactures and for encouraging the use of domestics in the dress ofthe people were organized in many of the States. The revival at the endof the century of the same patriotic interest in the preservation anddevelopment of domestic industries and the defense of our working peopleagainst injurious foreign competition is an incident worthy ofattention. It is not a departure but a return that we have witnessed. The protective policy had then its opponents. The argument was made, asnow, that its benefits inured to particular classes or sections. 

If the question became in any sense or at any time sectional, it wasonly because slavery existed in some of the States. But for this therewas no reason why the cotton-producing States should not have led orwalked abreast with the New England States in the production of cottonfabrics. There was this reason only why the States that divide withPennsylvania the mineral treasures of the great southeastern and centralmountain ranges should have been so tardy in bringing to the smeltingfurnace and to the mill the coal and iron from their near opposinghillsides. Mill fires were lighted at the funeral pile of slavery. Theemancipation proclamation was heard in the depths of the earth as wellas in the sky; men were made free, and material things became our betterservants. 

The sectional element has happily been eliminated from the tariffdiscussion. We have no longer States that are necessarily only plantingStates. None are excluded from achieving that diversification ofpursuits among the people which brings wealth and contentment. Thecotton plantation will not be less valuable when the product is spun inthe country town by operatives whose necessities call for diversifiedcrops and create a home demand for garden and agricultural products. Every new mine, furnace, and factory is an extension of the productivecapacity of the State more real and valuable than added territory. 

Shall the prejudices and paralysis of slavery continue to hang upon theskirts of progress? How long will those who rejoice that slavery nolonger exists cherish or tolerate the incapacities it put upon theircommunities? I look hopefully to the continuance of our protectivesystem and to the consequent development of manufacturing and miningenterprises in the States hitherto wholly given to agriculture as apotent influence in the perfect unification of our people. The men whohave invested their capital in these enterprises, the farmers who havefelt the benefit of their neighborhood, and the men who work in shop orfield will not fail to find and to defend a community of interest. 

Is it not quite possible that the farmers and the promoters of the greatmining and manufacturing enterprises which have recently beenestablished in the South may yet find that the free ballot of theworkingman, without distinction of race, is needed for their defense aswell as for his own? I do not doubt that if those men in the South whonow accept the tariff views of Clay and the constitutional expositionsof Webster would courageously avow and defend their real convictionsthey would not find it difficult, by friendly instruction andcooperation, to make the black man their efficient and safe ally, notonly in establishing correct principles in our national administration, but in preserving for their local communities the benefits of socialorder and economical and honest government. At least until the goodoffices of kindness and education have been fairly tried the contraryconclusion can not be plausibly urged. 

I have altogether rejected the suggestion of a special Executive policyfor any section of our country. It is the duty of the Executive toadminister and enforce in the methods and by the instrumentalitiespointed out and provided by the Constitution all the laws enacted byCongress. These laws are general and their administration should beuniform and equal. As a citizen may not elect what laws he will obey, neither may the Executive eject which he will enforce. The duty to obeyand to execute embraces the Constitution in its entirety and the wholecode of laws enacted under it. The evil example of permittingindividuals, corporations, or communities to nullify the laws becausethey cross some selfish or local interest or prejudices is full ofdanger, not only to the nation at large, but much more to those who usethis pernicious expedient to escape their just obligations or to obtainan unjust advantage over others. They will presently themselves becompelled to appeal to the law for protection, and those who would usethe law as a defense must not deny that use of it to others. 

If our great corporations would more scrupulously observe their legallimitations and duties, they would have less cause to complain of theunlawful limitations of their rights or of violent interference withtheir operations. The community that by concert, open or secret, amongits citizens denies to a portion of its members their plain rights underthe law has severed the only safe bond of social order and prosperity. The evil works from a bad center both ways. It demoralizes those whopractice it and destroys the faith of those who suffer by it in theefficiency of the law as a safe protector. The man in whose breast thatfaith has been darkened is naturally the subject of dangerous anduncanny suggestions. Those who use unlawful methods, if moved by nohigher motive than the selfishness that prompted them, may well stop andinquire what is to be the end of this. 

An unlawful expedient can not become a permanent condition ofgovernment. If the educated and influential classes in a communityeither practice or connive at the systematic violation of laws that seemto them to cross their convenience, what can they expect when the lessonthat convenience or a supposed class interest is a sufficient cause forlawlessness has been well learned by the ignorant classes? A communitywhere law is the rule of conduct and where courts, not mobs, execute itspenalties is the only attractive field for business investments andhonest labor. 

Our naturalization laws should be so amended as to make the inquiry intothe character and good disposition of persons applying for citizenshipmore careful and searching. Our existing laws have been in theiradministration an unimpressive and often an unintelligible form. Weaccept the man as a citizen without any knowledge of his fitness, and heassumes the duties of citizenship without any knowledge as to what theyare. The privileges of American citizenship are so great and its dutiesso grave that we may well insist upon a good knowledge of every personapplying for citizenship and a good knowledge by him of ourinstitutions. We should not cease to be hospitable to immigration, butwe should cease to be careless as to the character of it. There are menof all races, even the best, whose coming is necessarily a burden uponour public revenues or a threat to social order. These should beidentified and excluded. 

We have happily maintained a policy of avoiding all interference withEuropean affairs. We have been only interested spectators of theircontentions in diplomacy and in war, ready to use our friendly officesto promote peace, but never obtruding our advice and never attemptingunfairly to coin the distresses of other powers into commercialadvantage to ourselves. We have a just right to expect that our Europeanpolicy will be the American policy of European courts. 

It is so manifestly incompatible with those precautions for our peaceand safety which all the great powers habitually observe and enforce inmatters affecting them that a shorter waterway between our eastern andwestern seaboards should be dominated by any European Government that wemay confidently expect that such a purpose will not be entertained byany friendly power. 

We shall in the future, as in the past, use every endeavor to maintainand enlarge our friendly relations with all the great powers, but theywill not expect us to look kindly upon any project that would leave ussubject to the dangers of a hostile observation or environment. We havenot sought to dominate or to absorb any of our weaker neighbors, butrather to aid and encourage them to establish free and stablegovernments resting upon the consent of their own people. We have aclear right to expect, therefore, that no European Government will seekto establish colonial dependencies upon the territory of theseindependent American States. That which a sense of justice restrains usfrom seeking they may be reasonably expected willingly to forego. 

It must not be assumed, however, that our interests are so exclusivelyAmerican that our entire inattention to any events that may transpireelsewhere can be taken for granted. Our citizens domiciled for purposesof trade in all countries and in many of the islands of the sea demandand will have our adequate care in their personal and commercial rights. The necessities of our Navy require convenient coaling stations and dockand harbor privileges. These and other trading privileges we will feelfree to obtain only by means that do not in any degree partake ofcoercion, however feeble the government from which we ask suchconcessions. But having fairly obtained them by methods and for purposesentirely consistent with the most friendly disposition toward all otherpowers, our consent will be necessary to any modification or impairmentof the concession. 

We shall neither fail to respect the flag of any friendly nation or thejust rights of its citizens, nor to exact the like treatment for ourown. Calmness, justice, and consideration should characterize ourdiplomacy. The offices of an intelligent diplomacy or of friendlyarbitration in proper cases should be adequate to the peacefuladjustment of all international difficulties. By such methods we willmake our contribution to the world's peace, which no nation values morehighly, and avoid the opprobrium which must fall upon the nation thatruthlessly breaks it. 

The duty devolved by law upon the President to nominate and, by and withthe advice and consent of the Senate, to appoint all public officerswhose appointment is not otherwise provided for in the Constitution orby act of Congress has become very burdensome and its wise and efficientdischarge full of difficulty. The civil list is so large that a personalknowledge of any large number of the applicants is impossible. ThePresident must rely upon the representations of others, and these areoften made inconsiderately and without any just sense of responsibility. I have a right, I think, to insist that those who volunteer or areinvited to give advice as to appointments shall exercise considerationand fidelity. A high sense of duty and an ambition to improve theservice should characterize all public officers. 

There are many ways in which the convenience and comfort of those whohave business with our public offices may be promoted by a thoughtfuland obliging officer, and I shall expect those whom I may appoint tojustify their selection by a conspicuous efficiency in the discharge oftheir duties. Honorable party service will certainly not be esteemed byme a disqualification for public office, but it will in no case beallowed to serve as a shield of official negligence, incompetency, ordelinquency. It is entirely creditable to seek public office by propermethods and with proper motives, and all applicants will be treated withconsideration; but I shall need, and the heads of Departments will need, time for inquiry and deliberation. Persistent importunity will not, therefore, be the best support of an application for office. Heads ofDepartments, bureaus, and all other public officers having any dutyconnected therewith will be expected to enforce the civil-service lawfully and without evasion. Beyond this obvious duty I hope to dosomething more to advance the reform of the civil service. The ideal, oreven my own ideal, I shall probably not attain. Retrospect will be asafer basis of judgment than promises. We shall not, however, I am sure, be able to put our civil service upon a nonpartisan basis until we havesecured an incumbency that fair-minded men of the opposition willapprove for impartiality and integrity. As the number of such in thecivil list is increased removals from office will diminish. 

While a Treasury surplus is not the greatest evil, it is a serious evil. Our revenue should be ample to meet the ordinary annual demands upon ourTreasury, with a sufficient margin for those extraordinary but scarcelyless imperative demands which arise now and then. Expenditure shouldalways be made with economy and only upon public necessity. Wastefulness, profligacy, or favoritism in public expenditures iscriminal. But there is nothing in the condition of our country or of ourpeople to suggest that anything presently necessary to the publicprosperity, security, or honor should be unduly postponed. 

It will be the duty of Congress wisely to forecast and estimate theseextraordinary demands, and, having added them to our ordinaryexpenditures, to so adjust our revenue laws that no considerable annualsurplus will remain. We will fortunately be able to apply to theredemption of the public debt any small and unforeseen excess ofrevenue. This is better than to reduce our income below our necessaryexpenditures, with the resulting choice between another change of ourrevenue laws and an increase of the public debt. It is quite possible, Iam sure, to effect the necessary reduction in our revenues withoutbreaking down our protective tariff or seriously injuring any domesticindustry. 

The construction of a sufficient number of modern war ships and of theirnecessary armament should progress as rapidly as is consistent with careand perfection in plans and workmanship. The spirit, courage, and skillof our naval officers and seamen have many times in our history given toweak ships and inefficient guns a rating greatly beyond that of thenaval list. That they will again do so upon occasion I do not doubt; butthey ought not, by premeditation or neglect, to be left to the risks andexigencies of an unequal combat. We should encourage the establishmentof American steamship lines. The exchanges of commerce demand stated, reliable, and rapid means of communication, and until these are providedthe development of our trade with the States lying south of us isimpossible. 

Our pension laws should give more adequate and discriminating relief tothe Union soldiers and sailors and to their widows and orphans. Suchoccasions as this should remind us that we owe everything to their valorand sacrifice. 

It is a subject of congratulation that there is a near prospect of theadmission into the Union of the Dakotas and Montana and WashingtonTerritories. This act of justice has been unreasonably delayed in thecase of some of them. The people who have settled these Territories areintelligent, enterprising, and patriotic, and the accession these newStates will add strength to the nation. It is due to the settlers in theTerritories who have availed themselves of the invitations of our landlaws to make homes upon the public domain that their titles should bespeedily adjusted and their honest entries confirmed by patent. 

It is very gratifying to observe the general interest now beingmanifested in the reform of our election laws. Those who have been foryears calling attention to the pressing necessity of throwing about theballot box and about the elector further safeguards, in order that ourelections might not only be free and pure, but might clearly appear tobe so, will welcome the accession of any who did not so soon discoverthe need of reform. The National Congress has not as yet taken controlof elections in that case over which the Constitution gives itjurisdiction, but has accepted and adopted the election laws of theseveral States, provided penalties for their violation and a method ofsupervision. Only the inefficiency of the State laws or an unfairpartisan administration of them could suggest a departure from thispolicy. 

It was clearly, however, in the contemplation of the framers of theConstitution that such an exigency might arise, and provision was wiselymade for it. The freedom of the ballot is a condition of our nationallife, and no power vested in Congress or in the Executive to secure orperpetuate it should remain unused upon occasion. The people of all theCongressional districts have an equal interest that the election in eachshall truly express the views and wishes of a majority of the qualifiedelectors residing within it. The results of such elections are notlocal, and the insistence of electors residing in other districts thatthey shall be pure and free does not savor at all of impertinence. 

If in any of the States the public security is thought to be threatenedby ignorance among the electors, the obvious remedy is education. Thesympathy and help of our people will not be withheld from any communitystruggling with special embarrassments or difficulties connected withthe suffrage if the remedies proposed proceed upon lawful lines and arepromoted by just and honorable methods. How shall those who practiceelection frauds recover that respect for the sanctity of the ballotwhich is the first condition and obligation of good citizenship? The manwho has come to regard the ballot box as a juggler's hat has renouncedhis allegiance. 

Let us exalt patriotism and moderate our party contentions. Let thosewho would die for the flag on the field of battle give a better proof oftheir patriotism and a higher glory to their country by promotingfraternity and justice. A party success that is achieved by unfairmethods or by practices that partake of revolution is hurtful andevanescent even from a party standpoint. We should hold our differingopinions in mutual respect, and, having submitted them to thearbitrament of the ballot, should accept an adverse judgment with thesame respect that we would have demanded of our opponents if thedecision had been in our favor. 

No other people have a government more worthy of their respect and loveor a land so magnificent in extent, so pleasant to look upon, and sofull of generous suggestion to enterprise and labor. God has placed uponour head a diadem and has laid at our feet power and wealth beyonddefinition or calculation. But we must not forget that we take thesegifts upon the condition that justice and mercy shall hold the reins ofpower and that the upward avenues of hope shall be free to all thepeople. 

I do not mistrust the future. Dangers have been in frequent ambush alongour path, but we have uncovered and vanquished them all. Passion hasswept some of our communities, but only to give us a new demonstrationthat the great body of our people are stable, patriotic, andlaw-abiding. No political party can long pursue advantage at the expenseof public honor or by rude and indecent methods without protest andfatal disaffection in its own body. The peaceful agencies of commerceare more fully revealing the necessary unity of all our communities, andthe increasing intercourse of our people is promoting mutual respect. Weshall find unalloyed pleasure in the revelation which our next censuswill make of the swift development of the great resources of some of theStates. Each State will bring its generous contribution to the greataggregate of the nation's increase. And when the harvests from thefields, the cattle from the hills, and the ores of the earth shall havebeen weighed, counted, and valued, we will turn from them all to crownwith the highest honor the State that has most promoted education, virtue, justice, and patriotism among its people. 

* * * * *

GROVER CLEVELAND, SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS

SATURDAY, MARCH 4, 1893

[Transcriber's note: A light snowfall the night before the inaugurationdiscouraged many spectators from attending President Cleveland's secondinauguration. The Democrat had decisively defeated President Harrison inthe election of 1892. Chief Justice Melville Fuller administered theoath of office on the East Portico of the Capitol. The inaugural ball atthe Pension Building featured the new invention of electric lights. ]

My Fellow-Citizens:

In obedience of the mandate of my countrymen I am about to dedicatemyself to their service under the sanction of a solemn oath. Deeplymoved by the expression of confidence and personal attachment which hascalled me to this service, I am sure my gratitude can make no betterreturn than the pledge I now give before God and these witnesses ofunreserved and complete devotion to the interests and welfare of thosewho have honored me. 

I deem it fitting on this occasion, while indicating the opinion I holdconcerning public questions of present importance, to also briefly referto the existence of certain conditions and tendencies among our peoplewhich seem to menace the integrity and usefulness of their Government. 

While every American citizen must contemplate with the utmost pride andenthusiasm the growth and expansion of our country, the sufficiency ofour institutions to stand against the rudest shocks of violence, thewonderful thrift and enterprise of our people, and the demonstratedsuperiority of our free government, it behooves us to constantly watchfor every symptom of insidious infirmity that threatens our nationalvigor. 

The strong man who in the confidence of sturdy health courts thesternest activities of life and rejoices in the hardihood of constantlabor may still have lurking near his vitals the unheeded disease thatdooms him to sudden collapse. 

It can not be doubted that our stupendous achievements as a people andour country's robust strength have given rise to heedlessness of thoselaws governing our national health which we can no more evade than humanlife can escape the laws of God and nature. 

Manifestly nothing is more vital to our supremacy as a nation and to thebeneficent purposes of our Government than a sound and stable currency. Its exposure to degradation should at once arouse to activity the mostenlightened statesmanship, and the danger of depreciation in thepurchasing power of the wages paid to toil should furnish the strongestincentive to prompt and conservative precaution. 

In dealing with our present embarrassing situation as related to thissubject we will be wise if we temper our confidence and faith in ournational strength and resources with the frank concession that eventhese will not permit us to defy with impunity the inexorable laws offinance and trade. At the same time, in our efforts to adjustdifferences of opinion we should be free from intolerance or passion, and our judgments should be unmoved by alluring phrases and unvexed byselfish interests. 

I am confident that such an approach to the subject will result inprudent and effective remedial legislation. In the meantime, so far asthe executive branch of the Government can intervene, none of the powerswith which it is invested will be withheld when their exercise is deemednecessary to maintain our national credit or avert financial disaster. 

Closely related to the exaggerated confidence in our country's greatnesswhich tends to a disregard of the rules of national safety, anotherdanger confronts us not less serious. I refer to the prevalence of apopular disposition to expect from the operation of the Governmentespecial and direct individual advantages. 

The verdict of our voters which condemned the injustice of maintainingprotection for protection's sake enjoins upon the people's servants theduty of exposing and destroying the brood of kindred evils which are theunwholesome progeny of paternalism. This is the bane of republicaninstitutions and the constant peril of our government by the people. Itdegrades to the purposes of wily craft the plan of rule our fathersestablished and bequeathed to us as an object of our love andveneration. It perverts the patriotic sentiments of our countrymen andtempts them to pitiful calculation of the sordid gain to be derived fromtheir Government's maintenance. It undermines the self-reliance of ourpeople and substitutes in its place dependence upon governmentalfavoritism. It stifles the spirit of true Americanism and stupefiesevery ennobling trait of American citizenship. 

The lessons of paternalism ought to be unlearned and the better lessontaught that while the people should patriotically and cheerfully supporttheir Government its functions do not include the support of the people. 

The acceptance of this principle leads to a refusal of bounties andsubsidies, which burden the labor and thrift of a portion of ourcitizens to aid ill-advised or languishing enterprises in which theyhave no concern. It leads also to a challenge of wild and recklesspension expenditure, which overleaps the bounds of grateful recognitionof patriotic service and prostitutes to vicious uses the people's promptand generous impulse to aid those disabled in their country's defense. 

Every thoughtful American must realize the importance of checking at itsbeginning any tendency in public or private station to regard frugalityand economy as virtues which we may safely outgrow. The toleration ofthis idea results in the waste of the people's money by their chosenservants and encourages prodigality and extravagance in the home life ofour countrymen. 

Under our scheme of government the waste of public money is a crimeagainst the citizen, and the contempt of our people for economy andfrugality in their personal affairs deplorably saps the strength andsturdiness of our national character. 

It is a plain dictate of honesty and good government that publicexpenditures should be limited by public necessity, and that this shouldbe measured by the rules of strict economy; and it is equally clear thatfrugality among the people is the best guaranty of a contented andstrong support of free institutions. 

One mode of the misappropriation of public funds is avoided whenappointments to office, instead of being the rewards of partisanactivity, are awarded to those whose efficiency promises a fair returnof work for the compensation paid to them. To secure the fitness andcompetency of appointees to office and remove from political action thedemoralizing madness for spoils, civil-service reform has found a placein our public policy and laws. The benefits already gained through thisinstrumentality and the further usefulness it promises entitle it to thehearty support and encouragement of all who desire to see our publicservice well performed or who hope for the elevation of politicalsentiment and the purification of political methods. 

The existence of immense aggregations of kindred enterprises andcombinations of business interests formed for the purpose of limitingproduction and fixing prices is inconsistent with the fair field whichought to be open to every independent activity. Legitimate strife inbusiness should not be superseded by an enforced concession to thedemands of combinations that have the power to destroy, nor should thepeople to be served lose the benefit of cheapness which usually resultsfrom wholesome competition. These aggregations and combinationsfrequently constitute conspiracies against the interests of the people, and in all their phases they are unnatural and opposed to our Americansense of fairness. To the extent that they can be reached and restrainedby Federal power the General Government should relieve our citizens fromtheir interference and exactions. 

Loyalty to the principles upon which our Government rests positivelydemands that the equality before the law which it guarantees to everycitizen should be justly and in good faith conceded in all parts of theland. The enjoyment of this right follows the badge of citizenshipwherever found, and, unimpaired by race or color, it appeals forrecognition to American manliness and fairness. 

Our relations with the Indians located within our border impose upon usresponsibilities we can not escape. Humanity and consistency require usto treat them with forbearance and in our dealings with them to honestlyand considerately regard their rights and interests. Every effort shouldbe made to lead them, through the paths of civilization and education, to self-supporting and independent citizenship. In the meantime, as thenation's wards, they should be promptly defended against the cupidity ofdesigning men and shielded from every influence or temptation thatretards their advancement. 

The people of the United States have decreed that on this day thecontrol of their Government in its legislative and executive branchesshall be given to a political party pledged in the most positive termsto the accomplishment of tariff reform. They have thus determined infavor of a more just and equitable system of Federal taxation. Theagents they have chosen to carry out their purposes are bound by theirpromises not less than by the command of their masters to devotethemselves unremittingly to this service. 

While there should be no surrender of principle, our task must beundertaken wisely and without heedless vindictiveness. Our mission isnot punishment, but the rectification of wrong. If in lifting burdensfrom the daily life of our people we reduce inordinate and unequaladvantages too long enjoyed, this is but a necessary incident of ourreturn to right and justice. If we exact from unwilling mindsacquiescence in the theory of an honest distribution of the fund of thegovernmental beneficence treasured up for all, we but insist upon aprinciple which underlies our free institutions. When we tear aside thedelusions and misconceptions which have blinded our countrymen to theircondition under vicious tariff laws, we but show them how far they havebeen led away from the paths of contentment and prosperity. When weproclaim that the necessity for revenue to support the Governmentfurnishes the only justification for taxing the people, we announce atruth so plain that its denial would seem to indicate the extent towhich judgment may be influenced by familiarity with perversions of thetaxing power. And when we seek to reinstate the self-confidence andbusiness enterprise of our citizens by discrediting an abject dependenceupon governmental favor, we strive to stimulate those elements ofAmerican character which support the hope of American achievement. 

Anxiety for the redemption of the pledges which my party has made andsolicitude for the complete justification of the trust the people havereposed in us constrain me to remind those with whom I am to cooperatethat we can succeed in doing the work which has been especially setbefore us only by the most sincere, harmonious, and disinterestedeffort. Even if insuperable obstacles and opposition prevent theconsummation of our task, we shall hardly be excused; and if failure canbe traced to our fault or neglect we may be sure the people will hold usto a swift and exacting accountability. 

The oath I now take to preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution ofthe United States not only impressively defines the great responsibilityI assume, but suggests obedience to constitutional commands as the ruleby which my official conduct must be guided. I shall to the best of myability and within my sphere of duty preserve the Constitution byloyally protecting every grant of Federal power it contains, bydefending all its restraints when attacked by impatience andrestlessness, and by enforcing its limitations and reservations in favorof the States and the people. 

Fully impressed with the gravity of the duties that confront me andmindful of my weakness, I should be appalled if it were my lot to bearunaided the responsibilities which await me. I am, however, saved fromdiscouragement when I remember that I shall have the support and thecounsel and cooperation of wise and patriotic men who will stand at myside in Cabinet places or will represent the people in their legislativehalls. 

I find also much comfort in remembering that my countrymen are just andgenerous and in the assurance that they will not condemn those who bysincere devotion to their service deserve their forbearance andapproval. 

Above all, I know there is a Supreme Being who rules the affairs of menand whose goodness and mercy have always followed the American people, and I know He will not turn from us now if we humbly and reverently seekHis powerful aid. 

* * * * *

WILLIAM MCKINLEY FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS

THURSDAY, MARCH 4, 1897

[Transcriber's note: A Civil War officer, and a Governor and Congressmanfrom Ohio, Mr. McKinley took the oath on a platform erected on the northEast Front steps at the Capitol. It was administered by Chief JusticeMelville Fuller. The Republican had defeated Democrat William JenningsBryan on the issue of the gold standard in the currency. Thomas Edison'snew motion picture camera captured the events, and his gramophonerecorded the address. The inaugural ball was held in the PensionBuilding. ]

Fellow-Citizens:

In obedience to the will of the people, and in their presence, by theauthority vested in me by this oath, I assume the arduous andresponsible duties of President of the United States, relying upon thesupport of my countrymen and invoking the guidance of Almighty God. Ourfaith teaches that there is no safer reliance than upon the God of ourfathers, who has so singularly favored the American people in everynational trial, and who will not forsake us so long as we obey Hiscommandments and walk humbly in His footsteps. 

The responsibilities of the high trust to which I have beencalled--always of grave importance--are augmented by the prevailingbusiness conditions entailing idleness upon willing labor and loss touseful enterprises. The country is suffering from industrialdisturbances from which speedy relief must be had. Our financial systemneeds some revision; our money is all good now, but its value must notfurther be threatened. It should all be put upon an enduring basis, notsubject to easy attack, nor its stability to doubt or dispute. Ourcurrency should continue under the supervision of the Government. Theseveral forms of our paper money offer, in my judgment, a constantembarrassment to the Government and a safe balance in the Treasury. Therefore I believe it necessary to devise a system which, withoutdiminishing the circulating medium or offering a premium for itscontraction, will present a remedy for those arrangements which, temporary in their nature, might well in the years of our prosperityhave been displaced by wiser provisions. With adequate revenue secured, but not until then, we can enter upon such changes in our fiscal laws aswill, while insuring safety and volume to our money, no longer imposeupon the Government the necessity of maintaining so large a goldreserve, with its attendant and inevitable temptations to speculation. Most of our financial laws are the outgrowth of experience and trial, and should not be amended without investigation and demonstration of thewisdom of the proposed changes. We must be both "sure we are right" and"make haste slowly. " If, therefore, Congress, in its wisdom, shall deemit expedient to create a commission to take under early considerationthe revision of our coinage, banking and currency laws, and give themthat exhaustive, careful and dispassionate examination that theirimportance demands, I shall cordially concur in such action. If suchpower is vested in the President, it is my purpose to appoint acommission of prominent, well-informed citizens of different parties, who will command public confidence, both on account of their ability andspecial fitness for the work. Business experience and public trainingmay thus be combined, and the patriotic zeal of the friends of thecountry be so directed that such a report will be made as to receive thesupport of all parties, and our finances cease to be the subject of merepartisan contention. The experiment is, at all events, worth a trial, and, in my opinion, it can but prove beneficial to the entire country. 

The question of international bimetallism will have early and earnestattention. It will be my constant endeavor to secure it by co-operationwith the other great commercial powers of the world. Until thatcondition is realized when the parity between our gold and silver moneysprings from and is supported by the relative value of the two metals, the value of the silver already coined and of that which may hereafterbe coined, must be kept constantly at par with gold by every resource atour command. The credit of the Government, the integrity of itscurrency, and the inviolability of its obligations must be preserved. This was the commanding verdict of the people, and it will not beunheeded. 

Economy is demanded in every branch of the Government at all times, butespecially in periods, like the present, of depression in business anddistress among the people. The severest economy must be observed in allpublic expenditures, and extravagance stopped wherever it is found, andprevented wherever in the future it may be developed. If the revenuesare to remain as now, the only relief that can come must be fromdecreased expenditures. But the present must not become the permanentcondition of the Government. It has been our uniform practice to retire, not increase our outstanding obligations, and this policy must again beresumed and vigorously enforced. Our revenues should always be largeenough to meet with ease and promptness not only our current needs andthe principal and interest of the public debt, but to make proper andliberal provision for that most deserving body of public creditors, thesoldiers and sailors and the widows and orphans who are the pensionersof the United States. 

The Government should not be permitted to run behind or increase itsdebt in times like the present. Suitably to provide against this is themandate of duty--the certain and easy remedy for most of our financialdifficulties. A deficiency is inevitable so long as the expenditures ofthe Government exceed its receipts. It can only be met by loans or anincreased revenue. While a large annual surplus of revenue may invitewaste and extravagance, inadequate revenue creates distrust andundermines public and private credit. Neither should be encouraged. Between more loans and more revenue there ought to be but one opinion. We should have more revenue, and that without delay, hindrance, orpostponement. A surplus in the Treasury created by loans is not apermanent or safe reliance. It will suffice while it lasts, but it cannot last long while the outlays of the Government are greater than itsreceipts, as has been the case during the past two years. Nor must it beforgotten that however much such loans may temporarily relieve thesituation, the Government is still indebted for the amount of thesurplus thus accrued, which it must ultimately pay, while its ability topay is not strengthened, but weakened by a continued deficit. Loans areimperative in great emergencies to preserve the Government or itscredit, but a failure to supply needed revenue in time of peace for themaintenance of either has no justification. 

The best way for the Government to maintain its credit is to pay as itgoes--not by resorting to loans, but by keeping out of debt--through anadequate income secured by a system of taxation, external or internal, or both. It is the settled policy of the Government, pursued from thebeginning and practiced by all parties and Administrations, to raise thebulk of our revenue from taxes upon foreign productions entering theUnited States for sale and consumption, and avoiding, for the most part, every form of direct taxation, except in time of war. The country isclearly opposed to any needless additions to the subject of internaltaxation, and is committed by its latest popular utterance to the systemof tariff taxation. There can be no misunderstanding, either, about theprinciple upon which this tariff taxation shall be levied. Nothing hasever been made plainer at a general election than that the controllingprinciple in the raising of revenue from duties on imports is zealouscare for American interests and American labor. The people have declaredthat such legislation should be had as will give ample protection andencouragement to the industries and the development of our country. Itis, therefore, earnestly hoped and expected that Congress will, at theearliest practicable moment, enact revenue legislation that shall befair, reasonable, conservative, and just, and which, while supplyingsufficient revenue for public purposes, will still be signallybeneficial and helpful to every section and every enterprise of thepeople. To this policy we are all, of whatever party, firmly bound bythe voice of the people--a power vastly more potential than theexpression of any political platform. The paramount duty of Congress isto stop deficiencies by the restoration of that protective legislationwhich has always been the firmest prop of the Treasury. The passage ofsuch a law or laws would strengthen the credit of the Government both athome and abroad, and go far toward stopping the drain upon the goldreserve held for the redemption of our currency, which has been heavyand well-nigh constant for several years. 

In the revision of the tariff especial attention should be given to there-enactment and extension of the reciprocity principle of the law of1890, under which so great a stimulus was given to our foreign trade innew and advantageous markets for our surplus agricultural andmanufactured products. The brief trial given this legislation amplyjustifies a further experiment and additional discretionary power in themaking of commercial treaties, the end in view always to be the openingup of new markets for the products of our country, by grantingconcessions to the products of other lands that we need and cannotproduce ourselves, and which do not involve any loss of labor to our ownpeople, but tend to increase their employment. 

The depression of the past four years has fallen with especial severityupon the great body of toilers of the country, and upon none more thanthe holders of small farms. Agriculture has languished and laborsuffered. The revival of manufacturing will be a relief to both. Noportion of our population is more devoted to the institution of freegovernment nor more loyal in their support, while none bears morecheerfully or fully its proper share in the maintenance of theGovernment or is better entitled to its wise and liberal care andprotection. Legislation helpful to producers is beneficial to all. Thedepressed condition of industry on the farm and in the mine and factoryhas lessened the ability of the people to meet the demands upon them, and they rightfully expect that not only a system of revenue shall beestablished that will secure the largest income with the least burden, but that every means will be taken to decrease, rather than increase, our public expenditures. Business conditions are not the most promising. It will take time to restore the prosperity of former years. If wecannot promptly attain it, we can resolutely turn our faces in thatdirection and aid its return by friendly legislation. Howevertroublesome the situation may appear, Congress will not, I am sure, befound lacking in disposition or ability to relieve it as far aslegislation can do so. The restoration of confidence and the revival ofbusiness, which men of all parties so much desire, depend more largelyupon the prompt, energetic, and intelligent action of Congress than uponany other single agency affecting the situation. 

It is inspiring, too, to remember that no great emergency in the onehundred and eight years of our eventful national life has ever arisenthat has not been met with wisdom and courage by the American people, with fidelity to their best interests and highest destiny, and to thehonor of the American name. These years of glorious history have exaltedmankind and advanced the cause of freedom throughout the world, andimmeasurably strengthened the precious free institutions which we enjoy. The people love and will sustain these institutions. The great essentialto our happiness and prosperity is that we adhere to the principles uponwhich the Government was established and insist upon their faithfulobservance. Equality of rights must prevail, and our laws be always andeverywhere respected and obeyed. We may have failed in the discharge ofour full duty as citizens of the great Republic, but it is consoling andencouraging to realize that free speech, a free press, free thought, free schools, the free and unmolested right of religious liberty andworship, and free and fair elections are dearer and more universallyenjoyed to-day than ever before. These guaranties must be sacredlypreserved and wisely strengthened. The constituted authorities must becheerfully and vigorously upheld. Lynchings must not be tolerated in agreat and civilized country like the United States; courts, not mobs, must execute the penalties of the law. The preservation of public order, the right of discussion, the integrity of courts, and the orderlyadministration of justice must continue forever the rock of safety uponwhich our Government securely rests. 

One of the lessons taught by the late election, which all can rejoicein, is that the citizens of the United States are both law-respectingand law-abiding people, not easily swerved from the path of patriotismand honor. This is in entire accord with the genius of our institutions, and but emphasizes the advantages of inculcating even a greater love forlaw and order in the future. Immunity should be granted to none whoviolate the laws, whether individuals, corporations, or communities; andas the Constitution imposes upon the President the duty of both its ownexecution, and of the statutes enacted in pursuance of its provisions, Ishall endeavor carefully to carry them into effect. The declaration ofthe party now restored to power has been in the past that of "oppositionto all combinations of capital organized in trusts, or otherwise, tocontrol arbitrarily the condition of trade among our citizens, " and ithas supported "such legislation as will prevent the execution of allschemes to oppress the people by undue charges on their supplies, or byunjust rates for the transportation of their products to the market. "This purpose will be steadily pursued, both by the enforcement of thelaws now in existence and the recommendation and support of such newstatutes as may be necessary to carry it into effect. 

Our naturalization and immigration laws should be further improved tothe constant promotion of a safer, a better, and a higher citizenship. Agrave peril to the Republic would be a citizenship too ignorant tounderstand or too vicious to appreciate the great value and beneficenceof our institutions and laws, and against all who come here to make warupon them our gates must be promptly and tightly closed. Nor must we beunmindful of the need of improvement among our own citizens, but withthe zeal of our forefathers encourage the spread of knowledge and freeeducation. Illiteracy must be banished from the land if we shall attainthat high destiny as the foremost of the enlightened nations of theworld which, under Providence, we ought to achieve. 

Reforms in the civil service must go on; but the changes should be realand genuine, not perfunctory, or prompted by a zeal in behalf of anyparty simply because it happens to be in power. As a member of CongressI voted and spoke in favor of the present law, and I shall attempt itsenforcement in the spirit in which it was enacted. The purpose in viewwas to secure the most efficient service of the best men who wouldaccept appointment under the Government, retaining faithful and devotedpublic servants in office, but shielding none, under the authority ofany rule or custom, who are inefficient, incompetent, or unworthy. Thebest interests of the country demand this, and the people heartilyapprove the law wherever and whenever it has been thus administrated. 

Congress should give prompt attention to the restoration of our Americanmerchant marine, once the pride of the seas in all the great oceanhighways of commerce. To my mind, few more important subjects soimperatively demand its intelligent consideration. The United States hasprogressed with marvelous rapidity in every field of enterprise andendeavor until we have become foremost in nearly all the great lines ofinland trade, commerce, and industry. Yet, while this is true, ourAmerican merchant marine has been steadily declining until it is nowlower, both in the percentage of tonnage and the number of vesselsemployed, than it was prior to the Civil War. Commendable progress hasbeen made of late years in the upbuilding of the American Navy, but wemust supplement these efforts by providing as a proper consort for it amerchant marine amply sufficient for our own carrying trade to foreigncountries. The question is one that appeals both to our businessnecessities and the patriotic aspirations of a great people. 

It has been the policy of the United States since the foundation of theGovernment to cultivate relations of peace and amity with all thenations of the world, and this accords with my conception of our dutynow. We have cherished the policy of non-interference with affairs offoreign governments wisely inaugurated by Washington, keeping ourselvesfree from entanglement, either as allies or foes, content to leaveundisturbed with them the settlement of their own domestic concerns. Itwill be our aim to pursue a firm and dignified foreign policy, whichshall be just, impartial, ever watchful of our national honor, andalways insisting upon the enforcement of the lawful rights of Americancitizens everywhere. Our diplomacy should seek nothing more and acceptnothing less than is due us. We want no wars of conquest; we must avoidthe temptation of territorial aggression. War should never be enteredupon until every agency of peace has failed; peace is preferable to warin almost every contingency. Arbitration is the true method ofsettlement of international as well as local or individual differences. It was recognized as the best means of adjustment of differences betweenemployers and employees by the Forty-ninth Congress, in 1886, and itsapplication was extended to our diplomatic relations by the unanimousconcurrence of the Senate and House of the Fifty-first Congress in 1890. The latter resolution was accepted as the basis of negotiations with usby the British House of Commons in 1893, and upon our invitation atreaty of arbitration between the United States and Great Britain wassigned at Washington and transmitted to the Senate for its ratificationin January last. Since this treaty is clearly the result of our owninitiative; since it has been recognized as the leading feature of ourforeign policy throughout our entire national history--the adjustment ofdifficulties by judicial methods rather than force of arms--and since itpresents to the world the glorious example of reason and peace, notpassion and war, controlling the relations between two of the greatestnations in the world, an example certain to be followed by others, Irespectfully urge the early action of the Senate thereon, not merely asa matter of policy, but as a duty to mankind. The importance and moralinfluence of the ratification of such a treaty can hardly beoverestimated in the cause of advancing civilization. It may well engagethe best thought of the statesmen and people of every country, and Icannot but consider it fortunate that it was reserved to the UnitedStates to have the leadership in so grand a work. 

It has been the uniform practice of each President to avoid, as far aspossible, the convening of Congress in extraordinary session. It is anexample which, under ordinary circumstances and in the absence of apublic necessity, is to be commended. But a failure to convene therepresentatives of the people in Congress in extra session when itinvolves neglect of a public duty places the responsibility of suchneglect upon the Executive himself. The condition of the publicTreasury, as has been indicated, demands the immediate consideration ofCongress. It alone has the power to provide revenues for the Government. Not to convene it under such circumstances I can view in no other sensethan the neglect of a plain duty. I do not sympathize with the sentimentthat Congress in session is dangerous to our general business interests. Its members are the agents of the people, and their presence at the seatof Government in the execution of the sovereign will should not operateas an injury, but a benefit. There could be no better time to put theGovernment upon a sound financial and economic basis than now. Thepeople have only recently voted that this should be done, and nothing ismore binding upon the agents of their will than the obligation ofimmediate action. It has always seemed to me that the postponement ofthe meeting of Congress until more than a year after it has been chosendeprived Congress too often of the inspiration of the popular will andthe country of the corresponding benefits. It is evident, therefore, that to postpone action in the presence of so great a necessity would beunwise on the part of the Executive because unjust to the interests ofthe people. Our action now will be freer from mere partisanconsideration than if the question of tariff revision was postponeduntil the regular session of Congress. We are nearly two years from aCongressional election, and politics cannot so greatly distract us as ifsuch contest was immediately pending. We can approach the problem calmlyand patriotically, without fearing its effect upon an early election. 

Our fellow-citizens who may disagree with us upon the character of thislegislation prefer to have the question settled now, even against theirpreconceived views, and perhaps settled so reasonably, as I trust andbelieve it will be, as to insure great permanence, than to have furtheruncertainty menacing the vast and varied business interests of theUnited States. Again, whatever action Congress may take will be given afair opportunity for trial before the people are called to pass judgmentupon it, and this I consider a great essential to the rightful andlasting settlement of the question. In view of these considerations, Ishall deem it my duty as President to convene Congress in extraordinarysession on Monday, the 15th day of March, 1897. 

In conclusion, I congratulate the country upon the fraternal spirit ofthe people and the manifestations of good will everywhere so apparent. The recent election not only most fortunately demonstrated theobliteration of sectional or geographical lines, but to some extent alsothe prejudices which for years have distracted our councils and marredour true greatness as a nation. The triumph of the people, whose verdictis carried into effect today, is not the triumph of one section, norwholly of one party, but of all sections and all the people. The Northand the South no longer divide on the old lines, but upon principles andpolicies; and in this fact surely every lover of the country can findcause for true felicitation. 

Let us rejoice in and cultivate this spirit; it is ennobling and will beboth a gain and a blessing to our beloved country. It will be myconstant aim to do nothing, and permit nothing to be done, that willarrest or disturb this growing sentiment of unity and cooperation, thisrevival of esteem and affiliation which now animates so many thousandsin both the old antagonistic sections, but I shall cheerfully doeverything possible to promote and increase it. 

Let me again repeat the words of the oath administered by the ChiefJustice which, in their respective spheres, so far as applicable, Iwould have all my countrymen observe: "I will faithfully execute theoffice of President of the United States, and will, to the best of myability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the UnitedStates. " This is the obligation I have reverently taken before the LordMost High. To keep it will be my single purpose, my constant prayer; andI shall confidently rely upon the forbearance and assistance of all thepeople in the discharge of my solemn responsibilities. 

* * * * *

WILLIAM MCKINLEY, SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS

MONDAY, MARCH 4, 1901

[Transcriber's note: The second inauguration was a patriotic celebrationof the successes of the recently concluded Spanish American War. The newVice President, Theodore Roosevelt, was a popular figure from the War. President McKinley again had defeated William Jennings Bryan, but thecampaign issue was American expansionism overseas. Chief JusticeMelville Fuller administered the oath of office on a covered platformerected in front of the East Portico of the Capitol. The parade featuredsoldiers from the campaigns in Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines. An inaugural ball was held that evening in the Pension Building. ]

My Fellow-Citizens:

When we assembled here on the 4th of March, 1897, there was greatanxiety with regard to our currency and credit. None exists now. Thenour Treasury receipts were inadequate to meet the current obligations ofthe Government. Now they are sufficient for all public needs, and wehave a surplus instead of a deficit. Then I felt constrained to convenethe Congress in extraordinary session to devise revenues to pay theordinary expenses of the Government. Now I have the satisfaction toannounce that the Congress just closed has reduced taxation in the sumof $41, 000, 000. Then there was deep solicitude because of the longdepression in our manufacturing, mining, agricultural, and mercantileindustries and the consequent distress of our laboring population. Nowevery avenue of production is crowded with activity, labor is wellemployed, and American products find good markets at home and abroad. 

Our diversified productions, however, are increasing in suchunprecedented volume as to admonish us of the necessity of still furtherenlarging our foreign markets by broader commercial relations. For thispurpose reciprocal trade arrangements with other nations should inliberal spirit be carefully cultivated and promoted. 

The national verdict of 1896 has for the most part been executed. Whatever remains unfulfilled is a continuing obligation resting withundiminished force upon the Executive and the Congress. But fortunate asour condition is, its permanence can only be assured by sound businessmethods and strict economy in national administration and legislation. We should not permit our great prosperity to lead us to recklessventures in business or profligacy in public expenditures. While theCongress determines the objects and the sum of appropriations, theofficials of the executive departments are responsible for honest andfaithful disbursement, and it should be their constant care to avoidwaste and extravagance. 

Honesty, capacity, and industry are nowhere more indispensable than inpublic employment. These should be fundamental requisites to originalappointment and the surest guaranties against removal. 

Four years ago we stood on the brink of war without the people knowingit and without any preparation or effort at preparation for theimpending peril. I did all that in honor could be done to avert the war, but without avail. It became inevitable; and the Congress at its firstregular session, without party division, provided money in anticipationof the crisis and in preparation to meet it. It came. The result wassignally favorable to American arms and in the highest degree honorableto the Government. It imposed upon us obligations from which we cannotescape and from which it would be dishonorable to seek escape. We arenow at peace with the world, and it is my fervent prayer that ifdifferences arise between us and other powers they may be settled bypeaceful arbitration and that hereafter we may be spared the horrors ofwar. 

Intrusted by the people for a second time with the office of President, I enter upon its administration appreciating the great responsibilitieswhich attach to this renewed honor and commission, promising unreserveddevotion on my part to their faithful discharge and reverently invokingfor my guidance the direction and favor of Almighty God. I should shrinkfrom the duties this day assumed if I did not feel that in theirperformance I should have the co-operation of the wise and patriotic menof all parties. It encourages me for the great task which I nowundertake to believe that those who voluntarily committed to me thetrust imposed upon the Chief Executive of the Republic will give to megenerous support in my duties to "preserve, protect, and defend, theConstitution of the United States" and to "care that the laws befaithfully executed. " The national purpose is indicated through anational election. It is the constitutional method of ascertaining thepublic will. When once it is registered it is a law to us all, andfaithful observance should follow its decrees. 

Strong hearts and helpful hands are needed, and, fortunately, we havethem in every part of our beloved country. We are reunited. Sectionalismhas disappeared. Division on public questions can no longer be traced bythe war maps of 1861. These old differences less and less disturb thejudgment. Existing problems demand the thought and quicken theconscience of the country, and the responsibility for their presence, aswell as for their righteous settlement, rests upon us all--no more uponme than upon you. There are some national questions in the solution ofwhich patriotism should exclude partisanship. Magnifying theirdifficulties will not take them off our hands nor facilitate theiradjustment. Distrust of the capacity, integrity, and high purposes ofthe American people will not be an inspiring theme for future politicalcontests. Dark pictures and gloomy forebodings are worse than useless. These only becloud, they do not help to point the way of safety andhonor. "Hope maketh not ashamed. " The prophets of evil were not thebuilders of the Republic, nor in its crises since have they saved orserved it. The faith of the fathers was a mighty force in its creation, and the faith of their descendants has wrought its progress andfurnished its defenders. They are obstructionists who despair, and whowould destroy confidence in the ability of our people to solve wiselyand for civilization the mighty problems resting upon them. The Americanpeople, intrenched in freedom at home, take their love for it with themwherever they go, and they reject as mistaken and unworthy the doctrinethat we lose our own liberties by securing the enduring foundations ofliberty to others. Our institutions will not deteriorate by extension, and our sense of justice will not abate under tropic suns in distantseas. As heretofore, so hereafter will the nation demonstrate itsfitness to administer any new estate which events devolve upon it, andin the fear of God will "take occasion by the hand and make the boundsof freedom wider yet. " If there are those among us who would make ourway more difficult, we must not be disheartened, but the more earnestlydedicate ourselves to the task upon which we have rightly entered. Thepath of progress is seldom smooth. New things are often found hard todo. Our fathers found them so. We find them so. They are inconvenient. They cost us something. But are we not made better for the effort andsacrifice, and are not those we serve lifted up and blessed?

We will be consoled, too, with the fact that opposition has confrontedevery onward movement of the Republic from its opening hour until now, but without success. The Republic has marched on and on, and its stephas exalted freedom and humanity. We are undergoing the same ordeal asdid our predecessors nearly a century ago. We are following the coursethey blazed. They triumphed. Will their successors falter and pleadorganic impotency in the nation? Surely after 125 years of achievementfor mankind we will not now surrender our equality with other powers onmatters fundamental and essential to nationality. With no such purposewas the nation created. In no such spirit has it developed its full andindependent sovereignty. We adhere to the principle of equality amongourselves, and by no act of ours will we assign to ourselves asubordinate rank in the family of nations. 

My fellow-citizens, the public events of the past four years have goneinto history. They are too near to justify recital. Some of them wereunforeseen; many of them momentous and far-reaching in theirconsequences to ourselves and our relations with the rest of the world. The part which the United States bore so honorably in the thrillingscenes in China, while new to American life, has been in harmony withits true spirit and best traditions, and in dealing with the results itspolicy will be that of moderation and fairness. 

We face at this moment a most important question that of the futurerelations of the United States and Cuba. With our near neighbors we mustremain close friends. The declaration of the purposes of this Governmentin the resolution of April 20, 1898, must be made good. Ever since theevacuation of the island by the army of Spain, the Executive, with allpracticable speed, has been assisting its people in the successive stepsnecessary to the establishment of a free and independent governmentprepared to assume and perform the obligations of international lawwhich now rest upon the United States under the treaty of Paris. Theconvention elected by the people to frame a constitution is approachingthe completion of its labors. The transfer of American control to thenew government is of such great importance, involving an obligationresulting from our intervention and the treaty of peace, that I am gladto be advised by the recent act of Congress of the policy which thelegislative branch of the Government deems essential to the bestinterests of Cuba and the United States. The principles which led to ourintervention require that the fundamental law upon which the newgovernment rests should be adapted to secure a government capable ofperforming the duties and discharging the functions of a separatenation, of observing its international obligations of protecting lifeand property, insuring order, safety, and liberty, and conforming to theestablished and historical policy of the United States in its relationto Cuba. 

The peace which we are pledged to leave to the Cuban people must carrywith it the guaranties of permanence. We became sponsors for thepacification of the island, and we remain accountable to the Cubans, noless than to our own country and people, for the reconstruction of Cubaas a free commonwealth on abiding foundations of right, justice, liberty, and assured order. Our enfranchisement of the people will notbe completed until free Cuba shall "be a reality, not a name; a perfectentity, not a hasty experiment bearing within itself the elements offailure. "

While the treaty of peace with Spain was ratified on the 6th ofFebruary, 1899, and ratifications were exchanged nearly two years ago, the Congress has indicated no form of government for the PhilippineIslands. It has, however, provided an army to enable the Executive tosuppress insurrection, restore peace, give security to the inhabitants, and establish the authority of the United States throughout thearchipelago. It has authorized the organization of native troops asauxiliary to the regular force. It has been advised from time to time ofthe acts of the military and naval officers in the islands, of my actionin appointing civil commissions, of the instructions with which theywere charged, of their duties and powers, of their recommendations, andof their several acts under executive commission, together with the verycomplete general information they have submitted. These reports fullyset forth the conditions, past and present, in the islands, and theinstructions clearly show the principles which will guide the Executiveuntil the Congress shall, as it is required to do by the treaty, determine "the civil rights and political status of the nativeinhabitants. " The Congress having added the sanction of its authority tothe powers already possessed and exercised by the Executive under theConstitution, thereby leaving with the Executive the responsibility forthe government of the Philippines, I shall continue the efforts alreadybegun until order shall be restored throughout the islands, and as fastas conditions permit will establish local governments, in the formationof which the full co-operation of the people has been already invited, and when established will encourage the people to administer them. Thesettled purpose, long ago proclaimed, to afford the inhabitants of theislands self-government as fast as they were ready for it will bepursued with earnestness and fidelity. Already something has beenaccomplished in this direction. The Government's representatives, civiland military, are doing faithful and noble work in their mission ofemancipation and merit the approval and support of their countrymen. Themost liberal terms of amnesty have already been communicated to theinsurgents, and the way is still open for those who have raised theirarms against the Government for honorable submission to its authority. Our countrymen should not be deceived. We are not waging war against theinhabitants of the Philippine Islands. A portion of them are making waragainst the United States. By far the greater part of the inhabitantsrecognize American sovereignty and welcome it as a guaranty of order andof security for life, property, liberty, freedom of conscience, and thepursuit of happiness. To them full protection will be given. They shallnot be abandoned. We will not leave the destiny of the loyal millionsthe islands to the disloyal thousands who are in rebellion against theUnited States. Order under civil institutions will come as soon as thosewho now break the peace shall keep it. Force will not be needed or usedwhen those who make war against us shall make it no more. May it endwithout further bloodshed, and there be ushered in the reign of peace tobe made permanent by a government of liberty under law!

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THEODORE ROOSEVELT, INAUGURAL ADDRESS

SATURDAY, MARCH 4, 1905

[Transcriber's note: The energetic Republican President had taken hisfirst oath of office upon the death of President McKinley, who died ofan assassin's gunshot wounds on September 14, 1901. Mr. Roosevelt hadbeen President himself for three years at the election of 1904. Theinaugural celebration was the largest and most diverse of any inmemory--cowboys, Indians (including the Apache Chief Geronimo), coalminers, soldiers, and students were some of the groups represented. Theoath of office was administered on the East Portico of the Capitol byChief Justice Melville Fuller. ]

My fellow-citizens, no people on earth have more cause to be thankfulthan ours, and this is said reverently, in no spirit of boastfulness inour own strength, but with gratitude to the Giver of Good who hasblessed us with the conditions which have enabled us to achieve so largea measure of well-being and of happiness. To us as a people it has beengranted to lay the foundations of our national life in a new continent. We are the heirs of the ages, and yet we have had to pay few of thepenalties which in old countries are exacted by the dead hand of abygone civilization. We have not been obliged to fight for our existenceagainst any alien race; and yet our life has called for the vigor andeffort without which the manlier and hardier virtues wither away. Undersuch conditions it would be our own fault if we failed; and the successwhich we have had in the past, the success which we confidently believethe future will bring, should cause in us no feeling of vainglory, butrather a deep and abiding realization of all which life has offered us;a full acknowledgment of the responsibility which is ours; and a fixeddetermination to show that under a free government a mighty people canthrive best, alike as regards the things of the body and the things ofthe soul. 

Much has been given us, and much will rightfully be expected from us. Wehave duties to others and duties to ourselves; and we can shirk neither. We have become a great nation, forced by the fact of its greatness intorelations with the other nations of the earth, and we must behave asbeseems a people with such responsibilities. Toward all other nations, large and small, our attitude must be one of cordial and sincerefriendship. We must show not only in our words, but in our deeds, thatwe are earnestly desirous of securing their good will by acting towardthem in a spirit of just and generous recognition of all their rights. But justice and generosity in a nation, as in an individual, count mostwhen shown not by the weak but by the strong. While ever careful torefrain from wrongdoing others, we must be no less insistent that we arenot wronged ourselves. We wish peace, but we wish the peace of justice, the peace of righteousness. We wish it because we think it is right andnot because we are afraid. No weak nation that acts manfully and justlyshould ever have cause to fear us, and no strong power should ever beable to single us out as a subject for insolent aggression. 

Our relations with the other powers of the world are important; butstill more important are our relations among ourselves. Such growth inwealth, in population, and in power as this nation has seen during thecentury and a quarter of its national life is inevitably accompanied bya like growth in the problems which are ever before every nation thatrises to greatness. Power invariably means both responsibility anddanger. Our forefathers faced certain perils which we have outgrown. Wenow face other perils, the very existence of which it was impossiblethat they should foresee. Modern life is both complex and intense, andthe tremendous changes wrought by the extraordinary industrialdevelopment of the last half century are felt in every fiber of oursocial and political being. Never before have men tried so vast andformidable an experiment as that of administering the affairs of acontinent under the forms of a Democratic republic. The conditions whichhave told for our marvelous material well-being, which have developedto a very high degree our energy, self-reliance, and individualinitiative, have also brought the care and anxiety inseparable from theaccumulation of great wealth in industrial centers. Upon the success ofour experiment much depends, not only as regards our own welfare, but asregards the welfare of mankind. If we fail, the cause of freeself-government throughout the world will rock to its foundations, andtherefore our responsibility is heavy, to ourselves, to the world as itis to-day, and to the generations yet unborn. There is no good reasonwhy we should fear the future, but there is every reason why we shouldface it seriously, neither hiding from ourselves the gravity of theproblems before us nor fearing to approach these problems with theunbending, unflinching purpose to solve them aright. 

Yet, after all, though the problems are new, though the tasks set beforeus differ from the tasks set before our fathers who founded andpreserved this Republic, the spirit in which these tasks must beundertaken and these problems faced, if our duty is to be well done, remains essentially unchanged. We know that self-government isdifficult. We know that no people needs such high traits of character asthat people which seeks to govern its affairs aright through the freelyexpressed will of the freemen who compose it. But we have faith that weshall not prove false to the memories of the men of the mighty past. They did their work, they left us the splendid heritage we now enjoy. Wein our turn have an assured confidence that we shall be able to leavethis heritage unwasted and enlarged to our children and our children'schildren. To do so we must show, not merely in great crises, but in theeveryday affairs of life, the qualities of practical intelligence, ofcourage, of hardihood, and endurance, and above all the power ofdevotion to a lofty ideal, which made great the men who founded thisRepublic in the days of Washington, which made great the men whopreserved this Republic in the days of Abraham Lincoln. 

* * * * *

WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT, INAUGURAL ADDRESS

THURSDAY, MARCH 4, 1909

[Transcriber's note: A blizzard the night before caused the ceremonies tobe moved into the Senate Chamber in the Capitol. The oath of office wasadministered for the sixth time by Chief Justice Melville Fuller. Thenew President took his oath on the Supreme Court Bible, which he usedagain in 1921 to take his oaths as the Chief Justice of the SupremeCourt. An inaugural ball that evening was held at the Pension Building. ]

My Fellow-Citizens:

Anyone who has taken the oath I have just taken must feel a heavy weightof responsibility. If not, he has no conception of the powers and dutiesof the office upon which he is about to enter, or he is lacking in aproper sense of the obligation which the oath imposes. 

The office of an inaugural address is to give a summary outline of themain policies of the new administration, so far as they can beanticipated. I have had the honor to be one of the advisers of mydistinguished predecessor, and, as such, to hold up his hands in thereforms he has initiated. I should be untrue to myself, to my promises, and to the declarations of the party platform upon which I was electedto office, if I did not make the maintenance and enforcement of thosereforms a most important feature of my administration. They weredirected to the suppression of the lawlessness and abuses of power ofthe great combinations of capital invested in railroads and inindustrial enterprises carrying on interstate commerce. The steps whichmy predecessor took and the legislation passed on his recommendationhave accomplished much, have caused a general halt in the viciouspolicies which created popular alarm, and have brought about in thebusiness affected a much higher regard for existing law. 

To render the reforms lasting, however, and to secure at the same timefreedom from alarm on the part of those pursuing proper and progressivebusiness methods, further legislative and executive action are needed. Relief of the railroads from certain restrictions of the antitrust lawhave been urged by my predecessor and will be urged by me. On the otherhand, the administration is pledged to legislation looking to a properfederal supervision and restriction to prevent excessive issues of bondsand stock by companies owning and operating interstate commercerailroads. 

Then, too, a reorganization of the Department of Justice, of the Bureauof Corporations in the Department of Commerce and Labor, and of theInterstate Commerce Commission, looking to effective cooperation ofthese agencies, is needed to secure a more rapid and certain enforcementof the laws affecting interstate railroads and industrial combinations. 

I hope to be able to submit at the first regular session of the incomingCongress, in December next, definite suggestions in respect to theneeded amendments to the antitrust and the interstate commerce law andthe changes required in the executive departments concerned in theirenforcement. 

It is believed that with the changes to be recommended American businesscan be assured of that measure of stability and certainty in respect tothose things that may be done and those that are prohibited which isessential to the life and growth of all business. Such a plan mustinclude the right of the people to avail themselves of those methods ofcombining capital and effort deemed necessary to reach the highestdegree of economic efficiency, at the same time differentiating betweencombinations based upon legitimate economic reasons and those formedwith the intent of creating monopolies and artificially controllingprices. 

The work of formulating into practical shape such changes is creativeword of the highest order, and requires all the deliberation possible inthe interval. I believe that the amendments to be proposed are just asnecessary in the protection of legitimate business as in the clinchingof the reforms which properly bear the name of my predecessor. 

A matter of most pressing importance is the revision of the tariff. Inaccordance with the promises of the platform upon which I was elected, Ishall call Congress into extra session to meet on the 15th day of March, in order that consideration may be at once given to a bill revising theDingley Act. This should secure an adequate revenue and adjust theduties in such a manner as to afford to labor and to all industries inthis country, whether of the farm, mine or factory, protection by tariffequal to the difference between the cost of production abroad and thecost of production here, and have a provision which shall put intoforce, upon executive determination of certain facts, a higher ormaximum tariff against those countries whose trade policy toward usequitably requires such discrimination. It is thought that there hasbeen such a change in conditions since the enactment of the Dingley Act, drafted on a similarly protective principle, that the measure of thetariff above stated will permit the reduction of rates in certainschedules and will require the advancement of few, if any. 

The proposal to revise the tariff made in such an authoritative way asto lead the business community to count upon it necessarily halts allthose branches of business directly affected; and as these are mostimportant, it disturbs the whole business of the country. It isimperatively necessary, therefore, that a tariff bill be drawn in goodfaith in accordance with promises made before the election by the partyin power, and as promptly passed as due consideration will permit. It isnot that the tariff is more important in the long run than theperfecting of the reforms in respect to antitrust legislation andinterstate commerce regulation, but the need for action when therevision of the tariff has been determined upon is more immediate toavoid embarrassment of business. To secure the needed speed in thepassage of the tariff bill, it would seem wise to attempt no otherlegislation at the extra session. I venture this as a suggestion only, for the course to be taken by Congress, upon the call of the Executive, is wholly within its discretion. 

In the mailing of a tariff bill the prime motive is taxation and thesecuring thereby of a revenue. Due largely to the business depressionwhich followed the financial panic of 1907, the revenue from customs andother sources has decreased to such an extent that the expenditures forthe current fiscal year will exceed the receipts by $100, 000, 000. It isimperative that such a deficit shall not continue, and the framers ofthe tariff bill must, of course, have in mind the total revenues likelyto be produced by it and so arrange the duties as to secure an adequateincome. Should it be impossible to do so by import duties, new kinds oftaxation must be adopted, and among these I recommend a graduatedinheritance tax as correct in principle and as certain and easy ofcollection. 

The obligation on the part of those responsible for the expendituresmade to carry on the Government, to be as economical as possible, and tomake the burden of taxation as light as possible, is plain, and shouldbe affirmed in every declaration of government policy. This isespecially true when we are face to face with a heavy deficit. But whenthe desire to win the popular approval leads to the cutting off ofexpenditures really needed to make the Government effective and toenable it to accomplish its proper objects, the result is as much to becondemned as the waste of government funds in unnecessary expenditure. The scope of a modern government in what it can and ought to accomplishfor its people has been widened far beyond the principles laid down bythe old "laissez faire" school of political writers, and this wideninghas met popular approval. 

In the Department of Agriculture the use of scientific experiments on alarge scale and the spread of information derived from them for theimprovement of general agriculture must go on. 

The importance of supervising business of great railways and industrialcombinations and the necessary investigation and prosecution of unlawfulbusiness methods are another necessary tax upon Government which did notexist half a century ago. 

The putting into force of laws which shall secure the conservation ofour resources, so far as they may be within the jurisdiction of theFederal Government, including the most important work of saving andrestoring our forests and the great improvement of waterways, are allproper government functions which must involve large expenditure ifproperly performed. While some of them, like the reclamation of aridlands, are made to pay for themselves, others are of such an indirectbenefit that this cannot be expected of them. A permanent improvement, like the Panama Canal, should be treated as a distinct enterprise, andshould be paid for by the proceeds of bonds, the issue of which willdistribute its cost between the present and future generations inaccordance with the benefits derived. It may well be submitted to theserious consideration of Congress whether the deepening and control ofthe channel of a great river system, like that of the Ohio or of theMississippi, when definite and practical plans for the enterprise havebeen approved and determined upon, should not be provided for in thesame way. 

Then, too, there are expenditures of Government absolutely necessary ifour country is to maintain its proper place among the nations of theworld, and is to exercise its proper influence in defense of its owntrade interests in the maintenance of traditional American policyagainst the colonization of European monarchies in this hemisphere, andin the promotion of peace and international morality. I refer to thecost of maintaining a proper army, a proper navy, and suitablefortifications upon the mainland of the United States and in itsdependencies. 

We should have an army so organized and so officered as to be capable intime of emergency, in cooperation with the national militia and underthe provisions of a proper national volunteer law, rapidly to expandinto a force sufficient to resist all probable invasion from abroad andto furnish a respectable expeditionary force if necessary in themaintenance of our traditional American policy which bears the name ofPresident Monroe. 

Our fortifications are yet in a state of only partial completeness, andthe number of men to man them is insufficient. In a few years however, the usual annual appropriations for our coast defenses, both on themainland and in the dependencies, will make them sufficient to resistall direct attack, and by that time we may hope that the men to man themwill be provided as a necessary adjunct. The distance of our shores fromEurope and Asia of course reduces the necessity for maintaining underarms a great army, but it does not take away the requirement of mereprudence--that we should have an army sufficiently large and soconstituted as to form a nucleus out of which a suitable force canquickly grow. 

What has been said of the army may be affirmed in even a more emphaticway of the navy. A modern navy can not be improvised. It must be builtand in existence when the emergency arises which calls for its use andoperation. My distinguished predecessor has in many speeches andmessages set out with great force and striking language the necessityfor maintaining a strong navy commensurate with the coast line, thegovernmental resources, and the foreign trade of our Nation; and I wishto reiterate all the reasons which he has presented in favor of thepolicy of maintaining a strong navy as the best conservator of our peacewith other nations, and the best means of securing respect for theassertion of our rights, the defense of our interests, and the exerciseof our influence in international matters. 

Our international policy is always to promote peace. We shall enter intoany war with a full consciousness of the awful consequences that italways entails, whether successful or not, and we, of course, shall makeevery effort consistent with national honor and the highest nationalinterest to avoid a resort to arms. We favor every instrumentality, likethat of the Hague Tribunal and arbitration treaties made with a view toits use in all international controversies, in order to maintain peaceand to avoid war. But we should be blind to existing conditions andshould allow ourselves to become foolish idealists if we did not realizethat, with all the nations of the world armed and prepared for war, wemust be ourselves in a similar condition, in order to prevent othernations from taking advantage of us and of our inability to defend ourinterests and assert our rights with a strong hand. 

In the international controversies that are likely to arise in theOrient growing out of the question of the open door and other issues theUnited States can maintain her interests intact and can secure respectfor her just demands. She will not be able to do so, however, if it isunderstood that she never intends to back up her assertion of right andher defense of her interest by anything but mere verbal protest anddiplomatic note. For these reasons the expenses of the army and navy andof coast defenses should always be considered as something which theGovernment must pay for, and they should not be cut off through mereconsideration of economy. Our Government is able to afford a suitablearmy and a suitable navy. It may maintain them without the slightestdanger to the Republic or the cause of free institutions, and fear ofadditional taxation ought not to change a proper policy in this regard. 

The policy of the United States in the Spanish war and since has givenit a position of influence among the nations that it never had before, and should be constantly exerted to securing to its bona fide citizens, whether native or naturalized, respect for them as such in foreigncountries. We should make every effort to prevent humiliating anddegrading prohibition against any of our citizens wishing temporarily tosojourn in foreign countries because of race or religion. 

The admission of Asiatic immigrants who cannot be amalgamated with ourpopulation has been made the subject either of prohibitory clauses inour treaties and statutes or of strict administrative regulation securedby diplomatic negotiation. I sincerely hope that we may continue tominimize the evils likely to arise from such immigration withoutunnecessary friction and by mutual concessions between self-respectinggovernments. Meantime we must take every precaution to prevent, orfailing that, to punish outbursts of race feeling among our peopleagainst foreigners of whatever nationality who have by our grant atreaty right to pursue lawful business here and to be protected againstlawless assault or injury. 

This leads me to point out a serious defect in the present federaljurisdiction, which ought to be remedied at once. Having assured toother countries by treaty the protection of our laws for such of theirsubjects or citizens as we permit to come within our jurisdiction, wenow leave to a state or a city, not under the control of the FederalGovernment, the duty of performing our international obligations in thisrespect. By proper legislation we may, and ought to, place in the handsof the Federal Executive the means of enforcing the treaty rights ofsuch aliens in the courts of the Federal Government. It puts ourGovernment in a pusillanimous position to make definite engagements toprotect aliens and then to excuse the failure to perform thoseengagements by an explanation that the duty to keep them is in States orcities, not within our control. If we would promise we must putourselves in a position to perform our promise. We cannot permit thepossible failure of justice, due to local prejudice in any State ormunicipal government, to expose us to the risk of a war which might beavoided if federal jurisdiction was asserted by suitable legislation byCongress and carried out by proper proceedings instituted by theExecutive in the courts of the National Government. 

One of the reforms to be carried out during the incoming administrationis a change of our monetary and banking laws, so as to secure greaterelasticity in the forms of currency available for trade and to preventthe limitations of law from operating to increase the embarrassment of afinancial panic. The monetary commission, lately appointed, is givingfull consideration to existing conditions and to all proposed remedies, and will doubtless suggest one that will meet the requirements ofbusiness and of public interest. 

We may hope that the report will embody neither the narrow dew of thosewho believe that the sole purpose of the new system should be to securea large return on banking capital or of those who would have greaterexpansion of currency with little regard to provisions for its immediateredemption or ultimate security. There is no subject of economicdiscussion so intricate and so likely to evoke differing views anddogmatic statements as this one. The commission, in studying the generalinfluence of currency on business and of business on currency, havewisely extended their investigations in European banking and monetarymethods. The information that they have derived from such experts asthey have found abroad will undoubtedly be found helpful in the solutionof the difficult problem they have in hand. 

The incoming Congress should promptly fulfill the promise of theRepublican platform and pass a proper postal savings bank bill. It willnot be unwise or excessive paternalism. The promise to repay by theGovernment will furnish an inducement to savings deposits which privateenterprise can not supply and at such a low rate of interest as not towithdraw custom from existing banks. It will substantially increase thefunds available for investment as capital in useful enterprises. It willfurnish absolute security which makes the proposed scheme of governmentguaranty of deposits so alluring, without its pernicious results. 

I sincerely hope that the incoming Congress will be alive, as it shouldbe, to the importance of our foreign trade and of encouraging it inevery way feasible. The possibility of increasing this trade in theOrient, in the Philippines, and in South America are known to everyonewho has given the matter attention. The direct effect of free tradebetween this country and the Philippines will be marked upon our salesof cottons, agricultural machinery, and other manufactures. Thenecessity of the establishment of direct lines of steamers between Northand South America has been brought to the attention of Congress by mypredecessor and by Mr. Root before and after his noteworthy visit tothat continent, and I sincerely hope that Congress may be induced to seethe wisdom of a tentative effort to establish such lines by the use ofmail subsidies. 

The importance of the part which the Departments of Agriculture and ofCommerce and Labor may play in ridding the markets of Europe ofprohibitions and discriminations against the importation of our productsis fully understood, and it is hoped that the use of the maximum andminimum feature of our tariff law to be soon passed will be effective toremove many of those restrictions. 

The Panama Canal will have a most important bearing upon the tradebetween the eastern and far western sections of our country, and willgreatly increase the facilities for transportation between the easternand the western seaboard, and may possibly revolutionize thetranscontinental rates with respect to bulky merchandise. It will alsohave a most beneficial effect to increase the trade between the easternseaboard of the United States and the western coast of South America, and, indeed, with some of the important ports on the east coast of SouthAmerica reached by rail from the west coast. 

The work on the canal is making most satisfactory progress. The type ofthe canal as a lock canal was fixed by Congress after a fullconsideration of the conflicting reports of the majority and minority ofthe consulting board, and after the recommendation of the War Departmentand the Executive upon those reports. Recent suggestion that somethinghad occurred on the Isthmus to make the lock type of the canal lessfeasible than it was supposed to be when the reports were made and thepolicy determined on led to a visit to the Isthmus of a board ofcompetent engineers to examine the Gatun dam and locks, which are thekey of the lock type. The report of that board shows nothing hasoccurred in the nature of newly revealed evidence which should changethe views once formed in the original discussion. The construction willgo on under a most effective organization controlled by Colonel Goethalsand his fellow army engineers associated with him, and will certainly becompleted early in the next administration, if not before. 

Some type of canal must be constructed. The lock type has been selected. We are all in favor of having it built as promptly as possible. We mustnot now, therefore, keep up a fire in the rear of the agents whom wehave authorized to do our work on the Isthmus. We must hold up theirhands, and speaking for the incoming administration I wish to say that Ipropose to devote all the energy possible and under my control topushing of this work on the plans which have been adopted, and to standbehind the men who are doing faithful, hard work to bring about theearly completion of this, the greatest constructive enterprise of moderntimes. 

The governments of our dependencies in Porto Rico and the Philippinesare progressing as favorably as could be desired. The prosperity ofPorto Rico continues unabated. The business conditions in thePhilippines are not all that we could wish them to be, but with thepassage of the new tariff bill permitting free trade between the UnitedStates and the archipelago, with such limitations on sugar and tobaccoas shall prevent injury to domestic interests in those products, we cancount on an improvement in business conditions in the Philippines andthe development of a mutually profitable trade between this country andthe islands. Meantime our Government in each dependency is upholding thetraditions of civil liberty and increasing popular control which mightbe expected under American auspices. The work which we are doing thereredounds to our credit as a nation. 

I look forward with hope to increasing the already good feeling betweenthe South and the other sections of the country. My chief purpose is notto effect a change in the electoral vote of the Southern States. That isa secondary consideration. What I look forward to is an increase in thetolerance of political views of all kinds and their advocacy throughoutthe South, and the existence of a respectable political opposition inevery State; even more than this, to an increased feeling on the part ofall the people in the South that this Government is their Government, and that its officers in their states are their officers. 

The consideration of this question can not, however, be complete andfull without reference to the negro race, its progress and its presentcondition. The thirteenth amendment secured them freedom; the fourteenthamendment due process of law, protection of property, and the pursuit ofhappiness; and the fifteenth amendment attempted to secure the negroagainst any deprivation of the privilege to vote because he was a negro. The thirteenth and fourteenth amendments have been generally enforcedand have secured the objects for which they are intended. While thefifteenth amendment has not been generally observed in the past, itought to be observed, and the tendency of Southern legislation today istoward the enactment of electoral qualifications which shall square withthat amendment. Of course, the mere adoption of a constitutional law isonly one step in the right direction. It must be fairly and justlyenforced as well. In time both will come. Hence it is clear to all thatthe domination of an ignorant, irresponsible element can be prevented byconstitutional laws which shall exclude from voting both negroes andwhites not having education or other qualifications thought to benecessary for a proper electorate. The danger of the control of anignorant electorate has therefore passed. With this change, the interestwhich many of the Southern white citizens take in the welfare of thenegroes has increased. The colored men must base their hope on theresults of their own industry, self-restraint, thrift, and businesssuccess, as well as upon the aid and comfort and sympathy which they mayreceive from their white neighbors of the South. 

There was a time when Northerners who sympathized with the negro in hisnecessary struggle for better conditions sought to give him the suffrageas a protection to enforce its exercise against the prevailing sentimentof the South. The movement proved to be a failure. What remains is thefifteenth amendment to the Constitution and the right to have statutesof States specifying qualifications for electors subjected to the testof compliance with that amendment. This is a great protection to thenegro. It never will be repealed, and it never ought to be repealed. Ifit had not passed, it might be difficult now to adopt it; but with it inour fundamental law, the policy of Southern legislation must and willtend to obey it, and so long as the statutes of the States meet the testof this amendment and are not otherwise in conflict with theConstitution and laws of the United States, it is not the disposition orwithin the province of the Federal Government to interfere with theregulation by Southern States of their domestic affairs. There is in theSouth a stronger feeling than ever among the intelligent well-to-do, andinfluential element in favor of the industrial education of the negroand the encouragement of the race to make themselves useful members ofthe community. The progress which the negro has made in the last fiftyyears, from slavery, when its statistics are reviewed, is marvelous, andit furnishes every reason to hope that in the next twenty-five years astill greater improvement in his condition as a productive member ofsociety, on the farm, and in the shop, and in other occupations maycome. 

The negroes are now Americans. Their ancestors came here years agoagainst their will, and this is their only country and their only flag. They have shown themselves anxious to live for it and to die for it. Encountering the race feeling against them, subjected at times to cruelinjustice growing out of it, they may well have our profound sympathyand aid in the struggle they are making. We are charged with the sacredduty of making their path as smooth and easy as we can. Any recognitionof their distinguished men, any appointment to office from among theirnumber, is properly taken as an encouragement and an appreciation oftheir progress, and this just policy should be pursued when suitableoccasion offers. 

But it may well admit of doubt whether, in the case of any race, anappointment of one of their number to a local office in a community inwhich the race feeling is so widespread and acute as to interfere withthe ease and facility with which the local government business can bedone by the appointee is of sufficient benefit by way of encouragementto the race to outweigh the recurrence and increase of race feelingwhich such an appointment is likely to engender. Therefore theExecutive, in recognizing the negro race by appointments, must exercisea careful discretion not thereby to do it more harm than good. On theother hand, we must be careful not to encourage the mere pretense ofrace feeling manufactured in the interest of individual politicalambition. 

Personally, I have not the slightest race prejudice or feeling, andrecognition of its existence only awakens in my heart a deeper sympathyfor those who have to bear it or suffer from it, and I question thewisdom of a policy which is likely to increase it. Meantime, if nothingis done to prevent it, a better feeling between the negroes and thewhites in the South will continue to grow, and more and more of thewhite people will come to realize that the future of the South is to bemuch benefited by the industrial and intellectual progress of the negro. The exercise of political franchises by those of this race who areintelligent and well to do will be acquiesced in, and the right to votewill be withheld only from the ignorant and irresponsible of both races. 

There is one other matter to which I shall refer. It was made thesubject of great controversy during the election and calls for at leasta passing reference now. My distinguished predecessor has given muchattention to the cause of labor, with whose struggle for better thingshe has shown the sincerest sympathy. At his instance Congress has passedthe bill fixing the liability of interstate carriers to their employeesfor injury sustained in the course of employment, abolishing the rule offellow-servant and the common-law rule as to contributory negligence, and substituting therefor the so-called rule of "comparativenegligence. " It has also passed a law fixing the compensation ofgovernment employees for injuries sustained in the employ of theGovernment through the negligence of the superior. It has also passed amodel child-labor law for the District of Columbia. In previousadministrations an arbitration law for interstate commerce railroads andtheir employees, and laws for the application of safety devices to savethe lives and limbs of employees of interstate railroads had beenpassed. Additional legislation of this kind was passed by the outgoingCongress. 

I wish to say that insofar as I can I hope to promote the enactment offurther legislation of this character. I am strongly convinced that theGovernment should make itself as responsible to employees injured in itsemploy as an interstate-railway corporation is made responsible byfederal law to its employees; and I shall be glad, whenever anyadditional reasonable safety device can be invented to reduce the lossof life and limb among railway employees, to urge Congress to requireits adoption by interstate railways. 

Another labor question has arisen which has awakened the most exciteddiscussion. That is in respect to the power of the federal courts toissue injunctions in industrial disputes. As to that, my convictions arefixed. Take away from the courts, if it could be taken away, the powerto issue injunctions in labor disputes, and it would create a privilegedclass among the laborers and save the lawless among their number from amost needful remedy available to all men for the protection of theirbusiness against lawless invasion. The proposition that business is nota property or pecuniary right which can be protected by equitableinjunction is utterly without foundation in precedent or reason. Theproposition is usually linked with one to make the secondary boycottlawful. Such a proposition is at variance with the American instinct, and will find no support, in my judgment, when submitted to the Americanpeople. The secondary boycott is an instrument of tyranny, and ought notto be made legitimate. 

The issue of a temporary restraining order without notice has in severalinstances been abused by its inconsiderate exercise, and to remedy thisthe platform upon which I was elected recommends the formulation in astatute of the conditions under which such a temporary restraining orderought to issue. A statute can and ought to be framed to embody the bestmodern practice, and can bring the subject so closely to the attentionof the court as to make abuses of the process unlikely in the future. The American people, if I understand them, insist that the authority ofthe courts shall be sustained, and are opposed to any change in theprocedure by which the powers of a court may be weakened and thefearless and effective administration of justice be interfered with. 

Having thus reviewed the questions likely to recur during myadministration, and having expressed in a summary way the position whichI expect to take in recommendations to Congress and in my conduct as anExecutive, I invoke the considerate sympathy and support of myfellow-citizens and the aid of the Almighty God in the discharge of myresponsible duties. 

* * * * *

WOODROW WILSON, FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS

TUESDAY, MARCH 4, 1913

[Transcriber's note: The election of 1912 produced a Democratic victoryover the split vote for President Taft's Republican ticket and TheodoreRoosevelt's Progressive Party. The Governor of New Jersey and formerPrinceton University president was accompanied by President Taft to theCapitol. The oath of office was administered on the East Portico byChief Justice Edward White. ]

There has been a change of government. It began two years ago, when theHouse of Representatives became Democratic by a decisive majority. Ithas now been completed. The Senate about to assemble will also beDemocratic. The offices of President and Vice-President have been putinto the hands of Democrats. What does the change mean? That is thequestion that is uppermost in our minds to-day. That is the question Iam going to try to answer, in order, if I may, to interpret theoccasion. 

It means much more than the mere success of a party. The success of aparty means little except when the Nation is using that party for alarge and definite purpose. No one can mistake the purpose for which theNation now seeks to use the Democratic Party. It seeks to use it tointerpret a change in its own plans and point of view. Some old thingswith which we had grown familiar, and which had begun to creep into thevery habit of our thought and of our lives, have altered their aspect aswe have latterly looked critically upon them, with fresh, awakened eyes;have dropped their disguises and shown themselves alien and sinister. Some new things, as we look frankly upon them, willing to comprehendtheir real character, have come to assume the aspect of things longbelieved in and familiar, stuff of our own convictions. We have beenrefreshed by a new insight into our own life. 

We see that in many things that life is very great. It is incomparablygreat in its material aspects, in its body of wealth, in the diversityand sweep of its energy, in the industries which have been conceived andbuilt up by the genius of individual men and the limitless enterprise ofgroups of men. It is great, also, very great, in its moral force. Nowhere else in the world have noble men and women exhibited in morestriking forms the beauty and the energy of sympathy and helpfulness andcounsel in their efforts to rectify wrong, alleviate suffering, and setthe weak in the way of strength and hope. We have built up, moreover, agreat system of government, which has stood through a long age as inmany respects a model for those who seek to set liberty upon foundationsthat will endure against fortuitous change, against storm and accident. Our life contains every great thing, and contains it in rich abundance. 

But the evil has come with the good, and much fine gold has beencorroded. With riches has come inexcusable waste. We have squandered agreat part of what we might have used, and have not stopped to conservethe exceeding bounty of nature, without which our genius for enterprisewould have been worthless and impotent, scorning to be careful, shamefully prodigal as well as admirably efficient. We have been proudof our industrial achievements, but we have not hitherto stoppedthoughtfully enough to count the human cost, the cost of lives snuffedout, of energies overtaxed and broken, the fearful physical andspiritual cost to the men and women and children upon whom the deadweight and burden of it all has fallen pitilessly the years through. Thegroans and agony of it all had not yet reached our ears, the solemn, moving undertone of our life, coming up out of the mines and factories, and out of every home where the struggle had its intimate and familiarseat. With the great Government went many deep secret things which wetoo long delayed to look into and scrutinize with candid, fearless eyes. The great Government we loved has too often been made use of for privateand selfish purposes, and those who used it had forgotten the people. 

At last a vision has been vouchsafed us of our life as a whole. We seethe bad with the good, the debased and decadent with the sound andvital. With this vision we approach new affairs. Our duty is to cleanse, to reconsider, to restore, to correct the evil without impairing thegood, to purify and humanize every process of our common life withoutweakening or sentimentalizing it. There has been something crude andheartless and unfeeling in our haste to succeed and be great. Ourthought has been "Let every man look out for himself, let everygeneration look out for itself, " while we reared giant machinery whichmade it impossible that any but those who stood at the levers of controlshould have a chance to look out for themselves. We had not forgottenour morals. We remembered well enough that we had set up a policy whichwas meant to serve the humblest as well as the most powerful, with aneye single to the standards of justice and fair play, and remembered itwith pride. But we were very heedless and in a hurry to be great. 

We have come now to the sober second thought. The scales of heedlessnesshave fallen from our eyes. We have made up our minds to square everyprocess of our national life again with the standards we so proudly setup at the beginning and have always carried at our hearts. Our work is awork of restoration. 

We have itemized with some degree of particularity the things that oughtto be altered and here are some of the chief items: A tariff which cutsus off from our proper part in the commerce of the world, violates thejust principles of taxation, and makes the Government a facileinstrument in the hand of private interests; a banking and currencysystem based upon the necessity of the Government to sell its bondsfifty years ago and perfectly adapted to concentrating cash andrestricting credits; an industrial system which, take it on all itssides, financial as well as administrative, holds capital in leadingstrings, restricts the liberties and limits the opportunities of labor, and exploits without renewing or conserving the natural resources of thecountry; a body of agricultural activities never yet given theefficiency of great business undertakings or served as it should bethrough the instrumentality of science taken directly to the farm, orafforded the facilities of credit best suited to its practical needs;watercourses undeveloped, waste places unreclaimed, forests untended, fast disappearing without plan or prospect of renewal, unregarded wasteheaps at every mine. We have studied as perhaps no other nation has themost effective means of production, but we have not studied cost oreconomy as we should either as organizers of industry, as statesmen, oras individuals. 

Nor have we studied and perfected the means by which government may beput at the service of humanity, in safeguarding the health of theNation, the health of its men and its women and its children, as well astheir rights in the struggle for existence. This is no sentimental duty. The firm basis of government is justice, not pity. These are matters ofjustice. There can be no equality or opportunity, the first essential ofjustice in the body politic, if men and women and children be notshielded in their lives, their very vitality, from the consequences ofgreat industrial and social processes which they can not alter, control, or singly cope with. Society must see to it that it does not itselfcrush or weaken or damage its own constituent parts. The first duty oflaw is to keep sound the society it serves. Sanitary laws, pure foodlaws, and laws determining conditions of labor which individuals arepowerless to determine for themselves are intimate parts of the verybusiness of justice and legal efficiency. 

These are some of the things we ought to do, and not leave the othersundone, the old-fashioned, never-to-be-neglected, fundamentalsafeguarding of property and of individual right. This is the highenterprise of the new day: To lift everything that concerns our life asa Nation to the light that shines from the hearthfire of every man'sconscience and vision of the right. It is inconceivable that we shoulddo this as partisans; it is inconceivable we should do it in ignoranceof the facts as they are or in blind haste. We shall restore, notdestroy. We shall deal with our economic system as it is and as it maybe modified, not as it might be if we had a clean sheet of paper towrite upon; and step by step we shall make it what it should be, in thespirit of those who question their own wisdom and seek counsel andknowledge, not shallow self-satisfaction or the excitement of excursionswhither they can not tell. Justice, and only justice, shall always beour motto. 

And yet it will be no cool process of mere science. The Nation has beendeeply stirred, stirred by a solemn passion, stirred by the knowledge ofwrong, of ideals lost, of government too often debauched and made aninstrument of evil. The feelings with which we face this new age ofright and opportunity sweep across our heartstrings like some air out ofGod's own presence, where justice and mercy are reconciled and the judgeand the brother are one. We know our task to be no mere task of politicsbut a task which shall search us through and through, whether we be ableto understand our time and the need of our people, whether we be indeedtheir spokesmen and interpreters, whether we have the pure heart tocomprehend and the rectified will to choose our high course of action. 

This is not a day of triumph; it is a day of dedication. Here muster, not the forces of party, but the forces of humanity. Men's hearts waitupon us; men's lives hang in the balance; men's hopes call upon us tosay what we will do. Who shall live up to the great trust? Who daresfail to try? I summon all honest men, all patriotic, all forward-lookingmen, to my side. God helping me, I will not fail them, if they will butcounsel and sustain me!

* * * * *

WOODROW WILSON, SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS

MONDAY, MARCH 5, 1917

[Transcriber's note: March 4 was a Sunday, but the President took theoath of office at the Capitol in the President's Room that morning. Theoath was taken again the next day, administered by Chief Justice EdwardWhite on the East Portico of the Capitol. The specter of war withGermany hung over the events surrounding the inauguration. A Senatefilibuster on arming American merchant vessels against submarine attackshad closed the last hours of the Sixty-fourth Congress without passage. Despite the campaign slogan "He kept us out of war, " the President askedCongress on April 2 to declare war. It was declared on April 6. ]

My Fellow Citizens:

The four years which have elapsed since last I stood in this place havebeen crowded with counsel and action of the most vital interest andconsequence. Perhaps no equal period in our history has been so fruitfulof important reforms in our economic and industrial life or so full ofsignificant changes in the spirit and purpose of our political action. We have sought very thoughtfully to set our house in order, correct thegrosser errors and abuses of our industrial life, liberate and quickenthe processes of our national genius and energy, and lift our politicsto a broader view of the people's essential interests. 

It is a record of singular variety and singular distinction. But I shallnot attempt to review it. It speaks for itself and will be of increasinginfluence as the years go by. This is not the time for retrospect. It istime rather to speak our thoughts and purposes concerning the presentand the immediate future. 

Although we have centered counsel and action with such unusualconcentration and success upon the great problems of domesticlegislation to which we addressed ourselves four years ago, othermatters have more and more forced themselves upon our attention--matterslying outside our own life as a nation and over which we had no control, but which, despite our wish to keep free of them, have drawn us more andmore irresistibly into their own current and influence. 

It has been impossible to avoid them. They have affected the life of thewhole world. They have shaken men everywhere with a passion and anapprehension they never knew before. It has been hard to preserve calmcounsel while the thought of our own people swayed this way and thatunder their influence. We are a composite and cosmopolitan people. Weare of the blood of all the nations that are at war. The currents of ourthoughts as well as the currents of our trade run quick at all seasonsback and forth between us and them. The war inevitably set its mark fromthe first alike upon our minds, our industries, our commerce, ourpolitics and our social action. To be indifferent to it, or independentof it, was out of the question. 

And yet all the while we have been conscious that we were not part ofit. In that consciousness, despite many divisions, we have drawn closertogether. We have been deeply wronged upon the seas, but we have notwished to wrong or injure in return; have retained throughout theconsciousness of standing in some sort apart, intent upon an interestthat transcended the immediate issues of the war itself. 

As some of the injuries done us have become intolerable we have stillbeen clear that we wished nothing for ourselves that we were not readyto demand for all mankind--fair dealing, justice, the freedom to liveand to be at ease against organized wrong. 

It is in this spirit and with this thought that we have grown more andmore aware, more and more certain that the part we wished to play wasthe part of those who mean to vindicate and fortify peace. We have beenobliged to arm ourselves to make good our claim to a certain minimum ofright and of freedom of action. We stand firm in armed neutrality sinceit seems that in no other way we can demonstrate what it is we insistupon and cannot forget. We may even be drawn on, by circumstances, notby our own purpose or desire, to a more active assertion of our rightsas we see them and a more immediate association with the great struggleitself. But nothing will alter our thought or our purpose. They are tooclear to be obscured. They are too deeply rooted in the principles ofour national life to be altered. We desire neither conquest noradvantage. We wish nothing that can be had only at the cost of anotherpeople. We always professed unselfish purpose and we covet theopportunity to prove our professions are sincere. 

There are many things still to be done at home, to clarify our ownpolitics and add new vitality to the industrial processes of our ownlife, and we shall do them as time and opportunity serve, but we realizethat the greatest things that remain to be done must be done with thewhole world for stage and in cooperation with the wide and universalforces of mankind, and we are making our spirits ready for those things. 

We are provincials no longer. The tragic events of the thirty months ofvital turmoil through which we have just passed have made us citizens ofthe world. There can be no turning back. Our own fortunes as a nationare involved whether we would have it so or not. 

And yet we are not the less Americans on that account. We shall be themore American if we but remain true to the principles in which we havebeen bred. They are not the principles of a province or of a singlecontinent. We have known and boasted all along that they were theprinciples of a liberated mankind. These, therefore, are the things weshall stand for, whether in war or in peace:

That all nations are equally interested in the peace of the world and inthe political stability of free peoples, and equally responsible fortheir maintenance; that the essential principle of peace is the actualequality of nations in all matters of right or privilege; that peacecannot securely or justly rest upon an armed balance of power; thatgovernments derive all their just powers from the consent of thegoverned and that no other powers should be supported by the commonthought, purpose or power of the family of nations; that the seas shouldbe equally free and safe for the use of all peoples, under rules set upby common agreement and consent, and that, so far as practicable, theyshould be accessible to all upon equal terms; that national armamentsshall be limited to the necessities of national order and domesticsafety; that the community of interest and of power upon which peacemust henceforth depend imposes upon each nation the duty of seeing to itthat all influences proceeding from its own citizens meant to encourageor assist revolution in other states should be sternly and effectuallysuppressed and prevented. 

I need not argue these principles to you, my fellow countrymen; they areyour own part and parcel of your own thinking and your own motives inaffairs. They spring up native amongst us. Upon this as a platform ofpurpose and of action we can stand together. And it is imperative thatwe should stand together. We are being forged into a new unity amidstthe fires that now blaze throughout the world. In their ardent heat weshall, in God's Providence, let us hope, be purged of faction anddivision, purified of the errant humors of party and of privateinterest, and shall stand forth in the days to come with a new dignityof national pride and spirit. Let each man see to it that the dedicationis in his own heart, the high purpose of the nation in his own mind, ruler of his own will and desire. 

I stand here and have taken the high and solemn oath to which you havebeen audience because the people of the United States have chosen me forthis august delegation of power and have by their gracious judgmentnamed me their leader in affairs. 

I know now what the task means. I realize to the full the responsibilitywhich it involves. I pray God I may be given the wisdom and the prudenceto do my duty in the true spirit of this great people. I am theirservant and can succeed only as they sustain and guide me by theirconfidence and their counsel. The thing I shall count upon, the thingwithout which neither counsel nor action will avail, is the unity ofAmerica--an America united in feeling, in purpose and in its vision ofduty, of opportunity and of service. 

We are to beware of all men who would turn the tasks and the necessitiesof the nation to their own private profit or use them for the buildingup of private power. 

United alike in the conception of our duty and in the high resolve toperform it in the face of all men, let us dedicate ourselves to thegreat task to which we must now set our hand. For myself I beg yourtolerance, your countenance and your united aid. 

The shadows that now lie dark upon our path will soon be dispelled, andwe shall walk with the light all about us if we be but true toourselves--to ourselves as we have wished to be known in the counsels ofthe world and in the thought of all those who love liberty and justiceand the right exalted. 

* * * * *

WARREN G. HARDING, INAUGURAL ADDRESS

FRIDAY, MARCH 4, 1921

[Transcriber's note: Senator Harding from Ohio was the first sittingSenator to be elected President. A former newspaper publisher andGovernor of Ohio, the President-elect rode to the Capitol with PresidentWilson in the first automobile to be used in an inauguration. PresidentWilson had suffered a stroke in 1919, and his fragile health preventedhis attendance at the ceremony on the East Portico of the Capitol. Theoath of office was administered by Chief Justice Edward White, using theBible from George Washington's first inauguration. The address to thecrowd at the Capitol was broadcast on a loudspeaker. A simple paradefollowed. ]

My Countrymen:

When one surveys the world about him after the great storm, noting themarks of destruction and yet rejoicing in the ruggedness of the thingswhich withstood it, if he is an American he breathes the clarifiedatmosphere with a strange mingling of regret and new hope. We have seena world passion spend its fury, but we contemplate our Republicunshaken, and hold our civilization secure. Liberty--liberty within thelaw--and civilization are inseparable, and though both were threatenedwe find them now secure; and there comes to Americans the profoundassurance that our representative government is the highest expressionand surest guaranty of both. 

Standing in this presence, mindful of the solemnity of this occasion, feeling the emotions which no one may know until he senses the greatweight of responsibility for himself, I must utter my belief in thedivine inspiration of the founding fathers. Surely there must have beenGod's intent in the making of this new-world Republic. Ours is anorganic law which had but one ambiguity, and we saw that effaced in abaptism of sacrifice and blood, with union maintained, the Nationsupreme, and its concord inspiring. We have seen the world rivet itshopeful gaze on the great truths on which the founders wrought. We haveseen civil, human, and religious liberty verified and glorified. In thebeginning the Old World scoffed at our experiment; today our foundationsof political and social belief stand unshaken, a precious inheritance toourselves, an inspiring example of freedom and civilization to allmankind. Let us express renewed and strengthened devotion, in gratefulreverence for the immortal beginning, and utter our confidence in thesupreme fulfillment. 

The recorded progress of our Republic, materially and spiritually, initself proves the wisdom of the inherited policy of noninvolvement inOld World affairs. Confident of our ability to work out our own destiny, and jealously guarding our right to do so, we seek no part in directingthe destinies of the Old World. We do not mean to be entangled. We willaccept no responsibility except as our own conscience and judgment, ineach instance, may determine. 

Our eyes never will be blind to a developing menace, our ears never deafto the call of civilization. We recognize the new order in the world, with the closer contacts which progress has wrought. We sense the callof the human heart for fellowship, fraternity, and cooperation. We cravefriendship and harbor no hate. But America, our America, the Americabuilded on the foundation laid by the inspired fathers, can be a partyto no permanent military alliance. It can enter into no politicalcommitments, nor assume any economic obligations which will subject ourdecisions to any other than our own authority. 

I am sure our own people will not misunderstand, nor will the worldmisconstrue. We have no thought to impede the paths to closerrelationship. We wish to promote understanding. We want to do our partin making offensive warfare so hateful that Governments and peoples whoresort to it must prove the righteousness of their cause or stand asoutlaws before the bar of civilization. 

We are ready to associate ourselves with the nations of the world, greatand small, for conference, for counsel; to seek the expressed views ofworld opinion; to recommend a way to approximate disarmament and relievethe crushing burdens of military and naval establishments. We elect toparticipate in suggesting plans for mediation, conciliation, andarbitration, and would gladly join in that expressed conscience ofprogress, which seeks to clarify and write the laws of internationalrelationship, and establish a world court for the disposition of suchjusticiable questions as nations are agreed to submit thereto. Inexpressing aspirations, in seeking practical plans, in translatinghumanity's new concept of righteousness and justice and its hatred ofwar into recommended action we are ready most heartily to unite, butevery commitment must be made in the exercise of our nationalsovereignty. Since freedom impelled, and independence inspired, andnationality exalted, a world supergovernment is contrary to everythingwe cherish and can have no sanction by our Republic. This is notselfishness, it is sanctity. It is not aloofness, it is security. It isnot suspicion of others, it is patriotic adherence to the things whichmade us what we are. 

Today, better than ever before, we know the aspirations of humankind, and share them. We have come to a new realization of our place in theworld and a new appraisal of our Nation by the world. The unselfishnessof these United States is a thing proven; our devotion to peace forourselves and for the world is well established; our concern forpreserved civilization has had its impassioned and heroic expression. There was no American failure to resist the attempted reversion ofcivilization; there will be no failure today or tomorrow. 

The success of our popular government rests wholly upon the correctinterpretation of the deliberate, intelligent, dependable popular willof America. In a deliberate questioning of a suggested change ofnational policy, where internationality was to supersede nationality, weturned to a referendum, to the American people. There was amplediscussion, and there is a public mandate in manifest understanding. 

America is ready to encourage, eager to initiate, anxious to participatein any seemly program likely to lessen the probability of war, andpromote that brotherhood of mankind which must be God's highestconception of human relationship. Because we cherish ideals of justiceand peace, because we appraise international comity and helpfulrelationship no less highly than any people of the world, we aspire to ahigh place in the moral leadership of civilization, and we hold amaintained America, the proven Republic, the unshaken temple ofrepresentative democracy, to be not only an inspiration and example, butthe highest agency of strengthening good will and promoting accord onboth continents. 

Mankind needs a world-wide benediction of understanding. It is neededamong individuals, among peoples, among governments, and it willinaugurate an era of good feeling to make the birth of a new order. Insuch understanding men will strive confidently for the promotion oftheir better relationships and nations will promote the comities soessential to peace. 

We must understand that ties of trade bind nations in closest intimacy, and none may receive except as he gives. We have not strengthened oursin accordance with our resources or our genius, notably on our owncontinent, where a galaxy of Republics reflects the glory of new-worlddemocracy, but in the new order of finance and trade we mean to promoteenlarged activities and seek expanded confidence. 

Perhaps we can make no more helpful contribution by example than prove aRepublic's capacity to emerge from the wreckage of war. While theworld's embittered travail did not leave us devastated lands nordesolated cities, left no gaping wounds, no breast with hate, it didinvolve us in the delirium of expenditure, in expanded currency andcredits, in unbalanced industry, in unspeakable waste, and disturbedrelationships. While it uncovered our portion of hateful selfishness athome, it also revealed the heart of America as sound and fearless, andbeating in confidence unfailing. 

Amid it all we have riveted the gaze of all civilization to theunselfishness and the righteousness of representative democracy, whereour freedom never has made offensive warfare, never has soughtterritorial aggrandizement through force, never has turned to thearbitrament of arms until reason has been exhausted. When theGovernments of the earth shall have established a freedom like our ownand shall have sanctioned the pursuit of peace as we have practiced it, I believe the last sorrow and the final sacrifice of internationalwarfare will have been written. 

Let me speak to the maimed and wounded soldiers who are present today, and through them convey to their comrades the gratitude of the Republicfor their sacrifices in its defense. A generous country will neverforget the services you rendered, and you may hope for a policy underGovernment that will relieve any maimed successors from taking yourplaces on another such occasion as this. 

Our supreme task is the resumption of our onward, normal way. Reconstruction, readjustment, restoration all these must follow. I wouldlike to hasten them. If it will lighten the spirit and add to theresolution with which we take up the task, let me repeat for our Nation, we shall give no people just cause to make war upon us; we hold nonational prejudices; we entertain no spirit of revenge; we do not hate;we do not covet; we dream of no conquest, nor boast of armed prowess. 

If, despite this attitude, war is again forced upon us, I earnestly hopea way may be found which will unify our individual and collectivestrength and consecrate all America, materially and spiritually, bodyand soul, to national defense. I can vision the ideal republic, whereevery man and woman is called under the flag for assignment to duty forwhatever service, military or civic, the individual is best fitted;where we may call to universal service every plant, agency, or facility, all in the sublime sacrifice for country, and not one penny of warprofit shall inure to the benefit of private individual, corporation, orcombination, but all above the normal shall flow into the defense chestof the Nation. There is something inherently wrong, something out ofaccord with the ideals of representative democracy, when one portion ofour citizenship turns its activities to private gain amid defensive warwhile another is fighting, sacrificing, or dying for nationalpreservation. 

Out of such universal service will come a new unity of spirit andpurpose, a new confidence and consecration, which would make our defenseimpregnable, our triumph assured. Then we should have little or nodisorganization of our economic, industrial, and commercial systems athome, no staggering war debts, no swollen fortunes to flout thesacrifices of our soldiers, no excuse for sedition, no pitiableslackerism, no outrage of treason. Envy and jealousy would have no soilfor their menacing development, and revolution would be without thepassion which engenders it. 

A regret for the mistakes of yesterday must not, however, blind us tothe tasks of today. War never left such an aftermath. There has beenstaggering loss of life and measureless wastage of materials. Nationsare still groping for return to stable ways. Discouraging indebtednessconfronts us like all the war-torn nations, and these obligations mustbe provided for. No civilization can survive repudiation. 

We can reduce the abnormal expenditures, and we will. We can strike atwar taxation, and we must. We must face the grim necessity, with fullknowledge that the task is to be solved, and we must proceed with a fullrealization that no statute enacted by man can repeal the inexorablelaws of nature. Our most dangerous tendency is to expect too much ofgovernment, and at the same time do for it too little. We contemplatethe immediate task of putting our public household in order. We need arigid and yet sane economy, combined with fiscal justice, and it must beattended by individual prudence and thrift, which are so essential tothis trying hour and reassuring for the future. 

The business world reflects the disturbance of war's reaction. Hereinflows the lifeblood of material existence. The economic mechanism isintricate and its parts interdependent, and has suffered the shocks andjars incident to abnormal demands, credit inflations, and priceupheavals. The normal balances have been impaired, the channels ofdistribution have been clogged, the relations of labor and managementhave been strained. We must seek the readjustment with care and courage. Our people must give and take. Prices must reflect the receding fever ofwar activities. Perhaps we never shall know the old levels of wagesagain, because war invariably readjusts compensations, and thenecessaries of life will show their inseparable relationship, but wemust strive for normalcy to reach stability. All the penalties will notbe light, nor evenly distributed. There is no way of making them so. There is no instant step from disorder to order. We must face acondition of grim reality, charge off our losses and start afresh. It isthe oldest lesson of civilization. I would like government to do all itcan to mitigate; then, in understanding, in mutuality of interest, inconcern for the common good, our tasks will be solved. No altered systemwill work a miracle. Any wild experiment will only add to the confusion. Our best assurance lies in efficient administration of our provensystem. 

The forward course of the business cycle is unmistakable. Peoples areturning from destruction to production. Industry has sensed the changedorder and our own people are turning to resume their normal, onward way. The call is for productive America to go on. I know that Congress andthe Administration will favor every wise Government policy to aid theresumption and encourage continued progress. 

I speak for administrative efficiency, for lightened tax burdens, forsound commercial practices, for adequate credit facilities, forsympathetic concern for all agricultural problems, for the omission ofunnecessary interference of Government with business, for an end toGovernment's experiment in business, and for more efficient business inGovernment administration. With all of this must attend a mindfulness ofthe human side of all activities, so that social, industrial, andeconomic justice will be squared with the purposes of a righteouspeople. 

With the nation-wide induction of womanhood into our political life, wemay count upon her intuitions, her refinements, her intelligence, andher influence to exalt the social order. We count upon her exercise ofthe full privileges and the performance of the duties of citizenship tospeed the attainment of the highest state. 

I wish for an America no less alert in guarding against dangers fromwithin than it is watchful against enemies from without. Our fundamentallaw recognizes no class, no group, no section; there must be none inlegislation or administration. The supreme inspiration is the commonweal. Humanity hungers for international peace, and we crave it with allmankind. My most reverent prayer for America is for industrial peace, with its rewards, widely and generally distributed, amid theinspirations of equal opportunity. No one justly may deny the equalityof opportunity which made us what we are. We have mistakenunpreparedness to embrace it to be a challenge of the reality, and dueconcern for making all citizens fit for participation will give addedstrength of citizenship and magnify our achievement. 

If revolution insists upon overturning established order, let otherpeoples make the tragic experiment. There is no place for it in America. When World War threatened civilization we pledged our resources and ourlives to its preservation, and when revolution threatens we unfurl theflag of law and order and renew our consecration. Ours is aconstitutional freedom where the popular will is the law supreme andminorities are sacredly protected. Our revisions, reformations, andevolutions reflect a deliberate judgment and an orderly progress, and wemean to cure our ills, but never destroy or permit destruction by force. 

I had rather submit our industrial controversies to the conference tablein advance than to a settlement table after conflict and suffering. Theearth is thirsting for the cup of good will, understanding is itsfountain source. I would like to acclaim an era of good feeling amiddependable prosperity and all the blessings which attend. 

It has been proved again and again that we cannot, while throwing ourmarkets open to the world, maintain American standards of living andopportunity, and hold our industrial eminence in such unequalcompetition. There is a luring fallacy in the theory of banishedbarriers of trade, but preserved American standards require our higherproduction costs to be reflected in our tariffs on imports. Today, asnever before, when peoples are seeking trade restoration and expansion, we must adjust our tariffs to the new order. We seek participation inthe world's exchanges, because therein lies our way to widened influenceand the triumphs of peace. We know full well we cannot sell where we donot buy, and we cannot sell successfully where we do not carry. Opportunity is calling not alone for the restoration, but for a new erain production, transportation and trade. We shall answer it best bymeeting the demand of a surpassing home market, by promotingself-reliance in production, and by bidding enterprise, genius, andefficiency to carry our cargoes in American bottoms to the marts of theworld. 

We would not have an America living within and for herself alone, but wewould have her self-reliant, independent, and ever nobler, stronger, andricher. Believing in our higher standards, reared through constitutionalliberty and maintained opportunity, we invite the world to the sameheights. But pride in things wrought is no reflex of a completed task. Common welfare is the goal of our national endeavor. Wealth is notinimical to welfare; it ought to be its friendliest agency. There nevercan be equality of rewards or possessions so long as the human plancontains varied talents and differing degrees of industry and thrift, but ours ought to be a country free from the great blotches ofdistressed poverty. We ought to find a way to guard against the perilsand penalties of unemployment. We want an America of homes, illuminedwith hope and happiness, where mothers, freed from the necessity forlong hours of toil beyond their own doors, may preside as befits thehearthstone of American citizenship. We want the cradle of Americanchildhood rocked under conditions so wholesome and so hopeful that noblight may touch it in its development, and we want to provide that noselfish interest, no material necessity, no lack of opportunity shallprevent the gaining of that education so essential to best citizenship. 

There is no short cut to the making of these ideals into glad realities. The world has witnessed again and again the futility and the mischief ofill-considered remedies for social and economic disorders. But we aremindful today as never before of the friction of modern industrialism, and we must learn its causes and reduce its evil consequences by soberand tested methods. Where genius has made for great possibilities, justice and happiness must be reflected in a greater common welfare. 

Service is the supreme commitment of life. I would rejoice to acclaimthe era of the Golden Rule and crown it with the autocracy of service. Ipledge an administration wherein all the agencies of Government arecalled to serve, and ever promote an understanding of Government purelyas an expression of the popular will. 

One cannot stand in this presence and be unmindful of the tremendousresponsibility. The world upheaval has added heavily to our tasks. Butwith the realization comes the surge of high resolve, and there isreassurance in belief in the God-given destiny of our Republic. If Ifelt that there is to be sole responsibility in the Executive for theAmerica of tomorrow I should shrink from the burden. But here are ahundred millions, with common concern and shared responsibility, answerable to God and country. The Republic summons them to their duty, and I invite co-operation. 

I accept my part with single-mindedness of purpose and humility ofspirit, and implore the favor and guidance of God in His Heaven. Withthese I am unafraid, and confidently face the future. 

I have taken the solemn oath of office on that passage of Holy Writwherein it is asked: "What doth the Lord require of thee but to dojustly, and to love mercy, and to walk humbly with thy God?" This Iplight to God and country. 

* * * * *

CALVIN COOLIDGE, INAUGURAL ADDRESS

WEDNESDAY, MARCH 4, 1925

[Transcriber's note: In 1923 President Coolidge first took the oath ofoffice, administered by his father, a justice of the peace and a notary, in his family's sitting room in Plymouth, Vermont. President Harding haddied while traveling in the western States. A year later, the Presidentwas elected on the slogan "Keep Cool with Coolidge. " Chief JusticeWilliam Howard Taft administered the oath of office on the East Porticoof the Capitol. The event was broadcast to the nation by radio. ]

My Countrymen:

No one can contemplate current conditions without finding much that issatisfying and still more that is encouraging. Our own country isleading the world in the general readjustment to the results of thegreat conflict. Many of its burdens will bear heavily upon us for years, and the secondary and indirect effects we must expect to experience forsome time. But we are beginning to comprehend more definitely whatcourse should be pursued, what remedies ought to be applied, whatactions should be taken for our deliverance, and are clearly manifestinga determined will faithfully and conscientiously to adopt these methodsof relief. Already we have sufficiently rearranged our domestic affairsso that confidence has returned, business has revived, and we appear tobe entering an era of prosperity which is gradually reaching into everypart of the Nation. Realizing that we can not live unto ourselves alone, we have contributed of our resources and our counsel to the relief ofthe suffering and the settlement of the disputes among the Europeannations. Because of what America is and what America has done, a firmercourage, a higher hope, inspires the heart of all humanity. 

These results have not occurred by mere chance. They have been securedby a constant and enlightened effort marked by many sacrifices andextending over many generations. We can not continue these brilliantsuccesses in the future, unless we continue to learn from the past. Itis necessary to keep the former experiences of our country both at homeand abroad continually before us, if we are to have any science ofgovernment. If we wish to erect new structures, we must have a definiteknowledge of the old foundations. We must realize that human nature isabout the most constant thing in the universe and that the essentials ofhuman relationship do not change. We must frequently take our bearingsfrom these fixed stars of our political firmament if we expect to hold atrue course. If we examine carefully what we have done, we can determinethe more accurately what we can do. 

We stand at the opening of the one hundred and fiftieth year since ournational consciousness first asserted itself by unmistakable action withan array of force. The old sentiment of detached and dependent coloniesdisappeared in the new sentiment of a united and independent Nation. Menbegan to discard the narrow confines of a local charter for the broaderopportunities of a national constitution. Under the eternal urge offreedom we became an independent Nation. A little less than 50 yearslater that freedom and independence were reasserted in the face of allthe world, and guarded, supported, and secured by the Monroe doctrine. The narrow fringe of States along the Atlantic seaboard advanced itsfrontiers across the hills and plains of an intervening continent untilit passed down the golden slope to the Pacific. We made freedom abirthright. We extended our domain over distant islands in order tosafeguard our own interests and accepted the consequent obligation tobestow justice and liberty upon less favored peoples. In the defense ofour own ideals and in the general cause of liberty we entered the GreatWar. When victory had been fully secured, we withdrew to our own shoresunrecompensed save in the consciousness of duty done. 

Throughout all these experiences we have enlarged our freedom, we havestrengthened our independence. We have been, and propose to be, more andmore American. We believe that we can best serve our own country andmost successfully discharge our obligations to humanity by continuing tobe openly and candidly, in tensely and scrupulously, American. If wehave any heritage, it has been that. If we have any destiny, we havefound it in that direction. 

But if we wish to continue to be distinctively American, we mustcontinue to make that term comprehensive enough to embrace thelegitimate desires of a civilized and enlightened people determined inall their relations to pursue a conscientious and religious life. We cannot permit ourselves to be narrowed and dwarfed by slogans and phrases. It is not the adjective, but the substantive, which is of realimportance. It is not the name of the action, but the result of theaction, which is the chief concern. It will be well not to be too muchdisturbed by the thought of either isolation or entanglement ofpacifists and militarists. The physical configuration of the earth hasseparated us from all of the Old World, but the common brotherhood ofman, the highest law of all our being, has united us by inseparablebonds with all humanity. Our country represents nothing but peacefulintentions toward all the earth, but it ought not to fail to maintainsuch a military force as comports with the dignity and security of agreat people. It ought to be a balanced force, intensely modern, capableof defense by sea and land, beneath the surface and in the air. But itshould be so conducted that all the world may see in it, not a menace, but an instrument of security and peace. 

This Nation believes thoroughly in an honorable peace under which therights of its citizens are to be everywhere protected. It has neverfound that the necessary enjoyment of such a peace could be maintainedonly by a great and threatening array of arms. In common with othernations, it is now more determined than ever to promote peace throughfriendliness and good will, through mutual understandings and mutualforbearance. We have never practiced the policy of competitivearmaments. We have recently committed ourselves by covenants with theother great nations to a limitation of our sea power. As one result ofthis, our Navy ranks larger, in comparison, than it ever did before. Removing the burden of expense and jealousy, which must always accruefrom a keen rivalry, is one of the most effective methods of diminishingthat unreasonable hysteria and misunderstanding which are the mostpotent means of fomenting war. This policy represents a new departure inthe world. It is a thought, an ideal, which has led to an entirely newline of action. It will not be easy to maintain. Some never moved fromtheir old positions, some are constantly slipping back to the old waysof thought and the old action of seizing a musket and relying on force. America has taken the lead in this new direction, and that lead Americamust continue to hold. If we expect others to rely on our fairness andjustice we must show that we rely on their fairness and justice. 

If we are to judge by past experience, there is much to be hoped for ininternational relations from frequent conferences and consultations. Wehave before us the beneficial results of the Washington conference andthe various consultations recently held upon European affairs, some ofwhich were in response to our suggestions and in some of which we wereactive participants. Even the failures can not but be accounted usefuland an immeasurable advance over threatened or actual warfare. I amstrongly in favor of continuation of this policy, whenever conditionsare such that there is even a promise that practical and favorableresults might be secured. 

In conformity with the principle that a display of reason rather than athreat of force should be the determining factor in the intercourseamong nations, we have long advocated the peaceful settlement ofdisputes by methods of arbitration and have negotiated many treaties tosecure that result. The same considerations should lead to our adherenceto the Permanent Court of International Justice. Where great principlesare involved, where great movements are under way which promise much forthe welfare of humanity by reason of the very fact that many othernations have given such movements their actual support, we ought not towithhold our own sanction because of any small and inessentialdifference, but only upon the ground of the most important andcompelling fundamental reasons. We can not barter away our independenceor our sovereignty, but we ought to engage in no refinements of logic, no sophistries, and no subterfuges, to argue away the undoubted duty ofthis country by reason of the might of its numbers, the power of itsresources, and its position of leadership in the world, actively andcomprehensively to signify its approval and to bear its full share ofthe responsibility of a candid and disinterested attempt at theestablishment of a tribunal for the administration of even-handedjustice between nation and nation. The weight of our enormous influencemust be cast upon the side of a reign not of force but of law and trial, not by battle but by reason. 

We have never any wish to interfere in the political conditions of anyother countries. Especially are we determined not to become implicatedin the political controversies of the Old World. With a great deal ofhesitation, we have responded to appeals for help to maintain order, protect life and property, and establish responsible government in someof the small countries of the Western Hemisphere. Our private citizenshave advanced large sums of money to assist in the necessary financingand relief of the Old World. We have not failed, nor shall we fail torespond, whenever necessary to mitigate human suffering and assist inthe rehabilitation of distressed nations. These, too, are requirementswhich must be met by reason of our vast powers and the place we hold inthe world. 

Some of the best thought of mankind has long been seeking for a formulafor permanent peace. Undoubtedly the clarification of the principles ofinternational law would be helpful, and the efforts of scholars toprepare such a work for adoption by the various nations should have oursympathy and support. Much may be hoped for from the earnest studies ofthose who advocate the outlawing of aggressive war. But all these plansand preparations, these treaties and covenants, will not of themselvesbe adequate. One of the greatest dangers to peace lies in the economicpressure to which people find themselves subjected. One of the mostpractical things to be done in the world is to seek arrangements underwhich such pressure may be removed, so that opportunity may be renewedand hope may be revived. There must be some assurance that effort andendeavor will be followed by success and prosperity. In the making andfinancing of such adjustments there is not only an opportunity, but areal duty, for America to respond with her counsel and her resources. Conditions must be provided under which people can make a living andwork out of their difficulties. But there is another element, moreimportant than all, without which there can not be the slightest hope ofa permanent peace. That element lies in the heart of humanity. Unlessthe desire for peace be cherished there, unless this fundamental andonly natural source of brotherly love be cultivated to its highestdegree, all artificial efforts will be in vain. Peace will come whenthere is realization that only under a reign of law, based onrighteousness and supported by the religious conviction of thebrotherhood of man, can there be any hope of a complete and satisfyinglife. Parchment will fail, the sword will fail, it is only the spiritualnature of man that can be triumphant. 

It seems altogether probable that we can contribute most to theseimportant objects by maintaining our position of political detachmentand independence. We are not identified with any Old World interests. This position should be made more and more clear in our relations withall foreign countries. We are at peace with all of them. Our program isnever to oppress, but always to assist. But while we do justice toothers, we must require that justice be done to us. With us a treaty ofpeace means peace, and a treaty of amity means amity. We have made greatcontributions to the settlement of contentious differences in bothEurope and Asia. But there is a very definite point beyond which we cannot go. We can only help those who help themselves. Mindful of theselimitations, the one great duty that stands out requires us to use ourenormous powers to trim the balance of the world. 

While we can look with a great deal of pleasure upon what we have doneabroad, we must remember that our continued success in that directiondepends upon what we do at home. Since its very outset, it has beenfound necessary to conduct our Government by means of political parties. That system would not have survived from generation to generation if ithad not been fundamentally sound and provided the best instrumentalitiesfor the most complete expression of the popular will. It is notnecessary to claim that it has always worked perfectly. It is enough toknow that nothing better has been devised. No one would deny that thereshould be full and free expression and an opportunity for independenceof action within the party. There is no salvation in a narrow andbigoted partisanship. But if there is to be responsible partygovernment, the party label must be something more than a mere devicefor securing office. Unless those who are elected under the same partydesignation are willing to assume sufficient responsibility and exhibitsufficient loyalty and coherence, so that they can cooperate with eachother in the support of the broad general principles, of the partyplatform, the election is merely a mockery, no decision is made at thepolls, and there is no representation of the popular will. Commonhonesty and good faith with the people who support a party at the pollsrequire that party, when it enters office, to assume the control of thatportion of the Government to which it has been elected. Any other courseis bad faith and a violation of the party pledges. 

When the country has bestowed its confidence upon a party by making it amajority in the Congress, it has a right to expect such unity of actionas will make the party majority an effective instrument of government. This Administration has come into power with a very clear and definitemandate from the people. The expression of the popular will in favor ofmaintaining our constitutional guarantees was overwhelming and decisive. There was a manifestation of such faith in the integrity of the courtsthat we can consider that issue rejected for some time to come. Likewise, the policy of public ownership of railroads and certainelectric utilities met with unmistakable defeat. The people declaredthat they wanted their rights to have not a political but a judicialdetermination, and their independence and freedom continued andsupported by having the ownership and control of their property, not inthe Government, but in their own hands. As they always do when they havea fair chance, the people demonstrated that they are sound and aredetermined to have a sound government. 

When we turn from what was rejected to inquire what was accepted, thepolicy that stands out with the greatest clearness is that of economy inpublic expenditure with reduction and reform of taxation. The principleinvolved in this effort is that of conservation. The resources of thiscountry are almost beyond computation. No mind can comprehend them. Butthe cost of our combined governments is likewise almost beyonddefinition. Not only those who are now making their tax returns, butthose who meet the enhanced cost of existence in their monthly bills, know by hard experience what this great burden is and what it does. Nomatter what others may want, these people want a drastic economy. Theyare opposed to waste. They know that extravagance lengthens the hoursand diminishes the rewards of their labor. I favor the policy ofeconomy, not because I wish to save money, but because I wish to savepeople. The men and women of this country who toil are the ones who bearthe cost of the Government. Every dollar that we carelessly waste meansthat their life will be so much the more meager. Every dollar that weprudently save means that their life will be so much the more abundant. Economy is idealism in its most practical form. 

If extravagance were not reflected in taxation, and through taxationboth directly and indirectly injuriously affecting the people, it wouldnot be of so much consequence. The wisest and soundest method of solvingour tax problem is through economy. Fortunately, of all the greatnations this country is best in a position to adopt that simple remedy. We do not any longer need wartime revenues. The collection of any taxeswhich are not absolutely required, which do not beyond reasonable doubtcontribute to the public welfare, is only a species of legalizedlarceny. Under this republic the rewards of industry belong to those whoearn them. The only constitutional tax is the tax which ministers topublic necessity. The property of the country belongs to the people ofthe country. Their title is absolute. They do not support any privilegedclass; they do not need to maintain great military forces; they oughtnot to be burdened with a great array of public employees. They are notrequired to make any contribution to Government expenditures except thatwhich they voluntarily assess upon themselves through the action oftheir own representatives. Whenever taxes become burdensome a remedy canbe applied by the people; but if they do not act for themselves, no onecan be very successful in acting for them. 

The time is arriving when we can have further tax reduction, when, unless we wish to hamper the people in their right to earn a living, wemust have tax reform. The method of raising revenue ought not to impedethe transaction of business; it ought to encourage it. I am opposed toextremely high rates, because they produce little or no revenue, becausethey are bad for the country, and, finally, because they are wrong. Wecan not finance the country, we can not improve social conditions, through any system of injustice, even if we attempt to inflict it uponthe rich. Those who suffer the most harm will be the poor. This countrybelieves in prosperity. It is absurd to suppose that it is envious ofthose who are already prosperous. The wise and correct course to followin taxation and all other economic legislation is not to destroy thosewho have already secured success but to create conditions under whichevery one will have a better chance to be successful. The verdict of thecountry has been given on this question. That verdict stands. We shalldo well to heed it. 

These questions involve moral issues. We need not concern ourselves muchabout the rights of property if we will faithfully observe the rights ofpersons. Under our institutions their rights are supreme. It is notproperty but the right to hold property, both great and small, which ourConstitution guarantees. All owners of property are charged with aservice. These rights and duties have been revealed, through theconscience of society, to have a divine sanction. The very stability ofour society rests upon production and conservation. For individuals orfor governments to waste and squander their resources is to deny theserights and disregard these obligations. The result of economicdissipation to a nation is always moral decay. 

These policies of better international understandings, greater economy, and lower taxes have contributed largely to peaceful and prosperousindustrial relations. Under the helpful influences of restrictiveimmigration and a protective tariff, employment is plentiful, the rateof pay is high, and wage earners are in a state of contentment seldombefore seen. Our transportation systems have been gradually recoveringand have been able to meet all the requirements of the service. Agriculture has been very slow in reviving, but the price of cereals atlast indicates that the day of its deliverance is at hand. 

We are not without our problems, but our most important problem is notto secure new advantages but to maintain those which we already possess. Our system of government made up of three separate and independentdepartments, our divided sovereignty composed of Nation and State, thematchless wisdom that is enshrined in our Constitution, all these needconstant effort and tireless vigilance for their protection and support. 

In a republic the first rule for the guidance of the citizen isobedience to law. Under a despotism the law may be imposed upon thesubject. He has no voice in its making, no influence in itsadministration, it does not represent him. Under a free government thecitizen makes his own laws, chooses his own administrators, which dorepresent him. Those who want their rights respected under theConstitution and the law ought to set the example themselves ofobserving the Constitution and the law. While there may be those of highintelligence who violate the law at times, the barbarian and thedefective always violate it. Those who disregard the rules of societyare not exhibiting a superior intelligence, are not promoting freedomand independence, are not following the path of civilization, but aredisplaying the traits of ignorance, of servitude, of savagery, andtreading the way that leads back to the jungle. 

The essence of a republic is representative government. Our Congressrepresents the people and the States. In all legislative affairs it isthe natural collaborator with the President. In spite of all thecriticism which often falls to its lot, I do not hesitate to say thatthere is no more independent and effective legislative body in theworld. It is, and should be, jealous of its prerogative. I welcome itscooperation, and expect to share with it not only the responsibility, but the credit, for our common effort to secure beneficial legislation. 

These are some of the principles which America represents. We have notby any means put them fully into practice, but we have stronglysignified our belief in them. The encouraging feature of our country isnot that it has reached its destination, but that it has overwhelminglyexpressed its determination to proceed in the right direction. It istrue that we could, with profit, be less sectional and more national inour thought. It would be well if we could replace much that is only afalse and ignorant prejudice with a true and enlightened pride of race. But the last election showed that appeals to class and nationality hadlittle effect. We were all found loyal to a common citizenship. Thefundamental precept of liberty is toleration. We can not permit anyinquisition either within or without the law or apply any religious testto the holding of office. The mind of America must be forever free. 

It is in such contemplations, my fellow countrymen, which are notexhaustive but only representative, that I find ample warrant forsatisfaction and encouragement. We should not let the much that is to doobscure the much which has been done. The past and present show faithand hope and courage fully justified. Here stands our country, anexample of tranquillity at home, a patron of tranquillity abroad. Herestands its Government, aware of its might but obedient to itsconscience. Here it will continue to stand, seeking peace andprosperity, solicitous for the welfare of the wage earner, promotingenterprise, developing waterways and natural resources, attentive to theintuitive counsel of womanhood, encouraging education, desiring theadvancement of religion, supporting the cause of justice and honor amongthe nations. America seeks no earthly empire built on blood and force. No ambition, no temptation, lures her to thought of foreign dominions. The legions which she sends forth are armed, not with the sword, butwith the cross. The higher state to which she seeks the allegiance ofall mankind is not of human, but of divine origin. She cherishes nopurpose save to merit the favor of Almighty God. 

* * * * *

HERBERT HOOVER, INAUGURAL ADDRESS

MONDAY, MARCH 4, 1929

[Transcriber's note: Popular opinion for the engineer, humanitarian, andSecretary of Commerce brought the President-elect to office withexpectations of continued national growth and prosperity. Chief JusticeWilliam Howard Taft administered the oath of office on the East Porticoof the Capitol. On taking his first elective office, the new Presidentaddressed a large crowd in the drizzling rain. Dirigibles and aircraftflew over the Capitol to mark the occasion. ]

My Countrymen:

This occasion is not alone the administration of the most sacred oathwhich can be assumed by an American citizen. It is a dedication andconsecration under God to the highest office in service of our people. Iassume this trust in the humility of knowledge that only through theguidance of Almighty Providence can I hope to discharge itsever-increasing burdens. 

It is in keeping with tradition throughout our history that I shouldexpress simply and directly the opinions which I hold concerning some ofthe matters of present importance. 

OUR PROGRESS

If we survey the situation of our Nation both at home and abroad, wefind many satisfactions; we find some causes for concern. We haveemerged from the losses of the Great War and the reconstructionfollowing it with increased virility and strength. From this strength wehave contributed to the recovery and progress of the world. What Americahas done has given renewed hope and courage to all who have faith ingovernment by the people. In the large view, we have reached a higherdegree of comfort and security than ever existed before in the historyof the world. Through liberation from widespread poverty we have reacheda higher degree of individual freedom than ever before. The devotion toand concern for our institutions are deep and sincere. We are steadilybuilding a new race--a new civilization great in its own attainments. The influence and high purposes of our Nation are respected among thepeoples of the world. We aspire to distinction in the world, but to adistinction based upon confidence in our sense of justice as well as ouraccomplishments within our own borders and in our own lives. For wiseguidance in this great period of recovery the Nation is deeply indebtedto Calvin Coolidge. 

But all this majestic advance should not obscure the constant dangersfrom which self-government must be safeguarded. The strong man must atall times be alert to the attack of insidious disease. 

THE FAILURE OF OUR SYSTEM OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE

The most malign of all these dangers today is disregard and disobedienceof law. Crime is increasing. Confidence in rigid and speedy justice isdecreasing. I am not prepared to believe that this indicates any decayin the moral fiber of the American people. I am not prepared to believethat it indicates an impotence of the Federal Government to enforce itslaws. 

It is only in part due to the additional burdens imposed upon ourjudicial system by the eighteenth amendment. The problem is much widerthan that. Many influences had increasingly complicated and weakened ourlaw enforcement organization long before the adoption of the eighteenthamendment. 

To reestablish the vigor and effectiveness of law enforcement we mustcritically consider the entire Federal machinery of justice, theredistribution of its functions, the simplification of its procedure, the provision of additional special tribunals, the better selection ofjuries, and the more effective organization of our agencies ofinvestigation and prosecution that justice may be sure and that it maybe swift. While the authority of the Federal Government extends to butpart of our vast system of national, State, and local justice, yet thestandards which the Federal Government establishes have the mostprofound influence upon the whole structure. 

We are fortunate in the ability and integrity of our Federal judges andattorneys. But the system which these officers are called upon toadminister is in many respects ill adapted to present-day conditions. Its intricate and involved rules of procedure have become the refuge ofboth big and little criminals. There is a belief abroad that by invokingtechnicalities, subterfuge, and delay, the ends of justice may bethwarted by those who can pay the cost. 

Reform, reorganization and strengthening of our whole judicial andenforcement system, both in civil and criminal sides, have beenadvocated for years by statesmen, judges, and bar associations. Firststeps toward that end should not longer be delayed. Rigid andexpeditious justice is the first safeguard of freedom, the basis of allordered liberty, the vital force of progress. It must not come to be inour Republic that it can be defeated by the indifference of the citizen, by exploitation of the delays and entanglements of the law, or bycombinations of criminals. Justice must not fail because the agencies ofenforcement are either delinquent or inefficiently organized. Toconsider these evils, to find their remedy, is the most sore necessityof our times. 

ENFORCEMENT OF THE EIGHTEENTH AMENDMENT

Of the undoubted abuses which have grown up under the eighteenthamendment, part are due to the causes I have just mentioned; but partare due to the failure of some States to accept their share ofresponsibility for concurrent enforcement and to the failure of manyState and local officials to accept the obligation under their oath ofoffice zealously to enforce the laws. With the failures from these manycauses has come a dangerous expansion in the criminal elements who havefound enlarged opportunities in dealing in illegal liquor. 

But a large responsibility rests directly upon our citizens. There wouldbe little traffic in illegal liquor if only criminals patronized it. Wemust awake to the fact that this patronage from large numbers oflaw-abiding citizens is supplying the rewards and stimulating crime. 

I have been selected by you to execute and enforce the laws of thecountry. I propose to do so to the extent of my own abilities, but themeasure of success that the Government shall attain will depend upon themoral support which you, as citizens, extend. The duty of citizens tosupport the laws of the land is coequal with the duty of theirGovernment to enforce the laws which exist. No greater national servicecan be given by men and women of good will--who, I know, are notunmindful of the responsibilities of citizenship--than that they should, by their example, assist in stamping out crime and outlawry by refusingparticipation in and condemning all transactions with illegal liquor. Our whole system of self-government will crumble either if officialselect what laws they will enforce or citizens elect what laws they willsupport. The worst evil of disregard for some law is that it destroysrespect for all law. For our citizens to patronize the violation of aparticular law on the ground that they are opposed to it is destructiveof the very basis of all that protection of life, of homes and propertywhich they rightly claim under other laws. If citizens do not like alaw, their duty as honest men and women is to discourage its violation;their right is openly to work for its repeal. 

To those of criminal mind there can be no appeal but vigorousenforcement of the law. Fortunately they are but a small percentage ofour people. Their activities must be stopped. 

A NATIONAL INVESTIGATION

I propose to appoint a national commission for a searching investigationof the whole structure of our Federal system of jurisprudence, toinclude the method of enforcement of the eighteenth amendment and thecauses of abuse under it. Its purpose will be to make suchrecommendations for reorganization of the administration of Federal lawsand court procedure as may be found desirable. In the meantime it isessential that a large part of the enforcement activities be transferredfrom the Treasury Department to the Department of Justice as a beginningof more effective organization. 

THE RELATION OF GOVERNMENT TO BUSINESS

The election has again confirmed the determination of the Americanpeople that regulation of private enterprise and not Governmentownership or operation is the course rightly to be pursued in ourrelation to business. In recent years we have established adifferentiation in the whole method of business regulation between theindustries which produce and distribute commodities on the one hand andpublic utilities on the other. In the former, our laws insist uponeffective competition; in the latter, because we substantially confer amonopoly by limiting competition, we must regulate their services andrates. The rigid enforcement of the laws applicable to both groups isthe very base of equal opportunity and freedom from domination for allour people, and it is just as essential for the stability and prosperityof business itself as for the protection of the public at large. Suchregulation should be extended by the Federal Government within thelimitations of the Constitution and only when the individual States arewithout power to protect their citizens through their own authority. Onthe other hand, we should be fearless when the authority rests only inthe Federal Government. 

COOPERATION BY THE GOVERNMENT

The larger purpose of our economic thought should be to establish morefirmly stability and security of business and employment and therebyremove poverty still further from our borders. Our people have in recentyears developed a new-found capacity for cooperation among themselves toeffect high purposes in public welfare. It is an advance toward thehighest conception of self-government. Self-government does not andshould not imply the use of political agencies alone. Progress is bornof cooperation in the community--not from governmental restraints. TheGovernment should assist and encourage these movements of collectiveself-help by itself cooperating with them. Business has by cooperationmade great progress in the advancement of service, in stability, inregularity of employment and in the correction of its own abuses. Suchprogress, however, can continue only so long as business manifests itsrespect for law. 

There is an equally important field of cooperation by the FederalGovernment with the multitude of agencies, State, municipal and private, in the systematic development of those processes which directly affectpublic health, recreation, education, and the home. We have need furtherto perfect the means by which Government can be adapted to humanservice. 

EDUCATION

Although education is primarily a responsibility of the States and localcommunities, and rightly so, yet the Nation as a whole is vitallyconcerned in its development everywhere to the highest standards and tocomplete universality. Self-government can succeed only through aninstructed electorate. Our objective is not simply to overcomeilliteracy. The Nation has marched far beyond that. The more complex theproblems of the Nation become, the greater is the need for more and moreadvanced instruction. Moreover, as our numbers increase and as our lifeexpands with science and invention, we must discover more and moreleaders for every walk of life. We can not hope to succeed in directingthis increasingly complex civilization unless we can draw all the talentof leadership from the whole people. One civilization after another hasbeen wrecked upon the attempt to secure sufficient leadership from asingle group or class. If we would prevent the growth of classdistinctions and would constantly refresh our leadership with the idealsof our people, we must draw constantly from the general mass. The fullopportunity for every boy and girl to rise through the selectiveprocesses of education can alone secure to us this leadership. 

PUBLIC HEALTH

In public health the discoveries of science have opened a new era. Manysections of our country and many groups of our citizens suffer fromdiseases the eradication of which are mere matters of administration andmoderate expenditure. Public health service should be as fully organizedand as universally incorporated into our governmental system as ispublic education. The returns are a thousand fold in economic benefits, and infinitely more in reduction of suffering and promotion of humanhappiness. 

WORLD PEACE

The United States fully accepts the profound truth that our ownprogress, prosperity, and peace are interlocked with the progress, prosperity, and peace of all humanity. The whole world is at peace. Thedangers to a continuation of this peace to-day are largely the fear andsuspicion which still haunt the world. No suspicion or fear can berightly directed toward our country. 

Those who have a true understanding of America know that we have nodesire for territorial expansion, for economic or other domination ofother peoples. Such purposes are repugnant to our ideals of humanfreedom. Our form of government is ill adapted to the responsibilitieswhich inevitably follow permanent limitation of the independence ofother peoples. Superficial observers seem to find no destiny for ourabounding increase in population, in wealth and power except that ofimperialism. They fail to see that the American people are engrossed inthe building for themselves of a new economic system, a new socialsystem, a new political system all of which are characterized byaspirations of freedom of opportunity and thereby are the negation ofimperialism. They fail to realize that because of our aboundingprosperity our youth are pressing more and more into our institutions oflearning; that our people are seeking a larger vision through art, literature, science, and travel; that they are moving toward strongermoral and spiritual life--that from these things our sympathies arebroadening beyond the bounds of our Nation and race toward their trueexpression in a real brotherhood of man. They fail to see that theidealism of America will lead it to no narrow or selfish channel, butinspire it to do its full share as a nation toward the advancement ofcivilization. It will do that not by mere declaration but by taking apractical part in supporting all useful international undertakings. Wenot only desire peace with the world, but to see peace maintainedthroughout the world. We wish to advance the reign of justice and reasontoward the extinction of force. 

The recent treaty for the renunciation of war as an instrument ofnational policy sets an advanced standard in our conception of therelations of nations. Its acceptance should pave the way to greaterlimitation of armament, the offer of which we sincerely extend to theworld. But its full realization also implies a greater and greaterperfection in the instrumentalities for pacific settlement ofcontroversies between nations. In the creation and use of theseinstrumentalities we should support every sound method of conciliation, arbitration, and judicial settlement. American statesmen were among thefirst to propose and they have constantly urged upon the world, theestablishment of a tribunal for the settlement of controversies of ajusticiable character. The Permanent Court of International Justice inits major purpose is thus peculiarly identified with American ideals andwith American statesmanship. No more potent instrumentality for thispurpose has ever been conceived and no other is practicable ofestablishment. The reservations placed upon our adherence should not bemisinterpreted. The United States seeks by these reservations no specialprivilege or advantage but only to clarify our relation to advisoryopinions and other matters which are subsidiary to the major purpose ofthe court. The way should, and I believe will, be found by which we maytake our proper place in a movement so fundamental to the progress ofpeace. 

Our people have determined that we should make no political engagementssuch as membership in the League of Nations, which may commit us inadvance as a nation to become involved in the settlements ofcontroversies between other countries. They adhere to the belief thatthe independence of America from such obligations increases its abilityand availability for service in all fields of human progress. 

I have lately returned from a journey among our sister Republics of theWestern Hemisphere. I have received unbounded hospitality and courtesyas their expression of friendliness to our country. We are held byparticular bonds of sympathy and common interest with them. They areeach of them building a racial character and a culture which is animpressive contribution to human progress. We wish only for themaintenance of their independence, the growth of their stability, andtheir prosperity. While we have had wars in the Western Hemisphere, yeton the whole the record is in encouraging contrast with that of otherparts of the world. Fortunately the New World is largely free from theinheritances of fear and distrust which have so troubled the Old World. We should keep it so. 

It is impossible, my countrymen, to speak of peace without profoundemotion. In thousands of homes in America, in millions of homes aroundthe world, there are vacant chairs. It would be a shameful confession ofour unworthiness if it should develop that we have abandoned the hopefor which all these men died. Surely civilization is old enough, surelymankind is mature enough so that we ought in our own lifetime to find away to permanent peace. Abroad, to west and east, are nations whose sonsmingled their blood with the blood of our sons on the battlefields. Mostof these nations have contributed to our race, to our culture, ourknowledge, and our progress. From one of them we derive our verylanguage and from many of them much of the genius of our institutions. Their desire for peace is as deep and sincere as our own. 

Peace can be contributed to by respect for our ability in defense. Peacecan be promoted by the limitation of arms and by the creation of theinstrumentalities for peaceful settlement of controversies. But it willbecome a reality only through self-restraint and active effort infriendliness and helpfulness. I covet for this administration a recordof having further contributed to advance the cause of peace. 

PARTY RESPONSIBILITIES

In our form of democracy the expression of the popular will can beeffected only through the instrumentality of political parties. Wemaintain party government not to promote intolerant partisanship butbecause opportunity must be given for expression of the popular will, and organization provided for the execution of its mandates and foraccountability of government to the people. It follows that thegovernment both in the executive and the legislative branches must carryout in good faith the platforms upon which the party was entrusted withpower. But the government is that of the whole people; the party is theinstrument through which policies are determined and men chosen to bringthem into being. The animosities of elections should have no place inour Government, for government must concern itself alone with the commonweal. 

SPECIAL SESSION OF THE CONGRESS

Action upon some of the proposals upon which the Republican Party wasreturned to power, particularly further agricultural relief and limitedchanges in the tariff, cannot in justice to our farmers, our labor, andour manufacturers be postponed. I shall therefore request a specialsession of Congress for the consideration of these two questions. Ishall deal with each of them upon the assembly of the Congress. 

OTHER MANDATES FROM THE ELECTION

It appears to me that the more important further mandates from therecent election were the maintenance of the integrity of theConstitution; the vigorous enforcement of the laws; the continuance ofeconomy in public expenditure; the continued regulation of business toprevent domination in the community; the denial of ownership oroperation of business by the Government in competition with itscitizens; the avoidance of policies which would involve us in thecontroversies of foreign nations; the more effective reorganization ofthe departments of the Federal Government; the expansion of publicworks; and the promotion of welfare activities affecting education andthe home. 

These were the more tangible determinations of the election, but beyondthem was the confidence and belief of the people that we would notneglect the support of the embedded ideals and aspirations of America. These ideals and aspirations are the touchstones upon which theday-to-day administration and legislative acts of government must betested. More than this, the Government must, so far as lies within itsproper powers, give leadership to the realization of these ideals and tothe fruition of these aspirations. No one can adequately reduce thesethings of the spirit to phrases or to a catalogue of definitions. We doknow what the attainments of these ideals should be: The preservation ofself-government and its full foundations in local government; theperfection of justice whether in economic or in social fields; themaintenance of ordered liberty; the denial of domination by any group orclass; the building up and preservation of equality of opportunity; thestimulation of initiative and individuality; absolute integrity inpublic affairs; the choice of officials for fitness to office; thedirection of economic progress toward prosperity for the furtherlessening of poverty; the freedom of public opinion; the sustaining ofeducation and of the advancement of knowledge; the growth of religiousspirit and the tolerance of all faiths; the strengthening of the home;the advancement of peace. 

There is no short road to the realization of these aspirations. Ours isa progressive people, but with a determination that progress must bebased upon the foundation of experience. Ill-considered remedies forour faults bring only penalties after them. But if we hold the faith ofthe men in our mighty past who created these ideals, we shall leave themheightened and strengthened for our children. 

CONCLUSION

This is not the time and place for extended discussion. The questionsbefore our country are problems of progress to higher standards; theyare not the problems of degeneration. They demand thought and they serveto quicken the conscience and enlist our sense of responsibility fortheir settlement. And that responsibility rests upon you, my countrymen, as much as upon those of us who have been selected for office. 

Ours is a land rich in resources; stimulating in its glorious beauty;filled with millions of happy homes; blessed with comfort andopportunity. In no nation are the institutions of progress moreadvanced. In no nation are the fruits of accomplishment more secure. Inno nation is the government more worthy of respect. No country is moreloved by its people. I have an abiding faith in their capacity, integrity and high purpose. I have no fears for the future of ourcountry. It is bright with hope. 

In the presence of my countrymen, mindful of the solemnity of thisoccasion, knowing what the task means and the responsibility which itinvolves, I beg your tolerance, your aid, and your cooperation. I askthe help of Almighty God in this service to my country to which you havecalled me. 

* * * * *

FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT, FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS

SATURDAY, MARCH 4, 1933

[Transcriber's note: The former Governor of New York rode to the Capitolwith President Hoover. Pressures of the economy faced thePresident-elect as he took his oath of office from Chief Justice CharlesEvans Hughes on the East Portico of the Capitol. He addressed the nationby radio and announced his plans for a New Deal. Throughout that day thePresident met with his Cabinet designees at the White House. ]

I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my induction intothe Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision whichthe present situation of our Nation impels. This is preeminently thetime to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor needwe shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. Thisgreat Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and willprosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the onlything we have to fear is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustifiedterror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness andvigor has met with that understanding and support of the peoplethemselves which is essential to victory. I am convinced that you willagain give that support to leadership in these critical days. 

In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our commondifficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values haveshrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay hasfallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment ofincome; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; thewithered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers findno markets for their produce; the savings of many years in thousands offamilies are gone. 

More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem ofexistence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only afoolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment. 

Yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken byno plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathersconquered because they believed and were not afraid, we have still muchto be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human effortshave multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of itlanguishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily this is becausethe rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through theirown stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted theirfailure, and abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changersstand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the heartsand minds of men. 

True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern ofan outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit they have proposed onlythe lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which toinduce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resortedto exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They knowonly the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, andwhen there is no vision the people perish. 

The money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of ourcivilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. Themeasure of the restoration lies in the extent to which we apply socialvalues more noble than mere monetary profit. 

Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joyof achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy and moralstimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase ofevanescent profits. These dark days will be worth all they cost us ifthey teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but tominister to ourselves and to our fellow men. 

Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of successgoes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that publicoffice and high political position are to be valued only by thestandards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be anend to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given toa sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Smallwonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, onhonor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, onunselfish performance; without them it cannot live. 

Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nationasks for action, and action now. 

Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is nounsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can beaccomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at thesame time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly neededprojects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our natural resources. 

Hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance ofpopulation in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a nationalscale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the landfor those best fitted for the land. The task can be helped by definiteefforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with this thepower to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped bypreventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss throughforeclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped byinsistence that the Federal, State, and local governments act forthwithon the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helpedby the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, and unequal. It can be helped by national planning for andsupervision of all forms of transportation and of communications andother utilities which have a definitely public character. There are manyways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped merely bytalking about it. We must act and act quickly. 

Finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work we require twosafeguards against a return of the evils of the old order; there must bea strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; theremust be an end to speculation with other people's money, and there mustbe provision for an adequate but sound currency. 

There are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a newCongress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, andI shall seek the immediate assistance of the several States. 

Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our ownnational house in order and making income balance outgo. Ourinternational trade relations, though vastly important, are in point oftime and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound nationaleconomy. I favor as a practical policy the putting of first thingsfirst. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by internationaleconomic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on thataccomplishment. 

The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recoveryis not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a firstconsideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in allparts of the United States--a recognition of the old and permanentlyimportant manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is theway to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurancethat the recovery will endure. 

In the field of world policy I would dedicate this Nation to the policyof the good neighbor--the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others--the neighbor whorespects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements inand with a world of neighbors. 

If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we havenever realized before our interdependence on each other; that we can notmerely take but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, wemust move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the goodof a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress ismade, no leadership becomes effective. We are, I know, ready and willingto submit our lives and property to such discipline, because it makespossible a leadership which aims at a larger good. This I propose tooffer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us all as asacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in time ofarmed strife. 

With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of thisgreat army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon ourcommon problems. 

Action in this image and to this end is feasible under the form ofgovernment which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitutionis so simple and practical that it is possible always to meetextraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without lossof essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proveditself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern worldhas produced. It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, offoreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations. 

It is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislativeauthority may be wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task beforeus. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayedaction may call for temporary departure from that normal balance ofpublic procedure. 

I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measuresthat a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out ofits experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutionalauthority, to bring to speedy adoption. 

But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these twocourses, and in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. Ishall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet thecrisis--broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, asgreat as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invadedby a foreign foe. 

For the trust reposed in me I will return the courage and the devotionthat befit the time. I can do no less. 

We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of thenational unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and preciousmoral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the sternperformance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of arounded and permanent national life. 

We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of theUnited States have not failed. In their need they have registered amandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked fordiscipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the presentinstrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it. 

In this dedication of a Nation we humbly ask the blessing of God. May Heprotect each and every one of us. May He guide me in the days to come. 

* * * * *

FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT, SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS

WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 20, 1937

[Transcriber's note: For the first time the inauguration of the Presidentwas held on January 20, pursuant to the provisions of the 20th amendmentto the Constitution. Having won the election of 1936 by a wide margin, and looking forward to the advantage of Democratic gains in the Houseand Senate, the President confidently outlined the continuation of hisprograms. The oath of office was administered on the East Portico of theCapitol by Chief Justice Charles Evans Hughes. ]

When four years ago we met to inaugurate a President, the Republic, single-minded in anxiety, stood in spirit here. We dedicated ourselvesto the fulfillment of a vision--to speed the time when there would befor all the people that security and peace essential to the pursuit ofhappiness. We of the Republic pledged ourselves to drive from the templeof our ancient faith those who had profaned it; to end by action, tireless and unafraid, the stagnation and despair of that day. We didthose first things first. 

Our covenant with ourselves did not stop there. Instinctively werecognized a deeper need--the need to find through government theinstrument of our united purpose to solve for the individual theever-rising problems of a complex civilization. Repeated attempts attheir solution without the aid of government had left us baffled andbewildered. For, without that aid, we had been unable to create thosemoral controls over the services of science which are necessary to makescience a useful servant instead of a ruthless master of mankind. To dothis we knew that we must find practical controls over blind economicforces and blindly selfish men. 

We of the Republic sensed the truth that democratic government hasinnate capacity to protect its people against disasters once consideredinevitable, to solve problems once considered unsolvable. We would notadmit that we could not find a way to master economic epidemics just as, after centuries of fatalistic suffering, we had found a way to masterepidemics of disease. We refused to leave the problems of our commonwelfare to be solved by the winds of chance and the hurricanes ofdisaster. 

In this we Americans were discovering no wholly new truth; we werewriting a new chapter in our book of self-government. 

This year marks the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of theConstitutional Convention which made us a nation. At that Convention ourforefathers found the way out of the chaos which followed theRevolutionary War; they created a strong government with powers ofunited action sufficient then and now to solve problems utterly beyondindividual or local solution. A century and a half ago they establishedthe Federal Government in order to promote the general welfare andsecure the blessings of liberty to the American people. 

Today we invoke those same powers of government to achieve the sameobjectives. 

Four years of new experience have not belied our historic instinct. Theyhold out the clear hope that government within communities, governmentwithin the separate States, and government of the United States can dothe things the times require, without yielding its democracy. Our tasksin the last four years did not force democracy to take a holiday. 

Nearly all of us recognize that as intricacies of human relationshipsincrease, so power to govern them also must increase--power to stopevil; power to do good. The essential democracy of our Nation and thesafety of our people depend not upon the absence of power, but uponlodging it with those whom the people can change or continue at statedintervals through an honest and free system of elections. TheConstitution of 1787 did not make our democracy impotent. 

In fact, in these last four years, we have made the exercise of allpower more democratic; for we have begun to bring private autocraticpowers into their proper subordination to the public's government. Thelegend that they were invincible--above and beyond the processes of ademocracy--has been shattered. They have been challenged and beaten. 

Our progress out of the depression is obvious. But that is not all thatyou and I mean by the new order of things. Our pledge was not merely todo a patchwork job with secondhand materials. By using the new materialsof social justice we have undertaken to erect on the old foundations amore enduring structure for the better use of future generations. 

In that purpose we have been helped by achievements of mind and spirit. Old truths have been relearned; untruths have been unlearned. We havealways known that heedless self-interest was bad morals; we know nowthat it is bad economics. Out of the collapse of a prosperity whosebuilders boasted their practicality has come the conviction that in thelong run economic morality pays. We are beginning to wipe out the linethat divides the practical from the ideal; and in so doing we arefashioning an instrument of unimagined power for the establishment of amorally better world. 

This new understanding undermines the old admiration of worldly successas such. We are beginning to abandon our tolerance of the abuse of powerby those who betray for profit the elementary decencies of life. 

In this process evil things formerly accepted will not be so easilycondoned. Hard-headedness will not so easily excuse hardheartedness. Weare moving toward an era of good feeling. But we realize that there canbe no era of good feeling save among men of good will. 

For these reasons I am justified in believing that the greatest changewe have witnessed has been the change in the moral climate of America. 

Among men of good will, science and democracy together offer anever-richer life and ever-larger satisfaction to the individual. Withthis change in our moral climate and our rediscovered ability to improveour economic order, we have set our feet upon the road of enduringprogress. 

Shall we pause now and turn our back upon the road that lies ahead?Shall we call this the promised land? Or, shall we continue on our way?For "each age is a dream that is dying, or one that is coming to birth. "

Many voices are heard as we face a great decision. Comfort says, "Tarrya while. " Opportunism says, "This is a good spot. " Timidity asks, "Howdifficult is the road ahead?"

True, we have come far from the days of stagnation and despair. Vitalityhas been preserved. Courage and confidence have been restored. Mentaland moral horizons have been extended. 

But our present gains were won under the pressure of more than ordinarycircumstances. Advance became imperative under the goad of fear andsuffering. The times were on the side of progress. 

To hold to progress today, however, is more difficult. Dulledconscience, irresponsibility, and ruthless self-interest alreadyreappear. Such symptoms of prosperity may become portents of disaster!Prosperity already tests the persistence of our progressive purpose. 

Let us ask again: Have we reached the goal of our vision of that fourthday of March 1933? Have we found our happy valley?

I see a great nation, upon a great continent, blessed with a greatwealth of natural resources. Its hundred and thirty million people areat peace among themselves; they are making their country a good neighboramong the nations. I see a United States which can demonstrate that, under democratic methods of government, national wealth can betranslated into a spreading volume of human comforts hitherto unknown, and the lowest standard of living can be raised far above the level ofmere subsistence. 

But here is the challenge to our democracy: In this nation I see tens ofmillions of its citizens--a substantial part of its wholepopulation--who at this very moment are denied the greater part of whatthe very lowest standards of today call the necessities of life. 

I see millions of families trying to live on incomes so meager that thepall of family disaster hangs over them day by day. 

I see millions whose daily lives in city and on farm continue underconditions labeled indecent by a so-called polite society half a centuryago. 

I see millions denied education, recreation, and the opportunity tobetter their lot and the lot of their children. 

I see millions lacking the means to buy the products of farm and factoryand by their poverty denying work and productiveness to many othermillions. 

I see one-third of a nation ill-housed, ill-clad, ill-nourished. 

It is not in despair that I paint you that picture. I paint it for youin hope--because the Nation, seeing and understanding the injustice init, proposes to paint it out. We are determined to make every Americancitizen the subject of his country's interest and concern; and we willnever regard any faithful law-abiding group within our borders assuperfluous. The test of our progress is not whether we add more to theabundance of those who have much; it is whether we provide enough forthose who have too little. 

If I know aught of the spirit and purpose of our Nation, we will notlisten to Comfort, Opportunism, and Timidity. We will carry on. 

Overwhelmingly, we of the Republic are men and women of good will; menand women who have more than warm hearts of dedication; men and womenwho have cool heads and willing hands of practical purpose as well. Theywill insist that every agency of popular government use effectiveinstruments to carry out their will. 

Government is competent when all who compose it work as trustees for thewhole people. It can make constant progress when it keeps abreast of allthe facts. It can obtain justified support and legitimate criticism whenthe people receive true information of all that government does. 

If I know aught of the will of our people, they will demand that theseconditions of effective government shall be created and maintained. Theywill demand a nation uncorrupted by cancers of injustice and, therefore, strong among the nations in its example of the will to peace. 

Today we reconsecrate our country to long-cherished ideals in a suddenlychanged civilization. In every land there are always at work forces thatdrive men apart and forces that draw men together. In our personalambitions we are individualists. But in our seeking for economic andpolitical progress as a nation, we all go up, or else we all go down, asone people. 

To maintain a democracy of effort requires a vast amount of patience indealing with differing methods, a vast amount of humility. But out ofthe confusion of many voices rises an understanding of dominant publicneed. Then political leadership can voice common ideals, and aid intheir realization. 

In taking again the oath of office as President of the United States, Iassume the solemn obligation of leading the American people forwardalong the road over which they have chosen to advance. 

While this duty rests upon me I shall do my utmost to speak theirpurpose and to do their will, seeking Divine guidance to help us eachand every one to give light to them that sit in darkness and to guideour feet into the way of peace. 

* * * * *

FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT, THIRD INAUGURAL ADDRESS

MONDAY, JANUARY 20, 1941

[Transcriber's note: The only chief executive to serve more than twoterms, President Roosevelt took office for the third time as Europe andAsia engaged in war. The oath of office was administered by ChiefJustice Charles Evans Hughes on the East Portico of the Capitol. TheRoosevelts hosted a reception for several thousand visitors at the WhiteHouse later that day. ]

On each national day of inauguration since 1789, the people have renewedtheir sense of dedication to the United States. 

In Washington's day the task of the people was to create and weldtogether a nation. 

In Lincoln's day the task of the people was to preserve that Nation fromdisruption from within. 

In this day the task of the people is to save that Nation and itsinstitutions from disruption from without. 

To us there has come a time, in the midst of swift happenings, to pausefor a moment and take stock--to recall what our place in history hasbeen, and to rediscover what we are and what we may be. If we do not, werisk the real peril of inaction. 

Lives of nations are determined not by the count of years, but by thelifetime of the human spirit. The life of a man is three-score years andten: a little more, a little less. The life of a nation is the fullnessof the measure of its will to live. 

There are men who doubt this. There are men who believe that democracy, as a form of Government and a frame of life, is limited or measured by akind of mystical and artificial fate that, for some unexplained reason, tyranny and slavery have become the surging wave of the future--and thatfreedom is an ebbing tide. 

But we Americans know that this is not true. 

Eight years ago, when the life of this Republic seemed frozen by afatalistic terror, we proved that this is not true. We were in the midstof shock--but we acted. We acted quickly, boldly, decisively. 

These later years have been living years--fruitful years for the peopleof this democracy. For they have brought to us greater security and, Ihope, a better understanding that life's ideals are to be measured inother than material things. Most vital to our present and our future isthis experience of a democracy which successfully survived crisis athome; put away many evil things; built new structures on enduring lines;and, through it all, maintained the fact of its democracy. 

For action has been taken within the three-way framework of theConstitution of the United States. The coordinate branches of theGovernment continue freely to function. The Bill of Rights remainsinviolate. The freedom of elections is wholly maintained. Prophets ofthe downfall of American democracy have seen their dire predictions cometo naught. 

Democracy is not dying. 

We know it because we have seen it revive--and grow. 

We know it cannot die--because it is built on the unhampered initiativeof individual men and women joined together in a common enterprise--anenterprise undertaken and carried through by the free expression of afree majority. 

We know it because democracy alone, of all forms of government, enliststhe full force of men's enlightened will. 

We know it because democracy alone has constructed an unlimitedcivilization capable of infinite progress in the improvement of humanlife. 

We know it because, if we look below the surface, we sense it stillspreading on every continent--for it is the most humane, the mostadvanced, and in the end the most unconquerable of all forms of humansociety. 

A nation, like a person, has a body--a body that must be fed and clothedand housed, invigorated and rested, in a manner that measures up to theobjectives of our time. 

A nation, like a person, has a mind--a mind that must be kept informedand alert, that must know itself, that understands the hopes and theneeds of its neighbors--all the other nations that live within thenarrowing circle of the world. 

And a nation, like a person, has something deeper, something morepermanent, something larger than the sum of all its parts. It is thatsomething which matters most to its future--which calls forth the mostsacred guarding of its present. 

It is a thing for which we find it difficult--even impossible--to hitupon a single, simple word. 

And yet we all understand what it is--the spirit--the faith of America. It is the product of centuries. It was born in the multitudes of thosewho came from many lands--some of high degree, but mostly plain people, who sought here, early and late, to find freedom more freely. 

The democratic aspiration is no mere recent phase in human history. Itis human history. It permeated the ancient life of early peoples. Itblazed anew in the middle ages. It was written in Magna Charta. 

In the Americas its impact has been irresistible. America has been theNew World in all tongues, to all peoples, not because this continent wasa new-found land, but because all those who came here believed theycould create upon this continent a new life--a life that should be newin freedom. 

Its vitality was written into our own Mayflower Compact, into theDeclaration of Independence, into the Constitution of the United States, into the Gettysburg Address. 

Those who first came here to carry out the longings of their spirit, andthe millions who followed, and the stock that sprang from them--all havemoved forward constantly and consistently toward an ideal which initself has gained stature and clarity with each generation. 

The hopes of the Republic cannot forever tolerate either undeservedpoverty or self-serving wealth. 

We know that we still have far to go; that we must more greatly buildthe security and the opportunity and the knowledge of every citizen, inthe measure justified by the resources and the capacity of the land. 

But it is not enough to achieve these purposes alone. It is not enoughto clothe and feed the body of this Nation, and instruct and inform itsmind. For there is also the spirit. And of the three, the greatest isthe spirit. 

Without the body and the mind, as all men know, the Nation could notlive. 

But if the spirit of America were killed, even though the Nation's bodyand mind, constricted in an alien world, lived on, the America we knowwould have perished. 

That spirit--that faith--speaks to us in our daily lives in ways oftenunnoticed, because they seem so obvious. It speaks to us here in theCapital of the Nation. It speaks to us through the processes ofgoverning in the sovereignties of 48 States. It speaks to us in ourcounties, in our cities, in our towns, and in our villages. It speaks tous from the other nations of the hemisphere, and from those across theseas--the enslaved, as well as the free. Sometimes we fail to hear orheed these voices of freedom because to us the privilege of our freedomis such an old, old story. 

The destiny of America was proclaimed in words of prophecy spoken by ourfirst President in his first inaugural in 1789--words almost directed, it would seem, to this year of 1941: "The preservation of the sacredfire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of governmentare justly considered... Deeply, ... Finally, staked on the experimentintrusted to the hands of the American people. "

If we lose that sacred fire--if we let it be smothered with doubt andfear--then we shall reject the destiny which Washington strove sovaliantly and so triumphantly to establish. The preservation of thespirit and faith of the Nation does, and will, furnish the highestjustification for every sacrifice that we may make in the cause ofnational defense. 

In the face of great perils never before encountered, our strong purposeis to protect and to perpetuate the integrity of democracy. 

For this we muster the spirit of America, and the faith of America. 

We do not retreat. We are not content to stand still. As Americans, wego forward, in the service of our country, by the will of God. 

* * * * *

FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT, FOURTH INAUGURAL ADDRESS

SATURDAY, JANUARY 20, 1945

[Transcriber's note: The fourth inauguration was conducted withoutfanfare. Because of the expense and impropriety of festivity during theheight of war, the oath of office was taken on the South Portico of theWhite House. It was administered by Chief Justice Harlan Stone. Noformal celebrations followed the address. Instead of renominating VicePresident Henry Wallace in the election of 1944, the Democraticconvention chose the Senator from Missouri, Harry S. Truman. ]

Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. Vice President, my friends, you will understandand, I believe, agree with my wish that the form of this inauguration besimple and its words brief. 

We Americans of today, together with our allies, are passing through aperiod of supreme test. It is a test of our courage--of our resolve--ofour wisdom--our essential democracy. 

If we meet that test--successfully and honorably--we shall perform aservice of historic importance which men and women and children willhonor throughout all time. 

As I stand here today, having taken the solemn oath of office in thepresence of my fellow countrymen--in the presence of our God--I knowthat it is America's purpose that we shall not fail. 

In the days and in the years that are to come we shall work for a justand honorable peace, a durable peace, as today we work and fight fortotal victory in war. 

We can and we will achieve such a peace. 

We shall strive for perfection. We shall not achieve it immediately--butwe still shall strive. We may make mistakes--but they must never bemistakes which result from faintness of heart or abandonment of moralprinciple. 

I remember that my old schoolmaster, Dr. Peabody, said, in days thatseemed to us then to be secure and untroubled: "Things in life will notalways run smoothly. Sometimes we will be rising toward theheights--then all will seem to reverse itself and start downward. Thegreat fact to remember is that the trend of civilization itself isforever upward; that a line drawn through the middle of the peaks andthe valleys of the centuries always has an upward trend. "

Our Constitution of 1787 was not a perfect instrument; it is not perfectyet. But it provided a firm base upon which all manner of men, of allraces and colors and creeds, could build our solid structure ofdemocracy. 

And so today, in this year of war, 1945, we have learned lessons--at afearful cost--and we shall profit by them. 

We have learned that we cannot live alone, at peace; that our ownwell-being is dependent on the well-being of other nations far away. Wehave learned that we must live as men, not as ostriches, nor as dogs inthe manger. 

We have learned to be citizens of the world, members of the humancommunity. 

We have learned the simple truth, as Emerson said, that "The only way tohave a friend is to be one. "

We can gain no lasting peace if we approach it with suspicion andmistrust or with fear. We can gain it only if we proceed with theunderstanding, the confidence, and the courage which flow fromconviction. 

The Almighty God has blessed our land in many ways. He has given ourpeople stout hearts and strong arms with which to strike mighty blowsfor freedom and truth. He has given to our country a faith which hasbecome the hope of all peoples in an anguished world. 

So we pray to Him now for the vision to see our way clearly--to see theway that leads to a better life for ourselves and for all our fellowmen--to the achievement of His will to peace on earth. 

* * * * *

HARRY S. TRUMAN, INAUGURAL ADDRESS

THURSDAY, JANUARY 20, 1949

[Transcriber's note: A former county judge, Senator and Vice President, Harry S. Truman had taken the oath of office first on April 12, 1945, upon the death of President Roosevelt. Mr. Truman's victory in the 1948election was so unexpected that many newspapers had declared theRepublican candidate, Governor Thomas E. Dewey of New York, the winner. The President went to the East Portico of the Capitol to take the oathof office on two Bibles--the personal one he had used for the firstoath, and a Gutenberg Bible donated by the citizens of Independence, Missouri. The ceremony was televised as well as broadcast on the radio. ]

Mr. Vice President, Mr. Chief Justice, and fellow citizens, I acceptwith humility the honor which the American people have conferred uponme. I accept it with a deep resolve to do all that I can for the welfareof this Nation and for the peace of the world. 

In performing the duties of my office, I need the help and prayers ofevery one of you. I ask for your encouragement and your support. Thetasks we face are difficult, and we can accomplish them only if we worktogether. 

Each period of our national history has had its special challenges. Those that confront us now are as momentous as any in the past. Todaymarks the beginning not only of a new administration, but of a periodthat will be eventful, perhaps decisive, for us and for the world. 

It may be our lot to experience, and in large measure to bring about, amajor turning point in the long history of the human race. The firsthalf of this century has been marked by unprecedented and brutal attackson the rights of man, and by the two most frightful wars in history. Thesupreme need of our time is for men to learn to live together in peaceand harmony. 

The peoples of the earth face the future with grave uncertainty, composed almost equally of great hopes and great fears. In this time ofdoubt, they look to the United States as never before for good will, strength, and wise leadership. 

It is fitting, therefore, that we take this occasion to proclaim to theworld the essential principles of the faith by which we live, and todeclare our aims to all peoples. 

The American people stand firm in the faith which has inspired thisNation from the beginning. We believe that all men have a right to equaljustice under law and equal opportunity to share in the common good. Webelieve that all men have the right to freedom of thought andexpression. We believe that all men are created equal because they arecreated in the image of God. 

From this faith we will not be moved. 

The American people desire, and are determined to work for, a world inwhich all nations and all peoples are free to govern themselves as theysee fit, and to achieve a decent and satisfying life. Above all else, our people desire, and are determined to work for, peace on earth--ajust and lasting peace--based on genuine agreement freely arrived at byequals. 

In the pursuit of these aims, the United States and other like-mindednations find themselves directly opposed by a regime with contrary aimsand a totally different concept of life. 

That regime adheres to a false philosophy which purports to offerfreedom, security, and greater opportunity to mankind. Misled by thisphilosophy, many peoples have sacrificed their liberties only to learnto their sorrow that deceit and mockery, poverty and tyranny, are theirreward. 

That false philosophy is communism. 

Communism is based on the belief that man is so weak and inadequate thathe is unable to govern himself, and therefore requires the rule ofstrong masters. 

Democracy is based on the conviction that man has the moral andintellectual capacity, as well as the inalienable right, to governhimself with reason and justice. 

Communism subjects the individual to arrest without lawful cause, punishment without trial, and forced labor as the chattel of the state. It decrees what information he shall receive, what art he shall produce, what leaders he shall follow, and what thoughts he shall think. 

Democracy maintains that government is established for the benefit ofthe individual, and is charged with the responsibility of protecting therights of the individual and his freedom in the exercise of hisabilities. 

Communism maintains that social wrongs can be corrected only byviolence. 

Democracy has proved that social justice can be achieved throughpeaceful change. 

Communism holds that the world is so deeply divided into opposingclasses that war is inevitable. 

Democracy holds that free nations can settle differences justly andmaintain lasting peace. 

These differences between communism and democracy do not concern theUnited States alone. People everywhere are coming to realize that whatis involved is material well-being, human dignity, and the right tobelieve in and worship God. 

I state these differences, not to draw issues of belief as such, butbecause the actions resulting from the Communist philosophy are a threatto the efforts of free nations to bring about world recovery and lastingpeace. 

Since the end of hostilities, the United States has invested itssubstance and its energy in a great constructive effort to restorepeace, stability, and freedom to the world. 

We have sought no territory and we have imposed our will on none. Wehave asked for no privileges we would not extend to others. 

We have constantly and vigorously supported the United Nations andrelated agencies as a means of applying democratic principles tointernational relations. We have consistently advocated and relied uponpeaceful settlement of disputes among nations. 

We have made every effort to secure agreement on effective internationalcontrol of our most powerful weapon, and we have worked steadily for thelimitation and control of all armaments. 

We have encouraged, by precept and example, the expansion of world tradeon a sound and fair basis. 

Almost a year ago, in company with 16 free nations of Europe, welaunched the greatest cooperative economic program in history. Thepurpose of that unprecedented effort is to invigorate and strengthendemocracy in Europe, so that the free people of that continent canresume their rightful place in the forefront of civilization and cancontribute once more to the security and welfare of the world. 

Our efforts have brought new hope to all mankind. We have beaten backdespair and defeatism. We have saved a number of countries from losingtheir liberty. Hundreds of millions of people all over the world nowagree with us, that we need not have war--that we can have peace. 

The initiative is ours. 

We are moving on with other nations to build an even stronger structureof international order and justice. We shall have as our partnerscountries which, no longer solely concerned with the problem of nationalsurvival, are now working to improve the standards of living of alltheir people. We are ready to undertake new projects to strengthen thefree world. 

In the coming years, our program for peace and freedom will emphasizefour major courses of action. 

First, we will continue to give unfaltering support to the UnitedNations and related agencies, and we will continue to search for ways tostrengthen their authority and increase their effectiveness. We believethat the United Nations will be strengthened by the new nations whichare being formed in lands now advancing toward self-government underdemocratic principles. 

Second, we will continue our programs for world economic recovery. 

This means, first of all, that we must keep our full weight behind theEuropean recovery program. We are confident of the success of this majorventure in world recovery. We believe that our partners in this effortwill achieve the status of self-supporting nations once again. 

In addition, we must carry out our plans for reducing the barriers toworld trade and increasing its volume. Economic recovery and peaceitself depend on increased world trade. 

Third, we will strengthen freedom-loving nations against the dangers ofaggression. 

We are now working out with a number of countries a joint agreementdesigned to strengthen the security of the North Atlantic area. Such anagreement would take the form of a collective defense arrangement withinthe terms of the United Nations Charter. 

We have already established such a defense pact for the WesternHemisphere by the treaty of Rio de Janeiro. 

The primary purpose of these agreements is to provide unmistakable proofof the joint determination of the free countries to resist armed attackfrom any quarter. Each country participating in these arrangements mustcontribute all it can to the common defense. 

If we can make it sufficiently clear, in advance, that any armed attackaffecting our national security would be met with overwhelming force, the armed attack might never occur. 

I hope soon to send to the Senate a treaty respecting the North Atlanticsecurity plan. 

In addition, we will provide military advice and equipment to freenations which will cooperate with us in the maintenance of peace andsecurity. 

Fourth, we must embark on a bold new program for making the benefits ofour scientific advances and industrial progress available for theimprovement and growth of underdeveloped areas. 

More than half the people of the world are living in conditionsapproaching misery. Their food is inadequate. They are victims ofdisease. Their economic life is primitive and stagnant. Their poverty isa handicap and a threat both to them and to more prosperous areas. 

For the first time in history, humanity possesses the knowledge and theskill to relieve the suffering of these people. 

The United States is pre-eminent among nations in the development ofindustrial and scientific techniques. The material resources which wecan afford to use for the assistance of other peoples are limited. Butour imponderable resources in technical knowledge are constantly growingand are inexhaustible. 

I believe that we should make available to peace-loving peoples thebenefits of our store of technical knowledge in order to help themrealize their aspirations for a better life. And, in cooperation withother nations, we should foster capital investment in areas needingdevelopment. 

Our aim should be to help the free peoples of the world, through theirown efforts, to produce more food, more clothing, more materials forhousing, and more mechanical power to lighten their burdens. 

We invite other countries to pool their technological resources in thisundertaking. Their contributions will be warmly welcomed. This should bea cooperative enterprise in which all nations work together through theUnited Nations and its specialized agencies wherever practicable. Itmust be a worldwide effort for the achievement of peace, plenty, andfreedom. 

With the cooperation of business, private capital, agriculture, andlabor in this country, this program can greatly increase the industrialactivity in other nations and can raise substantially their standards ofliving. 

Such new economic developments must be devised and controlled to benefitthe peoples of the areas in which they are established. Guarantees tothe investor must be balanced by guarantees in the interest of thepeople whose resources and whose labor go into these developments. 

The old imperialism--exploitation for foreign profit--has no place inour plans. What we envisage is a program of development based on theconcepts of democratic fair-dealing. 

All countries, including our own, will greatly benefit from aconstructive program for the better use of the world's human and naturalresources. Experience shows that our commerce with other countriesexpands as they progress industrially and economically. 

Greater production is the key to prosperity and peace. And the key togreater production is a wider and more vigorous application of modernscientific and technical knowledge. 

Only by helping the least fortunate of its members to help themselvescan the human family achieve the decent, satisfying life that is theright of all people. 

Democracy alone can supply the vitalizing force to stir the peoples ofthe world into triumphant action, not only against their humanoppressors, but also against their ancient enemies--hunger, misery, anddespair. 

On the basis of these four major courses of action we hope to helpcreate the conditions that will lead eventually to personal freedom andhappiness for all mankind. 

If we are to be successful in carrying out these policies, it is clearthat we must have continued prosperity in this country and we must keepourselves strong. 

Slowly but surely we are weaving a world fabric of internationalsecurity and growing prosperity. 

We are aided by all who wish to live in freedom from fear--even by thosewho live today in fear under their own governments. 

We are aided by all who want relief from the lies of propaganda--whodesire truth and sincerity. 

We are aided by all who desire self-government and a voice in decidingtheir own affairs. 

We are aided by all who long for economic security--for the security andabundance that men in free societies can enjoy. 

We are aided by all who desire freedom of speech, freedom of religion, and freedom to live their own lives for useful ends. 

Our allies are the millions who hunger and thirst after righteousness. 

In due time, as our stability becomes manifest, as more and more nationscome to know the benefits of democracy and to participate in growingabundance, I believe that those countries which now oppose us willabandon their delusions and join with the free nations of the world in ajust settlement of international differences. 

Events have brought our American democracy to new influence and newresponsibilities. They will test our courage, our devotion to duty, andour concept of liberty. 

But I say to all men, what we have achieved in liberty, we will surpassin greater liberty. 

Steadfast in our faith in the Almighty, we will advance toward a worldwhere man's freedom is secure. 

To that end we will devote our strength, our resources, and our firmnessof resolve. With God's help, the future of mankind will be assured in aworld of justice, harmony, and peace. 

* * * * *

DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER, FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS

TUESDAY, JANUARY 20, 1953

[Transcriber's note: The Republican Party successfully promoted thecandidacy of the popular General of the Army in the 1952 election overthe Democratic candidate, Adlai Stevenson. The oath of office wasadministered by Chief Justice Frederick Vinson on two Bibles--the oneused by George Washington at the first inauguration, and the one GeneralEisenhower received from his mother upon his graduation from theMilitary Academy at West Point. A large parade followed the ceremony, and inaugural balls were held at the National Armory and GeorgetownUniversity's McDonough Hall. ]

My friends, before I begin the expression of those thoughts that I deemappropriate to this moment, would you permit me the privilege ofuttering a little private prayer of my own. And I ask that you bow yourheads:

Almighty God, as we stand here at this moment my future associates inthe executive branch of government join me in beseeching that Thou willmake full and complete our dedication to the service of the people inthis throng, and their fellow citizens everywhere. 

Give us, we pray, the power to discern clearly right from wrong, andallow all our words and actions to be governed thereby, and by the lawsof this land. Especially we pray that our concern shall be for all thepeople regardless of station, race, or calling. 

May cooperation be permitted and be the mutual aim of those who, underthe concepts of our Constitution, hold to differing political faiths; sothat all may work for the good of our beloved country and Thy glory. Amen. 

My fellow citizens:

The world and we have passed the midway point of a century of continuingchallenge. We sense with all our faculties that forces of good and evilare massed and armed and opposed as rarely before in history. 

This fact defines the meaning of this day. We are summoned by thishonored and historic ceremony to witness more than the act of onecitizen swearing his oath of service, in the presence of God. We arecalled as a people to give testimony in the sight of the world to ourfaith that the future shall belong to the free. 

Since this century's beginning, a time of tempest has seemed to comeupon the continents of the earth. Masses of Asia have awakened to strikeoff shackles of the past. Great nations of Europe have fought theirbloodiest wars. Thrones have toppled and their vast empires havedisappeared. New nations have been born. 

For our own country, it has been a time of recurring trial. We havegrown in power and in responsibility. We have passed through theanxieties of depression and of war to a summit unmatched in man'shistory. Seeking to secure peace in the world, we have had to fightthrough the forests of the Argonne, to the shores of Iwo Jima, and tothe cold mountains of Korea. 

In the swift rush of great events, we find ourselves groping to know thefull sense and meaning of these times in which we live. In our quest ofunderstanding, we beseech God's guidance. We summon all our knowledge ofthe past and we scan all signs of the future. We bring all our wit andall our will to meet the question:

How far have we come in man's long pilgrimage from darkness towardlight? Are we nearing the light--a day of freedom and of peace for allmankind? Or are the shadows of another night closing in upon us?

Great as are the preoccupations absorbing us at home, concerned as weare with matters that deeply affect our livelihood today and our visionof the future, each of these domestic problems is dwarfed by, and ofteneven created by, this question that involves all humankind. 

This trial comes at a moment when man's power to achieve good or toinflict evil surpasses the brightest hopes and the sharpest fears of allages. We can turn rivers in their courses, level mountains to theplains. Oceans and land and sky are avenues for our colossal commerce. Disease diminishes and life lengthens. 

Yet the promise of this life is imperiled by the very genius that hasmade it possible. Nations amass wealth. Labor sweats to create--andturns out devices to level not only mountains but also cities. Scienceseems ready to confer upon us, as its final gift, the power to erasehuman life from this planet. 

At such a time in history, we who are free must proclaim anew our faith. This faith is the abiding creed of our fathers. It is our faith in thedeathless dignity of man, governed by eternal moral and natural laws. 

This faith defines our full view of life. It establishes, beyond debate, those gifts of the Creator that are man's inalienable rights, and thatmake all men equal in His sight. 

In the light of this equality, we know that the virtues most cherishedby free people--love of truth, pride of work, devotion to country--allare treasures equally precious in the lives of the most humble and ofthe most exalted. The men who mine coal and fire furnaces and balanceledgers and turn lathes and pick cotton and heal the sick and plantcorn--all serve as proudly, and as profitably, for America as thestatesmen who draft treaties and the legislators who enact laws. 

This faith rules our whole way of life. It decrees that we, the people, elect leaders not to rule but to serve. It asserts that we have theright to choice of our own work and to the reward of our own toil. Itinspires the initiative that makes our productivity the wonder of theworld. And it warns that any man who seeks to deny equality among allhis brothers betrays the spirit of the free and invites the mockery ofthe tyrant. 

It is because we, all of us, hold to these principles that the politicalchanges accomplished this day do not imply turbulence, upheaval ordisorder. Rather this change expresses a purpose of strengthening ourdedication and devotion to the precepts of our founding documents, aconscious renewal of faith in our country and in the watchfulness of aDivine Providence. 

The enemies of this faith know no god but force, no devotion but itsuse. They tutor men in treason. They feed upon the hunger of others. Whatever defies them, they torture, especially the truth. 

Here, then, is joined no argument between slightly differingphilosophies. This conflict strikes directly at the faith of our fathersand the lives of our sons. No principle or treasure that we hold, fromthe spiritual knowledge of our free schools and churches to the creativemagic of free labor and capital, nothing lies safely beyond the reach ofthis struggle. 

Freedom is pitted against slavery; lightness against the dark. 

The faith we hold belongs not to us alone but to the free of all theworld. This common bond binds the grower of rice in Burma and theplanter of wheat in Iowa, the shepherd in southern Italy and themountaineer in the Andes. It confers a common dignity upon the Frenchsoldier who dies in Indo-China, the British soldier killed in Malaya, the American life given in Korea. 

We know, beyond this, that we are linked to all free peoples not merelyby a noble idea but by a simple need. No free people can for long clingto any privilege or enjoy any safety in economic solitude. For all ourown material might, even we need markets in the world for the surplusesof our farms and our factories. Equally, we need for these same farmsand factories vital materials and products of distant lands. This basiclaw of interdependence, so manifest in the commerce of peace, applieswith thousand-fold intensity in the event of war. 

So we are persuaded by necessity and by belief that the strength of allfree peoples lies in unity; their danger, in discord. 

To produce this unity, to meet the challenge of our time, destiny haslaid upon our country the responsibility of the free world's leadership. 

So it is proper that we assure our friends once again that, in thedischarge of this responsibility, we Americans know and we observe thedifference between world leadership and imperialism; between firmnessand truculence; between a thoughtfully calculated goal and spasmodicreaction to the stimulus of emergencies. 

We wish our friends the world over to know this above all: we face thethreat--not with dread and confusion--but with confidence andconviction. 

We feel this moral strength because we know that we are not helplessprisoners of history. We are free men. We shall remain free, never to beproven guilty of the one capital offense against freedom, a lack ofstanch faith. 

In pleading our just cause before the bar of history and in pressing ourlabor for world peace, we shall be guided by certain fixed principles. 

These principles are:

(1) Abhorring war as a chosen way to balk the purposes of those whothreaten us, we hold it to be the first task of statesmanship to developthe strength that will deter the forces of aggression and promote theconditions of peace. For, as it must be the supreme purpose of all freemen, so it must be the dedication of their leaders, to save humanityfrom preying upon itself. 

In the light of this principle, we stand ready to engage with any andall others in joint effort to remove the causes of mutual fear anddistrust among nations, so as to make possible drastic reduction ofarmaments. The sole requisites for undertaking such effort are that--intheir purpose--they be aimed logically and honestly toward secure peacefor all; and that--in their result--they provide methods by which everyparticipating nation will prove good faith in carrying out its pledge. 

(2) Realizing that common sense and common decency alike dictate thefutility of appeasement, we shall never try to placate an aggressor bythe false and wicked bargain of trading honor for security. Americans, indeed all free men, remember that in the final choice a soldier's packis not so heavy a burden as a prisoner's chains. 

(3) Knowing that only a United States that is strong and immenselyproductive can help defend freedom in our world, we view our Nation'sstrength and security as a trust upon which rests the hope of free meneverywhere. It is the firm duty of each of our free citizens and ofevery free citizen everywhere to place the cause of his country beforethe comfort, the convenience of himself. 

(4) Honoring the identity and the special heritage of each nation in theworld, we shall never use our strength to try to impress upon anotherpeople our own cherished political and economic institutions. 

(5) Assessing realistically the needs and capacities of proven friendsof freedom, we shall strive to help them to achieve their own securityand well-being. Likewise, we shall count upon them to assume, within thelimits of their resources, their full and just burdens in the commondefense of freedom. 

(6) Recognizing economic health as an indispensable basis of militarystrength and the free world's peace, we shall strive to fostereverywhere, and to practice ourselves, policies that encourageproductivity and profitable trade. For the impoverishment of any singlepeople in the world means danger to the well-being of all other peoples. 

(7) Appreciating that economic need, military security and politicalwisdom combine to suggest regional groupings of free peoples, we hope, within the framework of the United Nations, to help strengthen suchspecial bonds the world over. The nature of these ties must vary withthe different problems of different areas. 

In the Western Hemisphere, we enthusiastically join with all ourneighbors in the work of perfecting a community of fraternal trust andcommon purpose. 

In Europe, we ask that enlightened and inspired leaders of the Westernnations strive with renewed vigor to make the unity of their peoples areality. Only as free Europe unitedly marshals its strength can iteffectively safeguard, even with our help, its spiritual and culturalheritage. 

(8) Conceiving the defense of freedom, like freedom itself, to be oneand indivisible, we hold all continents and peoples in equal regard andhonor. We reject any insinuation that one race or another, one people oranother, is in any sense inferior or expendable. 

(9) Respecting the United Nations as the living sign of all people'shope for peace, we shall strive to make it not merely an eloquent symbolbut an effective force. And in our quest for an honorable peace, weshall neither compromise, nor tire, nor ever cease. 

By these rules of conduct, we hope to be known to all peoples. 

By their observance, an earth of peace may become not a vision but afact. 

This hope--this supreme aspiration--must rule the way we live. 

We must be ready to dare all for our country. For history does not longentrust the care of freedom to the weak or the timid. We must acquireproficiency in defense and display stamina in purpose. 

We must be willing, individually and as a Nation, to accept whateversacrifices may be required of us. A people that values its privilegesabove its principles soon loses both. 

These basic precepts are not lofty abstractions, far removed frommatters of daily living. They are laws of spiritual strength thatgenerate and define our material strength. Patriotism means equippedforces and a prepared citizenry. Moral stamina means more energy andmore productivity, on the farm and in the factory. Love of liberty meansthe guarding of every resource that makes freedom possible--from thesanctity of our families and the wealth of our soil to the genius of ourscientists. 

And so each citizen plays an indispensable role. The productivity of ourheads, our hands, and our hearts is the source of all the strength wecan command, for both the enrichment of our lives and the winning of thepeace. 

No person, no home, no community can be beyond the reach of this call. We are summoned to act in wisdom and in conscience, to work withindustry, to teach with persuasion, to preach with conviction, to weighour every deed with care and with compassion. For this truth must beclear before us: whatever America hopes to bring to pass in the worldmust first come to pass in the heart of America. 

The peace we seek, then, is nothing less than the practice andfulfillment of our whole faith among ourselves and in our dealings withothers. This signifies more than the stilling of guns, easing the sorrowof war. More than escape from death, it is a way of life. More than ahaven for the weary, it is a hope for the brave. 

This is the hope that beckons us onward in this century of trial. Thisis the work that awaits us all, to be done with bravery, with charity, and with prayer to Almighty God. 

* * * * *

DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER, SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS

MONDAY, JANUARY 21, 1957

[Transcriber's note: January 20 occurred on a Sunday, so the Presidenttook the oath in the East Room at the White House that morning. The nextday he repeated the oath of office on the East Portico of the Capitol. Chief Justice Earl Warren administered the oath of office on thePresident's personal Bible from West Point. Marian Anderson sang at theceremony at the Capitol. A large parade and four inaugural ballsfollowed the ceremony. ]

THE PRICE OF PEACE

Mr. Chairman, Mr. Vice President, Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. Speaker, members of my family and friends, my countrymen, and the friends of mycountry, wherever they may be, we meet again, as upon a like moment fouryears ago, and again you have witnessed my solemn oath of service toyou. 

I, too, am a witness, today testifying in your name to the principlesand purposes to which we, as a people, are pledged. 

Before all else, we seek, upon our common labor as a nation, theblessings of Almighty God. And the hopes in our hearts fashion thedeepest prayers of our whole people. 

May we pursue the right--without self-righteousness. 

May we know unity--without conformity. 

May we grow in strength--without pride in self. 

May we, in our dealings with all peoples of the earth, ever speak truthand serve justice. 

And so shall America--in the sight of all men of good will--prove trueto the honorable purposes that bind and rule us as a people in all thistime of trial through which we pass. 

We live in a land of plenty, but rarely has this earth known such perilas today. 

In our nation work and wealth abound. Our population grows. Commercecrowds our rivers and rails, our skies, harbors, and highways. Our soilis fertile, our agriculture productive. The air rings with the song ofour industry--rolling mills and blast furnaces, dynamos, dams, andassembly lines--the chorus of America the bountiful. 

This is our home--yet this is not the whole of our world. For our worldis where our full destiny lies--with men, of all people, and allnations, who are or would be free. And for them--and so for us--this isno time of ease or of rest. 

In too much of the earth there is want, discord, danger. New forces andnew nations stir and strive across the earth, with power to bring, bytheir fate, great good or great evil to the free world's future. Fromthe deserts of North Africa to the islands of the South Pacific onethird of all mankind has entered upon an historic struggle for a newfreedom; freedom from grinding poverty. Across all continents, nearly abillion people seek, sometimes almost in desperation, for the skills andknowledge and assistance by which they may satisfy from their ownresources, the material wants common to all mankind. 

No nation, however old or great, escapes this tempest of change andturmoil. Some, impoverished by the recent World War, seek to restoretheir means of livelihood. In the heart of Europe, Germany still standstragically divided. So is the whole continent divided. And so, too, isall the world. 

The divisive force is International Communism and the power that itcontrols. 

The designs of that power, dark in purpose, are clear in practice. Itstrives to seal forever the fate of those it has enslaved. It strives tobreak the ties that unite the free. And it strives to capture--toexploit for its own greater power--all forces of change in the world, especially the needs of the hungry and the hopes of the oppressed. 

Yet the world of International Communism has itself been shaken by afierce and mighty force: the readiness of men who love freedom to pledgetheir lives to that love. Through the night of their bondage, theunconquerable will of heroes has struck with the swift, sharp thrust oflightning. Budapest is no longer merely the name of a city; henceforthit is a new and shining symbol of man's yearning to be free. 

Thus across all the globe there harshly blow the winds of change. And, we--though fortunate be our lot--know that we can never turn our backsto them. 

We look upon this shaken earth, and we declare our firm and fixedpurpose--the building of a peace with justice in a world where moral lawprevails. 

The building of such a peace is a bold and solemn purpose. To proclaimit is easy. To serve it will be hard. And to attain it, we must be awareof its full meaning--and ready to pay its full price. 

We know clearly what we seek, and why. 

We seek peace, knowing that peace is the climate of freedom. And now, asin no other age, we seek it because we have been warned, by the power ofmodern weapons, that peace may be the only climate possible for humanlife itself. 

Yet this peace we seek cannot be born of fear alone: it must be rootedin the lives of nations. There must be justice, sensed and shared by allpeoples, for, without justice the world can know only a tense andunstable truce. There must be law, steadily invoked and respected by allnations, for without law, the world promises only such meager justice asthe pity of the strong upon the weak. But the law of which we speak, comprehending the values of freedom, affirms the equality of allnations, great and small. 

Splendid as can be the blessings of such a peace, high will be its cost:in toil patiently sustained, in help honorably given, in sacrificecalmly borne. 

We are called to meet the price of this peace. 

To counter the threat of those who seek to rule by force, we must paythe costs of our own needed military strength, and help to build thesecurity of others. 

We must use our skills and knowledge and, at times, our substance, tohelp others rise from misery, however far the scene of suffering may befrom our shores. For wherever in the world a people knows desperatewant, there must appear at least the spark of hope, the hope ofprogress--or there will surely rise at last the flames of conflict. 

We recognize and accept our own deep involvement in the destiny of meneverywhere. We are accordingly pledged to honor, and to strive tofortify, the authority of the United Nations. For in that body rests thebest hope of our age for the assertion of that law by which all nationsmay live in dignity. 

And, beyond this general resolve, we are called to act a responsiblerole in the world's great concerns or conflicts--whether they touchupon the affairs of a vast region, the fate of an island in the Pacific, or the use of a canal in the Middle East. Only in respecting the hopesand cultures of others will we practice the equality of all nations. Only as we show willingness and wisdom in giving counsel--in receivingcounsel--and in sharing burdens, will we wisely perform the work ofpeace. 

For one truth must rule all we think and all we do. No people can liveto itself alone. The unity of all who dwell in freedom is their onlysure defense. The economic need of all nations--in mutualdependence--makes isolation an impossibility; not even America'sprosperity could long survive if other nations did not also prosper. Nonation can longer be a fortress, lone and strong and safe. And anypeople, seeking such shelter for themselves, can now build only theirown prison. 

Our pledge to these principles is constant, because we believe in theirrightness. 

We do not fear this world of change. America is no stranger to much ofits spirit. Everywhere we see the seeds of the same growth that Americaitself has known. The American experiment has, for generations, firedthe passion and the courage of millions elsewhere seeking freedom, equality, and opportunity. And the American story of material progresshas helped excite the longing of all needy peoples for some satisfactionof their human wants. These hopes that we have helped to inspire, we canhelp to fulfill. 

In this confidence, we speak plainly to all peoples. 

We cherish our friendship with all nations that are or would be free. Werespect, no less, their independence. And when, in time of want orperil, they ask our help, they may honorably receive it; for we no moreseek to buy their sovereignty than we would sell our own. Sovereignty isnever bartered among freemen. 

We honor the aspirations of those nations which, now captive, long forfreedom. We seek neither their military alliance nor any artificialimitation of our society. And they can know the warmth of the welcomethat awaits them when, as must be, they join again the ranks of freedom. 

We honor, no less in this divided world than in a less tormented time, the people of Russia. We do not dread, rather do we welcome, theirprogress in education and industry. We wish them success in theirdemands for more intellectual freedom, greater security before their ownlaws, fuller enjoyment of the rewards of their own toil. For as suchthings come to pass, the more certain will be the coming of that daywhen our peoples may freely meet in friendship. 

So we voice our hope and our belief that we can help to heal thisdivided world. Thus may the nations cease to live in trembling beforethe menace of force. Thus may the weight of fear and the weight of armsbe taken from the burdened shoulders of mankind. 

This, nothing less, is the labor to which we are called and our strengthdedicated. 

And so the prayer of our people carries far beyond our own frontiers, tothe wide world of our duty and our destiny. 

May the light of freedom, coming to all darkened lands, flamebrightly--until at last the darkness is no more. 

May the turbulence of our age yield to a true time of peace, when menand nations shall share a life that honors the dignity of each, thebrotherhood of all. 

* * * * *

JOHN F. KENNEDY, INAUGURAL ADDRESS

FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1961

[Transcriber's note: Heavy snow fell the night before the inauguration, but thoughts about cancelling the plans were overruled. The election of1960 had been close, and the Democratic Senator from Massachusetts waseager to gather support for his agenda. He attended Holy TrinityCatholic Church in Georgetown that morning before joining PresidentEisenhower to travel to the Capitol. The Congress had extended the EastFront, and the inaugural platform spanned the new addition. The oath ofoffice was administered by Chief Justice Earl Warren. Robert Frost readone of his poems at the ceremony. ]

Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, PresidentEisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but acelebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as abeginning--signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have swornbefore you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebearsprescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago. 

The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands thepower to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears foughtare still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of mancome not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God. 

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born inthis century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit theslow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always beencommitted, and to which we are committed today at home and around theworld. 

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shallpay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success ofliberty. 

This much we pledge--and more. 

To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, wepledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little wecannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little wecan do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and splitasunder. 

To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledgeour word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed awaymerely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not alwaysexpect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope tofind them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of thetiger ended up inside. 

To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling tobreak the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help themhelp themselves, for whatever period is required--not because theCommunists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but becauseit is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, itcannot save the few who are rich. 

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a specialpledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance forprogress--to assist free men and free governments in casting off thechains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot becomethe prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shalljoin with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in theAmericas. And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends toremain the master of its own house. 

To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our lastbest hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced theinstruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it frombecoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of thenew and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run. 

Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, weoffer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the questfor peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by scienceengulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction. 

We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms aresufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they willnever be employed. 

But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfortfrom our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modernweapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays thehand of mankind's final war. 

So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not asign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us nevernegotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate. 

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboringthose problems which divide us. 

Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and preciseproposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolutepower to destroy other nations under the absolute control of allnations. 

Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of itsterrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts andcommerce. 

Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command ofIsaiah--to "undo the heavy burdens... And to let the oppressed gofree. "

And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance ofpower, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weaksecure and the peace preserved. 

All this will not be finished in the first 100 days. Nor will it befinished in the first 1, 000 days, nor in the life of thisAdministration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But letus begin. 

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest thefinal success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to itsnational loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call toservice surround the globe. 

Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, thougharms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but acall to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and yearout, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation"--a struggle against thecommon enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself. 

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, Northand South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for allmankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have beengranted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. Ido not shrink from this responsibility--I welcome it. I do not believethat any of us would exchange places with any other people or any othergeneration. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to thisendeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow fromthat fire can truly light the world. 

And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do foryou--ask what you can do for your country. 

My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man. 

Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we askof you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history thefinal judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God'swork must truly be our own. 

* * * * *

LYNDON BAINES JOHNSON, INAUGURAL ADDRESS

WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 20, 1965

[Transcriber's note: President Johnson had first taken the oath of officeon board Air Force One on November 22, 1963, the day President Kennedywas assassinated in Dallas. The election of 1964 was a landslide victoryfor the Democratic Party. Mrs. Johnson joined the President on theplatform on the East Front of the Capitol; she was the first wife tostand with her husband as he took the oath of office. The oath wasadministered by Chief Justice Earl Warren. Leontyne Price sang at theceremony. ]

My fellow countrymen, on this occasion, the oath I have taken before youand before God is not mine alone, but ours together. We are one nationand one people. Our fate as a nation and our future as a people rest notupon one citizen, but upon all citizens. 

This is the majesty and the meaning of this moment. 

For every generation, there is a destiny. For some, history decides. Forthis generation, the choice must be our own. 

Even now, a rocket moves toward Mars. It reminds us that the world willnot be the same for our children, or even for ourselves in a short spanof years. The next man to stand here will look out on a scene differentfrom our own, because ours is a time of change--rapid and fantasticchange bearing the secrets of nature, multiplying the nations, placingin uncertain hands new weapons for mastery and destruction, shaking oldvalues, and uprooting old ways. 

Our destiny in the midst of change will rest on the unchanged characterof our people, and on their faith. 

THE AMERICAN COVENANT

They came here--the exile and the stranger, brave but frightened--tofind a place where a man could be his own man. They made a covenant withthis land. Conceived in justice, written in liberty, bound in union, itwas meant one day to inspire the hopes of all mankind; and it binds usstill. If we keep its terms, we shall flourish. 

JUSTICE AND CHANGE

First, justice was the promise that all who made the journey would sharein the fruits of the land. 

In a land of great wealth, families must not live in hopeless poverty. In a land rich in harvest, children just must not go hungry. In a landof healing miracles, neighbors must not suffer and die unattended. In agreat land of learning and scholars, young people must be taught to readand write. 

For the more than 30 years that I have served this Nation, I havebelieved that this injustice to our people, this waste of our resources, was our real enemy. For 30 years or more, with the resources I have had, I have vigilantly fought against it. I have learned, and I know, that itwill not surrender easily. 

But change has given us new weapons. Before this generation of Americansis finished, this enemy will not only retreat--it will be conquered. 

Justice requires us to remember that when any citizen denies his fellow, saying, "His color is not mine, " or "His beliefs are strange anddifferent, " in that moment he betrays America, though his forebearscreated this Nation. 

LIBERTY AND CHANGE

Liberty was the second article of our covenant. It was self-government. It was our Bill of Rights. But it was more. America would be a placewhere each man could be proud to be himself: stretching his talents, rejoicing in his work, important in the life of his neighbors and hisnation. 

This has become more difficult in a world where change and growth seemto tower beyond the control and even the judgment of men. We must workto provide the knowledge and the surroundings which can enlarge thepossibilities of every citizen. 

The American covenant called on us to help show the way for theliberation of man. And that is today our goal. Thus, if as a nationthere is much outside our control, as a people no stranger is outsideour hope. 

Change has brought new meaning to that old mission. We can never againstand aside, prideful in isolation. Terrific dangers and troubles thatwe once called "foreign" now constantly live among us. If American livesmust end, and American treasure be spilled, in countries we barely know, that is the price that change has demanded of conviction and of ourenduring covenant. 

Think of our world as it looks from the rocket that is heading towardMars. It is like a child's globe, hanging in space, the continents stuckto its side like colored maps. We are all fellow passengers on a dot ofearth. And each of us, in the span of time, has really only a momentamong our companions. 

How incredible it is that in this fragile existence, we should hate anddestroy one another. There are possibilities enough for all who willabandon mastery over others to pursue mastery over nature. There isworld enough for all to seek their happiness in their own way. 

Our Nation's course is abundantly clear. We aspire to nothing thatbelongs to others. We seek no dominion over our fellow man, but man'sdominion over tyranny and misery. 

But more is required. Men want to be a part of a common enterprise--acause greater than themselves. Each of us must find a way to advance thepurpose of the Nation, thus finding new purpose for ourselves. Withoutthis, we shall become a nation of strangers. 

UNION AND CHANGE

The third article was union. To those who were small and few against thewilderness, the success of liberty demanded the strength of union. Twocenturies of change have made this true again. 

No longer need capitalist and worker, farmer and clerk, city andcountryside, struggle to divide our bounty. By working shoulder toshoulder, together we can increase the bounty of all. We have discoveredthat every child who learns, every man who finds work, every sick bodythat is made whole--like a candle added to an altar--brightens the hopeof all the faithful. 

So let us reject any among us who seek to reopen old wounds and torekindle old hatreds. They stand in the way of a seeking nation. 

Let us now join reason to faith and action to experience, to transformour unity of interest into a unity of purpose. For the hour and the dayand the time are here to achieve progress without strife, to achievechange without hatred--not without difference of opinion, but withoutthe deep and abiding divisions which scar the union for generations. 

THE AMERICAN BELIEF

Under this covenant of justice, liberty, and union we have become anation--prosperous, great, and mighty. And we have kept our freedom. Butwe have no promise from God that our greatness will endure. We havebeen allowed by Him to seek greatness with the sweat of our hands andthe strength of our spirit. 

I do not believe that the Great Society is the ordered, changeless, andsterile battalion of the ants. It is the excitement of becoming--alwaysbecoming, trying, probing, falling, resting, and trying again--butalways trying and always gaining. 

In each generation, with toil and tears, we have had to earn ourheritage again. 

If we fail now, we shall have forgotten in abundance what we learned inhardship: that democracy rests on faith, that freedom asks more than itgives, and that the judgment of God is harshest on those who are mostfavored. 

If we succeed, it will not be because of what we have, but it will bebecause of what we are; not because of what we own, but, rather becauseof what we believe. 

For we are a nation of believers. Underneath the clamor of building andthe rush of our day's pursuits, we are believers in justice and libertyand union, and in our own Union. We believe that every man must somedaybe free. And we believe in ourselves. 

Our enemies have always made the same mistake. In my lifetime--indepression and in war--they have awaited our defeat. Each time, from thesecret places of the American heart, came forth the faith they could notsee or that they could not even imagine. It brought us victory. And itwill again. 

For this is what America is all about. It is the uncrossed desert andthe unclimbed ridge. It is the star that is not reached and the harvestsleeping in the unplowed ground. Is our world gone? We say "Farewell. "Is a new world coming? We welcome it--and we will bend it to the hopesof man. 

To these trusted public servants and to my family and those closefriends of mine who have followed me down a long, winding road, and toall the people of this Union and the world, I will repeat today what Isaid on that sorrowful day in November 1963: "I will lead and I will dothe best I can. "

But you must look within your own hearts to the old promises and to theold dream. They will lead you best of all. 

For myself, I ask only, in the words of an ancient leader: "Give me nowwisdom and knowledge, that I may go out and come in before this people:for who can judge this thy people, that is so great?"

* * * * *

RICHARD MILHOUS NIXON, FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS

MONDAY, JANUARY 20, 1969

[Transcriber's note: An almost-winner of the 1960 election, and a closewinner of the 1968 election, the former Vice President and CaliforniaSenator and Congressman had defeated the Democratic Vice President, Hubert Humphrey, and the American Independent Party candidate, GeorgeWallace. Chief Justice Earl Warren administered the oath of office forthe fifth time. The President addressed the large crowd from a pavilionon the East Front of the Capitol. The address was televised by satellitearound the world. ]

Senator Dirksen, Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. Vice President, PresidentJohnson, Vice President Humphrey, my fellow Americans--and my fellowcitizens of the world community:

I ask you to share with me today the majesty of this moment. In theorderly transfer of power, we celebrate the unity that keeps us free. 

Each moment in history is a fleeting time, precious and unique. But somestand out as moments of beginning, in which courses are set that shapedecades or centuries. 

This can be such a moment. 

Forces now are converging that make possible, for the first time, thehope that many of man's deepest aspirations can at last be realized. Thespiraling pace of change allows us to contemplate, within our ownlifetime, advances that once would have taken centuries. 

In throwing wide the horizons of space, we have discovered new horizonson earth. 

For the first time, because the people of the world want peace, and theleaders of the world are afraid of war, the times are on the side ofpeace. 

Eight years from now America will celebrate its 200th anniversary as anation. Within the lifetime of most people now living, mankind willcelebrate that great new year which comes only once in a thousandyears--the beginning of the third millennium. 

What kind of nation we will be, what kind of world we will live in, whether we shape the future in the image of our hopes, is ours todetermine by our actions and our choices. 

The greatest honor history can bestow is the title of peacemaker. Thishonor now beckons America--the chance to help lead the world at last outof the valley of turmoil, and onto that high ground of peace that manhas dreamed of since the dawn of civilization. 

If we succeed, generations to come will say of us now living that wemastered our moment, that we helped make the world safe for mankind. 

This is our summons to greatness. 

I believe the American people are ready to answer this call. 

The second third of this century has been a time of proud achievement. We have made enormous strides in science and industry and agriculture. We have shared our wealth more broadly than ever. We have learned atlast to manage a modern economy to assure its continued growth. 

We have given freedom new reach, and we have begun to make its promisereal for black as well as for white. 

We see the hope of tomorrow in the youth of today. I know America'syouth. I believe in them. We can be proud that they are better educated, more committed, more passionately driven by conscience than anygeneration in our history. 

No people has ever been so close to the achievement of a just andabundant society, or so possessed of the will to achieve it. Because ourstrengths are so great, we can afford to appraise our weaknesses withcandor and to approach them with hope. 

Standing in this same place a third of a century ago, Franklin DelanoRoosevelt addressed a Nation ravaged by depression and gripped in fear. He could say in surveying the Nation's troubles: "They concern, thankGod, only material things. "

Our crisis today is the reverse. 

We have found ourselves rich in goods, but ragged in spirit; reachingwith magnificent precision for the moon, but falling into raucousdiscord on earth. 

We are caught in war, wanting peace. We are torn by division, wantingunity. We see around us empty lives, wanting fulfillment. We see tasksthat need doing, waiting for hands to do them. 

To a crisis of the spirit, we need an answer of the spirit. 

To find that answer, we need only look within ourselves. 

When we listen to "the better angels of our nature, " we find that theycelebrate the simple things, the basic things--such as goodness, decency, love, kindness. 

Greatness comes in simple trappings. 

The simple things are the ones most needed today if we are to surmountwhat divides us, and cement what unites us. 

To lower our voices would be a simple thing. 

In these difficult years, America has suffered from a fever of words;from inflated rhetoric that promises more than it can deliver; fromangry rhetoric that fans discontents into hatreds; from bombasticrhetoric that postures instead of persuading. 

We cannot learn from one another until we stop shouting at oneanother--until we speak quietly enough so that our words can be heard aswell as our voices. 

For its part, government will listen. We will strive to listen in newways--to the voices of quiet anguish, the voices that speak withoutwords, the voices of the heart--to the injured voices, the anxiousvoices, the voices that have despaired of being heard. 

Those who have been left out, we will try to bring in. 

Those left behind, we will help to catch up. 

For all of our people, we will set as our goal the decent order thatmakes progress possible and our lives secure. 

As we reach toward our hopes, our task is to build on what has gonebefore--not turning away from the old, but turning toward the new. 

In this past third of a century, government has passed more laws, spentmore money, initiated more programs, than in all our previous history. 

In pursuing our goals of full employment, better housing, excellence ineducation; in rebuilding our cities and improving our rural areas; inprotecting our environment and enhancing the quality of life--in allthese and more, we will and must press urgently forward. 

We shall plan now for the day when our wealth can be transferred fromthe destruction of war abroad to the urgent needs of our people at home. 

The American dream does not come to those who fall asleep. 

But we are approaching the limits of what government alone can do. 

Our greatest need now is to reach beyond government, and to enlist thelegions of the concerned and the committed. 

What has to be done, has to be done by government and people together orit will not be done at all. The lesson of past agony is that without thepeople we can do nothing; with the people we can do everything. 

To match the magnitude of our tasks, we need the energies of ourpeople--enlisted not only in grand enterprises, but more importantly inthose small, splendid efforts that make headlines in the neighborhoodnewspaper instead of the national journal. 

With these, we can build a great cathedral of the spirit--each of usraising it one stone at a time, as he reaches out to his neighbor, helping, caring, doing. 

I do not offer a life of uninspiring ease. I do not call for a life ofgrim sacrifice. I ask you to join in a high adventure--one as rich ashumanity itself, and as exciting as the times we live in. 

The essence of freedom is that each of us shares in the shaping of hisown destiny. 

Until he has been part of a cause larger than himself, no man is trulywhole. 

The way to fulfillment is in the use of our talents; we achieve nobilityin the spirit that inspires that use. 

As we measure what can be done, we shall promise only what we know wecan produce, but as we chart our goals we shall be lifted by our dreams. 

No man can be fully free while his neighbor is not. To go forward at allis to go forward together. 

This means black and white together, as one nation, not two. The lawshave caught up with our conscience. What remains is to give life to whatis in the law: to ensure at last that as all are born equal in dignitybefore God, all are born equal in dignity before man. 

As we learn to go forward together at home, let us also seek to goforward together with all mankind. 

Let us take as our goal: where peace is unknown, make it welcome; wherepeace is fragile, make it strong; where peace is temporary, make itpermanent. 

After a period of confrontation, we are entering an era of negotiation. 

Let all nations know that during this administration our lines ofcommunication will be open. 

We seek an open world--open to ideas, open to the exchange of goods andpeople--a world in which no people, great or small, will live in angryisolation. 

We cannot expect to make everyone our friend, but we can try to make noone our enemy. 

Those who would be our adversaries, we invite to a peacefulcompetition--not in conquering territory or extending dominion, but inenriching the life of man. 

As we explore the reaches of space, let us go to the new worldstogether--not as new worlds to be conquered, but as a new adventure tobe shared. 

With those who are willing to join, let us cooperate to reduce theburden of arms, to strengthen the structure of peace, to lift up thepoor and the hungry. 

But to all those who would be tempted by weakness, let us leave no doubtthat we will be as strong as we need to be for as long as we need to be. 

Over the past twenty years, since I first came to this Capital as afreshman Congressman, I have visited most of the nations of the world. 

I have come to know the leaders of the world, and the great forces, thehatreds, the fears that divide the world. 

I know that peace does not come through wishing for it--that there is nosubstitute for days and even years of patient and prolonged diplomacy. 

I also know the people of the world. 

I have seen the hunger of a homeless child, the pain of a man wounded inbattle, the grief of a mother who has lost her son. I know these have noideology, no race. 

I know America. I know the heart of America is good. 

I speak from my own heart, and the heart of my country, the deep concernwe have for those who suffer, and those who sorrow. 

I have taken an oath today in the presence of God and my countrymen touphold and defend the Constitution of the United States. To that oath Inow add this sacred commitment: I shall consecrate my office, myenergies, and all the wisdom I can summon, to the cause of peace amongnations. 

Let this message be heard by strong and weak alike:

The peace we seek to win is not victory over any other people, but thepeace that comes "with healing in its wings"; with compassion for thosewho have suffered; with understanding for those who have opposed us;with the opportunity for all the peoples of this earth to choose theirown destiny. 

Only a few short weeks ago, we shared the glory of man's first sight ofthe world as God sees it, as a single sphere reflecting light in thedarkness. 

As the Apollo astronauts flew over the moon's gray surface on ChristmasEve, they spoke to us of the beauty of earth--and in that voice so clearacross the lunar distance, we heard them invoke God's blessing on itsgoodness. 

In that moment, their view from the moon moved poet Archibald MacLeishto write:

"To see the earth as it truly is, small and blue and beautiful in thateternal silence where it floats, is to see ourselves as riders on theearth together, brothers on that bright loveliness in the eternalcold--brothers who know now they are truly brothers. "

In that moment of surpassing technological triumph, men turned theirthoughts toward home and humanity--seeing in that far perspective thatman's destiny on earth is not divisible; telling us that however far wereach into the cosmos, our destiny lies not in the stars but on Earthitself, in our own hands, in our own hearts. 

We have endured a long night of the American spirit. But as our eyescatch the dimness of the first rays of dawn, let us not curse theremaining dark. Let us gather the light. 

Our destiny offers, not the cup of despair, but the chalice ofopportunity. So let us seize it, not in fear, but in gladness--and, "riders on the earth together, " let us go forward, firm in our faith, steadfast in our purpose, cautious of the dangers; but sustained by ourconfidence in the will of God and the promise of man. 

* * * * *

RICHARD MILHOUS NIXON, SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS

SATURDAY, JANUARY 20, 1973

[Transcriber's note: The election of 1972 consolidated the gains that thePresident had made with the electorate in 1968. Although the DemocraticParty maintained majorities in the Congress, the presidential ambitionsof South Dakota Senator George McGovern were unsuccessful. The oath ofoffice was administered by Chief Justice Warren Burger on a pavilionerected on the East Front of the Capitol. ]

Mr. Vice President, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, Senator Cook, Mrs. Eisenhower, and my fellow citizens of this great and good country weshare together:

When we met here four years ago, America was bleak in spirit, depressedby the prospect of seemingly endless war abroad and of destructiveconflict at home. 

As we meet here today, we stand on the threshold of a new era of peacein the world. 

The central question before us is: How shall we use that peace? Let usresolve that this era we are about to enter will not be what otherpostwar periods have so often been: a time of retreat and isolation thatleads to stagnation at home and invites new danger abroad. 

Let us resolve that this will be what it can become: a time of greatresponsibilities greatly borne, in which we renew the spirit and thepromise of America as we enter our third century as a nation. 

This past year saw far-reaching results from our new policies for peace. By continuing to revitalize our traditional friendships, and by ourmissions to Peking and to Moscow, we were able to establish the base fora new and more durable pattern of relationships among the nations of theworld. Because of America's bold initiatives, 1972 will be longremembered as the year of the greatest progress since the end of WorldWar II toward a lasting peace in the world. 

The peace we seek in the world is not the flimsy peace which is merelyan interlude between wars, but a peace which can endure for generationsto come. 

It is important that we understand both the necessity and thelimitations of America's role in maintaining that peace. 

Unless we in America work to preserve the peace, there will be no peace. 

Unless we in America work to preserve freedom, there will be no freedom. 

But let us clearly understand the new nature of America's role, as aresult of the new policies we have adopted over these past four years. 

We shall respect our treaty commitments. 

We shall support vigorously the principle that no country has the rightto impose its will or rule on another by force. 

We shall continue, in this era of negotiation, to work for thelimitation of nuclear arms, and to reduce the danger of confrontationbetween the great powers. 

We shall do our share in defending peace and freedom in the world. Butwe shall expect others to do their share. 

The time has passed when America will make every other nation's conflictour own, or make every other nation's future our responsibility, orpresume to tell the people of other nations how to manage their ownaffairs. 

Just as we respect the right of each nation to determine its own future, we also recognize the responsibility of each nation to secure its ownfuture. 

Just as America's role is indispensable in preserving the world's peace, so is each nation's role indispensable in preserving its own peace. 

Together with the rest of the world, let us resolve to move forward fromthe beginnings we have made. Let us continue to bring down the walls ofhostility which have divided the world for too long, and to build intheir place bridges of understanding--so that despite profounddifferences between systems of government, the people of the world canbe friends. 

Let us build a structure of peace in the world in which the weak are assafe as the strong--in which each respects the right of the other tolive by a different system--in which those who would influence otherswill do so by the strength of their ideas, and not by the force of theirarms. 

Let us accept that high responsibility not as a burden, butgladly--gladly because the chance to build such a peace is the noblestendeavor in which a nation can engage; gladly, also, because only if weact greatly in meeting our responsibilities abroad will we remain agreat Nation, and only if we remain a great Nation will we act greatlyin meeting our challenges at home. 

We have the chance today to do more than ever before in our history tomake life better in America--to ensure better education, better health, better housing, better transportation, a cleaner environment--to restorerespect for law, to make our communities more livable--and to insure theGod-given right of every American to full and equal opportunity. 

Because the range of our needs is so great--because the reach of ouropportunities is so great--let us be bold in our determination to meetthose needs in new ways. 

Just as building a structure of peace abroad has required turning awayfrom old policies that failed, so building a new era of progress at homerequires turning away from old policies that have failed. 

Abroad, the shift from old policies to new has not been a retreat fromour responsibilities, but a better way to peace. 

And at home, the shift from old policies to new will not be a retreatfrom our responsibilities, but a better way to progress. 

Abroad and at home, the key to those new responsibilities lies in theplacing and the division of responsibility. We have lived too long withthe consequences of attempting to gather all power and responsibility inWashington. 

Abroad and at home, the time has come to turn away from thecondescending policies of paternalism--of "Washington knows best. "

A person can be expected to act responsibly only if he hasresponsibility. This is human nature. So let us encourage individuals athome and nations abroad to do more for themselves, to decide more forthemselves. Let us locate responsibility in more places. Let us measurewhat we will do for others by what they will do for themselves. 

That is why today I offer no promise of a purely governmental solutionfor every problem. We have lived too long with that false promise. Intrusting too much in government, we have asked of it more than it candeliver. This leads only to inflated expectations, to reduced individualeffort, and to a disappointment and frustration that erode confidenceboth in what government can do and in what people can do. 

Government must learn to take less from people so that people can domore for themselves. 

Let us remember that America was built not by government, but bypeople--not by welfare, but by work--not by shirking responsibility, butby seeking responsibility. 

In our own lives, let each of us ask--not just what will government dofor me, but what can I do for myself?

In the challenges we face together, let each of us ask--not just how cangovernment help, but how can I help?

Your National Government has a great and vital role to play. And Ipledge to you that where this Government should act, we will act boldlyand we will lead boldly. But just as important is the role that each andevery one of us must play, as an individual and as a member of his owncommunity. 

From this day forward, let each of us make a solemn commitment in hisown heart: to bear his responsibility, to do his part, to live hisideals--so that together, we can see the dawn of a new age of progressfor America, and together, as we celebrate our 200th anniversary as anation, we can do so proud in the fulfillment of our promise toourselves and to the world. 

As America's longest and most difficult war comes to an end, let usagain learn to debate our differences with civility and decency. And leteach of us reach out for that one precious quality government cannotprovide--a new level of respect for the rights and feelings of oneanother, a new level of respect for the individual human dignity whichis the cherished birthright of every American. 

Above all else, the time has come for us to renew our faith in ourselvesand in America. 

In recent years, that faith has been challenged. 

Our children have been taught to be ashamed of their country, ashamed oftheir parents, ashamed of America's record at home and of its role inthe world. 

At every turn, we have been beset by those who find everything wrongwith America and little that is right. But I am confident that this willnot be the judgment of history on these remarkable times in which we areprivileged to live. 

America's record in this century has been unparalleled in the world'shistory for its responsibility, for its generosity, for its creativityand for its progress. 

Let us be proud that our system has produced and provided more freedomand more abundance, more widely shared, than any other system in thehistory of the world. 

Let us be proud that in each of the four wars in which we have beenengaged in this century, including the one we are now bringing to anend, we have fought not for our selfish advantage, but to help othersresist aggression. 

Let us be proud that by our bold, new initiatives, and by oursteadfastness for peace with honor, we have made a break-through towardcreating in the world what the world has not known before--a structureof peace that can last, not merely for our time, but for generations tocome. 

We are embarking here today on an era that presents challenges great asthose any nation, or any generation, has ever faced. 

We shall answer to God, to history, and to our conscience for the way inwhich we use these years. 

As I stand in this place, so hallowed by history, I think of others whohave stood here before me. I think of the dreams they had for America, and I think of how each recognized that he needed help far beyondhimself in order to make those dreams come true. 

Today, I ask your prayers that in the years ahead I may have God's helpin making decisions that are right for America, and I pray for your helpso that together we may be worthy of our challenge. 

Let us pledge together to make these next four years the best four yearsin America's history, so that on its 200th birthday America will be asyoung and as vital as when it began, and as bright a beacon of hope forall the world. 

Let us go forward from here confident in hope, strong in our faith inone another, sustained by our faith in God who created us, and strivingalways to serve His purpose. 

* * * * *

JIMMY CARTER, INAUGURAL ADDRESS

THURSDAY, JANUARY 20, 1977

[Transcriber's note: The Democrats reclaimed the White House in the 1976election. The Governor from Georgia defeated Gerald Ford, who had becomePresident on August 9, 1974, upon the resignation of President Nixon. The oath of office was taken on the Bible used in the first inaugurationby George | Washington; it was administered by Chief Justice WarrenBurger on the East Front of the Capitol. The new President and hisfamily surprised the spectators by walking from the Capitol to the WhiteHouse after the ceremony. ]

For myself and for our Nation, I want to thank my predecessor for all hehas done to heal our land. 

In this outward and physical ceremony we attest once again to the innerand spiritual strength of our Nation. As my high school teacher, MissJulia Coleman, used to say: "We must adjust to changing times and stillhold to unchanging principles. "

Here before me is the Bible used in the inauguration of our firstPresident, in 1789, and I have just taken the oath of office on theBible my mother gave me a few years ago, opened to a timeless admonitionfrom the ancient prophet Micah:

"He hath showed thee, O man, what is good; and what doth the Lordrequire of thee, but to do justly, and to love mercy, and to walk humblywith thy God. " (Micah 6: 8)

This inauguration ceremony marks a new beginning, a new dedicationwithin our Government, and a new spirit among us all. A President maysense and proclaim that new spirit, but only a people can provide it. 

Two centuries ago our Nation's birth was a milestone in the long questfor freedom, but the bold and brilliant dream which excited the foundersof this Nation still awaits its consummation. I have no new dream to setforth today, but rather urge a fresh faith in the old dream. 

Ours was the first society openly to define itself in terms of bothspirituality and of human liberty. It is that unique self-definitionwhich has given us an exceptional appeal, but it also imposes on us aspecial obligation, to take on those moral duties which, when assumed, seem invariably to be in our own best interests. 

You have given me a great responsibility--to stay close to you, to beworthy of you, and to exemplify what you are. Let us create together anew national spirit of unity and trust. Your strength can compensate formy weakness, and your wisdom can help to minimize my mistakes. 

Let us learn together and laugh together and work together and praytogether, confident that in the end we will triumph together in theright. 

The American dream endures. We must once again have full faith in ourcountry--and in one another. I believe America can be better. We can beeven stronger than before. 

Let our recent mistakes bring a resurgent commitment to the basicprinciples of our Nation, for we know that if we despise our owngovernment we have no future. We recall in special times when we havestood briefly, but magnificently, united. In those times no prize wasbeyond our grasp. 

But we cannot dwell upon remembered glory. We cannot afford to drift. Wereject the prospect of failure or mediocrity or an inferior quality oflife for any person. Our Government must at the same time be bothcompetent and compassionate. 

We have already found a high degree of personal liberty, and we are nowstruggling to enhance equality of opportunity. Our commitment to humanrights must be absolute, our laws fair, our natural beauty preserved;the powerful must not persecute the weak, and human dignity must beenhanced. 

We have learned that "more" is not necessarily "better, " that even ourgreat Nation has its recognized limits, and that we can neither answerall questions nor solve all problems. We cannot afford to do everything, nor can we afford to lack boldness as we meet the future. So, together, in a spirit of individual sacrifice for the common good, we must simplydo our best. 

Our Nation can be strong abroad only if it is strong at home. And weknow that the best way to enhance freedom in other lands is todemonstrate here that our democratic system is worthy of emulation. 

To be true to ourselves, we must be true to others. We will not behavein foreign places so as to violate our rules and standards here at home, for we know that the trust which our Nation earns is essential to ourstrength. 

The world itself is now dominated by a new spirit. Peoples more numerousand more politically aware are craving and now demanding their place inthe sun--not just for the benefit of their own physical condition, butfor basic human rights. 

The passion for freedom is on the rise. Tapping this new spirit, therecan be no nobler nor more ambitious task for America to undertake onthis day of a new beginning than to help shape a just and peaceful worldthat is truly humane. 

We are a strong nation, and we will maintain strength so sufficient thatit need not be proven in combat--a quiet strength based not merely onthe size of an arsenal, but on the nobility of ideas. 

We will be ever vigilant and never vulnerable, and we will fight ourwars against poverty, ignorance, and injustice--for those are theenemies against which our forces can be honorably marshaled. 

We are a purely idealistic Nation, but let no one confuse our idealismwith weakness. 

Because we are free we can never be indifferent to the fate of freedomelsewhere. Our moral sense dictates a clearcut preference for thesesocieties which share with us an abiding respect for individual humanrights. We do not seek to intimidate, but it is clear that a world whichothers can dominate with impunity would be inhospitable to decency and athreat to the well-being of all people. 

The world is still engaged in a massive armaments race designed toensure continuing equivalent strength among potential adversaries. Wepledge perseverance and wisdom in our efforts to limit the world'sarmaments to those necessary for each nation's own domestic safety. Andwe will move this year a step toward ultimate goal--the elimination ofall nuclear weapons from this Earth. We urge all other people to joinus, for success can mean life instead of death. 

Within us, the people of the United States, there is evident a seriousand purposeful rekindling of confidence. And I join in the hope thatwhen my time as your President has ended, people might say this aboutour Nation:

--that we had remembered the words of Micah and renewed our search forhumility, mercy, and justice;

--that we had torn down the barriers that separated those of differentrace and region and religion, and where there had been mistrust, builtunity, with a respect for diversity;

--that we had found productive work for those able to perform it;

--that we had strengthened the American family, which is the basis ofour society;

--that we had ensured respect for the law, and equal treatment under thelaw, for the weak and the powerful, for the rich and the poor;

--and that we had enabled our people to be proud of their own Governmentonce again. 

I would hope that the nations of the world might say that we had built alasting peace, built not on weapons of war but on international policieswhich reflect our own most precious values. 

These are not just my goals, and they will not be my accomplishments, but the affirmation of our Nation's continuing moral strength and ourbelief in an undiminished, ever-expanding American dream. 

* * * * *

RONALD REAGAN, FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS

TUESDAY, JANUARY 20, 1981

[Transcriber's note: For the first time, an inauguration ceremony washeld on the terrace of the West Front of the Capitol. Chief JusticeWarren Burger administered the oath of office to the former broadcaster, screen actor, and Governor of California. In the election of 1980, theRepublicans won the White House and a majority in the Senate. Oninauguration day, American hostages held by the revolutionary governmentof Iran were released. ]

Senator Hatfield, Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. President, Vice President Bush, Vice President Mondale, Senator Baker, Speaker O'Neill, Reverend Moomaw, and my fellow citizens: To a few of us here today, this is a solemn andmost momentous occasion; and yet, in the history of our Nation, it is acommonplace occurrence. The orderly transfer of authority as called forin the Constitution routinely takes place as it has for almost twocenturies and few of us stop to think how unique we really are. In theeyes of many in the world, this every-4-year ceremony we accept asnormal is nothing less than a miracle. 

Mr. President, I want our fellow citizens to know how much you did tocarry on this tradition. By your gracious cooperation in the transitionprocess, you have shown a watching world that we are a united peoplepledged to maintaining a political system which guarantees individualliberty to a greater degree than any other, and I thank you and yourpeople for all your help in maintaining the continuity which is thebulwark of our Republic. 

The business of our nation goes forward. These United States areconfronted with an economic affliction of great proportions. We sufferfrom the longest and one of the worst sustained inflations in ournational history. It distorts our economic decisions, penalizes thrift, and crushes the struggling young and the fixed-income elderly alike. Itthreatens to shatter the lives of millions of our people. 

Idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, causing humanmisery and personal indignity. Those who do work are denied a fairreturn for their labor by a tax system which penalizes successfulachievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity. 

But great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with publicspending. For decades, we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgagingour future and our children's future for the temporary convenience ofthe present. To continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendoussocial, cultural, political, and economic upheavals. 

You and I, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, butfor only a limited period of time. Why, then, should we think thatcollectively, as a nation, we are not bound by that same limitation?

We must act today in order to preserve tomorrow. And let there be nomisunderstanding--we are going to begin to act, beginning today. 

The economic ills we suffer have come upon us over several decades. Theywill not go away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away. Theywill go away because we, as Americans, have the capacity now, as we havehad in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this lastand greatest bastion of freedom. 

In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem. 

From time to time, we have been tempted to believe that society hasbecome too complex to be managed by self-rule, that government by anelite group is superior to government for, by, and of the people. But ifno one among us is capable of governing himself, then who among us hasthe capacity to govern someone else? All of us together, in and out ofgovernment, must bear the burden. The solutions we seek must beequitable, with no one group singled out to pay a higher price. 

We hear much of special interest groups. Our concern must be for aspecial interest group that has been too long neglected. It knows nosectional boundaries or ethnic and racial divisions, and it crossespolitical party lines. It is made up of men and women who raise ourfood, patrol our streets, man our mines and our factories, teach ourchildren, keep our homes, and heal us when we are sick--professionals, industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies, and truckdrivers. Theyare, in short, "We the people, " this breed called Americans. 

Well, this administration's objective will be a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that provides equal opportunity for all Americans, withno barriers born of bigotry or discrimination. Putting America back towork means putting all Americans back to work. Ending inflation meansfreeing all Americans from the terror of runaway living costs. All mustshare in the productive work of this "new beginning" and all must sharein the bounty of a revived economy. With the idealism and fair playwhich are the core of our system and our strength, we can have a strongand prosperous America at peace with itself and the world. 

So, as we begin, let us take inventory. We are a nation that has agovernment--not the other way around. And this makes us special amongthe nations of the Earth. Our Government has no power except thatgranted it by the people. It is time to check and reverse the growth ofgovernment which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of thegoverned. 

It is my intention to curb the size and influence of the Federalestablishment and to demand recognition of the distinction between thepowers granted to the Federal Government and those reserved to theStates or to the people. All of us need to be reminded that the FederalGovernment did not create the States; the States created the FederalGovernment. 

Now, so there will be no misunderstanding, it is not my intention to doaway with government. It is, rather, to make it work-work with us, notover us; to stand by our side, not ride on our back. Government can andmust provide opportunity, not smother it; foster productivity, notstifle it. 

If we look to the answer as to why, for so many years, we achieved somuch, prospered as no other people on Earth, it was because here, inthis land, we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to agreater extent than has ever been done before. Freedom and the dignityof the individual have been more available and assured here than in anyother place on Earth. The price for this freedom at times has been high, but we have never been unwilling to pay that price. 

It is no coincidence that our present troubles parallel and areproportionate to the intervention and intrusion in our lives that resultfrom unnecessary and excessive growth of government. It is time for usto realize that we are too great a nation to limit ourselves to smalldreams. We are not, as some would have us believe, doomed to aninevitable decline. I do not believe in a fate that will fall on us nomatter what we do. I do believe in a fate that will fall on us if we donothing. So, with all the creative energy at our command, let us beginan era of national renewal. Let us renew our determination, our courage, and our strength. And let us renew our faith and our hope. 

We have every right to dream heroic dreams. Those who say that we are ina time when there are no heroes just don't know where to look. You cansee heroes every day going in and out of factory gates. Others, ahandful in number, produce enough food to feed all of us and then theworld beyond. You meet heroes across a counter--and they are on bothsides of that counter. There are entrepreneurs with faith in themselvesand faith in an idea who create new jobs, new wealth and opportunity. They are individuals and families whose taxes support the Government andwhose voluntary gifts support church, charity, culture, art, andeducation. Their patriotism is quiet but deep. Their values sustain ournational life. 

I have used the words "they" and "their" in speaking of these heroes. Icould say "you" and "your" because I am addressing the heroes of whom Ispeak--you, the citizens of this blessed land. Your dreams, your hopes, your goals are going to be the dreams, the hopes, and the goals of thisadministration, so help me God. 

We shall reflect the compassion that is so much a part of your makeup. How can we love our country and not love our countrymen, and lovingthem, reach out a hand when they fall, heal them when they are sick, andprovide opportunities to make them self-sufficient so they will beequal in fact and not just in theory?

Can we solve the problems confronting us? Well, the answer is anunequivocal and emphatic "yes. " To paraphrase Winston Churchill, I didnot take the oath I have just taken with the intention of presiding overthe dissolution of the world's strongest economy. 

In the days ahead I will propose removing the roadblocks that haveslowed our economy and reduced productivity. Steps will be taken aimedat restoring the balance between the various levels of government. Progress may be slow--measured in inches and feet, not miles--but wewill progress. Is it time to reawaken this industrial giant, to getgovernment back within its means, and to lighten our punitive taxburden. And these will be our first priorities, and on these principles, there will be no compromise. 

On the eve of our struggle for independence a man who might have beenone of the greatest among the Founding Fathers, Dr. Joseph Warren, President of the Massachusetts Congress, said to his fellow Americans, "Our country is in danger, but not to be despaired of.... On you dependthe fortunes of America. You are to decide the important questions uponwhich rests the happiness and the liberty of millions yet unborn. Actworthy of yourselves. "

Well, I believe we, the Americans of today, are ready to act worthy ofourselves, ready to do what must be done to ensure happiness and libertyfor ourselves, our children and our children's children. 

And as we renew ourselves here in our own land, we will be seen ashaving greater strength throughout the world. We will again be theexemplar of freedom and a beacon of hope for those who do not now havefreedom. 

To those neighbors and allies who share our freedom, we will strengthenour historic ties and assure them of our support and firm commitment. Wewill match loyalty with loyalty. We will strive for mutually beneficialrelations. We will not use our friendship to impose on theirsovereignty, for our own sovereignty is not for sale. 

As for the enemies of freedom, those who are potential adversaries, theywill be reminded that peace is the highest aspiration of the Americanpeople. We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for it; we will notsurrender for it--now or ever. 

Our forbearance should never be misunderstood. Our reluctance forconflict should not be misjudged as a failure of will. When action isrequired to preserve our national security, we will act. We willmaintain sufficient strength to prevail if need be, knowing that if wedo so we have the best chance of never having to use that strength. 

Above all, we must realize that no arsenal, or no weapon in the arsenalsof the world, is so formidable as the will and moral courage of free menand women. It is a weapon our adversaries in today's world do not have. It is a weapon that we as Americans do have. Let that be understood bythose who practice terrorism and prey upon their neighbors. 

I am told that tens of thousands of prayer meetings are being held onthis day, and for that I am deeply grateful. We are a nation under God, and I believe God intended for us to be free. It would be fitting andgood, I think, if on each Inauguration Day in future years it should bedeclared a day of prayer. 

This is the first time in history that this ceremony has been held, asyou have been told, on this West Front of the Capitol. Standing here, one faces a magnificent vista, opening up on this city's special beautyand history. At the end of this open mall are those shrines to thegiants on whose shoulders we stand. 

Directly in front of me, the monument to a monumental man: GeorgeWashington, Father of our country. A man of humility who came togreatness reluctantly. He led America out of revolutionary victory intoinfant nationhood. Off to one side, the stately memorial to ThomasJefferson. The Declaration of Independence flames with his eloquence. 

And then beyond the Reflecting Pool the dignified columns of the LincolnMemorial. Whoever would understand in his heart the meaning of Americawill find it in the life of Abraham Lincoln. 

Beyond those monuments to heroism is the Potomac River, and on the farshore the sloping hills of Arlington National Cemetery with its row onrow of simple white markers bearing crosses or Stars of David. They addup to only a tiny fraction of the price that has been paid for ourfreedom. 

Each one of those markers is a monument to the kinds of hero I spoke ofearlier. Their lives ended in places called Belleau Wood, The Argonne, Omaha Beach, Salerno and halfway around the world on Guadalcanal, Tarawa, Pork Chop Hill, the Chosin Reservoir, and in a hundred ricepaddies and jungles of a place called Vietnam. 

Under one such marker lies a young man--Martin Treptow--who left his jobin a small town barber shop in 1917 to go to France with the famedRainbow Division. There, on the western front, he was killed trying tocarry a message between battalions under heavy artillery fire. 

We are told that on his body was found a diary. On the flyleaf under theheading, "My Pledge, " he had written these words: "America must win thiswar. Therefore, I will work, I will save, I will sacrifice, I willendure, I will fight cheerfully and do my utmost, as if the issue of thewhole struggle depended on me alone. "

The crisis we are facing today does not require of us the kind ofsacrifice that Martin Treptow and so many thousands of others werecalled upon to make. It does require, however, our best effort, and ourwillingness to believe in ourselves and to believe in our capacity toperform great deeds; to believe that together, with God's help, we canand will resolve the problems which now confront us. 

And, after all, why shouldn't we believe that? We are Americans. Godbless you, and thank you. 

* * * * *

RONALD REAGAN, SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS

MONDAY, JANUARY 21, 1985

[Transcriber's note: January 20 was a Sunday, and the President took theoath of office, administered by Chief Justice Warren Burger, in theGrand Foyer of the White House. Weather that hovered near zero thatnight and on Monday forced the planners to cancel many of the outdoorevents for the second inauguration. For the first time a President tookthe oath of office in the Capitol Rotunda. The oath was againadministered by Chief Justice Burger. Jessye Norman sang at theceremony. ]

Senator Mathias, Chief Justice Burger, Vice President Bush, SpeakerO'Neill, Senator Dole, Reverend Clergy, members of my family andfriends, and my fellow citizens:

This day has been made brighter with the presence here of one who, for atime, has been absent--Senator John Stennis. 

God bless you and welcome back. 

There is, however, one who is not with us today: Representative GillisLong of Louisiana left us last night. I wonder if we could all join in amoment of silent prayer. (Moment of silent prayer. ) Amen. 

There are no words adequate to express my thanks for the great honorthat you have bestowed on me. I will do my utmost to be deserving ofyour trust. 

This is, as Senator Mathias told us, the 50th time that we the peoplehave celebrated this historic occasion. When the first President, GeorgeWashington, placed his hand upon the Bible, he stood less than a singleday's journey by horseback from raw, untamed wilderness. There were 4million Americans in a union of 13 States. Today we are 60 times as manyin a union of 50 States. We have lighted the world with our inventions, gone to the aid of mankind wherever in the world there was a cry forhelp, journeyed to the Moon and safely returned. So much has changed. And yet we stand together as we did two centuries ago. 

When I took this oath four years ago, I did so in a time of economicstress. Voices were raised saying we had to look to our past for thegreatness and glory. But we, the present-day Americans, are not given tolooking backward. In this blessed land, there is always a bettertomorrow. 

Four years ago, I spoke to you of a new beginning and we haveaccomplished that. But in another sense, our new beginning is acontinuation of that beginning created two centuries ago when, for thefirst time in history, government, the people said, was not our master, it is our servant; its only power that which we the people allow it tohave. 

That system has never failed us, but, for a time, we failed the system. We asked things of government that government was not equipped to give. We yielded authority to the National Government that properly belongedto States or to local governments or to the people themselves. Weallowed taxes and inflation to rob us of our earnings and savings andwatched the great industrial machine that had made us the mostproductive people on Earth slow down and the number of unemployedincrease. 

By 1980, we knew it was time to renew our faith, to strive with all ourstrength toward the ultimate in individual freedom consistent with anorderly society. 

We believed then and now there are no limits to growth and humanprogress when men and women are free to follow their dreams. 

And we were right to believe that. Tax rates have been reduced, inflation cut dramatically, and more people are employed than everbefore in our history. 

We are creating a nation once again vibrant, robust, and alive. Butthere are many mountains yet to climb. We will not rest until everyAmerican enjoys the fullness of freedom, dignity, and opportunity as ourbirthright. It is our birthright as citizens of this great Republic, andwe'll meet this challenge. 

These will be years when Americans have restored their confidence andtradition of progress; when our values of faith, family, work, andneighborhood were restated for a modern age; when our economy wasfinally freed from government's grip; when we made sincere efforts atmeaningful arms reduction, rebuilding our defenses, our economy, anddeveloping new technologies, and helped preserve peace in a troubledworld; when Americans courageously supported the struggle for liberty, self-government, and free enterprise throughout the world, and turnedthe tide of history away from totalitarian darkness and into the warmsunlight of human freedom. 

My fellow citizens, our Nation is poised for greatness. We must do whatwe know is right and do it with all our might. Let history say of us, "These were golden years--when the American Revolution was reborn, whenfreedom gained new life, when America reached for her best. "

Our two-party system has served us well over the years, but never betterthan in those times of great challenge when we came together not asDemocrats or Republicans, but as Americans united in a common cause. 

Two of our Founding Fathers, a Boston lawyer named Adams and a Virginiaplanter named Jefferson, members of that remarkable group who met inIndependence Hall and dared to think they could start the world overagain, left us an important lesson. They had become political rivals inthe Presidential election of 1800. Then years later, when both wereretired, and age had softened their anger, they began to speak to eachother again through letters. A bond was reestablished between those twowho had helped create this government of ours. 

In 1826, the 50th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, theyboth died. They died on the same day, within a few hours of each other, and that day was the Fourth of July. 

In one of those letters exchanged in the sunset of their lives, Jefferson wrote: "It carries me back to the times when, beset withdifficulties and dangers, we were fellow laborers in the same cause, struggling for what is most valuable to man, his right toself-government. Laboring always at the same oar, with some wave everahead threatening to overwhelm us, and yet passing harmless... We rodethrough the storm with heart and hand. "

Well, with heart and hand, let us stand as one today: One people underGod determined that our future shall be worthy of our past. As we do, wemust not repeat the well-intentioned errors of our past. We must neveragain abuse the trust of working men and women, by sending theirearnings on a futile chase after the spiraling demands of a bloatedFederal Establishment. You elected us in 1980 to end this prescriptionfor disaster, and I don't believe you reelected us in 1984 to reversecourse. 

At the heart of our efforts is one idea vindicated by 25 straight monthsof economic growth: Freedom and incentives unleash the drive andentrepreneurial genius that are the core of human progress. We havebegun to increase the rewards for work, savings, and investment; reducethe increase in the cost and size of government and its interference inpeople's lives. 

We must simplify our tax system, make it more fair, and bring the ratesdown for all who work and earn. We must think anew and move with a newboldness, so every American who seeks work can find work; so the leastamong us shall have an equal chance to achieve the greatest things--tobe heroes who heal our sick, feed the hungry, protect peace amongnations, and leave this world a better place. 

The time has come for a new American emancipation--a great nationaldrive to tear down economic barriers and liberate the spirit ofenterprise in the most distressed areas of our country. My friends, together we can do this, and do it we must, so help me God. 

From new freedom will spring new opportunities for growth, a moreproductive, fulfilled and united people, and a stronger America--anAmerica that will lead the technological revolution, and also open itsmind and heart and soul to the treasures of literature, music, andpoetry, and the values of faith, courage, and love. 

A dynamic economy, with more citizens working and paying taxes, will beour strongest tool to bring down budget deficits. But an almost unbroken50 years of deficit spending has finally brought us to a time ofreckoning. We have come to a turning point, a moment for hard decisions. I have asked the Cabinet and my staff a question, and now I put the samequestion to all of you: If not us, who? And if not now, when? It must bedone by all of us going forward with a program aimed at reaching abalanced budget. We can then begin reducing the national debt. 

I will shortly submit a budget to the Congress aimed at freezinggovernment program spending for the next year. Beyond that, we must takefurther steps to permanently control Government's power to tax andspend. We must act now to protect future generations from Government'sdesire to spend its citizens' money and tax them into servitude when thebills come due. Let us make it unconstitutional for the FederalGovernment to spend more than the Federal Government takes in. 

We have already started returning to the people and to State and localgovernments responsibilities better handled by them. Now, there is aplace for the Federal Government in matters of social compassion. Butour fundamental goals must be to reduce dependency and upgrade thedignity of those who are infirm or disadvantaged. And here a growingeconomy and support from family and community offer our best chance fora society where compassion is a way of life, where the old and infirmare cared for, the young and, yes, the unborn protected, and theunfortunate looked after and made self-sufficient. 

And there is another area where the Federal Government can play a part. As an older American, I remember a time when people of different race, creed, or ethnic origin in our land found hatred and prejudice installedin social custom and, yes, in law. There is no story more heartening inour history than the progress that we have made toward the "brotherhoodof man" that God intended for us. Let us resolve there will be noturning back or hesitation on the road to an America rich in dignity andabundant with opportunity for all our citizens. 

Let us resolve that we the people will build an American opportunitysociety in which all of us--white and black, rich and poor, young andold--will go forward together arm in arm. Again, let us remember thatthough our heritage is one of blood lines from every corner of theEarth, we are all Americans pledged to carry on this last, best hope ofman on Earth. 

I have spoken of our domestic goals and the limitations which we shouldput on our National Government. Now let me turn to a task which is theprimary responsibility of National Government--the safety and securityof our people. 

Today, we utter no prayer more fervently than the ancient prayer forpeace on Earth. Yet history has shown that peace will not come, nor willour freedom be preserved, by good will alone. There are those in theworld who scorn our vision of human dignity and freedom. One nation, theSoviet Union, has conducted the greatest military buildup in the historyof man, building arsenals of awesome offensive weapons. 

We have made progress in restoring our defense capability. But muchremains to be done. There must be no wavering by us, nor any doubts byothers, that America will meet her responsibilities to remain free, secure, and at peace. 

There is only one way safely and legitimately to reduce the cost ofnational security, and that is to reduce the need for it. And this weare trying to do in negotiations with the Soviet Union. We are not justdiscussing limits on a further increase of nuclear weapons. We seek, instead, to reduce their number. We seek the total elimination one dayof nuclear weapons from the face of the Earth. 

Now, for decades, we and the Soviets have lived under the threat ofmutual assured destruction; if either resorted to the use of nuclearweapons, the other could retaliate and destroy the one who had startedit. Is there either logic or morality in believing that if one sidethreatens to kill tens of millions of our people, our only recourse isto threaten killing tens of millions of theirs?

I have approved a research program to find, if we can, a security shieldthat would destroy nuclear missiles before they reach their target. Itwouldn't kill people, it would destroy weapons. It wouldn't militarizespace, it would help demilitarize the arsenals of Earth. It would rendernuclear weapons obsolete. We will meet with the Soviets, hoping that wecan agree on a way to rid the world of the threat of nucleardestruction. 

We strive for peace and security, heartened by the changes all aroundus. Since the turn of the century, the number of democracies in theworld has grown fourfold. Human freedom is on the march, and nowheremore so than our own hemisphere. Freedom is one of the deepest andnoblest aspirations of the human spirit. People, worldwide, hunger forthe right of self-determination, for those inalienable rights that makefor human dignity and progress. 

America must remain freedom's staunchest friend, for freedom is our bestally. 

And it is the world's only hope, to conquer poverty and preserve peace. Every blow we inflict against poverty will be a blow against its darkallies of oppression and war. Every victory for human freedom will be avictory for world peace. 

So we go forward today, a nation still mighty in its youth and powerfulin its purpose. With our alliances strengthened, with our economyleading the world to a new age of economic expansion, we look forward toa world rich in possibilities. And all this because we have worked andacted together, not as members of political parties, but as Americans. 

My friends, we live in a world that is lit by lightning. So much ischanging and will change, but so much endures, and transcends time. 

History is a ribbon, always unfurling; history is a journey. And as wecontinue our journey, we think of those who traveled before us. We standtogether again at the steps of this symbol of our democracy--or we wouldhave been standing at the steps if it hadn't gotten so cold. Now we arestanding inside this symbol of our democracy. Now we hear again theechoes of our past: a general falls to his knees in the hard snow ofValley Forge; a lonely President paces the darkened halls, and pondershis struggle to preserve the Union; the men of the Alamo call outencouragement to each other; a settler pushes west and sings a song, andthe song echoes out forever and fills the unknowing air. 

It is the American sound. It is hopeful, big-hearted, idealistic, daring, decent, and fair. That's our heritage; that is our song. We singit still. For all our problems, our differences, we are together as ofold, as we raise our voices to the God who is the Author of this mosttender music. And may He continue to hold us close as we fill the worldwith our sound--sound in unity, affection, and love--one people underGod, dedicated to the dream of freedom that He has placed in the humanheart, called upon now to pass that dream on to a waiting and hopefulworld. 

God bless you and may God bless America. 

* * * * *

GEORGE BUSH, INAUGURAL ADDRESS

FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1989

[Transcriber's note: The 200th anniversary of the Presidency was observedas George Bush took the executive oath on the same Bible GeorgeWashington used in 1789. The ceremony occurred on a platform on theterrace of the West Front of the Capitol. The oath of office wasadministered by Chief Justice William Rehnquist. After the ceremony thePresident and Mrs. Bush led the inaugural parade from the Capitol to theWhite House, walking along several blocks of Pennsylvania Avenue togreet the spectators. ]

Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. President, Vice President Quayle, SenatorMitchell, Speaker Wright, Senator Dole, Congressman Michel, and fellowcitizens, neighbors, and friends:

There is a man here who has earned a lasting place in our hearts and inour history. President Reagan, on behalf of our Nation, I thank you forthe wonderful things that you have done for America. 

I have just repeated word for word the oath taken by George Washington200 years ago, and the Bible on which I placed my hand is the Bible onwhich he placed his. It is right that the memory of Washington be withus today, not only because this is our Bicentennial Inauguration, butbecause Washington remains the Father of our Country. And he would, Ithink, be gladdened by this day; for today is the concrete expression ofa stunning fact: our continuity these 200 years since our governmentbegan. 

We meet on democracy's front porch, a good place to talk as neighborsand as friends. For this is a day when our nation is made whole, whenour differences, for a moment, are suspended. 

And my first act as President is a prayer. I ask you to bow your heads:

Heavenly Father, we bow our heads and thank You for Your love. Acceptour thanks for the peace that yields this day and the shared faith thatmakes its continuance likely. Make us strong to do Your work, willing toheed and hear Your will, and write on our hearts these words: "Use powerto help people. " For we are given power not to advance our own purposes, nor to make a great show in the world, nor a name. There is but one justuse of power, and it is to serve people. Help us to remember it, Lord. Amen. 

I come before you and assume the Presidency at a moment rich withpromise. We live in a peaceful, prosperous time, but we can make itbetter. For a new breeze is blowing, and a world refreshed by freedomseems reborn; for in man's heart, if not in fact, the day of thedictator is over. The totalitarian era is passing, its old ideas blownaway like leaves from an ancient, lifeless tree. A new breeze isblowing, and a nation refreshed by freedom stands ready to push on. There is new ground to be broken, and new action to be taken. There aretimes when the future seems thick as a fog; you sit and wait, hoping themists will lift and reveal the right path. But this is a time when thefuture seems a door you can walk right through into a room calledtomorrow. 

Great nations of the world are moving toward democracy through the doorto freedom. Men and women of the world move toward free markets throughthe door to prosperity. The people of the world agitate for freeexpression and free thought through the door to the moral andintellectual satisfactions that only liberty allows. 

We know what works: Freedom works. We know what's right: Freedom isright. We know how to secure a more just and prosperous life for man onEarth: through free markets, free speech, free elections, and theexercise of free will unhampered by the state. 

For the first time in this century, for the first time in perhaps allhistory, man does not have to invent a system by which to live. We don'thave to talk late into the night about which form of government isbetter. We don't have to wrest justice from the kings. We only have tosummon it from within ourselves. We must act on what we know. I take asmy guide the hope of a saint: In crucial things, unity; in importantthings, diversity; in all things, generosity. 

America today is a proud, free nation, decent and civil, a place wecannot help but love. We know in our hearts, not loudly and proudly, butas a simple fact, that this country has meaning beyond what we see, andthat our strength is a force for good. But have we changed as a nationeven in our time? Are we enthralled with material things, lessappreciative of the nobility of work and sacrifice?

My friends, we are not the sum of our possessions. They are not themeasure of our lives. In our hearts we know what matters. We cannot hopeonly to leave our children a bigger car, a bigger bank account. We musthope to give them a sense of what it means to be a loyal friend, aloving parent, a citizen who leaves his home, his neighborhood and townbetter than he found it. What do we want the men and women who work withus to say when we are no longer there? That we were more driven tosucceed than anyone around us? Or that we stopped to ask if a sick childhad gotten better, and stayed a moment there to trade a word offriendship?

No President, no government, can teach us to remember what is best inwhat we are. But if the man you have chosen to lead this government canhelp make a difference; if he can celebrate the quieter, deepersuccesses that are made not of gold and silk, but of better hearts andfiner souls; if he can do these things, then he must. 

America is never wholly herself unless she is engaged in high moralprinciple. We as a people have such a purpose today. It is to makekinder the face of the Nation and gentler the face of the world. Myfriends, we have work to do. There are the homeless, lost and roaming. There are the children who have nothing, no love, no normalcy. There arethose who cannot free themselves of enslavement to whateveraddiction--drugs, welfare, the demoralization that rules the slums. There is crime to be conquered, the rough crime of the streets. Thereare young women to be helped who are about to become mothers of childrenthey can't care for and might not love. They need our care, ourguidance, and our education, though we bless them for choosing life. 

The old solution, the old way, was to think that public money alonecould end these problems. But we have learned that is not so. And in anycase, our funds are low. We have a deficit to bring down. We have morewill than wallet; but will is what we need. We will make the hardchoices, looking at what we have and perhaps allocating it differently, making our decisions based on honest need and prudent safety. And thenwe will do the wisest thing of all: We will turn to the only resource wehave that in times of need always grows--the goodness and the courage ofthe American people. 

I am speaking of a new engagement in the lives of others, a newactivism, hands-on and involved, that gets the job done. We must bringin the generations, harnessing the unused talent of the elderly and theunfocused energy of the young. For not only leadership is passed fromgeneration to generation, but so is stewardship. And the generation bornafter the Second World War has come of age. 

I have spoken of a thousand points of light, of all the communityorganizations that are spread like stars throughout the Nation, doinggood. We will work hand in hand, encouraging, sometimes leading, sometimes being led, rewarding. We will work on this in the White House, in the Cabinet agencies. I will go to the people and the programs thatare the brighter points of light, and I will ask every member of mygovernment to become involved. The old ideas are new again because theyare not old, they are timeless: duty, sacrifice, commitment, and apatriotism that finds its expression in taking part and pitching in. 

We need a new engagement, too, between the Executive and the Congress. The challenges before us will be thrashed out with the House and theSenate. We must bring the Federal budget into balance. And we mustensure that America stands before the world united, strong, at peace, and fiscally sound. But, of course, things may be difficult. We needcompromise; we have had dissension. We need harmony; we have had achorus of discordant voices. 

For Congress, too, has changed in our time. There has grown a certaindivisiveness. We have seen the hard looks and heard the statements inwhich not each other's ideas are challenged, but each other's motives. And our great parties have too often been far apart and untrusting ofeach other. It has been this way since Vietnam. That war cleaves usstill. But, friends, that war began in earnest a quarter of a centuryago; and surely the statute of limitations has been reached. This is afact: The final lesson of Vietnam is that no great nation can longafford to be sundered by a memory. A new breeze is blowing, and the oldbipartisanship must be made new again. 

To my friends--and yes, I do mean friends--in the loyal opposition--andyes, I mean loyal: I put out my hand. I am putting out my hand to you, Mr. Speaker. I am putting out my hand to you Mr. Majority Leader. Forthis is the thing: This is the age of the offered hand. We can't turnback clocks, and I don't want to. But when our fathers were young, Mr. Speaker, our differences ended at the water's edge. And we don't wish toturn back time, but when our mothers were young, Mr. Majority Leader, the Congress and the Executive were capable of working together toproduce a budget on which this nation could live. Let us negotiate soonand hard. But in the end, let us produce. The American people awaitaction. They didn't send us here to bicker. They ask us to rise abovethe merely partisan. "In crucial things, unity"--and this, my friends, is crucial. 

To the world, too, we offer new engagement and a renewed vow: We willstay strong to protect the peace. The "offered hand" is a reluctantfist; but once made, strong, and can be used with great effect. Thereare today Americans who are held against their will in foreign lands, and Americans who are unaccounted for. Assistance can be shown here, andwill be long remembered. Good will begets good will. Good faith can be aspiral that endlessly moves on. 

Great nations like great men must keep their word. When America sayssomething, America means it, whether a treaty or an agreement or a vowmade on marble steps. We will always try to speak clearly, for candor isa compliment, but subtlety, too, is good and has its place. Whilekeeping our alliances and friendships around the world strong, everstrong, we will continue the new closeness with the Soviet Union, consistent both with our security and with progress. One might say thatour new relationship in part reflects the triumph of hope and strengthover experience. But hope is good, and so are strength and vigilance. 

Here today are tens of thousands of our citizens who feel theunderstandable satisfaction of those who have taken part in democracyand seen their hopes fulfilled. But my thoughts have been turning thepast few days to those who would be watching at home to an older fellowwho will throw a salute by himself when the flag goes by, and the womenwho will tell her sons the words of the battle hymns. I don't mean thisto be sentimental. I mean that on days like this, we remember that weare all part of a continuum, inescapably connected by the ties thatbind. 

Our children are watching in schools throughout our great land. And tothem I say, thank you for watching democracy's big day. For democracybelongs to us all, and freedom is like a beautiful kite that can gohigher and higher with the breeze. And to all I say: No matter what yourcircumstances or where you are, you are part of this day, you are partof the life of our great nation. 

A President is neither prince nor pope, and I don't seek a window onmen's souls. In fact, I yearn for a greater tolerance, aneasy-goingness about each other's attitudes and way of life. 

There are few clear areas in which we as a society must rise up unitedand express our intolerance. The most obvious now is drugs. And whenthat first cocaine was smuggled in on a ship, it may as well have been adeadly bacteria, so much has it hurt the body, the soul of our country. And there is much to be done and to be said, but take my word for it:This scourge will stop. 

And so, there is much to do; and tomorrow the work begins. I do notmistrust the future; I do not fear what is ahead. For our problems arelarge, but our heart is larger. Our challenges are great, but our willis greater. And if our flaws are endless, God's love is truly boundless. 

Some see leadership as high drama, and the sound of trumpets calling, and sometimes it is that. But I see history as a book with many pages, and each day we fill a page with acts of hopefulness and meaning. Thenew breeze blows, a page turns, the story unfolds. And so today achapter begins, a small and stately story of unity, diversity, andgenerosity--shared, and written, together. 

Thank you. God bless you and God bless the United States of America. 

* * * * *

WILLIAM JEFFERSON CLINTON, FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS

JANUARY 20, 1993