TRUE VERSION OF THE PHILIPPINE REVOLUTION

BY

DON EMILIO AGUINALDO Y FAMY

PRESIDENT OF THE PHILIPPINE REPUBLIC. 

_Tarlak (Philippine Islands), 23rd September, 1899_. 

TO ALL CIVILIZED NATIONS AND ESPECIALLY TO THE GREAT NORTH AMERICANREPUBLIC. 

I dedicate to you this modest work with a view to informing yourespecting the international events which have occurred during thepast three years and are still going on in the Philippines, in orderthat you may be fully acquainted with the facts and be thereby placedin a position to pronounce judgment upon the issue and be satisfiedand assured of the Justice which forms the basis and is in fact thefoundation of our Cause. I place the simple truth respectfully beforeand dedicate it to you as an act of homage and as testimony of myadmiration for and recognition of the wide knowledge, the brilliantachievements and the great power of other nations, whom I salute, in the name the Philippine nation, with every effusion of my soul. 

_The Author. _

CHAPTER I

The Revolution of 1896

Spain maintained control of the Philippine Islands for more than threecenturies and a half, during which period the tyranny, misconductand abuses of the Friars and the Civil and Military Administrationexhausted the patience of the natives and caused them to make adesperate effort to shake off the unbearable galling yoke on the26th and 31st August, 1896, then commencing the revolution in theprovinces of Manila and Cavite. 

On these memorable days the people of Balintawak, Santa Mesa, Kalookan, Kawit, Noveleta and San Francisco de Malabon rose against the Spaniardsand proclaimed the Independence of the Philippines, and in the courseof the next five days these uprisings were followed by the inhabitantsof the other towns in Cavite province joining in the revolt againstthe Spanish Government although there was no previous arrangementlooking to a general revolt. The latter were undoubtedly moved toaction by the noble example of the former. 

With regard to the rising in the province of Cavite it should be statedthat although a call to arms bearing the signatures of Don AugustinRieta, Don Candido Firona and myself, who were Lieutenants of theRevolutionary Forces, was circulated there was no certainty about theorders being obeyed, or even received by the people, for it happenedthat one copy of the orders fell into the hands of a Spaniard namedDon Fernando Parga, Military Governor of the province, who at thattime was exercising the functions of Civil Governor, who promptlyreported its contents to the Captain-General of the Philippines, Don Ramon Blanco y Erenas. The latter at once issued orders for theSpanish troops to attack the revolutionary forces. 

It would appear beyond doubt that One whom eye of man hath notseen in his wisdom and mercy ordained that the emancipation of theoppressed people of the Philippines should be undertaken at this time, for otherwise it is inexplicable how men armed only with sticks and_gulok_ [1] wholly unorganized and undisciplined, could defeat theSpanish Regulars in severe engagements at Bakoor, Imus and Noveletaand, in addition to making many of them prisoners, captured a largequantity of arms and ammunition. It was owing to this astonishingsuccess of the revolutionary troops that General Blanco quicklyconcluded to endeavour, to maintain Spanish control by the adoptionof a conciliatory policy under the pretext that thereby he could quelthe rebellion, his first act being a declaration to the effect thatit was not the purpose of his Government to oppress the people andhe had no desire "to slaughter the Filipinos. ". 

The Government of Madrid disapproved of General Blanco's new policyand speedily appointed Lieutenant-General Don Camilo Polavieja tosupersede him, and despatched forthwith a large number of Regularsto the Philippines. 

General Polavieja advanced against the revolutionary forces with16, 000 men armed with Mausers, and one field battery. He had scarcelyreconquered half of Cavite province when he resigned, owing to badhealth. That was in April, 1897. 

Polavieja was succeeded by the veteran General Don Fernando Primo deRivera, who had seen much active service. As soon as Rivera had takenover command of the Forces he personally led his army in the assaultupon and pursuit of the revolutionary forces, and so firmly, as wellas humanely, was the campaign conducted that he soon reconquered thewhole of Cavite province and drove the insurgents into the mountains. 

Then I established my headquarters in the wild and unexplored mountainfastness of Biak-na-bató, where I formed the Republican Governmentof the Philippines at the end of May, 1897. 

CHAPTER II

The Treaty of Biak-na-bató

Don Pedro Alejandro Paterno (who was appointed by the SpanishGovernor-General sole mediator in the discussion of the terms ofpeace) visited Biak-na-bató several times to negotiate terms ofthe Treaty, which, after negotiations extending over five months, and careful consideration had been given to each clause, was finallycompleted and signed on the 14th December, 1897, the following beingthe principal conditions:--

(1) That I would, and any of my associates who desired to go with me, be free to live in any foreign country. Having fixed upon Hongkong asmy place of residence, it was agreed that payment of the indemnityof $800, 000 (Mexican) should be made in three installments, namely, $400, 000 when all the arms in Biak-na-bató were delivered to theSpanish authorities; $200, 000 when the arms surrendered amounted toeight hundred stand; the final payment to be made when one thousandstand of arms shall have been handed over to the authorities and the_Te Deum_ sung in the Cathedral in Manila as thanksgiving for therestoration of peace. The latter part of February was fixed as thelimit of time wherein the surrender of arms should be completed. 

(2) The whole of the money was to be paid to me personally, leavingthe disposal of the money to my discretion and knowledge of theunderstanding with my associates and other insurgents. 

(3) Prior to evacuating Biak-na-bató the remainder of the insurgentforces under Captain-General Primo de Rivera should send toBiak-na-bató two General of the Spanish Army to be held as hostages bymy associates who remained there until I and a few of my compatriotsarrived in Hongkong and the first installment of the money payment(namely, four hundred thousand dollars) was paid to me. 

(4) It was also agreed that the religious corporations in thePhilippines be expelled and an autonomous system of government, political and administrative, be established, though by specialrequest of General Primo de Rivera these conditions were not insistedon in the drawing up of the Treaty, the General contending that suchconcessions would subject the Spanish Government to severe criticismand even ridicule. 

General Primo de Rivera paid the first installment of $400, 000 whilethe two Generals were hold as hostages in Biak-na-bató. 

We, the revolutionaries, discharged our obligation to surrender ourarms, which were over 1, 000 stand, as everybody knows, it havingbeen published in the Manila newspapers. But the Captain GeneralPrimo de Rivera failed to fulfill the agreement as faithfully aswe did. The other installments were never paid; the Friars wereneither restricted in their acts of tyranny and oppression nor wereany steps taken to expel them or secularize the religious Orders;the reforms demanded were not inaugurated, though the _Te Deum_was sung. This failure of the Spanish authorities to abide by theterms of the Treaty caused me and my companions much unhappiness, which quickly changed to exasperation when I received a letter fromLieutenant-Colonel Don Miguel Primo de Rivera (nephew and privateSecretary of the above-named General) informing me that I and mycompanions could never return to Manila. 

Was the procedure of this special representative of Spain just?

CHAPTER III

Negotiations

But I and my companions were not to be kept long in our distress, grieving over the bad faith of the Spaniards, for in the month ofMarch of the year referred to (1898) some people came to me and in thename of the Commander of the U. S. S. _Petrel_ asked for a conferencein compliance with the wishes of Admiral Dewey. 

I had some interviews with the above-mentioned Commander, _i. E. _, during the evening of the 16th March and 6th April, during which theCommander urged me to return to the Philippines to renew hostilitiesagainst the Spaniards with the object of gaining our independence, and he assured me of the assistance of the United States in the eventof war between the United States and Spain. 

I then asked the Commander of the _Petrel_ what the United Statescould concede to the Filipinos. In reply he said: "_The United Statesis a great and rich nation and needs no colonies_. "

In view of this reply I suggested to the Commander the advisabilityof stating in writing what would be agreed to by the United States, and be replied that he would refer the matter to Admiral Dewey. 

In the midst of my negotiations with the Commander of the _Petrel_ Iwas interrupted by letters from Isabelo Artacho and his solicitors, onthe 5th April, claiming $200, 000 of the money received from the Spanishauthorities, and asserting that he (Artacho) should receive thissum as salary due to him while acting as Secretary of the Interior, he having been, it was alleged, a member of the Filipino Governmentestablished in Biak-na-bató. These letters contained the threatthat failure to comply with the demand of Artacho would result inhim bringing me before the Courts of Law in Hongkong. It may make thematter clearer if I mention at this point that Isabelo Artacho arrivedat Biak-na-bató and made himself known to and mixed with the officersin the revolutionary camp on the 21st day of September, 1897, and wasappointed Secretary of the Interior in the early part of November ofthat year, when the Treaty of Peace proposed and negotiated by DonPedro Alejandro Paterno was almost concluded, as is proved by thefact that the document was signed on the 14th of December of that year. 

In the light of these facts the unjust and unreasonable nature ofthe claim of Artacho is easily discernable, for it is monstrous toclaim $200, 000 for services rendered to the Revolutionary Governmentduring such a brief period. 

Moreover, it is a fact that it was agreed between ourselves (theleaders of the Revolution assembled in Biak-na-bató) that in theevent of the Spaniards failing to comply with each and every one ofthe terms and conditions of the Agreement the money obtained fromthe Spanish Government should not be divided, but must be employed inthe purchase of arms and ammunition to renew the war of independence. 

It is therefore evident that Artacho, in making this preposterousdemand, was acting as a spy for the enemy, as an agent of General Primode Rivera, for he wanted to extinguish the rebellion by depriving itsorganizers and leaders of the most indispensable element, the "sinewsof war, " which is money. This was the view, too, of the whole of mycolleagues, and it was resolved by us that I should leave Hongkongimmediately and thereby avoid the litigation which Artacho seemedbent upon and thereby afford my companions time and opportunity toremove this new and wholly unexpected barrier to the realization ofour cherished plans for the emancipation of our beloved fatherland. Iam profoundly pleased to say that they succeeded, Artacho withdrawingthe suit through a transaction. 

In accordance with the decision of the meeting above referred to, Ileft Hongkong quietly on the 7th April, 1898, on board the steamship_Taisany_, and after calling at Saigon I reached Singapore as apassenger by the s. S. _Eridan_, landing there as secretly as possibleon the 21st April. I at once proceeded to the residence of one ofmy countrymen. 

Thus is explained the cause of the interruption of the vitallyimportant negotiations with Admiral Dewey, initiated by the Commanderof the _Petrel_. 

But "Man proposes and God disposes" is a proverb which was verifiedin its fullest sense on this occasion, for, notwithstanding theprecautions taken in my journey to avoid identification yet at4 o'clock in the afternoon of the day I arrived at Singapore anEnglishman came to the house in which I was residing and in a cautiousmanner stated that the United States Consul at that port, Mr. SpencerPratt, wished to have an interview with Don Emilio Aguinaldo. Thevisitor was told that in that house they did not know Aguinaldo;this being the prearranged answer for any callers. 

But the Englishman returned to the house several times and persistedin saying that it was no use trying to conceal the fact of Aguinaldo'sarrival for Consul Pratt had received notice from Admiral Dewey ofGeneral Aguinaldo's journey to Singapore. 

In reply, the Consul said he would telegraph about this matter toAdmiral Dewey, who was, he said, Commander-in-Chief of the squadronwhich would invade the Philippines, and who had, he also stated, full powers conferred on him by President McKinley. 

Between 10 or 12 in the forenoon of the next day the conference wasrenewed and Mr. Pratt then informed me that the Admiral had sent hima telegram in reply to the wish I had expressed for an agreement inwriting. He said the Admiral's reply was--_That the United Stateswould at least recognize the Independence of the Philippines underthe protection of the United States Navy. The Consul added that therewas no necessity for entering into a formal written agreement becausethe word of the Admiral and of the United States Consul were in factequivalent to the most solemn pledge that their verbal promises andassurance would be fulfilled to the letter and were not to be classedwith Spanish promises or Spanish ideas of a man's word of honour. Inconclusion the Consul said, "The Government of North America, is avery honest, just, and powerful government. _"

Being informed of what had been said by the visitor I consented tomeet Consul Pratt, and had a strictly private interview with himbetween 9 and 12 p. M. On 22nd April, 1898, in one of the suburbsof Singapore. As soon as Mr. Pratt met me he said that war had beenformally declared by the United States against Spain the day before, _i. E. _, on the 21st April. 

In the course of the interview alluded to, Consul Pratt told me that asthe Spaniards had not fulfilled the promises made in the Biak-na-batóAgreement, the Filipinos had the right to continue the revolutionwhich had been checked by the Biak-na-bató arrangement, and afterurging me to resume hostilities against the Spaniards he assuredme that the United States would grant much greater liberty and morematerial benefits to the Filipinos than the Spaniards ever promised. 

I then asked the Consul what benefits the United States would conferon the Philippines, pointing out at the same time the advisabilityof making an agreement and setting out all the terms and conditionsin black and white. 

Being as anxious to be in the Philippines as Admiral Dewey and theNorth American Consul--to renew the struggle for our Independence--Itook the opportunity afforded me by these representatives of the UnitedStates, and, placing the fullest confidence in their word of honour, I said to Mr. Pratt (in response to his persistent professions ofsolicitude for the welfare of my countrymen) that he could count uponme when I returned to the Philippines to raise the people as one managainst the Spaniards, with the one grand object in view as abovementioned, if I could take firearms with me to distribute amongst mycountrymen. I assured him that I would put forth my utmost endeavoursto crush and extinguish the power of Spain in the islands and I addedthat if in possession of one battery of a dozen field-guns I wouldmake the Spaniards surrender Manila in about two weeks. 

The Consul said he would help me to get over to the Philippines theconsignment of arms in respect of which I had made the preliminaryarrangements in Hongkong, and he added that he would at once telegraphto Admiral Dewey informing him of this promise in order that theAdmiral might give what assistance laid in his power to make theexpedition in question a success. 

On the 25th April the last conference was held in the United StatesConsulate at Singapore. I was invited by the Consul to meet him onthis occasion and as soon as we met he said he had received a telegramfrom the Admiral requesting him to ask me to proceed to Hongkong byfirst steamer to join the Admiral who was then with his squadron inMir's Bay; a Chinese harbour close to Hongkong. I replied to thisproposal in the affirmative, and gave directions to my _aide-de-camp_to at once procure passages for myself and companions, care beingtaken that the tickets should bear the assumed names we had adoptedon the occasion of our journey from Hongkong to Singapore, it beingadvisable that we should continue to travel _incognito_. 

On the 26th April I called on Consul Pratt to bid him adieu on the eveof my departure from Singapore by the steamship _Malacca_. The Consul, after telling me that when I got near the port of Hongkong I wouldbe met by the Admiral's launch and taken from the _Malacca_ to theAmerican squadron (a precaution against news of my movements becomingpublic property, of which I highly approved), then asked me to appointhim Representative of the Philippines in the United States, there tozealously advocate official recognition of our Independence. My answerwas, that I would propose him for the position of Representative ofthe Philippines in the United States when the Philippine Governmentwas properly organized, though I thought it an insignificant rewardfor his assistance, for, in the event of our Independence becoming_un fait accompli_ I intended to offer him a high position in theCustoms Department, besides granting certain commercial advantagesand contributing towards the cost of the war whatever sum he mightconsider due to his Government; because the Filipinos had alreadydecided such a policy was the natural outcome of the exigencies ofthe situation and could be construed only as a right and proper tokenof the nation's gratitude. 

But to continue the statement of facts respecting my return to Hongkongfrom Singapore: I left Singapore with my A. D. Cs. , Sres Pilar andLeyba, bound for Hongkong by the s. S. _Malacca_, arriving at Hongkongat 2 a. M. On the 1st May, without seeing or hearing anything of thelaunch which I had been led by Consul Pratt to expect to meet me nearthe entrance of Hongkong harbour. In response to an invitation fromMr. Rounsevelle Wildman, United States Consul at Hongkong, I wendedmy way to the United States Consulate and between 9 and 11 p. M. Of thesame day I had an interview with him. Mr. Wildman told me that AdmiralDewey left for Manila hurriedly in accordance with imperative ordersfrom his Government directing him to attack the Spanish Fleet. Hewas therefore unable to await my arrival before weighing anchor andgoing forth to give battle to the Spaniards. Mr. Wildman added thatAdmiral Dewey left word with him that he would send a gunboat totake me across to the Philippines. In the course of this interviewwith Mr. Wildman I spoke to him about the shipment of arms to theislands which I had previously planned with him, and it was thenagreed among ourselves that he (Mr. Rounsevelle Wildman) and theFilipino Mr. Teodoro Sandico should complete the arrangements forthe despatch of the expedition, and I there and then handed to anddeposited with them the sum of $50, 000. 

A steam launch was quickly purchased for $15, 000, while a contractwas made and entered into for the purchase of 2, 000 rifles at $7 eachand 200, 000 rounds of ammunition at $33 and 56/100 per 1000. 

A week later (7th May) the American despatch-boat _McCulloch_ arrivedfrom Manila bringing news of Admiral Dewey's victory over the Spanishfleet, but did not bring orders to convey me to Manila. At 9 o'clockthat night I had another interview with Consul Wildman, at his request. 

On the 15th of the same month the _McCulloch_ again arrived atHongkong from Manila, this time bringing orders to convey me and mycompanions to Manila. I was promptly notified of this by Consul Wildmanwho requested that we go on board the _McCulloch_ at 10 o'clock atnight on 16th May. Accompanied by Consul Wildman, the Captain of the_McCulloch_, and Mr. John Barrett (who then usually styled himself"ex-Secretary of the United States Legation in Siam") we boarded anAmerican steam launch and proceeded to Chinese Kowloon Bay, where the_McCulloch_ was anchored. While bidding us adieu Mr. Barrett said hewould call on me in the Philippines, which he did later on in Caviteand Malolos. 

Mr. Wildman strongly advised me to establish a Dictatorship as soonas I arrived in the Philippines, and he assured me that he would usehis best endeavours to have the arms already contracted for deliveredto me in the Philippines, which he in fact did. [It is to be observed, though, that the first expedition having been conducted satisfactorily, the arms reaching me in due course, I was naturally grateful andhad confidence in the sincerity and good faith of Consul Wildman, and there was nothing surprising therefore in the fact that I askedhim to fit out another expedition and caused the sum of $67, 000 tobe deposited with him for that purpose. I regret to state, however, that Mr. Wildman has failed to comply with my request and I am informedthat he refuses to refund the money. ]

The _McCulloch_ left Hongkong at 11 a. M. On the 17th May and arrivedoff Cavite (Manila Bay) between noon and 1 p. M. On the 19th idem. Nosooner had the _McCulloch_ dropped anchor than the Admiral's launch, carrying his Adjutant and Private Secretary, came alongside to conveyme the flagship _Olympia_, where I was received with my Adjutant(Sr. Leyba) with the honours due to a General. 

The Admiral ushered me into his private quarters, and after theexchange of the usual greetings I asked _whether it was true thathe had sent all the telegrams to the Consul at Singapore, Mr. Pratt, which that gentleman had told me he received in regard to myself. TheAdmiral replied in the affirmative, adding that the United States hadcome to the Philippines to protect the natives and free them fromthe yoke of Spain. He said, moreover, that America is exceedinglywell off as regards territory, revenue, and resources and thereforeneeds no colonies_, assuring me finally that _there was no occasionfor me to entertain any doubts whatever about the recognition of theIndependence of the Philippines by the United States_. Then AdmiralDewey asked me if I could induce the people to rise against theSpaniards and make a short, sharp, and decisive campaign of it. 

I said in reply that events would speak for themselves, but whilea certain arms expedition (respecting which Consul Wildman was dulyinformed that it would be despatched from a Chinese port) was delayedin China we could do nothing, because without arms every victorywould assuredly cost us the lives of many brave and dashing Filipinowarriors. The Admiral thereupon offered to despatch a steamer to hurryup the expedition. (This, be it borne in mind, in addition to theGeneral orders he had given the Consul to assist us to procure armsand ammunition. ) Then he at once placed at my disposal all the gunsseized onboard the Spanish warships as well as 62 Mausers and a goodmany rounds of ammunition which had been brought up from CorregidorIsland by the U. S. S. _Petrel_. 

I then availed myself of an early opportunity to express to theAdmiral my deep gratitude for the assistance rendered to the peopleof the Philippines by the United States, as well as my unboundedadmiration of the grandeur and beneficence of the American people. Ialso candidly informed the Admiral that before I left Hongkong theFilipinos residing in that colony hold a meeting at which the followingquestion was fully discussed, namely, _the possibility that after theSpaniards were defeated, and their power and prestige in the islandsdestroyed, the Filipinos might have to wage war against the UnitedStates owing to the American Government declining to recognize ourindependence. In that event the Americans, it was generally agreed, would be sure to defeat us for they would find us worn out and shortof ammunition owing to our struggle with the Spaniards. I concludedby asking the gallant Admiral to excuse me for an amount of franknessthat night appear to border on impudence, and assured him of thefact that I was actuated only by a desire to have a perfectly clearunderstanding in the interest of both parties. _

_The Admiral said he was very glad to have this evidence of ourearnestness and straightforwardness and he thought the Filipinos andAmericans should act towards one another as friends and allies, andtherefore it was right and proper that all doubts should be expressedfrankly in order that explanations be made, difficulties avoided, and distrust removed; adding that, as he had already indicated_, _theUnited States would unquestionably recognize the Independence of thepeople of the Philippines, guaranteed as it was by the word of honourof Americans_, _which, he said, is more positive, more irrevocable thanany written agreement, which might not be regarded as binding whenthere is an intention or desire to repudiate it, as was the case inrespect of the compact made with the Spaniards at Biak-na-bató. Thenthe Admiral advised me to at once have made a Filipino NationalFlag, which he said he would recognize and protect in the presenceof the other nations represented by the various squadrons anchoredin Manila Bay, adding, however, that he thought it advisable that weshould destroy the power of Spain before hoisting our national flag, in order that the act would appear more important and creditable inthe eyes of the world and of the United States in particular. Thenwhen the Filipino vessels passed to and fro with the national flagfluttering in the breeze they would attract more attention and bemore likely to induce respect for the national colours_. 

I again thanked the Admiral for his good advice and generous offers, giving him to understand clearly that I was willing to sacrifice myown life if he would be thereby more exalted in the estimation ofthe United States, more honoured by his fellow-countrymen. 

I added that under the present conditions of hearty co-operation, good fellowship and a clear understanding the whole nation wouldrespond to the call to arms to shake off the yoke of Spain and obtaintheir freedom by destroying the power of Spain in all parts of thearchipelago. If, however, all did not at once join in the movementthat should not cause surprise, for there would be many unable toassist owing to lack of arms and ammunition, while others, again, might be reluctant to take an active part in the campaign on accountof the loss and inconvenience to themselves and families that wouldresult, from open hostility to the Spaniards. 

Thus ended my first interview with Admiral Dewey, to whom I signifiedmy intention to reside for a while at the headquarters of the NavalCommandant of Cavite Arsenal. 

CHAPTER IV

The Revolution of 1898

I returned to the _McCulloch_ to give directions for the landingof the luggage and _war materials_ which I brought over with mefrom Hongkong. On my way to the _McCulloch_ I met several of myold associates in the 1896 revolution who had come over from Bataanprovince. To these friends I gave two letters directing the peopleof that province and Zambales to rise against the Spaniards andvigorously attack them. 

Before returning to the Arsenal and when near the landing placeI came across several _bancas_ [large open boats] loaded withrevolutionists of Kawit (my birth-place) who told me they had beenlooking out for me for about two weeks, the Americans having announcedthat I would soon return to the islands. The feeling of joy whichI experienced on the occasion of this reunion with my own kith andkin--people who had stood shoulder to shoulder with me in the desperatestruggles of the 1896-97 revolution--is simply indescribable. Wordsfail to express my feelings--joy mingled with sadness and strongdetermination to accomplish the salvation, the emancipation, of mybeloved countrymen. Hardly had I set foot in the Naval Headquartersat Cavite, at 4 o'clock in the afternoon, than I availed myself ofthe opportunity to give these faithful adherents orders similar tothose despatched to Bataan and Zambales. 

I was engaged the whole of that night with my companions drawing uporders and circulars for the above mentioned purpose. 

We were also kept very busy replying to letters which were pouringin from all sides asking for news respecting the reported return ofmyself to the islands and requesting definite instructions regardinga renewal of hostilities against the Spaniards. 

That the invisible, albeit irresistible, hand of Providence wasguiding every movement and beneficently favouring all efforts to ridthe country of the detestable foreign yoke is fairly evidenced by therapid sequence of events above recorded, for in no other way can oneaccount for the wonderful celebrity with which news of my projectedreturn spread far and wide. 

Sixty-two Volunteers, organized and armed by the Spaniards withMausers and Remingtons, from San Roque and Caridad, placed themselvesunder my orders. At first the Americans apprehended some danger fromthe presence of this armed force, which was promptly placed on guardat the entrance to the Arsenal. When I heard of this I went down andgave them orders to occupy Dalajican, thereby preventing the Spaniardsfrom carrying out their intention to approach Cavite by that route. 

When the Americans were informed of what I had done they werereassured, and orders were given to the Captain of the _Petrel_ tohand over to me the 62 rifles and ammunition which Admiral Dewey hadkindly promised. About 10 a. M. The _Petrel's_ launch landed the armsand ammunition in question at the Arsenal and no time was lost indistributing the arms among the men who were by this time coming inever increasing numbers to offer their services to me and expressingtheir willingness to be armed and assigned for duty at the outpostsand on the firing line. 

During the evening of the 20th May the old Revolutionary officerSr. Luciano San Miguel (now a General in command of a Brigade)came to me and asked for orders, which were given to him to effectthe uprising of the provinces of Manila, Laguna, Batangas, Tayabas, Bulakan, Morong, Pampanga, Tarlak, Newva Ecija and other northernprovinces. He left the same night to execute the orders. 

During the 21st, 22nd and 23rd and subsequent days of that month myheadquarters were simply besieged by my countrymen, who poured intoCavite from all sides to offer their services in the impending strugglewith the Spaniards. To such an extent, indeed, were my quarters in theArsenal invaded that I soon found it necessary to repair to anotherhouse in the town, leaving the place entirely at the disposal of theU. S. Marines, who were then in charge of and guarding Cavite Arsenal. 

CHAPTER V

The Dictatorial Government

On the 24th May a Dictatorial Government was established, myfirst proclamation being issued that day announcing the system ofgovernment then adopted and stating that I had assumed the dutiesand responsibilities of head of such government. Several copies ofthis proclamation were delivered to Admiral Dewey and through thefavour of his good offices forwarded to the representatives of theForeign Powers then residing in Manila, notwithstanding our lack ofintercourse with Manila. 

A few days later the Dictatorial Government was removed to the houseformerly occupied by the Spanish Civil Governor of Cavite, because, owing to the great number of visitors from the provinces and therapid increase of work the accommodation in the private house waswholly inadequate and too cramped. It was while quartered in the firstmentioned house that glad tidings reached me of the arrival at Caviteof the long-expected arms expedition. The whole cargo, consisting of1, 999 rifles and 200, 000 rounds of ammunition, besides other specialmunitions of war, was landed at the very same dock of the Arsenal, and was witnessed by the U. S. S. "_Petrel_. "

I immediately despatched a Commission to convey to the Admiralmy thanks for the trouble he had taken in sending to hurry up theexpedition. I also caused my Commissioners to inform the Admiralthat I had fixed the 31st May as the day when the RevolutionaryForces should make a General attack upon the Spaniards. The Admiralreturned the compliment by sending his Secretary to congratulateme and my Government upon the activity and enthusiasm displayed inpreparing for the campaign, but he suggested that it was advisableto postpone the opening of the campaign to a later date in order thatthe insurgent troops might be better organized and better drilled. Ireplied to the Admiral through his Secretary that there was no causefor any anxiety for everything would be in perfect readiness by the31st and, moreover, that the Filipinos were very anxious to freethemselves from the galling Spanish yoke, that they would thereforefight and my troops would make up for any deficiency in discipline bya display of fearlessness and determination to defeat the common enemywhich would go far to ensure success, I was, I added, neverthelessprofoundly grateful to the Admiral for his friendly advice. 

I promptly gave orders for the distribution of the arms which hadjust arrived, sending some to various provinces and reserving theremainder for the revolutionaries of Kawit, the latter being smuggledinto the district of Alapang during the night of 27th May. 

CHAPTER VI

The First Triumphs

The next day (8th May, 1898), just when we were distributing arms tothe revolutionists of Kawit, in the above mentioned district a column, composed of over 270 Spanish Naval Infantry, appeared in sight. Theywere sent out by the Spanish General, Sr. Peña, for the purpose ofseizing the said consignment of arms. 

Then it was that the first engagement of the Revolution of 1898 (whichmay be rightly styled a continuation of the campaign of 1896-97) tookplace. The battle raged from 10 a. M. To 3 p. M. , when the Spaniards ranout of ammunition and surrendered, with all their arms, to the FilipinoRevolutionists, who took their prisoners to Cavite. In commemorationof this glorious achievement I hoisted our national flag in presenceof a great crowd, who greeted it with tremendous applause and loud, spontaneous and prolonged cheers for "Independent Philippines" and for"the generous nation"--the United States of America. Several officersand Marines from the American fleet who witnessed the ceremony evincedsympathy with the Filipino cause by joining in the natural and popularrejoicings of the people. 

This glorious triumph was merely the prelude to a succession ofbrilliant victories, and when the 31st May came--the date fixed forgeneral uprising of the whole of the Philippines--the people rose asone man to crush the power of Spain. 

The second triumph was effected in Binakayan, at a place known as_Polvorin_, where the Spanish garrison consisting of about 250 menwas attacked by our raw levvies and surrendered in a few hours, their stock of ammunition being completely exhausted. 

I again availed myself of the opportunity to hoist our national flagand did so from an upper story of the _Polvorin_ facing the sea, with the object of causing the sacred insignia of our Liberty andIndependence to be seen fluttering in the breeze by the warships, representing all the great and civilized nations of the world, whichwere congregated in the harbour observing the providential evolutiongoing on in the Philippines after upwards of three hundred years ofSpanish domination. 

Scarcely had another hour elapsed before another flag was seen flyingover the steeple of the Church at Bakoor--which is also in full viewof vessels in the harbour--being the signal of another triumph ofour troops over the Spanish forces which held that town. The garrisonconsisted of about 300 men, who surrendered to the Revolutionary Armywhen their ammunition was exhausted. 

And so the Revolution progressed, triumph following triumph in quicksuccession, evidencing the power, resolution and ability of theinhabitants of the Philippines to rid themselves of any foreign yokeand exist as an independent State, as I affirmed to Admiral Dewey andin respect of which he and several American Commanders and officerswarmly congratulated me, specially mentioning the undeniable triumphsof the Philippine Army as demonstrated and proved by the great numberof prisoners we brought into Cavite from all parts of Luzon. 

CHAPTER VII

The Philippine Flag

In conformity with my orders issued on the 1st of September, allPhilippine vessels hoisted the national flag, the Marines of theFilipino flotilla being the first to execute that order. Our littleflotilla consisted of some eight Spanish steam launches (which had beencaptured) and five vessels of greater dimensions, namely, the _Taaleño, Baldyan, Taal, Bulucan_, and _Purisima Concepcion_. These vessels werepresented to the Philippine Government by their native owners and wereconverted by us, at our Arsenal, into gunboats, 8 and 9 centimetreguns, taken from the _sunken Spanish warships_, being mounted on board. 

Ah! what a beautiful, inspiring joyous sight that flag was flutteringin the breeze from the topmasts of our vessels, side by side, as it were, with the ensigns of other and greater nations, amongwhose mighty warships our little cruisers passed to and fro dippingtheir colours, the ensign of Liberty and Independence! With whatreverence and adoration it was viewed as it suddenly rose in itsstately loneliness crowning our victories, and, as it were, smilingapprovingly upon the undisciplined Philippine Army in the moment ofits triumphs over the regular forces of the Spanish Government! One'sheart swells and throbs again with the emotions of extreme delight;the soul is filled with pride, and the goal of patriotism seemswell-nigh reached in the midst of such a magnificent spectacle!

At the end of June I called on Admiral Dewey, who, after complimentingme on _the rapid triumphs of the Philippine Revolution_, told mehe had been asked by the German and French Admirals why he allowedthe Filipinos to display on their vessels a flag that was notrecognized. Admiral Dewey said his reply to the French and GermanAdmirals was--with _his knowledge and consent the Filipinos used thatflag_, and, apart from this, he was of opinion that in view of thecourage and steadfastness of purpose displayed in the war againstthe Spaniards the Filipinos deserved the right to use their flag. 

I thereupon expressed to the Admiral my unbounded gratitude for suchunequivocal protection, and on returning to the shore immediatelyordered the Philippine flotilla to convey troops to the other provincesof Luzon and to the Southern islands, to wage war against the Spaniardswho garrisoned them. 

CHAPTER VIII

Expedition to Bisayas

The expedition to Bisayas was a complete success as far as theconveyance of our troops to the chief strategic points was concerned, our steamers returning safely to Cavite after landing the soldiers. Thesteamer _Bulusan_, however, which sailed for Masbate with ColonelSr. Mariano Riego de Dios' column destined for duty in Samar wassighted by the Spanish gunboats _Elcano_ and _Uranus_, which gavechase, and the former proving the faster overtook and attacked the_Bulusan_ doing so much damage to her that she foundered aftera hot engagement in which considerable damage was done to theSpaniard. Happily the crew and troops on board of the _Bulusan_saved their lives by swimming ashore. 

CHAPTER IX

The Steamer "Compania de Filipinas"

In a few days the Spanish steamer _Compania de Filipinas_ wasbrought to Cavite by my countrymen, who captured her in the harbourof Aparri. Cannon were at once mounted on board this vessel and shewas loaded with troops and despatched for Olongapo, but she had notgone far before I sent another gunboat to recall her because AdmiralDewey requested me to do so in order that a question raised by theFrench Consul might be duly settled. The Admiral having been informedthat when captured the _Compania de Filipinas_ was flying the Spanishflag abstained from interfering in the matter and handed the FrenchConsul's protest over to me, affirming at the same time that _he andhis forces were in no way concerned in the matter_. 

This incident, which was soon settled, clearly demonstrates therecognition of and protection extended to the Philippine Revolutionby Admiral Dewey. 

The _Filipinas_ (as this steamer has since been styled) was againdespatched to Olongapo and on her way back landed troops in theprovinces of Cagayan and the Batanes islands for the purpose ofwresting the government of those districts from Spain. This steamer, whose name has more recently been changed to _Luzon_, is at presentashore in the Rio Grande, in Cagayan, where she was beached owing tosome damage to her machinery. 

When our steamers were leaving the harbour with troops for theprovinces they dipped their ensigns in passing Admiral Dewey'sflagship _Olympia_, performing this act in conformity with the rulesof international courtesy, a demonstration of friendship that wasinvariably promptly responded to in the usual way. 

CHAPTER X

The Proclamation of Independence

The Dictatorial Government decided that the proclamation ofIndependence should take place on the 12th June, the ceremony inconnection therewith to be held in the town of Kawit. With thisobject in view I sent a Commission to inform the Admiral of thearrangement and invite him to be present on the occasion of theformal proclamation of Independence, a ceremony which was solemnlyand impressively conducted. The Admiral sent his Secretary to excusehim from taking part in the proceedings, stating the day fixed forthe ceremony was mail day. 

About the end of that month (June) the Spanish gunboat _Leyte_escaped from the Macabebe river and reached Manila Bay, where shewas seized by General Torres' troops. She had on board part of thetroops and volunteers which were under the command of the FilipinoColonel Sr. Eugenio Blanco, but on being sighted by an Americangunboat she voluntarily surrendered. Admiral Dewey delivered to meall the prisoners and arms on board the vessel, which latter, however, he took possession of; but after the fall of Manila he demanded thatI should give back the prisoners to him. 

On the 4th July the first United States military expedition arrived, under command of General Anderson, and it was quartered in CaviteArsenal. This distinguished General called on me in the FilipinoGovernment House at Cavite, an honour and courtesy which I promptlyreturned, as was right and proper, seeing that we were friends, of equal rank, and allies. In the course of official intercourseGeneral Anderson solemnly and completely endorsed the promises madeby Admiral Dewey to me, asserting on his word of honour that Americahad not come to the Philippines to wage war against the natives norto conquer and retain territory, but only to liberate the people fromthe oppression of the Spanish Government. 

A few days before the arrival of this military expedition, and othersthat followed under command of General Merritt, Admiral Dewey senthis Secretary to my Government to ask me to grant permission forthe stationing of American troops in Tambo and Maytubig, Paranaqueand Pasay. In view of the important promises of Admiral Dewey, abovementioned, the Dictatorial Government consented to the movement oftroops as proposed. 

During that month (July) Admiral Dewey accompanied by GeneralAnderson visited Cavite, and after the usual exchange of courtesieshe said--"You have had ocular demonstration and confirmation of allI have told you and promised you. How pretty your flag is! It has atriangle, and is something like the Cubans'. Will you give me one asa memento when I go back home?"

I replied that I was fully satisfied with his word of honour and ofthe needlessness of having our agreement in documentary form. As tothe flag he wanted, he could have one whenever he wished. 

The Admiral continued: _Documents are useless when there is no senseof honour on one side, as was the case in respect of the compactwith the Spaniards, who failed to act up to what had been written andsigned. Have faith in my word, and I assure you that the United Stateswill recognize the independence of the country. But I recommend you tokeep a good deal of what we have said and agreed secret at present. Ifurther request you to have patience if any of our soldiers insultany Filipinos, for being Volunteers they are as yet undisciplined_. 

I replied that I would bear in mind all his advice regardingcautiousness, and that with respect to the misconduct of the soldiersorders had already been issued enjoining forbearance, and I passedthe same remarks to the Admiral about unpleasantness possibly arisingthrough lack of discipline of our own forces. 

CHAPTER XI

The Spanish Commission

At this juncture the Admiral suddenly changed the topic of conversationand asked--"Why don't the people in Manila rise against the Spaniardsas their countrymen in the provinces have done? Is it true that theyaccept the _autonomy_ offered by General Augustin with a representativeAssembly? Is the report which has reached me true, that a FilipinoCommission has been sent from Manila to propose to you the acceptanceof that _autonomy_ coupled with a recognition of your rank of General, as well as recognition of the rank held by your companions?"

"The people of Manila, " I answered, "are quiet because they haveno arms and because as merchants and landlords they fear that theirvaluable properties and money in the banks will be confiscated by theSpaniards if they rise up and begin burning and destroying the propertyof others. On this account they had ostensibly accepted _autonomy_, not because that was what they wanted but more as a means of deceivingthe Spaniards and being allowed to live in peace; but I am confidentthat all the Filipinos in Manila are for _independence_, as will beproved the very day our troops capture Manila. At that time I fullyexpect the people of Manila will join with us in raising loud cheersfor the Independence of the Philippines, making fresh demonstrationsof loyalty to our Government. "

I also told him it was true that a Mixed Commission had arrived andin the name of General Augustin and Archbishop Nozaleda made certainproposals; but they made known to us their intention to adhere to ourCause. The members of the Commission said the Spaniards instructed themto say they came _motu propio_ [2] without being formally appointedor 'coached' by the Spanish authorities in what they should say, representing, on the contrary, that they were faithful interpretersof the sentiment of the people of Manila and that they had goodreason for believing that if I was willing to accept _autonomy_General Augustin and Archbishop Nozaleda would recognize my rankof General, and that of my companions, would give me the $1, 000, 000indemnity agreed upon at Biak-na-bató and still unpaid, as well asliberal rewards for and salaries to the members of a popular Assemblypromises which the Commissioners did not put any faith in, though someof them held the opinion that the money should be accepted becauseit would reduce the funds of the Spanish Government and also becausethe money had been wrung from Filipinos. The Commissioners, I added, left after assuring me that the people in Manila would rise againstthe Spaniards if supplied with arms, and that the best thing I coulddo was to make an attack on Manila at the places they pointed out asbeing the weakest parts of the Spanish defense and consequently theeasiest to overcome. 

I thanked the Commission for their loyalty and straightforwardness, told them they would be given an escort to take them safely back tothe Spanish lines, and that when they got back they should informthose who had sent them that they were not received because they werenot duly accredited and that even if they had brought credentialsaccording to what they had seen and heard from the RevolutionistsDon Emilio Aguinaldo would certainly not consider, much less accept, their proposals respecting autonomy because the Filipino people hadsufficient experience to govern themselves, that they are tired ofbeing victimised and subjected to gross abuses by a foreign nationunder whose domination they have no wish to continue to live, butrather wish for their _independence_. Therefore the Spaniards mightprepare to defend their sovereignty, for the Filipino Army wouldvigorously assault the city and with unflagging zeal prosecute thesiege until Manila was captured. 

I also told the Commissioners to tell Archbishop Nozaleda that he wasabusing the privileges and authority of his exalted position; thatsuch conduct was at variance with the precepts of His Holiness thePope, and if he failed to rectify matters I would throw light on thesubject in a way which would bring shame and disgrace upon him. I addedthat I knew he and General Augustin had commissioned four Germans andfive Frenchmen to disguise themselves and assassinate me in the vainhope that once I am disposed of the people of the Philippines wouldcalmly submit to the sovereignty of Spain, which was a great mistake, for were I assassinated, the inhabitants of the Philippines wouldassuredly continue the struggle with greater vigor than ever. Othermen would come forward to avenge my death. Lastly I recommendedthe Commissioners to tell the people in Manila to go on with theirtrades and industries and be perfectly at ease about our Government, whose actions were guided in the paths of rectitude and justice, andthat since there were no more Friars to corrupt the civic virtues, the Filipino Government was now endeavouring to demonstrate itshonesty of purpose before the whole world. There was therefore noreason why they should not go on with their business as usual andshould not think of leaving Manila and coming into the Camp, wherethe resources were limited, where already more were employed than wasnecessary to meet the requirements of the Government and the Army, and where, too, the lack of arms was sorely felt. 

The Commissioners asked me what conditions the United States wouldimpose and what benefits they would confer on the Filipinos, to whichI replied that is was difficult to answer that question in view of thesecret I was in honour bound to keep in respect of the terms of theAgreement, contenting myself by saying that they could learn a gooddeal by carefully observing the acts, equivalent to the exercise ofsovereign rights, of the Dictatorial Government, and especially theoccular demonstrations of such rights on the waters of the harbour. 

These statements, which were translated by my interpreter, Sr. Leyba, made such an impression on the Admiral that he interrupted, asking--"Why did you reveal our secret?" Do you mean that you do notintend to keep inviolate our well understood silence and watchword?

I said in reply that I had revealed nothing of the secret connectedwith him and the Consul. 

The Admiral then thanked me for my cautiousness, bid we good-by andleft with General Anderson, after requesting me to refrain fromassaulting Manila because, he said, they were studying a plan totake the Walled City with their troops, leaving the suburbs for theFilipino forces. 

He advised me, nevertheless, to study other plans of taking the cityin conjunction with their forces, which I agreed to do. 

CHAPTER XII

More American Troops

A few days later American troops arrived, and with them cameGeneral Merritt. The Admiral's Secretary and two officers came tothe Dictatoriat Government and asked that we allow them to occupy ourtrenches at Maytubig; from the harbour side of that place right up tothe main road, where they would form a continuation of our lines atPasay and Singalong. This I also agreed to on account of the solemnpromises of the Admiral and the trust naturally placed in them owingto the assistance rendered and recognition of our independence. 

Ten days after the Americans occupied the trenches at Maytubig (thismove being well known by the Spaniards who were entrenched at theMagazine in San Antonio Abad) their outposts, composed of a few menonly, were surprised by the Spaniards, who made a night attack onthem. They had barely time to get out of their beds and fall backon the centre, abandoning their rifles and six field-guns in theirprecipitate retreat. 

The firing being distinctly heard, our troops immediately rushed tothe assistance of our friends and allies, repulsing the Spaniards andrecapturing the rifles and field-guns, which I ordered to be returnedto the Americans as a token of our good-will and friendship. 

General Noriel was opposed to this restitution, alleging that the armsdid not belong to the Americans since the Filipino troops capturedthem from the Spaniards. But I paid no attention to the reasonableopposition of my General and gave imperative instructions that theybe returned to the Americans, showing thereby clearly and positivelythe good-will of the Filipinos. The said rifles and field-guns, witha large quantity of ammunition, was therefore restored to those whowere then our allies, notwithstanding the fact of General Noriel'sbrigade capturing them at a cost of many lives of our compatriots. 

Later on more American reinforcements arrived and again Admiral Dewey, through his Secretary, asked for more trenches for their troops, averring that those which we had given up to them before wereinsufficient. We at once agreed and their lines were then extendedup to Pasay. 

CHAPTER XIII

The Thirteenth of August

The 13th August arrived, on which day I noticed a general advanceof the American land and sea forces towards Manila, the former beingunder command of General Anderson at Paranaque. 

Subsequently I ordered a general assault of the Spanish lines andin the course of this movement General Pio del Pilar succeeded inadvancing through Sampalok and attacked the Spanish troops who wheredefending the Puente Colgante, [3] causing the enemy to fall back onthe Bridge of Spain. The column commanded by our General, Sr. GregorioII. Del Pilar, took the suburbs of Pretil, Tendo, Divisoria and Paseode Azcarraga, situated north of Manila city; while General Noriel'scommand, near Pasay, took the suburbs of Singalong and Pako, andfollowing the American column he out-flanked the Spaniards who weredefending San Antonio Abad. The Spanish officers observing GeneralNoriel's move ordered their men to retreat towards the Walled City, whereupon the Americans who held the foremost trenches entered Malateand Ermita without firing a shot. At this point the Americans metGeneral Noriel's troops who had captured the above mentioned suburbsand were quartered in the building formerly used by the ExposicionRegional de Filipinas, [4] in the Normal, and in Sr. Perez' housein Paco. 

In Santa Ana (the eastern section of Manila) General Ricartosuccessfully routed five companies of Spaniards, being aided in thisby the manoeuvres of General Pio del Pilar's brigade. 

CHAPTER XIV

First Clouds

Our troops saw the American forces landing on the sea shore near theLuneta and Paseo de Santa Lucia, calling the attention of everybody tothe fact that the Spanish soldiers in the city forts were not firingon them (the Americans), a mystery that was cleared up at sunsetwhen details of the capitulation of Manila, by General Jaudenes inaccordance with terms of an agreement with General Merritt, becamepublic property--a capitulation which the American Generals reservedfor their own benefit and credit in contravention of the agreementarrived at with Admiral Dewey in the arrangement of plans for thefinal combined assault on and capture of Manila by the allied forces, American and Filipino. 

Some light was thrown upon this apparently inexplicable conduct of theAmerican Commanders by the telegrams which I received during that dayfrom General Anderson, who wired me from Maitubig asking me to issueorders forbidding our troops to enter Manila, a request which I didnot comply with because it was not in conformity with the agreement, and it was, moreover, diametrically opposed to the high ends of theRevolutionary Government, that after going to the trouble of besiegingManila for two months and a half, sacrificing thousands of lives andmillions of material interests, it should be supposed such sacrificeswere made with any other object in view than the capture of Manilaand the Spanish garrison which stubbornly defended the city. 

But General Merritt, persistent in his designs, begged me not onlythrough the Admiral but also through Major Bell to withdraw mytroops from the suburbs to (as it was argued) prevent the dangerof conflict which is always to be looked for in the event of dualmilitary occupation; also by so doing to avoid bringing ridicule uponthe American forces; offering, at the same time, in three letters, to negotiate after his wishes were complied with. To this I agreed, though neither immediately nor at one time, but making our troopsretire gradually up to the blockhouses in order that the whole of theinhabitants of Manila should witness the proceedings of our troopsand amicability toward our American allies. 

Up to that time, and in fact right up to the time when the Americansopenly commenced hostilities against us, I entertained in my soulstrong hopes that the American Commanders would make absolute withtheir Government the verbal agreement made and entered into with theLeader of the Philippine Revolution, notwithstanding the indicationsto the contrary which were noticeable in their conduct, especiallyin respect of the conduct of Admiral Dewey, who, without any reasonor justification, one day in the month of October seized all oursteamers and launches. 

Being informed of this strange proceeding, and at the time when theRevolutionary Government had its headquarters in Malolos, I despatcheda Commission to General Otis to discuss the matter with him. GeneralOtis gave the Commissioners a letter of recommendation to the Admiralto whom he referred them; but the Admiral declined to receive theCommission notwithstanding General Otis's recommendation. 

Notwithstanding the procedure of the American Commanders, so contraryto the spirit of all the compacts and antecedents above mentioned, I continued to maintain a friendly attitude towards them, sendinga Commission to General Merritt to bid him farewell on the eve ofhis departure for Paris. In his acknowledgement of his courtesyGeneral Merritt was good enough to say that he would advocate theFilipino Cause in the United States. In the same manner I sent toAdmiral Dewey a _punal_ [5] in a solid silver scabbard and a walkingstick of the very best cane with gold handle engraved by the mostskilful silversmiths as a souvenir and mark of our friendship. Thisthe Admiral accepted, thereby in some measure relieving my feelingsand the anxiety of my compatriots constituting the RevolutionaryGovernment, whose hearts were again filled with pleasant hopes of acomplete understanding with Admiral Dewey. 

CHAPTER XV

Vain Hopes

Vain indeed became these hope when news arrived that Admiral Deweyhad acted and was continuing to act against the RevolutionaryGovernment by order of His Excellency Mr. McKinley, who, promptedby the "Imperialist" party, had decided to annex the Philippines, granting, in all probability, concessions to adventurers to exploitthe immense natural wealth lying concealed under our virgin soil. 

This news was received in the Revolutionary camp like a thunderbolt outof a clear sky. Some cursed the hour and the day we treated verballywith the Americans; some denounced the ceding of the suburbs, whileothers again were of opinion that a Commission should be sent toGeneral Otis to draw from him clear and positive declarations on thesituation, drawing up a treaty of amity and commerce if the UnitedStates recognize our independence or at once commence hostilities ifthe States refused. 

In this crisis I advised moderation and prudence, for I still hadconfidence in the justice and rectitude of United States Congress, which, I believed, would not approve the designs of the Imperialistparty and would give heed to the declarations of Admiral Dewey, who, in the capacity of an exalted Representative of the United States inthese Islands concerted and covenanted with me and the people of thePhilippines recognition of our independence. 

In fact in no other way was such a serious matter to be regarded, for if America entrusted to Admiral Dewey the honour of her forces insuch a distant region, surely the Filipinos might equally place theirtrust in the word of honour of such a polished, chivalrous gentlemanand brave sailor, in the firm belief, of course, that the great andnoble American people would neither reject his decision nor exposeto ridicule the illustrious conqueror of the Spanish fleet. 

In the same way the not less known and notorious circumstances, thatthe American Commanders who came soon after the echoes of the Admiral'svictory reached their native shores, namely, Generals Merritt, Andersonand Otis, proclaimed to the people of the Philippines that America _didnot come to conquer territories, but to liberate its inhabitants fromthe oppression of Spanish Sovereignty_. I would therefore also exposeto universal ridicule and contempt the honour of these Commandersif the United States, by repudiating their official and public acts, attempts to annex these islands by conquest. 

CHAPTER XVI

The American Commission

With such prudent as well as well founded reflections, I succeededin calming my companions shortly before the official news arrivedreporting that the Washington Government, acting on Admiral Dewey'ssuggestion, had intimated its intention to despatch a Civil Commissionto Manila which would treat with the Filipinos with a view to arrivingat a definite understanding respecting the government of the Islands. 

Joy and satisfaction now filled the breasts of all the Revolutionists, and I thereupon set about the appointment of a Commission to meet theAmerican Commissioners. At the same time I gave strict orders thatthe most friendly relations should be maintained with the Americans, enjoining toleration and overlooking of the abuses and atrocitiesof the soldiery because the effect on the Commissioners would not begood it they found us at loggerheads with their nation's forces. 

But the abases of the Americans were now becoming intolerable. In themarket-place at Arroceros they killed a woman and a little boy underthe pretext that they were surprising a gambling den, thus causing thegreatest indignation of a great concourse of people in that vicinity. 

My Adjutants, too, who hold passes permitting them to enter Manilawith their uniform and sidearms, were molested by being repeatedlystopped by every patrol they met, it, being perfectly evident that, the intention was to irritate them by exposing them to public ridicule. 

While this sort of thing was going on as against our people theAmerican Commanders and officers who visited our camp were treatedwith the utmost courtesy and consideration. 

In Lacoste Street an American guard shot and killed a boy seven yearsof age for taking a banana from a Chinaman. 

The searching of houses was carried on just as it was during theSpanish regime, while the American soldiers at the outposts ofteninvaded our lines, thus irritating our sentries. It would make thisbook a very large volume if I continued to state seriatim the abusesand atrocities committed by the American soldiery in those days ofgeneral anxiety. 

It seemed as if the abuses were authorised or at least winked atin official quarters for the purpose of provoking an outbreak ofhostilities. Excitement ran high among all classes of people, but theFilipino Government, which had assumed responsibility for the actsof the people, by the constant issue of prudent orders succeededin calming the excited populace and maintained peace, advising allsufferers to be patient and prudent pending the arrival of the CivilCommission. 

CHAPTER XVII

Impolitic Acts

At such a critical juncture as this, and before the anxiously-awaitedCivil Commission arrived, it occurred to General Otis, Commandant ofthe American forces, to commit two more impolitic acts. One of themwas the order to search our telegraph offices in Sagunro Street, inTondo, where the searching party seized the apparatus and detainedthe officer in charge, Sr. Reyna, in the Fuerza Santiago [6] underthe pretext that he was conspiring against the Americans. 

How and why was Sr. Reyna conspiring? Was not this sufficient forthe Filipino Government to give the order to attack and rescue Reynaand thereby we (eight thousand strong) be plunged immediately intowar with the United States? Was there any reason for conspiring whenthe power was in our own hands? And, above all, would a telegraphist, be likely to interfere in _affaires de guerre_ when there was an armynear by to attend to such matters?

It was abundantly manifest that the object was by wounding the feelingsof and belittling the Filipino Government to provoke a collision, andit was clear also that this system of exasperating us was not merelythe wanton act of the soldiery but was actually prompted by GeneralOtis himself, who, imbued with imperialistic tendencies, regarded thecoming of the Civil Commission with disfavour and especially would itbe unsatisfactory that this Commission should find the Philippines ina state of perfect tranquility, because it was evident to the saidGeneral, as well as to the whole world, that the Filipinos wouldassuredly have arrived at a definite amicable agreement with theaforesaid Commission if it reached the islands while peace prevailed. 

We, the Filipinos, would have received the Commission with openarms and complete accord as honourable Agents of the great Americannation. The Commissioners could have visited all our provinces, seeing and taking note of the complete tranquility throughout ourterritory. They could have seen our cultivated lands, examined ourConstitution and investigated the administration of public affairs inperfect peace and safety, and have felt and enjoyed the inimitablecharm of our Oriental style, --half negligent, half solicitude, warmth and chilliness, simple confidence and suspiciousness;characteristics which cause descriptions of contact with us to bedepicted by foreigners in thousands of different hues. 

Ah! but neither did General Otis nor the Imperialists wish forsuch a landscape. It was better for their criminal designs thatthe American Commission should view the desolation and horrors ofwar in the Philippines, inhaling on the very day of their arrivalthe revolting odour emitted from American and Filipino corpses. Itwas better for their purposes that that gentleman, Mr. Schurman, President of the Commission, should return from Manila, limitinghis investigation to inquiries among the few Filipinos, who, seducedwith gold, were siding with the Imperialists. It were better for themthat the Commission should view the Philippines problem through fireand slaughter, in the midst of whizzing bullets and the uncontrolledpassion of infuriated foes, thus preventing them from forming correctjudgment of the exact and natural conditions of the problem. Ah! itwas, lastly, better that the Commission return to the States defeatedin its mission of obtaining peace and blaming me and other Filipinosfor its inability to settle matters, when, in reality, I and all thePhilippine people were longing that that peace had been concludedyesterday, --long before now--but an honest and honourable peace, honourable alike for the United States and the Philippine Republicin order that it be sincere and everlasting. 

The second impolitic act of General Otis was the issue of aproclamation on the 4th of January, 1899, asserting in the nameof President McKinley the sovereignty of America in these islands, with threats of ruin, death and desolation to all who declined torecognize it. 

I, Emilio Aguinaldo--though the humble servant of all, am, asPresident of the Philippine Republic, charged with the safeguardingof the rights and independence of the people who appointed me to suchan exalted position of trust and responsibility--mistrusted for thefirst time the honour of the Americans, perceiving of course thatthis proclamation of General Otis completely exceeded the limits ofprudence and that therefore no other course was open to me but torepel with arms such unjust and unexpected procedure on the part ofthe commander of friendly forces. 

I protested, therefore, against such a proclamation--also threateningan immediate rupture of friendly relations, --for the whole populace wasclaiming that an act of treason had been committed, plausibly assertingthat the announcement of the Commission applied for by Admiral Deweywas a ruse, and that what General Otis was scheming for was to keepus quiet while he brought reinforcement after reinforcement from theUnited States for the purpose of crashing our untrained and badlyequipped Army with one blow. 

But now General Otis acted for the first time like a diplomatist, and wrote me, through his Secretary, Mr. Carman, a letter inviting theFilipino Government to send a Commission to meet an American Commissionfor the purpose of arriving at an amicable arrangement between bothparties; and although I placed no trust in the professions of friendlyintentions of the said General--whose determination to prevent theCommission arriving at a peaceful solution of the difficulties wasalready evident--I acceded to the request, partly because I sawthe order, dated 9th January, given by the above mentioned Generalconfirmed, and on the other hand to show before the whole world mymanifest wishes for the conservation of peace and friendship withthe United States, solemnly compacted with Admiral Dewey. 

CHAPTER XVIII

The Mixed Commission

Conferences of the Mixed Commission, Americans and Filipinos, wereheld in Manila from the 11th to the 31st of the said month of January, the Filipino Commissioners clearly expressing the wish of our peoplefor recognition as an independent nation. 

They also frankly stated the complaints of the Filipino people aboutthe abuses and atrocities of the American soldiery, being attentivelyand benevolently listened to by the American Commissioners. Thelatter replied that they had no authority to recognize the FilipinoGovernment, their mission being limited to hearing what the Filipinossaid, to collect data to formulate the will of our people andtransmit it fully and faithfully to the Government of Washington, who alone could arrive at a definite decision on the subject. Theseconferences ended in perfect harmony, auguring well for happier timesand definite peace when Mr. McKinley should reply to General Otis'stelegrams transmitting our wishes with his favourable recommendations, as the American Commissioners said. 

CHAPTER XIX

Outbreak of Hostilities

While I, the Government, the Congress and the entire populace wereawaiting the arrival of such a greatly desired reply, many fairlyoverflowing with pleasant thoughts, there came the fatal day ofthe 4th February, during the night of which day the American forcessuddenly attacked all our lines, which were in fact at the time almostdeserted, because being Saturday, the day before a regular feast day, our Generals and some of the most prominent officers had obtainedleave to pass the Sabbath with their respective families. 

General Pantaleon Garcia was the only one who at such a criticalmoment was at his post in Maypajo, north of Manila, Generals Noriel, Rizal and Ricarte and Colonels San Miguel, Cailles and others beingaway enjoying their leave. 

General Otis, according to trustworthy information, telegraphed toWashington stating that the Filipinos had attacked the AmericanArmy. President McKinley read aloud the telegram in the Senate, where the Treaty of Paris of the 10th December, 1898, was beingdiscussed with a view to its ratification, the question of annexationof the Philippines being the chief subject of debate, and throughthis criminal procedure secured the acceptation of the said Treaty_in toto_ by a majority of only three votes, [7] which were castsimultaneously with a declaration that the voters sided with the"Ayes" on account of war having broken out in these Islands. 

This singular comedy could not continue for a great length of timebecause the Filipinos could never be the aggressors as against theAmerican forces, with whom we had sworn eternal friendship and inwhose power we expected to find the necessary protection to enableus to obtain recognition of our independence from the other Powers. 

The confusion and obfuscation of the first moments was indeed great, but before long it gave place to the light of Truth which shone forthserene, bringing forth serious reflections. 

When sensible people studied the acts of Mr. McKinley, sendingreinforcement after reinforcement to Manila at a time after anarmistice was agreed upon and even when peace with Spain prevailed;when they took into account that the despatch of the Civil Commissionto settle terms of a treaty of amity with the Filipinos was beingdelayed; when, too, they knew of the antecedents of my alliancewith Admiral Dewey, prepared and arranged by the American Consuls ofSingapore and Hongkong, Mr. Pratt and Mr. Wildman; when they becameacquainted with the actual state of affairs on the 4th February knowingthat the Filipinos were awaiting the reply of Mr. McKinley to thetelegram of General Otis in which he transmitted the peaceful wish ofthe Filipino people of live as an independent nation; when, lastly, they riveted their attention to the terms of the Treaty of Paris, the approval of which, in as far as it concerned the annexation of thePhilippines, was greeted with manifestations of joy and satisfactionby the Imperialist party led by Mr. McKinley, then their eyes wereopened to the revelations of truth, clearly perceiving the base, selfish and inhuman policy which Mr. McKinley had followed in hisdealings with us the Filipinos, sacrificing remorselessly to theirunbridled ambition the honour of Admiral Dewey, exposing this worthygentleman and illustrious conqueror of the Spanish fleet to universalridicule; for no other deduction can follow from the fact that aboutthe middle of May of 1898, the U. S. S. _McCulloch_ brought me withmy revolutionary companions from Hongkong, by order of the abovementioned Admiral, while now actually the United States squadron isengaged in bombarding the towns and ports held by these revolutionists, whose objective is and always has been Liberty and Independence. 

The facts as stated are of recent date and must still be fresh inthe memory of all. 

Those who in May, 1898, admired the courage of Admiral Dewey's sailorsand the humanitarianism of this illustrious Commander in grantingvisible aid to an oppressed people to obtain freedom and independence, surely cannot place an honest construction upon the present inhumanwar when contrasting it with those lofty and worthy sentiments. 

I need not dwell on the cruelty which, from the time of thecommencement of hostilities, has characterized General Otis'streatment of the Filipinos, shooting in secret many who declinedto sign a petition asking for autonomy. I need not recapitulate theruffianly abuses which the American soldiers committed on innocentand defenseless people in Manila, shooting women and children simplybecause they were leaning out of windows; entering houses at midnightwithout the occupants' permission--forcing open trunks and wardrobesand stealing money, jewellery and all valuables they came across;breaking chairs, tables and mirrors which they could not carry awaywith them, because, anyhow, they are consequences of the war, thoughimproper in the case of civilized forces. But what I would not leaveunmentioned is the inhuman conduct of that General in his dealingswith the Filipino Army, when, to arrange a treaty of peace with theCivil Commission, of which Mr. Schurman was President, I thrice sentemissaries asking for a cessation of hostilities. 

General Otis refused the envoys' fair and reasonable request, replyingthat he would not stop hostilities so long as the Philippine Armydeclined to lay down their arms. 

But why does not this Army deserve some consideration at the handsof General Otis and the American forces? Had they already forgottenthe important service the Filipino Army rendered to the Americans inthe late war with Spain?

Had General Otis forgotten the favours conferred on him by the FilipinoArmy, giving up to him and his Army the suburbs and blockhouses whichat such great sacrifice to themselves the Filipinos had occupied?

Why should General Otis make such a humiliating condition a primefactor or basis of terms of peace with an Army which stood shoulder toshoulder with the American forces, freely shedding its blood, and whoseheroism and courage were extolled by Admiral Dewey and other Americans?

This unexplained conduct of General Otis, so manifestly contraryto the canons of international law and military honour, is eloquenttestimony of his deliberate intention to neutralize the effects ofMr. Schurman's pacific mission. 

What peace can be concerted by the roaring of cannon and the whizzingof bullets?

What is and has been the course of procedure of General Brooke inCuba? Are not the Cubans still armed, notwithstanding negotiationsfor the pacification and future government of that Island are stillgoing on?

Are we, perchance, less deserving of liberty and independence thanthose revolutionists?

Oh, dear Philippines! Blame your wealth, your beauty for the stupendousdisgrace that rests upon your faithful sons. 

You have aroused the ambition of the Imperialists and Expansionistsof North America and both have placed their sharp claws upon yourentrails!

Loved mother, sweet mother, we are here to defend your liberty andindependence to the death! We do not want war; on the contrary, wewish for peace; but honourable peace, which does not make you blushnor stain your forehead with shame and confusion. And we swear to youand promise that while America with all her power and wealth couldpossibly vanquish us; killing all of us; but enslave us, never!!!

No; this humiliation is not the compact I celebrated in Singapore withthe American Consul Pratt. This was not the agreement stipulated forwith Mr. Wildman, American Consul in Hongkong. Finally, it was notthe subjection of my beloved country to a new alien yoke that AdmiralDewey promised me. 

It is certain that these three have abandoned me, forgetting that Iwas sought for and taken from my exile and deportation; forgetting, also, that neither of these three solicited my services in behalfof American Sovereignty, they paying the expense of the PhilippineRevolution for which, manifestly, they sought me and brought me backto your beloved bosom!

If there is, as I believe, one God, the root and fountain of alljustice and only eternal judge of international disputes, it will nottake long, dear mother, to save you from the hands, of your unjustenemies. So I trust in the honour of Admiral Dewey: So I trust inthe rectitude of the great people of the United States of America, where, if there are ambitious Imperialists, there are defenders of thehumane doctrines of the immortal Monroe, Franklin, and Washington;unless the race of noble citizens, glorious founders of the presentgreatness of the North American Republic, have so degenerated thattheir benevolent influence has become subservient to the graspingambition of the Expansionists, in which latter unfortunate circumstancewould not death be preferable to bondage?

Oh, sensible American people! Deep is the admiration of all thePhilippine people and of their untrained Army of the courage displayedby your Commanders and soldiers. We are weak in comparison withsuch Titanic instruments of your Government's ambitious Caesarianpolicy and find it difficult to effectively resist their courageousonslaught. Limited are our warlike resources, but we will continue thisunjust, bloody, and unequal struggle, not for the love of war--whichwe abhor--but to defend our incontrovertible rights of Liberty andIndependence (so dearly won in war with Spain) and our territorywhich is threatened by the ambitions of _a party_ that is trying tosubjugate us. 

Distressing, indeed, is war! Its ravages cause us horror. LucklessFilipinos succumb in the confusion of combat, leaving behind themmothers, widows and children. America could put up with all themisfortunes she brings on us without discomfort; but what the NorthAmerican people are not agreeable to is that she should continuesacrificing her sons, causing distress and anguish to mothers, widows and daughters to satisfy the whim of maintaining a warin contravention of their honourable traditions as enunciated byWashington and Jefferson. 

Go back, therefore, North American people, to your old-timeliberty. Put your hand on your heart and tell me: Would it be pleasantfor you if, in the course of time, North America should find herself inthe pitiful plight, of a weak and oppressed people and the Philippines, a free and powerful nation, then at war with your oppressors, askedfor your aid promising to deliver you from such a weighty yoke, andafter defeating her enemy with your aid she set about subjugating you, refusing the promised liberation?

Civilized nations! Honourable inhabitants of the United States, towhose high and estimable consideration I submit this unpretentiouswork, herein you have the providential facts which led to the unjustattack upon the existence of the Philippine Republic and the existenceof those for whom, though unworthy, God made me the principal guardian. 

The veracity of these facts rests upon my word as President of thisRepublic and on the honour of the whole population of eight millionsouls, who, for more than three hundred years have been sacrificingthe lives and wealth of their brave sons to obtain due recognitionof the natural rights of mankind--liberty and independence. 

If you will do me the honour to receive and read this work and thenpass judgment impartially solemnly declaring on which side right andjustice rests, your respectful servant will be eternally grateful. 

(Signed) _Emilio Aguinaldo_. 

_Tarlak, 23rd September, 1899_. 

NOTES

[1] A kind of sword--_Translator_. 

[2] Of their own free will and accord--_Translator_. 

[3] Suspension bridge. --_Translator_. 

[4] Philippine Local Exhibition. --_Translator_. 

[5] Short sword--_Translator_. 

[6] The "Black Hole" of Manila. 

[7] Many of the American papers reported that the majority was _one_vote only in excess of the absolutely requisite two-thirds majority. 

Index

I. --The Revolution of 1896; 1. II. --The Treaty of Peace of Biak-na-bató; 4. III. --Negotiations; 6. IV. --The Revolution of 1898; 19. V. --The Dictatorial Government; 22. VI. --The First Triumphs; 24. VII. --The Philippine Flag; 26. VIII. --Expedition to Bisayas; 28. IX. --The Steamer "Compania de Filipinas"; 28. X. --The Proclamation of Independence; 30. XI. --The Spanish Commission; 32. XII. --More American Troops; 37. XIII. --The 13th August; 38. XIV. --First Clouds; 40. XV. --Vain Hopes; 42. XVI. --The American Commission; 44. XVII. --Impolitic acts; 46. XVIII. --The Mixed Commission; 50. XIX. --Outbreak of Hostilities; 51.