[Illustration: SHARPLESS MINIATURE OF WASHINGTON, 1795]

 The True George Washington

 By Paul Leicester Ford

 Author of "The Honorable Peter Stirling" Editor of "The Writings of Thomas Jefferson" and "The Sayings of Poor Richard"

"That I have foibles, and perhaps many of them, I shall not deny. I shouldesteem myself, as the world would, vain and empty, were I to arrogateperfection. "

--_Washington_

"Speak of me as I am; nothing extenuate, nor set down aught in malice. "

--_Shakespeare_

 1896 BY J. B. LIPPINCOTT COMPANY

 _Tenth Edition_

Electrotyped and Printed by J. B. Lippincott Company, Philadelphia, U

 THIS BOOK IS DEDICATED TO WILLIAM F. HAVEMEYER, IN ACKNOWLEDGEMENT OF THE INDEBTEDNESS OF THE AUTHOR TO HIS COLLECTION OF WASHINGTONIANA. 

+Note+

In every country boasting a history there may be observed a tendency tomake its leaders or great men superhuman. Whether we turn to the legendsof the East, the folk-lore of Europe, or the traditions of the nativeraces of America, we find a mythology based upon the acts of man giftedwith superhuman powers. In the unscientific, primeval periods in whichthese beliefs were born and elaborated into oral and written form, theirorigin is not surprising. But to all who have studied the creation of amythology, no phase is a more curious one than that the keen, practicalAmerican of to-day should engage in the same process of hero-buildingwhich has given us Jupiter, Wotan, King Arthur, and others. By a slowevolution we have well-nigh discarded from the lives of our greatest menof the past all human faults and feelings; have enclosed their greatnessin glass of the clearest crystal, and hung up a sign, "Do not touch. "Indeed, with such characters as Washington, Franklin, and Lincoln we havepractically adopted the English maxim that "the king can do no wrong. " Inplace of men, limited by human limits, and influenced by human passions, we have demi-gods, so stripped of human characteristics as to make usquestion even whether they deserve much credit for their sacrifices anddeeds. 

But with this process of canonization have we not lost more than we havegained, both in example and in interest? Many, no doubt, with the greatestveneration for our first citizen, have sympathized with the viewexpressed by Mark Twain, when he said that he was a greater man thanWashington, for the latter "couldn't tell a lie, while he could, butwouldn't" We have endless biographies of Franklin, picturing him in allthe public stations of life, but all together they do not equal inpopularity his own human autobiography, in which we see him walking downMarket Street with a roll under each arm, and devouring a third. And so itseems as if the time had come to put the shadow-boxes of humanity roundour historic portraits, not because they are ornamental in themselves, butbecause they will make them examples, not mere idols. 

If the present work succeeds in humanizing Washington, and making him aman rather than a historical figure, its purpose will have been fulfilled. In the attempt to accomplish this, Washington has, so far as is possible, been made to speak for himself, even though at times it has compelled thesacrifice of literary form, in the hope that his own words would convey agreater sense of the personality of the man. So, too, liberal drafts havebeen made on the opinions and statements of his contemporaries; but, unless the contrary is stated or is obvious, all quoted matter is fromWashington's own pen. It is with pleasure that the author adds that theresult of his study has only served to make Washington the greater to him. 

The writer is under the greatest obligation to his brother, WorthingtonChauncey Ford, not merely for his numerous books on Washington, of whichhis "Writings of George Washington" is easily first in importance of allworks relating to the great American, but also for much manuscriptmaterial which he has placed at the author's service. Hitherto unpublishedfacts have been drawn from many other sources, but notably from the richcollection of Mr. William F. Havemeyer, of New York, from the Departmentof State in Washington, and from the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. To Mr. S. M. Hamilton, of the former institution, and to Mr. Frederick D. Stone, of the latter, the writer is particularly indebted for assistance. 

CONTENTS

CHAPTER

I. --FAMILY RELATIONS

II. --PHYSIQUE

III. --EDUCATION

IV. --RELATIONS WITH THE FAIR SEX

V. --FARMER AND PROPRIETOR

VI. --MASTER AND EMPLOYER

VII. --SOCIAL LIFE

VIII. --TASTES AND AMUSEMENTS

IX. --FRIENDS

X. --ENEMIES

XI. --SOLDIER

XII. --CITIZEN AND OFFICE-HOLDER

List of Illustrations with Notes

MINIATURE OF WASHINGTON. By JAMES SHARPLESS

Painted for Washington in 1795, and presented by him to Nelly (Calvert)Stuart, widow of John Parke Custis, Washington's adopted son. Her sonGeorge Washington Parke Custis, in whose presence the sittings were made, often spoke of the likeness as "almost perfect. "

MEMORIAL TABLET OF LAURENCE AND AMEE WASHINGTON, IN SULGRAVE CHURCH, NORTHAMPTONSHIRE

The injury of the effigy of Laurence Washington and the entiredisappearance of the effigy of Amee antedate the early part of the presentcentury, and probably were done in the Puritan period. Since the abovetracing was made the brasses of the eleven children have been stolen, leaving nothing but the lettering and the shield of the Washington arms. 

BETTY WASHINGTON, WIFE OF FIELDING LEWIS

Painted about 1750, and erroneously alleged to be by Copley. Original inthe possession of Mr. R. Byrd Lewis, of Marmion, Virginia. 

JOHN AND MARTHA CUSTIS

Original in the possession of General G. W. Custis Lee, of Lexington, Virginia. 

MINIATURE OF ELEANOR PARKE CUSTIS

From the miniature by Gilbert Stuart, in the possession of her grandson, Edward Parke Lewis Custis, of Hoboken, New Jersey. 

FICTITIOUS PORTRAIT OF WASHINGTON

The lettering reads, "Done from an original Drawn from the Life, by Alex'rCampbell of Williamsburg in Virginia. Published as the act directs9 Sept'r 1775 by C. Shepherd. " It is the first engraved portrait ofWashington, and was issued to satisfy the English curiosity concerning thenew commander-in-chief of the rebels. From the original print in thepossession of Mr. W. F. Havemeyer, of New York. 

COPY SHEET FROM YOUNG MAN'S COMPANION

The sheet from which Washington modelled his handwriting, and to which hisearliest script shows a marked resemblance. From the original in thepossession of the author. 

LETTER TO MRS. FAIRFAX

Showing changes and corrections made by Washington at a later date. Fromoriginal copy-book in the Washington MSS. In the Department of State. 

PORTRAIT OF MARY PHILIPSE

From the original formerly in the possession of Mr. Frederick Philipse. 

PORTRAIT OF MARTHA CUSTIS

Alleged to have been painted by Woolaston about 1757. It has been assertedby Mr. L. W. Washington and Mr. Moncure D. Conway that this is a portraitof Betty Washington Lewis, but in this they are wholly in error, as proofexists that it is a portrait of Mrs. Washington before her secondmarriage. 

SURVEY OF MOUNT VERNON HILLS

Made by Washington as a boy, and one of the earliest specimens of hiswork. The small drawing of the house represents it as it was beforeWashington enlarged it, and is the only picture of it known. Original inthe Department of State. 

MOUNTAIN ROAD LOTTERY TICKET

From the original in the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 

FAMILY GROUP

Painted by Edward Savage about 1795, and issued as a large engraving in1798. The original picture is now in the possession of Mr. William F. Havemeyer, of New York. 

DINNER INVITATION

The official invitation while President, from the original in thepossession of the author. 

DANCING AGREEMENT

This gives only the first few names, many more following. The original wasformerly in the possession of Mr. Thomas Biddle, of Philadelphia. 

BOOK-PLATE OF WASHINGTON

This is a slight variation from the true Washington coat of arms, thechanges being introduced by Washington. From the original in thepossession of the author. 

SURVEY OF WAKEFIELD

Washington's birthplace. The survey was made in 1743, on the propertycoming into the possession of Augustine Washington (second) from hisfather, with the object of readjusting the boundary-lines. Original in thepossession of Mr. William F. Havemeyer, of New York. 

WASHINGTON FAMILY BIBLE

This record, with the exception of the interlined note concerning BettyWashington Lewis, is in the handwriting of George Washington, and waswritten when he was about sixteen years old. Original in the possession ofMrs. Lewis Washington, of Charlestown, West Virginia. 

MINIATURE OF MRS. WASHINGTON

By an unknown artist. From the original in the possession of General G. W. Custis Lee, of Lexington, Virginia. 

EARLIEST AUTOGRAPH OF WASHINGTON

On a fly-leaf of the volume to which this title belongs is written, "Thisautograph of Genl. Washington's name is believed to be the earliestspecimen of his writing, when he was probably not more than 8 or 9 yearsof age. " This is a note by G. C. Washington, to whom Washington's librarydescended. Original in the possession of the Boston Athenaeum. 

RULES OF CIVILITY

First page of Washington's boyish transcript, written when he was aboutthirteen years of age. Used here by courtesy of Mr. S. M. Hamilton and"Public Opinion, " who are preparing a fac-simile edition of the entirerules. 

LIFE MASK BY HOUDON

Taken by Houdon in October, 1785. From the replica in the HistoricalSociety of Pennsylvania. 

TITLE-PAGE OF JOURNAL OF GEORGE WASHINGTON, 1754

Of this first edition but two copies are known. From the original in theLenox Library. 

PRESIDENTIAL HOUSE IN PHILADELPHIA

Philadelphia offered to furnish the house for the President during thetime Congress sat in that city, but Washington "wholly declined living inany public building, " and rented this house from Robert Morris. Though itwas considered one of the finest in the city, Washington several timescomplained of being cramped. 

THE TRUE GEORGE WASHINGTON

I

FAMILY RELATIONS

Although Washington wrote that the history of his ancestors was, in hisopinion, "of very little moment, " and "a subject to which I confess I havepaid very little attention, " few Americans can prove a better pedigree. The earliest of his forebears yet discovered was described as "gentleman, "the family were granted lands by Henry the Eighth, held various offices ofhonor, married into good families, and under the Stuarts two were knightedand a third served as page to Prince Charles. Lawrence, a brother of thethree thus distinguished, matriculated at Oxford as a "generosi filius"(the intermediate class between sons of the nobility, "armigeri filius, "and of the people, "plebeii filius"), or as of the minor gentry. In timehe became a fellow and lector of Brasenose College, and presently obtainedthe good living of Purleigh. Strong royalists, the fortunes of the familywaned along with King Charles, and sank into insignificance with thepassing of the Stuart dynasty. Not the least sufferer was the rector ofPurleigh, for the Puritan Parliament ejected him from his living, on thecharge "that he was a common frequenter of ale-houses, not only himselfsitting dayly tippling there . . . But hath oft been drunk, "--a chargeindignantly denied by the royalists, who asserted that he was a "worthyPious man, . . . Always . . . A very Modest, Sober Person;" and this latterclaim is supported by the fact that though the Puritans sequestered therich living, they made no objection to his serving as rector at BrixtedParva, where the living was "such a Poor and Miserable one that it wasalways with difficulty that any one was persuaded to accept of it. "

Poverty resulting, John, the eldest son of this rector, early took to thesea, and in 1656 assisted "as second man in Sayleing ye Vessel toVirginia. " Here he settled, took up land, presently became a countyofficer, a burgess, and a colonel of militia. In this latter function hecommanded the Virginia troops during the Indian war of 1675, and when hisgreat-grandson, George, on his first arrival on the frontier, was calledby the Indians "Conotocarius, " or "devourer of villages, " the formidablebut inappropriate title for the newly-fledged officer is supposed to havebeen due to the reputation that John Washington had won for his name amongthe Indians eighty years before. 

[Illustration: TABLET TO LAURENCE WASHINGTON AND HIS FAMILY IN SULGRAVECHURCH]

Both John's son, Lawrence, and Lawrence's son, Augustine, describethemselves in their wills as "gentlemen, " and both intermarried with the"gentry families" of Virginia. Augustine was educated at Appleby School, in England, like his grandfather followed the sea for a time, wasinterested in iron mines, and in other ways proved himself far more thanthe average Virginia planter of his day. He was twice married, --whichmarriages, with unconscious humor, he describes in his will as "severalVentures, "--had ten children, and died in 1743, when George, his fifthchild and the first by his second "Venture, " was a boy of eleven. Thefather thus took little part in the life of the lad, and almost the onlymention of him by his son still extant is the one recorded in Washington'sround school-boy hand in the family Bible, to the effect that "AugustineWashington and Mary Ball was Married the Sixth of March 17-30/31. Augustine Washington Departed this Life ye 12th Day of April 1743, Aged 49Years. "

The mother, Mary Washington, was more of a factor, though chiefly by merelength of life, for she lived to be eighty-three, and died but ten yearsbefore her son. That Washington owed his personal appearance to the Ballsis true, but otherwise the sentimentality that has been lavished about therelations between the two and her influence upon him, partakes of fictionrather than of truth. After his father's death the boy passed most of histime at the homes of his two elder brothers, and this was fortunate, forthey were educated men, of some colonial consequence, while his motherlived in comparatively straitened circumstances, was illiterate anduntidy, and, moreover, if tradition is to be believed, smoked a pipe. Hercourse with the lad was blamed by a contemporary as "fond and unthinking, "and this is borne out by such facts as can be gleaned, for when hisbrothers wished to send him to sea she made "trifling objections, " andprevented his taking what they thought an advantageous opening; when thebrilliant offer of a position on Braddock's staff was tendered toWashington, his mother, "alarmed at the report, " hurried to Mount Vernonand endeavored to prevent him from accepting it; still again, afterBraddock's defeat, she so wearied her son with pleas not to risk thedangers of another campaign that Washington finally wrote her, "It wouldreflect dishonor upon me to refuse; and _that_, I am sure, must or _ought_to give you greater uneasiness, than my going in an honorable command. "After he inherited Mount Vernon the two seem to have seen little of eachother, though, when occasion took him near Fredericksburg, he usuallystopped to see her for a few hours, or even for a night. 

Though Washington always wrote to his mother as "Honored Madam, " andsigned himself "your dutiful and aff. Son, " she none the less tried himnot a little. He never claimed from her a part of the share of hisfather's estate which was his due on becoming of age, and, in addition, "a year or two before I left Virginia (to make her latter days comfortableand free from care) I did, at her request, but at my own expence, purchase a commodious house, garden and Lotts (of her own choosing) inFredericksburg, that she might be near my sister Lewis, her onlydaughter, --and did moreover agree to take her land and negroes at acertain yearly rent, to be fixed by Colo Lewis and others (of her ownnomination) which has been an annual expence to me ever since, as theestate never raised one half the rent I was to pay. Before I left VirginiaI answered all her calls for money; and since that period have directed mysteward to do the same. " Furthermore, he gave her a phaeton, and when shecomplained of her want of comfort he wrote her, "My house is at yourservice, and [I] would press you most sincerely and most devoutly toaccept it, but I am sure, and candor requires me to say, it will neveranswer your purposes in any shape whatsoever. For in truth it may becompared to a well resorted tavern, as scarcely any strangers who aregoing from north to south, or from south to north, do not spend a day ortwo at it. This would, were you to be an inhabitant of it, oblige you todo one of 3 things: 1st, to be always dressing to appear in company; 2d, to come into [the room] in a dishabille, or 3d to be as it were a prisonerin your own chamber. The first you'ld not like; indeed, for a person atyour time of life it would be too fatiguing. The 2d, I should not like, because those who resort here are, as I observed before, strangers andpeople of the first distinction. And the 3d, more than probably, would notbe pleasing to either of us. "

Under these circumstances it was with real indignation that Washingtonlearned that complaints of hers that she "never lived soe poore in all mylife" were so well known that there was a project to grant her a pension. The pain this caused a man who always showed such intense dislike totaking even money earned from public coffers, and who refused everythingin the nature of a gift, can easily be understood. He at once wrote aletter to a friend in the Virginia Assembly, in which, after recitingenough of what he had done for her to prove that she was under nonecessity of a pension, --"or, in other words, receiving charity from thepublic, "--he continued, "But putting these things aside, which I could notavoid mentioning in exculpation of a presumptive want of duty on my part;confident I am that she has not a child that would not divide the lastsixpence to relieve her from real distress. This she has been repeatedlyassured of by me; and all of us, I am certain, would feel much hurt, athaving our mother a pensioner, while we had the means of supporting her;but in fact she has an ample income of her own. I lament accordingly thatyour letter, which conveyed the first hint of this matter, did not come tomy hands sooner; but I request, in pointed terms, if the matter is now inagitation in your Assembly, that all proceedings on it may be stopped, orin case of a decision in her favor, that it may be done away and repealedat my request. "

Still greater mortification was in store for him, when he was told thatshe was borrowing and accepting gifts from her neighbors, and learned "ongood authority that she is, upon all occasions and in all companies, complaining . . . Of her wants and difficulties; and if not in direct terms, at least by strong innuendoes, endeavors to excite a belief that timesare much altered, &c. , &c. , which not only makes _her_ appear in anunfavorable point of view, but _those also_ who are connected with her. "To save her feelings he did not express the "pain" he felt to her, but hewrote a brother asking him to ascertain if there was the slightest basisin her complaints, and "see what is necessary to make her comfortable, "for "while I have anything I will part with it to make her so;" butbegging him "at the same time . . . To represent to her in delicate terms, the impropriety of her complaints, and _acceptance_ of favors, even whenthey are voluntarily offered, from any but relations. " Though he did not"touch upon this subject in a letter to her, " he was enough fretted to endthe renting of her plantation, not because "I mean . . . To withhold any aidor support I can give from you; for whilst I have a shilling left, youshall have part, " but because "what I shall then give, I shall have creditfor, " and not be "viewed as a delinquent, and considered perhaps by theworld as [an] unjust and undutiful son. "

In the last years of her life a cancer developed, which she refused tohave "dressed, " and over which, as her doctor wrote Washington, the "OldLady" and he had "a small battle every day. " Once Washington was summonedby an express to her bedside "to bid, as I was prepared to expect, thelast adieu to an honored parent, " but it was a false alarm. Her health wasso bad, however, that just before he started to New York to be inauguratedhe rode to Fredericksburg, "and took a final leave of my mother, neverexpecting to see her more, " a surmise that proved correct. 

Only Elizabeth--or "Betty"--of Washington's sisters grew to womanhood, andit is said that she was so strikingly like her brother that, disguisedwith a long cloak and a military hat, the difference between them wasscarcely detectable. She married Fielding Lewis, and lived at "KenmoreHouse" on the Rappahannock, where Washington spent many a night, as didthe Lewises at Mount Vernon. During the Revolution, while visiting there, she wrote her brother, "Oh, when will that day arrive when we shall meetagain. Trust in the lord it will be soon, --till when, you have the prayersand kind wishes for your health and happiness of your loving and sincerelyaffectionate sister. " Her husband died "much indebted, " and from that timeher brother gave her occasional sums of money, and helped her in otherways. 

Her eldest son followed in his father's footsteps, and displeasedWashington with requests for loans. He angered him still more by conductconcerning which Washington wrote to him as follows:

"Sir, Your letter of the 11th of Octor. Never came to my hands 'tillyesterday. Altho' your disrespectful conduct towards me, in coming intothis country and spending weeks therein without ever coming near me, entitled you to very little notice or favor from me; yet I consent thatyou may get timber from off my Land in Fauquier County to build a house onyour Lott in Rectertown. Having granted this, now let me ask you what yourviews were in purchasing a Lott in a place which, I presume, originatedwith and will end in two or three Gin shops, which probably will exist nolonger than they serve to ruin the proprietors, and those who make themost frequent applications to them. I am, &c. "

[Illustration: MRS FIELDING LEWIS (BETTY WASHINGTON)]

Other of the Lewis boys pleased him better, and he appointed one anofficer in his own "Life Guard. " Of another he wrote, when President, tohis sister, "If your son Howell is living with you, and not usefullyemployed in your own affairs, and should incline to spend a few monthswith me, as a writer in my office (if he is fit for it) I will allow himat the rate of three hundred dollars a year, provided he is diligent indischarging the duties of it from breakfast until dinner--Sundaysexcepted. This sum will be punctually paid him, and I am particular indeclaring beforehand what I require, and what he may expect, that theremay be no disappointment, or false expectations on either side. He willlive in the family in the same manner his brother Robert did. " This Roberthad been for some time one of his secretaries, and at another time wasemployed as a rent-collector. 

Still another son, Lawrence, also served him in these dual capacities, andWashington, on his retirement from the Presidency, offered him a home atMount Vernon. This led to a marriage with Mrs. Washington's grandchild, Eleanor Custis, a match which so pleased Washington that he madearrangements for Lawrence to build on the Mount Vernon estate, in his willnamed him an executor, and left the couple a part of this property, aswell as a portion of the residuary estate. 

As already noted, much of Washington's early life was passed at the homesof his elder (half-) brothers, Lawrence and Augustine, who livedrespectively at Mount Vernon and Wakefield. When Lawrence developedconsumption, George was his travelling companion in a trip to Barbadoes, and from him, when he died of that disease, in 1752, came the bequest ofMount Vernon to "my loveing brother George. " To Augustine, in the onlyletter now extant, Washington wrote, "The pleasure of your company atMount Vernon always did, and always will afford me infinite satisfaction, "and signed himself "your most affectionate brother. " Surviving thisbrother, he left handsome bequests to all his children. 

Samuel, the eldest of his own brothers, and his junior by but two years, though constantly corresponded with, was not a favorite. He seems to havehad extravagant tendencies, variously indicated by five marriages, and by(perhaps as a consequence) pecuniary difficulties. In 1781, Washingtonwrote to another brother, "In God's name how did my brother Samuel gethimself so enormously in debt?" Very quickly requests for loans followed, than which nothing was more irritating to Washington. Yet, though hereplied that it would be "very inconvenient" to him, his ledger shows thatat least two thousand dollars were advanced, and in a letter to thisbrother, on the danger of borrowing at interest, Washington wrote, "I donot make these observations on account of the money I purpose to lend you, because all I shall require is that you return the net sum when in yourpower, without interest. " Better even than this, in his will Washingtondischarged the debt. 

To the family of Samuel, Washington was equally helpful. For the eldestson he obtained an ensigncy, and "to save Thornton and you [Samuel] theexpence of buying a horse to ride home on, I have lent him a mare. " Twoother sons he assumed all the expenses of, and showed an almost fatherlyinterest in them. He placed them at school, and when the lads provedsomewhat unruly he wrote them long admonitory letters, which became sternwhen actual misconduct ensued, and when one of them ran away to MountVernon to escape a whipping, Washington himself prepared "to correct him, but he begged so earnestly and promised so faithfully that there should beno cause for complaint in the future, that I have suspended punishment. "Later the two were sent to college, and in all cost Washington "near fivethousand dollars. "

An even greater trouble was their sister Harriot, whose care was assumedin 1785, and who was a member of Washington's household, with only aslight interruption, till her marriage in 1796. Her chief failing was "nodisposition . . . To be careful of her cloathes, " which were "dabbed aboutin every hole and corner and her best things always in use, " so thatWashington said "she costs me enough!" To her uncle she wrote on oneoccasion, "How shall I apologise to my dear and Honor'd for intruding onhis goodness so soon again, but being sensible for your kindness to mewhich I shall ever remember with the most heartfelt gratitude induces meto make known my wants. I have not had a pair of stays since I first camehere: if you could let me have a pair I should be very much obleiged toyou, and also a hat and a few other articles. I hope my dear Uncle willnot think me extravagant for really I take as much care of my cloaths as Ipossibly can. " Probably the expense that pleased him best in her case wasthat which he recorded in his ledger "By Miss Harriot Washington gave herto buy wedding clothes $100. "

His second and favorite brother, John Augustine, who was four years hisjunior, Washington described as "the intimate companion of my youth andthe friend of my ripened age. " While the Virginia colonel was on thefrontier, from 1754 to 1759, he left John in charge of all his businessaffairs, giving him a residence at and management of Mount Vernon. Withthis brother he constantly corresponded, addressing him as "Dear Jack, "and writing in the most intimate and affectionate terms, not merely tohim, but when John had taken unto himself a wife, to her, and to "thelittle ones, " and signing himself "your loving brother. " Visits betweenthe two were frequent, and invitations for the same still more so, and inone letter, written during the most trying moment of the Revolution, Washington said, "God grant you all health and happiness. Nothing in thisworld could contribute so to mine as to be fixed among you. " John died in1787, and Washington wrote with simple but undisguised grief of the deathof "my beloved brother. "

The eldest son of this brother, Bushrod, was his favorite nephew, andWashington took much interest in his career, getting the lad admitted tostudy law with Judge James Wilson, in Philadelphia, and taking genuinepride in him when he became a lawyer and judge of repute. He made thisnephew his travelling companion in the Western journey of 1784, and atother times not merely sent him money, but wrote him letters of advice, dwelling on the dangers that beset young men, though confessing that hewas himself "not such a Stoic" as to expect too much of youthful blood. ToBushrod, also, he appealed on legal matters, adding, "You may think me anunprofitable applicant in asking opinions and requiring services of youwithout dousing my money, but pay day may come, " and in this he was asgood as his word, for in his will Washington left Bushrod, "partly inconsideration of an intimation to his deceased father, while we werebachelors and he had kindly undertaken to superintend my Estates, duringmy military services in the former war between Great Britain and France, that if I should fall therein, Mt. Vernon . . . Should become his property, "the home and "mansion-house farm, " one share of the residuary estate, hisprivate papers, and his library, and named him an executor of theinstrument. 

Of Washington's relations with his youngest brother, Charles, little canbe learned. He was the last of his brothers to die, and Washingtonoutlived him so short a time that he was named in his will, though onlyfor a mere token of remembrance. "I add nothing to it because of the ampleprovision I have made for his issue. " Of the children so mentioned, Washington was particularly fond of George Augustine Washington. As a merelad he used his influence to procure for him an ensigncy in a Virginiaregiment, and an appointment on Lafayette's staff. When in 1784 the youngfellow was threatened with consumption, his uncle's purse supplied himwith the funds by which he was enabled to travel, even while Washingtonwrote, "Poor fellow! his pursuit after health is, I fear, altogetherfruitless. " When better health came, and with it a renewal of a troth witha niece of Mrs. Washington's, the marriage was made possible by Washingtonappointing the young fellow his manager, and not merely did it take placeat Mount Vernon, but the young couple took up their home there. More thanthis, that their outlook might be "more stable and pleasing, " Washingtonpromised them that on his death they should not be forgotten. When thedisease again developed, Washington wrote his nephew in genuine anxiety, and ended his letter, "At all times and under all circumstances you andyours will possess my affectionate regards. " Only a few days later thenews of his nephew's death reached him, and he wrote his widow, "To youwho so well know the affectionate regard I had for our departed friend, itis unnecessary to describe the sorrow with which I was afflicted at thenews of his death. " He asked her and her children "to return to your oldhabitation at Mount Vernon. You can go to no place where you can be morewelcome, nor to any where you can live at less expence and trouble, " anoffer, he adds, "made to you with my whole heart. " Furthermore, Washingtonserved as executor, assumed the expense of educating one of the sons, andin his will left the two children part of the Mount Vernon estate, aswell as other bequests, "on account of the affection I had for, and theobligation I was under to their father when living, who from his youthattached himself to my person, and followed my fortunes through thevicissitudes of the late Revolution, afterwards devoting his time for manyyears whilst my public employments rendered it impracticable for me to doit myself, thereby affording me essential services and always performingthem in a manner the most filial and respectful. "

Of his wife's kith and kin Washington was equally fond. Both alone andwith Mrs. Washington he often visited her mother, Mrs. Dandridge, and in1773 he wrote to a brother-in-law that he wished "I was master ofArguments powerful enough to prevail upon Mrs. Dandridge to make thisplace her entire and absolute home. I should think as she lives a lonesomelife (Betsey being married) it might suit her well, & be agreeable, bothto herself & my Wife, to me most assuredly it would. " Washington was alsoa frequent visitor at "Eltham, " the home of Colonel Bassett, who hadmarried his wife's sister, and constantly corresponded with theserelatives. He asked this whole family to be his guests at the WarmSprings, and, as this meant camping out in tents, he wrote, "You will haveoccasion to provide nothing, if I can be advised of your intentions, sothat I may provide accordingly. " To another brother-in-law, BartholomewDandridge, he lent money, and forgave the debt to the widow in his will, also giving her the use during her life of the thirty-three negroes he hadbid in at the bankruptcy sale of her husband's property. 

The pleasantest glimpses of family feeling are gained, however, in hisrelations with his wife's children and grandchildren. John Parke andMartha Parke Custis--or "Jack" and "Patsey, " as he called them--wereat the date of his marriage respectively six and four years of age, and inthe first invoice of goods to be shipped to him from London after he hadbecome their step-father, Washington ordered "10 shillings worth of Toys, ""6 little books for children beginning to read, " and "1 fashionable-dressedbaby to cost 10 shillings. " When this latter shared the usual fate, hefurther wrote for "1 fashionable dress Doll to cost a guinea, " and for "Abox of Gingerbread Toys & Sugar Images or Comfits. " A little later heordered a Bible and Prayer-Book for each, "neatly bound in Turkey, " withnames "in gilt letters on the inside of the cover, " followed ere long by anorder for "1 very good Spinet" As Patsy grew to girlhood she developedfits, and "solely on her account to try (by the advice of her Physician)the effect of the waters on her Complaint, " Washington took the family overthe mountains and camped at the "Warm Springs" in 1769, with "littlebenefit, " for, after ailing four years longer, "she was seized with one ofher usual Fits & expired in it, in less than two minutes, without utteringa word, or groan, or scarce a sigh. " "The Sweet Innocent Girl, " Washingtonwrote, "entered into a more happy & peaceful abode than she has met with inthe afflicted Path she has hitherto trod, " but none the less "it is aneasier matter to conceive than to describe the distress of this family" atthe loss of "dear Patsy Custis. "

[Illustration: JOHN AND MARTHA PARKE CUSTIS]

The care of Jack Custis was a worry to Washington in quite another way. Asa lad, Custis signed his letters to him as "your most affectionate anddutiful son, " "yet I conceive, " Washington wrote, "there is much greatercircumspection to be observed by a guardian than a natural parent. " Soonafter assuming charge of the boy, a tutor was secured, who lived at MountVernon, but the boy showed little inclination to study, and when fourteen, Washington wrote that "his mind [is] . . . More turned . . . To Dogs, Horsesand Guns, indeed upon Dress and equipage. " "Having his well being much atheart, " Washington wished to make him "fit for more useful purposes than[a] horse racer, " and so Jack was placed with a clergyman, who agreed toinstruct him, and with him he lived, except for some home visits, forthree years. Unfortunately, the lad, like the true Virginian planter ofhis day, had no taste for study, and had "a propensity for the [fair]sex. " After two or three flirtations, he engaged himself, without theknowledge of his mother or guardian, to Nellie Calvert, a match to whichno objection could be made, except that, owing to his "youth andfickleness, " "he may either change and therefore injure the young lady; orthat it may precipitate him into a marriage before, I am certain, he hasever bestowed a serious thought of the consequences; by which means hiseducation is interrupted. " To avoid this danger, Washington took his wardto New York and entered him in King's College, but the death of PatsyCustis put a termination to study, for Mrs. Washington could not bear tohave the lad at such a distance, and Washington "did not care, as he isthe last of the family, to push my opposition too far. " Accordingly, Jackreturned to Virginia and promptly married. 

The young couple were much at Mount Vernon from this time on, andWashington wrote to "Dear Jack, " "I am always pleased with yours andNelly's abidance at Mount Vernon. " When the winter snows made the siege ofBoston purely passive, the couple journeyed with Mrs. Washington toCambridge, and visited at head-quarters for some months. The arrival ofchildren prevented the repetition of such visits, but frequent letters, which rarely failed to send love to "Nelly and the little girls, " wereexchanged. The acceptance of command compelled Washington to resign thecare of Custis's estate, for which service "I have never charged him orhis sister, from the day of my connexion with them to this hour, onefarthing for all the trouble I have had in managing their estates, nor forany expense they have been to me, notwithstanding some hundreds of poundswould not reimburse the moneys I have actually paid in attending thepublic meetings in Williamsburg to collect their debts, and transact theseseveral matters appertaining to the respective estates. " Washington, however, continued his advice as to its management, and in other lettersadvised him concerning his conduct when Custis was elected a member of theVirginia House of Delegates. In the siege of Yorktown Jack served as anofficer of militia, and the exposure proved too much for him. Immediatelyafter the surrender, news reached Washington of his serious illness, andby riding thirty miles in one day he succeeded in reaching Eltham in "timeenough to see poor Mr. Custis breath his last, " leaving behind him "fourlovely children, three girls and a boy. "

Owing to his public employment, Washington refused to be guardian forthese "little ones, " writing "that it would be injurious to the childrenand madness in me, to undertake, _as a principle_, a trust which I couldnot discharge. Such aid, however, as it ever may be with me to give to thechildren especially the boy, I will afford with all my heart, and on thisassurance you may rely. " Yet "from their earliest infancy" two of Jack'schildren, George Washington Parke and Eleanor Parke Custis, lived at MountVernon, for, as Washington wrote in his will, "it has always been myintention, since my expectation of having issue has ceased, to considerthe grandchildren of my wife in the same light as my own relations, and toact a friendly part by them. " Though the cares of war prevented hiswatching their property interests, his eight years' absence could not makehim forget them, and on his way to Annapolis, in 1783, to tender Congresshis resignation, he spent sundry hours of his time in the purchase ofgifts obviously intended to increase the joy of his homecoming to thefamily circle at Mount Vernon; set forth in his note-book as follows:

"By Sundries bo't. In Phil'a. 

 A Locket £5 5 3 Small Pockt. Books 1 10 3 Sashes 1 5 0 Dress Cap 2 8 Hatt 3 10 Handkerchief 1 Childrens Books 4 6 Whirligig 1 6 Fiddle 2 6 Quadrille Boxes 1 17 6. "

Indeed, in every way Washington showed how entirely he considered himselfas a father, not merely speaking of them frequently as "the children, " buteven alluding to himself in a letter to the boy as "your papa. " Both weremuch his companions during the Presidency. A frequent sight in New Yorkand Philadelphia was Washington taking "exercise in the coach with Mrs. Washington and the two children, " and several times they were taken to thetheatre and on picnics. 

For Eleanor, or "Nelly, " who grew into a great beauty, Washington showedthe utmost tenderness, and on occasion interfered to save her from hergrandmother, who at moments was inclined to be severe, in one case tobring the storm upon himself. For her was bought a "Forte piano, "and later, at the cost of a thousand dollars, a very fine importedharpsichord, and one of Washington's great pleasures was to have her playand sing to him. His ledger constantly shows gifts to her ranging from"The Wayworn traveller, a song for Miss Custis, " to "a pr. Of goldeardrops" and a watch. The two corresponded. One letter from Washingtonmerits quotation:

[Illustration: ELLANOR (NELLY) CUSTIS]

"Let me touch a little now on your Georgetown ball, and happy, thricehappy, for the fair who assembled on the occasion, that there was a man tospare; for had there been 79 ladies and only 78 gentlemen, there might, inthe course of the evening have been some disorder among the caps;notwithstanding the apathy which _one_ of the company entertains for the'_youth_' of the present day, and her determination 'Never to give herselfa moment's uneasiness on account of any of them. ' A hint here; men andwomen feel the same inclinations towards each other _now_ that they alwayshave done, and which they will continue to do until there is a new orderof things, and _you_, as others have done, may find, perhaps, that thepassions of your sex are easier raised than allayed. Do not thereforeboast too soon or too strongly of your insensibility to, or resistance of, its powers. In the composition of the human frame there is a good deal ofinflammable matter, however dormant it may lie for a time, and like anintimate acquaintance of yours, when the torch is put to it, _that_ whichis _within you_ may burst into a blaze; for which reason and especiallytoo, as I have entered upon the chapter of advices, I will read you alecture from this text. "

Not long after this was written, Nelly, as alreadymentioned, was married at Mount Vernon to Washington'snephew, Lawrence Lewis, and in time becamejoint-owner with her husband of part of thatplace. 

As early as 1785 a tutor was wanted for "little Washington, " as the ladwas called, and Washington wrote to England to ask if some "worthy man ofthe cloth could not be obtained, " "for the boy is a remarkably fine one, and my intention is to give him a liberal education. " His training becamepart of the private secretary's duty, both at Mount Vernon and New Yorkand Philadelphia, but the lad inherited his father's traits, and "from hisinfancy . . . Discovered an almost unconquerable disposition to indolence. "This led to failures which gave Washington "extreme disquietude, " and invain he "exhorted him in the most parental and friendly manner. " Custiswould express "sorrow and repentance" and do no better. Successively hewas sent to the College of Philadelphia, the College of New Jersey, andthat at Annapolis, but from each he was expelled, or had to be withdrawn. Irritating as it must have been, his guardian never in his lettersexpressed anything but affection, shielded the lad from the anger of hisstep-father, and saw that he was properly supplied with money, of which heasked him to keep a careful account, --though this, as Washington wrote, was "not because I want to know how you spend your money. " After the lastcollege failure a private tutor was once more engaged, but a very fewweeks served to give Washington "a thorough conviction that it was in vainto keep Washington Custis to any literary pursuits, either in a publicSeminary or at home, " and, as the next best thing, he procured him acornetcy in the provisional army. Even here, balance was shown; for, outof compliment and friendship to Washington, "the Major Generals weredesirous of placing him as lieutenant in the first instance; but his ageconsidered, I thought it more eligible that he should enter into thelowest grade. "

In this connection one side of Washington's course with his relationsdeserves especial notice. As early as 1756 he applied for a commission inthe Virginia forces for his brother, and, as already shown, he placedseveral of his nephews and other connections in the Revolutionary orprovisional armies. But he made clear distinction between military andcivil appointments, and was very scrupulous about the latter. When hisfavorite nephew asked for a Federal appointment, Washington answered, --

"You cannot doubt my wishes to see you appointed to any office of honor oremolument in the new government, to the duties of which you are competent;but however deserving you may be of the one you have suggested, yourstanding at the bar would not justify my nomination of you as attorney tothe Federal District Court in preference to some of the oldest and mostesteemed general court lawyers in your State, who are desirous of thisappointment. My political conduct in nominations, even if I wereuninfluenced by principle, must be exceedingly circumspect and proofagainst just criticism; for the eyes of Argus are upon me, and no slipwill pass unnoticed, that can be improved into a supposed partiality forfriends or relations. "

And that in this policy he was consistent is shown by a letter ofJefferson, who wrote to an office-seeking relative, "The public will neverbe made to believe that an appointment of a relative is made on the groundof merit alone, uninfluenced by family views; nor can they ever see withapprobation offices, the disposal of which they entrust to theirPresidents for public purposes, divided out as family property. Mr. Adamsdegraded himself infinitely by his conduct on this subject, as Genl. Washington had done himself the greatest honor. With two such examples toproceed by, I should be doubly inexcusable to err. "

There were many other more distant relatives with whom pleasant relationswere maintained, but enough has been said to indicate the intercourse. Frequent were the house-parties at Mount Vernon, and how unstintedhospitality was to kith and kin is shown by many entries in Washington'sdiary, a single one of which will indicate the rest: "I set out for myreturn home--at which I arrived a little after noon--And found my BrotherJon Augustine his Wife; Daughter Milly, & Sons Bushrod & Corbin, & theWife of the first. Mr. Willm Washington & his Wife and 4 Children. "

His will left bequests to forty-one of his own and his wife's relations. "God left him childless that he might be the father of his country. "

II

PHYSIQUE

Writing to his London tailor for clothes, in 1763, Washington directed himto "take measure of a gentleman who wares well-made cloaths of thefollowing size: to wit, 6 feet high and proportionably made--if anythingrather slender than thick, for a person of that highth, with pretty longarms and thighs. You will take care to make the breeches longer than thoseyou sent me last, and I would have you keep the measure of the cloaths younow make, by you, and if any alteration is required in my next it shall bepointed out. " About this time, too, he ordered "6 pr. Man's ridingGloves--rather large than the middle size, ". . . And several dozen pairs ofstockings, "to be long, and tolerably large. "

The earliest known description of Washington was written in 1760 by hiscompanion-in-arms and friend George Mercer, who attempted a "portraiture"in the following words: "He may be described as being as straight as anIndian, measuring six feet two inches in his stockings, and weighing 175pounds when he took his seat in the House of Burgesses in 1759. His frameis padded with well-developed muscles, indicating great strength. Hisbones and joints are large, as are his feet and hands. He is wideshouldered, but has not a deep or round chest; is neat waisted, but isbroad across the hips, and has rather long legs and arms. His head is wellshaped though not large, but is gracefully poised on a superb neck. Alarge and straight rather than prominent nose; blue-gray penetrating eyes, which are widely separated and overhung by a heavy brow. His face is longrather than broad, with high round cheek bones, and terminates in a goodfirm chin. He has a clear though rather a colorless pale skin, which burnswith the sun. A pleasing, benevolent, though a commanding countenance, dark brown hair, which he wears in a cue. His mouth is large and generallyfirmly closed, but which from time to time discloses some defective teeth. His features are regular and placid, with all the muscles of his faceunder perfect control, though flexible and expressive of deep feeling whenmoved by emotion. In conversation he looks you full in the face, isdeliberate, deferential and engaging. His voice is agreeable rather thanstrong. His demeanor at all times composed and dignified. His movementsand gestures are graceful, his walk majestic, and he is a splendidhorseman. "

Dr. James Thacher, writing in 1778, depicted him as "remarkably tall, fullsix feet, erect and well proportioned. The strength and proportion of hisjoints and muscles, appear to be commensurate with the pre-eminent powersof his mind. The serenity of his countenance, and majestic gracefulness ofhis deportment, impart a strong impression of that dignity and grandeur, which are his peculiar characteristics, and no one can stand in hispresence without feeling the ascendancy of his mind, and associating withhis countenance the idea of wisdom, philanthropy, magnanimity andpatriotism. There is a fine symmetry in the features of his face, indicative of a benign and dignified spirit. His nose is straight, and hiseye inclined to blue. He wears his hair in a becoming cue, and from hisforehead it is turned back and powdered in a manner which adds to themilitary air of his appearance. He displays a native gravity, but devoidof all appearance of ostentation. " In this same year a friend wrote, "General Washington is now in the forty-seventh year of his age; he is awell-made man, rather large boned, and has a tolerably genteel address;his features are manly and bold, his eyes of a bluish cast and verylively; his hair a deep brown, his face rather long and marked with thesmall-pox; his complexion sunburnt and without much color, and hiscountenance sensible, composed and thoughtful; there is a remarkable airof dignity about him, with a striking degree of gracefulness. "

In 1789 Senator Maclay saw "him as he really is. In stature about sixfeet, with an unexceptionable make, but lax appearance. His frame wouldseem to want filling up. His motions rather slow than lively, though heshowed no signs of having suffered by gout or rheumatism. His complexionpale, nay, almost cadaverous. His voice hollow and indistinct, owing, as Ibelieve, to artificial teeth before his upper jaw, which occasions aflatness. "

From frequent opportunity of seeing Washington between 1794 and 1797, William Sullivan described him as "over six feet in stature; of strong, bony, muscular frame, without fullness of covering, well-formed andstraight. He was a man of most extraordinary strength. In his own house, his action was calm, deliberate, and dignified, without pretension togracefulness, or peculiar manner, but merely natural, and such as onewould think it should be in such a man. When walking in the street, hismovement had not the soldierly air which might be expected. His habitualmotions had been formed, long before he took command of the AmericanArmies, in the wars of the interior and in the surveying of wildernesslands, employments in which grace and elegance were not likely to beacquired. At the age of sixty-five, time had done nothing towards bendinghim out of his natural erectness. His deportment was invariably grave; itwas sobriety that stopped short of sadness. "

The French officers and travellers supply other descriptions. The AbbéRobin found him of "tall and noble stature, well proportioned, a fine, cheerful, open countenance, a simple and modest carriage; and his wholemien has something in it that interests the French, the Americans, andeven enemies themselves in his favor. "

The Marquis de Chastellux wrote enthusiastically, "In speaking of thisperfect whole of which General Washington furnishes the idea, I have notexcluded exterior form. His stature is noble and lofty, he is well made, and exactly proportionate; his physiognomy mild and agreeable, but such asto render it impossible to speak particularly of any of his features, sothat in quitting him you have only the recollection of a fine face. He hasneither a grave nor a familiar face, his brow is sometimes marked withthought, but never with inquietude; in inspiring respect he inspiresconfidence, and his smile is always the smile of benevolence. "

To this description, however, Brissot de Warville took exception, andsupplied his own picture by writing in 1791, "You have often heard meblame M. Chastellux for putting too much sprightliness in the character hehas drawn of this general. To give pretensions to the portrait of a manwho has none is truly absurd. The General's goodness appears in his looks. They have nothing of that brilliancy which his officers found in them whenhe was at the head of his army; but in conversation they become animated. He has no characteristic traits in his figure, and this has rendered italways so difficult to describe it: there are few portraits which resemblehim. All his answers are pertinent; he shows the utmost reserve, and isvery diffident; but, at the same time, he is firm and unchangeable inwhatever he undertakes. His modesty must be very astonishing, especiallyto a Frenchman. "

British travellers have left a number of pen-portraits. An anonymouswriter in 1790 declared that in meeting him "it was not necessary toannounce his name, for his peculiar appearance, his firm forehead, Romannose, and a projection of the lower jaw, his height and figure, could notbe mistaken by any one who had seen a full-length picture of him, and yetno picture accurately resembled him in the minute traits of his person. His features, however, were so marked by prominent characteristics, whichappear in all likenesses of him, that a stranger could not be mistaken inthe man; he was remarkably dignified in his manners, and had an airof benignity over his features which his visitant did not expect, being rather prepared for sternness of countenance. . . . His smile wasextraordinarily attractive. It was observed to me that there was anexpression in Washington's face that no painter had succeeded in taking. It struck me no man could be better formed for command. A stature of sixfeet, a robust, but well-proportioned frame, calculated to sustainfatigue, without that heaviness which generally attends great muscularstrength, and abates active exertion, displayed bodily power of no meanstandard. A light eye and full--the very eye of genius and reflectionrather than of blind passionate impulse. His nose appeared thick, andthough it befitted his other features, was too coarsely and stronglyformed to be the handsomest of its class. His mouth was like no other thatI ever saw; the lips firm and the under jaw seeming to grasp the upperwith force, as if its muscles were in full action when he sat still. "

Two years later, an English diplomat wrote of him, "His person is tall andsufficiently graceful; his face well formed, his complexion rather pale, with a mild philosophic gravity in the expression of it In his air andmanner he displays much natural dignity; in his address he is cold, reserved, and even phlegmatic, though without the least appearance ofhaughtiness or ill-nature; it is the effect, I imagine, of constitutionaldiffidence. That caution and circumspection which form so striking andwell known a feature in his military, and, indeed, in his politicalcharacter, is very strongly marked in his countenance, for his eyes retireinward (do you understand me?) and have nothing of fire of animation oropenness in their expression. "

Wansey, who visited Mount Vernon in 1795, portrayed "The President in hisperson" as "tall and thin, but erect; rather of an engaging than adignified presence. He appears very thoughtful, is slow in deliveringhimself, which occasions some to conclude him reserved, but it is rather, I apprehend, the effect of much thinking and reflection, for there isgreat appearance to me of affability and accommodation. He was at thistime in his sixty-third year . . . But he has very little the appearance ofage, having been all his life long so exceeding temperate. "

In 1797, Weld wrote, "his chest is full; and his limbs, though ratherslender, well shaped and muscular. His head is small, in which respect heresembles the make of a great number of his countrymen. His eyes are of alight grey colour; and in proportion to the length of his face, his noseis long. Mr. Stewart, the eminent portrait painter, told me, that therewere features in his face totally different from what he ever observed inthat of any other human being; the sockets for the eyes, for instance, arelarger than what he ever met with before, and the upper part of the nosebroader. All his features, he observed, were indicative of the strongestand most ungovernable passions, and had he been born in the forests, itwas his opinion that he would have been the fiercest man among the savagetribes. "

Other and briefer descriptions contain a few phrases worth quoting. SamuelSterns said, "His countenance commonly carries the impression of a seriouscast;" Maclay, that "the President seemed to bear in his countenance asettled aspect of melancholy;" and the Prince de Broglie wrote, "Hispensive eyes seem more attentive than sparkling, but their expression isbenevolent, noble and self-possessed. " Silas Deane in 1775 said he had "avery young look and an easy soldier-like air and gesture, " and in the sameyear Curwen mentioned his "fine figure" and "easy and agreeable address. "Nathaniel Lawrence noted in 1783 that "the General weighs commonly about210 pounds. " After death, Lear reports that "Doctor Dick measured thebody, which was as follows--In length 6 ft. 3-1/2 inches exact. Across theshoulders 1. 9. Across the elbows 2. 1. " The pleasantest description isJefferson's: "His person, you know, was fine, his stature exactly what onewould wish, his deportment easy, erect and noble. "

How far the portraits of Washington conveyed his expression is open toquestion. The quotation already given which said that no pictureaccurately resembled him in the minute traits of his person isworth noting. Furthermore, his expression varied much according tocircumstances, and the painter saw it only in repose. The first time hewas drawn, he wrote a friend, "Inclination having yielded to Importunity, I am now contrary to all expectation under the hands of Mr. Peale; but inso grave--so sullen a mood--and now and then under the influence ofMorpheus, when some critical strokes are making, that I fancy the skill ofthis Gentleman's Pencil will be put to it, in describing to the World whatmanner of man I am. " This passiveness seems to have seized him at othersittings, for in 1785 he wrote to a friend who asked him to be painted, "_In for a penny, in for a Pound_, is an old adage. I am so hackneyed tothe touches of the painter's pencil that I am now altogether at theirbeck; and sit 'like Patience on a monument, ' whilst they are delineatingthe lines of my face. It is a proof, among many others, of what habit andcustom can accomplish. At first I was as impatient at the request, and asrestive under the operation, as a colt is of the saddle. The next time Isubmitted very reluctantly, but with less flouncing. Now, no dray-horsemoves more readily to his thills than I to the painter's chair. " His aide, Laurens, bears this out by writing of a miniature, "The defects of thisportrait are, that the visage is too long, and old age is too stronglymarked in it. He is not altogether mistaken, with respect to the languorof the general's eye; for altho' his countenance when affected either byjoy or anger, is full of expression, yet when the muscles are in a stateof repose, his eye certainly wants animation. "

[Illustration: FIRST (FICTITIOUS) ENGRAVED PORTRAIT OF WASHINGTON]

One portrait which furnished Washington not a little amusement was anengraving issued in London in 1775, when interest in the "rebel General"was great. This likeness, it is needless to say, was entirely spurious, and when Reed sent a copy to head-quarters, Washington wrote to him, "Mrs. Washington desires I will thank you for the picture sent her. Mr. Campbell, whom I never saw, to my knowledge, has made a very formidablefigure of the Commander-in-chief, giving him a sufficient portion ofterror in his countenance. "

The physical strength mentioned by nearly every one who describedWashington is so undoubted that the traditions of his climbing the wallsof the Natural Bridge, throwing a stone across the Rappahannock atFredericksburg, and another into the Hudson from the top of the Palisades, pass current more from the supposed muscular power of the man than fromany direct evidence. In addition to this, Washington in 1755 claimed tohave "one of the best of constitutions, " and again he wrote, "for my ownpart I can answer, I have a constitution hardy enough to encounter andundergo the most severe trials. "

This vigor was not the least reason of Washington's success. In theretreat from Brooklyn, "for forty-eight hours preceeding that I had hardlybeen off my horse, " and between the 13th and the 19th of June of 1777 "Iwas almost constantly on horseback. " After the battle of Monmouth, as toldelsewhere, he passed the night on a blanket; the first night of the siegeof York "he slept under a mulberry tree, the root serving for a pillow, "and another time he lay "all night in my Great Coat & Boots, in a birthnot long enough for me by the head, & much cramped. " Besides the physicalstrain there was a mental one. During the siege of Boston he wrote that"The reflection on my situation and that of this army, produces many anuneasy hour when all around me are wrapped in sleep. " Humphreys relatesthat at Newburg in 1783 a revolt of the whole army seemed imminent, and"when General Washington rose from bed on the morning of the meeting, hetold the writer his anxiety had prevented him from sleeping one moment thepreceeding night. " Washington observed, in a letter written after theRevolution, "strange as it may seem, it is nevertheless true, that it wasnot until lately I could get the better of my usual custom of ruminatingas soon as I awoke in the morning, on the business of the ensuing day; andof my surprise at finding, after revolving many things in my mind that Iwas no longer a public man, or had any thing to do with publictransactions. "

Despite his strength and constitution, Washington was frequently thevictim of illness. What diseases of childhood he suffered are not known, but presumably measles was among them, for when his wife within the firstyear of married life had an attack he cared for her without catching thecomplaint. The first of his known illnesses was "Ague and Feaver, which Ihad to an extremity" about 1748, or when he was sixteen. 

In the sea voyage to Barbadoes in 1751, the seamen told Washington that"they had never seen such weather before, " and he says in his diary thatthe sea "made the Ship rowl much and me very sick. " While in the island, he went to dine with a friend "with great reluctance, as the small-pox wasin his family. " A fortnight later Washington "was strongly attacked withthe small Pox, " which confined him for nearly a month, and, as alreadynoted, marked his face for life. Shortly after the return voyage he was"taken with a violent pleurise, which . . . Reduced me very low. "

During the Braddock march, "immediately upon our leaving the camp atGeorge's Creek, on the 14th, . . . I was seized with violent fevers andpains in my head, which continued without intermission 'till the 23dfollowing, when I was relieved, by the General's [Braddock] absolutelyordering the physicians to give me Dr. James' powders (one of the mostexcellent medicines in the world), for it gave me immediate ease, andremoved my fevers and other complaints in four days' time. My illness wastoo violent to suffer me to ride; therefore I was indebted to a coveredwagon for some part of my transportation; but even in this I could notcontinue far, for the jolting was so great, I was left upon the road witha guard, and necessaries, to wait the arrival of Colonel Dunbar'sdetachment which was two days' march behind us, the General giving me hisword of honor, that I should be brought up, before he reached the Frenchfort. This _promise_, and the doctor's _threats_, that, if I perseveredin my attempts to get on, in the condition I was, my life would beendangered, determined me to halt for the above detachment. " Immediatelyupon his return from that campaign, he told a brother, "I am not able, were I ever so willing, to meet you in town, for I assure you it is withsome difficulty, and with much fatigue, that I visit my plantations in theNeck; so much has a sickness of five weeks' continuance reduced me. "

On the frontier, towards the end of 1757, he was seized with a violentattack of dysentery and fever, which compelled him to leave the armyand retire to Mount Vernon. Three months later he said, "I have neverbeen able to return to my command, . . . My disorder at times returningobstinately upon me, in spite of the efforts of all the sons ofAesculapius, whom I have hitherto consulted. At certain periods I havebeen reduced to great extremity, and have too much reason to apprehendan approaching decay, being visited with several symptoms of such adisease. . . . I am now under a strict regimen, and shall set out to-morrowfor Williamsburg to receive the advice of the best physician there. Myconstitution is certainly greatly impaired, and . . . Nothing can retrieveit, but the greatest care and the most circumspect conduct. " It was inthis journey that he met his future wife, and either she or the doctorcured him, for nothing more is heard of his approaching "decay. "

In 1761 he was attacked with a disease which seems incidental to newsettlements, known in Virginia at that time as the "river fever, " and ahundred years later, farther west, as the "break-bone fever, " and which, in a far milder form, is to-day known as malaria. Hoping to cure it, hewent over the mountains to the Warm Springs, being "much overcome with thefatigue of the ride and weather together. However, I think my fevers are agood deal abated, although my pains grow rather worse, and my sleepequally disturbed. What effect the waters may have upon me I can't say atpresent, but I expect nothing from the air--this certainly must beunwholesome. I purpose staying here a fortnight and longer if benefitted. "After writing this, a relapse brought him "very near my last gasp. Theindisposition . . . Increased upon me, and I fell into a very low anddangerous state. I once thought the grim king would certainly master myutmost efforts, and that I must sink, in spite of a noble struggle; butthank God, I have now got the better of the disorder, and shall soon berestored, I hope, to perfect health again. "

During the Revolution, fortunately, he seems to have been wonderfullyexempt from illness, and not till his retirement to Mount Vernon did anold enemy, the ague, reappear. In 1786 he said, in a letter, "I write toyou with a very aching head and disordered frame. . . . Saturday last, by animprudent act, I brought on an ague and fever on Sunday, which returnedwith violence Tuesday and Thursday; and, if Dr. Craik's efforts areineffectual I shall have them again this day. " His diary gives thetreatment: "Seized with an ague before 6 o'clock this morning after havinglaboured under a fever all night--Sent for Dr. Craik who arrived just aswe were setting down to dinner; who, when he thought my fever sufficientlyabated gave me cathartick and directed the Bark to be applied in theMorning. September 2. Kept close to the House to day, being my fit day incourse least any exposure might bring it on, --happily missed it September14. At home all day repeating dozes of Bark of which I took 4 with aninterval of 2 hours between. "

With 1787 a new foe appeared in the form of "a rheumatic complaint whichhas followed me more than six months, is frequently so bad that it issometimes with difficulty I can raise my hand to my head or turn myself inbed. "

During the Presidency Washington had several dangerous illnesses, but theearliest one had a comic side. In his tour through New England in 1789, soSullivan states, "owing to some mismanagement in the reception ceremonialsat Cambridge, Washington was detained a long time, and the weather beinginclement, he took cold. For several days afterward a severe influenzaprevailed at Boston and its vicinity, and was called the _WashingtonInfluenza_. " He himself writes of this attack: "Myself much disordered bya cold, and inflammation in the left eye. "

Six months later, in New York, he was "indisposed with a bad cold, and athome all day writing letters on private business, " and this was thebeginning of "a severe illness, " which, according to McVickar, was "a caseof anthrax, so malignant as for several days to threaten mortification. During this period Dr. Bard never quitted him. On one occasion, being leftalone with him, General Washington, looking steadily in his face, desiredhis candid opinion as to the probable termination of his disease, adding, with that placid firmness which marked his address, 'Do not flatter mewith vain hopes; I am not afraid to die, and therefore can bear theworst!' Dr. Bard's answer, though it expressed hope, acknowledged hisapprehensions. The President replied, 'Whether to-night or twenty yearshence, makes no difference. '" It was of this that Maclay wrote, "Called tosee the President. Every eye full of tears. His life despaired of. Dr. MacKnight told me he would trifle neither with his own character nor thepublic expectation; his danger was imminent, and every reason to expectthat the event of his disorder would be unfortunate. "

During his convalescence the President wrote to a correspondent, "I havethe pleasure to inform you, that my health is restored, but a feeblenessstill hangs upon me, and I am much incommoded by the incision, which wasmade in a very large and painful tumor on the protuberance of my thigh. This prevents me from walking or sitting. However, the physicians assureme that it has had a happy effect in removing my fever, and will tend verymuch to the establishment of my general health; it is in a fair way ofhealing, and time and patience only are wanting to remove this evil. I amable to take exercise in my coach, by having it so contrived as to extendmyself the full length of it. " He himself seems to have thought thissuccession of illness due to the fatigues of office, for he said, --

"Public meetings, and a dinner once a week to as many as my table willhold, with the references _to and from_ the different department of stateand _other_ communications with _all_ parts of the Union, are as much, ifnot more, than I am able to undergo; for I have already had within lessthan a year, two severe attacks, the last worst than the first. A third, more than probable, will put me to sleep with my fathers. At what distancethis may be I know not. Within the last twelve months I have undergonemore and severer sickness, than thirty preceding years afflicted me with. Put it all together I have abundant reason, however, to be thankful that Iam so well recovered; though I still feel the remains of the violentaffection of my lungs; the cough, pain in my breast, and shortness inbreathing not having entirely left me. "

While at Mount Vernon in 1794, "an exertion to save myself and horse fromfalling among the rocks at the Lower Falls of the Potomac (whither I wenton Sunday morning to see the canal and locks), . . . Wrenched my back insuch a manner as to prevent my riding;" the "hurt" "confined me whilst Iwas at Mount Vernon, " and it was some time before he could "again ridewith ease and safety. " In this same year Washington was operated on by Dr. Tate for cancer, --the same disorder from which his mother had suffered. 

After his retirement from office, in 1798, he "was seized with a fever, ofwhich I took little notice until I was obliged to call for the aid ofmedicine; and with difficulty a remission thereof was so far effected asto dose me all night on thursday with Bark--which having stopped it, andweakness only remaining, will soon wear off as my appetite is returning;"and to a correspondent he apologized for not sooner replying, and pleaded"debilitated health, occasioned by the fever wch. Deprived me of 20 lbs. Of the weight I had when you and I were at Troy Mills Scales, and renderedwriting irksome. "

A glance at Washington's medical knowledge and opinions may not lackinterest. In the "Rules of civility" he had taken so to heart, the boy hadbeen taught that "In visiting the Sick, do not Presently play thePhysician if you be not Knowing therein, " but plantation life trainedevery man to a certain extent in physicking, and the yearly invoice sentto London always ordered such drugs as were needed, --ipecacuanha, jalap, Venice treacle, rhubarb, diacordium, etc. , as well as medicines for horsesand dogs. In 1755 Washington received great benefit from one quackmedicine, "Dr. James's Powders;" he once bought a quantity of another, "Godfrey's Cordial;" and at a later time Mrs. Washington tried a third, "Annatipic Pills. " More unenlightened still was a treatment prescribed forPatsy Custis, when "Joshua Evans who came here last night, put a [metal]ring on Patsey (for Fits). " A not much higher order of treatment wasWashington sending for Dr. Laurie to bleed his wife, and, as his diarynotes, the doctor "came here, I may add, drunk, " so that a night's sleepwas necessary before the service could be rendered. When the small-pox wasraging in the Continental Army, even Washington's earnest request couldnot get the Virginia Assembly to repeal a law which forbade inoculation, and he had to urge his wife for over four years before he could bring herto the point of submitting to the operation. One quality which impliesgreatness is told by a visitor, who states that in his call "an allusionwas made to a serious fit of illness he had recently suffered; but he tookno notice of it" Custis notes that "his aversion to the use of medicinewas extreme; and, even when in great suffering, it was only by theentreaties of his lady, and the respectful, yet beseeching look of hisoldest friend and companion in arms (Dr. James Craik) that he could beprevailed upon to take the slightest preparation of medicine. " In linewith this was his refusal to take anything for a cold, saying, "Let it goas it came, " though this good sense was apparently restricted to his owncolds, for Watson relates that in a visit to Mount Vernon "I was extremelyoppressed by a severe cold and excessive coughing, contracted by theexposure of a harsh journey. He pressed me to use some remedies, but Ideclined doing so. As usual, after retiring my coughing increased. Whensome time had elapsed, the door of my room was gently opened, and, ondrawing my bed-curtains, to my utter astonishment, I beheld Washingtonhimself, standing at my bedside, with a bowl of hot tea in his hand. "

The acute attacks of illness already touched upon by no means representall the physical debility and suffering of Washington's life. During theRevolution his sight became poor, so that in 1778 he first put on glassesfor reading, and Cobb relates that in the officers' meeting in 1783, whichWashington attended In order to check an appeal to arms, "When the Generaltook his station at the desk or pulpit, which, you may recollect, was inthe Temple, he took out his written address from his coat pocket and thenaddressed the officers in the following manner: 'Gentlemen, you willpermit me to put on my spectacles, for I have not only grown gray, butalmost blind, in the service of my country. ' This little address, with themode and manner of delivering it, drew tears from [many] of the officers. "

Nor did his hearing remain entirely good. Maclay noted, at one of thePresident's dinners in 1789, that "he seemed in more good humor than Iever saw him, though he was so deaf that I believe he heard little of theconversation, " and three years later the President is reported as sayingto Jefferson that he was "sensible, too, of a decay of his hearing, perhaps his other faculties might fall off and he not be sensible of it. "

Washington's teeth were even more troublesome. Mercer in 1760 alluded tohis showing, when his mouth was open, "some defective teeth, " and as earlyas 1754 one of his teeth was extracted. From this time toothache, usuallyfollowed by the extraction of the guilty member, became almost of yearlyrecurrence, and his diary reiterates, with verbal variations, "indisposedwith an aching tooth, and swelled and inflamed gum, " while his ledgercontains many items typified by "To Dr. Watson drawing a tooth 5/. " By1789 he was using false teeth, and he lost his last tooth in 1795. Atfirst these substitutes were very badly fitted, and when Stuart paintedhis famous picture he tried to remedy the malformation they gave the mouthby padding under the lips with cotton. The result was to make bad worse, and to give, in that otherwise fine portrait, a feature at once poor andunlike Washington, and for this reason alone the Sharpless miniature, which in all else approximates so closely to Stuart's masterpiece, ispreferable. In 1796 Washington was furnished with two sets of "sea-horse"(_i. E. _, hippopotamus) ivory teeth, and they were so much better fittedthat the distortion of the mouth ceased to be noticeable. 

Washington's final illness began December 12, 1799, in a severe cold takenby riding about his plantation while "rain, hail and snow" were "fallingalternately, with a cold wind. " When he came in late in the afternoon, Lear "observed to him that I was afraid that he had got wet, he said nohis great coat had kept him dry; but his neck appeared to be wet and thesnow was hanging on his hair. " The next day he had a cold, "and complainedof having a sore throat, " yet, though it was snowing, none the less he"went out in the afternoon . . . To mark some trees which were to be cutdown. " "He had a hoarseness which increased in the evening; but he madelight of it as he would never take anything to carry off a cold, alwaysobserving, 'let it go as it came. '" At two o'clock the following morninghe was seized with a severe ague, and as soon as the house was stirring hesent for an overseer and ordered the man to bleed him, and about half apint of blood was taken from him. At this time he could "swallow nothing, ""appeared to be distressed, convulsed and almost suffocated. "

There can be scarcely a doubt that the treatment of his last illness bythe doctors was little short of murder. Although he had been bled oncealready, after they took charge of the case they prescribed "two prettycopious bleedings, " and finally a third, "when about 32 ounces of bloodwere drawn, " or the equivalent of a quart. Of the three doctors, onedisapproved of this treatment, and a second wrote, only a few days afterWashington's death, to the third, "you must remember" Dr. Dick "was averseto bleeding the General, and I have often thought that if we had actedaccording to his suggestion when he said, 'he needs all his strength--bleeding will diminish it, ' and taken no more blood from him, our goodfriend might have been alive now. But we were governed by the best lightwe had; we thought we were right, and so we are justified. "

Shortly after this last bleeding Washington seemed to have resignedhimself, for he gave some directions concerning his will, and said, "Ifind I am going, " and, "smiling, " added, that, "as it was the debt whichwe must all pay, he looked to the event with perfect resignation. " Fromthis time on "he appeared to be in great pain and distress, " and said, "Doctor, I die hard, but I am not afraid to go. I believed from my firstattack that I should not survive it. " A little later he said, "I feelmyself going. I thank you for your attention, you had better not take anymore trouble about me; but let me go off quietly. " The last words he saidwere, "'Tis well. " "About ten minutes before he expired, his breathingbecame much easier--he lay quietly--. . . And felt his own pulse. . . . Thegeneral's hand fell from his wrist, . . . And he expired without a struggleor a Sigh. "

III

EDUCATION

The father of Washington received his education at Appleby School inEngland, and, true to his alma mater, he sent his two elder sons to thesame school. His death when George was eleven prevented this son fromhaving the same advantage, and such education as he had was obtained inVirginia. His old friend, and later enemy, Rev. Jonathan Boucher, saidthat "George, like most people thereabouts at that time, had no educationthan reading, writing and accounts which he was taught by a convictservant whom his father bought for a schoolmaster;" but Boucher managed toinclude so many inaccuracies in his account of Washington, that even ifthis statement were not certainly untruthful in several respects, it couldbe dismissed as valueless. 

Born at Wakefield, in Washington parish, Westmoreland, which had been thehome of the Washingtons from their earliest arrival in Virginia, Georgewas too young while the family continued there to attend the school whichhad been founded in that parish by the gift of four hundred and fortyacres from some early patron of knowledge. When the boy was about threeyears old, the family removed to "Washington, " as Mount Vernon was calledbefore it was renamed, and dwelt there from 1735 till 1739, when, owing tothe burning of the homestead, another remove was made to an estate on theRappahannock, nearly opposite Fredericksburg. 

Here it was that the earliest education of George was received, for in anold volume of the Bishop of Exeter's Sermons his name is written, and on aflyleaf a note in the handwriting of a relative who inherited the librarystates that this "autograph of George Washington's name is believed to bethe earliest specimen of his handwriting, when he was probably not morethan eight or nine years old. " During this period, too, there came intohis possession the "Young Man's Companion, " an English _vade-mecum_ ofthen enormous popularity, written "in a plain and easy stile, " the titlestates, "that a young Man may attain the same, without a Tutor. " It wouldbe easier to say what this little book did not teach than to cataloguewhat it did. How to read, write, and figure is but the introduction to thelarger part of the work, which taught one to write letters, wills, deeds, and all legal forms, to measure, survey, and navigate, to build houses, tomake ink and cider, and to plant and graft, how to address letters topeople of quality, how to doctor the sick, and, finally, how to conductone's self in company. The evidence still exists of how carefullyWashington studied this book, in the form of copybooks, in which aretranscribed problem after problem and rule after rule, not to exclude thefamous Rules of civility, which biographers of Washington have assertedwere written by the boy himself. School-mates thought fit, afterWashington became famous, to remember his "industry and assiduity atschool as very remarkable, " and the copies certainly bear out thestatement, but even these prove that the lad was as human as the man, forscattered here and there among the logarithms, geometrical problems, andlegal forms are crude drawings of birds, faces, and other typicalschool-boy attempts. 

From this book, too, came two qualities which clung to him through life. His handwriting, so easy, flowing, and legible, was modelled from theengraved "copy" sheet, and certain forms of spelling were acquired herethat were never corrected, though not the common usage of his time. To theend of his life, Washington wrote lie, lye; liar, lyar; ceiling, cieling;oil, oyl; and blue, blew, as in his boyhood he had learned to do from thisbook. Even in his carefully prepared will, "lye" was the form in which hewrote the word. It must be acknowledged that, aside from these errorswhich he had been taught, through his whole life Washington was anon-conformist as regarded the King's English: struggle as he undoubtedlydid, the instinct of correct spelling was absent, and thus every now andthen a verbal slip appeared: extravagence, lettely (for lately), glew, riffle (for rifle), latten (for Latin), immagine, winder, rief (for rife), oppertunity, spirma citi, yellow oaker, --such are types of his lapses latein life, while his earlier letters and journals are far more inaccurate. It must be borne in mind, however, that of these latter we have only thedraughts, which were undoubtedly written carelessly, and the two lettersactually sent which are now known, and the text of his surveys before hewas twenty, are quite as well written as his later epistles. 

[Illustration: _Easy Copies to Write by_. COPY OF PENMANSHIP BY WHICHWASHINGTON'S HANDWRITING WAS FORMED]

On the death of his father, Washington went to live with his brotherAugustine, in order, it is presumed, that he might take advantage of agood school near Wakefield, kept by one Williams; but after a time hereturned to his mother's, and attended the school kept by the Rev. JamesMarye, in Fredericksburg. It has been universally asserted by hisbiographers that he studied no foreign language, but direct proof to thecontrary exists in a copy of Patrick's Latin translation of Homer, printedin 1742, the fly-leaf of a copy of which bears, in a school-boy hand, theinscription:

"Hunc mihi quaeso (bone Vir) LibellumRedde, si forsan tenues repertumUt Scias qui sum sine fraude Scriptum. 

 Est mihi nomen, Georgio Washington, George Washington, Fredericksburg, Virginia. "

It is thus evident that the reverend teacher gave Washington at least thefirst elements of Latin, but it is equally clear that the boy, like mostothers, forgot it with the greatest facility as soon as he ceasedstudying. 

The end of Washington's school-days left him, if a good "cipherer, " a badspeller, and a still worse grammarian, but, fortunately, the terminationof instruction did not by any means end his education. From that timethere is to be noted a steady improvement in both these failings. Pickering stated that "when I first became acquainted with the General (in1777) his writing was defective in grammar, and even spelling, owing tothe insufficiency of his early education; of which, however, he graduallygot the better in the subsequent years of his life, by the officialperusal of some excellent models, particularly those of Hamilton; bywriting with care and patient attention; and reading numerous, indeedmultitudes of letters to and from his friends and correspondents. Thisobvious improvement was begun during the war. " In 1785 a contemporarynoted that "the General is remarked for writing a most elegant letter, "adding that, "like the famous Addison, his writing excells his speaking, "and Jefferson said that "he wrote readily, rather diffusely, in an easyand correct style. This he had acquired by conversation with the world, for his education was merely reading, writing and common arithmetic, towhich he added surveying at a later day. "

There can be no doubt that Washington felt his lack of education verykeenly as he came to act upon a larger sphere than as a Virginia planter. "I am sensible, " he wrote a friend, of his letters, "that the narrationsare just, and that truth and honesty will appear in my writings; of which, therefore, I shall not be ashamed, though criticism may censure my style. "When his secretary suggested to him that he should write his own life, hereplied, "In a former letter I informed you, my dear Humphreys, thatif I had _talents_ for it, I have not leisure to turn my thoughts toCommentaries. A consciousness of a defective education, and a certaintyof the want of time, unfit me for such an undertaking. " On being pressedby a French comrade-in-arms to pay France a visit, he declined, saying, "Remember, my good friend, that I am unacquainted with your language, thatI am too far advanced in years to acquire a knowledge of it, and that, toconverse through the medium of an interpreter upon common occasions, especially with the Ladies, must appear so extremely awkward, insipid, anduncouth, that I can scarce bear it in idea. "

In 1788, without previous warning, he was elected chancellor of Williamand Mary College, a distinction by which he felt "honored and greatlyaffected;" but "not knowing particularly what duties, or whether anyactive services are immediately expected from the person holding theoffice of chancellor, I have been greatly embarrassed in deciding upon thepublic answer proper to be given. . . . My difficulties are briefly these. Onthe one hand, nothing in this world could be farther from my heart, than . . . A refusal of the appointment . . . Provided its duties are notincompatible with the mode of life to which I have entirely addictedmyself; and, on the other hand, I would not for any considerationdisappoint the just expectations of the convocation by accepting an office, whose functions I previously knew . . . I should be absolutely unable toperform. "

Perhaps the most touching proof of his own self-depreciation was somethinghe did when he had become conscious that his career would be writtenabout. Still in his possession were the letter-books in which he had keptcopies of his correspondence while in command of the Virginia regimentbetween 1754 and 1759, and late in life he went through these volumes, and, by interlining corrections, carefully built them into better literaryform. How this was done is shown here by a single facsimile. 

With the appointment to command the Continental Army, a secretary wassecured, and in an absence of this assistant he complained to him that "mybusiness increases very fast, and my distresses for want of you along withit. Mr. Harrison is the only gentleman of my family, that can afford methe least assistance in writing. He and Mr. Moylan, . . . Have heretoforeafforded me their aid; and . . . They have really had a great deal oftrouble. "

Most of Washington's correspondence during the Revolution was written byhis aides. Pickering said, --

"As to the public letters bearing his signature, it is certain that hecould not have maintained so extensive a correspondence with his own pen, even if he had possessed the ability and promptness of Hamilton. That he would, sometimes with propriety, observe upon, correct, and add toany draught submitted for his examination and signature, I have no doubt. And yet I doubt whether many, if any, of the letters . . . Are his owndraught. . . . I have even reason to believe that not only the _composition_, the _clothing of the ideas_, but the _ideas themselves_, originatedgenerally with the writers; that Hamilton and Harrison, in particular, were scarcely in any degree his amanuenses. I remember, when athead-quarters one day, at Valley Forge, Colonel Harrison came downfrom the General's chamber, with his brows knit, and thus accosted me, 'Iwish to the Lord the General would give me the heads or some idea, of whathe would have me write. '"

[Illustration: CORRECTED LETTER OF WASHINGTON SHOWING LATER CHANGES. ]

After the Revolution, a visitor at Mount Vernon said, "It's astonishingthe packet of letters that daily comes for him from all parts of theworld, which employ him most of the morning to answer. " A secretary wasemployed, but not so much to do the actual writing as the copying andfiling, and at this time Washington complained "that my numerouscorrespondencies are daily becoming irksome to me. " Yet there can belittle question that he richly enjoyed writing when it was not for thepublic eye. "It is not the letters of my friends which give me trouble, "he wrote to one correspondent; to another he said, "I began with tellingyou that I should not write a lengthy letter but the result has been tocontradict it;" and to a third, "when I look back to the length of thisletter, I am so much astonished and frightened at it myself that Ihave not the courage to give it a careful reading for the purpose ofcorrection. You must, therefore, receive it with all its imperfections, accompanied with this assurance, that, though there may be inaccuracies inthe letter, there is not a single defect in the friendship. " Occasionallythere was, as here, an apology: "I am persuaded you will excuse thisscratch'd scrawl, when I assure you it is with difficulty I write at all, "he ended a letter in 1777, and in 1792 of another said, "You must receiveit blotted and scratched as you find it for I have not time to copy it. Itis now ten o'clock at night, after my usual hour for retiring to rest, andthe mail will be closed early to-morrow morning. "

To his overseer, who neglected to reply to some of his questions, he toldhis method of writing, which is worth quoting:

"Whenever I set down to write you, I read your letter, or letterscarefully over, and as soon as I come to a part that requires to benoticed, I make a short note on the cover of a letter or piece of wastepaper;--then read on the next, noting that in like manner;--and so onuntil I have got through the whole letter and reports. Then in writing myletter to you, as soon as I have finished what I have to say on one ofthese notes I draw my pen through it and proceed to another and anotheruntil the whole is done--crossing each as I go on, by which means if I amcalled off twenty times whilst I am writing, I can never with these notesbefore me finished or unfinished, omit anything I wanted to say; andthey serve me also, as I keep no copies of letters I wrote to you, asMemorandums of what has been written if I should have occasion at any timeto refer to them. "

Another indication of his own knowledge of defects is shown by his fearabout his public papers. When his Journal to the Ohio was printed by orderof the governor, in 1754, in the preface the young author said, "I think Ican do no less than apologize, in some Measure, for the numberlessimperfections of it. There intervened but one Day between my Arrival inWilliamsburg, and the Time for the Council's Meeting, for me to prepareand transcribe, from the rough Minutes I had taken in my Travels, thisJournal; the writing of which only was sufficient to employ me closely thewhole Time, consequently admitted of no Leisure to consult of a new andproper Form to offer it in, or to correct or amend the Diction of theold. " Boucher states that the publication, "in Virginia at least, drew onhim some ridicule. "

This anxiety about his writings was shown all through life, and ledWashington to rely greatly on such of his friends as would assist him, even to the point, so Reed thought, that he "sometimes adopted draughts ofwriting when his own would have been better . . . From an extreme diffidencein himself, " and Pickering said, in writing to an aide, --

"Although the General's private correspondence was doubtless, for the mostpart, his own, and extremely acceptable to the persons addressed; yet, inregard to whatever was destined to meet the public eye, he seems to havebeen fearful to exhibit his own compositions, relying too much on thejudgment of his friends, and sometimes adopted draughts that wereexceptionable. Some parts of his private correspondence must haveessentially differed from other parts in the style of composition. Youmention your own aids to the General in this line. Now, if I had yourdraughts before me, mingled with the General's to the same persons, nothing would be more easy than to assign to each his own properoffspring. You could neither restrain your _courser_, nor conceal yourimagery, nor express your ideas otherwise than in the language of ascholar. The General's compositions would be perfectly plain and didactic, and not always correct. "

During the Presidency, scarcely anything of a public nature was penned byWashington, --Hamilton, Jefferson, Madison, and Randolph acting as hisdraughtsmen. "We are approaching the first Monday in December by hastystrides, " he wrote to Jefferson. "I pray you, therefore, to revolve inyour mind such matters as may be proper for me to lay before Congress, notonly in your own department, (if any there be, ) but such others of ageneral nature, as may happen to occur to you, that I may be prepared toopen the session with such communication, as shall appear to meritattention. " Two years later he said to the same, "I pray you to note downor rather to frame into paragraphs or sections, such matters as may occurto you as fit and proper for general communication at the opening of thenext session of Congress, not only in the department of state, but on anyother subject applicable to the occasion, that I may in due time haveeverything before me. " To Hamilton he wrote in 1795, "Having desired thelate Secretary of State to note down every matter as it occurred, propereither for the speech at the opening of the session, or for messagesafterwards, the inclosed paper contains everything I could extract fromthat office. Aid me, I pray you, with your sentiments on these points, andsuch others as may have occurred to you relative to my communications toCongress. "

The best instance is furnished in the preparation of the Farewell Address. First Madison was asked to prepare a draft, and from this Washington drewup a paper, which he submitted to Hamilton and Jay, with the request that"even if you should think it best to throw the whole into a differentform, let me request, notwithstanding, that my draught may be returned tome (along with yours) with such amendments and corrections as to render itas perfect as the formation is susceptible of; curtailed if too verbose;and relieved of all tautology not necessary to enforce the ideas in theoriginal or quoted part. My wish is that the whole may appear in a plainstyle, and be handed to the public in an honest, unaffected, simple part. "Accordingly, Hamilton prepared what was almost a new instrument in form, though not in substance, which, after "several serious and attentivereadings, " Washington wrote that he preferred "greatly to the otherdraughts, being more copious on material points, more dignified on thewhole, and with less egotism; of course, less exposed to criticism, and better calculated to meet the eye of discerning readers (foreignersparticularly, whose curiosity I have little doubt will lead themto inspect it attentively, and to pronounce their opinions on theperformance). " The paper was then, according to Pickering, "put into thehands of Wolcott, McHenry, and myself . . . With a request that we wouldexamine it, and note any alterations and corrections which we should thinkbest. We did so; but our notes, as well as I recollect, were very few, andregarded chiefly the grammar and composition. " Finally, Washington revisedthe whole, and it was then made public. 

Confirmatory of this sense of imperfect cultivation are the pains he tookthat his adopted son and grandson should be well educated. As alreadynoted, tutors for both were secured at the proper ages, and when Jack wasplaced with the Rev. Mr. Boucher, Washington wrote: "In respect to thekinds, & manner of his Studying I leave it wholely to your betterJudgment--had he begun, or rather pursued his study of the Greek Language, I should have thought it no bad acquisition; but whether if he acquirethis now, he may not forego some useful branches of learning, is a matterworthy of consideration. To be acquainted with the French Tongue is becomepart of polite Education; and to a man who has the prospect of mixing in alarge Circle absolutely necessary. Without Arithmetick, the common affairsof Life are not to be managed with success. The study of Geometry, and the Mathematics (with due regard to the limites of it) is equallyadvantageous. The principles of Philosophy Moral, Natural, &c. I shouldthink a very desirable knowledge for a Gentleman. " So, too, he wrote toWashington Custis, "I do not hear you mention anything of geography ormathematics as parts of your study; both these are necessary branches ofuseful knowledge. Nor ought you to let your knowledge of the Latinlanguage and grammatical rules escape you. And the French language is nowso universal, and so necessary with foreigners, or in a foreign country, that I think you would be injudicious not to make yourself master of it. "It is worth noting in connection with this last sentence that Washingtonused only a single French expression with any frequency, and that healways wrote "faupas. "

Quite as indicative of the value he put on education was the aid he gavetowards sending his young relatives and others to college, his annualcontribution to an orphan school, his subscriptions to academies, and hiswish for a national university. In 1795 he said, --

"It has always been a source of serious reflection and sincere regret withme, that the youth of the United States should be sent to foreigncountries for the purpose of education. . . . For this reason I have greatlywished to see a plan adopted, by which the arts, sciences, andbelles-lettres could be taught in their _fullest_ extent, thereby embracing_all_ the advantages of European tuition, with the means of acquiring theliberal knowledge, which is necessary to qualify our citizens for theexigencies of public as well as private life; and (which with me is aconsideration of great magnitude) by assembling the youth from thedifferent parts of this rising republic, contributing from theirintercourse and interchange of information to the removal of prejudices, which might perhaps sometimes arise from local circumstances. "

In framing his Farewell Address, "revolving . . . On the various matters itcontained and on the first expression of the advice or recommendationwhich was given in it, I have regretted that another subject (which in myestimation is of interesting concern to the well-being of this country)was not touched upon also; I mean education generally, as one of thesurest means of enlightening and giving just ways of thinking to ourcitizens, but particularly the establishment of a university; where theyouth from all parts of the United States might receive the polish oferudition in the arts, sciences and belles-lettres. " Eventually he reducedthis idea to a plea for the people to "promote, then, as an object ofprimary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge, "because "in proportion as the structure of a government gives forceto public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should beenlightened. " By his will he left to the endowment of a university in theDistrict of Columbia the shares in the Potomac Company which had beengiven him by the State of Virginia, but the clause was never carried intoeffect. 

It was in 1745 that Washington's school-days came to an end. His share ofhis father's property being his mother's till he was twenty-one, alivelihood had to be found, and so at about fourteen years of age the workof life began. Like a true boy, the lad wanted to go to sea, despite hisuncle's warning "that I think he had better be put apprentice to a tinker;for a common sailor before the mast has by no means the liberty of thesubject; for they will press him from a ship where he has fifty shillingsa month; and make him take twenty-three, and cut and slash, and use himlike a negro, or rather like a dog. " His mother, however, would notconsent, and to this was due his becoming a surveyor. 

From his "Young Man's Companion" Washington had already learned the use ofGunter's rule and how it should be used in surveying, and to complete hisknowledge he seems to have taken lessons of the licensed surveyor ofWestmoreland County, James Genn, for transcripts of some of the surveysdrawn by Genn still exist in the handwriting of his pupil. This implied adistinct and very valuable addition to his knowledge, and a large numberof his surveys still extant are marvels of neatness and careful drawing. As a profession it was followed for only four years (1747-1751), but allthrough life he often used his knowledge in measuring or platting his ownproperty. Far more important is the service it was to him in public life. In 1755 he sent to Braddock's secretary a map of the "back country, " andto the governor of Virginia plans of two forts. During the Revolution ithelped him not merely in the study of maps, but also in the facility itgave him to take in the topographical features of the country. Verylargely, too, was the selection of the admirable site for the capital dueto his supervising: all the plans for the city were submitted to him, and nowhere do the good sense and balance of the man appear to betteradvantage than in his correspondence with the Federal city commissioners. 

In Washington's earliest account-book there is an item when he was sixteenyears old, "To cash pd ye Musick Master for my Entrance 3/9. " It iscommonly said that he played the flute, but this is as great a libel onhim as any Tom Paine wrote, and though he often went to concerts, andthough fond of hearing his granddaughter Nelly play and sing, he neverwas himself a performer, and the above entry probably refers to thesinging-master whom the boys and girls of that day made the excuse forevening frolics. 

Mention is made elsewhere of his taking lessons in the sword exercise fromVan Braam in these earlier years, and in 1756 he paid to Sergeant Wood, fencing-master, the sum of £1. 1. 6. When he received the offer of aposition on Braddock's staff, he acknowledged, in accepting, that "I mustbe ingenuous enough to confess, that I am not a little biassed by selfishconsiderations. To explain, Sir, I wish earnestly to attain some knowledgein the military profession, and, believing a more favorable opportunitycannot offer, than to serve under a gentleman of General Braddock'sabilities and experience, it does . . . Not a little contribute to influencemy choice. " Hamilton is quoted as saying that Washington "never read anybook upon the art of war but Sim's Military Guide, " and an anonymousauthor asserted that "he never read a book in the art of war of highervalue than Bland's Exercises. " Certain it is that nearly all the militaryknowledge he possessed was derived from practice rather than from books, and though, late in life, he purchased a number of works on the subject, it was after his army service was over. 

One factor in Washington's education which must not go unnoticed was hisreligious belief. When only two months old he was baptized, presumably bythe Rev. Lawrence De Butts, the clergyman of Washington parish. Theremoval from that locality prevented any further religious influence fromthis clergyman, and it probably first came from the Rev. Charles Green, ofTruro parish, who had received his appointment through the friendship ofWashington's father, and who later was on such friendly terms withWashington that he doctored Mrs. Washington in an attack of the measles, and caught and returned two of his parishioner's runaway slaves. As earlyas 1724 the clergyman of the parish in which Mount Vernon was situatedreported that he catechised the youth of his congregation "in Lent and agreat part of the Summer, " and George, as the son of one of his vestrymen, undoubtedly received a due amount of questioning. 

From 1748 till 1759 there was little church-going for the young surveyoror soldier, but after his marriage and settling at Mount Vernon he waselected vestryman in the two parishes of Truro and Fairfax, and from thatelection he was quite active in church affairs. It may be worth notingthat in the elections of 1765 the new vestryman stood third in popularityin the Truro church and fifth in that of Fairfax. He drew the plans for anew church in Truro, and subscribed to its building, intending "to lay thefoundation of a family pew, " but by a vote of the vestry it was decidedthat there should be no private pews, and this breach of contract angeredWashington so greatly that he withdrew from the church in 1773. Sparksquotes Madison to the effect that "there was a tradition that, when he[Washington] belonged to the vestry of a church in his neighborhood, andseveral little difficulties grew out of some division of the society, hesometimes spoke with great force, animation, and eloquence on the topicsthat came before them. " After this withdrawal he bought a pew in ChristChurch in Alexandria (Fairfax parish), paying £36. 10, which was thelargest price paid by any parishioner. To this church he was quiteliberal, subscribing several times towards repairs, etc. 

The Rev. Lee Massey, who was rector at Pohick (Truro) Church before theRevolution, is quoted by Bishop Meade as saying that

"I never knew so constant an attendant in church as Washington. And hisbehavior in the house of God was ever so deeply reverential that itproduced the happiest effect on my congregation, and greatly assisted mein my pulpit labors. No company ever withheld him from church. I haveoften been at Mount Vernon on Sabbath morning, when his breakfast tablewas filled with guests; but to him they furnished no pretext forneglecting his God and losing the satisfaction of setting a good example. For instead of staying at home, out of false complaisance to them, he usedconstantly to invite them to accompany him. "

This seems to have been written more with an eye to its influence onothers than to its strict accuracy. During the time Washington attended atPohick Church he was by no means a regular church-goer. His daily "whereand how my time is spent" enables us to know exactly how often he attendedchurch, and in the year 1760 he went just sixteen times, and in 1768 hewent fourteen, these years being fairly typical of the period 1760-1773. During the Presidency a sense of duty made him attend St Paul's and Christchurches while in New York and Philadelphia, but at Mount Vernon, when thepublic eye was not upon him, he was no more regular than he had alwaysbeen, and in the last year of his life he wrote, "Six days do I labor, or, in other words, take exercise and devote my time to various occupations inHusbandry, and about my mansion. On the seventh, now called the first day, for want of a place of Worship (within less than nine miles) such lettersas do not require immediate acknowledgment I give answers to. . . . But ithath so happened, that on the two last Sundays--call them the first or theseventh as you please, I have been unable to perform the latter duty onaccount of visits from Strangers, with whom I could not use the freedom toleave alone, or recommend to the care of each other, for their amusement. "

What he said here was more or less typical of his whole life. Sunday wasalways the day on which he wrote his private letters, --even prepared hisinvoices, --and he wrote to one of his overseers that his letters shouldbe mailed so as to reach him Saturday, as by so doing they could beanswered the following day. Nor did he limit himself to this, for heentertained company, closed land purchases, sold wheat, and, while aVirginia planter, went foxhunting, on Sunday. It is to be noted, however, that he considered the scruples of others as to the day. When he wentamong his western tenants, rent-collecting, he entered in his diary that, it "being Sunday and the People living on my Land _apparently_ veryreligious, it was thought best to postpone going among them tillto-morrow, " and in his journey through New England, because it was"contrary to the law and disagreeable to the People of this State(Connecticut) to travel on the Sabbath day--and my horses, after passingthrough such intolerable roads, wanting rest, I stayed at Perkins' tavern(which, by the bye, is not a good one) all day--and a meetinghouse beingwithin a few rods of the door, I attended the morning and eveningservices, and heard very lame discourses from a Mr. Pond. " It is of thisexperience that tradition says the President started to travel, but waspromptly arrested by a Connecticut tithing-man. The story, however, lacksauthentication. 

There can be no doubt that religious intolerance was not a part ofWashington's character. In 1775, when the New England troops intended tocelebrate Guy Fawkes day, as usual, the General Orders declared that "asthe Commander in chief has been apprised of a design, formed for theobservance of that ridiculous and childish custom of burning the effigy ofthe Pope, he cannot help expressing his surprise, that there should beofficers and soldiers in this army so void of common sense, as not to seethe impropriety of such a step. " When trying to secure some servants, too, he wrote that "if they are good workmen, they may be from Asia, Africa, orEurope; they may be Mahometans, Jews, or Christians of any sect, or theymay be Atheists. " When the bill taxing all the people of Virginia tosupport the Episcopal Church (his own) was under discussion, he threw hisweight against it, as far as concerned the taxing of other sectaries, butadding:

"Although no man's sentiments are more opposed to any kind of restraintupon religious principles than mine are, yet I must confess, that I am notamongst the number of those, who are so much alarmed at the thoughts ofmaking people pay towards the support of that which they profess, ifof the denomination, of Christians, or to declare themselves Jews, Mahometans, or otherwise, and thereby obtain proper relief. As the matternow stands, I wish an assessment had never been agitated, and as it hasgone so far, that the bill could die an easy death; because I think itwill be productive of more quiet to the State, than by enacting it into alaw, which in my opinion would be impolitic, admitting there is a decidedmajority for it, to the disquiet of a respectable minority. In the formercase, the matter will soon subside; in the latter, it will rankle andperhaps convulse the State. "

Again in a letter he says, --

"Of all the animosities which have existed among mankind, those which arecaused by difference of sentiments in religion appear to be the mostinveterate and distressing, and ought most to be deprecated. I was inhopes, that the lightened and liberal policy, which has marked the presentage, would at least have reconciled _Christians_ of every denomination sofar, that we should never again see their religious disputes carried tosuch a pitch as to endanger the peace of society. "

And to Lafayette, alluding to the proceedings of the Assembly of Notables, he wrote, --

"I am not less ardent in my wish, that you may succeed in your plan oftoleration in religious matters. Being no bigot myself, I am disposed toindulge the professors of Christianity in the church with that road toHeaven, which to them shall seem the most direct, plainest, easiest, andleast liable to exception. "

What Washington believed has been a source of much dispute. Jeffersonstates "that Gouverneur Morris, who pretended to be in his secrets, andbelieved himself to be so, has often told me that General Washingtonbelieved no more of that system than he himself did, " and Morris, it isscarcely necessary to state, was an atheist. The same authority quotesRush, to the effect that "when the clergy addressed General Washington onhis departure from the government, it was observed in their consultation, that he had never, on any occasion, said a word to the public which showeda belief in the Christian religion, and they thought they should so pentheir address, as to force him at length to declare publicly whether hewas a Christian or not They did so. But, he observed, the old fox was toocunning for them. He answered every article of their address particularlyexcept that, which he passed over without notice. "

Whatever his belief, in all public ways Washington threw his influence infavor of religion, and kept what he really believed a secret, and in onlyone thing did he disclose his real thoughts. It is asserted that beforethe Revolution he partook of the sacrament, but this is only affirmed byhearsay, and better evidence contradicts it. After that war he did not, itis certain. Nelly Custis states that on "communion Sundays he left thechurch with me, after the blessing, and returned home, and we sent thecarriage back for my grandmother. " And the assistant minister of ChristChurch in Philadelphia states that--

"Observing that on Sacrament Sundays, Gen'l Washington, immediately afterthe Desk and Pulpit services, went out with the greater part of thecongregation, always leaving Mrs. Washington with the communicants, she_invariably_ being one, I considered it my duty, in a sermon on PublicWorship, to state the unhappy tendency of _example_, particularly those inelevated stations, who invariably turned their backs upon the celebrationof the Lord's Supper. I acknowledge the remark was intended for thePresident, as such, he received it. A few days after, in conversationwith, I believe, a Senator of the U. S. He told me he had dined the daybefore with the President, who in the course of the conversation at thetable, said, that on the preceding Sunday, he had received a very justreproof from the pulpit, for always leaving the church before theadministration of the Sacrament; that he honored the preacher for hisintegrity and candour; that he had never considered the influence of hisexample; that he would never again give cause for the repetition of thereproof; and that, as he had never been a communicant, were he to becomeone then, it would be imputed to an ostentatious display of religious zealarising altogether from his elevated station. Accordingly he afterwardsnever came on the morning of Sacrament Sunday, tho' at other times, aconstant attendant in the morning. "

Nelly Custis, too, tells us that Washington always "stood during thedevotional part of the service, " and Bishop White states that "hisbehavior was always serious and attentive; but, as your letter seems tointend an inquiry on the point of kneeling during the service, I owe it tothe truth to declare, that I never saw him in the said attitude. " Probablyhis true position is described by Madison, who is quoted as saying that hedid "not suppose that Washington had ever attended to the arguments forChristianity, and for the different systems of religion, or in fact thathe had formed definite opinions on the subject. But he took these thingsas he found them existing, and was constant in his observances of worshipaccording to the received forms of the Episcopal Church, in which he wasbrought up. "

If there was proof needed that it is mind and not education which pushes aman to the front, it is to be found in the case of Washington. Despite hiswant of education, he had, so Bell states, "an excellent understanding. "Patrick Henry is quoted as saying of the members of the Congress of 1774--the body of which Adams claimed that "every man in it is a great man, anorator, a critic, a statesman"--that "if you speak of solid informationand sound judgment Colonel Washington is unquestionably the greatest manon the floor;" while Jefferson asserted that "his mind was great andpowerful, without being of the very first order; his penetration strong, though not so acute as that of a Newton, Bacon, or Locke; and as far as hesaw, no judgment was ever sounder. It was slow in operation, being littleaided by invention or imagination, but sure in conclusion. "

IV

RELATIONS WITH THE FAIR SEX

The book from which Washington derived almost the whole of his educationwarned its readers, --

"Young Men have ever more a special care That Womanish Allurements provenot a snare;"

but, however carefully the lad studied the rest, this particularadmonition took little root in his mind. There can be no doubt thatWashington during the whole of his life had a soft heart for women, andespecially for good-looking ones, and both in his personal intercourse andin his letters he shows himself very much more at ease with them than inhis relations with his own sex. Late in life, when the strong passions ofhis earlier years were under better control, he was able to write, --

"Love is said to be an involuntary passion, and it is, therefore, contended that it cannot be resisted. This is true in part only, for likeall things else, when nourished and supplied plentifully with aliment, itis rapid in its progress; but let these be withdrawn and it may be stifledin its birth or much stinted in its growth. For example, a woman (the samemay be said of the other sex) all beautiful and accomplished will, whileher hand and heart are undisposed of, turn the heads and set the circle inwhich she moves on fire. Let her marry, and what is the consequence? Themadness _ceases_ and all is quiet again. Why? not because there is anydiminution in the charms of the lady, but because there is an end of hope. Hence it follows, that love may and therefore ought to be under theguidance of reason, for although we cannot avoid first impressions, we mayassuredly place them under guard. "

To write thus in one's sixty-sixth year and to practise one's theory inyouth were, however, very different undertakings. Even while discussinglove so philosophically, the writer had to acknowledge that "in thecomposition of the human frame, there is a good deal of inflammablematter, " and few have had better cause to know it. When he saw in thepremature engagement of his ward, Jack Custis, the one advantage that itwould "in a great measure avoid those little flirtations with other youngladies that may, by dividing the attention, contribute not a little todivide the affection, " it is easy to think of him as looking back to hisown boyhood, and remembering, it is to be hoped with a smile, thesufferings he owed to pretty faces and neatly turned ankles. 

While still a school-boy, Washington was one day caught "romping with oneof the largest girls, " and very quickly more serious likings followed. Asearly as 1748, when only sixteen years of age, his heart was so engagedthat while at Lord Fairfax's and enjoying the society of Mary Cary hepoured out his feelings to his youthful correspondents "Dear Robin" and"Dear John" and "Dear Sally" as follows:

"My place of Residence is at present at His Lordships where I might was myheart disengag'd pass my time very pleasantly as theres a very agreeableYoung Lady Lives in the same house (Colo George Fairfax's Wife's Sister)but as thats only adding Fuel to fire it makes me the more uneasy for byoften and unavoidably being in Company with her revives my former Passionfor your Low Land Beauty whereas was I to live more retired from youngWomen I might in some measure eliviate my sorrows by burying that chastand troublesome Passion in the grave of oblivion or etarnall forgetfulnessfor as I am very well assured thats the only antidote or remedy that Ishall be releivd by or only recess that can administer any cure or help tome as I am well convinced was I ever to attempt any thing I should onlyget a denial which would be only adding grief to uneasiness. "

"Was my affections disengaged I might perhaps form some pleasure in theconversation of an agreeable Young Lady as theres one now Lives in thesame house with me but as that is only nourishment to my former affecn forby often seeing her brings the other into my remembrance whereas perhapswas she not often & (unavoidably) presenting herself to my view I might insome measure aliviate my sorrows by burying the other in the grave ofOblivion I am well convinced my heart stands in defiance of all others butonly she thats given it cause enough to dread a second assault and from adifferent Quarter tho' I well know let it have as many attacks as it willfrom others they cant be more fierce than it has been. "

"I Pass the time of[f] much more agreeabler than what I imagined I shouldas there's a very agrewable Young Lady lives in the same house where Ireside (Colo George Fairfax's Wife's Sister) that in a great Measurecheats my thoughts altogether from your Parts I could wish to be with youdown there with all my heart but as it is a thing almost Impractakableshall rest myself where I am with hopes of shortly having some Minutes ofyour transactions in your Parts which will be very welcomely receiv'd. "

Who this "Low Land Beauty" was has been the source of much speculation, but the question is still unsolved, every suggested damsel--Lucy Grymes, Mary Bland, Betsy Fauntleroy, _et al. _--being either impossible or theevidence wholly inadequate. But in the same journal which contains thedraughts of these letters is a motto poem--

"Twas Perfect Love beforeBut Now I do adore"--

followed by the words "Young M. A. His W[ife?], " and as it was a fashionof the time to couple the initials of one's well-beloved with suchsentiments, a slight clue is possibly furnished. Nor was this the onlyrhyme that his emotions led to his inscribing in his journal: and heconfided to it the following:

"Oh Ye Gods why should my Poor Resistless Heart Stand to oppose thy might and PowerAt Last surrender to cupids feather'd Dart And now lays Bleeding every HourFor her that's Pityless of my grief and Woes And will not on me Pity takeHe sleep amongst my most inveterate Foes And with gladness never wish to wakeIn deluding sleepings let my Eyelids close That in an enraptured Dream I mayIn a soft lulling sleep and gentle repose Possess those joys denied by Day. "

However woe-begone the young lover was, he does not seem to have beenwholly lost to others of the sex, and at this same time he was able toindite an acrostic to another charmer, which, if incomplete, neverthelessproves that there was a "midland" beauty as well, the lady beingpresumptively some member of the family of Alexanders, who had aplantation near Mount Vernon. 

"From your bright sparkling Eyes I was undone;Rays, you have; more transperent than the Sun. Amidst its glory in the rising DayNone can you equal in your bright array;Constant in your calm and unspotted Mind;Equal to all, but will to none Prove kind, So knowing, seldom one so Young, you'l Find. 

Ah! woe's me, that I should Love and concealLong have I wish'd, but never dare reveal, Even though severely Loves Pains I feel;Xerxes that great, was't free from Cupids Dart, And all the greatest Heroes, felt the smart. "

When visiting Barbadoes, in 1751, Washington noted in his journal hismeeting a Miss Roberts, "an agreeable young lady, " and later he went withher to see some fireworks on Guy Fawkes day. Apparently, however, theladies of that island made little impression on him, for he further noted, "The Ladys Generally are very agreeable but by ill custom or w[ha]t effectthe Negro style. " This sudden insensibility is explained by a letter hewrote to William Fauntleroy a few weeks after his return to Virginia:

"Sir: I should have been down long before this, but my business inFrederick detained me somewhat longer than I expected, and immediatelyupon my return from thence I was taken with a violent Pleurise, butpurpose as soon as I recover my strength, to wait on Miss Betsy, in hopesof a revocation of the former cruel sentence, and see if I can meet withany alteration in my favor. I have enclosed a letter to her, which shouldbe much obliged to you for the delivery of it. I have nothing to add butmy best respects to your good lady and family, and that I am, Sir, Yourmost ob't humble serv't. "

Because of this letter it has been positively asserted that BetsyFauntleroy was the Low-Land Beauty of the earlier time; but as Washingtonwrote of his love for the latter in 1748, when Betsy was only eleven, theabsurdity of the claim is obvious. 

In 1753, while on his mission to deliver the governor's letter to theFrench, one duty which fell to the young soldier was a visit to royalty, in the person of Queen Aliquippa, an Indian majesty who had "expressedgreat Concern" that she had formerly been slighted. Washington recordsthat "I made her a Present of a Match-coat and a Bottle of Rum; whichlatter was thought much the best Present of the Two, " and thus (externallyand internally) restored warmth to her majesty's feelings. 

When returned from his first campaign, and resting at Mount Vernon, thetime seems to have been beguiled by some charmer, for one of Washington'sofficers and intimates writes from Williamsburg, "I imagine you By thistime plung'd in the midst of delight heaven can afford & enchanted ByCharmes even Stranger to the Ciprian Dame, " and a footnote by the samehand only excites further curiosity concerning this latter personage byindefinitely naming her as "Mrs. Neil. "

With whatever heart-affairs the winter was passed, with the spring theyoung man's fancy turned not to love, but again to war, and only when thedefeat of Braddock brought Washington back to Mount Vernon to recover fromthe fatigues of that campaign was his intercourse with the gentler sexresumed. Now, however, he was not merely a good-looking young fellow, butwas a hero who had had horses shot from under him and had stood firm whenscarlet-coated men had run away. No longer did he have to sue for thefavor of the fair ones, and Fairfax wrote him that "if a Satterday NightsRest cannot be sufficient to enable your coming hither to-morrow, theLady's will try to get Horses to equip our Chair or attempt their strengthon Foot to Salute you, so desirous are they with loving Speed to have anoccular Demonstration of your being the same Identical Gent--that latelydeparted to defend his Country's Cause. " Furthermore, to this letter wasappended the following:

"DEAR SIR, --After thanking Heaven for your safe return I must accuse youof great unkindness in refusing us the pleasure of seeing you this night. I do assure you nothing but our being satisfied that our company would bedisagreeable should prevent us from trying if our Legs would not carry usto Mount Vernon this night, but if you will not come to us to-morrowmorning very early we shall be at Mount Vernon. 

"S[ALLY] FAIRFAX, "ANN SPEARING. "ELIZ'TH DENT. "

Nor is this the only feminine postscript of this time, for in thepostscript of a letter from Archibald Cary, a leading Virginian, he istold that "Mrs. Cary & Miss Randolph joyn in wishing you that sort ofGlory which will most Indear you to the Fair Sex. "

In 1756 Washington had occasion to journey on military business to Boston, and both in coming and in going he tarried in New York, passing ten daysin his first visit and about a week on his return. This time was spentwith a Virginian friend, Beverly Robinson, who had had the good luck tomarry Susannah Philipse, a daughter of Frederick Philipse, one of thelargest landed proprietors of the colony of New York. Here he met thesister, Mary Philipse, then a girl of twenty-five, and, short as was thetime, it was sufficient to engage his heart. To this interest no doubt aredue the entries in his accounts of sundry pounds spent "for treatingLadies, " and for the large tailors' bills then incurred. But neithertreats nor clothes won the lady, who declined his proposals, and gave herheart two years later to Lieutenant-Colonel Roger Morris. A curious sequelto this disappointment was the accident that made the Roger Morris houseWashington's head-quarters in 1776, both Morris and his wife beingfugitive Tories. Again Washington was a chance visitor in 1790, when, aspart of a picnic, he "dined on a dinner provided by Mr. Marriner at theHouse lately Colo. Roger Morris, but confiscated and in the occupation ofa common Farmer. "

[Illustration: MARY PHILIPSE]

It has been asserted that Washington loved the wife of his friend GeorgeWilliam Fairfax, but the evidence has not been produced. On the contrary, though the two corresponded, it was in a purely platonic fashion, verydifferent from the strain of lovers, and that the correspondence impliednothing is to be found in the fact that he and Sally Carlyle (anotherFairfax daughter) also wrote each other quite as frequently and onthe same friendly footing; indeed, Washington evidently classed themin the same category, when he stated that "I have wrote to my twofemale correspondents. " Thus the claim seems due, like many another ofWashington's mythical love-affairs, rather to the desire of descendants tolink their family "to a star" than to more substantial basis. Washingtondid, indeed, write to Sally Fairfax from the frontier, "I should think ourtime more agreeably spent, believe me, in playing a part in Cato, with thecompany you mention, and myself doubly happy in being the Juba to such aMarcia, as you must make, " but private theatricals then no more than nowimplied "passionate love. " What is more, Mrs. Fairfax was at this verytime teasing him about another woman, and to her hints Washingtonreplied, --

"If you allow that any honor can be derived from my opposition . . . Youdestroy the merit of it entirely in me by attributing my anxiety to theanimating prospect of possessing Mrs. Custis, when--I need not tell you, guess yourself. Should not my own Honor and country's welfare be theexcitement? 'Tis true I profess myself a votary of love. I acknowledgethat a lady is in the case, and further I confess that this lady is knownto you. Yes, Madame, as well as she is to one who is too sensible of hercharms to deny the Power whose influence he feels and must ever submit to. I feel the force of her amiable beauties in the recollection of a thousandtender passages that I could wish to obliterate, till I am bid to revivethem. But experience, alas! sadly reminds me how impossible this is, andevinces an opinion which I have long entertained that there is a Destinywhich has the control of our actions, not to be resisted by the strongestefforts of Human Nature. You have drawn me, dear Madame, or rather I havedrawn myself, into an honest confession of a simple Fact. Misconstrue notmy meaning; doubt it not, nor expose it. The world has no business to knowthe object of my Love, declared in this manner to you, when I want toconceal it. One thing above all things in this world I wish to know, andonly one person of your acquaintance can solve me that, or guess mymeaning. "

The love-affair thus alluded to had begun in March, 1758, when ill healthhad taken Washington to Williamsburg to consult physicians, thinking, indeed, of himself as a doomed man. In this trip he met Mrs. Martha(Dandridge) Custis, widow of Daniel Parke Custis, one of the wealthiestplanters of the colony. She was at this time twenty-six years of age, orWashington's senior by nine months, and had been a widow but seven, yet inspite of this fact, and of his own expected "decay, " he pressed hislove-making with an impetuosity akin to that with which he had urged hissuit of Miss Philipse, and (widows being proverbial) with better success. The invalid had left Mount Vernon on March 5, and by April 1 he was backat Fort Loudon, an engaged man, having as well so far recovered his healthas to be able to join his command. Early in May he ordered a ring fromPhiladelphia, at a cost of £2. 16. 0; soon after receiving it he foundthat army affairs once more called him down to Williamsburg, and, aslove-making is generally considered a military duty, the excuse wassufficient. But sterner duties on the frontier were awaiting him, and veryquickly he was back there and writing to his _fiancée_, --

"We have begun our march for the Ohio. A courier is starting forWilliamsburg, and I embrace the opportunity to send a few words to onewhose life is now inseparable from mine. Since that happy hour when wemade our pledges to each other, my thoughts have been continually going toyou as another Self. That an all-powerful Providence may keep us both insafety is the prayer of your ever faithful and affectionate friend. "

Five months after this letter was written, Washington was able to dateanother from Fort Duquesne, and, the fall of that post putting an end tohis military service, only four weeks later he was back in Williamsburg, and on January 6, 1759, he was married. 

Very little is really known of his wife, beyond the facts that she waspetite, over-fond, hot-tempered, obstinate, and a poor speller. In 1778she was described as "a sociable, pretty kind of woman, " and she seems tohave been but little more. One who knew her well described her as "notpossessing much sense, though a perfect lady and remarkably wellcalculated for her position, " and confirmatory of this is the opinion ofan English traveller that "there was nothing remarkable in the person ofthe lady of the President; she was matronly and kind, with perfect goodbreeding. " None the less she satisfied Washington; even after theproverbial six months were over he refused to wander from Mount Vernon, writing that "I am now, I believe, fixed at this seat with an agreeableConsort for life, " and in 1783 he spoke of her as the "partner of all myDomestic enjoyments. "

John Adams, in one of his recurrent moods of bitterness and jealousytowards Washington, demanded, "Would Washington have ever been commanderof the revolutionary army or president of the United States if he had notmarried the rich widow of Mr. Custis?" To ask such a question is tooverlook the fact that Washington's colonial military fame was entirelyachieved before his marriage. It is not to be denied that the match was agood one from a worldly point of view, Mrs. Washington's third of theCustis property equalling "fifteen thousand acres of land, a good part ofit adjoining the city of Williamsburg; several lots in the said city;between two and three hundred negroes; and about eight or ten thousandpounds upon bond, " estimated at the time as about twenty thousand poundsin all, which was further increased on the death of Patsy Custis in 1773by a half of her fortune, which added ten thousand pounds to the sum. Nevertheless the advantage was fairly equal, for Mrs. Custis's lawyer hadwritten before her marriage of the impossibility of her managing theproperty, advising that she "employ a trusty steward, and as the estate islarge and very extensive, it is Mr. Wallers and my own opinion, that youhad better not engage any but a very able man, though he should requirelarge wages. " Of the management of this property, to which, indeed, shewas unequal, Washington entirely relieved her, taking charge also of herchildren's share and acting for their interests with the same care withwhich he managed the part he was more directly concerned in. 

He further saved her much of the detail of ordering her own clothing, andwe find him sending for "A Salmon-colored Tabby of the enclosed pattern, with satin flowers, to be made in a sack, " "1 Cap, Handkerchief, Tuckerand Ruffles, to be made of Brussels lace or point, proper to wear with theabove negligee, to cost £20, " "1 pair black, and 1 pair white Satin Shoes, of the smallest, " and "1 black mask. " Again he writes his London agent, "Mrs. Washington sends home a green sack to get cleaned, or fresh dyed ofthe same color; made up into a handsome sack again, would be her choice;but if the cloth won't afford that, then to be thrown into a genteel NightGown. " At another time he wants a pair of clogs, and when the wrong kindare sent he writes that "she intended to have leathern Gloshoes. " When shewas asked to present a pair of colors to a company, he attended to everydetail of obtaining the flag, and when "Mrs. Washington . . . Perceived theTomb of her Father . . . To be much out of Sorts" he wrote to get a workmanto repair it. The care of the Mount Vernon household proving beyond hiswife's ability, a housekeeper was very quickly engaged, and when one whofilled this position was on the point of leaving, Washington wrote hisagent to find another without the least delay, for the vacancy would"throw a great additional weight on Mrs. Washington;" again, writing inanother domestic difficulty, "Your aunt's distresses for want of a goodhousekeeper are such as to render the wages demanded by Mrs. Forbes(though unusually high) of no consideration. " Her letters of form, whichrequired better orthography than she was mistress of, he draughted forher, pen-weary though he was. 

It has already been shown how he fathered her "little progeny, " as he oncecalled them. Mrs. Washington was a worrying mother, as is shown by aletter to her sister, speaking of a visit in which "I carried my littlepatt with me and left Jacky at home for a trial to see how well I couldstay without him though we were gon but wone fortnight I was quiteimpatient to get home. If I at aney time heard the doggs barke or a noiseout, I thought thair was a person sent for me. I often fancied he was sickor some accident had happened to him so that I think it is impossiblefor me to leave him as long as Mr. Washington must stay when he comesdown. " To spare her anxiety, therefore, when the time came for "Jacky" tobe inoculated, Washington "withheld from her the information . . . &purpose, if possible, to keep her in total ignorance . . . Till I hear ofhis return, or perfect recovery;. . . She having often wished that Jackwou'd take & go through the disorder without her knowing of it, that shemight escape those Tortures which suspense wd throw her into. " And on thedeath of Patsy he wrote, "This sudden and unexpected blow, I scarce needadd has almost reduced my poor Wife to the lowest ebb of Misery; which isencreas'd by the absence of her son. "

When Washington left Mount Vernon, in May, 1775, to attend the ContinentalCongress, he did not foresee his appointment as commander-in-chief, and assoon as it occurred he wrote his wife, --

"I am now set down to write to you on a subject, which fills me withinexpressible concern, and this concern is greatly aggravated andincreased, when I reflect upon the uneasiness I know it will give you. Ithas been determined in Congress, that the whole army raised for thedefence of the American cause shall be put under my care, and that it isnecessary for me to proceed immediately to Boston to take upon me thecommand of it. 

"You may believe me, my dear Patsey, when I assure you, in the most solemnmanner, that, so far from seeking this appointment, I have used everyendeavor in my power to avoid it, not only from my unwillingness to partwith you and the family, but from a consciousness of its being a trust toogreat for my capacity, and that I should enjoy more real happiness in onemonth with you at home, than I have the most distant prospect of findingabroad, if my stay were to be seven times seven years. . . . I shall feel nopain from the toil or danger of the campaign; my unhappiness will flowfrom the uneasiness I know you will feel from being left alone. "

To prevent this loneliness as far as possible, he wrote at the same timeto different members of the two families as follows:

"My great concern upon this occasion is, the thought of leaving yourmother under the uneasiness which I fear this affair will throw her into;I therefore hope, expect, and indeed have no doubt, of your using everymeans in your power to keep up her spirits, by doing everything in yourpower to promote her quiet. I have, I must confess, very uneasy feelingson her account, but as it has been a kind of unavoidable necessity whichhas led me into this appointment, I shall more readily hope that successwill attend it and crown our meetings with happiness. "

"I entreat you and Mrs. Bassett if possible to visit at Mt. Vernon, asalso my wife's other friends. I could wish you to take her down, as I haveno expectation of returning till winter & feel great uneasiness at herlonesome situation. "

"I shall hope that my friends will visit and endeavor to keep up thespirits of my wife, as much as they can, as my departure will, I know, bea cutting stroke upon her; and on this account alone I have many verydisagreeable sensations. I hope you and my sister, (although the distanceis great), will find as much leisure this summer as to spend a little timeat Mount Vernon. "

When, six months later, the war at Boston settled into a mere siege, Washington wrote that "seeing no prospect of returning to my family andfriends this winter, I have sent an invitation to Mrs. Washington to cometo me, " adding, "I have laid a state of difficulties, however, which mustattend the journey before her, and left it to her own choice. " His wifereplied in the affirmative, and one of Washington's aides presently wroteconcerning some prize goods to the effect that "There are limes, lemonsand oranges on board, which, being perishable, you must sell immediately. The General will want some of each, as well of the sweetmeats and picklesthat are on board, as his lady will be here to-day or to-morrow. You willplease to pick up such things on board as you think will be acceptable toher, and send them as soon as possible; he does not mean to receiveanything without payment. "

Lodged at head-quarters, then the Craigie house in Cambridge, thediscomforts of war were reduced to a minimum, but none the less it was atrying time to Mrs. Washington, who complained that she could not get usedto the distant cannonading, and she marvelled that those about her paid solittle heed to it. With the opening of the campaign in the followingsummer she returned to Mount Vernon, but when the army was safely inwinter quarters at Valley Forge she once more journeyed northward, a tripalluded to by Washington in a letter to Jack, as follows: "Your Mamma isnot yet arrived, but . . . Expected every hour. [My aide] Meade set offyesterday (as soon as I got notice of her intention) to meet her. We arein a dreary kind of place, and uncomfortably provided. " And of thisreunion Mrs. Washington wrote, "I came to this place, some time about thefirst of February where I found the General very well, . . . In camp in whatis called the great valley on the Banks of the Schuylkill. Officers andmen are chiefly in Hutts, which they say is tolerably comfortable; thearmy are as healthy as can be well expected in general. The General'sapartment is very small; he has had a log cabin built to dine in, whichhas made our quarters much more tolerable than they were at first"

Such "winterings" became the regular custom, and brief references invarious letters serve to illustrate them. Thus, in 1779, Washingtoninformed a friend that "Mrs. Washington, according to custom marched homewhen the campaign was about to open;" in July, 1782, he noted that hiswife "sets out this day for Mount Vernon, " and later in the same year hewrote, "as I despair of seeing my home this Winter, I have sent for Mrs. Washington;" and finally, in a letter he draughted for his wife, he madeher describe herself as "a kind of perambulator, during eight or nineyears of the war. "

Another pleasant glimpse during these stormy years is the couple, during abrief stay in Philadelphia, being entertained almost to death, describedas follows by Franklin's daughter in a letter to her father: "I havelately been several times abroad with the General and Mrs. Washington. Healways inquires after you in the most affectionate manner, and speaks ofyou highly. We danced at Mrs. Powell's your birthday, or night I shouldsay, in company together, and he told me it was the anniversary of hismarriage; it was just twenty years that night" Again there was junketingin Philadelphia after the surrender at Yorktown, and one bit of this isshadowed in a line from Washington to Robert Morris, telling the latterthat "Mrs. Washington, myself and family, will have the honor of diningwith you in the way proposed, to-morrow, being Christmas day. "

With the retirement to Mount Vernon at the close of the war, little morecompanionship was obtained, for, as already stated, Washington could onlydescribe his home henceforth as a "well resorted tavern, " and two yearsafter his return he entered in his diary, "Dined with only Mrs. Washingtonwhich I believe is the first instance of it since my retirement frompublic life. "

Even this was only a furlough, for in six years they were both in publiclife again. Mrs. Washington was inclined to sulk over the necessaryrestraints of official life, writing to a friend, "Mrs. Sins will give youa better account of the fashions than I can--I live a very dull life hearand know nothing that passes in the town--I never goe to any publicplace--indeed I think I am more like a State prisoner than anything else;there is certain bounds set for me which I must not depart from--and as Icannot doe as I like, I am obstinate and stay at home a great deal. "

[Illustration: MRS. DANIEL PARKE CUSTIS, LATER MRS. WASHINGTON]

None the less she did her duties well, and in these "Lady Washington" wasmore at home, for, according to Thacher, she combined "in an uncommondegree, great dignity of manner with most pleasing affability, " thoughpossessing "no striking marks of beauty, " and there is no doubt that shelightened Washington's shoulders of social demands materially. At thereceptions of Mrs. Washington, which were held every Friday evening, so acontemporary states, "the President did not consider himself as visited. On these occasions he appeared as a private gentleman, with neither hatnor sword, conversing without restraint. "

From other formal society Mrs. Washington also saved her husband, for avisitor on New Year's tells of her setting "'the General' (by which titleshe always designated her husband)" at liberty: "Mrs. Washington had stoodby his side as the visitors arrived and were presented, and when the clockin the hall was heard striking nine, she advanced and with a complacentsmile said, 'The General always retires at nine, and I usually precedehim, ' upon which all arose, made their parting salutations, and withdrew. "Nor was it only from the fatigues of formal entertaining that the wifesaved her husband, Washington writing in 1793, "We remain in Philadelphiauntil the 10th instant. It was my wish to have continued there longer; butas Mrs. Washington was unwilling to leave me surrounded by the malignantfever which prevailed, I could not think of hazarding her, and theChildren any longer by _my_ continuance in the City, the house in which welive being in a manner blockaded by the disorder, and was becoming everyday more and more fatal; I therefore came off with them. "

Finally from these "scenes more busy, tho' not more happy, than thetranquil enjoyment of rural life, " they returned to Mount Vernon, hopingthat in the latter their "days will close. " Not quite three years of thislife brought an end to their forty years of married life. On the nightthat Washington's illness first became serious his secretary narrates that"Between 2 and 3 o'clk on Saturday morning he [Washington] awoke Mrs. Washington & told her he was very unwell, and had had an ague. She . . . Would have got up to call a servant; but he would not permit herlest she should take cold. " As a consequence of this care for her, herhusband lay for nearly four hours in a chill in a cold bedroom beforereceiving any attention, or before even a fire was lighted. When deathcame, she said, "Tis well--All is now over--I have no more trials to passthrough--I shall soon follow him. " In his will he left "to my dearlybeloved wife" the use of his whole property, and named her an executrix. 

As a man's views of matrimony are more or less colored by his personalexperience, what Washington had to say on the institution is of interest. As concerned himself he wrote to his nephew, "If Mrs. Washington shouldsurvive me, there is a moral certainty of my dying without issue: andshould I be the longest liver, the matter in my opinion, is hardly lesscertain; for while I retain the faculty of reasoning, I shall never marrya girl; and it is not probable that I should have children by a woman ofan age suitable to my own, should I be disposed to enter into a secondmarriage. " And in a less personal sense he wrote to Chastellux, --

"In reading your very friendly and acceptable letter, . . . I was, as youmay well suppose, not less delighted than surprised to meet the plainAmerican words, 'my wife. ' A wife! Well, my dear Marquis, I can hardlyrefrain from smiling to find you are caught at last. I saw, by theeulogium you often made on the happiness of domestic life in America, thatyou had swallowed the bait, and that you would as surely be taken, one dayor another, as that you were a philosopher and a soldier. So your day hasat length come. I am glad of it, with all my heart and soul. It is quitegood enough for you. Now you are well served for coming to fight in favorof the American rebels, all the way across the Atlantic Ocean, by catchingthat terrible contagion--domestic felicity--which same, like the small poxor the plague, a man can have only once in his life; because it commonlylasts him (at least with us in America--I don't know how you manage thesematters in France) for his whole life time. And yet after all themaledictions you so richly merit on the subject, the worst wish which Ican find in my heart to make against Madame de Chastellux and yourself is, that you may neither of you ever get the better of this same domesticfelicity during the entire course of your mortal existence. "

Furthermore, he wrote to an old friend, whose wife stubbornly refused tosign a deed, "I think, any Gentleman, possessed of but a very moderatedegree of influence with his wife, might, in the course of five or sixyears (for I think it is at least that time) have prevailed upon her to doan act of justice, in fulfiling his Bargains and complying with hiswishes, if he had been really in earnest in requesting the matter of her;especially, as the inducement which you thought would have a powerfuloperation on Mrs. Alexander, namely the birth of a child, has beendoubled, and tripled. "

However well Washington thought of "the honorable state, " he wasno match-maker, and when asked to give advice to the widow of Jack Custis, replied, "I never did, nor do I believe I ever shall, give advice to awoman, who is setting out on a matrimonial voyage; first, because I nevercould advise one to marry without her own consent; and, secondly because Iknow it is to no purpose to advise her to refrain, when she has obtainedit. A woman very rarely asks an opinion or requires advice on such anoccasion, till her resolution is formed; and then it is with the hope andexpectation of obtaining a sanction, not that she means to be governed byyour disapprobation, that she applies. In a word the plain English of theapplication may be summed up in these words: 'I wish you to think as I do;but, if unhappily you differ from me in opinion, my heart, I must confess, is fixed, and I have gone too far now to retract. '" Again he wrote:

"It has ever been a maxim with me through life, neither to promote nor toprevent a matrimonial connection, unless there should be somethingindispensably requiring interference in the latter. I have alwaysconsidered marriage as the most interesting event of one's life, thefoundation of happiness or misery. To be instrumental therefore inbringing two people together, who are indifferent to each other, and maysoon become objects of disgust; or to prevent a union, which is promptedby the affections of the mind, is what I never could reconcile withreason, and therefore neither directly nor indirectly have I ever said aword to Fanny or George, upon the subject of their intended connection. "

The question whether Washington was a faithful husband might well be leftto the facts already given, were it not that stories of his immorality arebandied about in clubs, a well-known clergyman has vouched for theirtruth, and a United States senator has given further currency to them byclaiming special knowledge on the subject. Since such are the facts, itseems best to consider the question and show what evidence there actuallyis for these stories, that at least the pretended "letters, " etc. , whichare always being cited, and are never produced, may no longer havecredence put in them, and the true basis for all the stories may be knownand valued at its worth. 

In the year 1776 there was printed in London a small pamphlet entitled"Minutes of the Trial and Examination of Certain Persons in the Provinceof New York, " which purported to be the records of the examination of theconspirators of the "Hickey plot" (to murder Washington) before acommittee of the Provincial Congress of New York. The manuscript of thiswas claimed in the preface to have been "discovered (on the late captureof New York by the British troops) among the papers of a person whoappears to have been secretary to the committee. " As part of the evidencethe following was printed:

"William Cooper, soldier, sworn. 

"Court. Inform us what conversation you heard at the Serjeant's Arms?

"Cooper. Being there the 21st of May, I heard John Clayford inform thecompany, that Mary Gibbons was thoroughly in their interest, and that thewhole would be safe. I learnt from enquiry that Mary Gibbons was a girlfrom New Jersey, of whom General Washington was very fond, that hemaintained her genteelly at a house near Mr. Skinner's, --at the NorthRiver; that he came there very often late at night in disguise; he learntalso that this woman was very intimate with Clayford, and made himpresents, and told him of what General Washington said. 

"Court. Did you hear Mr. Clayford say any thing himself that night?

"Cooper. Yes; that he was the day before with Judith, so he called her, and that she told him, Washington had often said he wished his hands wereclear of the dirty New-Englanders, and words to that effect. 

"Court. Did you hear no mention made of any scheme to betray or seize him?

"Cooper. Mr. Clayford said he could easily be seized and put on board aboat, and carried off, as his female friend had promised she would assist:but all present thought it would be hazardous. "

"William Savage, sworn. 

"Court. Was you at the Serjeant's Arms on the 21st of May? Did you hearany thing of this nature?

"Savage. I did, and nearly as the last evidence has declared; the societyin general refused to be concerned in it, and thought it a mad scheme. 

"Mr. Abeel. Pray, Mr. Savage, have not you heard nothing of an informationthat was to be given to Governor Tryon?

"Savage. Yes; papers and letters were at different times shewn to thesociety, which were taken out of General Washington's pockets by Mrs. Gibbons, and given (as she pretended some occasion of going out) to Mr. Clayford, who always copied them, and they were put into his pocketsagain. "

The authenticity of this pamphlet thus becomes of importance, and overthis little time need be spent. The committee named in it differs from thecommittee really named by the Provincial Congress, and the proceedingsnowhere implicate the men actually proved guilty. In other words, thewhole publication is a clumsy Tory forgery, put forward with the same idlestory of "captured papers" employed in the "spurious letters" ofWashington, and sent forth from the same press (J. Bew) from which thatforgery and several others issued. 

The source from which the English fabricator drew this scandal isfortunately known. In 1775 a letter to Washington from his friend BenjaminHarrison was intercepted by the British, and at once printed broadcast inthe newspapers. In this the writer gossips to Washington "to amuse you andunbend your minds from the cares of war, " as follows: "As I was in thepleasing task of writing to you, a little noise occasioned me to turn myhead around, and who should appear but pretty little Kate, theWasher-woman's daughter over the way, clean, trim and as rosy as themorning. I snatched the golden, glorious opportunity, and, but for thecursed antidote to love, Sukey, I had fitted her for my general against hisreturn. We were obliged to part, but not till we had contrived to meetagain: if she keeps the appointment, I shall relish a week's longer stay. "From this originated the stories of Washington's infidelity as alreadygiven, and also a coarser version of the same, printed in 1776 in a Toryfarce entitled "The Battle of Brooklyn. "

Jonathan Boucher, who knew Washington well before the Revolution, yet who, as a loyalist, wrote in no friendly spirit of him, asserted that "in hismoral character, he is regular. " A man who disliked him far more, GeneralCharles Lee, in the excess of his hatred, charged Washington in 1778 withimmorality, --a rather amusing impeachment, since at the very time Lee wasflaunting the evidence of his own incontinence without apparent shame, --anda mutual friend of the accused and accuser, Joseph Reed, whose service onWashington's staff enabled him to speak wittingly, advised that Lee"forbear any Reflections upon the Commander in Chief, of whom for thefirst time I have heard Slander on his private Character, viz. , greatcruelty to his Slaves in Virginia & Immorality of Life, tho' theyacknowledge so very secret that it is difficult to detect. To me who havehad so good opportunities to know the Purity of the latter & equallybelieving the Falsehood of the former from the known excellence of hisdisposition, it appears so nearly bordering upon frenzy, that I can pitythe wretches rather than despise them. "

Washington was too much of a man, however, to have his marriage lessen hisliking for other women; and Yeates repeats that "Mr. Washington once toldme, on a charge which I once made against the President at his own Table, that the admiration he warmly professed for Mrs. Hartley, was a Proof ofhis Homage to the worthy Part of the Sex, and highly respectful to hisWife. " Every now and then there is an allusion in his letters which showshis appreciation of beauty, as when he wrote to General Schuyler, "Yourfair daughter, for whose visit Mrs. Washington and myself are greatlyobliged, " and again, to one of his aides, "The fair hand, to whom yourletter . . . Was committed presented it safe. "

His diary, in the notes of the balls and assemblies which he attended, usually had a word for the sex, as exampled in: "at which there werebetween 60 & 70 well dressed ladies;" "at which there was about 100 welldressed and handsome ladies;" "at which were 256 elegantly dressedladies;" "where there was a select Company of ladies;" "where (it is said)there were upwards of 100 ladies; their appearance was elegant, and manyof them very handsome;" "at wch. There were about 400 ladies the numberand appearance of wch. Exceeded anything of the kind I have ever seen;""where there were about 75 well dressed, and many of them very handsomeladies--among whom (as was also the case at the Salem and Bostonassemblies) were a greater proportion with much blacker hair than areusually seen in the Southern States. "

At his wife's receptions, as already said, Washington did not view himselfas host, and "conversed without restraint, generally with women, whorarely had other opportunity of seeing him, " which perhaps accounts forthe statement of another eye-witness that Washington "looked very muchmore at ease than at his own official levees. " Sullivan adds that "theyoung ladies used to throng around him, and engaged him in conversation. There were some of the well-remembered belles of the day who imaginedthemselves to be favorites with him. As these were the only opportunitieswhich they had of conversing with him, they were disposed to use them. " Inhis Southern trip of 1791 Washington noted, with evident pleasure, that he"was visited about 2 o'clock, by a great number of the most respectableladies of Charleston--the first honor of the kind I had ever experiencedand it was flattering as it was singular. " And that this attention was notmerely the respect due to a great man is shown in the letter of aVirginian woman, who wrote to her correspondent in 1777, that when"General Washington throws off the Hero and takes up the chatty agreeableCompanion--he can be down right impudent sometimes--such impudence, Fanny, as you and I like. "

Another feminine compliment paid him was a highly laudatory poem which wasenclosed to him, with a letter begging forgiveness, to which he playfullyanswered, --

"You apply to me, my dear Madam, for absolution as tho' I was your fatherConfessor; and as tho' you had committed a crime, great in itself, yet ofthe venial class. You have reason good--for I find myself strangelydisposed to be a very indulgent ghostly adviser on this occasion; and, notwithstanding 'you are the most offending Soul alive' (that is, if it isa crime to write elegant Poetry, ) yet if you will come and dine with me onThursday, and go thro' the proper course of penitence which shall beprescribed I will strive hard to assist you in expiating these poeticaltrespasses on this side of purgatory. Nay more, if it rests with meto direct your future lucubrations, I shall certainly urge you to arepetition of the same conduct, on purpose to shew what an admirable knackyou have at confession and reformation; and so without more hesitation, Ishall venture to command the muse, not to be restrained by ill-groundedtimidity, but to go on and prosper. You see, Madam, when once the womanhas tempted us, and we have tasted the forbidden fruit, there is no suchthing as checking our appetites, whatever the consequences may be. Youwill, I dare say, recognize our being the genuine Descendants of those whoare reputed to be our great Progenitors. "

Nor was Washington open only to beauty and flattery. From the rudefrontier in 1756 he wrote, "The supplicating tears of the women, . . . Meltme into such deadly sorrow, that I solemnly declare, if I know my ownmind, I could offer myself a willing sacrifice to the butchering enemy, provided that would contribute to the people's ease. " And in 1776 he said, "When I consider that the city of New York will in all human probabilityvery soon be the scene of a bloody conflict, I cannot but view the greatnumbers of women, children, and infirm persons remaining in it, with themost melancholy concern. When the men-of-war passed up the river, theshrieks and cries of these poor creatures running every way with theirchildren, were truly distressing. . . . Can no method be devised for theirremoval?"

Nevertheless, though liked by and liking the fair sex, Washington washuman, and after experience concluded that "I never again will have twowomen in my house when I am there myself. "

V

FARMER AND PROPRIETOR

The earliest known Washington coat of arms had blazoned upon it "3 Cinquefoiles, " which was the herald's way of saying that the bearer was alandholder and cultivator, and when Washington had a book-plate made forhimself he added to the conventional design of the arms spears of wheatand other plants, as an indication of his favorite labor. During hiscareer he acted several parts, but in none did he find such pleasure as infarming, and late in life he said, "I think with you, that the life of ahusbandman of all others is the most delectable. It is honorable, it isamusing, and, with judicious management, it is profitable. To see plantsrise from the earth and flourish by the superior skill and bounty of thelaborer fills a contemplative mind with ideas which are more easy to beconceived than expressed. " "Agriculture has ever been the most favoriteamusement of my life, " he wrote after the Revolution, and he informedanother correspondent that "the more I am acquainted with agriculturalaffairs, the better pleased I am with them; insomuch, that I can no wherefind so great satisfaction as in those innocent and useful pursuits: Inindulging these feelings, I am led to reflect how much more delightful toan undebauched mind is the task of making improvements on the earth, thanall the vain glory which can be acquired from ravaging it, by the mostuninterrupted career of conquests. " A visitor to Mount Vernon in 1785states that his host's "greatest pride is, to be thought the first farmerin America. He is quite a Cincinnatus. "

Undoubtedly a part of this liking flowed from his strong affection forMount Vernon. Such was his feeling for the place that he never seems tohave been entirely happy away from it, and over and over again, during hisvarious and enforced absences, he "sighs" or "pants" for his "own vine andfig tree. " In writing to an English correspondent, he shows his feelingfor the place by saying, "No estate in United America, is more pleasantlysituated than this. It lies in a high, dry and healthy country, threehundred miles by water from the sea, and, as you will see by the plan, onone of the finest rivers in the world. "

The history of the Mount Vernon estate begins in 1674, when Lord Culpepperconveyed to Nicholas Spencer and Lieutenant-Colonel John Washington fivethousand acres of land "scytuate Lying and being within the said terrytoryin the County of Stafford in the ffreshes of the Pottomocke Riverand . . . Bounded betwixt two Creeks. " Colonel John's half was bequeathed tohis son Lawrence, and by Lawrence's will it was left to his daughterMildred. She sold it to the father of George, who by his will left it tohis son Lawrence, with a reversion to George should Lawrence die withoutissue. The original house was built about 1740, and the place was namedMount Vernon by Lawrence, in honor of Admiral Vernon, under whom he hadserved at Carthagena. After the death of Lawrence, the estate oftwenty-five hundred acres came under Washington's management, and from 1754it was his home, as it had been practically even in his brother's life. 

Twice Washington materially enlarged the house at Mount Vernon, the firsttime in 1760 and the second in 1785, and a visitor reports, what his hostmust have told him, that "its a pity he did not build a new one atonce, for it has cost him nearly as much to repair his old one. " Thesealterations consisted in the addition of a banquet-hall at one end (by farthe finest room in the house), and a library and dining-room at the other, with the addition of an entire story to the whole. 

The grounds, too, were very much improved. A fine approach, or bowlinggreen, was laid out, a "botanical garden, " a "shrubbery, " and greenhouseswere added, and in every way possible the place was improved. A deerpaddock was laid out and stocked, gifts of Chinese pheasants and geese, French partridges, and guinea-pigs were sent him, and were gratefullyacknowledged, and from all the world over came curious, useful, orbeautiful plants. 

The original tract did not satisfy the ambition of the farmer, and fromthe time he came into the possession of Mount Vernon he was a persistentpurchaser of lands adjoining the property. In 1760 he bargained with oneClifton for "a tract called Brents, " of eighteen hundred and six acres, but after the agreement was closed the seller, "under pretence of his wifenot consenting to acknowledge her right of dower wanted to disengagehimself . . . And by his shuffling behavior convinced me of his being thetrifling body represented. " Presently Washington heard that Clifton hadsold his lands to another for twelve hundred pounds, which "fullyunravelled his conduct . . . And convinced me that he was nothing less thana thorough pac'd rascall. " Meeting the "rascall" at a court, "muchdiscourse, " Washington states, "happened between him and I concerning hisungenerous treatment of me, the whole turning to little account, 'tis notworth reciting. " After much more friction, the land was finally sold atpublic auction, and "I bought it for £1210 Sterling, [and] under manythreats and disadvantages paid the money. "

[Illustration: WASHINGTON'S SURVEY OF MOUNT VERNON, CIRCA 1746]

In 1778, when some other land was offered, Washington wrote to his agent, "I have premised these things to shew my inability, not my unwillingnessto purchase the Lands in my own Neck at (almost) any price--& this I amvery desirous of doing if it could be accomplished by any means in mypower, in ye way of Barter for other Land--for Negroes . . . Or in short--forany thing else . . . But for money I cannot, I want the means. " Again, in1782, he wrote, "Inform Mr. Dulany, . . . That I look upon £2000 to be agreat price for his land; that my wishes to obtain it do not proceed fromits intrinsic value, but from the motives I have candidly assigned in myother letter. That to indulge this fancy, (for in truth there is morefancy than judgment in it) I have submitted, or am willing to submit, tothe disadvantage of borrowing as large a sum as I think this Land isworth, in order to come at it"

By thus purchasing whenever an opportunity occurred, the property wasincreased from the twenty-five hundred acres which had come intoWashington's possession by inheritance to an estate exceeding eightthousand acres, of which over thirty-two hundred were actually undercultivation during the latter part of its owner's life. 

To manage so vast a tract, the property was subdivided into severaltracts, called "Mansion House Farm, " "River Farm, " "Union Farm, " "MuddyHole Farm, " and "Dogue Run Farm, " each having an overseer to manage it, and each being operated as a separate plantation, though a generaloverseer controlled the whole, and each farm derived common benefit fromthe property as a whole. "On Saturday in the afternoon, every week, reports are made by all his overseers, and registered in books kept forthe purpose, " and these accounts were so schemed as to show how everynegro's and laborer's time had been employed during the whole week, whatcrops had been planted or gathered, what increase or loss of stock hadoccurred, and every other detail of farm-work. During Washington'sabsences from Mount Vernon his chief overseer sent him these reports, aswell as wrote himself, and weekly the manager received in return longletters of instruction, sometimes to the length of sixteen pages, whichshowed most wonderful familiarity with every acre of the estate and thecharacter of every laborer, and are little short of marvellous whenaccount is taken of the pressure of public affairs that rested upon theirwriter as he framed them. 

When Washington became a farmer, but one system of agriculture, so far asVirginia was concerned, existed, which he described long after as follows:

"A piece of land is cut down, and kept under constant cultivation, firstin tobacco, and then in Indian corn (two very exhausting plants), until itwill yield scarcely any thing; a second piece is cleared, and treated inthe same manner; then a third and so on, until probably there is butlittle more to clear. When this happens, the owner finds himself reducedto the choice of one of three things--either to recover the land which hehas ruined, to accomplish which, he has perhaps neither the skill, theindustry, nor the means; or to retire beyond the mountains; or tosubstitute quantity for quality, in order to raise something. The latterhas been generally adopted, and, with the assistance of horses, hescratches over much ground, and seeds it, to very little purpose. "

Knowing no better, Washington adopted this one-crop system, even to theextent of buying corn and hogs to feed his hands. Though following in thebeaten track, he experimented in different kinds of tobacco, so that, "bycomparing then the loss of the one with the extra price of the other, Ishall be able to determine which is the best to pursue. " The largest crophe ever seems to have produced, "being all sweet-scented and neatlymanaged, " was one hundred and fifteen hogsheads, which averaged in saletwelve pounds each. 

From a very early time Washington had been a careful student of such bookson agriculture as he could obtain, even preparing lengthy abstracts ofthem, and the knowledge he thus obtained, combined with his own practicalexperience, soon convinced him that the Virginian system was wrong. "Inever ride on my plantations, " he wrote, "without seeing something whichmakes me regret having continued so long in the ruinous mode of farming, which we are in, " and he soon "discontinued the growth of tobacco myself;[and] except at a plantation or two upon York River, I make no more ofthat article than barely serves to furnish me with goods. "

From this time (1765) "the whole of my force [was] in a manner confined tothe growth of wheat and manufacturing of it into flour, " and before longhe boasted that "the wheat from some of my plantations, by one pair ofsteelyards, will weigh upwards of sixty pounds, . . . And better wheat thanI now have I do not expect to make. " After the Revolution he claimed that"no wheat that has ever yet fallen under my observation exceeds the wheatwhich some years ago I cultivated extensively but which, from inattentionduring my absence of almost nine years from home, has got so mixed ordegenerated as scarcely to retain any of its original characteristicsproperly. " In 1768 he was able to sell over nineteen hundred bushels, andhow greatly his product was increased after this is shown by the fact thatin this same year he sowed four hundred and ninety bushels. 

Still further study and experimentation led him to conclude that "mycountrymen are too much used to corn blades and corn shucks; and have toolittle knowledge of the profit of grass lands, " and after his finalhome-coming to Mount Vernon, he said, "I have had it in contemplation eversince I returned home to turn my farms to grazing principally, as fast asI can cover the fields sufficiently with grass. Labor and of courseexpence will be considerably diminished by this change, the nett profit asgreat and my attention less divided, whilst the fields will be improving. "That this was only an abandonment of a "one crop" system is shown by thefact that in 1792 he grew over five thousand bushels of wheat, valued atfour shillings the bushel, and in 1799 he said, "as a farmer, wheat andflour are my principal concerns. " And though, in abandoning the growth oftobacco, Washington also tried "to grow as little Indian corn as may be, "yet in 1795 his crop was over sixteen hundred barrels, and the quantityneeded for his own negroes and stock is shown in a year when his cropfailed, which "obliged me to purchase upwards of eight hundred barrels ofcorn. "

In connection with this change of system, Washington became an earlyconvert to the rotation of crops, and drew up elaborate tables sometimescovering periods of five years, so that the quantity of each crop shouldnot vary, yet by which his fields should have constant change. This systemnaturally very much diversified the product of his estate, and flax, hay, clover, buckwheat, turnips, and potatoes became large crops. The scale onwhich this was done is shown by the facts that in one year he sowedtwenty-seven bushels of flaxseed and planted over three hundred bushels ofpotatoes. 

Early and late Washington preached to his overseers the value offertilization; in one case, when looking for a new overseer, he said theman must be, "above all, Midas like, one who can convert everything hetouches into manure, as the first transmutation towards gold;--in a wordone who can bring worn out and gullied Lands into good tilth in theshortest time. " Equally emphatic was his urging of constant ploughing andgrubbing, and he even invented a deep soil plough, which he used till hefound a better one in the English Rotheran plough, which he promptlyimported, as he did all other improved farming tools and machinery ofwhich he could learn. To save his woodlands, and for appearance's sake, heinsisted on live fences, though he had to acknowledge that "no hedge, alone, will, I am persuaded, do for an outer inclosure, where _two_ orfour footed hogs find it convenient to open passage. " In all things he wasan experimentalist, carefully trying different kinds of tobacco and wheat, various kinds of plants for hedges, and various kinds of manure forfertilizers; he had tests made to see whether he could sell his wheat tobest advantage in the grain or when made into flour, and he bred fromselected horses, cattle, and sheep. "In short I shall begrudge noreasonable expence that will contribute to the improvement and neatness ofmy Farms;--for nothing pleases me better than to see them in good order, and everything trim, handsome, and thriving about them. "

The magnitude of the charge of such an estate can be better understoodwhen the condition of a Virginia plantation is realized. Before theRevolution practically everything the plantation could not produce wasordered yearly from Great Britain, and after the annual deliveryof the invoices the estate could look for little outside help. Nor didthis change rapidly after the Revolution, and during the period ofWashington's management almost everything was bought in yearly supplies. This system compelled each plantation to be a little world unto itself;indeed, the three hundred souls on the Mount Vernon estate went far tomake it a distinct and self-supporting community, and one of Washington'sstanding orders to his overseers was to "buy nothing you can make withinyourselves. " Thus the planting and gathering of the crops were but a smallpart of the work to be done. 

A corps of workmen--some negroes, some indentured servants, and some hiredlaborers--were kept on the estate. A blacksmith-shop occupied some, doingnot merely the work of the plantation, but whatever business was broughtto them from outside; and a wood-burner kept them and the mansion-housesupplied with charcoal. A gang of carpenters were kept busy, and theirspare time was utilized in framing houses to be put up in Alexandria, orin the "Federal city, " as Washington was called before the death of itsnamesake. A brick-maker, too, was kept constantly employed, and masonsutilized the product of his labor. The gardener's gang had charge of thekitchen-garden, and set out thousands of grape-vines, fruit-trees, andhedge-plants. 

A water-mill, with its staff, not merely ground meal for the hands, butproduced a fine flour that commanded extra price in the market In 1786Washington asserted that his flour was "equal, I believe, in quality toany made in this country, " and the Mount Vernon brand was of such valuethat some money was made by buying outside wheat and grinding it intoflour. The coopers of the estate made the barrels in which it was packed, and Washington's schooner carried it to market. 

The estate had its own shoemaker, and in time a staff of weavers wastrained. Before this was obtained, in 1760, though with only a modicum ofthe force he presently had, Washington ordered from London "450 ells ofOsnabrig, 4 pieces of Brown Wools, 350 yards of Kendall Cotton, and 100yards of Dutch blanket. " By 1768 he was manufacturing the chief part ofhis requirements, for in that year his weavers produced eight hundred andfifteen and three-quarter yards of linen, three hundred and sixty-five andone-quarter yards of woollen, one hundred and forty-four yards of linsey, and forty yards of cotton, or a total of thirteen hundred and sixty-fiveand one-half yards, one man and five negro girls having been employed. When once the looms were well organized an infinite variety of cloths wasproduced, the accounts mentioning "striped woollen, woolen plaided, cottonstriped, linen, wool-birdseye, cotton filled with wool, linsey, M. 's &O. 's, cotton-India dimity, cotton jump stripe, linen filled with tow, cotton striped with silk, Roman M. , Janes twilled, huccabac, broadcloth, counterpain, birdseye diaper, Kirsey wool, barragon, fustian, bed-ticking, herring-box, and shalloon. "

One of the most important features of the estate was its fishery, for thecatch, salted down, largely served in place of meat for the negroes' food. Of this advantage Washington wrote, "This river, . . . Is well supplied withvarious kinds of fish at all seasons of the year; and, in the spring, withthe greatest profusion of shad, herrings, bass, carp, perch, sturgeon, &c. Several valuable fisheries appertain to the estate; the whole shore, inshort, is one entire fishery. " Whenever there was a run of fish, the seinewas drawn, chiefly for herring and shad, and in good years this not merelyamply supplied the home requirements, but allowed of sales; four or fiveshillings the thousand for herring and ten shillings the hundred for shadwere the average prices, and sales of as high as eighty-five thousandherring were made in a single year. 

In 1795, when the United States passed an excise law, distilling becameparticularly profitable, and a still was set up on the plantation. Inthis whiskey was made from "Rye chiefly and Indian corn in a certainproportion, " and this not merely used much of the estate's product ofthose two grains, but quantities were purchased from elsewhere. In 1798the profit from the distillery was three hundred and forty-four poundstwelve shillings and seven and three-quarter pence, with a stock carriedover of seven hundred and fifty-five and one-quarter gallons; but this wasthe most successful year. Cider, too, was made in large quantities. 

A stud stable was from an early time maintained, and the Virginia papersregularly advertised that the stud horse "Samson, " "Magnolia, " "Leonidas, ""Traveller, " or whatever the reigning stallion of the moment might be, would "cover" mares at Mount Vernon, with pasturage and a guarantee offoal, if their owners so elected. During the Revolution Washington boughttwenty-seven of the army mares that had been "worn-down so as to render itbeneficial to the public to have them sold, " not even objecting to those"low in flesh or even crippled, " because "I have many large Farms and amimproving a good deal of Land into Meadow and Pasture, which cannot failof being profited by a number of Brood Mares. " In addition to the stud, there were, in 1793, fifty-four draught horses on the estate. 

A unique feature of this stud was the possession of two jackasses, ofwhich the history was curious. At that time there was a law in Spain(where the best breed was to be found) which forbade the exportation ofasses, but the king, hearing of Washington's wish to possess a jack, sent him one of the finest obtainable as a present, which was promptlychristened "Royal Gift. " The sea-voyage and the change of climate, however, so affected him that for a time he proved of little valueto his owner, except as a source of amusement, for Washington wroteLafayette, "The Jack I have already received from Spain in appearance isfine, but his late Royal master, tho' past his grand climacteric cannot beless moved by female allurements than he is; or when prompted, can proceedwith more deliberation and majestic solemnity to the work of procreation. "This reluctance to play his part Washington concluded was a sign ofaristocracy, and he wrote a nephew, "If Royal Gift will administer, heshall be at the service of your Mares, but at present he seems too full ofRoyalty, to have anything to do with a plebeian Race, " and to Fitzhugh hesaid, "particular attention shall be paid to the mares which your servantbrought, and when my Jack is in the humor, they shall derive all thebenefit of his labor, for labor it appears to be. At present tho' young, he follows what may be supposed to be the example of his late RoyalMaster, who can not, tho' past his grand climacteric, perform seldomer orwith more majestic solemnity than he does. However I am not without hopethat when he becomes a little better acquainted with republican enjoyment, he will amend his manners, and fall into a better and more expeditiousmode of doing business. " This fortunately proved to be the case, and hismaster not merely secured such mules as he needed for his own use, butgained from him considerable profit by covering mares in the neighborhood. He even sent him on a tour through the South, and Royal Gift passed awhole winter in Charleston, South Carolina, with a resulting profit of sixhundred and seventy-eight dollars to his owner. In 1799 there were on theestate "2 Covering Jacks & 3 young ones, 10 she asses, 42 working mulesand 15 younger ones. "

Of cattle there were in 1793 a total of three hundred and seventeen head, including "a sufficiency of oxen broke to the yoke, " and a dairy wasoperated separate from the farms, and some butter was made, but Washingtonhad occasion to say, "It is hoped, and will be expected, that moreeffectual measures will be pursued to make butter another year; for it isalmost beyond belief, that from 101 cows actually reported on a lateenumeration of the cattle, that I am obliged to _buy butter_ for the useof my family. "

Sheep were an unusual adjunct of a Virginia plantation, and of his flockWashington wrote, "From the beginning of the year 1784 when I returnedfrom the army, until shearing time of 1788, I improved the breed of mysheep so much by buying and selecting the best formed and most promisingRams, and putting them to my best ewes, by keeping them always well culledand clean, and by other attentions, that they averaged me . . . Rather overthan under five pounds of washed wool each. " In another letter he said, "I . . . Was proud in being able to produce perhaps the largest mutton andthe greatest quantity of wool from my sheep that could be produced. But Iwas not satisfied with this; and contemplated further improvements both inthe flesh and wool by the introduction of other breeds, which I should bythis time have carried into effect, had I been permitted to pursue myfavorite occupation. " In 1789, however, "I was again called from home, andhave not had it in my power since to pay any attention to my farms. Theconsequence of which is, that my sheep at the last shearing, yielded me notmore than 2-1/2" pounds. In 1793 he had six hundred and thirty-four in hisflock, from which he obtained fourteen hundred and-fifty-seven pounds offleece. Of hogs he had "many, " but "as these run pretty much at large inthe woodland, the number is uncertain. " In 1799 his manager valued hisentire live-stock at seven thousand pounds. 

A separate account was kept of each farm, and of many of these separatedepartments, and whenever there was a surplus of any product an accountwas opened to cover it. Thus in various years there are accounts raiseddealing with cattle, hay, flour, flax, cord-wood, shoats, fish, whiskey, pork, etc. , and his secretary, Shaw, told a visitor that the "books wereas regular as any merchant whatever. " It is proper to note, however, thatsometimes they would not balance, and twice at least Washington could onlyforce one, by entering "By cash supposed to be paid away & not credited_£_17. 6. 2, " and "By cash lost, stolen or paid away without charging_£_143. 15. 2. " All these accounts were tabulated at the end of the yearand the net results obtained. Those for a single year are here given:

BALANCE OF GAIN AND LOSS, 1798. 

_Dr. Gained. _

Dogue Run Farm. 397. 11. 02Union Farm . . . . . 529. 10. 11-1/2River Farm . . . . . 234. 4. 11Smith's Shop. . . . 34. 12. 09 1/2Distillery . . . . . 83. 13. 01Jacks . . . . . . . . . . 56. 01Traveller (studhorse) 9. 17Shoemaker. . . . . . . 28. 17. 01Fishery . . . . . . . . 165. 12. 0-3/4Dairy . . . . . . . . . . 30. 12. 03

_Cr. Lost. _

Mansion House. . . 466. 18. 02-1/2Muddy Hole Farm 60. 01. 03-1/2Spinning . . . . . . . 51. 02. 0Hire of head overseer . . . . 140. 00. 0

By Clear gain on the Estate. _£_898. 16. 4-1/4

A pretty poor showing for an estate and negroes which had certainly costhim over fifty thousand dollars, and on which there was livestock which atthe lowest estimation was worth fifteen thousand dollars more. It is notstrange that in 1793 Washington attempted to find tenants for all but theMansion farm. This he reserved for my "own residence, occupation andamusement, " as Washington held that "idleness is disreputable, " and in1798 he told his chief overseer he did not choose to "discontinue my ridesor become a cipher on my own estate. "

When at Mount Vernon, as this indicated, Washington rode daily about hisestate, and he has left a pleasant description of his life immediatelyafter retiring from the Presidency: "I begin my diurnal course with thesun;. . . If my hirelings are not in their places at that time I send themmessages expressive of my sorrow for their indisposition;. . . Having putthese wheels in motion, I examine the state of things further; and themore they are probed, the deeper I find the wounds are which my buildingshave sustained by my absence and neglect of eight years; by the timeI have accomplished these matters, breakfast (a little after seveno'clock). . . Is ready;. . . This being over, I mount my horse and ride roundmy farms, which employs me until it is time to dress for dinner. " Avisitor at this time is authority for the statement that the master "oftenworks with his men himself--strips off his coat and labors like a commonman. The General has a great turn for mechanics. It's astonishing withwhat niceness he directs everything in the building way, condescendingeven to measure the things himself, that all may be perfectly uniform. "

This personal attention Washington was able to give only with very seriousinterruptions. From 1754 till 1759 he was most of the time on thefrontier; for nearly nine years his Revolutionary service separated himabsolutely from his property; and during the two terms of his Presidencyhe had only brief and infrequent visits. Just one-half of his forty-sixyears' occupancy of Mount Vernon was given to public service. 

The result was that in 1757 he wrote, "I am so little acquainted with thebusiness relative to my private affairs that I can scarce give you anyinformation concerning it, " and this was hardly less true of the wholeperiod of his absences. In 1775 he engaged overseers to manage his variousestates in his absence "upon shares, " but during the whole war theplantations barely supported themselves, even with depletion of stock andfertility, and he was able to draw nothing from them. One overseer, and aconfederate, he wrote, "I believe, divided the profits of my Estate on theYork River, tolerably betwn. Them, for the devil of any thing do I get. "Well might he advise knowingly that "I have no doubt myself but thatmiddling land under a man's own eyes, is more profitable than rich land ata distance. " "No Virginia Estate (except a very few under the best ofmanagement) can stand simple Interest, " he declared, and went even furtherwhen he wrote, "the nature of a Virginia Estate being such, that withoutclose application, it never fails bringing the proprietors in Debtannually. " "To speak within bounds, " he said, "ten thousand pounds willnot compensate the losses I might have avoided by being at home, &attending a little to my own concerns" during the Revolution. 

Fortunately for the farmer, the Mount Vernon estate was but a small partof his property. His father had left him a plantation of two hundred andeighty acres on the Rappahannock, "one Moiety of my Land lying on DeepRun, " three lots in Frederick "with all the houses and Appurtenancesthereto belonging, " and one quarter of the residuary estate. Whilesurveying for Lord Fairfax in 1748, as part of his compensation Washingtonpatented a tract of five hundred and fifty acres in Frederick County, which he always spoke of as "My Bull-skin plantation. "

As a military bounty in the French and Indian War the governor of Virginiaissued a proclamation granting Western lands to the soldiers, and underthis Washington not merely secured fifteen thousand acres in his ownright, but by buying the claims of some of his fellow officers doubledthat quantity. A further tract was also obtained under the kindredproclamation of 1763, "5000 Acres of Land in my own right, & by purchasefrom Captn. Roots, Posey, & some other officers, I obtained rights toseveral thousand more. " In 1786, after sales, he had over thirty thousandacres, which he then offered to sell at thirty thousand guineas, and in1799, when still more had been sold, his inventory valued the holdings atnearly three hundred thousand dollars. 

In addition, Washington was a partner in several great landspeculations, --the Ohio Company, the Walpole Grant, the MississippiCompany, the Military Company of Adventures, and the Dismal Swamp Company;but all these ventures except the last collapsed at the beginning of theRevolution and proved valueless. His interest in the Dismal Swamp Companyhe held at the time of his death, and it was valued in the inventory attwenty thousand dollars. 

The properties that came to him from his brother Lawrence and with hiswife have already been described. It may be worth noting that with thewidow of Lawrence there was a dispute over the will, but apparently it wasnever carried into the courts, and that owing to the great depreciation ofpaper money during the Revolution the Custis personal property wasmaterially lessened, for "I am now receiving a shilling in the pound indischarge of Bonds which ought to have been paid me, & would have beenrealized before I left Virginia, but for my indulgences to the debtors, "Washington wrote, and in 1778 he said, "by the comparitive worth of money, six or seven thousand pounds which I have in Bonds upon Interest is nowreduced to as many hundreds because I can get no more for a thousand atthis day than a hundred would have fetched when I left Virginia, Bonds, debts, Rents, &c. Undergoing no change while the currency is depreciatingin value and for ought I know may in a little time be totally sunk. "Indeed, in 1781 he complained "that I have totally neglected all myprivate concerns, which are declining every day, and may, possibly, end incapital losses, if not absolute ruin, before I am at liberty to look afterthem. "

In 1784 he became partner with George Clinton in some land purchases inthe State of New York with the expectation of buying the "mineral springsat Saratoga; and . . . The Oriskany tract, on which Fort Schuyler stands. "In this they were disappointed, but six thousand acres in the Mohawkvalley were obtained "amazingly cheap. " Washington's share cost him, including interest, eighteen hundred and seventy-five pounds, and in 1793two-thirds of the land had been sold for three thousand four hundredpounds, and in his inventory of 1799 Washington valued what he still heldof the property at six thousand dollars. 

In 1790, having inside information that the capital was to be removed fromNew York to Philadelphia, Washington tried to purchase a farm near thatcity, foreseeing a speedy rise in value. In this apparently he did notsucceed. Later he purchased lots in the new Federal city, and built houseson two of them. He also had town lots in Williamsburg, Alexandria, Winchester, and Bath. In addition to all this property there were manysmaller holdings. Much was sold or traded, yet when he died, besides hiswife's real estate and the Mount Vernon property, he possessed fifty-onethousand three hundred and ninety-five acres, exclusive of town property. A contemporary said "that General Washington is, perhaps, the greatestlandholder in America. "

All these lands, except Mount Vernon, were, so far as possible, rented, but the net income was not large. Rent agents were employed to look afterthe tenants, but low rents, war, paper money, a shifting population, andWashington's dislike of lawsuits all tended to reduce the receipts, andthe landlord did not get simple interest on his investments. Thus, in 1799he complains of slow payments from tenants in Washington and LafayetteCounties (Pennsylvania). Instead of an expected six thousand dollars, dueJune 1, but seventeen hundred dollars were received. 

Income, however, had not been his object in loading himself with such avast property, as Washington believed that he was certain to becomerich. "For proof of" the rise of land, he wrote in 1767, "only look toFrederick, [county] and see what fortunes were made by the . . . Firsttaking up of those lands. Nay, how the greatest estates we have in thiscolony were made. Was it not by taking up and purchasing at very low ratesthe rich back lands, which were thought nothing of in those days, but arenow the most valuable land we possess?"

In this he was correct, but in the mean time he was more or lessland-poor. To a friend in 1763 he wrote that the stocking and repairing ofhis plantations "and other matters . . . Swallowed up before I well knewwhere I was, all the moneys I got by marriage, nay more, brought me indebt" In 1775, replying to a request for a loan, he declared that "so faram I from having £200 to lend . . . I would gladly borrow that sum myselffor a few months. " When offered land adjoining Mount Vernon for threethousand pounds in 1778, he could only reply that it was "a sum I havelittle chance, if I had inclination, to pay; & therefore would not engageit, as I am resolved not to incumber myself with Debt. " In 1782, to securea much desired tract he was forced to borrow two thousand pounds Yorkcurrency at the rate of seven per cent. 

In 1788, "the total loss of my crop last year by the drought" "withnecessary demands for cash" "have caused me much perplexity and given memore uneasiness than I ever experienced before from want of money, " and ayear later, just before setting out to be inaugurated, he tried to borrowfive hundred pounds "to discharge what I owe" and to pay the expenses ofthe journey to New York, but was "unable to obtain more than half of it, (though it was not much I required), and this at an advanced interest withother rigid conditions, " though at this time "could I get in one fourthpart of what is due me on Bonds" "without the intervention of suits" therewould have been ample funds. In 1795 the President said, "my friendsentertain a very erroneous idea of my particular resources, when they setme down for a money lender, or one who (now) has a command of it. You maybelieve me when I assert that the bonds which were due to me before theRevolution, were discharged during the progress of it--with a fewexceptions in depreciated paper (in some instances as low as a shilling inthe pound). That such has been the management of the Estate, for manyyears past, especially since my absence from home, now six years, asscarcely to support itself. That my public allowance (whatever the worldmay think of it) is inadequate to the expence of living in this City; tosuch an extravagant height has the necessaries as well as the conveniencesof life arisen. And, moreover that to keep myself out of debt; I havefound it expedient now and then to sell Lands, or something else to effectthis purpose. "

[Illustration: LOTTERY TICKET SIGNED BY WASHINGTON]

As these extensive land ventures bespoke a national characteristic, so aliking for other forms of speculation was innate in the great American. During the Revolution he tried to secure an interest in a privateer. Oneof his favorite flyers was chances in lotteries and raffles, which, if nowfound only in association with church fairs, were then not merelyrespectable, but even fashionable. In 1760 five pounds and ten shillingswere invested in one lottery. Five pounds purchased five tickets inStrother's lottery in 1763. Three years later six pounds were risked inthe York lottery and produced prizes to the extent of sixteen pounds. Fifty pounds were put into Colonel Byrd's lottery in 1769, and drew ahalf-acre lot in the town of Manchester, but out of this Washington wasdefrauded. In 1791 John Potts was paid four pounds and four shillings "inpart for 20 Lottery tickets in the Alexa. Street Lottery at 6/ each, 14Dollrs. The Bal. Was discharged by 2. 3 Lotr prizes. " Twenty tickets ofPeregrine and Fitzhugh's lottery cost one hundred and eighty-eight dollarsin 1794. And these are but samples of innumerable instances. So, too, inraffles, the entries are constant, --"for glasses 20/, " "for a Necklace£1. , " "by profit & loss in two chances in raffling for EncyclopadiaBritannica, which I did not win £1. 4, " two tickets were taken in theraffle of Mrs. Dawson's coach, as were chances for a pair of silverbuckles, for a watch, and for a gun; such and many others were smallerventures Washington took. 

There were other sources of income or loss besides. Before the Revolutionhe had a good sized holding of Bank of England stock, and an annuity inthe funds, besides considerable property on bond, the larger part ofwhich, as already noted, was liquidated in depreciated paper money. Thispaper money was for the most part put into United States securities, andeventually the "at least £10, 000 Virginia money" proved to be worth sixthousand two hundred and forty-six dollars in government six per cents andthree per cents. A great believer in the Potomac Canal Company, Washingtoninvested twenty-four hundred pounds sterling in the stock, which producedno income, and in time showed a heavy shrinkage. Another and smaller losswas an investment in the James River Canal Company. Stock holdings in theBank of Columbia and in the Bank of Alexandria proved profitableinvestments. 

None the less Washington was a successful businessman. Though his propertyrarely produced a net income, and though he served the public withpractically no profit (except as regards bounty lands), and thus wascompelled frequently to dip into his capital to pay current expenses, yet, from being a surveyor only too glad to earn a doubloon (seven dollars andforty cents) a day, he grew steadily in wealth, and when he died hisproperty, exclusive of his wife's and the Mount Vernon estate, was valuedat five hundred and thirty thousand dollars. This made him one of thewealthiest Americans of his time, and it is to be questioned if a fortunewas ever more honestly acquired or more thoroughly deserved. 

VI

MASTER AND EMPLOYER

In his "rules of civility" Washington enjoined that "those of high Degreeought to treat" "Artificers & Persons of low Degree" "with affibility &Courtesie, without Arrogancy, " and it was a needed lesson to every youngVirginian, for, as Jefferson wrote, "the whole commerce between master andslave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions, the mostinsulting despotism on the one part, and degrading submissions on theother. "

Augustine Washington's will left to his son George "Ten negro Slaves, "with an additional share of those "not herein particularly Devised, " butall to remain in the possession of Mary Washington until the boy wastwenty-one years of age. With his taking possession of the Mount Vernonestate in his twenty-second year eighteen more came under Washington'sdirection. In 1754 he bought a "fellow" for £40. 5, another (Jack) for£52. 5, and a negro woman (Clio) for £50. In 1756 he purchased of thegovernor a negro woman and child for £60, and two years later a fellow(Gregory) for £60. 9. In the following year (the year of his marriage) hebought largely: a negro (Will) for £50; another for £60; nine for £406, anaverage of £45; and a woman (Hannah) and child, £80. In 1762 he added tothe number by purchasing seven of Lee Massey for £300 (an average of £43), and two of Colonel Fielding Lewis at £115, or £57. 10 apiece. From theestate of Francis Hobbs he bought, in 1764, Ben, £72; Lewis, £36. 10; andSarah, £20. Another fellow, bought of Sarah Alexander, cost him £76; and anegro (Judy) and child, sold by Garvin Corbin, £63. In 1768 Mary Lee soldhim two mulattoes (Will and Frank) for £61. 15 and £50, respectively; andtwo boys (negroes), Adam and Frank, for £19 apiece. Five more werepurchased in 1772, and after that no more were bought. In 1760 Washingtonpaid tithes on forty-nine slaves, five years later on seventy-eight, in1770 on eighty-seven, and in 1774 on one hundred and thirty-five; besideswhich must be included the "dower slaves" of his wife. Soon after thisthere was an overplus, and Washington in 1778 offered to barter for someland "Negroes, of whom I every day long more to get clear of, " and evenbefore this he had learned the economic fact that except on the richest ofsoils slaves "only add to the Expence. "

In 1791 he had one hundred and fifteen "hands" on the Mount Vernon estate, besides house servants, and De Warville, describing his estate in the sameyear, speaks of his having three hundred negroes. At this time Washingtondeclared that "I never mean (unless some particular circumstance compel meto it) to possess another slave by purchase, " but this intention wasbroken, for "The running off of my cook has been a most inconvenient thingto this family, and what rendered it more disagreeable, is that I hadresolved never to become the Master of another slave by purchase, but thisresolution I fear I must break. I have endeavored to hire, black or white, but am not yet supplied. "

A few more slaves were taken in payment of a debt, but it was fromnecessity rather than choice, for at this very time Washington had decidedthat "it is demonstratively clear, that on this Estate (Mount Vernon) Ihave more working negros by a full moiety, than can be employed to anyadvantage in the farming system, and I shall never turn Planter thereon. To sell the overplus I cannot, because I am principled against this kindof traffic in the human species. To hire them out, is almost as bad, because they could not be disposed of in families to any advantage, and todisperse the families I have an aversion. What then is to be done?Something must or I shall be ruined; for all the money (in addition towhat I raise by crops, and rents) that have been _received_ for Lands, sold within the last four years, to the amount of Fifty thousand dollars, has scarcely been able to keep me afloat. " And writing of one set he said, "it would be for my interest to set them free, rather than give themvictuals and cloaths. "

The loss by runaways was not apparently large. In October, 1760, hisledger contains an item of seven shillings "To the Printing Office . . . ForAdvertising a run-a-way Negro. " In 1761 he pays his clergyman, Rev. Mr. Green, "for taking up one of my Runaway Negroes £4. " In 1766 rewards arepaid for the "taking up" of "Negro Tom" and "Negro Bett. " The "taking upof Harry when Runaway" in 1771 cost £1. 16. When the British invadedVirginia in 1781, a number escaped or were carried away by the enemy. Bythe treaty of peace these should have been returned, and their ownerwrote, "Some of my own slaves, and those of Mr. Lund Washington who livesat my house may probably be in New York, but I am unable to give you theirdescription--their names being so easily changed, will be fruitless togive you. If by chance you should come at the knowledge of any of them, Iwill be much obliged by your securing them, so that I may obtain themagain. "

In 1796 a girl absconded to New England, and Washington made inquiries ofa friend as to the possibility of recovering her, adding, "however welldisposed I might be to a gradual abolition, or even to an entireemancipation of that description of people (if the latter was in itselfpracticable) at this moment, it would neither be politic nor just toreward unfaithfulness with a premature preference, and thereby discontentbeforehand the minds of all her fellow servants, who, by their steadyattachment, are far more deserving than herself of favor, " and at thistime Washington wrote to a relative, "I am sorry to hear of the loss ofyour servant; but it is my opinion these elopements will be much more, before they are less frequent; and that the persons making them shouldnever be retained--if they are recovered, as they are sure to contaminateand discontent others. "

Another source of loss was sickness, which, in spite of all Washingtoncould do, made constant inroads on the numbers. A doctor to care for themwas engaged by the year, and in the contracts with his overseers clauseswere always inserted that each was "to take all necessary and proper careof the Negroes committed to his management using them with proper humanityand descretion, " or that "he will take all necessary and proper care ofthe negroes committed to his management, treating them with humanity andtenderness when sick, and preventing them when well, from running aboutand visiting without his consent; as also forbid strange negroesfrequenting their quarters without lawful excuses for so doing. "

Furthermore, in writing to his manager, while absent from Mount Vernon, Washington reiterated that "although it is last mentioned it is foremostin my thoughts, to desire you will be particularly attentive to my negrosin their sickness; and to order every overseer _positively_ to be solikewise; for I am sorry to observe that the generality of them view thesepoor creatures in scarcely any other light than they do a draught horse orox; neglecting them as much when they are unable to work; instead ofcomforting and nursing them when they lye on a sick bed. " And in anotherletter he added, "When I recommended care of, and attention to my negrosin sickness, it was that the first stage of, and the whole progressthrough the disorders with which they might be seized (if more than aslight indisposition) should be closely watched, and timely applicationsand remedies be administered; especially in the pleurisies, and allinflammatory disorders accompanied with pain, when a few days' neglect, orwant of bleeding might render the ailment incurable. In such casessweeten'd teas, broths and (according to the nature of the complaint, andthe doctor's prescription) sometimes a little wine, may be necessary tonourish and restore the patient; and these I am perfectly willing toallow, when it is requisite. My fear is, as I expressed to you in a formerletter, that the under overseers are so unfeeling, in short viewing thenegros in no other light than as a better kind of cattle, the moment theycease to work, they cease their care of them. "

At Mount Vernon his care for the slaves was more personal. At a time whenthe small-pox was rife in Virginia he instructed his overseer "what to doif the Small pox should come amongst them, " and when he "received lettersfrom Winchester, informing me that the Small pox had got among my quartersin Frederick; [I] determin'd . . . To leave town as soon as possible, andproceed up to them. . . . After taking the Doctors directions in regard to mypeople . . . I set out for my quarters about 12 oclock, time enough to goover them and found every thing in the utmost confusion, disorder andbackwardness. . . . Got Blankets and every other requisite from Winchester, and settl'd things on the best footing I cou'd, . . . Val Crawford agreeingif any of those at the upper quarter got it, to have them remov'd into myroom and the Nurse sent for. "

Other sickness was equally attended to, as the following entries in hisdiary show: "visited my Plantations and found two negroes sick . . . Orderedthem to be blooded;" "found that lightening had struck my quarters andnear 10 Negroes in it, some very bad but with letting blood theyrecover'd;" "ordered Lucy down to the House to be Physikd, " and "found thenew negro Cupid, ill of a pleurisy at Dogue Run Quarter and had him brothome in a cart for better care of him. . . . Cupid extremely Ill all this dayand at night when I went to bed I thought him within a few hours ofbreathing his last. "

This matter of sickness, however, had another phase, which causedWashington much irritation at times when he could not personally look intothe cases, but heard of them through the reports of his overseers. Thus, he complained on one occasion, "I find by reports that Sam is, in amanner, always returned sick; Doll at the Ferry, and several of thespinners very frequently so, for a week at a stretch; and ditcher Charlesoften laid up with lameness. I never wish my people to work when they arereally sick, or unfit for it; on the contrary, that all necessary careshould be taken of them when they are so; but if you do not examine intotheir complaints, they will lay by when no more ails them, than all thosewho stick to their business, and are not complaining from the fatigue anddrowsiness which they feel as the effect of night walking and otherpractices which unfit them for the duties of the day. " And again he asked, "Is there anything particular in the cases of Ruth, Hannah and Pegg, thatthey have been returned sick for several weeks together? Ruth I know isextremely deceitful; she has been aiming for some time past to get intothe house, exempt from work; but if they are not made to do what their ageand strength will enable them, it will be a bad example for others--noneof whom would work if by pretexts they can avoid it"

Other causes than running away and death depleted the stock. One negro wastaken by the State for some crime and executed, an allowance of sixty-ninepounds being made to his master. In 1766 an unruly negro was shipped tothe West Indies (as was then the custom), Washington writing the captainof the vessel, --

"With this letter comes a negro (Tom) which I beg the favor of you to sellin any of the islands you may go to, for whatever he will fetch, and bringme in return for him "One hhd of best molasses "One ditto of best rum "One barrel of lymes, if good and cheap "One pot of tamarinds, containing about 10 lbs. "Two small ditto of mixed sweetmeats, about 5 lbs. Each. And the residue, much or little, in good old spirits. That this fellow isboth a rogue and a runaway (tho' he was by no means remarkable for theformer, and never practised the latter till of late) I shall not pretendto deny. But that he is exceeding healthy, strong, and good at the hoe, the whole neighborhood can testify, and particularly Mr. Johnson and hisson, who have both had him under them as foreman of the gang; which givesme reason to hope he may with your good management sell well, if keptclean and trim'd up a little when offered for sale. "

Another "misbehaving fellow" was shipped off in 1791, and was sold for"one pipe and Quarter Cask of wine from the West Indies. " Sometimes onlythe threat of such riddance was used, as when an overseer complained ofone slave, and his master replied, "I am very sorry that so likely afellow as Matilda's Ben should addict himself to such courses as he ispursuing. If he should be guilty of any atrocious crime, that would effecthis life, he might be given up to the civil authority for trial; but forsuch offences as most of his color are guilty of, you had better tryfurther correction, accompanied with admonition and advice. The two lattersometimes succeed where the first has failed. He, his father and mother(who I dare say are his receivers) may be told in explicit language, thatif a stop is not put to his rogueries and other villainies, by fair meansand shortly, that I will ship him off (as I did Wagoner Jack) for the WestIndies, where he will have no opportunity of playing such pranks as he isat present engaged in. "

It is interesting to note, in connection with this conclusion, that"admonition and advice" were able to do what "correction" sometimes failedto achieve, that there is not a single order to whip, and that the abovecase, and that which follows, are the only known cases where punishmentwas approved. "The correction you gave Ben, for his assault on Sambo, wasjust and proper. It is my earnest desire that quarrels may be stopped orpunishment of both parties follow, unless it shall appear _clearly_, that one only is to blame, and the other forced into [a quarrel] fromself-defence. " In one other instance Washington wrote, "If Isaac had hisdeserts he would receive a severe punishment for the house, tools andseasoned stuff, which has been burned by his carelessness. " But instead ofordering the "deserts" he continued, "I wish you to inform him, that Isustain injury enough by their idleness; they need not add to it by theircarelessness. "

This is the more remarkable, because his slaves gave him constantannoyance by their wastefulness and sloth and dishonesty. Thus, "Paris hasgrown to be so lazy and self-willed" that his master does not know what towith him; "Doll at the Ferry must be taught to knit, and _made_ to do asufficient day's work of it--otherwise (if suffered to be idle) many morewill walk in her steps"; "it is observed by the weekly reports, that thesewers make only six shirts a week, and the last week Carolina (withoutbeing sick) made only five. Mrs. Washington says their usual task was tomake nine with shoulder straps and good sewing. Tell them therefore fromme, that what _has_ been done, _shall_ be done"; "none I think call louderfor [attention] than the smiths, who, from a variety of instances whichfell within my own observation whilst I was at home, I take to be two veryidle fellows. A daily account (which ought to be regularly) taken of theirwork, would alone go a great way towards checking their idleness. " And theoverseer was told to watch closely "the people who are at work with thegardener, some of whom I know to be as lazy and deceitful as any in theworld (Sam particularly). "

Furthermore, the overseers were warned to "endeavor to make the Servantsand Negroes take care of their cloathes;" to give them "a weeklyallowance of Meat . . . Because the annual one is not taken care of buteither profusely used or stolen"; and to note "the delivery to and theapplication of nails by the carpenters, . . . [for] I cannot conceive how itis possible that 6000 twelve penny nails could be used in the corn houseat River Plantation; but of one thing I have no great doubt, and that is, if they can be applied to other uses, or converted into cash, rum or otherthings there will be no scruple in doing it. "

When robbed of some potatoes, Washington complained that "thedeception . . . Is of a piece with other practices of a similar kind by whichI have suffered hitherto; and may serve to evince to you, in strong colors, first how little confidence can be placed in any one round you; andsecondly the necessity of an accurate inspection into these thingsyourself, --for to be plain, Alexandria is such a recepticle for every thingthat can be filched from the right owners, by either blacks or whites; andI have such an opinion of my negros (two or three only excepted), and notmuch better of some of the whites, that I am perfectly sure not a singlething that can be disposed of at any price, at that place, that will not, and is not stolen, where it is possible; and carried thither to some of theunderlying keepers, who support themselves by this kind of traffick. " Hedared not leave wine unlocked, even for the use of his guests, "becausethe knowledge I have of my servants is such, as to believe, that ifopportunities are given them, they will take off two glasses of wine forevery one that is drank by such visitors, and tell you they were used bythem. " And when he had some work to do requiring very ordinary qualities, he had to confess that "I know not a negro among all mine, whose capacity, integrity and attention could be relied on for such a trust as this. "

Whatever his opinion of his slaves, Washington was a kind master. In onecase he wrote a letter for one of them when the "fellow" was parted fromhis wife in the service of his master, and at another time he enclosedletters to a wife and to James's "del Toboso, " for two of his servants, tosave them postage. In reference to their rations he wrote, "whether thisaddition . . . Is sufficient, I will not undertake to decide;--but in mostexplicit language I desire they may have plenty; for I will not have myfeelings hurt with complaints of this sort, nor lye under the imputationof starving my negros, and thereby driving them to the necessity ofthieving to supply the deficiency. To prevent waste or embezzlement is theonly inducement to allowancing of them at all--for if, instead of a peckthey could eat a bushel of meal a week fairly, and required it, I wouldnot withhold or begrudge it them. " At Christmas-time there are entries inhis ledger for whiskey or rum for "the negroes, " and towards the end ofhis life he ordered the overseer, "although others are getting out of thepractice of using spirits at Harvest, yet, as my people have always beenaccustomed to it, a hogshead of Rum must be purchased; but I request atthe same time, that it may be used sparingly. "

A greater kindness of his was, in 1787, when he very much desired a negromason offered for sale, yet directed his agent that "if he has a family, with which he is to be sold; or from whom he would reluctantly part, Idecline the purchase; his feelings I would not be the means of hurting inthe latter case, nor _at any rate_ be incumbered with the former. "

The kindness thus indicated bore fruit in a real attachment of the slavesfor their master. In Humphreys's poem on Washington the poet alluded tothe negroes at Mount Vernon in the lines, --

"Where that foul stain of manhood, slavery, flow'dThrough Afric's sons transmitted in the blood;Hereditary slaves his kindness shar'd, For manumission by degrees prepar'd:Return'd from war, I saw them round him press, And all their speechless glee by artless signs express. "

And in a foot-note the writer added, "The interesting scene of his returnhome, at which the author was present, is described exactly as itexisted. "

A single one of these slaves deserves further notice. His body-servant"Billy" was purchased by Washington in 1768 for sixty-eight pounds andfifteen shillings, and was his constant companion during the war, evenriding after his master at reviews; and this servant was so associatedwith the General that it was alleged in the preface to the "forgedletters" that they had been captured by the British from "Billy, " "an oldservant of General Washington's. " When Savage painted his well-known"family group, " this was the one slave included in the picture. In 1784Washington told his Philadelphia agent that "The mulatto fellow, William, who has been with me all the war, is attached (married he says) to one ofhis own color, a free woman, who during the war, was also of my family. She has been in an infirm condition for some time, and I had conceivedthat the connexion between them had ceased; but I am mistaken it seems;they are both applying to get her here, and tho' I never wished to see hermore, I cannot refuse his request (if it can be complied with onreasonable terms) as he has served me faithfully for many years. Afterpremising this much, I have to beg the favor of you to procure her apassage to Alexandria. "

[Illustration: SAVAGE'S PICTURE OF THE WASHINGTON FAMILY]

When acting as chain-bearer in 1785, while Washington was surveying atract of land, William fell and broke his knee-pan, "which put a stop tomy surveying; and with much difficulty I was able to get him to Abington, being obliged to get a sled to carry him on, as he could neither walk, stand or ride. " From this injury Lee never quite recovered, yet he startedto accompany his master to New York in 1789, only to give out on the road. He was left at Philadelphia, and Lear wrote to Washington's agent that"The President will thank you to propose it to Will to return to MountVernon when he can be removed for he cannot be of any service here, andperhaps will require a person to attend upon him constantly. If he shouldincline to return to Mount Vernon, you will be so kind as to have him sentin the first Vessel that sails for Alexandria after he can be moved withsafety--but if he is still anxious to come on here the President wouldgratify him, altho' he will be troublesome--He has been an old andfaithful Servant, this is enough for the President to gratify him in everyreasonable wish. "

By his will Washington gave Lee his "immediate freedom or if he shouldprefer it (on account of the accidents which have befallen him and whichhave rendered him incapable of walking or of any active employment) toremain in the situation he now is, it shall be optional in him to do so--In either case however I allow him an annuity of thirty dollars during hisnatural life which shall be independent of the victuals and _cloaths_ hehas been accustomed to receive; if he _chuses_ the last alternative, butin full with his freedom, if he prefers the first, and this I give him asa testimony of my sense of his attachment to me and for his faithfulservices during the Revolutionary War. "

Two small incidents connected with Washington's last illness are worthnoting. The afternoon before the night he was taken ill, although he hadhimself been superintending his affairs on horseback in the storm most ofthe day, yet when his secretary "carried some letters to him to frank, intending to send them to the Post Office in the evening, " Lear tells us"he franked the letters; but said the weather was too bad to send aservant up to the office that evening. " Lear continues, "The General'sservant, Christopher, attended his bed side & in the room, when he wassitting up, through his whole illness. . . . In the [last] afternoon theGeneral observing that Christopher had been standing by his bed side for along time--made a motion for him to sit in a chair which stood by the bedside. "

A clause in Washington's will directed that

"Upon the decease of my wife it is my will and desire that all theslaves which I hold in _my own right_ shall receive their freedom--Toemancipate them during her life, would, tho' earnestly wished by me, beattended with such insuperable difficulties, on account of theirintermixture of marriages with the Dower negroes as to excite the mostpainful sensations--if not disagreeable consequences from the latter, while both descriptions are in the occupancy of the same proprietor, itnot being in my power under the tenure by which the dower Negroes are heldto manumit them--And whereas among those who will receive freedomaccording to this devise there may be some who from old age, or bodilyinfirmities & others who on account of their infancy, that will be unableto support themselves, it is my will and desire that all who come underthe first and second description shall be comfortably cloathed and fed bymy heirs while they live and that such of the latter description as haveno parents living, or if living are unable or unwilling to provide forthem, shall be bound by the Court until they shall arrive at the age oftwenty five years. . . . The negroes thus bound are (by their masters andmistresses) to be taught to read and write and to be brought up to someuseful occupation. "

In this connection Washington's sentiments on slavery as an institutionmay be glanced at. As early as 1784 he replied to Lafayette, when told ofa colonizing plan, "The scheme, my dear Marqs. , which you propose as aprecedent to encourage the emancipation of the black people of thisCountry from that state of Bondage in wch. They are held, is a strikingevidence of the benevolence of your Heart. I shall be happy to join you inso laudable a work; but will defer going into a detail of the business, till I have the pleasure of seeing you. " A year later, when Francis Asburywas spending a day in Mount Vernon, the clergyman asked his host if hethought it wise to sign a petition for the emancipation of slaves. Washington replied that it would not be proper for him, but added, "If theMaryland Assembly discusses the matter; I will address a letter to thatbody on the subject, as I have always approved of it. "

When South Carolina refused to pass an act to end the slave-trade, hewrote to a friend in that State, "I must say that I lament the decision ofyour legislature upon the question of importing slaves after March 1793. Iwas in hopes that motives of policy as well as other good reasons, supported by the direful effects of slavery, which at this moment arepresented, would have operated to produce a total prohibition of theimportation of slaves, whenever the question came to be agitated in anyState, that might be interested in the measure. " For his own State heexpressed the "wish from my soul that the Legislature of this State couldsee the policy of a gradual Abolition of Slavery; it would prev't muchfuture mischief. " And to a Pennsylvanian he expressed the sentiment, "Ihope it will not be conceived from these observations, that it is my wishto hold the unhappy people, who are the subject of this letter, inslavery. I can only say, that there is not a man living, who wishes moresincerely than I do to see a plan adopted for the abolition of it;but there is only one proper and effectual mode by which it can beaccomplished, and that is by legislative authority; and this, as faras my suffrage will go, shall never be wanting. "

Washington by no means restricted himself to slave servitors. Early inlife he took into his service John Alton at thirteen pounds per annum, andthis white man served as his body-servant in the Braddock campaign, andWashington found in the march that "A most serious inconvenience attendedme in my sickness, and that was the losing the use of my servant, for poorJohn Alton was taken about the same time that I was, and with nearly thesame disorder, and was confined as long; so that we did not see each otherfor several days. " As elsewhere noticed, Washington succeeded to theservices of Braddock's body-servant, Thomas Bishop, on the death of thegeneral, paying the man ten pounds a year. 

These two were his servants in his trip to Boston in 1756, and inpreparation for that journey Washington ordered his English agent to sendhim "2 complete livery suits for servants; with a spare cloak and allother necessary trimmings for two suits more. I would have you choose thelivery by our arms, only as the field of the arms is white, I think theclothes had better not be quite so, but nearly like the inclosed. Thetrimmings and facings of scarlet, and a scarlet waist coat. If livery laceis not quite disused, I should be glad to have the cloaks laced. I likethat fashion best, and two silver laced hats for the above servants. "

For some reason Bishop left his employment, but in 1760 Washington "wroteto my old servant Bishop to return to me again if he was not otherwiseengaged, " and, the man being "very desirous of returning, " the oldrelation was reassumed. Alton in the mean time had been promoted to beoverseer of one of the plantations. In 1785 their master noted in hisdiary, "Last night Jno Alton an Overseer of mine in the Neck--an old &faithful Servant who has lived with me 30 odd years died--and this eveningthe wife of Thos. Bishop, another old Servant who had lived with me anequal number of years also died. " Both were remembered in his will by aclause giving "To Sarah Green daughter of the deceased Thomas Bishop, andto Ann Walker, daughter of John Alton, also deceased I give each onehundred dollars, in consideration of the attachment of their father[s] tome, each of whom having lived nearly forty years in my family. "

Of Washington's general treatment of the serving class a few facts can begleaned. He told one of his overseers, in reference to the sub-overseers, that "to treat them civilly is no more than what all men are entitled to, but my advice to you is, to keep them at a proper distance; for they willgrow upon familiarity, in proportion as you will sink in authority if youdo not. " To a housekeeper he promised "a warm, decent and comfortable roomto herself, to lodge in, and will eat of the victuals of our Table, butnot set at it, or at any time _with us_ be her appearance what it may; forif this was _once admitted_ no line satisfactory to either party, perhapscould be drawn thereafter. "

In visiting he feed liberally, good examples of which are given in thecash account of the visit to Boston in 1756, when he "Gave to Servants onye Road 10/. " "By Cash Mr. Malbones servants £4. 0. 0. " "The Chambermaid£1. 2. 6. " When the wife of his old steward, Fraunces, came to need, he gaveher "for Charity £1. 17. 6. " The majority will sympathize rather thandisapprove of his opinion when he wrote, "Workmen in most Countries Ibelieve are necessary plagues;---in this where entreaties as well as moneymust be used to obtain their work and keep them to their duty they baffleall calculation in the accomplishment of any plan or repairs they areengaged in;--and require more attention to and looking after than can bewell conceived. "

The overseers of his many plantations, and his "master" carpenters, millers, and gardeners, were quite as great trials as his slaves. First"young Stephens" gave him much trouble, which his diary reports ina number of sententious entries: "visited my Plantation. Severelyreprimanded young Stephens for his Indolence, and his father for sufferingit;" "forbid Stephens keeping any horses upon my expence;" "visited myquarters & ye Mill, according to custom found young Stephens absent;""visited my Plantation and found to my great surprise Stephens constantlyat work;" "rid out to my Plantn. And to my Carpenters. Found RichardStephens hard at work with an ax--Very extraordinary this!"

Again he records, "Visited my Plantations--found Foster had been absentfrom his charge since the 28th ulto. Left orders for him to comeimmediately to me upon his return, and repremanded him severely. " Ofanother, Simpson, "I never hear . . . Without a degree of warmth & vexationat his extreme stupidity, " and elsewhere he expresses his disgust at "thatconfounded fellow Simpson. " A third spent all the fall and half the winterin getting in his crop, and "if there was any way of making such a rascalas Garner pay for such conduct, no punishment would be too great for him. I suppose he never turned out of mornings until the sun had warmed theearth, and if _he_ did not, the _negros_ would not. " His chief overseerwas directed to "Let Mr. Crow know that I view with a very evil eye thefrequent reports made by him of sheep dying;. . . Frequent _natural deaths_is a very strong evidence to my mind of the want of care or somethingworse. "

Curious distinctions were made oftentimes. Thus, in the contract with anoverseer, one clause was inserted to the effect, "And whereas there are anumber of whiskey stills very contiguous to the said Plantations, and manyidle, drunken and dissolute People continually resorting to the same, priding themselves in debauching sober and well-inclined Persons, the saidEdd Voilett doth promise as well for his own sake as his employers toavoid them as he ought. " To the contrary, in hiring a gardener, it wasagreed as part of the compensation that the man should have "four dollarsat Christmas, with which he may be drunk for four days and four nights;two dollars at Easter to effect the same purpose; two dollars atWhitsuntide to be drunk for two days; a dram in the morning, and a drinkof grog at dinner at noon. "

With more true kindness Washington wrote to one of his underlings, "I wasvery glad to receive your letter of the 31st ultimo, because I was afraid, from the accounts given me of your spitting blood, . . . That you wouldhardly have been able to have written at all. And it is my request thatyou will not, by attempting more than you are able to undergo, with safetyand convenience, injure yourself, and thereby render me a disservice. . . . I had rather therefore hear that you had nursed than exposed yourself. Andthe things which I sent from this place (I mean the wine, tea, coffee andsugar) and such other matters as you may lay in by the doctor's directionfor the use of the sick, I desire you will make use of as your ownpersonal occasions may require. "

Of one Butler he had employed to overlook his gardeners, but who provedhopelessly unfit, Washington said, "sure I am, there is no obligation uponme to retain him from charitable motives; when he ought rather to bepunished as an imposter: for he well knew the services he had to perform, and which he promised to fulfil with zeal, activity, and intelligence. "Yet when the man was discharged his employer gave him a "character:" "Ifhis activity, spirit, and ability in the management of Negroes, were equalto his honesty, sobriety and industry, there would not be the leastoccasion for a change, " and Butler was paid his full wages, no deductionbeing made for lost time, "as I can better afford to be without the moneythan he can. "

Another thoroughly incompetent man was one employed to take charge of thenegro carpenters, of whom his employer wrote, "I am apprehensive . . . ThatGreen never will overcome his propensity to drink; that it is this whichoccasions his frequent sickness, absences from work and poverty. And I amconvinced, moreover, that it answers no purpose to admonish him. " Yet, though "I am so well satisfied of Thomas Green's unfitness to look afterCarpenters, " for a time "the helpless situation in which you find hisfamily, has prevailed on me to retain him, " and when he finally had to bedischarged for drinking, Washington said, "Nothing but compassion for hishelpless family, has hitherto induced me to keep him a moment in myservice (so bad is the example he sets); but if he has no regard for themhimself, it is not to be expected that I am to be a continual sufferer onthis account for his misconduct. " His successor needed the house thefamily lived in, but Washington could not "bear the thought of adding tothe distress I know they must be in, by turning them adrift;. . . It wouldbe better therefore on all accounts if they were removed to some otherplace, even if I was to pay the rent, provided it was low, or make someallowance towards it. "

To many others, besides family, friends, and employees, Washington wascharitable. From an early date his ledger contains frequent items coveringgifts to the needy. To mention a tenth of them would take too much space, but a few typical entries are worth quoting:

"By Cash gave a Soldiers wife 5/;" "To a crippled man 5/;" "Gave a man whohad his House Burnt £1. ;" "By a begging woman /5;" "By Cash gave for theSufferers at Boston by fire £12;" "By a wounded soldier 10/;" "AlexandriaAcademy, support of a teacher of Orphan children £50;" "By Charity to aninvalid wounded Soldier who came from Redston with a petition for Charity18/;" "Gave a poor man by the President's order $2;" "Delivd to thePresident to send to two distress'd french women at Newcastle $25;" "GavePothe a poor old man by the President's order $2;" "Gave a poor sailor bythe Presdt order $1;" "Gave a poor blind man by the Presdt order $1. 50;""By Madame de Seguer a french Lady in distress gave her $50;" "BySubscription paid to Mr. Jas. Blythe towards erecting and Supporting anAcademy in the State of Kentucky $100;" "By Subscription towards anAcademy in the South Western Territory $100;" "By Charity sent GenlCharles Pinckney in Columbus Bank Notes, for the sufferers by the fire inCharleston So. Carolina $300;" "By Charity gave to the sufferers by firein Geo. Town $10;" "By an annual Donation to the Academy at Alexandria pd. Dr. Cook $166. 67;" "By Charity to the poor of Alexandria deld. To therevd. Dr. Muir $100. "

To an overseer he said, concerning a distant relative, "Mrs. Haney shouldendeavor to do what she can for herself--this is a duty incumbent on everyone; but you must not let her suffer, as she has thrown herself upon me;your advances on this account will be allowed always, at settlement; and Iagree readily to furnish her with provisions, and for the good characteryou give of her daughter make the latter a present in my name of ahandsome but not costly gown, and other things which she may stand most inneed of. You may charge me also with the worth of your tenement in whichshe is placed, and where perhaps it is better she should be than at agreat distance from your attentions to her. "

After the terrible attack of fever in Philadelphia in 1793, Washingtonwrote to a clergyman of that city, --

"It has been my intention ever since my return to the city, to contributemy mite towards the relief of the _most_ needy inhabitants of it. Thepressure of public business hitherto has suspended, but not altered myresolution. I am at a loss, however, for whose benefit to apply the littleI can give, and in whose hands to place it; whether for the use of thefatherless children and widows, made so by the late calamity, who may findit difficult, whilst provisions, wood, and other necessaries are so dear, to support themselves; or to other and better purposes, if any, I knownot, and therefore have taken the liberty of asking your advice. Ipersuade myself justice will be done to my motives for giving you thistrouble. To obtain information, and to render the little I can afford, without ostentation or mention of my name, are the sole objects of theseinquiries. With great and sincere esteem and regard, I am, &c. "

His adopted grandson he advised to "never let an indigent person ask, without receiving _something_ if you have the means; always recollectingin what light the widow's mite was viewed. " And when he took command ofthe army in 1775, the relative who took charge of his affairs was told to"let the hospitality of the house, with respect to the poor, be kept up. Let no one go hungry away. If any of this kind of people should be in wantof corn, supply their necessities, provided it does not encourage them inidleness; and I have no objection to your giving my money in charity, tothe amount of forty or fifty pounds a year, when you think it wellbestowed. What I mean by having no objection is, that it is my desire thatit should be done. You are to consider, that neither myself nor wife isnow in the way to do these good offices. "

VII

SOCIAL LIFE

There can be no doubt that Washington, like the Virginian of his time, waspre-eminently social. It is true that late in life he complained, asalready quoted, that his home had become a "well resorted tavern, " andthat at his own table "I rarely miss seeing strange faces, come as theysay out of respect for me. Pray, would not the word curiosity answer aswell?" but even in writing this he added, "how different this from havinga few social friends at a cheerful board!" When a surveyor he said thatthe greatest pleasure he could have would be to hear from or be with "myIntimate friends and acquaintances;" to one he wrote, "I hope you inparticular will not Bauk me of what I so ardently wish for, " and hegroaned over being "amongst a parcel of barbarians. " While in the Virginiaregiment he complained of a system of rations which "deprived me of thepleasure of inviting an officer or friend, which to me would be moreagreeable, than nick-nacks I shall meet with, " and when he was oncerefused leave of absence by the governor, he replied bitterly, "it was notto enjoy a party of pleasure I wanted a leave of absence; I have beenindulged with few of these, winter or summer!" At Mount Vernon, if a daywas spent without company the fact was almost always noted in his diary, and in a visit, too, he noted that he had "a very lonesome Evening at ColoChampe's, not any Body favoring us with their Company but himself. "

The plantation system which prevented town life and put long distancesbetween neighbors developed two forms of society. One of these was houseparties, and probably nowhere else in the world was that form ofhospitality so unstinted as in this colony. Any one of a certain socialstanding was privileged, even welcomed, to ride up to the seat of aplanter, dismount, and thus become a guest, ceasing to be such only whenhe himself chose. Sometimes one family would go _en masse_ many milesto stay a week with friends, and when they set out to return their hostswould journey with them and in turn become guests for a week. Thesecond form of social life was called clubs. At all the cross-roads andcourt-houses there sprang up taverns or ordinaries, and in these the menof a neighborhood would gather, and over a bowl of punch or a bottle ofwine, the expense of which they "clubbed" to share, would spend theirevenings. 

Into this life Washington entered eagerly. As a mere lad his ledgerrecords expenditures: "By a club in Arrack at Mr. Gordon's 2/6;" "Club ofa bottle of Rhenish at Mitchells 1/3;" "To part of the club at Port Royal1/;" "To Cash in part for a Bowl of fruit punch 1/7-1/2. " So, too, he wasa visitor at this time at some of the great Virginian houses, as elsewherenoted. When he came into possession of Mount Vernon he offered the sameunstinted welcome that he had met with, and even as a bachelor he writesof his "having much company, " and again of being occupied with "a gooddeal of Company. " In two months of 1768 Washington had company to dinner, or to spend the night, on twenty-nine days, and dined or visited away fromhome on seven; and this is typical. 

Whenever, too, trips were made to Williamsburg, Annapolis, Philadelphia, or elsewhere, it was a rare occurrence when the various stages of thejourney were not spent with friends, and in those cities he was dined andwined to a surfeit. 

During the Revolution all of Washington's aides and his secretary livedwith him at head-quarters, and constituted what he always called "myfamily. " In addition, many others sat down at table, --those who cameon business from a distance, as well as bidden guests, ---which frequentlyincluded ladies from the neighborhood, who must have been belles amongthe sixteen to twenty men who customarily sat down to dinner. "If . . . Convenient and agreeable to you to take pot luck with me to-day, "the General wrote John Adams in 1776, "I shall be glad of your company. "Pot luck it was for commander-in-chief and staff. Mention has been made ofhow sometimes Washington slept on the ground, and even when under coverthere was not occasionally much more comfort. Pickering relates that onenight was passed in "Headquarters at Galloway's, an old log house. TheGeneral lodged in a bed, and his family on the floor about him. We hadplenty of sepawn and milk, and all were contented. "

Oftentimes there were difficulties in the hospitality. "I have been at myprest. Quarters since the 1st day of Decr. , " Washington complained to thecommissary-general, "and have not a Kitchen to cook a Dinner in, altho'the Logs have been put together some considerable time by my own Guard. Nor is there a place at this moment in which a servant can lodge, with thesmallest degree of comfort. Eighteen belonging to my family, and all Mrs. Ford's, are crowded together in her Kitchen, and scarce one of them ableto speak for the cold they have caught. " Pickering, in telling how hetried to secure lodgings away from head-quarters, gave for his reasonsthat "they are exceedingly pinched for room. . . . Had I conceived how muchsatisfaction, quiet and even leisure, I should have enjoyed at separatequarters, I would have taken them six months ago. For at head-quartersthere is a continual throng, and my room, in particular, (when I was happyenough to get one, ) was always crowded by all that came to headquarters onbusiness, because there was no other for them, we having, for the mostpart, been in such small houses. "

There were other difficulties. "I cannot get as much cloth, " the generalwrote, "as will make cloaths for my servants, notwithstanding one of themthat attends my person and table is indecently and most shamefully naked. "One of his aides said to a correspondent, jocularly, "I take your Cautionto me in Regard to my Health very kindly, but I assure you, you need beunder no Apprehension of my losing it on the Score of Excess of living, that Vice is banished from this Army and the General's Family inparticular. We never sup, but go to bed and are early up. " "Onlyconceive, " Washington complained to Congress, "the mortification they(even the general officers) must suffer, when they cannot invite a Frenchofficer, a visiting friend, or a travelling acquaintance, to a betterrepast, than stinking whiskey (and not always that) and a bit of Beefwithout vegetables. "

At times, too, it was necessary to be an exemplar. "Our truly republicangeneral, " said Laurens, "has declared to his officers that he will set theexample of passing the winter in a hut himself, " and John Adams, in a timeof famine, declared that "General Washington sets a fine example. He hasbanished wine from his table, and entertains his friends with rum andwater. "

Whenever it was possible, however, there was company at head-quarters. "Since the General left Germantown in the middle of September last, " theGeneral Orders once read, "he has been without his baggage, and on thataccount is unable to receive company in the manner he could wish. Henevertheless desires the Generals, Field Officers and Brigades Major ofthe day, to dine with him in future, at three o'clock in the afternoon. "Again the same vehicle informed the army that "the hurry of business oftenpreventing particular invitations being given to officers to dine with theGeneral; He presents his compliments to the Brigadiers and Field Officersof the day, and requests while the Camp continues settled in the City, they will favor him with their company to dinner, without further orspecial invitation. "

Mrs. Drinker, who went with a committee of women to camp at Valley Forge, has left a brief description of head-quarters hospitality: "Dinner wasserved, to which he invited us. There were 15 Officers, besides ye Gl. Andhis wife, Gen. Greene, and Gen. Lee. We had an elegant dinner, which wassoon over, when we went out with ye Genls wife, up to her Chamber--and sawno more of him. " Claude Blanchard, too, describes a dinner, at which"there was twenty-five covers used by some officers of the army and a ladyto whom the house belonged in which the general lodged. We dined under thetent. I was placed along side of the general. One of his aides-de-camp didthe honors. The table was served in the American style and prettyabundantly; vegetables, roast beef, lamb, chickens, salad dressed withnothing but vinegar, green peas, puddings, and some pie, a kind of tart, greatly in use in England and among the Americans, all this being put uponthe table at the same time. They gave us on the same plate beef, greenpeas, lamb, &c. "

Nor was the ménage of the General unequal to unexpected calls. Chastelluxtells of his first arrival in camp and introduction to Washington: "Heconducted me to his house, where I found the company still at table, although the dinner had been long over. He presented me to the GeneralsKnox, Waine, Howe, &c. And to his _family_, then composed of ColonelsHamilton and Tilgman, his Secretaries and his Aides de Camp, and of MajorGibbs, commander of his guards; for in England and America, the Aides deCamp, Adjutants and other officers attached to the General, form what iscalled his _family_. A fresh dinner was prepared for me and mine; and thepresent was prolonged to keep me company. " "At nine, " he elsewhere writes, "supper was served, and when the hour of bed-time came, I found that thechamber, to which the General conducted me was the very parlour I speakof, wherein he had made them place a camp-bed. " Of his hospitalityWashington himself wrote, --

"I have asked Mrs. Cochran & Mrs. Livingston to dine with me to-morrow;but am I not in honor bound to apprize them of their fate? As I hatedeception, even where the imagination only is concerned; I will. It isneedless to premise, that my table is large enough to hold the ladies. Ofthis they had ocular proof yesterday. To say how it is usually covered, israther more essential; and this shall be the purport of my Letter. 

"Since our arrival at this happy spot, we have had a ham, (sometimes ashoulder) of Bacon, to grace the head of the Table; a piece of roast Beefadorns the foot; a dish of beans, or greens, (almost imperceptible, )decorates the center. When the cook has a mind to cut a figure, (which, Ipresume will be the case to-morrow) we have two Beef-steak pyes, or dishesof crabs, in addition, one on each side of the center dish, dividingthe space & reducing the distance between dish & dish to about 6 feet, which without them would be near 12 feet apart. Of late he has had thesurprising sagacity to discover, that apples will make pyes; and its aquestion, if, in the violence of his efforts, we do not get one of apples, instead of having both of Beef-steaks. If the ladies can put up with suchentertainment, and will submit to partake of it in plates, once Tin butnow Iron--(not become so by the labor of scouring), I shall be happy tosee them. "

Dinners were not the only form of entertaining. In Cambridge, when Mrs. Washington and Mrs. Jack Custis were at head-quarters, a reception washeld on the anniversary of Washington's marriage, and at other times whenthere was anything to celebrate, --the capitulation of Burgoyne, thealliance with France, the birth of a dauphin, etc. , --parades, balls, receptions, "feux-de-joie, " or cold collations were given. Perhaps themost ambitious attempt was a dinner given on September 21, 1782, in alarge tent, to which ninety sat down, while a "band of American music"added to the "gaiety of the company. "

Whenever occasion called the General to attend on Congress there wasmuch junketing. "My time, " he wrote, "during my winter's residence inPhiladelphia, was unusually (for me) divided between parties of pleasureand parties of business. " When Reed pressed him to pass the period ofwinter quarters in visiting him in Philadelphia, he replied, "were I togive in to private conveniency and amusement, I should not be able toresist the invitation of my friends to make Philadelphia, instead of asqueezed up room or two, my quarters for the winter. "

While President, a more elaborate hospitality was maintained. Both in NewYork and Philadelphia the best houses procurable were rented as thePresidential home, --for Washington "wholly declined living in any publicbuilding, "--and a steward and fourteen lower servants attended to alldetails, though a watchful supervision was kept by the President overthem, and in the midst of his public duties he found time to keep a minuteaccount of the daily use of all supplies, with their cost. His payments tohis stewards for mere servants' wages and food (exclusive of wine) wereover six hundred dollars a month, and there can be little doubt thatWashington, who had no expense paid by the public, more than spent hissalary during his term of office. 

It was the President's custom to give a public dinner once a week "to asmany as my table will hold, " and there was also a bi-weekly levee, to which any one might come, as well as evening receptions by Mrs. Washington, which were more distinctly social and far more exclusive. Ashbel Green states that "Washington's dining parties were entertained ina very handsome style. His weekly dining day for company was Thursday, andhis dining hour was always four o'clock in the afternoon. His rule was toallow five minutes for the variations of clocks and watches, and then goto the table, be present or absent, whoever might. He kept his own clockin the hall, just within the outward door, and always exactly regulated. When lagging members of Congress came in, as they often did, afterthe guests had sat down to dinner, the president's only apology was, 'Gentlemen (or sir) we are too punctual for you. I have a cook who neverasks whether the company has come, but whether the hour has come. ' Thecompany usually assembled in the drawing-room, about fifteen or twentyminutes before dinner, and the president spoke to every guest personallyon entering the room. "

Maclay attended several of the dinners, and has left descriptions of them. "Dined this day with the President, " he writes. "It was a great dinner--all in the tastes of high life. I considered it as a part of my duty as aSenator to submit to it, and am glad it is over. The President is a cold, formal man; but I must declare that he treated me with great attention. Iwas the first person with whom he drank a glass of wine. I was oftenspoken to by him. " Again he says, --

"At dinner, after my second plate had been taken away, the Presidentoffered to help me to part of a dish which stood before him. Was everanything so unlucky? I had just before declined being helped to anythingmore, with some expression that denoted my having made up my dinner. Had, of course, for the sake of consistency, to thank him negatively, but whenthe dessert came, and he was distributing a pudding, he gave me a look ofinterrogation, and I returned the thanks positive. He soon after asked meto drink a glass of wine with him. " On another occasion he "went to thePresident's to dinner. . . . The President and Mrs. Washington sat oppositeeach other in the middle of the table; the two secretaries, one ateach end. It was a great dinner, and the best of the kind I everwas at. The room, however, was disagreeably warm. First the soup; fishroasted and boiled; meats, sammon, fowls, etc. . . . The middle of the tablewas garnished in the usual tasty way, with small images, flowers, (artificial), etc. The dessert was, apple pies, pudding, etc. ; then icedcreams, jellies, etc. ; then water-melons, musk-melons, apples, peaches, nuts. It was the most solemn dinner I ever was at. Not a health drank;scarce a word was said until the cloth was taken away. Then the Presidentfilling a glass of wine, with great formality drank to the health of everyindividual by name round the table. Everybody imitated him, chargedglasses, and such a buzz of 'health, sir, ' and 'health, madam, ' and 'thankyou, sir, ' and 'thank you, madam, ' never had I heard before. . . . The ladiessat a good while, and the bottles passed about; but there was a deadsilence almost. Mrs. Washington at last withdrew with the ladies. Iexpected the men would now begin, but the same stillness remained. ThePresident told of a New England clergyman who had lost a hat and wig inpassing a river called the Brunks. He smiled, and everybody else laughed. He now and then said a sentence or two on some common subject, and what hesaid was not amiss. . . . The President . . . Played with the fork, striking onthe edge of the table with it. We did not sit long after the ladiesretired. The President rose, went up-stairs to drink coffee; the companyfollowed. "

[Illustration: PRESIDENTIAL DINNER INVITATION]

Bradbury gives the menu of a dinner at which he was, where "there was anelegant variety of roast beef, veal, turkey, ducks, fowls, hams, &c. ;puddings, jellies, oranges, apples, nuts, almonds, figs, raisins, and avariety of wines and punch. We took our leave at six, more than an hourafter the candles were introduced. No lady but Mrs. Washington dined withus. We were waited on by four or five men servants dressed in livery. " Atthe last official dinner the President gave, Bishop White was present, andrelates that "to this dinner as many were invited as could be accommodatedat the President's table. . . . Much hilarity prevailed; but on the removalof the cloth it was put an end to by the President--certainly withoutdesign. Having filled his glass, he addressed the company, with a smile onhis countenance, saying: 'Ladies and gentlemen, this is the last time Ishall drink your health, as a public man. I do it with sincerity, andwishing you all possible happiness. ' There was an end of all pleasantry. "

A glance at Mrs. Washington's receptions has been given, but the levees ofthe President remain to be described. William Sullivan, who attended many, wrote, --

"At three o'clock or at any time within a quarter of an hour afterward, the visitor was conducted to this dining room, from which all seats hadbeen removed for the time. On entering, he saw" Washington, who "stoodalways in front of the fire-place, with his face towards the door ofentrance. The visitor was conducted to him, and he required to have thename so distinctly pronounced that he could hear it. He had the veryuncommon faculty of associating a man's name, and personal appearance, sodurably in his memory, as to be able to call one by name, who made him asecond visit. He received his visitor with a dignified bow, while hishands were so disposed of as to indicate, that the salutation was not tobe accompanied with shaking hands. This ceremony never occurred in thesevisits, even with his most near friends, that no distinction might bemade. As visitors came in, they formed a circle round the room. At aquarter past three, the door was closed, and the circle was formed forthat day. He then began on the right, and spoke to each visitor, callinghim by name, and exchanging a few words with him. When he had completedhis circuit, he resumed his first position, and the visitors approachedhim in succession, bowed and retired. By four o'clock the ceremony wasover. "

The ceremony of the dinners and levees and the liveried servants werefavorite impeachments of the President among the early Democrats beforethey had better material, and Washington was charged with trying toconstitute a court, and with conducting himself like a king. Even his bowwas a source of criticism, and Washington wrote in no little irritation inregard to this, "that I have not been able to make bows to the taste ofpoor Colonel Bland, (who, by the by, I believe, never saw one of them), isto be regretted, especially too, as (upon those occasions), they wereindiscriminately bestowed, and the best I was master of, would it not havebeen better to throw the veil of charity over them, ascribing theirstiffness to the effects of age, or to the unskillfulness of my teacher, than to pride and dignity of office, which God knows has no charms for me?For I can truly say, I had rather be at Mount Vernon with a friend or twoabout me, than to be attended at the seat of government by the officers ofstate, and the representatives of every power in Europe. "

There can be no doubt that Washington hated ceremony as much as theDemocrats, and yielded to it only from his sense of fitness and theopinions of those about him. Jefferson and Madison both relate how suchunnecessary form was used at the first levee by the master of ceremoniesas to make it ridiculous, and Washington, appreciating this, is quoted assaying to the amateur chamberlain, "Well, you have taken me in once, but, by God, you shall never take me in a second time. " His secretary, inwriting to secure lodgings in Philadelphia, when the President and familywere on their way to Mount Vernon, said, "I must repeat, what I observedin a former letter, that as little ceremony & parade may be made aspossible, for the President wishes to command his own time, which thesethings always forbid in a greater or less degree, and they are to himfatiguing and oftentimes painful. He wishes not to exclude himself fromthe sight or conversation of his fellow citizens, but their eagerness toshow their affection frequently imposes a heavy tax on him. "

This was still further shown in his diary of his tours through New Englandand the Southern States. Nothing would do but for Boston to receive himwith troops, etc. , and Washington noted, "finding this ceremony not to beavoided, though I had made every effort to do it, I named the hour. " Inleaving Portsmouth he went "quietly, and without any attendance, havingearnestly entreated that all parade and ceremony might be avoided on myreturn. " When travelling through North Carolina, "a small party of horseunder one Simpson met us at Greenville, and in spite of every endeavorwhich could comport with decent civility, to excuse myself from it, theywould attend me to Newburn. "

During the few years that Washington was at Mount Vernon subsequent to theRevolution, the same unbounded hospitality was dispensed as in earliertimes, while a far greater demand was made upon it, and one so variegatedthat at times the host was not a little embarrassed. Thus he notesthat "a Gentleman calling himself the Count de Cheiza D'Artigan Officerof the French Guards came here to dinner; but bringing no letters ofintroduction, nor any authentic testimonials of his being either; I was ata loss how to receive or treat him, --he stayed to dinner and the evening, "and the next day departed in Washington's carriage to Alexandria. "Afarmer came here to see, " he says, "my drill plow, and staid all night. "In another instance he records that a woman whose "name was unknown to medined here. " Only once were visitors frowned on, and this was when aBritish marauding party came to Mount Vernon during the Revolution. Eventhey, in Washington's absence, were entertained by his overseer, but hismaster wrote him, on hearing of this, "I am little sorry of my own [loss];but that which gives me most concern is, that you should go on board theenemy's vessels and furnish them with refreshments. It would have been aless painful circumstance to me to have heard, that in consequence ofyour non-compliance with their request, they had burnt my House andlaid the plantation in ruins. You ought to have considered yourselfas my representative, and should have reflected on the bad example ofcommunicating with the enemy, and making a voluntary offer of refreshmentsto them with a view to prevent a conflagration. "

The hospitality at Mount Vernon was perfectly simple. A traveller relatesthat he was taken there by a friend, and, as Washington was "viewing hislaborers, " we "were desired to tarry. " "When the President returned hereceived us very politely. Dr. Croker introduced me to him as a gentlemanfrom Massachusetts who wished to see the country and pay his respects. Hethanked us, desired us to be seated, and to excuse him a fewmoments. . . . The President came and desired us to walk in to dinner anddirected us where to sit, (no grace was said). . . . The dinner was very good, a small roasted pigg, boiled leg of lamb, roasted fowles, beef, peas, lettice, cucumbers, artichokes, etc. , puddings, tarts, etc. , etc. We weredesired to call for what drink we chose. He took a glass of wine with Mrs. Law first, which example was followed by Dr. Croker and Mrs. Washington, myself and Mrs. Peters, Mr. Fayette and the young lady whose name isCustis. When the cloth was taken away the President gave 'All ourFriends, '"

Another visitor tells that he was received by Washington, and, "after . . . Half an hour, the General came in again, with his hair neatlypowdered, a clean shirt on, a new plain drab coat, white waistcoat andwhite silk stockings. At three, dinner was on the table, and we were shownby the General into another room, where everything was set off with apeculiar taste and at the same time neat and plain. The General sent thebottle about pretty freely after dinner, and gave success to the navigationof the Potomac for his toasts, which he has very much at heart. . . . AfterTea General Washington retired to his study and left us with the . . . Restof the Company. If he had not been anxious to hear the news of Congressfrom Mr. Lee, most probably he would not have returned to supper, but goneto bed at his usual hour, nine o'clock, for he seldom makes any ceremony. We had a very elegant supper about that time. The General with a fewglasses of champagne got quite merry, and being with his intimate friendslaughed and talked a good deal. Before strangers he is very reserved, andseldom says a word. I was fortunate in being in his company with hisparticular acquaintances. . . . At 12 I had the honor of being lighted up tomy bedroom by the General himself. "

This break on the evening hours was quite unusual, Washington himselfsaying in one place that nine o'clock was his bedtime, and he wrote of hishours after dinner, "the usual time of setting at table, a walk, and tea, brings me within the dawn of candlelight; previous to which, if notprevented by company I resolve, that as soon as the glimmering tapersupplies the place of the great luminary, I will retire to my writingtable and acknowledge the letters I have received; but when the lightswere brought, I feel tired and disinclined to engage in this work, conceiving that the next night will do as well. The next comes, and withit the same causes for postponement, and effect, and so on. "

The foregoing allusion to Washington's conversation is undoubtedly just. All who met him formally spoke of him as taciturn, but this was not anatural quality. Jefferson states that "in the circle of his friends, where he might be unreserved with safety, he took a free share inconversation, " and Madison told Sparks that, though "Washington was notfluent nor ready in conversation, and was inclined to be taciturn ingeneral society, " yet "in the company of two or three intimate friends, hewas talkative, and when a little excited was sometimes fluent and eveneloquent" "The story so often repeated of his never laughing, " Madisonsaid, was "wholly untrue; no man seemed more to enjoy gay conversation, though he took little part in it himself. He was particularly pleased withthe jokes, good humor, and hilarity of his companions. "

Washington certainly did enjoy a joke. Nelly Custis said, "I havesometimes made him laugh most heartily from sympathy with my joyous andextravagant spirits, " and many other instances of his laughing arerecorded. He himself wrote in 1775 concerning the running away of someBritish soldiers, "we laugh at his idea of chasing the Royal Fusileerswith the stores. Does he consider them as inanimate, or as treasure?" Whenthe British in Boston sent out a bundle of the king's speech, "farcicalenough, we gave great joy to them, (the red coats I mean), without knowingor intending it; for on that day, the day which gave being to the newarmy, (but before the proclamation came to hand, ) we had hoisted the unionflag in compliment to the United Colonies. But, behold, it was received inBoston as a token of the deep impression the speech had made upon us, andas a signal of submission. "

At times Washington would joke himself, though it was always somewhatlabored, as in the case of the Jack already cited. "Without a coinage, " hewrote, "or unless a stop can be put to the cutting and clipping of money, our dollars, pistareens, &c. , will be converted, as Teague says, into_five_ quarters. " When the Democrats were charging the Federalists withhaving stolen from the treasury, he wrote to a Cabinet official, "andpray, my good sir, what part of the $800. 000 have come to your share? Asyou are high in Office, I hope you did not disgrace yourself in theacceptance of a paltry bribe--a $100. 000 perhaps. " He once even attempteda pun, by writing, "our enterprise will be ruined, and we shall be stoppedat the Laurel Hill this winter; but not to gather laurels, (except of thekind that covers the mountains). "

Probably the neatest turn was his course on one occasion with GeneralTryon, who sent him some British proclamations with the request, "thatthrough your means, the officers and men under your command may beacquainted with their contents. " Washington promptly replied that he hadgiven them "free currency among the officers and men under my command, "and enclosed to Tryon a lot of the counter-proclamation, asking him to "beinstrumental in communicating its contents, so far as it may be in yourpower, to the persons who are the objects of its operation. The benevolentpurpose it is intended to answer will I persuade myself, sufficientlyrecommend it to your candor. "

To a poetess who had sent him some laudatory verses about himself heexpressed his thanks, and added, "Fiction is to be sure the very life andSoul of Poetry--all Poets and Poetesses have been indulged in the free andindisputable use of it, time out of mind. And to oblige you to make suchan excellent Poem on such a subject without any materials but those ofsimple reality, would be as cruel as the Edict of Pharoah which compelledthe children of Israel to manufacture Bricks without the necessaryIngredients. "

Twice he joked about his own death. "As I have heard, " he said afterBraddock's defeat, "since my arrival at this place, a circumstancialaccount of my death and dying speech, I take this early opportunity ofcontradicting the first, and of assuring you, that I have not as yetcomposed the latter. " Many years later, in draughting a letter for hiswife, he wrote, --

"I am now by desire of the General to add a few words on his behalf; whichhe desires may be expressed in the terms following, that is to say, --thatdespairing of hearing what may be said of him, if he should really go offin an apoplectic, or any other fit (for he thinks all fits that issue indeath are worse than a love fit, a fit of laughter, and many other kindswhich he could name)--he is glad to hear _beforehand_ what will be said ofhim on that occasion; conceiving that nothing extra will happen between_this_ and _then_ to make a change in his character for better, or forworse. And besides, as he has entered into an engagement . . . Not to quit_this_ world before the year 1800, it may be _relied upon_ that no breachof contract shall be laid to him on that account, unless dire necessityshould bring it about, maugre all his exertions to the contrary. In thatsame, he shall hope they would do by him as he would do by them--excuseit. At present there seems to be no danger of his thus giving them theslip, as neither his health nor spirits, were ever in greater flow, notwithstanding, he adds, he is descending, and has almost reached thebottom of the hill; or in other words, the shades below. For yourparticular good wishes on this occasion he charges me to say that he feelshighly obliged, and that he reciprocates them with great cordiality. "

Other social qualities of the man cannot be passed over. A marked traitwas his extreme fondness of afternoon tea. "Dined at Mr. Langdon's, anddrank Tea there, with a large circle of Ladies;" "in the afternoon drankTea . . . With about 20 ladies, who had been assembled for the occasion;""exercised between 5 & 7 o'clock in the morning & drank Tea with Mrs. Clinton (the Governor's Lady) in the afternoon;" "Drank tea at the ChiefJustice's of the U. States;" "Dined with the Citizens in public; and inthe afternoon, was introduced to upwards of 50 ladies who had assembled(at a Tea party) on the occasion;" "Dined and drank tea at Mr. Bingham'sin great splendor. " Such are the entries in his diary whenever the was"kettle-a-boiling-be" was within reach. Pickering's journal shows thattea served regularly at head-quarters, and at Mount Vernon it was drunkin summer on the veranda. In writing to Knox of his visit to Boston, Washington mentioned his recollection of the chats over tea-drinking, andof how "social and gay" they were. 

A fondness for picnics was another social liking. "Rid with Fanny Bassett, Mr. Taylor and Mr. Shaw to meet a Party from Alexandria at JohnsonsSpring . . . Where we dined on a cold dinner brought from Town by water andspent the Afternoon agreeably--Returning home by Sun down or a little afterit, " is noted in his diary on one occasion, and on another he wrote, "Having formed a Party, consisting of the Vice-President, his lady, Son &Miss Smith; the Secretaries of State, Treasury & War, and the ladies of thetwo latter; with all the Gentlemen of my family, Mrs. Lear & the twoChildren, we visited the old position of Fort Washington and afterwardsdined on a dinner provided by Mr. Mariner. " Launchings, barbecues, clambakes, and turtle dinners were other forms of social dissipations. 

A distinct weakness was dancing. When on the frontier he sighed, "thehours at present are melancholy dull. Neither the rugged toils of war, northe gentler conflict of A[ssembly] B[alls, ] is in my choice. " His diaryshows him at balls and "Routs" frequently; when he was President he was aconstant attendant at the regular "Dancing Assemblies" in New York andPhiladelphia, and when at Mount Vernon he frequently went ten miles toAlexandria to attend dances. Of one of these Alexandria balls he has leftan amusing description: "Went to a ball at Alexandria, where Musick anddancing was the chief Entertainment, however in a convenient room detachedfor the purpose abounded great plenty of bread and butter, some biscuits, with tea and coffee, which the drinkers of could not distinguish from hotwater sweet'ned--Be it remembered that pocket handkerchiefs servd thepurposes of Table cloths & Napkins and that no apologies were made foreither. I shall therefore distinguish this ball by the stile and title ofthe Bread & Butter Ball. "

During the Revolution, too, he killed many a weary hour of winter quartersby dancing. When the camp spent a day rejoicing over the French alliance, "the celebration, " according to Thacher, "was concluded by a splendid ballopened by his Excellency General Washington, having for his partner thelady of General Knox. " Greene describes how "we had a little dance at myquarters a few evenings past. His Excellency and Mrs. Greene dancedupwards of three hours without once sitting down. " Knox, too, tells of "amost genteel entertainment given by self and officers" at which Washingtondanced. "Everybody allows it to be the first of the kind ever exhibited inthis State at least. We had above seventy ladies, all of the first ton inthe State, and between three and four hundred gentlemen. We danced allnight--an elegant room, the illuminating, fireworks, &c. , were morethan pretty. " And at Newport, when Rochambeau gave a ball, by requestit was opened by Washington. The dance selected by his partner was "ASuccessful Campaign, " then in high favor, and the French officers tookthe instruments from the musicians and played while he danced the firstfigure. 

[Illustration: AGREEMENT FOR DANCING ASSEMBLY]

While in winter quarters he subscribed four hundred dollars (paper money, equal to eleven dollars in gold) to get up a series of balls, of whichGreene wrote, "We have opened an assembly in Camp. From this apparentease, I suppose it is thought we must be in happy circumstances. I wish itwas so, but, alas, it is not. Our provisions are in a manner, gone. Wehave not a ton of hay at command, nor magazine to draw from. Money isextremely scarce and worth little when we get it. We have been so poor incamp for a fortnight, that we could not forward the public dispatches, forwant of cash to support the expresses. " At the farewell ball given atAnnapolis, when the commander-in-chief resigned his command, Tiltonrelates that "the General danced in every set, that all the ladies mighthave the pleasure of dancing with him; or as it has since been handsomelyexpressed, 'get a touch of him. '" He still danced in 1796, when sixty-fouryears of age, but when invited to the Alexandria Assembly in 1799, hewrote to the managers, "Mrs. Washington and myself have been honored withyour polite invitation to the assemblies of Alexandria this winter, andthank you for this mark of your attention. But, alas! our dancing days areno more. We wish, however all those who have a relish for so agreeable andinnocent an amusement all the pleasure the season will afford them; and Iam, gentlemen, "Your most obedient and obliged humble servant, "GEO. WASHINGTON. "

VIII

TASTES AND AMUSEMENTS

A market trait of Washington's character was his particularity about hisclothes; there can be little question that he was early in life a gooddeal of a dandy, and that this liking for fine feathers never quite lefthim. When he was about sixteen years old he wrote in his journal, "Memorandum to have my Coat made by the following Directions to be made aFrock with a Lapel Breast the Lapel to Contain on each side six ButtonHoles and to be about 5 or 6 Inches wide all the way equal and to turn asthe Breast on the Coat does to have it made very long Waisted and inLength to come down to or below the bent of the knee the Waist from thearmpit to the Fold to be exactly as long or Longer than from thence to theBottom not to have more than one fold in the Skirt and the top to be madejust to turn in and three Button Holes the Lapel at the top to turn as theCape of the Coat and Bottom to Come Parallel with the Button Holes theLast Button hole in the Breast to be right opposite to the Button on theHip. "

In 1754 he bought "a Superfine blue broad cloth Coat, with SilverTrimmings, " "a fine Scarlet Waistcoat full Lac'd, " and a quantity of"silver lace for a Hatt, " and from another source it is learned that atthis time he was the possessor of ruffled shirts. A little later heordered from London "As much of the best superfine blue Cotton Velvet aswill make a Coat, Waistcoat and Breeches for a Tall Man, with a fine silkbutton to suit it, and all other necessary trimmings and linings, togetherwith garters for the Breeches, " and other orders at different times werefor "6 prs. Of the Very neatest shoes, " "A riding waistcoat of superfinescarlet cloth and gold Lace, " "2 prs. Of fashionable mix'd or marbleColor'd Silk Hose, " "1 piece of finest and fashionable Stock Tape, " "1Suit of the finest Cloth & fashionable colour, " "a New Market Great Coatwith a loose hood to it, made of Bleu Drab or broad cloth, with strapsbefore according to the present taste, " "3 gold and scarlet sword-knots, 3 silver and blue do, 1 fashionable gold-laced hat. "

As these orders indicated, the young fellow strove to be in the fashion. In 1755 he wrote his brother, "as wearing boots is quite the mode, andmine are in a declining state, I must beg the favor of you to procure me apair that is good and neat. " "Whatever goods you may send me, " he wrotehis London agent, "let them be fashionable, neat and good of their severalkinds. " It was a great trial to him that his clothes did not fit him. "Ishould have enclosed you my measure, " he wrote to London, "but in ageneral way they are so badly taken here, that I am convinced that itwould be of very little service. " "I have hitherto had my clothes made byone Charles Lawrence in Old Fish Street, " he wrote his English factor. "But whether it be the fault of the tailor, or the measure sent, I can'tsay, but, certain it is, my clothes have never fitted me well. "

It must not be inferred, however, that Washington carried his dandyism toweakness. When fine clothes were not in place, they were promptlydiscarded. In his trip to the Ohio in 1753 he states that "I put myself inan Indian walking Dress, " and "tied myself up in a Match Coat, "--that is, an Indian blanket. In the campaign of 1758 he wrote to his superiorofficer "that were I left to pursue my own Inclinations, I would not onlyorder the Men to adopt the Indian dress, but cause the Officers to do italso, and be at the first to set the example myself. Nothing but theuncertainty of its taking with the General causes me to hesitate a momentat leaving my Regimentals at this place, and proceeding as light as anyIndian in the Woods. 'T is an unbecoming dress, I confess, for an officer;but convenience, rather than shew, I think should be consulted. " And thiswas such good sense that the general gave him leave, and it was done. 

With increase of years his taste in clothes became softened and moresober. "On the other side is an invoice of clothes which I beg the favorof you to purchase for me, " he wrote to London. "As they are designed forwearing apparel for myself, I have committed the choice of them to yourfancy, having the best opinion of your taste. I want neither lace norembroidery. Plain clothes, with a gold or silver button (if worn ingenteel dress) are all I desire. " "Do not conceive, " he told his nephew in1783, "that fine clothes make fine men more than fine feathers make fineBirds. A plain genteel dress is more admired, and obtains more credit thanlace and embroidery, in the Eyes of the judicious and sensible. " And inconnection with the provisional army he decided that "on reconsidering theuniform of the Commander in Chief, it has become a matter of doubt withme, (although, as it respects myself _personally_, I was against _all_embroidery, ) whether embroidery on the Cape, Cuffs, and Pockets of theCoat, and none on the buff waistcoat would not have a disjointed andawkward appearance. " Probably nowhere did he show his good taste more thanin his treatment of the idea of putting him in classic garments when hisbust was made by Houdon. 

"In answer to your obliging inquiries respecting the dress, attitude, &c. , " he wrote, "which I would wish to have given to the statue inquestion, I have only to observe, that, not having sufficient knowledge inthe art of sculpture to oppose my judgment to the taste of connoisseurs, Ido not desire to dictate in the matter. On the contrary I shall beperfectly satisfied with whatever may be judged decent and proper. Ishould even scarcely have ventured to suggest, that perhaps a servileadherence to the garb of antiquity might not be altogether so expedient, as some little deviation in favor of the modern costume. "

Washington, as noted, bought his clothes in England; but it wasfrom necessity more than choice. "If there be any homespun Cloths inPhiladelphia which are tolerably fine, that you can come reasonably at, "he said to his Philadelphia agent in 1784, "I would be obliged to you tosend me patterns of some of the best kinds--I should prefer that which ismixed in the grain, because it will not so readily discover its quality asa plain cloth. " Before he was inaugurated he wrote "General Knox this dayto procure me homespun broadcloth of the Hartford fabric, to make a suitof clothes for myself, " adding, "I hope it will not be a great whilebefore it will be unfashionable for a gentleman to appear in anyother dress. Indeed, we have already been too long subject to Britishprejudices. " At another time he noted in his diary with evident pride, "onthis occasion I was dressed in a suit made at the Woolen Manufactory atHartford, as the buttons also were. " But then, as now, the foreign clotheswere so much finer that his taste overcame his patriotism, and hissecretary wrote that "the President is desireous of getting as muchsuperfine blk broad Cloth as will make him a suit of Clothes, and desiresme to request that you would send him that quantity . . . The best superfineFrench or Dutch black--exceedingly fine--of a soft, silky texture--notglossy like the Engh cloths. "

A caller during the Presidency spoke of him as dressed in purple satin, and at his levees he is described by Sullivan as "clad in black velvet;his hair in full dress, powdered and gathered behind in a large silk bag;yellow gloves on his hands; holding a cocked hat with a cockade in it, andthe edges adorned with a black feather about an inch deep. He wore kneeand shoe buckles; and a long sword, with a finely wrought and polishedsteel hilt, which appeared at the left hip; the coat worn over the sword, so that the hilt, and the part below the coat behind, were in view. Thescabbard was white polished leather. "

About his person Washington was as neat as he desired his clothes to be. At seventeen when surveying he records that he was

"Lighted into a Room & I not being so good a Woodsman as ye rest of myCompany striped myself very orderly & went in to ye Bed as they called itwhen to my Surprize I found it to be nothing but a Little Straw--Mattedtogether without Sheets or any thing else but only one thread Bear blanketwith double its Weight of Vermin such as Lice, Fleas &c. I was glad to getup (as soon as ye Light was carried from us) I put on my Cloths & Lay asmy Companions. Had we not have been very tired I am sure we should nothave slep'd much that night. I made a Promise not to Sleep so from thattime forward chusing rather to sleep in ye open Air before a fire as willappear hereafter. " The next day he notes that the party "Travell'd up toFrederick Town where our Baggage came to us we cleaned ourselves (to getRid of ye Game we had catched y. Night before)" and slept in "a goodFeather Bed with clean Sheets which was a very agreeable regale. "

Wherever he happened to be, the laundress was in constant demand. Hisbill from the washer-lady for the week succeeding his inauguration asPresident, and before his domestic ménage was in running order, was for "6Ruffled shirts, 2 plain shirts, 8 stocks, 3 pair Silk Hose, 2 White hand. 2 Silk Handks. 1 pr. Flanl. Drawers, 1 Hair nett. "

The barber, too, was a constant need, and Washington's ledger showsconstant expenditures for perfumed hair-powder and pomatum, and also forpowder bags and puffs. Apparently the services of this individual wereonly for the arranging of his hair, for he seems never to have shavedWashington, that being done either by himself or by his valet. Of thislatter individual Washington said (when the injury to William Lee unfittedhim for the service), "I do not as yet know whether I shall get asubstitute for William: nothing short of excellent qualities and a man ofgood appearance, would induce me to do it--and under my present view ofthe matter, too, who would employ himself otherwise than William did--thatis as a butler as well as a valette, for my wants of the latter are sotrifling that any man (as William was) would soon be ruined by idleness, who had only them to attend to. "

In food Washington took what came with philosophy. "If you meet withcollegiate fare, it will be unmanly to complain, " he told his grandson, though he once complained in camp that "we are debarred from the pleasureof good living; which, Sir, (I dare say with me you will concur, ) to onewho has always been used to it, must go somewhat hard to be confined to alittle salt provision and water. " Usually, however, poor fare was taken asa matter of course. "When we came to Supper, " he said in his journal of1748, "there was neither a Cloth upon ye Table nor a Knife to eat with butas good luck would have it we had Knives of our own, " and again he wrote, "we pull'd out our Knapsack in order to Recruit ourselves every one washis own Cook our Spits was Forked Sticks our Plates was a Large Chip asfor Dishes we had none. " Nor was he squeamish about what he ate. In thevoyage to Barbadoes he several times ate dolphin; he notes that the breadwas almost "eaten up by Weavel & Maggots, " and became quite enthusiasticover some "very fine Bristol tripe" and "a fine Irish Ling & Potatoes. "But all this may have been due to the proverbial sea appetite. 

Samuel Stearns states that Washington "breakfasts about seven o'clock onthree small Indian hoe-cakes, and as many dishes of tea, " and Custisrelates that "Indian cakes, honey, and tea formed this temperate repast. "These two writers tell us that at dinner "he ate heartily, but was notparticular in his diet, with the exception of fish, of which he wasexcessively fond. He partook sparingly of dessert, drank a home-madebeverage, and from four to five glasses of Madeira wine" (Custis), andthat "he dines, commonly on a single dish, and drinks from half apint to a pint of Madeira wine. This, with one small glass of punch, adraught of beer, and two dishes of tea (which he takes half an hour beforesun-setting) constitutes his whole sustenance till the next day. "(Stearns. ) Ashbel Green relates that at the state banquets during thePresidency Washington "generally dined on one single dish, and that of avery simple kind. If offered something either in the first or secondcourse which was very rich, his usual reply was--'That is too good forme. '" It is worth noting that he religiously observed the fasts proclaimedin 1774 and 1777, going without food the entire day. 

A special liking is mentioned above. In 1782 Richard Varick wrote to afriend, "General Washington dines with me to-morrow; he is exceedingly fondof salt fish; I have some coming up, & tho' it will be here in a few days, it will not be here in time--If you could conveniently lend me as muchfish as would serve a pretty large company to-morrow (at least for oneDish), it will oblige me, and shall in a very few days be returned in asgood Dun Fish as ever you see. Excuse this freedom, and it will add to thefavor. Could you not prevail upon somebody to catch some Trout for meearly to-morrow morning?" When procurable, salt codfish was Washington'sregular Sunday dinner. 

A second liking was honey. His ledger several times mentions purchases ofthis, and in 1789 his sister wrote him, "when I last had the Pleasure ofseeing you I observ'd your fondness for Honey; I have got a large Pot ofvery fine in the comb, which I shall send by the first opportunity. " Amonghis purchases "sugar candy" is several times mentioned, but this may havebeen for children, and not for himself. He was a frequent buyer of fruitof all kinds and of melons. 

He was very fond of nuts, buying hazelnuts and shellbarks by the barrel, and he wrote his overseer in 1792 to "tell house Frank I expect he willlay up a more plenteous store of the black common walnuts than he usuallydoes. " The Prince de Broglie states that "at dessert he eats an enormousquantity of nuts, and when the conversation is entertaining he keepseating through a couple of hours, from time to time giving sundry healths, according to the English and American custom. It is what they call'toasting. '"

Washington was from boyhood passionately fond of horsemanship, and whenbut seventeen owned a horse. Humphreys states that "all those who haveseen General Washington on horseback, at the head of his army, willdoubtless bear testimony with the author that they never saw a moregraceful or dignified person, " and Jefferson said of him that he was "thebest horseman of his age, and the most graceful figure that could be seenon horseback. " His diary shows that he rode on various occasions as muchas sixty miles in a day, and Lawrence reports that he "usually rode fromRockingham to Princeton, which is five miles, in forty minutes. " JohnHunter, in a visit to Mount Vernon in 1785, writes that he went

"to see his famous race-horse Magnolia--a most beautiful creature. A wholelength of his was taken a while ago, (mounted on Magnolia) by a famous manfrom Europe on copper. . . . I afterwards went to his stables, where among anamazing number of horses, I saw old Nelson, now 22 years of age, thatcarried the General almost always during the war; Blueskin, another fineold horse next to him, now and then had that honor. Shaw also shewed mehis old servant, that was reported to have been taken, with a number ofthe General's papers about him. They have heard the roaring of many acannon in their time. Blueskin was not the favorite, on account of his notstanding fire so well as venerable old Nelson. "

Chastellux relates, "he was so attentive as to give me the horse he rode, the day of my arrival, which I had greatly commended--I found him as goodas he is handsome; but above all, perfectly well broke, and well trained, having a good mouth, easy in hand and stopping short in a gallop withoutbearing the bit--I mention these minute particulars, because it is thegeneral himself who breaks all his own horses; and he is a very excellentand bold horseman, leaping the highest fences, and going extremely quick, without standing upon his stirrups, bearing on the bridle, or letting hishorse run wild. "

As a matter of course this liking for horses made Washington fond ofracing, and he not only subscribed liberally to most of the racing purses, but ran horses at them, attending in person, and betting moderately on theresults. So, too, he was fond of riding to the hounds, and when at MountVernon it was a favorite pastime. From his diary excerpts of runs are, --

"Went a Fox hunting with the Gentlemen who came here yesterday. . . . Aftera very early breakfast--found a Fox just back of Muddy hole Plantation andafter a Chase of an hour and a quarter with my Dogs, & eight couple ofDoctor Smiths (brought by Mr. Phil Alexander) we put him into a hollowtree, in which we fastened him, and in the Pincushion put up another Foxwhich, in an hour & 13 Minutes was killed--We then after allowing the Foxin the hole half an hour put the Dogs upon his trail & in half a Mile hetook to another hollow tree and was again put out of it but he did not go600 yards before he had recourse to the same shift--finding therefore thathe was a conquered Fox we took the Dogs off, and came home to Dinner. "

"After an early breakfast [my nephew] George Washington, Mr. Shaw andMyself went into the Woods back of Muddy hole Plantation a hunting andwere joined by Mr. Lund Washington and Mr. William Peake. About half afterten Oclock (being first plagued with the Dogs running Hogs) we found a foxnear Colo Masons Plantation on little Hunting Creek (West fork) havingfollowed on his Drag more than half a Mile; and run him with Eight Dogs(the other 4 getting, as was supposed after a Second Fox) close and wellfor an hour. When the Dogs came to a fault and to cold Hunting until 20minutes after when being joined by the missing Dogs they put him up afreshand in about 50 Minutes killed up in an open field of Colo Mason's everyRider & every Dog being present at the Death. "

During the Revolution, when opportunity offered, he rode to the hounds, for Hiltzheimer wrote in 1781, "My son Robert [having] been on a Hunt atFrankfort says that His Excel'y Gen. Washington was there. "

This liking made dogs an interest to him, and he took much pains toimprove the breed of his hounds. On one occasion he "anointed all myHounds (as well old Dogs as Puppies) which have the mange, with Hogs Lard& Brimstone. " Mopsey, Pilot, Tartar, Jupiter, Trueman, Tipler, Truelove, Juno, Dutchess, Ragman, Countess, Lady, Searcher, Rover, Sweetlips, Vulcan, Singer, Music, Tiyal, and Forrester are some of the names he gavethem. In 1794, in the fall of his horse, as already mentioned, he wrenchedhis back, and in consequence, when he returned to Mount Vernon, thispastime was never resumed, and his pack was given up. 

Kindred to this taste for riding to the hounds was one for gunning. A fewentries in his diary tell the nature of his sport. "Went a ducking betweenbreakfast and dinner and kill'd 2 Mallards & 5 bald faces. " "I went to theCreek but not across it. Kill'd 2 ducks, viz. A sprig tail and a Teal. ""Rid out with my gun but kill'd nothing. " In 1787 a man asked forpermission to shoot over Mount Vernon, and Washington refused it because

"my fixed determination is, that no person whatever shall hunt upon mygrounds or waters--To grant leave to one and refuse another would not onlybe drawing a line of discrimination which would be offensive, but wouldsubject one to great inconvenience--for my strict and positive orders toall my people are if they hear a gun fired upon my Land to go immediatelyin pursuit of it. . . . Besides, as I have not lost my relish for this sportwhen I find time to indulge myself in it, and Gentlemen who come to theHouse are pleased with it, it is my wish not to have game within myjurisdiction disturbed. "

Fishing was another pastime. He "went a dragging for Sturgeon" frequently, and sometimes "catch'd one" and sometimes "catch'd none. " While inPhiladelphia in 1787 he went up to the old camp at Valley Forge and spenta day fishing, and in 1789 at Portsmouth, "having lines, we proceeded tothe Fishing Banks a little without the Harbour and fished for Cod; but itnot being a proper time of tide, we only caught two. " After his serioussickness in 1790 a newspaper reports that "yesterday afternoon thePresident of the United States returned from Sandy Hook and the fishingbanks, where he had been for the benefit of the sea air, and to amusehimself in the delightful recreation of fishing. We are told he has hadexcellent sport, having himself caught a great number of sea-bass andblack fish--the weather proved remarkably fine, which, together with thesalubrity of the air and wholesome exercise, rendered this little voyageextremely agreeable, and cannot fail, we hope, of being serviceable to aspeedy and complete restoration of his health. "

Washington was fond of cards, and in bad weather even records "at home allday, over cards. " How much time must have been spent in this way is shownby the innumerable purchases of "1 dozen packs playing cards" noted in hisledger. In 1748, when he was sixteen years old, he won two shillings andthreepence from his sister-in-law at whist and five shillings at "Loo"(or, as he sometimes spells it, "Lue") from his brother, and he seemsalways to have played for small stakes, which sometimes mounted intofairly sizable sums. The largest gain found is three pounds, and thelargest loss nine pounds fourteen shillings and ninepence. He seems tohave lost oftener than he won. 

Billiards was a rival of cards, and a game of which he seems to have beenfond. In his seventeenth year he won one shilling and threepence by thecue, and from that time won and lost more or less money in this way. Here, too, he seems to have been out of pocket, though not for so much money, his largest winning noted being only seven shillings and sixpence, and hislargest loss being one pound and ten shillings. 

In 1751, at Barbadoes, Washington "was treated with a play ticket to seethe Tragedy of George Barnwell acted: the character of Barnwell andseveral others was said to be well perform'd there was Musick a Dapted andregularly conducted. " This presumptively was the lad's first visit to theplayhouse, but from that time it was one of his favorite amusements. Atfirst his ledger shows expenditures of "Cash at the Play House 1/3, " whichproves that his purse would bear the cost of only the cheapest seats;but later he became more extravagant in this respect, and during thePresidency he used the drama for entertaining, his ledger giving manyitems of tickets bought. A type entry in Washington's diary is, "Wentto the play in the evening--sent tickets to the following ladies andgentlemen and invited them to seats in my box, viz:--Mrs. Adams (lady ofthe Vice-President, ) General Schuyler and lady, Mr. King and lady, Majr. Butler and lady, Colo Hamilton and lady, Mrs. Green--all of whom acceptedand came except Mrs. Butler, who was indisposed. "

Maclay describes the first of these theatre parties as follows: "Ireceived a ticket from the President of the United States to use his boxthis evening at the theatre, being the first of his appearances at theplayhouse since his entering on his office. Went The President, Governorof the State, foreign Ministers, Senators from New Hampshire, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, M. [aryland] and South Carolina; and some ladies in the samebox. I am old, and notices or attentions are lost on me. I could havewished some of my dear children in my place; they are young and would haveenjoyed it. Long might they live to boast of having been seated inthe same box with the first Character in the world. The play was the'School for Scandal, ' I never liked it; indeed, I think it an indecentrepresentation before ladies of character and virtue. Farce, the 'OldSoldier. ' The house greatly crowded, and I thought the players acted well;but I wish we had seen the _Conscious Lovers_, or some one that inculcatedmore prudential manners. "

Of the play, or rather interlude, of the "Old Soldier" its author, Dunlap, gives an amusing story. It turned on the home-coming of an old soldier, and, like the topical song of to-day, touched on local affairs:

"When Wignell, as Darby, recounts what had befallen him in America, in NewYork, at the adoption of the Federal Constitution, and the inauguration ofthe president, the interest expressed by the audience in the looks and thechanges of countenance of this great man [Washington] became intense. Hesmiled at these lines, alluding to the change in the government--

 There too I saw some mighty pretty shows; A revolution, without blood or blows, For, as I understood, the cunning elves, The people all revolted from themselves. 

But at the lines--

 A man who fought to free the land from we, _Like me_, had left his farm, a-soldiering to go: But having gain'd his point, he had _like me_, Return'd his own potato ground to see. But there he could not rest. With one accord He's called to be a kind of--not a lord-- I don't know what, he's not a _great man_, sure, For poor men love him just as he were poor. They love him like a father or a brother, DERMOT. As we poor Irishmen love one another. 

The president looked serious; and when Kathleen asked, How looked he, Darby? Was he short or tall?

his countenance showed embarrassment, from the expectation or one of thoseeulogiums which, he had been obliged to hear on many public occasions, andwhich must doubtless have been a severe trial to his feelings: but Darby'sanswer that he had _not seen him_, because he had mistaken a man 'all laceand glitter, botherum and shine, ' for him, until all the show had passed, relieved the hero from apprehension of farther personality, and heindulged in that which was with him extremely rare, a hearty laugh. "

Washington did not even despise amateur performances. As alreadymentioned, he expressed a wish to take part in "Cato" himself in 1758, anda year before he had subscribed to the regimental "players at FortCumberland, " His diary shows that in 1768 the couple at Mount Vernon "& yetwo children were up to Alexandria to see the Inconstant or 'the way to winhim' acted, " which was probably an amateur performance. Furthermore, Duertells us that "I was not only frequently admitted to the presence of thismost august of men, in _propria persona_, but once had the honor ofappearing before him as one of the _dramatis personae_ in the tragedy ofJulius Caesar, enacted by a young 'American Company, ' (the theatricalcorps then performing in New York being called the 'Old American Company')in the garret of the Presidential mansion, wherein before the magnates ofthe land and the elite of the city, I performed the part of Brutus to theCassius of my old school-fellow, Washington Custis. "

The theatre was by no means the only show that appealed to Washington. Hewent to the circus when opportunity offered, gave nine shillings to a "manwho brought an elk as a show, " three shillings and ninepence "to hear theArmonica, " two dollars for tickets "to see the automatum, " treated the"Ladies to ye Microcosm" and paid to see waxworks, puppet shows, a dancingbear, and a lioness and tiger. Nor did he avoid a favorite Virginiapastime, but attended cockfights when able. His frequent going to concertshas been already mentioned. 

Washington seems to have been little of a reader except of books onagriculture, which he bought, read, and even made careful abstracts ofmany, and on this subject alone did he ever seem to write from pleasure. As a lad, he notes in his journal that he is reading _The Spectator_ and ahistory of England, but after those two brief entries there is no furthermention of books or reading in his daily memorandum of "where and how mytime is spent. " In his ledger, too, almost the least common expenditureentered is one for books. Nor do his London invoices, so far as extant, order any books but those which treated of farming and horses. In thesettlement of the Custis estate, "I had no particular reason for keepingand handing down to his son, the books of the late Colo Custis saving thatI thought it would be taking the advantage of a low appraisement, to makethem my own property at it, and that to sell them was not an object. "

With the broadening that resulted from the command of the army moreattention was paid to books, and immediately upon the close of theRevolution Washington ordered the following works: "Life of Charles theTwelfth, " "Life of Louis the Fifteenth, " "Life and Reign of Peter theGreat, " Robertson's "History of America, " Voltaire's "Letters, " Vertot's"Revolution of Rome" and "Revolution of Portugal, " "Life of GustavusAdolphus, " Sully's "Memoirs, " Goldsmith's "Natural History, " "Campaigns ofMarshal Turenne, " Chambaud's "French and English Dictionary, " Locke "onthe Human Understanding, " and Robertson's "Charles the Fifth. " From thistime on he was a fairly constant book-buyer, and subscribed as a "patron"to a good many forthcoming works, while many were sent him as gifts. Onpolitics he seems to have now read with interest; yet in 1797, after hisretirement from the Presidency, in writing of the manner in which he spenthis hours, he said, "it may strike you that in this detail no mention ismade of any portion of time allotted to reading. The remark would be just, for I have not looked into a book since I came home, nor shall I be ableto do it until I have discharged my workmen; probably not before thenights grow long when possibly I may be looking into Doomsday book. " Therecan be no doubt that through all his life Washington gave to reading onlythe time he could not use on more practical affairs. 

His library was a curious medley of books, if those on military scienceand agriculture are omitted. There is a fair amount of the standardhistory of the day, a little theology, so ill assorted as to suggest giftsrather than purchases, a miscellany of contemporary politics, and a verylittle belles-lettres. In political science the only works in theslightest degree noticeable are Smith's "Wealth of Nations, " "TheFederalist, " and Rousseau's "Social Compact, " and, as the latter was inFrench, it could not have been read. In lighter literature Homer, Shakespeare, and Burns, Lord Chesterfield, Swift, Smollett, Fielding, andSterne, and "Don Quixote, " are the only ones deserving notice. It isworthy of mention that Washington's favorite quotation was Addison's "'Tisnot in mortals to command success, " but he also utilized with considerableaptitude quotations from Shakespeare and Sterne. There were half a dozenof the ephemeral novels of the day, but these were probably Mrs. Washington's, as her name is written in one, and her husband's in none. Writing to his grandson, Washington warned him that "light reading (bythis, I mean books of little importance) may amuse for the moment, butleaves nothing solid behind. "

[Illustration: WASHINGTON'S BOOK-PLATE]

One element of Washington's reading which cannot be passed over withoutnotice is that of newspapers. In his early life he presumably read theonly local paper of the time (the _Virginia Gazette_), for when ananonymous writer, "Centinel, " in 1756, charged that Washington's regimentwas given over to drunkenness and other misbehavior, he drew up a reply, which he sent with ten shillings to the newspaper, but the printerapparently declined to print it, for it never appeared. 

After the Revolution he complained to his Philadelphia agent, "I have sucha number of Gazettes, crowded upon me (many without orders) that they arenot only expensive, but really useless; as my other avocations will notafford me time to read them oftentimes, and when I do attempt it, findthem more troublesome, than profitable; I have therefore to beg, if youShould get Money into your hands on Acct of the Inclosed Certificate, thatyou would be so good as to pay what I am owing to Messrs Dunlap &Claypoole, Mr. Oswald & Mr. Humphrey's. If they consider me however asengaged for the year, I am Content to let the matter run on to theExpiration of it" During the Presidency he subscribed to the _Gazette ofthe United States_, Brown's _Gazette_, Dunlap's _American Advertiser_, the_Pennsylvania Gazette_, Bache's _Aurora_, and the _New York Magazine_, Carey's _Museum_, and the _Universal Asylum_, though at this time he"lamented that the editors of the different gazettes in the Union do notmore generally and more correctly (instead of stuffing their papers withscurrility and nonsensical declamation, which few would read if they wereapprised of the contents, ) publish the debates in Congress on all greatnational questions. "

Presently, for personal and party reasons, certain of the papers began toattack him, and Jefferson wrote to Madison that the President was"extremely affected by the attacks made and kept up on him in the publicpapers. I think he feels these things more than any person I ever metwith. " Later the Secretary of State noted that at an interview Washington"adverted to a piece in Freneau's paper of yesterday, he said that hedespised all their attacks on him personally, but that there never hadbeen an act of government . . . That paper had not abused . . . He wasevidently sore and warm. " At a cabinet meeting, too, according to the samewriter, "the Presidt was much inflamed, got into one of those passionswhen he cannot command himself, ran on much on the personal abuse whichhad been bestowed on him, defied any man on earth to produce a single actof his since he had been in the govmt which was not done on the purestmotives, that he had never repented but once the having slipped the momentof resigning his office, & that was every moment since, that _by god_ hehad rather be in his grave than in his present situation. That he hadrather be on his farm than to be made _emperor of the world_ and yet thatthey were charging him with wanting to be a king. That that _rascalFreneau_ sent him 3 of his papers every day, as if he thought he wouldbecome the distributor of his papers, that he could see in this nothingbut an impudent design to insult him. He ended in this high tone. Therewas a pause. "

To correspondents, too, Washington showed how keenly he felt the attacksupon him, writing that "the publications in Freneau's and Bache's papersare outrages on common decency; and they progress in that style inproportion as their pieces are treated with contempt, and are passed by insilence, by those at whom they are aimed, " and asked "in what will thisabuse terminate? The result, as it respects myself, I care not; for I haveconsolation within, that no earthly efforts can deprive me of, and thatis, that neither ambitious nor interested motives have influenced myconduct. The arrows of malevolence, therefore however barbed and wellpointed, never can reach the most vulnerable part of me; though, whilst Iam _up_ as a _mark_, they will be continually aimed. "

On another occasion he said, "I am beginning to receive, what I hadmade my mind up for on this occasion, the abuse of Mr. Bache, and hiscorrespondents. " He wrote a friend, "if you read the Aurora of this city, or those gazettes, which are under the same influence, you cannot but haveperceived with what malignant industry and persevering falsehoods I amassailed, in order to weaken if not destroy the confidence of the public. "

When he retired from office he apparently cut off his subscriptions topapers, for a few months later he inquired, "what is the character ofPorcupine's Gazette? I had thought when I left Philadelphia, of orderingit to be sent to me; then again, I thought it best not to do it; andaltho' I should like to see both his and Bache's, the latter may, underall circumstances, be the best decision; I mean not subscribing to eitherof them. " This decision to have no more to do with papers did not last, for on the night he was seized with his last illness Lear describes how"in the evening the papers having come from the post office, he sat in theroom with Mrs. Washington and myself, reading them, till about nineo'clock when Mrs. Washington went up into Mrs. Lewis's room, who wasconfined, and left the General and myself reading the papers. He was verycheerful; and, when he met with anything which he thought diverting orinteresting, he would read it aloud as well as his hoarseness wouldpermit. He desired me to read to him the debates of the Virginia Assembly, on the election of a Senator and Governor; which I did--and, on hearingMr. Madison's observations respecting Mr. Monroe, he appeared muchaffected, and spoke with some degree of asperity on the subject, which Iendeavored to moderate, as I always did on such occasions. "

IX

FRIENDS

The frequently repeated statement that Washington was a man withoutfriends is not the least curious of the myths that have obtained generalcredence. That it should be asserted only goes to show how absolutely hisprivate life has been neglected in the study of his public career. 

In his will Washington left tokens of remembrance "to the acquaintancesand friends of my juvenile years, Lawrence Washington and RobertWashington of Chotanck, " the latter presumably the "dear Robin" of hisearliest letter, and these two very distant kinsmen, whom he had come toknow while staying at Wakefield, are the earliest friends of whom anyrecord exists. Contemporary with them was a "Dear Richard, " whose lettersgave Washington "unspeakable pleasure, as I am convinced I am still in thememory of so worthy a friend, --a friendship I shall ever be proud ofincreasing. "

Next in time came his intimacy with the Fairfaxes and Carlyles, whichbegan with Washington's visits to his brother Lawrence at Mount Vernon. About four miles from that place, at Belvoir, lived the Fairfaxes; andtheir kinspeople, the Carlyles, lived at Alexandria. Lawrence Washingtonhad married Ann Fairfax, and through his influence his brother George wastaken into the employment of Lord Fairfax, half as clerk and half assurveyor of his great tract of land, "the northern neck, " which he hadobtained by marriage with a daughter of Lord Culpeper, who in turn hadobtained it from the "Merrie Monarch" by means so disreputable that theyare best left unstated. From that time till his death Washingtoncorresponded with several of the family and was a constant visitor atBelvoir, as the Fairfaxes were at Mount Vernon. 

[Illustration: SURVEY OF WASHINGTON'S BIRTHPLACE (WAKEFIELD), 1743]

In 1755 Washington told his brother that "to that family I am under manyobligations, particularly the old gentleman, " but as time went on he morethan paid the debt. In 1757 he acted as pallbearer to William Fairfax, andtwelve years later his diary records, "Set off with Mrs. Washington andPatsey, . . . In order to stand for Mr. B. Fairfax's third son, which I didtogether with my wife, Mr. Warner Washington and his lady. " For one of thefamily he obtained an army commission, and for another he undertook thecare of his property during a visit to England; a care which unexpectedlylengthened, and was resigned only when Washington's time became publicproperty. Nor did that lessen his services or the Fairfaxes' need of them, for in the Revolution that family were loyalists. Despite this, "thefriendship, " Washington assured them, "which I ever professed and felt foryou, met no diminution from the difference in our political sentiments, "and in 1778 he was able to secure the safety of Lord Fairfax frompersecution at the hands of the Whigs, a service acknowledged by hislordship in the following words:

"There are times when favors conferred make a greater impression than atothers, for, though I have received many, I hope I have not been unmindfulof them; yet that, at a time your popularity was at the highest and mineat the lowest, and when it is so common for men's resentments to run uphigh against those, who differ from them in opinion, you should act withyour wonted kindness towards me, has affected me more than any favor Ihave received; and could not be believed by some in New York, it beingabove the run of common minds. "

In behalf of another member of the family, threatened with confiscation, he wrote to a member of the House of Delegates, "I hope, I trust, that noact of Legislation in the State of Virginia has affected, or can affect, the properly of this gentleman, otherwise than in common with that ofevery good and well disposed citizen of America, " and this was sufficientto put an end to the project At the close of the war he wrote to thisabsentee, "There was nothing wanting in [your] Letter to give compleatsatisfaction to Mrs. Washington and myself but some expression to induceus to believe you would once more become our neighbors. Your house atBelvoir I am sorry to add is no more, but mine (which is enlarged sinceyou saw it), is most sincerely and heartily at your service till you couldrebuild it. As the path, after being closed by a long, arduous, andpainful contest, is to use an Indian metaphor, now opened and made smooth, I shall please myself with the hope of hearing from you frequently; andtill you forbid me to indulge the wish, I shall not despair of seeing youand Mrs. Fairfax once more the inhabitants of Belvoir, and greeting youboth there the intimate companions of our old age, as you have been of ouryounger years. " And to another he left a token of remembrance in his will. 

One of the most curious circle of friends was that composed of Indians. After his mission among them in 1753, Washington wrote to a tribe andsigned himself "your friend and brother. " In a less general sense herequested an Indian agent to "recommend me kindly to Mononcatoocha andothers; tell them how happy it would make Conotocarius to have anopportunity of taking them by the hand. " A little later he had thispleasure, and he wrote the governor, "the Indians are all around teasingand perplexing me for one thing or another, so that I scarce know what Iwrite. " When Washington left the frontier this intercourse ceased, but hewas not forgotten, for in descending the Ohio in his Western trip of 1770a hunting party was met, and "in the person of Kiashuto I found an oldacquaintance, he being one of the Indians that went [with me] to theFrench in 1753. He expressed satisfaction at seeing me, and treated uswith great kindness, giving us a quarter of very fine buffalo. He insistedupon our spending that night with him, and, in order to retard us aslittle as possible moved his camp down the river. "

With his appointment to the Virginia regiment came military friends. Fromthe earliest of these--Van Braam, who had served under Lawrence Washingtonin the Carthagena expedition of 1742, and who had come to live at MountVernon--Washington had previously taken lessons in fencing, and whenappointed the bearer of a letter to the French commander on the Ohio hetook Van Braam with him as interpreter. A little later, on receiving hismajority, Washington appointed Van Braam his recruiting lieutenant, andrecommended him to the governor for a captain's commission on the groundsthat he was "an experienced good officer. " To Van Braam fell the duty oftranslating the capitulation to the French at Fort Necessity, and to hisreading was laid the blunder by which Washington signed a statementacknowledging himself as an "assassin. " Inconsequence he became thescapegoat of the expedition, was charged by the governor with being a"poltroon" and traitor, and was omitted from the Assembly's vote of thanksand extra pay to the regiment. But Washington stood by him, and whenhimself burgess succeeded in getting this latter vote rescinded. 

Another friend of the same period was the Chevalier Peyroney, whomWashington first made an ensign, and then urged the governor to advancehim, promising that if the governor "should be pleased to indulge me inthis request, I shall look upon it in a very particular light. " Peyroneywas badly wounded at Fort Necessity and was furloughed, during which hewrote his commander, "I have made my particular Business to tray if anyhad some Bad intention against you here Below; But thank God I meetallowais with a good wish for you from evry Mouth each one entertiningsuch Caracter of you as I have the honour to do myself. " He served againin the Braddock march, and in that fiasco, Washington wrote, "CaptainPeyroney and all his officers down to a corporal, was killed. "

With Captain Stewart--"a gentleman whose assiduity and military capacityare second to none in our Service"--Washington was intimate enough to haveStewart apply in 1763 for four hundred pounds to aid him to purchase acommission, a sum Washington did not have at his disposal. But because of"a regard of that high nature that I could never see you uneasy withoutfeeling a part and wishing to remove the cause, " Washington lent him threehundred pounds towards it, apparently without much return, for some yearslater he wrote to a friend that he was "very glad to learn that my friendStewart was well when you left London. I have not had a letter from himthese five years. " At the close of the Revolution he received a letterfrom Stewart containing "affectionate and flattering expressions, " whichgave Washington "much pleasure, " as it "removed an apprehension I had longlabored under, of your having taken your departure for the land ofSpirits. How else could I account for a silence of 15 years. I shallalways be happy to see you at Mt. Vernon. "

His friend William Ramsay--"well known, well-esteemed, and of unblemishedcharacter"--he appointed commissary, and long after, in 1769, wrote, --

"Having once or twice of late heard you speak highly in praise of theJersey College, as if you had a desire of sending your son Williamthere . . . I should be glad, if you have no other objection to it than whatmay arise from the expense, if you would send him there as soon as it isconvenient, and depend on me for twenty-five pounds this currency a yearfor his support, so long as it may be necessary for the completion of hiseducation. If I live to see the accomplishment of this term, the sum herestipulated shall he annually paid; and if I die in the mean while, thisletter shall be obligatory upon my heirs, or executors, to do it accordingto the true intent and meaning hereof. No other return is expected, orwished, for this offer, than that you will accept it with the same freedomand good will, with which it is made, and that you may not even considerit in the light of an obligation or mention it as such; for, be assured, that from me it will never be known. "

The dearest friendship formed in these years was with the doctor of theregiment, James Craik, who in the course of his duties attended Washingtonin two serious illnesses, and when the war was ended settled near MountVernon. He was frequently a visitor there, and soon became the familymedical attendant. When appointed General, Washington wrote, "tell DoctorCraik that I should be very glad to see him here if there was anythingworth his acceptance; but the Massachusetts people suffer nothing togo by them that they lay hands upon. " In 1777 the General secured hisappointment as deputy surgeon-general of the Middle Department, and threeyears later, when the hospital service was being reformed, he used hisinfluence to have him retained. Craik was one of those instrumental inwarning the commander-in-chief of the existence of the Conway Cabal, because "my attachment to your person is such, my friendship is sosincere, that every hint which has a tendency to hurt your honor, woundsme most sensibly. " The doctor was Washington's companion, by invitation, in both his later trips to the Ohio, and his trust in him was so strongthat he put under his care the two nephews whose charge he had assumed. InWashington's ledger an entry tells of another piece of friendliness, tothe effect, "Dr. James Craik, paid him, being a donation to his son, Geo. Washington Craik for his education £30, " and after graduating the youngman for a time served as one of his private secretaries. After a seriousillness in 1789, Washington wrote to the doctor, "persuaded as I am, thatthe case has been treated with skill, and with as much tenderness as thenature of the complaint would admit, yet I confess I often wished for yourinspection of it, " and later he wrote, "if I should ever have occasion fora Physician or Surgeon, I should prefer my old Surgeon, Dr. Craik, who, from 40 years' experience, is better qualified than a Dozen of them puttogether. " Craik was the first of the doctors to reach Washington'sbedside in his last illness, and when the dying man predicted his owndeath, "the Doctor pressed his hand but could not utter a word. He retiredfrom the bedside and sat by the fire absorbed in grief. " In Washington'swill he left "to my compatriot in arms and old and intimate friend, DoctorCraik I give my Bureau (or as the Cabinet makers called it, TambourSecretary) and the circular chair, an appendage of my study. "

The arrival of Braddock and his army at Alexandria brought a new circle ofmilitary friends. Washington "was very particularly noticed by thatGeneral, was taken into his family as an extra aid, offered a Captain'scommission by _brevet_ (which was the highest grade he had it in his powerto bestow) and had the compliment of several blank Ensigncies given him todispose of to the Young Gentlemen of his acquaintance. " In this positionhe was treated "with much complaisance . . . Especially from the General, "which meant much, as Braddock seems to have had nothing but curses fornearly every one else, and the more as Washington and he "had frequentdisputes, " which were "maintained with warmth on both sides, especially onhis. " But the general, "though his enmities were strong, " in "hisattachments" was "warm, " and grew to like and trust the young volunteer, and had he "survived his unfortunate defeat, I should have met withpreferment, " having "his promise to that effect. " Washington was by thegeneral when he was wounded in the lungs, lifted him into a covered cart, and "brought him over the _first_ ford of the Monongahela, " into temporarysafety. Three days later Braddock died of his wounds, bequeathing toWashington his favorite horse and his body-servant as tokens of hisgratitude. Over him Washington read the funeral service, and it was leftto him to see that "the poor general" was interred "with the honors ofwar. "

Even before public service had made him known, Washington was a friend andguest of many of the leading Virginians. Between 1747 and 1754 he visitedthe Carters of Shirley, Nomony, and Sabine Hall, the Lewises of WarnerHall, the Lees of Stratford, and the Byrds of Westover, and there wasacquaintance at least with the Spotswoods, Fauntleroys, Corbins, Randolphs, Harrisons, Robinsons, Nicholases, and other prominent families. In fact, one friend wrote him, "your health and good fortune are the toastof every table, " and another that "the Council and Burgesses are mostlyyour friends, " and those two bodies included every Virginian of realinfluence. It was Richard Corbin who enclosed him his first commission, ina brief note, beginning "Dear George" and ending "your friend, " but intime relations became more or less strained, and Washington suspected him"of representing my character . . . With ungentlemanly freedom. " WithJohn Robinson, "Speaker" and Treasurer of Virginia, who wrote Washingtonin 1756, "our hopes, dear George, are all fixed on you, " a closecorrespondence was maintained, and when Washington complained of thegovernor's course towards him Robinson replied, "I beg dear friend, thatyou will bear, so far as a man of honor ought, the discouragements andslights you have too often met with. " The son, Beverly Robinson, was afellow-soldier, and, as already mentioned, was Washington's host on hisvisit to New York in 1756. The Revolution interrupted the friendship, butit is alleged that Robinson (who was deep in the Arnold plot) made anappeal to the old-time relation in an endeavor to save André. The appealwas in vain, but auld lang syne had its influence, for the sons ofBeverly, British officers taken prisoners in 1779, were promptlyexchanged, so one of them asserted, "in consequence of the embers offriendship that still remained unextinguished in the breasts of my fatherand General Washington. "

Outside of his own colony, too, Washington made friends of many prominentfamilies, with whom there was more or less interchange of hospitality. Before the Revolution there had been visiting or breaking of bread withthe Galloways, Dulaneys, Carrolls, Calverts, Jenifers, Edens, Ringgolds, and Tilghmans of Maryland, the Penns, Cadwaladers, Morrises, Shippens, Aliens, Dickinsons, Chews, and Willings of Pennsylvania, and the DeLanceys and Bayards of New York. 

Election to the Continental Congress strengthened some friendships andadded new ones. With Benjamin Harrison he was already on terms ofintimacy, and as long as the latter was in Congress he was the member mostin the confidence of the General. Later they differed in politics, butWashington assured Harrison that "my friendship is not in the leastlessened by the difference, which has taken place in our politicalsentiments, nor is my regard for you diminished by the part you haveacted. " Joseph Jones and Patrick Henry both took his part against theCabal, and the latter did him especial service in forwarding to him thefamous anonymous letter, an act for which Washington felt "most gratefulobligations. " Henry and Washington differed later in politics, and it wasreported that the latter spoke disparagingly of the former, but thisWashington denied, and not long after offered Henry the Secretaryship ofState. Still later he made a personal appeal to him to come forward andcombat the Virginia resolutions of 1798, an appeal to which Henryresponded. The intimacy with Robert Morris was close, and, as alreadynoted, Washington and his family were several times inmates of his home. Gouverneur Morris was one of his most trusted advisers, and, it isclaimed, gave the casting vote which saved Washington from being arrestedin 1778, when the Cabal was fiercest. While President, Washington sent himon a most important mission to Great Britain, and on its completion madehim Minister to France. From that post the President was, at the requestof France, compelled to recall him; but in doing so Washington wrote him aprivate letter assuring Morris that he "held the same place in myestimation" as ever, and signed himself "yours affectionately. " CharlesCarroll of Carrollton was a partisan of the General, and very muchdisgusted a member of the Cabal by telling him "almost literally thatanybody who displeased or did not admire the Commander-in-chief, ought notto be kept in the army. " And to Edward Rutledge Washington wrote, "I canbut love and thank you, and I do it sincerely for your polite and friendlyletter. . . . The sentiments contained in it are such as have uniformlyflowed from your pen, and they are not the less flattering than pleasingto me. "

The command of the Continental army brought a new kind of friend, in theyoung aides of his staff. One of his earliest appointments was JosephReed, and, though he remained but five months in the service, a closefriendship was formed. Almost weekly Washington wrote him in the mostconfidential and affectionate manner, and twice he appealed to Reed totake the position once more, in one instance adding that if "you aredisposed to continue with me, I shall think myself too fortunate andhappy to wish for a change. " Yet Washington none the less sent Reedcongratulations on his election to the Pennsylvania Assembly, "although Iconsider it the coup-de-grace to my ever seeing you" again a "member of myfamily, " to help him he asked a friend to endeavor to get Reed legalbusiness, and when all law business ceased and the would-be lawyer waswithout occupation or means of support, he used his influence to securehim the appointment of adjutant. 

Reed kept him informed as to the news of Philadelphia, and wrote evensuch adverse criticism of the General as he heard, which Washington"gratefully" acknowledged. But one criticism Reed did not write was whathe himself was saying of his general after the fall of Fort Washington, for which he blamed the commander-in-chief in a letter to Lee, andprobably to others, for when later Reed and Arnold quarrelled, the latterboasted that "I can say I never basked in the sunshine of my general'sfavor, and courted him to his face, when I was at the same time treatinghim with the greatest disrespect and villifying his character when absent. This is more than a ruling member of the Council of Pennsylvania can say. "Washington learned of this criticism in a letter from Lee to Reed, whichwas opened at head-quarters on the supposition that it was on armymatters, and "with no idea of its being a private letter, much less thetendency of the correspondence, " as Washington explained in a letter toReed, which had not a word of reproach for the double-dealing that musthave cut the General keenly, coming as it did at a moment of misfortuneand discouragement. Reed wrote a lame explanation and apology, and latersought to "regain" the "lost friendship" by an earnest appeal toWashington's generosity. Nor did he appeal in vain, for the Generalreplied that though "I felt myself hurt by a certain letter . . . I washurt . . . Because the same sentiments were not communicated immediately tomyself. " The old-time intimacy was renewed, and how little his personalfeeling had influenced Washington is shown in the fact that even previousto this peace-making he had secured for Reed the appointment to commandone of the choicest brigades in the army. Perhaps the friendship was neverquite as close, but in writing him Washington still signed himself "yoursaffectionately. "

John Laurens, appointed an aide in 1777, quickly endeared himself toWashington, and conceived the most ardent affection for his chief. Theyoung officer of twenty-four used all his influence with his father (thenPresident of Congress) against the Cabal, and in 1778, when Charles Leewas abusing the commander-in-chief, Laurens thought himself bound toresent it, "as well on account of the relation he bore to GeneralWashington, as from motives of personal friendship and respect for hischaracter, " and he challenged the defamer and put a bullet into him. Tohis commander he signed himself "with the greatest veneration andattachment your Excellency's Faithful Aid, " and Washington in his lettersalways addressed him as "my dear Laurens. " After his death in battle, Washington wrote, in reply to an inquiry, --

"You ask if the character of Colonel John Laurens, as drawn in the_Independent Chronicle_ of 2d of December last, is just. I answer, thatsuch parts of the drawing as have fallen under my observation, isliterally so; and that it is my firm belief his merits and worth richlyentitle him to the whole picture. No man possessed more of the _amorpatriae_. In a word, he had not a fault, that I could discover, unlessintrepidity bordering upon rashness could come under that denomination;and to this he was excited by the purest motives. "

Of another aide, Tench Tilghman, Washington said, "he has been a zealousservant and slave to the public, and a faithful assistant to me for nearfive years, great part of which time he refused to receive pay. Honorand gratitude interest me in his favor. " As an instance of this, thecommander-in-chief gave to him the distinction of bearing to Congress thenews of the surrender of Cornwallis, with the request to that body thatTilghman should be honored in some manner. And in acknowledging a letterWashington said, "I receive with great sensibility and pleasure yourassurances of affection and regard. It would be but a renewal of what Ihave often repeated to you, that there are few men in the world to whom Iam more attached by inclination than I am to you. With the Cause, Ihope--most devoutly hope--there will be an end to my Military Service, whenas our places of residence will not be far apart, I shall never be morehappy than in your Company at Mt. Vernon. I shall always be glad to hearfrom, and keep up a correspondence with you. " When Tilghman died, Washington asserted that

"He had left as fair a reputation as ever belonged to a human character, "and to his father he wrote, "Of all the numerous acquaintances of yourlately deceased son, & midst all the sorrowings that are mingled on thatmelancholy occasion, I may venture to assert that (excepting those of hisnearest relatives) none could have felt his death with more regret than Idid, because no one entertained a higher opinion of his worth, or hadimbibed sentiments of greater friendship for him than I had done. . . . Midstall your grief, there is this consolation to be drawn;--that while living, no man could be more esteemed, and since dead, none more lamented thanColo. Tilghman. "

To David Humphreys, a member of the staff, Washington gave the honor ofcarrying to Congress the standards captured at Yorktown, recommending himto the notice of that body for his "attention, fidelity, and goodservices. " This aide escorted Washington to Mount Vernon at the close ofthe Revolution, and was "the last officer belonging to the army" whoparted from "the Commander-in-chief. " Shortly after, Humphreys returned toMount Vernon, half as secretary and half as visitor and companion, and healluded to this time in his poem of "Mount Vernon, " when he said, --

"Twas mine, return'd from Europe's courtsTo share his thoughts, partake his sports. "

[Illustration: WASHINGTON FAMILY RECORD]

When Washington was accused of cruelty in the Asgill case, Humphreyspublished an account of the affair, completely vindicating his friend, forwhich he was warmly thanked. He was frequently urged to come to MountVernon, and Washington on one occasion lamented "the cause which hasdeprived us of your aid in the attack of Christmas pies, " and on anotherassured Humphreys of his "great pleasure [when] I received the intimationof your spending the winter under this Roof. The invitation was not lesssincere, than the reception will be cordial. The only stipulations I shallcontend for are, that in all things you shall do as you please--I will dothe same; and that no ceremony may be used or any restraint be imposed onany one. " Humphreys was visiting him when the notification of his electionas President was received, and was the only person, except servants, whoaccompanied Washington to New York. Here he continued for a time to givehis assistance, and was successively appointed Indian commissioner, informal agent to Spain, and finally Minister to Portugal. While holdingthis latter position Washington wrote to him, "When you shall think withthe poet that 'the post of honor is a private station'--& may be inclinedto enjoy yourself in my shades . . . I can only tell you that you will meetwith the same cordial reception at Mount Vernon that you have alwaysexperienced at that place, " and when Humphreys answered that his comingmarriage made the visit impossible, Washington replied, "The desire of acompanion in my latter days, in whom I could confide . . . Induced me toexpress too strongly . . . The hope of having you as an inmate. " On thedeath of Washington, Humphreys published a poem expressing the deepestaffection and admiration for "my friend. "

The longest and closest connection was that with Hamilton. This very youngand obscure officer attracted Washington's attention in the campaign of1776, early in the next year was appointed to the staff, and quicklybecame so much a favorite that Washington spoke of him as "my boy. "Whatever friendliness this implied was not, however, reciprocated byHamilton. After four years of service, he resigned, under circumstances towhich he pledged Washington to secrecy, and then himself, in evidentirritation, wrote as follows:

"Two days ago, the General and I passed each other on the stairs. He toldme he wanted to speak to me. I answered that I would wait upon himimmediately. I went below, and delivered Mr. Tilghman a letter to be sentto the commissary, containing an order of a pressing and interestingnature. Returning to the General, I was stopped on the way by the Marquisde Lafayette, and we conversed together about a minute on a matter ofbusiness. He can testify how impatient I was to get back, and that I lefthim in a manner which, but for our intimacy would have been more thanabrupt. Instead of finding the General, as is usual, in his room, I methim at the head of the stairs, where, accosting me in an angry tone, 'Colonel Hamilton, ' said he 'you have kept me waiting at the head of thestairs these ten minutes. I must tell you, sir, you treat me withdisrespect. ' I replied without petulancy, but with decision: 'I am notconscious of it, sir; but since you have thought it necessary to tell meso, we part. ' 'Very well, sir, ' said he, 'if it be your choice, ' orsomething to this effect, and we separated. I sincerely believe myabsence, which gave so much umbrage, did not last two minutes. In lessthan an hour after, Tilghman came to me in the General's name, assuring meof his great confidence in my abilities, integrity, usefulness, etc, andof his desire, in a candid conversation, to heal a difference which couldnot have happened but in a moment of passion. I requested Mr Tilghman totell him--1st. That I had taken my resolution in a manner not to berevoked . . . Thus we stand . . . Perhaps you may think I was precipitate inrejecting the overture made by the General to an accomodation. I assureyou, my dear sir, it was not the effect of resentment; it was thedeliberate result of maxims I had long formed for the government of my ownconduct. . . . I believe you know the place I held in the General'sconfidence and counsels, which will make more extraordinary to you tolearn that for three years past I have felt no friendship for him and haveprofessed none. The truth is, our dispositions are the opposites of eachother, and the pride of my temper would not suffer me to profess what Idid not feel. Indeed, when advances of this kind have been made to me onhis part, they were received in a manner that showed at least that I hadno desire to court them, and that I desired to stand rather upon a footingof military confidence than of private attachment. "

Had Washington been the man this letter described he would never haveforgiven this treatment. On the contrary, only two months later, whencompelled to refuse for military reasons a favor Hamilton asked, he saidthat "my principal concern arises from an apprehension that you willimpute my refusal to your request to other motives. " On this refusalHamilton enclosed his commission to Washington, but "Tilghman came to mein his name, pressed me to retain my commission, with an assurance that hewould endeavor, by all means, to give me a command. " Later Washington didmore than Hamilton himself had asked, when he gave him the leading of thestorming party at Yorktown, a post envied by every officer in the army. 

Apparently this generosity lessened Hamilton's resentment, for acorrespondence on public affairs was maintained from this time on, thoughMadison stated long after "that Hamilton often spoke disparagingly ofWashington's talents, particularly after the Revolution and at the firstpart of the presidentcy, " and Benjamin Rush confirms this by a note to theeffect that "Hamilton often spoke with contempt of General Washington. Hesaid that . . . His heart was a stone. " The rumor of the ill feeling wasturned to advantage by Hamilton's political opponents in 1787, andcompelled the former to appeal to Washington to save him from the injurythe story was doing. In response Washington wrote a letter intended forpublic use, in which he said, --

"As you say it is insinuated by some of your political adversaries, and may obtain credit, 'that you _palmed_ yourself upon me, and was_dismissed_ from my family, ' and call upon me to do you justice by arecital of the facts, I do therefore explicitly declare, that both chargesare entirely unfounded. With respect to the first, I have no cause tobelieve, that you took a single step to accomplish, or had the mostdistant idea of receiving an appointment in my family till you wereinvited in it; and, with respect to the second, that your quitting it wasaltogether the effect of your own choice. "

With the appointment as Secretary of the Treasury warmer feelings weredeveloped. Hamilton became the President's most trusted official, and wastireless in the aid he gave his superior. Even after he left office heperformed many services equivalent to official ones, for which Washingtondid "not know how to thank" him "sufficiently, " and the President leanedon his judgment to an otherwise unexampled extent. This service producedaffection and respect, and in 1792 Washington wrote from Mount Vernon, "Wehave learnt . . . That you have some thoughts of taking a trip this way. Ifelt pleasure at hearing it, and hope it is unnecessary to add, that itwould be considerably increased by seeing you under this roof; for you maybe assured of the sincere and affectionate regard of yours, &c. " andsigned other letters "always and affectionately yours, " or "veryaffectionately, " while Hamilton reciprocated by sending "affectionateattachment. "

On being appointed lieutenant-general in 1798, Washington at once soughtthe aid of Hamilton for the highest position under him, assuring theSecretary of War that "of the abilities and fitness of the gentleman youhave named for a high command in the _provisional army_, I think as youdo, and that his services ought to be secured at almost any price. " Tothis the President, who hated Hamilton, objected, but Washington refusedto take the command unless this wish was granted, and Adams had to giveway. They stood in this relation when Washington died, and almost the lastletter he penned was to this friend. On learning of the death, Hamiltonwrote of "our beloved Commander-in-chief, "--

"The very painful event . . . Filled my heart with bitterness. Perhaps noman in this community has equal cause with myself to deplore the loss. Ihave been much indebted to the kindness of the General, and he was an_Ĉgis very essential to me_. But regrets are unavailing. For greatmisfortunes it is the business of reason to seek consolation. The friendsof General Washington have very noble ones. If virtue can secure happinessin another world, he is happy. "

Knox was the earliest army friend of those who rose to the rank ofgeneral, and was honored by Washington with absolute trust. After the warthe two corresponded, and Knox expressed "unalterable affection" for the"thousand evidences of your friendship. " He was appointed Secretary of Warin the first administration, and in taking command of the provisional armyWashington secured his appointment as a major-general, and at this timeasserted that, "with respect to General Knox I can say with truth there isno man in the United States with whom I have been in habits of greaterintimacy, no one whom I have loved more sincerely nor any for whom I havehad a greater friendship. "

Greene was perhaps the closest to Washington of all the generals, andtheir relations might be dwelt upon at much length. But the best evidenceof friendship is in Washington's treatment of a story involving hisfinancial honesty, of which he said, "persuaded as I always have been ofGenl Greene's integrity and worth, I spurned those reports which tended tocalumniate his conduct . . . Being perfectly convinced that whenever thematter should be investigated, his motives . . . Would appear pure andunimpeachable. " When on Greene's death Washington heard that his familywas left in embarrassed circumstances, he offered, if Mrs. Greene would"entrust my namesake G. Washington Greene to my care, I will give him asgood an education as this country (I mean the United States) will afford, and will bring him up to either of the genteel professions that his frds. May chuse, or his own inclination shall lead him to pursue, at my own cost& expence. "

For "Light-horse Harry" Lee an affection more like that given to theyoungsters of the staff was felt Long after the war was over, Lee began aletter to him "Dear General, " and then continued, --

"Although the exalted station, which your love of us and our love of youhas placed you in, calls for change in mode of address, yet I cannot soquickly relinquish the old manner. Your military rank holds its place inmy mind, notwithstanding your civic glory; and, whenever I do abandon thetitle which used to distinguish you, I shall do it with awkwardness. . . . Myreluctance to trespass a moment on your time would have operated to afurther procrastination of my wishes, had I not been roused above everyfeeling of ceremony by the heart rending intelligence, received yesterday, that your life was despaired of. Had I had wings in the moment, I shouldhave wafted myself to your bedside, only again to see the first of men;but alas! despairing as I was, from the account received, after theaffliction of one day and night, I was made most happy by receiving aletter, now before me from New York, announcing the restoration of yourhealth. May heaven preserve it!"

It was Lee who first warned Washington that Jefferson was slandering himin secret, and who kept him closely informed as to the political manuvresin Virginia. Washington intrusted to him the command of the army in theWhiskey Insurrection, and gave him an appointment in the provisional army. Lee was in Congress when the death of the great American was announced tothat body, and it was he who coined the famous "First in war, first inpeace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen. "

As need hardly be said, however, the strongest affection among the generalofficers was that between Washington and Lafayette. In the advent of thisyoung Frenchman the commander saw only "embarassment, " but he received"the young volunteer, " so Lafayette said, "in the most friendly manner, "invited him to reside in his house as a member of his military family, andas soon as he came to know him he recommended Congress to give him acommand. As Lafayette became popular with the army, an endeavor wasmade by the Cabal to win him to their faction by bribing him with anappointment to lead an expedition against Canada, independent of controlby Washington. Lafayette promptly declined the command, unless subject tothe General, and furthermore he "braved the whole party (Cabal) and threwthem into confusion by making them drink the health of their general. " Atthe battle of Monmouth Washington gave the command of the attacking partyto Lafayette, and after the conflict the two, according to the latter, "passed the night lying on the same mantle, talking. " In the same wayWashington distinguished him by giving him the command of the expeditionto rescue Virginia from Cornwallis, and to his division was given themost honorable position at Yorktown. When the siege of that place wascompleted, Lafayette applied for leave of absence to spend the winter inFrance, and as he was on the point of sailing he received a personalletter from Washington, for "I owe it to friendship and to my affectionateregard for you my dear Marquis, not to let you leave this country withoutcarrying fresh marks of my attachment to you, " and in his absenceWashington wrote that a mutual friend who bore a letter "can tell you moreforcibly, than I can express how much we all love and wish to embraceyou. "

A reunion came in 1784, looked forward to by Lafayette with an eagernessof which he wrote, "by Sunday or Monday, I hope at last to be blessed witha sight of my dear General. There is no rest for me till I go to MountVernon. I long for the pleasure to embrace you, my dear General; and thehappiness of being once more with you will be so great, that no words canever express it. Adieu, my dear General; in a few days I shall be at MountVernon, and I do already feel delighted with so charming a prospect. "After this visit was over Washington wrote, "In the moment of ourseparation, upon the road as I travelled, and every hour since, I havefelt all that love, respect and attachment for you, with which length ofyears, close connexion, and your merits have inspired me. I often askedmyself, as our carriages separated, whether that was the last sight I evershould have of you?" And to this letter Lafayette replied, --

"No my beloved General, our late parting was not by any means a lastinterview. My whole soul revolts at the idea; and could I harbour it aninstant, indeed, my dear General, it would make me miserable. I well seeyou will never go to France. The inexpressible pleasure of embracing youin my own house, of welcoming you in a family where your name is adored, Ido not much expect to experience; but to you I shall return, and, withinthe walls of Mount Vernon, we shall yet speak of olden times. My firm planis to visit now and then my friend on this side of the Atlantic; and themost beloved of all friends I ever had, or ever shall have anywhere, istoo strong an inducement for me to return to him, not to think thatwhenever it is possible I shall renew my so pleasing visits to MountVernon. . . . Adieu, adieu, my dear General. It is with inexpressible painthat I feel I am going to be severed from you by the Atlantic. Everything, that admiration, respect, gratitude, friendship, and fillial love, caninspire, is combined in my affectionate heart to devote me most tenderlyto you. In your friendship I find a delight which words cannot express. Adieu, my dear General. It is not without emotion that I write this word, although I know I shall soon visit you again. Be attentive to your health. Let me hear from you every month. Adieu, adieu. "

The correspondence begged was maintained, but Lafayette complained that"To one who so tenderly loves you, who so happily enjoyed the times wehave passed together, and who never, on any part of the globe, even in hisown house, could feel himself so perfectly at home as in your family, itmust be confessed that an irregular, lengthy correspondence is quiteinsufficient I beseech you, in the name of our friendship, of thatpaternal concern of yours for my happiness, not to miss any opportunity tolet me hear from my dear General. "

One letter from Washington told Lafayette of his recovery from a seriousillness, and Lafayette responded, "What could have been my feelings, hadthe news of your illness reached me before I knew my beloved General, myadopted father, was out of danger? I was struck at the idea of thesituation you have been in, while I, uninformed and so distant from you, was anticipating the long-waited-for pleasure to hear from you, and thestill more endearing prospect of visiting you and presenting you thetribute of a revolution, one of your first offsprings. For God's sake, mydear General, take care of your health!"

Presently, as the French Revolution gathered force, the anxiety wasreversed, Washington writing that "The lively interest which I take inyour welfare, my dear Sir, keeps my mind in constant anxiety for yourpersonal safety. " This fear was only too well founded, for shortly afterLafayette was a captive in an Austrian prison and his wife was appealingto her husband's friend for help. Our ministers were told to do all theycould to secure his liberty, and Washington wrote a personal letter to theEmperor of Austria. Before receiving her letter, on the first news of the"truly affecting" condition of "poor Madame Lafayette, " he had written toher his sympathy, and, supposing that money was needed, had deposited atAmsterdam two hundred guineas "subject to your orders. "

When she and her daughters joined her husband in prison, Lafayette's son, and Washington's godson, came to America; an arrival of which thegodfather wrote that, "to express all the sensibility, which has beenexcited in my breast by the receipt of young Lafayette's letter, from therecollection of his father's merits, services, and sufferings, from myfriendship for him, and from my wishes to become a friend and father tohis son is unnecessary. " The lad became a member of the family, and avisitor at this time records that "I was particularly struck with themarks of affection which the General showed his pupil, his adopted son ofMarquis de Lafayette. Seated opposite to him, he looked at him withpleasure, and listened to him with manifest interest. " With Washington hecontinued till the final release of his father, and a simple business notein Washington's ledger serves to show both his delicacy and his generosityto the boy: "By Geo. W. Fayette, gave for the purpose of his gettinghimself such small articles of Clothing as he might not choose to ask for$100. " Another item in the accounts was three hundred dollars "to defrayhis exps. To France, " and by him Washington sent a line to his old friend, saying, "this letter I hope and expect will be presented to you by yourson, who is highly deserving of such parents as you and your amiablelady. "

Long previous to this, too, a letter had been sent to Virginia Lafayette, couched in the following terms:

"Permit me to thank my dear little correspondent for the favor of herletter of the 18 of June last, and to impress her with the idea ofthe pleasure I shall derive from a continuance of them. Her papa isrestored to her with all the good health, paternal affection, and honors, which her tender heart could wish. He will carry a kiss to her from me(which might be more agreeable from a pretty boy), and give her assurancesof the affectionate regard with which I have the pleasure of being herwell-wisher, George Washington. "

In this connection it is worth glancing at Washington's relations withchildren, the more that it has been frequently asserted that he had noliking for them. As already shown, at different times he adopted orassumed the expenses and charge of not less than nine of the children ofhis kith and kin, and to his relations with children he seldom wrote aletter without a line about the "little ones. " His kindnesses to the sonsof Ramsay, Craik, Greene, and Lafayette have already been noticed. Furthermore, whenever death or illness came among the children of hisfriends there was sympathy expressed. Dumas relates of his visit toProvidence with Washington, that "we arrived there at night; the whole ofthe population had assembled from the suburbs; we were surrounded by acrowd of children carrying torches, reiterating the acclamations of thecitizens; all were eager to approach the person of him whom they calledtheir father, and pressed so closely around us that they hindered us fromproceeding. General Washington was much affected, stopped a few moments, and, pressing my hand, said, 'We may be beaten by the English; it is thechance of war; but behold an army which they can never conquer, '"

In his journey through New England, not being able to get lodgings at aninn, Washington spent a night in a private house, and when all payment wasrefused, he wrote his host from his next stopping-place, --

"Being informed that you have given my name to one of your sons, andcalled another after Mrs. Washington's family, and being moreover verymuch pleased with the modest and innocent looks of your two daughters, Patty and Polly, I do for these reasons send each of these girls a pieceof chintz; and to Patty, who bears the name of Mrs. Washington, and whowaited upon us more than Polly did, I send five guineas, with which shemay buy herself any little ornaments she may want, or she may dispose ofthem in any other manner more agreeable to herself. As I do not give thesethings with a view to have it talked of, or even of its being known, theless there is said about the matter the better you will please me; but, that I may be sure the chintz and money have got safe to hand, let Patty, who I dare say is equal to it, write me a line informing me thereof, directed to 'The President of the United States at New York. '"

Miss Stuart relates that "One morning while Mr. Washington was sitting forhis picture, a little brother of mine ran into the room, when my fatherthinking it would annoy the General, told him he must leave; but theGeneral took him upon his knee, held him for some time, and had quite alittle chat with him, and, in fact, they seemed to be pleased with eachother. My brother remembered with pride, as long as he lived, thatWashington had talked with him. "

For the son of his secretary, Lear, there seems to have been greatfondness, and in one instance the father was told that "It gave Mrs. Washington, myself and all who know him, sincere pleasure to hear that ourlittle favorite had arrived safe, and was in good health at Portsmouth. Wesincerely wish him a long continuance of the latter--that he may always beas charming and promising as he now is--and that he may live to be acomfort and blessing to you, and an ornament to his country. As atestimony of my affection for him I send him a ticket in the lottery whichis now drawing in the Federal City; and if it should be his fortune todraw the hotel it will add to the pleasure I have in giving it. " A secondletter condoled with "little Lincoln, " because owing to the collapse ofthe lottery the "poor little fellow" will not even get enough to "buildhim a baby house. "

For the father, Tobias Lear, who came into his employment in 1786 andremained with him till his death, Washington felt the greatest affectionand trust. It was he who sent for the doctor in the beginning of the lastillness, and he was in the sickroom most of the time. Holding Washington'shand, he received from him his last orders, and later when Washington"appeared to be in great pain and distress from the difficulty ofbreathing . . . I lay upon the bed and endeavored to raise him, and turn himwith as much ease as possible. He appeared penetrated with gratitude formy attentions, and often said 'I am afraid I shall fatigue you too much. '"Still later Lear "aided him all in my power, and was gratified inbelieving he felt it; for he would look upon me with eyes speakinggratitude, but unable to utter a word without great distress. " At thefinal moment Lear took his hand "and laid it upon his breast. " When allwas over, "I kissed the cold hand, laid it down, and was . . . Lost inprofound grief. "

X

ENEMIES

Any man of force is to be known quite as much by the character of hisenemies as by that of his friends, and this is true of Washington. Thesubject offers some difficulties, for most of his enemies later in lifewent out of their way to deny all antagonism, and took pains to destroysuch proof as they could come at of ill-feeling towards him. Yet enoughremains to show who were in opposition to him, and on what grounds. 

The first of those now known to be opposed to him was George Muse, lieutenant-colonel in 1754 under Washington. At Fort Necessity he wasguilty of cowardice, he was discharged in disgrace, and his name wasomitted from the Assembly's vote of thanks to the regiment. Stung by thisaction, he took his revenge in a manner related by Peyroney, who wroteWashington, --

"Many enquired to me about Muse's Braveries, poor Body I had pity himha'nt he had the weakness to Confes his Coardise himself, & the impudenceto taxe all the reste of the oficers without exception of the sameimperfection for he said to many of the Consulars and Burgeses that he wasBad But th' the reste was as Bad as he--To speak francly, had I been intown at that time I cou'nt help'd to make use of my horses [whip] whereasfor to vindicate the injury of that vilain. He Contrived his Business sothat several ask me if it was true that he had Challeng'd you to fight: MyAnswer was no other But that he should rather chuse to go to hell thandoing of it--for he had Such thing declar'd: that was his Sure Road. "

Washington seems to have cherished no personal ill-will for Muse'sconduct, and when the division of the "bounty lands" was being pushed, heused his influence that the broken officer should receive a quotum. Notknowing this, or else being ungrateful, Muse seems to have written aletter to Washington which angered him, for he replied, --

"Sir, Your impertinent letter was delivered to me yesterday. As I am notaccustomed to receive such from any man, nor would have taken the samelanguage from you personally, without letting you feel some marks of myresentment, I would advise you to be cautious in writing me a second ofthe same tenor. But for your stupidity and sottishness you might haveknown, by attending to the public gazette, that you had your full quantityof ten thousand acres of land allowed you, that is, nine thousand andseventy-three acres in the great tract, and the remainder in the smalltract. But suppose you had really fallen short, do you think yoursuperlative merit entitles you to greater indulgence than others? Or, ifit did, that I was to make it good to you, when it was at the option ofthe Governor and Council to allow but five hundred acres in the whole, ifthey had been so inclined? If either of these should happen to be youropinion, I am very well convinced that you will be singular in it; and allmy concern is, that I ever engaged in behalf of so ungrateful a fellow asyou are. But you may still be in need of my assistance, as I can informyou, that your affairs, in respect to these lands, do not stand upon sosolid a basis as you imagine, and this you may take by way of hint. Iwrote to you a few days ago concerning the other distribution, proposingan easy method of dividing our lands; but since I find in what temper youare, I am sorry I took the trouble of mentioning the land or your name ina letter, as I do not think you merit the least assistance from me. "

The Braddock campaign brought acquaintance with one which did not end infriendship, however amicable the beginning. There can be little doubtthat there was cameraderie with the then Lieutenant-Colonel Gage, for in1773, when in New York for four days, Washington "Dined with Gen. Gage, "and also "dined at the entertainment given by the citizens of NewYork to Genl. Gage. " When next intercourse was resumed, it was byformal correspondence between the commanders-in-chief of two hostilearmies, Washington inquiring as to the treatment of prisoners, andas a satisfactory reply was not obtained, he wrote again, threateningretaliation, and "closing my correspondence with you, perhaps forever, "--a letter which Charles Lee thought "a very good one, but Gage certainlydeserved a stronger one, such as it was before it was softened. " Onecannot but wonder what part the old friendship played in this "softening. "

Relations with the Howes began badly by a letter from Lord Howe addressed"George Washington, Esq. , " which Washington declined to receive as notrecognizing his official position. A second one to "George Washington, Esq. &c. &c. &c. " met with the same fate, and brought the British officer"to change my superscription. " A little after this brief war of forms, aletter from Washington to his wife was intercepted with others by theenemy, and General Howe enclosed it, "happy to return it without the leastattempt being made to discover any part of the contents. " This courtesythe American commander presently was able to reciprocate by sending"General Washington's compliments to General Howe, --does himself thepleasure to return to him a dog, which accidentally fell into his hands, and, by the inscription on the collar, appears to belong to General Howe. "Even politeness had its objections, however, at moments, and Washingtononce had to write Sir William, --

"There is one passage of your letter, which I cannot forbear takingparticular notice of. No expression of personal politeness to me can beacceptable, accompanied by reflections on the representatives of a freepeople, under whose authority I have the honor to act. The delicacy I haveobserved, in refraining from everything offensive in this way, entitles meto expect a similar treatment from you. I have not indulged myself ininvective against the present rulers of Great Britain, in the course ofour correspondence, nor will I even now avail myself of so fruitful atheme. "

Apparently when Sir Henry Clinton succeeded to the command of the Britisharmy the same old device to insult the General was again tried, for Dumasstates that Washington "received a despatch from Sir Henry Clinton, addressed to 'Mr. Washington. ' Taking it from the hands of the flag oftruce, and seeing the direction, 'This letter, ' said he, 'is directed to aplanter of the state of Virginia. I shall have it delivered to him afterthe end of the war; till that time it shall not be opened. ' A seconddespatch was addressed to his Excellency General Washington. " A betterlesson in courtesy was contained in a letter from Washington to him, complaining of "wanton, unprecedented and inhuman murder, " which closedwith the following: "I beg your Excellency to be persuaded, that it cannotbe more disagreeable to you to be addressed in this language, than it isto me to offer it; but the subject requires frankness and decision. "

Quite as firm was one addressed to Cornwallis, which read, --

"It is with infinite regret, I am again compelled to remonstrate againstthat spirit of wanton cruelty, that has in several instances influencedthe conduct of your soldiery. A recent exercise of it towards an unhappyofficer of ours, Lieutenant Harris, convinces me, that my formerrepresentations on this subject have been unavailing. That Gentleman bythe fortunes of war, on Saturday last was thrown into the hands of a partyof your horse, and unnecessarily murdered with the most aggravatedcircumstances of barbarity. I wish not to wound your Lordship's feelings, by commenting on this event; but I think it my duty to send his mangledbody to your lines as an undeniable testimony of the fact, should it bedoubted, and as the best appeal to your humanity for the justice of ourcomplaint. "

A pleasanter intercourse came with the surrender of Yorktown, after whichnot merely were Cornwallis and his officers saved the mortification ofsurrendering their swords, but the chief among them were entertained atdinner by Washington. At this meal, so a contemporary account states, "Rochhambeau, being asked for a toast, gave _'The United States'_. Washington gave _'The King of France'_. Lord Cornwallis, simply _'TheKing'_; but Washington, putting that toast, added, _'of England'_, andfacetiously, _'confine him there, I'll drink him a full bumper'_, fillinghis glass till it ran over. Rochambeau, with great politeness, was stillso French, that he would every now and then be touching on points thatwere improper, and a breach of real politeness. Washington often checkedhim, and showed in a more saturnine manner, the infinite esteem he had forhis gallant prisoner, whose private qualities the Americans admired evenin a foe, that had so often filled them with the most cruel alarms. " Manyyears later, when Cornwallis was governor-general of India, he sent averbal message to his old foe, wishing "General Washington a longenjoyment of tranquility and happiness, " adding that for himself he"continued in troubled waters. "

[Illustration: MRS WASHINGTON]

Turning from these public rather than personal foes, a very different typeof enemies is encountered in those inimical to Washington in his own army. Chief of these was Horatio Gates, with whom Washington had becomeacquainted in the Braddock campaign, and with whom there was friendlyintercourse from that time until the Revolution. In 1775, at Washington'sexpress solicitation, Gates was appointed adjutant- and brigadier-general, and in a letter thanking Washington for the favor he professed to have"the greatest respect for your character and the sincerest attachment toyour person. " Nevertheless, he very early in the war suggested that acommittee of Congress be sent to camp to keep watch on Washington, and assoon as he was in a separate command he began to curry favor with Congressand scheme against his commander. This was not unknown to Washington, whoafterwards wrote, "I discovered very early in the war symptoms of coldness& constraint in General Gates' behavior to me. These increased as he roseinto greater consequence. "

When Burgoyne capitulated to Gates, he sent the news to Congress and notto Washington, and though he had no further need for troops thecommander-in-chief had sent him, he endeavored to prevent their return at amoment when every man was needed in the main army. His attitude towardsWashington was so notorious that his friends curried favor with him byletters criticising the commander, and when, by chance, the Generallearned of the contents of one of these letters, and news to that effectreached the ears of Gates, he practically charged Washington with havingobtained his knowledge by dishonorable means; but Washington more thanrepaid the insult, in telling Gates how he had learned of the affair, byadding that he had "considered the information as coming from yourself, and given with a friendly view to forewarn and consequently forearm me, against a secret enemy . . . But in this, as in other matters of late, Ihave found myself mistaken. " Driven to the wall, Gates wrote to Washingtona denial that the letter contained the passage in question, which was anabsolute lie, and this untruth typifies his character. Without expressingeither belief or disbelief in this denial, Washington replied, --

"I am as averse to controversy as any man, and had I not been forced intoit, you never would have had occasion to impute to me, even the shadow ofdisposition towards it. Your repeatedly and solemnly disclaiming anyoffensive views in those matters, which have been the subject of our pastcorrespondence makes me willing to close with the desire, you express, ofburying them hereafter in silence, and, as far as future events willpermit, oblivion. My temper leads me to peace and harmony with all men;and it is peculiarly my wish to avoid any personal feuds or dissentionswith those who are embarked in the same great national interest with, myself; as every difference of this kind must in its consequence be veryinjurious. "

After this affair subsided, Washington said, --

"I made a point of treating Gen. Gates with all the attention andcordiality in my power, as well from a sincere desire of harmony, as froman unwillingness to give any cause of triumph among ourselves. I canappeal to the world, and to the whole army, whether I have not cautiouslyavoided offending Gen. Gates in any way. I am sorry his conduct to me hasnot been equally generous, and that he is continually giving me freshproofs of malevolence and opposition. It will not be doing him injusticeto say, that, besides the little underhand intrigues which he isfrequently practising, there has hardly been any great military question, in which his advice has been asked, that it has not been given in anequivocal and designing manner, apparently calculated to afford him anopportunity of censuring me, on the failure of whatever measures might beadopted. "

After the defeat of Gates at Camden, the Prince de Broglie wrote that "Isaw General Gates at the house of General Washington, with whom he had hada misunderstanding. . . . This interview excited the curiosity of botharmies. It passed with a most perfect propriety on the part of bothgentlemen. Mr. Washington treated Mr. Gates with a politeness which had afrank and easy air, while the other responded with that shade of respectwhich was proper towards his general. " And how fair-minded Washingtonwas is shown by his refusal to interfere in an army matter, because, "considering the delicate situation in which I stand with respect toGeneral Gates, I feel an unwillingness to give any opinion (even in aconfidential way) in a matter in which he is concerned, lest my sentiments(being known) should have unfavorable interpretations ascribed to them byilliberal Minds. " Yet the friendship was never restored, and when the twoafter the war were associated in the Potomac company, Washington's senseof the old treachery was still so keen that he alluded to the appointmentof "my bosom friend Genl G-tes, who being at Richmond, contrived to edgehimself in to the commission. "

Thomas Conway was Washington's traducer to Gates. He was an Irish-Frenchsoldier of fortune who unfortunately had been made a brigadier-general inthe Continental army. Having made friends of the New England delegates inCongress, it was then proposed by them to advance him to the rank ofmajor-general, which Washington opposed, on the grounds that "his meritand importance exist more in his imagination than in reality. " For themoment this was sufficient to prevent Conway's promotion, and even if hehad not before been opposed to his commander, he now became his bitterenemy. To more than Gates he said or wrote, "A great & good God hasdecreed that America shall be free, or Washington and weak counsellorswould have ruined her long ago. " Upon word of this reaching Washington, soLaurens tells, "The genl immediately copied the contents of the paper, introducing them with 'sir, ' and concluding with, 'I am your humbleservt, ' and sent this copy in the form of a letter to Genl Conway. Thisdrew an answer, in which he first attempts to deny the fact, and then in amost shameless manner, to explain away the matter. The perplexity of hisstyle, and evident insincerity of his compliments, betray his weaksentiments, and expose his guilt. "

Yet, though detected, Conway complained to the Continental Congress thatWashington was not treating him properly, and in reply to an inquiry froma member the General acknowledged that, --

"If General Conway means by cool receptions mentioned in the lastparagraph of his letter of the 31st ultimo, that I did not receive him inthe language of a warm and cordial friend, I readily confess the charge. Idid not, nor shall I ever, till I am capable of the arts of dissimulation. These I despise, and my feelings will not permit me to make professions offriendship to the man I deem my enemy, and whose system of conduct forbidsit. At the same time, truth authorizes me to say, that he was received andtreated with proper respect to his official character, and that he has hadno cause to justify the assertion, that he could not expect any supportfor fulfilling the duties of his appointment. "

In spite of Washington's opposition, Conway's friends were numerous enoughin the Congress finally to elect him major-general, at the same timeappointing him inspector-general. Elated with this evident partiality ofthe majority of that body for him, he went even further, and Laurensstates that he was guilty of a "base insult" to Washington, which "affectsthe General very sensibly, " and he continues, --

"It is such an affront as Conway would never have dared to offer, if theGeneral's situation had not assured him of the impossibility of its beingrevenged in a private way. The Genl, therefore, has determined to returnhim no answer at all, but to lay the whole matter before Congress; theywill determine whether Genl W. Is to be sacrificed to Genl. C. , for theformer can never consent to be concern'd in any transaction with thelatter, from whom he has received such unpardonable insults. "

Fortunately, Conway did not limit his "insulting letters" to thecommander-in-chief alone, and presently he sent one to Congressthreatening to resign, which so angered that body that they took him athis word. Moreover, his open abuse of Washington led an old-time friend ofthe latter to challenge him, and to lodge a ball, with almost poeticjustice, in Conway's mouth. Thinking himself on the point of death, hewrote a farewell line to Washington "expressing my sincere grief forhaving done, written or said anything disagreeable to yourExcellency. . . . You are in my eyes a great and good man. " And with thisrecantation he disappeared from the army. A third officer in this "cabal"was Thomas Mifflin. He was the first man appointed on Washington's staff atthe beginning of the war, but did not long remain in that position, beingpromoted by Washington to be quartermaster-general. In this position therumor reached the General that Mifflin was "concerned in trade, " andWashington took "occasion to hint" the suspicion to him, only to get adenial from the officer. Whether this inquiry was a cause for ill-feelingor not, Mifflin was one of the most outspoken against thecommander-in-chief as his opponents gathered force, and Washington informedHenry that he "bore the second part in the cabal. " Mifflin resigned fromthe army and took a position on the board of war, but when the influence ofthat body broke down with the collapse of the Cabal, he applied for areappointment, --a course described by Washington in plain English asfollows:

"I was not a little surprised to find a certain gentleman, who, some timeago (when a cloud of darkness hung heavy over us, and our affairs lookedgloomy, ) was desirous of resigning, now stepping forward in the line ofthe army. But if he can reconcile such conduct to his own, feelings, as anofficer and a man of honor, and Congress hath no objections to his leavinghis seat in another department, I have nothing personally to oppose it. Yet I must think, that gentleman's stepping in and out, as the sun happensto beam forth or obscure, is not _quite_ the thing, nor _quite_ just, withrespect to those officers, who take ye bitter with the sweet. "

Not long after Greene wrote that "I learn that General Mifflin haspublicly declared that he looked upon his Excellency as the best friend heever had in his life, so that is a plain sign that the Junto has given upall ideas of supplanting our excellent general from a confidence of theimpracticability of such an attempt. "

A very minor but most malignant enemy was Dr. Benjamin Rush. In 1774Washington dined with him in Philadelphia, which implied friendship. Very early in the war, however, an attempt was made to remove thedirector-general of hospitals, in which, so John Armstrong claimed, "Morgan was the ostensible--Rush the real prosecutor of Shippen--theformer acting from revenge, . . . The latter from a desire to obtain thedirectorship. In approving the sentence of the court, Washingtonstigmatized the prosecution as one originating in bad motives, which madeRush his enemy and defamer as long as he lived. " Certain it is he wrotesavage letters of criticism about his commander-in-chief of which thefollowing extract is a sample:

"I have heard several officers who have served under General Gates comparehis army to a well regulated family. The same gentlemen have comparedGen'l Washington's imitation of an army to an unformed mob. Look at thecharacters of both! The one on the pinnacle of military glory--exulting inthe success of schemes planned with wisdom, & executed with vigor andbravery--and above all see a country saved by his exertions. See the otheroutgeneral'd and twice heated--obliged to witness the march of a body ofmen only half their number thro' 140 Miles of a thick settled country--forced to give up a city the capitol of a state & after all outwitted bythe same army in a retreat. "

Had Rush written only this, there would be no grounds for questioning hismethods; but, not content with spreading his opinions among his friends, he took to anonymous letter-writing, and sent an unsigned letter abusingWashington to the governor of Virginia (and probably to others), with therequest that the letter should be burned. Instead of this, Henry sent itto Washington, who recognized at once the handwriting, and wrote to Henrythat Rush "has been elaborate and studied in his professions of regard tome, and long since the letter to you. " An amusing sequel to this incidentis to be found in Rush moving heaven and earth on the publication ofMarshall's "Life of Washington" to prevent his name from appearing as oneof the commander-in-chief's enemies. 

After the collapse of the attempt Washington wrote to a friend, "I thankyou sincerely for the part you acted at York respecting C---y, and believewith you that matters have and will turn out very different to what thatparty expected. G---s has involved himself in his letters to me in themost absurd contradictions. M--- has brought himself into a scrape that hedoes not know how to get out of with a gentleman of this State, and C---, as you know is sent upon an expedition which all the world knew, and theevent has proved, was not practicable. In a word, I have a good deal ofreason to believe that the machination of this junta will recoil upontheir own heads, and be a means of bringing some matters to light which, by getting me out of the way, some of them thought to conceal. "

Undoubtedly the most serious army antagonist was General Charles Lee, and, but for what seem almost fatalistic chances, he would have been adangerous rival. He was second in command very early in the war, and atthis time he asserted that "no man loves, respects and reverences anothermore than I do General Washington. I esteem his virtues, private andpublic. I know him to be a man of sense, courage and firmness. " But fourmonths later he was lamenting Washington's "fatal indecision, " and byinference was calling him "a blunderer. " In another month he wrote, "_entre nous_ a certain great man is most damnably deficient. " At thispoint, fortunately, Lee was captured by the British, so that his influencefor the time being was destroyed. While a prisoner he drew up a plan forthe English general, showing how America could be conquered. 

When he had been exchanged, and led the American advance at the battle ofMonmouth, he seems to have endeavored to aid the British in another way, for after barely engaging, he ordered a retreat, which quickly developedinto a rout, and would have ended in a serious defeat had not, as Laurenswrote, "fortunately for the honor of the army, and the welfare of America, Genl Washington met the troops retreating in disorder, and without anyplan to make an opposition. He ordered some pieces of artillery to bebrought up to defend the pass, and some troops to form and defend thepieces. The artillery was too distant to be brought up readily, so thatthere was but little opposition given here. A few shot though, and alittle skirmishing in the wood checked the enemy's career. The Genlexpressed his astonishment at this unaccountable retreat Mr. Leeindecently replied that the attack was contrary to his advice and opinionin council. "

In a fit of temper Lee wrote Washington two imprudent letters, expressed"in terms [so] highly improper" that he was ordered under arrest and triedby a court-martial, which promptly found him guilty of disobedience anddisrespect, as well as of making a "disorderly and unnecessary retreat. "To this Lee retorted, "I aver that his Excellencies letter was frombeginning to the end a most abominable lie--I aver that my conduct willstand the strictest scrutiny of every military judge--I aver that my CourtMartial was a Court of Inquisition--that there was not a single memberwith a military idea--at least if I may pronounce from the differentquestions they put to the evidences. "

In this connection it is of interest to note a letter from Washington'sfriend Mason, which said, "You express a fear that General Lee willchallenge our friend. Indulge in no such apprehensions, for he too wellknows the sentiments of General Washington on the subject of duelling. From his earliest manhood I have heard him express his contempt of the manwho sends and the man who accepts a challenge, for he regards such acts asno proof of moral courage; and the practice he abhors as a relic of oldbarbarisms, repugnant alike to sound morality and Christianenlightenment. "

A little later, still smarting from this court-martial, Lee wrote to anewspaper a savage attack on his late commander, apparently in the belief, as he said in a private letter, that "there is . . . A visiblerevolution . . . In the minds of men, I mean that our Great Gargantua, orLama Babak (for I know not which Title is the properest) begins to be nolonger consider'd as an infallible Divinity--and that those who have beensacrificed or near sacrific'd on his altar, begin to be esteem'd aswantonly and foolishly offer'd up. " Lee very quickly found his mistake, for the editor of the paper which contained his attack was compelled by acommittee of citizens to publish an acknowledgment that in printing it "Ihave transgressed against truth, justice and my duty as a good citizen, "and, as Washington wrote to a friend, "the author of the Queries, 'Political and Military, ' has had no cause to exult in the favorablereception of them by the public. " With Lee's disappearance the last armyrival dropped from the ranks, and from that time there was no question asto who should command the armies of America. Long after, a would-be editorof Lee's papers wrote to Washington to ask if he had any wishes in regardto the publication, and was told in the reply that, --

"I never had a difference with that gentleman, but on public ground, andmy conduct towards him upon this occasion was such only, as I conceivedmyself indispensably bound to adopt in discharge of the public trustreposed in me. If this produced in him unfavorable sentiments of me, I yetcan never consider the conduct I pursued, with respect to him, eitherwrong or improper, however I may regret that it may have been differentlyviewed by him and that it excited his censure and animadversions. Shouldthere appear in General Lee's writings any thing injurious or unfriendlyto me, the impartial and dispassionate world must decide how far Ideserved it from the general tenor of my conduct. "

These attempts to undermine Washington owed their real vitality to theContinental Congress, and it is safe to say that but for Washington'spolitical enemies no army rival would have ventured to push forward. Inwhat the opposition in that body consisted, and to what length it went, are discussed elsewhere, but a glance at the reasons of hostility to himis proper here. 

John Adams declared himself "sick of the Fabian systems, " and in writingof the thanksgiving for the Saratoga Convention, he said that "one causeof it ought to be that the glory of turning the tide of arms is notimmediately due to the commander-in-chief. . . . If it had, idolatry andadulation would have been unbounded. " James Lovell asserted that "Ouraffairs are Fabiused into a very disagreeable posture, " and wrote that"depend upon it for every ten soldiers placed under the command of ourFabius, five recruits will be wanted annually during the war. " WilliamWilliams agreed with Jonathan Trumbull that the time had come when "a muchexalted character should make way for a _general_" and suggested if thiswas not done "voluntarily, " those to whom the public looked should "see toit. " Abraham Clark thought "we may talk of the Enemy's Cruelty as we will, but we have no greater Cruelty to complain of than the Management of ourArmy. " Jonathan D. Sargent asserted that "we want a general--thousands ofLives & Millions of Property are yearly sacrificed to the Insufficiencyof our Commander-in-Chief--Two Battles he has lost for us by two suchBlunders as might have disgraced a Soldier of three months standing, andyet we are so attached to this Man that I fear we shall rather sinkwith him than throw him off our Shoulders. And sink we must under hisManagement. Such Feebleness, & Want of Authority, such Confusion & Want ofDiscipline, such Waste, such destruction would exhaust the Wealth of boththe Indies & annihilate the armies of all Europe and Asia. " RichardHenry Lee agreed with Mifflin that Gates was needed to "procure theindispensable changes in our Army. " Other Congressmen who were inimical toWashington, either by openly expressed opinion or by vote, were ElbridgeGerry, Samuel Adams, William Ellery, Eliphalet Dyer, Roger Sherman, SamuelChase, and F. L. Lee. Later, when Washington's position was more secure, Gerry and R. H. Lee wrote to him affirming their friendship, and to boththe General replied without a suggestion of ill-feeling, nor does he seem, in later life, to have felt a trace of personal animosity towards any oneof the men who had been in opposition to him in Congress. Of this enmityin the army and Congress Washington wrote, --

"It is easy to bear the first, and even the devices of private enemieswhose ill will only arises from their common hatred to the cause we areengaged in, are to me tolerable; yet, I confess, I cannot help feeling themost painful sensations, whenever I have reason to believe I am the objectof persecution to men, who are embarked in the same general interest, andwhose friendship my heart does not reproach me with, ever having done anything to forfeit. But with many, it is a sufficient cause to hate and wishthe ruin of a man, because he has been happy enough, to be the object of_his country's_ favor. "

The political course of Washington while President produced the alienationof the two Virginians whom he most closely associated with himself in theearly part of his administration. With Madison the break does not seem tohave come from any positive ill-feeling, but was rather an abandonment ofintercourse as the differences of opinion became more pronounced. Thedisagreement with Jefferson was more acute, though probably never forcedto an open rupture. To his political friends Jefferson in 1796 wrote thatthe measures pursued by the administration were carried out "under thesanction of a name which has done too much good not to be sufficient tocover harm also, " and that he hoped the President's "honesty and hispolitical errors may not furnish a second occasion to exclaim, 'curse onhis virtues, they've undone his country. '" Henry Lee warned Washington ofthe undercurrent of criticism, and when Jefferson heard indirectly of thishe wrote his former chief that "I learn that [Lee] has thought it worthhis while to try to sow tares between you and me, by representing me asstill engaged in the bustle of politics & in turbulence & intrigue againstthe government. I never believed for a moment that this could make anyimpression on you, or that your knowledge of me would not overweigh theslander of an intriguer dirtily employed in sifting the conversations ofmy table. " To this Washington replied, --

"As you have mentioned the subject yourself, it would not be frank, candidor friendly to conceal, that your conduct has been represented asderogating from that opinion _I_ had conceived you entertained of me;that, to your particular friends and connexions you have described, andthey have denounced me as a person under a dangerous influence; and that, if I would listen more to some _other_ opinions, all would be well. Myanswer invariably has been, that I had never discovered any thing inthe conduct of Mr. Jefferson to raise suspicions in my mind of hisinsincerity; that, if he would retrace my public conduct while he was inthe administration, abundant proofs would occur to him, that truth andright decisions were the _sole_ objects of my pursuit; that there was asmany instances within his own knowledge of my having decided _against_ asin _favor_ of the opinions of the person evidently alluded to; and, I wasno believer in the infallibility of the politics or measures of _any manliving_. In short that I was no party man myself and the first wish of myheart was, if parties did exist, to reconcile them. "

As proof upon proof of Jefferson's secret enmity accumulated, Washingtonceased to trust his disclaimers, and finally wrote to one of hisinformants, "Nothing short of the evidence you have adduced, corroborativeof intimations which I had received long before through another channel, could have shaken my belief in the sincerity of a friendship, which I hadconceived as possessed for me by the person to whom you allude. Butattempts to injure those, who are supposed to stand well in the estimationof the people, and are stumbling blocks in the way, by misrepresentingtheir political tenets, thereby to destroy all confidence in them, areamong the means by which the government is to be assailed, and theconstitution destroyed. "

Once convinced, all relations with Jefferson were terminated. It isinteresting in this connection to note something repeated by Madison, tothe effect that "General Lafayette related to me the following anecdote, which I shall repeat as nearly as I can in his own words. 'When I last sawMr. Jefferson, ' he observed, 'we conversed a good deal about GeneralWashington, and Mr. Jefferson expressed high admiration of his character. He remarked particularly that he and Hamilton often disagreed when theywere members of the Cabinet, and that General Washington would sometimesfavor the opinion of one and sometimes the other, with an apparent strictimpartiality. And Mr. Jefferson added that, so sound was Washington'sjudgment, that he was commonly convinced afterwards of the accuracy of hisdecision, whether it accorded with the opinion he had himself firstadvanced or not. '"

[Illustration: EARLIEST SIGNATURE OF WASHINGTON]

A third Virginian who was almost as closely associated was EdmundRandolph. There had been a friendship with his father, until he turnedTory and went to England, when, according to Washington's belief, he wrotethe "forged letters" which gave Washington so much trouble. For the sakeof the old friendship, however, he gave the son a position on his staff, and from that time was his friend and correspondent. In the firstadministration he was made Attorney-General, and when Jefferson retiredfrom office he became Secretary of State. In this position he was chargedwith political dishonesty. Washington gave him a chance to explain, but instead he resigned from office and published what he called "avindication, " in which he charged the President with "prejudging, ""concealment, " and "want of generosity. " Continuing, he said, "never . . . Could I have believed that in addressing you . . . I should useany other language than that of a friend. From my early period of life, Iwas taught to esteem you--as I advanced in years, I was habituated torevere you:--you strengthened my prepossessions by marks of attention. " Andin another place he acknowledged the weakness of his attack by saying, "still however, those very objections, the very reputation which you haveacquired, will cause it to be asked, why you should be suspected of actingtowards me, in any other manner, than deliberately, justly and evenkindly?"

In the preparation of this pamphlet Randolph wrote the President a letterwhich the latter asserted was "full of innuendoes, " and one statement inthe pamphlet he denounced as being "as impudent and insolent an assertionas it is false. " And his irritation at this treatment from one he hadalways befriended gave rise to an incident, narrated by James Ross, at abreakfast at the President's, when "after a little while the Secretary ofWar came in, and said to Washington, 'Have you seen Mr. Randolph'spamphlet?' 'I have, ' said Washington, 'and, by the eternal God, he is thedamnedest liar on the face of the earth!' and as he spoke he brought hisfist down upon the table with all his strength, and with a violence whichmade the cups and plates start from their places. " Fortunately, the attackwas ineffective; indeed, Hamilton wrote that "I consider it as amountingto a confession of guilt; and I am persuaded this will be the universalopinion. His attempts against you are viewed by all whom I have seen, asbase. They will certainly fail of their aim, and will do good rather thanharm, to the public cause and to yourself. It appears to me that, by you, no notice can be, or ought to be, taken of the publication. It containsits own antidote. "

Not content with this double giving up of what to any man of honor wasconfidential, Randolph, a little later, rested under Washington'ssuspicions of a third time breaking the seal of official secrecy bysending a Cabinet paper to the newspapers for no other purpose than tostir up feeling against Washington. But after his former patron's deathregret came, and Randolph wrote to Bushrod Washington, "If I could nowpresent myself before your venerated uncle it would be my pride to confessmy contrition that I suffered my irritation, be the cause what it might, to use some of those expressions respecting him which, at this moment . . . Iwish to recall as being inconsistent with my subsequent convictions. "

Another type of enemy, more or less the result of this differing withJefferson, Madison, Monroe, and Randolph, was sundry editors and writerswho gathered under their patronage and received aids of money or of secretinformation. One who prospered for a time by abusing Washington was PhilipFreneau. He was a college friend of Madison's, and was induced toundertake the task by his and Jefferson's urging, though the latter deniedthis later. As aid to the undertaking, Jefferson, then Secretary of State, gave Freneau an office, and thus produced the curious condition of a clerkin the government writing and printing savage attacks on the President. Washington was much irritated at the abuse, and Jefferson in his "Anas"said that he "was evidently sore & warm and I took his intention to bethat I should interpose in some way with Freneau, perhaps withdraw hisappointment of translating clerk to my office. But I will not do it. "According to the French minister, some of the worst of these articles werewritten by Jefferson himself, and Freneau is reported to have said, latein life, that many of them were written by the Secretary of State. 

Far more indecent was the paper conducted by Benjamin Franklin Bache, who, early in the Presidency, applied for a place in the government, which forsome reason not now known was refused. According to Cobbett, who hatedhim, "this . . . Scoundrel . . . Spent several years in hunting offices underthe Federal Government, and being constantly rejected, he at last becameits most bitter foe. Hence his abuse of General Washington, whom at thetime he was soliciting a place he panegyrized up to the third heaven. "Certain it is that under his editorship the _General Advertiser_ and_Aurora_ took the lead in all criticisms of Washington, and not contentwith these opportunities for daily and weekly abuse, Bache (though thefact that they were forgeries was notorious) reprinted the "spuriousletters which issued from a certain press in New York during the war, witha view to destroy the confidence which the army and community might havehad in my political principles, --and which have lately been republishedwith greater avidity and perseverance than ever, by Mr. Bache to answerthe same nefarious purpose with the latter, " and Washington added that"immense pains has been taken by this said Mr. Bache, who is no more thanthe agent or tool of those who are endeavoring to destroy the confidenceof the people, in the officers of Government (chosen by themselves) todisseminate these counterfeit letters. " In addition Bache wrote apamphlet, with the avowal that "the design of these remarks is to provethe want of claim in Mr. Washington either to the gratitude or confidenceof his country. . . . Our chief object . . . Is to _destroy undue impressionsin favor of Mr. Washington_. " Accordingly it charged that Washington was"treacherous, " "mischievous, " "inefficient;" dwelt upon his "farce ofdisinterestedness, " his "stately journeyings through the Americancontinent in search of personal incense, " his "ostentatious professionsof piety, " his "pusillanimous neglect, " his "little passions, " his"ingratitude, " his "want of merit, " his "insignificance, " and his"spurious fame. "

The successor of Bache as editor of these two journals, William Duane, came to the office with an equal hatred of Washington, having alreadywritten a savage pamphlet against him. In this the President was chargedwith "treacherous mazes of passion, " and with having "discharged theloathings of a sick mind. " Furthermore it asserted "that had you obtainedpromotion . . . After Braddock's defeat, your sword would have been drawnagainst your country, " that Washington "retained the barbarous usages ofthe feudal system and kept men in Livery, " and that "posterity will invain search for the monuments of wisdom in your administration;" thepurpose of the pamphlet, by the author's own statement, being "to exposethe _Personal Idolatry_ into which we have been heedlessly running, " andto show the people the "fallibility of the most favored of men. "

A fourth in this quartet of editors was the notorious James ThomsonCallender, whose publications were numerous, as were also his impeachmentsagainst Washington. By his own account, this writer maintained, "Mr. Washington has been twice a traitor, " has "authorized the robbery and ruinof the remnants of his own army, " has "broke the constitution, " andCallender fumes over "the vileness of the adulation which has been paid"to him, claiming that "the extravagant popularity possessed by thiscitizen reflects the utmost ridicule on the discernment of America. "

The bitterest attack, however, was penned by Thomas Paine. For many yearsthere was good feeling between the two, and in 1782, when Paine was infinancial distress, Washington used his influence to secure him a position"out of friendship for me, " as Paine acknowledged. Furthermore, Washingtontried to get the Virginia Legislature to pension Paine or give him a grantof land, an endeavor for which the latter was "exceedingly obliged. " WhenPaine published his "Rights of Man" he dedicated it to Washington, with aninscription dwelling on his "exemplary virtue" and his "benevolence;"while in the body of the work he asserted that no monarch of Europe had acharacter to compare with Washington's, which was such as to "put allthose men called kings to shame. " Shortly after this, however, Washingtonrefused to appoint him Postmaster-General; and still later, when Paine hadinvolved himself with the French, the President, after consideration, decided that governmental interference was not proper. Enraged by thesetwo acts, Paine published a pamphlet in which he charged Washington with"encouraging and swallowing the greatest adulation, " with being "thepatron of fraud, " with a "mean and servile submission to the insults ofone nation, treachery and ingratitude to another, " with "falsehood, ""ingratitude, " and "pusillanimity;" and finally, after alleging that theGeneral had not "served America with more disinterestedness or greaterzeal, than myself, and I know not if with better effect, " Paine closed hisattack by the assertion, "and as to you, sir, _treacherous in privatefriendship_, and a _hypocrite_ in public life, the world will be puzzledto decide, whether you are an _apostate_ or an _impostor_; whether youhave _abandoned good principles_, or whether _you ever had any?_"

Washington never, in any situation, took public notice of these attacks, and he wrote of a possible one, "I am gliding down the stream of life, andwish, as is natural, that my remaining days may be undisturbed andtranquil; and, conscious of my integrity, I would willingly hope, thatnothing would occur tending to give me anxiety; but should anythingpresent itself in this or any other publication, I shall never undertakethe painful task of recrimination, nor do I know that I should even enterupon my justification. " To a friend he said, "my temper leads me to peaceand harmony with all men; and it is peculiarly my wish to avoid any feudsor dissentions with those who are embarked in the same great nationalinterest with myself; as every difference of this kind must in itsconsequence be very injurious. "

XI

SOLDIER

"My inclinations, " wrote Washington at twenty-three, "are strongly bent toarms, " and the tendency was a natural one, coming not merely from hisIndian-fighting great-grandfather, but from his elder brother Lawrence, who had held a king's commission in the Carthagena expedition, and was oneof the few officers who gained repute in that ill-fated attempt. At MountVernon George must have heard much of fighting as a lad, and when the illhealth of Lawrence compelled resignation of command of the districtmilitia, the younger brother succeeded to the adjutancy. This quickly ledto the command of the first Virginia regiment when the French and IndianWar was brewing. Twice Washington resigned in disgust during the course ofthe war, but each time his natural bent, or "glowing zeal, " as he phrasedit, drew him back into the service. The moment the news of Lexingtonreached Virginia he took the lead in organizing an armed force, and in theVirginia Convention of 1775, according to Lynch, he "made the mosteloquent speech . . . That ever was made. Says he, 'I will raise onethousand men, enlist them at my own expense, and march myself at theirhead for the relief of Boston. '" At fifty-three, in speaking of war, Washington said, "my first wish is to see this plague to mankind banishedfrom off the earth;" but during his whole life, when there was fighting tobe done, he was among those who volunteered for the service. 

The personal courage of the man was very great. Jefferson, indeed, said"he was incapable of fear, meeting personal dangers with the calmestunconcern. " Before he had ever been in action, he noted of a certainposition that it was "a charming field for an encounter, " and his firstengagement he described as follows: "I fortunately escaped without anywound, for the right wing, where I stood, was exposed to and received allthe enemy's fire, and it was the part where the man was killed, and therest wounded. I heard the bullets whistle, and, believe me, there issomething charming in the sound. " In his second battle, though he knewthat he was "to be attacked and by unequal numbers, " he promisedbeforehand to "withstand" them "if there are five to one, " adding, "Idoubt not, but if you hear I am beaten, but you will, at the same [time, ]hear that we have done our duty, in fighting as long [as] there was apossibility of hope, " and in this he was as good as his word. Whensickness detained him in the Braddock march, he halted only on conditionthat he should receive timely notice of when the fighting was to begin, and in that engagement he exposed himself so that "I had four bulletsthrough my coat, and two horses shot under me, yet escaped unhurt, altho'death was levelling my companions on every side of me!" Not content withsuch an experience, in the second march on Fort Duquesne he "prayed" theinterest of a friend to have his regiment part of the "light troops" thatwere to push forward in advance of the main army. 

The same carelessness of personal danger was shown all through theRevolution. At the battle of Brooklyn, on New York Island, at Trenton, Germantown, and Monmouth, he exposed himself to the enemy's fire, and atthe siege of Yorktown an eyewitness relates that "during the assault, theBritish kept up an incessant firing of cannon and musketry from theirwhole line. His Excellency General Washington, Generals Lincoln and Knoxwith their aids, having dismounted, were standing in an exposed situationwaiting the result. Colonel Cobb, one of General Washington's aids, solicitous for his safety, said to his Excellency, 'Sir, you are too muchexposed here, had you not better step back a little?' 'Colonel Cobb, 'replied his Excellency, 'if you are afraid, you have liberty to stepback. '" It is no cause for wonder that an officer wrote, "our army lovetheir General very much, but they have one thing against him, which is thelittle care he takes of himself in any action. His personal bravery, andthe desire he has of animating his troops by example, make him fearless ofdanger. This occasions us much uneasiness. "

[Illustration: WASHINGTON'S TRANSCRIPT OF THE RULES OF CIVILITY, CIRCA1744]

This fearlessness was equally shown by his hatred and, indeed, non-comprehension of cowardice. In his first battle, upon the Frenchsurrendering, he wrote to the governor, "if the whole Detach't of theFrench behave with no more Resolution than this chosen Party did, Iflatter myself we shall have no g't trouble in driving them to the d---. "At Braddock's defeat, though the regiment he had commanded "behaved likemen and died like soldiers, " he could hardly find words to express hiscontempt for the conduct of the British "cowardly regulars, " writing oftheir "dastardly behavior" when they "broke and ran as sheep beforehounds, " and raging over being "most scandalously" and "shamefullybeaten. " When the British first landed on New York Island, and two NewEngland brigades ran away from "a small party of the enemy, " numberingabout fifty, without firing a shot, he completely lost his self-control attheir "dastardly behavior, " and riding in among them, it is related, helaid his cane over the officers' backs, "damned them for cowardlyrascals, " and, drawing his sword, struck the soldiers right and left withthe flat of it, while snapping his pistols at them. Greene states that thefugitives "left his Excellency on the ground within eighty yards of theenemy, so vexed at the infamous conduct of the troops, that he soughtdeath rather than life, " and Gordon adds that the General was only savedfrom his "hazardous position" by his aides, who "caught the bridle of hishorse and gave him a different direction. " At Monmouth an aide stated thatwhen he met a man running away he was "exasperated . . . And threatened theman . . . He would have him whipped, " and General Scott says that on findingLee retreating, "he swore like an angel from heaven. " Wherever in hisletters he alludes to cowardice it is nearly always coupled with theadjectives "infamous, " "scandalous, " or others equally indicative of lossof temper. 

There can be no doubt that Washington had a high temper. Hamilton'sallusion to his not being remarkable for "good temper" has already beenquoted, as has also Stuart's remark that "all his features were indicativeof the strongest and most ungovernable passions, and had he been born inthe forests, he would have been the fiercest man among the savage tribes. "Again Stuart is quoted by his daughter as follows:

"While talking one day with General Lee, my father happened to remark thatWashington had a tremendous temper, but held it under wonderful control. General Lee breakfasted with the President and Mrs. Washington a few daysafterwards. 

"'I saw your portrait the other day, ' said the General, 'but Stuart saysyou have a tremendous temper. '

"'Upon my word, ' said Mrs. Washington, coloring, 'Mr. Stuart takes a greatdeal upon himself to make such a remark. '

"'But stay, my dear lady, ' said General Lee, 'he added that the presidenthad it under wonderful control. '

"With something like a smile, General Washington remarked, 'He is right. '"

Lear, too, mentions an outburst of temper when he heard of the defeat ofSt. Clair, and elsewhere records that in reading politics aloud toWashington "he appeared much affected, and spoke with some degree ofasperity on the subject, which I endeavored to moderate, as I always didon such occasions. " How he swore at Randolph and at Freneau is mentionedelsewhere. Jefferson is evidence that "his temper was naturally irritableand high-toned, but reflection and resolution had obtained a firm andhabitual ascendency over it. If however it broke its bonds, he was mosttremendous in his wrath. "

Strikingly at variance with these personal qualities of courage and hotblood is the "Fabian" policy for which he is so generally credited, and astudy of his military career goes far to dispel the conception thatWashington was the cautious commander that he is usually pictured. 

In the first campaign, though near a vastly superior French force, Washington precipitated the conflict by attacking and capturing an advanceparty, though the delay of a few days would have brought him largereinforcements. As a consequence he was very quickly surrounded, and aftera day's fighting was compelled to surrender. In what light his conduct wasviewed at the time is shown in two letters, Dr. William Smith writing, "the British cause, . . . Has received a fatal Blow by the entire defeat ofWashington, whom I cannot but accuse of Foolhardiness to have ventured sonear a vigilant enemy without being certain of their numbers, or waitingfor Junction of some hundreds of our best Forces, who are within a fewDays' March of him, " and Ann Willing echoed this by saying, "themelancholy news has just arrived of the loss of sixty men belonging toCol. Washington's Company, who were killed on the spot, and of the Coloneland Half-King being taken prisoners, all owing to the obstinacy ofWashington, who would not wait for the arrival of reinforcements. "

Hardly less venturesome was he in the Braddock campaign, for "the General(before they met in council, ) asked my opinion concerning the expedition. I urged it, in the warmest terms I was able, to push forward, if we evendid it with a small but chosen band, with such artillery and light storesas were absolutely necessary; leaving the heavy artillery, baggage, &c. With the rear division of the army, to follow by slow and easy marches, which they might do safely, while we were advanced in front. " How far thedefeat of that force was due to the division thus urged it is not possibleto say, but it undoubtedly made the French bolder and the English moresubject to panic. 

The same spirit was manifested in the Revolution. During the siege ofBoston he wrote to Reed, "I proposed [an assault] in council; but behold, though we had been waiting all the year for this favorable event theenterprise was thought too dangerous. Perhaps it was; perhaps theirksomeness of my situation led me to undertake more than could bewarranted by prudence. I did not think so, and I am sure yet, that theenterprise, if it had been undertaken with resolution, must havesucceeded. " He added that "the enclosed council of war:. . . Beingalmost unanimous, I must suppose it to be right; although, from athorough conviction of the necessity of attempting something against theministerial troops before a reinforcement should arrive, and while we werefavored with the ice, I was not only ready but willing, and desirous ofmaking the assault, " and a little later he said that had he but foreseencertain contingencies "all the generals upon earth should not haveconvinced me of the propriety of delaying an attack upon Boston. "

In the defence of New York there was no chance to attack, but even whenour lines at Brooklyn had been broken and the best brigades in the armycaptured, Washington hurried troops across the river, and intended tocontest the ground, ordering a retreat only when it was voted in theaffirmative by a council of war. At Harlem plains he was the attackingparty. 

How with a handful of troops he turned the tide of defeat by attacking atTrenton and Princeton is too well known to need recital. At Germantown, too, though having but a few days before suffered defeat, he attacked andwell-nigh won a brilliant victory, because the British officers did notdream that his vanquished army could possibly take the initiative. Whenthe foe settled down into winter quarters in Philadelphia Laurens wrote, "our Commander-in-chief wishing ardently to gratify the public expectationby making an attack upon the enemy . . . Went yesterday to view the works. "On submitting the project to a council, however, they stood eleven to fouragainst the attempt. 

The most marked instance of Washington's un-Fabian preferences, and proofof the old saying that "councils of war never fight, " is furnished in theoccurrences connected with the battle of Monmouth. When the British begantheir retreat across New Jersey, according to Hamilton "the Generalunluckily called a council of war, the result of which would have donehonor to the most honorable society of mid-wives and to them only. Thepurport was, that we should keep at a comfortable distance from the enemy, and keep up a vain parade of annoying them by detachment . . . The General, on mature reconsideration of what had been resolved on, determined topursue a different line of conduct at all hazards. " Concerning thisdecision Pickering wrote, --

"His great caution in respect to the enemy, acquired him the name of theAmerican Fabius. From this _governing_ policy he is said to have departed, when" at Monmouth he "indulged the most anxious desire to close with hisantagonist in general action. Opposed to his wishes was the advice ofhis general officers. To this he for a time yielded; but as soon as hediscovered that the enemy had reached Monmouth Court House, not more thantwelve miles from the heights of Middletown, he determined that he shouldnot escape without a blow. "

Pickering considered this a "departure" from Washington's "usual practiceand policy, " and cites Wadsworth, who said, in reference to the battle ofMonmouth, that the General appeared, on that occasion, "to act from theimpulses of his own mind. "

Thrice during the next three years plans for an attack on the enemy'slines at New York were matured, one of which had to be abandoned becausethe British had timely notice of it by the treachery of an Americangeneral, a second because the other generals disapproved the attempt, and, on the authority of Humphreys, "the accidental intervention of somevessels prevented [another] attempt, which was more than once resumedafterwards. Notwithstanding this favorite project was not ultimatelyeffected, it was evidently not less bold in conception or feasible inaccomplishment, than that attempted so successfully at Trenton, or thanthat which was brought to so glorious an issue in the successful siege ofYorktown. "

As this _résumé_ indicates, the most noticeable trait of Washington'smilitary career was a tendency to surrender his own opinions and wishes tothose over whom he had been placed, and this resulted in a generalagreement not merely that he was disposed to avoid action, but that helacked decision. Thus his own aide, Reed, in obvious contrast toWashington, praised Lee because "you have decision, a quality often wantedin minds otherwise valuable, " continuing, "Oh! General, an indecisive mindis one of the greatest misfortunes that can befall an army; how often haveI lamented it this campaign, " and Lee in reply alluded to "that fatalindecision of mind. " Pickering relates meeting General Greene and sayingto him, "'I had once conceived an exalted opinion of General Washington'smilitary talents; but since I have been with the army, I have seen nothingto increase that opinion. ' Greene answered, 'Why, the General does wantdecision: for my part, I decide in a moment. ' I used the word 'increase, 'though I meant 'support, ' but did not dare speak it. " Wayne exclaimed "ifour worthy general will but follow his own good judgment without listeningtoo much to some counsel!" Edward Thornton, probably repeating theprevailing public estimate of the time rather than his own conclusion, said, "a certain degree of indecision, however, a want of vigor andenergy, may be observed in some of his actions, and are indeed the obviousresult of too refined caution. "

Undoubtedly this leaning on others and the want of decision were notmerely due to a constitutional mistrust of his own ability, but also in ameasure to real lack of knowledge. The French and Indian War, being almostwholly "bush-fighting, " was not of a kind to teach strategic warfare, andin his speech accepting the command Washington requested that "it may beremembered by every gentleman in the room, that I this day declare withthe utmost sincerity I do not think myself equal to the command I amhonored with. " Indeed, he very well described himself and his generalswhen he wrote of one officer, "his wants are common to us all--the want ofexperience to move upon a large scale, for the limited and contractedknowledge, which any of us have in military matters, stands in very littlestead. " There can be no question that in most of the "field" engagementsof the Revolution Washington was out-generalled by the British, andJefferson made a just distinction when he spoke of his having often"failed in the field, and rarely against an enemy in station, as at Bostonand York. "

The lack of great military genius in the commander-in-chief has ledBritish writers to ascribe the results of the war to the want of abilityin their own generals, their view being well summed up by a writer in1778, who said, "in short, I am of the opinion . . . That any other Generalin the world than General Howe would have beaten General Washington; andany other General in the world than General Washington would have beatenGeneral Howe. "

This is, in effect, to overlook the true nature of the contest, for it wastheir very victories that defeated the British. They conquered New Jersey, to meet defeat; they captured Philadelphia, only to find it a danger; theyestablished posts in North Carolina, only to abandon them; they overranVirginia, to lay down their arms at Yorktown. As Washington early in thewar divined, the Revolution was "a war of posts, " and he urged the dangerof "dividing and subdividing our Force too much [so that] we shall have noone post sufficiently guarded, " saying, "it is a military observationstrongly supported by experience, 'that a superior army may fall asacrifice to an inferior, by an injudicious division. '" It was exactlythis which defeated the British; every conquest they made weakened theirforce, and the war was not a third through when Washington said, "I amwell convinced myself, that the enemy, long ere this, are perfectly wellsatisfied, that the possession of our towns, while we have an army in thefield, will avail them little. " As Franklin said, when the news wasannounced that Howe had captured Philadelphia, "No, Philadelphia hascaptured Howe. "

The problem of the Revolution was not one of military strategy, but of keeping an army in existence, and it was in this that thecommander-in-chief's great ability showed itself. The British could anddid repeatedly beat the Continental army, but they could not beat theGeneral, and so long as he was in the field there was a rallying groundfor whatever fighting spirit there was. 

The difficulty of this task can hardly be over-magnified. When Washingtonassumed command of the forces before Boston, he "found a mixed multitudeof people . . . Under very little discipline, order, or government, " and"confusion and disorder reigned in every department, which, in a littletime, must have ended either in the separation of the army or fatalcontests with one another. " Before he was well in the saddle his generalofficers were quarrelling over rank, and resigning; there was such ascarcity of powder that it was out of the question for some months to doanything; and the British sent people infected with small-pox to theContinental army, with a consequent outbreak of that pest. 

Hardly had he brought order out of chaos when the army he had taken suchpains to discipline began to melt away, having been by political follyrecruited for short terms, and the work was to be all done over. Again andagain during the war regiments which had been enlisted for short periodsleft him at the most critical moment. Very typical occurrences he himselftells of, when Connecticut troops could "not be prevailed upon to staylonger than their term (saving those who have enlisted for the nextcampaign, and mostly on furlough), and such a dirty, mercenary spiritpervades the whole, that I should not be at all surprised at any disasterthat may happen, " and when he described how in his retreat through NewJersey, "The militia, instead of calling forth their utmost efforts to abrave and manly opposition in order to repair our losses, are dismayed, intractable, and impatient to return. Great numbers of them have gone off;in some instances, almost by whole regiments, by half ones, and bycompanies at a time. " Another instance of this evil occurred when "theContinental regiments from the eastern governments . . . Agreed to stay sixweeks beyond their term of enlistment. . . . For this extraordinary mark oftheir attachment to their country, I have agreed to give them a bounty often dollars per man, besides their pay running on. " The men took thebounty, and nearly one-half went off a few days after. 

Nor was this the only evil of the policy of short enlistments. Another wasthat the new troops not merely were green soldiers, but were withoutdiscipline. At New York Tilghman wrote that after the battle of Brooklynthe "Eastern" soldiers were "plundering everything that comes in theirway, " and Washington in describing the condition said, "every Hour bringsthe most distressing complaints of the Ravages of our own Troops who arebecome infinitely more formidable to the poor Farmers and Inhabitants thanthe common Enemy. Horses are taken out of the Continental Teams; theBaggage of Officers and the Hospital Stores, even the Quarters of GeneralOfficers are not exempt from Rapine. " At the most critical moment of thewar the New Jersey militia not merely deserted, but captured and took withthem nearly the whole stores of the army. As the General truly wrote, "theDependence which the Congress have placed upon the militia, has alreadygreatly injured, and I fear will totally ruin our cause. Being subject tono controul themselves, they introduce disorder among the troops, whom youhave attempted to discipline, while the change in their living bringson sickness; this makes them Impatient to get home, which spreadsuniversally, and introduces abominable desertions. " "The collectingmilitia, " he said elsewhere, "depends entirely upon the prospects of theday. If favorable they throng in to you; if not, they will not move. "

To make matters worse, politics were allowed to play a prominent part inthe selection of officers, and Washington complained that "the differentStates [were], without regard to the qualifications of an officer, quarrelling about the appointments, and nominating such as are not fit tobe shoeblacks, from the attachments of this or that member of Assembly. "As a result, so he wrote of New England, "their officers are generally ofthe lowest class of the people; and, instead of setting a good example totheir men, are leading them into every kind of mischief, one species ofwhich is plundering the inhabitants, under the pretence of their beingTories. " To this political motive he himself would not yield, and a sampleof his appointments was given when a man was named "because he standsunconnected with either of these Governments; or with this, or that ortother man; for between you and me there is more in this than you caneasily imagine, " and he asserted that "I will not have any Gentn. Introduced from family connexion, or local attachments, to the prejudiceof the Service. "

To misbehaving soldiers Washington showed little mercy. In his firstservice he had deserters and plunderers "flogged, " and threatened that ifhe could "lay hands" on one particular culprit, "I would try the effect of1000 lashes. " At another time he had "a Gallows near 40 feet high erected(which has terrified the _rest_ exceedingly) and I am determined if I canbe justified in the proceeding, to hang two or three on it, as an exampleto others. " When he took command of the Continental army he "made a prettygood slam among such kind of officers as the Massachusetts Governmentabound in since I came to this Camp, having broke one Colo, and twoCaptains for cowardly behavior in the action on Bunker's Hill, --twoCaptains for drawing more provisions and pay than they had men in theirCompany--and one for being absent from his Post when the Enemy appearedthere and burnt a House just by it Besides these, I have at this time--oneColo. , one Major, one Captn. , & two subalterns under arrest for tryal--Inshort I spare none yet fear it will not at all do as these People seem tobe too inattentive to every thing but their Interest" "I am sorry, " hewrote, "to be under a Necessity of making frequent Examples among theOfficers, " but "as nothing can be more fatal to an Army, than Crimes ofthis kind, I am determined by every Motive of Reward and Punishment toprevent them in future. " Even when plundering was avoided there were shortcommons for those who clung to the General. The commander-in-chief wroteCongress that "they have often, very often, been reduced to the necessityof Eating Salt Porke, or Beef not for a day, or a week but monthstogether without Vegetables, or money to buy them;" and again, hecomplained that "the Soldiers [were forced to] eat every kind of horsefood but Hay. Buckwheat, common wheat, Rye and Indn. Corn was thecomposition of the Meal which made their bread. As an Army they bore it, [but] accompanied by the want of Cloaths, Blankets, &c. , will producefrequent desertions in all armies and so it happens with us, tho' it didnot excite a mutiny. " Even the horses suffered, and Washington wrote tothe quartermaster-general, "Sir, my horses I am told have not had amouthful of long or short forage for three days. They have eaten up theirmangers and are now, (though wanted for immediate use, ) scarcely able tostand. "

Two results were sickness and discontent. At times one-fourth of thesoldiers were on the sick-list. Three times portions of the army mutinied, and nothing but Washington's influence prevented the disorder fromspreading. At the end of the war, when, according to Hamilton, "the armyhad secretly determined not to lay down their arms until due provision anda satisfactory prospect should be offered on the subject of their pay, "the commander-in-chief urged Congress to do them justice, writing, "thefortitude--the long, & great suffering of this army is unexampled inhistory; but there is an end to all things & I fear we are very near tothis. Which, more than probably will oblige me to stick very close to myflock this winter, & try like a careful physician, to prevent, ifpossible, the disorders getting to an incurable height. " In this he judgedrightly, for by his influence alone was the army prevented from adoptingother than peaceful measures to secure itself justice. 

A chief part of these difficulties the Continental Congress is directlyresponsible for, and the reason for their conduct is to be found largelyin the circumstances of Washington's appointment to the command. 

[Illustration: Life Mask of Washington]

When the Second Congress met, in May, 1775, the battle of Lexington hadbeen fought, and twenty thousand minute-men were assembled about Boston. To pay and feed such a horde was wholly beyond the ability of New England, and her delegates came to the Congress bent upon getting that body toassume the expense, or, as the Provincial Congress of Massachusettsnaively put it, "we have the greatest Confidence in the Wisdom and Abilityof the Continent to support us. "

The other colonies saw this in a different light. Massachusetts, withoutour advice, has begun a war and embodied an army; let Massachusetts payher own bills, was their point of view. "I have found this Congress likethe last, " wrote John Adams. "When we first came together, I found astrong jealousy of us from New England, and the Massachusettes inparticular, suspicions entertained of designs of independency, an Americanrepublic, Presbyterian principles, and twenty other things. Our sentimentswere heard in Congress with great caution, and seemed to make but littleimpression. " Yet "every post brought me letters from my friends . . . Urgingin pathetic terms the impossibility of keeping their men together withoutthe assistance of Congress. " "I was daily urging all these things, but wewere embarrassed with more than one difficulty, not only with the party infavor of the petition to the King, and the party who were zealous ofindependence, but a third party, which was a southern party against aNorthern, and a jealousy against a New England army under the command of aNew England General. "

Under these circumstances a political deal was resorted to, and Virginiawas offered by John and Samuel Adams, as the price of an adoption andsupport of the New England army, the appointment of commander-in-chief, though the offer was not made with over-good grace, and only because "wecould carry nothing without conceding it. " There was some dissensionamong the Virginia delegates as to who should receive the appointment, Washington himself recommending an old companion in arms, General AndrewLewis, and "more than one, " Adams says of the Virginia delegates, were"very cool about the appointment of Washington, and particularly Mr. Pendleton was very clear and full against it" Washington himself said theappointment was due to "partiality of the Congress, joined to a politicalmotive;" and, hard as it is to realize, it was only the grinding politicalnecessity of the New England colonies which secured to Washington theplace for which in the light of to-day he seems to have been created. 

As a matter of course, there was not the strongest liking felt for theGeneral thus chosen by the New England delegates, and this was steadilylessened by Washington's frank criticism of the New England soldiers andofficers already noticed. Equally bitter to the New England delegates andtheir allies were certain army measures that Washington pressed upon theattention of Congress. He urged and urged that the troops should beenlisted for the war, that promotions should be made from the army as awhole, and not from the colony- or State-line alone, and most unpopular ofall, that since Continental soldiers could not otherwise be obtained, abounty should be given to secure them, and that as compensation for theirinadequate pay half-pay should be given them after the war. He eventuallycarried these points, but at the price of an entire alienation of thedemocratic party in the Congress, who wished to have the war fought withmilitia, to have all the officers elected annually, and to whom the verysuggestion of pensions was like a red rag to a bull. 

A part of their motive in this was unquestionably to prevent the danger ofa standing army, and of allowing the commander-in-chief to become popularwith the soldiers. Very early in the war Washington noted "the _jealousy_which Congress unhappily entertain of the army, and which, if reports areright, some members labor to establish. " And he complained that "I see adistrust and jealousy of military power, that the commander-in-chief hasnot an opportunity, even by recommendation, to give the least assurance ofreward for the most essential services. " The French minister told hisgovernment that when a committee was appointed to institute certain armyreforms, delegates in Congress "insisted on the danger of associating theCommander-in-chief with it, whose influence, it was stated, was alreadytoo great, " and when France sent money to aid the American cause, with theprovision that it should be subject to the order of the General, itaroused, a writer states, "the jealousy of Congress, the members of whichwere not satisfied that the head of the army should possess such an agencyin addition to his military power. "

His enemies in the Congress took various means to lessen his influence andmortify him. Burke states that in the discussion of one question "Jersey, Pennsylvania, North Carolina, and South Carolina voted for expunging it;the four Eastern States, Virginia and Georgia for retaining it. Thereappeared through this whole debate a great desire, in some of thedelegates from the Eastern States, and in one from New Jersey, to insultthe General, " and a little later the Congress passed a "resolve which, "according to James Lovell, "was meant to rap a Demi G--over the knuckles. "Nor was it by commission, but as well by omission, that they showed theirill feeling. John Laurens told his father that

"there is a conduct observed towards" the General "by certain great men, which as it is humiliating, must abate his happiness. . . . The Commander inChief of this army is not sufficiently informed of all that is known byCongress of European affairs. Is it not a galling circumstance, for him tocollect the most important intelligence piecemeal, and as they choose togive it, from gentlemen who come from York? Apart from the chagrin whichhe must necessarily feel at such an appearance of slight, it should beconsidered that in order to settle his plan of operations for the ensuingcampaign, he should take into view the present state of European affairs, and Congress should not leave him in the dark. "

Furthermore, as already noted, Washington was criticised for his Fabianpolicy, and in his indignation he wrote to Congress, "I am informed thatit is a matter of amazement, and that reflections have been thrown outagainst this army, for not being more active and enterprising than, in theopinion of some, they ought to have been. If the charge is just, the bestway to account for it will be to refer you to the returns of our strength, and those which I can produce of the enemy, and to the enclosed abstractof the clothing now actually wanting for the army. " "I can assure thosegentlemen, " he said, in reply to political criticism, "that it is a mucheasier and less distressing thing to draw remonstrances in a comfortableroom by a good fireside, than to occupy a cold, bleak hill, and sleepunder frost and snow, without clothes or blankets. "

The ill feeling did not end with insults. With the defeats of the years1776 and 1777 it gathered force, and towards the end of the latter year itcrystallized in what has been known in history as the Conway Cabal. Thestory of this conspiracy is so involved in shadow that little is knownconcerning its adherents or its endeavors. But in a general way it hasbeen discovered that the New England delegates again sought the aid of theLee faction in Virginia, and that this coalition, with the aid of suchvotes as they could obtain, schemed several methods which should lessenthe influence of Washington, if they did not force him to resign. Separateand detached commands were created, which were made independent of thecommander-in-chief, and for this purpose even a scheme which the Generalcalled "a child of folly" was undertaken. Officers notoriously inimical toWashington, yet upon whom he would be forced to rely, were promoted. Aboard of war made up of his enemies, with powers "in effect paramount, "Hamilton says, "to those of the commander-in-chief, " was created It iseven asserted that it was moved in Congress that a committee should beappointed to arrest Washington, which was defeated only by the timelyarrival of a new delegate, by which the balance of power was lost to theCabal. 

Even with the collapse of the army Cabal the opposition in Congress wasmaintained. "I am very confident, " wrote General Greene, "that there isparty business going on again, and, as Mifflin is connected with it, Idoubt not its being a revival of the old scheme;" again writing, "GeneralSchuyler and others consider it a plan of Mifflin's to injure yourExcellency's operations. I am now fully convinced of the reality of what Isuggested to you before I came away. " In 1779 John Sullivan, then a memberof Congress, wrote, --

"Permit me to inform your Excellency, that the faction raised against youin 1777, is not yet destroyed. The members are waiting to collectstrength, and seize some favorable moment to appear in force. I speak notfrom conjecture, but from certain knowledge. Their plan is to take everymethod of proving the danger arising from a commander, who enjoys the fulland unlimited confidence of his army, and alarm the people with theprospects of imaginary evils; nay, they will endeavor to convert yourvirtue into arrows, with which, they will seek to wound you. "

But Washington could not be forced into a resignation, ill-treat andslight him as they would, and at no time were they strong enough to votehim out of office. For once a Congressional "deal" between New England andVirginia did not succeed, and as Washington himself wrote, "I have a gooddeal of reason to believe that the machination of this junto will recoilon their own heads, and be a means of bringing some matters to light whichby getting me out of the way, some of them thought to conceal, " In this hewas right, for the re-elections of both Samuel Adams and Richard Henry Leewere put in danger, and for some time they were discredited even in theirown colonies. "I have happily had, " Washington said to a correspondent, "but few differences with those with whom I have had the honor of beingconnected in the service. With whom, and of what nature these have been, you know. I bore much for the sake of peace and the public good"

As is well known, Washington served without pay during his eight years ofcommand, and, as he said, "fifty thousand pounds would not induce me againto undergo what I have done. " No wonder he declared "that the God ofarmies may incline the hearts of my American brethren to support thepresent contest, and bestow sufficient abilities on me to bring it to aspeedy and happy conclusion, thereby enabling me to sink into sweetretirement, and the full enjoyment of that peace and happiness, which willaccompany a domestic life, is the first wish and most fervent prayer of mysoul. "

The day finally came when his work was finished, and he could be, as hephrased it, "translated into a private citizen. " Marshall describes thescene as follows: "At noon, the principal officers of the army assembledat Frances' tavern; soon after which, their beloved commander entered theroom. His emotions were too strong to be concealed. Filling a glass, heturned to them and said, 'With a heart full of love and gratitude, Inow take leave of you; I most devoutly wish that your latter days may beas prosperous and happy, as your former ones have been glorious andhonorable. ' Having drunk, he added, 'I cannot come to each of you to takemy leave; but shall be obliged to you, if each of you will come and takeme by the hand. ' General Knox, being nearest, turned to him. Incapable ofutterance, Washington grasped his hand, and embraced him. In the sameaffectionate manner he took leave of each succeeding officer. In every eyewas the tear of dignified sensibility, and not a word was articulated tointerrupt the majestic silence, and the tenderness of the scene. Leavingthe room, he passed through the corps of light infantry, and walked toWhitehall, where a barge waited to convey him to Powles-hook. Thewhole company followed in mute and solemn procession, with dejectedcountenance . . . Having entered the barge, he turned to the company, and, waving his hat, bade them a silent adieu. "

XII

CITIZEN AND OFFICE-HOLDER

Washington became a government servant before he became a voter, byreceiving in 1749, or when he was seventeen years of age, the appointmentof official surveyor of Culpepper County, the salary of which, accordingto Boucher, was about fifty pounds Virginia currency a year. The officewas certainly not a very fat berth, for it required the holder to live ina frontier county, to travel at times, as Washington in his journal noted, over "ye worst Road that ever was trod by Man or Beast, " to sometimes lieon straw, which once "catch'd a Fire, " and we "was luckily Preserved byone of our Mens waking, " sometimes under a tent, which occasionally "wasCarried quite of[f] with ye Wind and" we "was obliged to Lie ye Latterpart of ye night without covering, " and at other times driven from underthe tent by smoke. Indeed, one period of surveying Washington described toa friend by writing, --

"[Since] October Last I have not sleep'd above three Nights or four in abed but after Walking a good deal all the Day lay down before the fireupon a Little Hay Straw Fodder or bearskin which-ever is to be had withMan Wife and Children like a Parcel of Dogs or Catts & happy's he thatgets the Birth nearest the fire there's nothing would make it pass oftolerably but a good Reward a Dubbleloon is my constant gain every Daythat the Weather will permit my going out and some time Six Pistoles thecoldness of the Weather will not allow my making a long stay as theLodging is rather too cold for the time of Year. I have never had myCloths of but lay and sleep in them like a Negro except the few Nights Ihave lay'n in Frederick Town. "

In 1751, when he was nineteen, Washington bettered his lot by becomingadjutant of one of the four military districts of Virginia, with a salaryof one hundred pounds and a far less toilsome occupation. This in turn ledup to his military appointment in 1754, which he held almost continuouslytill 1759, when he resigned from the service. 

Next to a position on the Virginia council, a seat in the House ofBurgesses, or lower branch of the Legislature, was most sought, and thisposition had been held by Washington's great-grandfather, father, andelder brother. It was only natural, therefore, that in becoming the headof the family George should desire the position. As early as 1755, whileon the frontier, he wrote to his brother in charge of Mount Vernoninquiring about the election to be held in the county, and asking him to"come at Colo Fairfax's intentions, and let me know whether he purposes tooffer himself as a candidate. " "If he does not, I should be glad to take apoll, if I thought my chance tolerably good. " His friend Carlyle, Washington wrote, had "mentioned it to me in Williamsburg in a banteringway, " and he begged his brother to "discover Major Carlyle's realsentiments on this head, " as also those of the other prominent men of thecounty, and especially of the clergymen. "_Sound_ their pulse, " he wrote, "with an air of indifference and unconcern . . . Without disclosing much of_mine_. " "If they seem inclinable to promote my interest, and thingsshould be drawing to a crisis, you may declare my intention and beg theirassistance. If on the contrary you find them more inclined to favor someother, I would have the affair entirely dropped. " Apparently the countymagnates disapproved, for Washington did not stand for the county. 

In 1757 an election for burgesses was held in Frederick County, in whichWashington then was (with his soldiers), and for which he offered himselfas a candidate. The act was hardly a wise one, for, though he had savedWinchester and the surrounding country from being overrun by the Indians, he was not popular. Not merely was he held responsible for the massacresof outlying inhabitants, whom it was impossible to protect, but in thisvery defence he had given cause for ill-feeling. He himself confessed thathe had several times "strained the law, "--he had been forced to impressthe horses and wagons of the district, and had in other ways so angeredsome of the people that they had threatened "to blow out my brains. " Buthe had been guilty of a far worse crime still in a political sense. Virginia elections were based on liquor, and Washington had written to thegovernor, representing "the great nuisance the number of tippling housesin Winchester are to the soldiers, who by this means, in spite of theutmost care and vigilance, are, so long as their pay holds, incessantlydrunk and unfit for service, " and he wished that "the new commission forthis county may have the intended effect, " for "the number of tipplinghouses kept here is a great grievance. " As already noted, the Virginiaregiment was accused in the papers of drunkenness, and under the sting ofthat accusation Washington declared war on the publicans. He whipped hismen when they became drunk, kept them away from the ordinaries, and evenclosed by force one tavern which was especially culpable. "Were it not tootedious, " he wrote the governor, "I cou'd give your Honor such instancesof the villainous Behavior of those Tippling House-keepers, as wou'dastonish any person. "

The conduct was admirable, but it was not good politics, and as soon as heoffered himself as a candidate, the saloon element, under the leadershipof one Lindsay, whose family were tavern-keepers in Winchester for atleast one hundred years, united to oppose him. Against the would-beburgess they set up one Captain Thomas Swearingen, whom Washington laterdescribed as "a man of great weight among the meaner class of people, andsupposed by them to possess extensive knowledge. " As a result, the pollshowed Swearingen elected by two hundred and seventy votes, and Washingtondefeated with but forty ballots. 

This sharp experience in practical politics seems to have taught the youngcandidate a lesson, for when a new election came in 1758 he took a leaffrom his enemy's book, and fought them with their own weapons. Thefriendly aid of the county boss, Colonel John Wood, was secured, as alsothat of Gabriel Jones, a man of much local force and popularity. Scarcelyless important were the sinews of war employed, told of in the followingdetailed account. A law at that time stood on the Virginia statutesforbidding all treating or giving of what were called "ticklers" to thevoters, and declaring illegal all elections which were thus influenced. None the less, the voters of Frederick enjoyed at Washington's charge--

40 gallons of Rum Punch @ 3/6 pr. Galn 7 0 015 gallons of Wine @ 10/ pr. Galn 7 10 0Dinner for your Friends 3 0 013-1/2 gallons of Wine @ 10/ 6 153-1/2 pts. Of Brandy @ 1/3 4 4-1/213 Galls. Beer @ 1/3 16 38 qts. Cyder Royl @ 1/6 0 12 0Punch 3 930 gallns. Of strong beer @ 8d pr. Gall 1 01 hhd & 1 Barrell of Punch, consisting of 26 gals. Best Barbadoes rum, 5/ 6 10 0 12 lbs. S. Refd. Sugar 1/6 18 93 galls. And 3 quarts of Beer @ 1/ pr. Gall 3 910 Bowls of Punch @ 2/6 each 1 5 09 half pints of rum @ 7-1/2 d. Each 5 7-1/21 pint of wine 1 6

After the election was over, Washington wrote Wood that "I hope noException was taken to any that voted against me, but that all were aliketreated, and all had enough. My only fear is that you spent with toosparing a hand. " It is hardly necessary to say that such methods reversedthe former election; Washington secured three hundred and ten votes, andSwearingen received forty-five. What is more, so far from now threateningto blow out his brains, there was "a general applause and huzzaing forColonel Washington. "

From this time until he took command of the army Washington was aburgess. Once again he was elected from Frederick County, and then, in1765, he stood for Fairfax, in which Mount Vernon was located. Here hereceived two hundred and eight votes, his colleague getting but onehundred and forty-eight, and in the election of 1768 he received onehundred and eighty-five, and his colleague only one hundred and forty-two. Washington spent between forty and seventy-five pounds at each of theseelections, and usually gave a ball to the voters on the night he waschosen. Some of the miscellaneous election expenses noted in his ledgerare, "54 gallons of Strong Beer, " "52 Do. Of Ale, " "£1. 0. 0. To Mr. JohnMuir for his fiddler, " and "For cakes at the Election £7. 11. 1. "

The first duty which fell to the new burgess was service on a committee todraught a law to prevent hogs from running at large in Winchester. He wasvery regular in his attendance; and though he took little part in theproceedings, yet in some way he made his influence felt, so that when thetime came to elect deputies to the First Congress he stood third in orderamong the seven appointed to attend that body, and a year later, in thedelegation to the Continental Congress, he stood second, Peyton Randolphreceiving one more vote only, and all the other delegates less. 

This distinction was due to the sound judgment of the man rather than tothose qualities that are considered senatorial. Jefferson said, "I servedwith General Washington in the legislature of Virginia before therevolution, and, during it, with Dr. Franklin in Congress. I never heardeither of them speak ten minutes at a time, nor to any but the main pointwhich was to decide the question. They laid their shoulders to the greatpoints, knowing that the little ones would follow of themselves. "

Through all his life Washington was no speechmaker. In 1758, by anorder of the Assembly, Speaker Robinson was directed to return its thanksto Colonel Washington, on behalf of the colony, for the distinguishedmilitary services which he had rendered to the country. As soon as hetook his seat in the House, the Speaker performed this duty in suchglowing terms as quite overwhelmed him. Washington rose to express hisacknowledgments for the honor, but was so disconcerted as to be unable toarticulate a word distinctly. He blushed and faltered for a moment, whenthe Speaker relieved him from his embarrassment by saying, "Sit down, Mr. Washington, your modesty equals your valor, and that surpasses the powerof any language that I possess. "

This stage-fright seems to have clung to him. When Adams hinted thatCongress should "appoint a General, " and added, "I had no hesitation todeclare that I had but one gentleman in my mind for that importantcommand, and that was a gentleman whose skill and experience as anofficer, whose independent fortune, great talents, and excellent universalcharacter, would command the approbation of all America, and unite thecordial exertions of all the Colonies better than any other person in theUnion, " he relates that "Mr. Washington who happened to sit near the door, as soon as he heard me allude to him, from his usual modesty, darted intothe library-room. "

So, too, at his inauguration as President, Maclay noted that "this greatman was agitated and embarrassed more than ever he was by the leveledcannon or pointed musket. He trembled, and several times could scarce makeout to read [his speech], though it must be supposed he had often read itbefore, " and Fisher Ames wrote, "He addressed the two Houses in theSenate-chamber; it was a very touching scene and quite of a solemn kind. His aspect grave, almost to sadness; his modesty actually shaking; hisvoice deep, a little tremulous, and so low as to call for closeattention, "

There can be little doubt that this non-speech-making ability was notmerely the result of inaptitude, but was also a principle, for when hisfavorite nephew was elected a burgess, and made a well-thought-of speechin his first attempt, his uncle wrote him, "You have, I find, broke theice. The only advice I will offer to you on the occasion (if you have amind to command the attention of the House, ) is to speak seldom, butto important subjects, except such as particularly relate to yourconstituents; and, in the former case, make yourself perfectly master ofthe subject. Never exceed a decent warmth, and submit your sentiments withdiffidence. A dictatorial stile, though it may carry conviction, is alwaysaccompanied with disgust. " To a friend writing of this same speech hesaid, "with great pleasure I received the information respecting thecommencement of my nephew's political course. I hope he will not be sobouyed by the favorable impression it has made, as to become a babbler. "

Even more indicative of his own conceptions of senatorial conduct isadvice given in a letter to Jack Custis, when the latter, too, achieved anelection to the Assembly. 

"I do not suppose, " he wrote, "that so young a senator as you are, littleversed in political disquisitions, can yet have much influence in apopulous assembly, composed of Gentln. Of various talents and of differentviews. But it is in your power to be punctual in your attendance (and dutyto the trust reposed in you exacts it of you), to hear dispassionately anddetermine coolly all great questions. To be disgusted at the decision ofquestions, because they are not consonant to your own ideas, and towithdraw ourselves from public assemblies, or to neglect our attendance atthem, upon suspicion that there is a party formed, who are inimical to ourcause, and to the true interest of our country, is wrong, because thesethings may originate in a difference of opinion; but, supposing the factis otherwise, and that our suspicions are well founded, it is theindispensable duty of every patriot to counteract them by the most steadyand uniform opposition. "

In the Continental Congress, Randolph states, "Washington was prominent, though silent. His looks bespoke a mind absorbed in meditation on hiscountry's fate; but a positive concert between him and Henry could notmore effectually have exhibited him to view, than when Henry ridiculed theidea of peace 'when there was no peace, ' and enlarged on the duty ofpreparing for war. " Very quickly his attendance on that body was ended byits appointing him general. 

His political relations to the Congress have been touched upon elsewhere, but his attitude towards Great Britain is worth attention. Very early hehad said, "At a time when our lordly masters in Great Britain will besatisfied with nothing less than the deprivation of American freedom, itseems highly necessary that something should be done to avert the stroke, and maintain the liberty, which we have derived from our ancestors. Butthe manner of doing it, to answer the purpose effectually, is the point inquestion. That no man should scruple, or hesitate a moment, to use a--s indefence of so valuable a blessing, on which all the good and evil of lifedepends, is clearly my opinion. " When actual war ensued, he was among thefirst to begin to collect and drill a force, even while he wrote, "unhappyit is, though to reflect, that a brother's sword has been sheathed in abrother's breast, and that the once happy and peaceful plains of Americaare either to be drenched with blood or inhabited by slaves. Sadalternative! But can a virtuous man hesitate in his choice?"

Not till early in 1776 did he become a convert to independence, andthen only by such "flaming arguments as were exhibited at Falmouth andNorfolk, " which had been burned by the British. At one time, in 1776, hethought "the game will be pretty well up, " but "under a full persuasion ofthe justice of our cause, I cannot entertain an Idea, that it will finallysink, tho' it may remain for some time under a cloud, " and even in thistime of terrible discouragement he maintained that "nothing short ofindependence, it appears to me, can possibly do. A peace on other termswould, if I may be allowed the expression, be a peace of war. "

Pickering, who placed a low estimate on his military ability, said that, "upon the whole, I have no hesitation in saying that General Washington'stalents were much better adapted to the Presidency of the United Statesthan to the command of their armies, " and this is probably true. Thediplomatist Thornton said of the President, that if his "circumspection isaccompanied by discernment and penetration, as I am informed it is, and asI should be inclined to believe from the judicious choice he has generallymade of persons to fill public stations, he possesses the two greatrequisites of a statesman, the faculty of concealing his own sentimentsand of discovering those of other men. "

To follow his course while President is outside of the scope of this work, but a few facts are worth noting. Allusion has already been made to hisuse of the appointing power, but how clearly he held it as a "publictrust" is shown in a letter to his longtime friend Benjamin Harrison, whoasked him for an office. "I will go to the chair, " he replied, "under nopre-engagement of any kind or nature whatsoever. But, when in it, to thebest of my judgment, discharge the duties of the office with thatimpartiality and zeal for the public good, which ought never to sufferconnection of blood or friendship to intermingle so as to have the leastsway on the decision of a public nature. " This position was held tofirmly. John Adams wrote an office-seeker, "I must caution you, my dearSir, against having any dependence on my influence or that of any otherperson. No man, I believe, has influence with the President. He seeksinformation from all quarters, and judges more independently than any manI ever knew. It is of so much importance to the public that he shouldpreserve this superiority, that I hope I shall never see the time that anyman will have influence with him beyond the powers of reason andargument. "

Long after, when political strife was running high, Adams said, "Washington appointed a multitude of democrats and jacobins of the deepestdie. I have been more cautious in this respect; but there is danger ofproscribing under imputations of democracy, some of the ablest, mostinfluential, and best characters in the Union. " In this he was quitecorrect, for the first President's appointments were made with a view todestroy party and not create it, his object being to gather all the talentof the country in support of the national government, and he bore manythings which personally were disagreeable in an endeavor to do this. 

Twice during Washington's terms he was forced to act counter to the publicsentiment. The first time was when a strenuous attempt was made by theFrench minister to break through the neutrality that had been proclaimed, when, according to John Adams, "ten thousand people in the streets ofPhiladelphia, day after day, threatened to drag Washington out of hishouse, and effect a revolution in the government, or compel it to declarein favor of the French revolution and against England. " The second timewas when he signed the treaty of 1795 with Great Britain, which produced apopular outburst from one end of the country to the other. In neither casedid Washington swerve an iota from what he thought right, writing, "theseare unpleasant things, but they must be met with firmness. " Eventually thepeople always came back to their leader, and Jefferson sighed over thefact that "such is the popularity of the President that the people willsupport him in whatever he will do or will not do, without appealing totheir own reason or to anything but their feelings towards him. "

[Illustration: PRESIDENTIAL MANSION, PHILADELPHIA]

It is not to be supposed from this that Washington was above consideringthe popular bent, or was lacking in political astuteness. John Adamsasserted that "General Washington, one of the most attentive men in theworld to the manner of doing things, owed a great proportion of hiscelebrity to this circumstance, " and frequently he is to be foundconsidering the popularity or expediency of courses. In 1776 he said, "Ihave found it of importance and highly expedient to yield to many pointsin fact, without seeming to have done it, and this to avoid bringing on atoo frequent discussion of matters which in a political view ought to bekept a little behind the curtain, and not to be made too much the subjectsof disquisition. Time only can eradicate and overcome customs andprejudices of long standing--they must be got the better of by slow andgradual advances. "

Elsewhere he wrote, "In a word, if a man cannot act in all respects as hewould wish, he must do what appears best, under the circumstances he isin. This I aim at, however short I may fall of the end;" of a certainmeasure he thought, "it has, however, like many other things in which Ihave been involved, two edges, neither of which can be avoided withoutfalling on the other;" and that even in small things he tried to bepolitic is shown in his journey through New England, when he accepted aninvitation to a large public dinner at Portsmouth, and the next day, beingat Exeter, he wrote in his diary, "a jealousy subsists between this town(where the Legislature alternately sits) and Portsmouth; which, had Iknown it in time, would have made it necessary to have accepted aninvitation to a public dinner, but my arrangements having been otherwisemade, I could not. "

Nor was Washington entirely lacking in finesse. He offered Patrick Henry aposition after having first ascertained in a roundabout manner that itwould be refused, and in many other ways showed that he understood goodpolitics. Perhaps the neatest of his dodges was made when the Frenchrevolutionist Volney asked him for a general letter of introduction to theAmerican people. This was not, for political and personal reasons, a thingWashington cared to give, yet he did not choose to refuse, so he wrote ona sheet of paper, --

"C. Volney needs no recommendation from Geo. Washington. "

There is a very general belief that success in politics and truthfulnessare incompatible, yet, as already shown, Washington prospered in politics, and the Rev. Mason L. Weems is authority for the popular statement that atsix years of age George could not tell a lie. Whether this was so, orwhether Mr. Weems was drawing on his imagination for his facts, it seemsprobable that Washington partially outgrew the disability in his moremature years. 

When trying to win the Indians to the English cause in 1754, Washington inhis journal states that he "let the young Indians who were in our campknow that the French wanted to kill the Half King, " a diplomatic statementhe hardly believed, which the writer says "had its desired effect, " andwhich the French editor declared to be an "imposture. " In this samecampaign he was forced to sign a capitulation which acknowledged that hehad been guilty of assassination, and this raised such a storm in Virginiawhen it became known that Washington hastened to deny all knowledge of thecharge having been contained among the articles, and alleged that it hadnot been made clear to him when the paper had been translated and read. On the contrary, another officer present at the reading states thathe refused to "sign the Capitulation because they charged us withAssasination in it. "

In writing to an Indian agent in 1755, Washington was "greatly enraptured"at hearing of his approach, dwelt upon the man's "hearty attachment to ourglorious Cause" and his "Courage of which I have had very great proofs. "Inclosing a copy of the letter to the governor, Washington said, "theletter savors a little of flattery &c. , &c. , but this, I hope isjustifiable on such an occasion. "

With his London agent there was a little difficulty in 1771, andWashington objected to a letter received "because there is one paragraphin particular in it . . . Which appears to me to contain an implication ofmy having deviated from the truth. " A more general charge was CharlesLee's: "I aver that his Excellencies letter was from beginning to the enda most abominable lie. "

As a _ruse de guerre_ Washington drew up for a spy in 1779 a series offalse statements as to the position and number of his army for him toreport to the British. And in preparation for the campaign of 1781 "muchtrouble was taken and finesse used to misguide and bewilder Sir HenryClinton by making a deceptive provision of ovens, forage and boats in hisneighborhood. " "Nor were less pains taken to deceive our own army, " andeven "the highest military as well as civil officers" were deceived atthis time, not merely that the secret should not leak out, but also "forthe important purpose of inducing the eastern and middle states to makegreater exertions. "

When travelling through the South in 1791, Washington entered in hisdiary, "Having suffered very much by the dust yesterday--and finding thatparties of Horse, & a number of other Gentlemen were intending to attendme part of the way to-day, I caused their enquiries respecting the time ofmy setting out, to be answered that, I should endeavor to do it beforeeight o'clock; but I did it a little after five, by which means I avoidedthe inconveniences above mentioned. "

Weld, in his "Travels in America, " published that "General Washington toldme that he never was so much annoyed by the mosquitos in any part ofAmerica as in Skenesborough, for that they used to bite through thethickest boot. " When this anecdote appeared in print, good old Dr. Dwight, shocked at the taradiddle, and fearing its evil influence on Washington'sfame, spoiled the joke by explaining in a book that "a gentleman ofgreat respectability, who was present when General Washington made theobservation referred to, told me that he said, when describing thosemosquitoes to Mr. Weld, that they 'bit through his stockings above theboots. '" Whoever invented the explanation should also have evolved a typeof boots other than those worn by Washington, for unfortunately for thestory Washington's military boots went above his "small clothes, " givingnot even an inch of stocking for either mosquito or explanation. In 1786, Washington declared that "I do not recollect that in the course of mylife, I ever forfeited my word, or broke a promise made to any one, " andat another time he wrote, "I never say any thing of a Man that I have thesmallest scruple of saying _to him_. "

From 1749 till 1784, and from 1789 till 1797, or a period of forty years, Washington filled offices of one kind or another, and when he died hestill held a commission. Thus, excluding his boyhood, there were but sevenyears of his life in which he was not engaged in the public service. Evenafter his retirement from the Presidency he served on a grand jury, andbefore this he had several times acted as petit juror. In another way hewas a good citizen, for when at Mount Vernon he invariably attended theelection, rain or shine, though it was a ride of ten miles to the pollingtown. 

Both his enemies and his friends bore evidence to his honesty. Jeffersonsaid, "his integrity was most pure, his justice the most inflexible I haveever known, no motives of interest or consanguinity or friendship orhatred, being able to bias his decision. He was indeed in every sense ofthe words, a wise, a good, and a great man. " Pickering wrote that "to theexcellency of his _virtues_ I am not disposed to set any limits. All hisviews were upright, all his actions just" Hamilton asserted that "theGeneral is a very honest Man;" and Tilghman spoke of him as "the honestestman that I believe ever adorned human nature. "

Index. 

ADAMS, John, opinion of Washington, use of appointing power, deal arranged by, dislike of Washington, quoted, ----, Samuel, opposed to Washington, Agriculture, Washington's fondness for, Ague, Washington's attacks of, ALEXANDER, Frances, Alexandria, assemblies at, Washington builds in, lots in, ALIQUIPPA, Queen, Alton, John, Ames, Fisher, quoted, Appleby school, ARMSTRONG, John, quoted, ARNOLD, B. , Asses, breeding of, _Aurora_, BACHE, B. F. , writes against Washington, BALLS, maternal ancestors of Washington, Balls, Bank-stock, holdings of, Barbadoes, Washington's visit to, BARD, Dr. , quoted, BASSETT, Burwell, ----, Frances, Bath, Virginia, lots in, _Battle of Brooklyn_, a farce, Billiards, BISHOP, Thomas, BLAND, Mary, ----, T. , criticises Washington's bow, "Blueskin, "

Books, Boston, siege of, BOUCHER, Rev. J. , quoted, mentioned, Bounties, BRADDOCK, Edward, Washington and, defeat of, march of, mentioned, Brasenose College, Lawrence Washington a fellow of, BRISSOT de Warville, quoted, British forgeries, Brixted Parva, Lawrence Washington rector of, BROGLIE, Prince de, quoted, Brooklyn, battle of, CALLENDER, James Thomson, publications of, CALVERT, Eleanor, marriage with Jack Custis, visit to Cambridge, remarriage, Cambridge, head-quarters at, mentioned, CAMPBELL, A. , portrait of Washington by, Cancer, George Washington's, Mary Washington's, Capital. _See_ Washington City. 

Cards, CARLYLE, Washington's friendship for, ----, Major, ----, Sally, CARROLL, Charles, CARY, Mary, "Cato, "

"Centinel, "

Charity, Washington's, Charleston, ladies of, visit Washington, jackass at, CHASTELLUX, Marquis de, quoted, marriage of, Children and Washington, Christ Church, Christianity, Washington's view of, CLARK, Abraham, opinion of Washington, CLINTON, George, Washington's investment with, ----, Sir H. , Washington's relations with, Clothes, Washington's taste in, Clubs, Washington's share in, COBB, David, quoted, at Yorktown, COBBETT, William, quoted, Colds, Washington's treatment of, Commissariat, Congress, Continental, Washington's relations with, jealousy of Washington and the army, endeavors to insult Washington, part in the Conway cabal, Washington's election to, Washington in, Connecticut troops, misconduct of, "Conotocarius, " Indian name for Washington, Continental army, sickness of, farewell to, small-pox in, threatened mutiny of, Conway Cabal, CONWAY, Thomas, Washington's relations with, CORBIN, Richard, CORNWALLIS, Lord, Washington's relations with, Craigie house, CRAIK, Dr. James, Washington's friendship for, bleeds Washington, CULPEPER, Lord, Culpeper County, CUSTIS, Eleanor P. , marriage to L. Lewis, quoted, ----, G. W. P. , education, quoted, acts, ----, John Parke, relations with Washington, education, ----, Martha. _See_ Washington, Martha. 

----, Martha ("Patsy"), relations of Washington with, death, treatment of, property, ---- property, Dancing, Washington's fondness of, DANDRIDGE, Bartholomew, ----, Martha. _See_ Washington, Martha. 

----, Mrs. 

DEANE, Silas, quoted, DE BUTTS, Lawrence, Democratic criticism of Washington, DENT, Elizabeth, DICK, Dr. , quoted, Dismal Swamp Company, Distillery at Mount Vernon, District of Columbia, Dogs, DUANE, William, writes against Washington, Duelling, Washington's views on, threatened, DUER, W. A. , quoted, DUMAS, M. , quoted, DUNLAP, W. , quoted, Duquesne, Fort, "Eltham, "

Exeter, Bishop of, Sermons, FAIRFAX, Ann, ----, Bryan, Lord, ----, George William, ----, Sally, 90-1, ----, Thomas, Lord, ----, William, Fairfax County, Fairfax Parish, Farewell Address, drafting of, Fauntleroy, Betsy, William, Federal city. _See_ Washington City. 

Fees, Washington's gifts of, Fertilization, Washington's value of, Fish, Washington's fondness of, Fishery at Mount Vernon, Fishing, Flour, Washington's pride in his, Forged letters, authorship of, Bache reprints, Fort Necessity, Fox hunting, FRANKLIN, B. , quoted, Frederick County, Washington stands for, Fredericksburg, residence of Mary Washington, French and Indian War, French language, Washington on, FRENEAU, P. , writes against Washington, GAGE, Thomas, relations with Washington, GATES, Horatio, Washington's relations with, mentioned, General orders, quotations from, Genet episode, GENN, James, Washington learns surveying from, Germantown, battle of, GERRY, Elbridge, attitude towards Washington, GIBBONS, Mary, scandal concerning, GORDON, Rev. W. , quoted, Great Britain, Washington's attitude towards, GREEN, Rev. Charles, GREENE, N. , friendship with Washington, quoted, GRYMES, Lucy, Half-King, HAMILTON, A. , mentioned, quoted, Washington's relations with, HARRISON, Benjamin, letter of, asks office, ----, R. H. , HENRY Eighth grants lands to Washingtons, HENRY, Patrick, quoted, mentioned, offered office, Herring, sales of, Hickey plot, Horses, stud at Mount Vernon, Houdon bust, HOWE, Lord, and Sir William, Washington's relations with, Humphreys, D. , quoted, relations with Washington, HUNTER, J. , quoted, Hunting, Independence, Washington on, Indians, Washington's diplomacy with, James River Land Company, Washington's interest in, Jay treaty, JEFFERSON, Thomas, Washington's relations with, opinion of Washington, helps Freneau, quoted, mentioned, JONES, Gabriel, Kenmore House, KNOX, Henry, relations with Washington, LAFAYETTE, Marquis de, Washington's relations with, quoted, ----, G. W. , ----, Virginia, Land bounties, ---- companies, Latin, Washington's knowledge of, LAURENS, John, Washington's relations with, quoted, LAWRENCE, Nathaniel, quoted, Lawsuits, Washington's dislike of, LEAR, T. , friendship for, quoted, LEE, Charles, Washington's relations with, libels Washington, quoted, ----, Henry, friendship for Washington, anecdote of, warns Washington of Jefferson's conduct, ----, R. H. , opinion of Washington, re-election of, ----, William, Washington's body-servant, LEWIS, Elizabeth, ----, Fielding, ----, ----. Jr. , ----, Howell, ----, Lewis, ----, Robert, Lexington, battle of, Liveried servants, Lotteries, Washington's liking for, LOVELL, John, opinion of Washington, quoted, 288. 

"Lowland Beauty, "

LYNCH, Thomas, quoted, McHENRY, James, McKNIGHT, Dr. C. , quoted, MACLAY, W. , quoted, MADISON, James, relations with Washington, quoted, drafts papers, "Magnolia, "

MARSHALL, J. , quoted, MARYE, Rev. T. , Washington's teacher, MASON, George, quoted, Massachusetts, difficulties of, "slam" at officers of, MASSEY, Rev. Lee, quoted, Mather's _Young Man's Companion_, Matrimony, Washington's views on, Medical knowledge of Washington, treatment of last illness, Medicine, Washington's aversion to, MERCER, George, quoted, MIFFLIN, Thomas, Washington's relations with, mentioned, Military Company of Adventurers, ---- science, books on, Washington's knowledge of, Militia, evils of, "Minutes of the Trial, " authority of, Mississippi Company, Monmouth, battle of, allusions to, MORRIS, Gouverneur, quoted, friendship with, ----, Robert, ----, Roger, Mount Vernon, boyhood home of Washington, division of estate by will, invitation to visit, history of, name, house at, grounds, additions to land, management of, absence of Washington from, system at, work at, fishery of, distillery at, stud stable of, live stock of, profits of, desire to rent farms of, Washington's superintendence of, Washington's life at, slaves at, overseers of, British visit to, hunting at, shooting at, MOYLAN, S. , MUSE, George, relations with Washington, Music, Washington's fondness of, "Nelson, "

Nepotism, Washington's views on, Newburg, threatened revolt of army at, New England, opposition to Washington, jealousy of, arranges deal, journey in, conduct of troops, officers, New Jersey troops, desertion of, New York, Washington's visit to, borrows money for journey to, head-quarters at, warfare at, _Minutes of the Trial in_, proposed attack on, farewell to army at, presidential house at, Newspapers, Nuts, Washington's fondness for, Oaths, Washington's use of, Office-seekers, Ohio, march to, journey to, _Journal_, Ohio Company, _Old Soldier_, PAINE, Thomas, relations with Washington, Paper money, depreciation of, Pension of Mary Washington, PEYRONEY, Chevalier, Philadelphia, visit to, fever at, proposed attack on, capture of, Presidential house in, Washington's attempted purchase near, PHILIPSE, Mary, PICKERING, Timothy, quoted, Pohick Church, Potomac Canal Company, Presidency, Washington in the, duties of, hospitality of, Privateer, Washington tries to secure share in, Purleigh, Lawrence Washington, rector of, Raffles, Washington's liking for, RAMSAY, W. , RANDOLPH, Edmund, Washington's relations with, quoted, ----, John, forges letters, REED, Joseph, sends print to Washington, relations with Washington, quoted, Revolution, Washington's service in, ROBIN, Abbé, quoted, ROBINSON, Beverly, ----, John, ROCHAMBEAU, Count, Ross, James, quoted, "Royal Gift, " jackass, Rules of civility, RUSH, Benjamin, anonymous letter of, Washington's relations with, quoted, RUTLEDGE, E. , St. Clair's defeat, St. Paul's Church, SARGENT, J. D. , opinion of Washington, SCOTT, Charles, quoted, Servants, Washington's, Shad, sales of, Sharpless portrait, Sheep at Mount Vernon, Shooting, Skenesborough, mosquitoes at, Slavery, Washington's views on, Slaves, Washington's, runaway, carried off by British, sickness, laziness, punishment, rations of, thieving by, Small-pox, Washington's attack of, SMITH, Rev. W. , quoted, Southern tour, Spain, king of, gift of jackass to Washington, SPEARING, Ann, STEARN, Samuel, quoted, STEWART, R. , STUART, Gilbert, opinion on Washington's face, quoted, Stuart portrait, Stud stable at Mount Vernon, SULLIVAN, John, quoted, ----, W. , quoted, Sunday, Washington's observance of, SWEARINGEN, Thomas, Taverns, Washington's view of, Tea, Washington's fondness for, THACHER, Dr. James, quoted, Theatre, THORNTON, Edward, quoted, TILGHMAN, Tench, Washington's relations with, quoted, Tobacco, Washington's crop of, Trenton, battle of, TRUMBULL, Jonathan, wishes Washington removed, Truro Parish, University, National, Washington's wish for, Valley Forge, VAN BRAAM, J. , VARICK, Richard, VERNON, Admiral E. , Mount Vernon named after, Virginia, social life of, clubs, British invasion of, convention, land bounties, elections, agricultural system of, deal with New England, Washington's office-holding in, estates, Washington's opinion of, ---- Regiment, drunkenness of, VOLNEY, C. , Washington's diplomacy with, WADSWORTH, J. , quoted, "Wakefield, "

Walpole grant, WANSEY, H. , quoted, Warm Springs, visit to, WASHINGTON, Augustine, ----, Augustine (Jr. ), ----, Bushrod, letter to, ----, Charles, ----, Elizabeth (Betty). _See_ Fielding. 

----, Frances, ----, George, ancestors of, birth of, his resemblance to the Balls, relations with his mother, his dislike of public recompense, views on public office, financial help to relatives, will of, views on drinking, loans, care of Custis property, adoption of Custis children, physique, weight, eyes, hair, teeth, nose, height, mouth, expression, gracefulness, complexion, pock-marked, modesty, manners, portraits of, strength, illnesses of, his last, medicine, his dislike of, fall of, hearing, education, handwriting, spelling, surveyor, secretaries of, journal to the Ohio, messages, farewell address, languages, music, reading, religion, church attendance, Sunday conduct, hunting, tolerance, love affairs, poetry, Barbadoes, visit to, Ohio, mission to, Boston, visit to, (1756) New York, visit to, (1773) marriage, appointed commander-in-chief, matrimony, his views on, morality, forged letters, agriculture, fondness for, [agriculture] system, [agriculture] study of, coat-of-arms of, as farmer, land purchases of, invents a plow, humor, income, accounts, property of, bounty lands of, investments in land companies, borrower, speculation, liking for, lotteries, liking for, raffles, liking for, interest in Potomac Canal Company, wealth of, slaves of, [slaves] care of, slavery, views on, charity, social life, headquarters life, dinners, levees, bows, ceremony, hatred of, conversation, tea, liking for, dancing, fondness of, staff, simple habits, dress of, Rules of Civility, neatness of, food, horsemanship, fishing, fondness for, card-playing, theatre, fondness for, embarrassment, library of, newspapers, abuse, sensitiveness to, friendships of, godfather, pall-bearer, Indian friends, [Indian] name, assassin, temper, quarrel of Hamilton with, children, relations with, enemies, [enemies] duelling and, drinks toasts, intrigues against, attacks on, insulted, Presidency, judgment, liveried servants of, courage of, swears, Fabian policy, rashness of, indecision of, lack of military knowledge, generalship, severity to soldiers, relations with Continental Congress, New England, dislike of, farewell to army, adjutant of Virginia, burgess, stands for Frederick County, elected, election expenses of, drafts law, inability to make speeches, stage fright, inauguration, in the Continental Congress, attitude towards Great Britain, threatened, popularity of, diplomacy of, truthfulness, serves on jury, attends elections, honesty, ----, George Augustine, ----, Harriot, ----, John, ----, John Augustine, ----, Lawrence, Rev. (1st), ----, Lawrence (2d), ----, Lawrence, Major (3d), ----, Lawrence, of Chotanck (4th), ----, Lund, ----, Martha, sickness of, meets Washington, engaged, Washington's letters to, marriage, character, Washington's fondness for, wealth, clothing, housekeeper for, orthography, 93, children, visits to head-quarters, social life, mentioned, dower slaves, drafts of letters for, receptions, ----, Mary (Ball), ----, Mildred, ----, Robert, ----, Samuel, ----, Thornton, Washington City, WATSON, Elkanah, quoted, WAYNE, Anthony, quoted, Weaving at Mount Vernon, WEEMS, M. L. , quoted, WELD, Isaac, quoted, Wheat, Washington's production of, Whiskey, distilling of, at Mount Vernon, WHITE, Rev. W. , quoted, William and Mary College, Williamsburg, lots in, Washington goes to, for medical advice, WILLIAMS, William, wishes Washington removed, WILLING, Ann, quoted, Winchester, lots in, election at, 295, WOLCOTT, Oliver, WOOD, John, Yorktown, siege of,