THE SWEDISH REVOLUTION UNDER GUSTAVUS VASA

 BY

 PAUL BARRON WATSON AUTHOR OF "MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS" AND MEMBER OF AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION

 BOSTON LITTLE, BROWN, AND COMPANY

 _Copyright, 1889_, BY PAUL BARRON WATSON. 

 UNIVERSITY PRESS: JOHN WILSON AND SON, CAMBRIDGE. 

 Transcriber's Note

 Minor typographical errors have been corrected without note. Original spellings have been retained. 

 The carat symbol [^] has been used to note 'superscript'. 

PREFACE. 

No name in history lies deeper in Swedish hearts than the name GustavusVasa. Liberator of Sweden from the yoke of Denmark, and founder of oneof the foremost dynasties of Europe, his people during more than threecenturies have looked back fondly to the figure of their great ruler, and cherished with tender reverence every incident in his romantichistory. This enthusiasm for Gustavus Vasa is more than sentiment; itbelongs to him as leader in a vast political upheaval. When Gustavuscame upon the stage, the Swedish people had long been groaning under aforeign despotism. During more than a century their political existencehad been ignored, their rights as freemen trampled in the dust. They hadat last been goaded into a spirit of rebellion, and were alreadystruggling to be free. What they most needed was a leader with courageto summon them to arms, and with perseverance to keep them in thefield. Possessing these traits beyond all others, Gustavus called hispeople forth to war, and finally brought them through the war tovictory. This revolution extended over a period of seven years, --fromthe uprising of the Dalesmen in 1521 to the coronation of Gustavus in1528. It is a period that should be of interest, not only to the studentof history, but also to the lover of romance. In order to render theexact nature of the struggle clear, I have begun the narrative at a timeconsiderably before the revolution, though I have not entered deeplyinto details till the beginning of the war in 1521. By the middle of theyear 1523, when Gustavus was elected king, actual warfare had nearlyceased, and the scenes of the drama change from the battle-field to thelegislative chamber. In this period occurred the crowning act of therevolution; namely, the banishment of the Romish Church and clergy. 

The history of the Swedish Revolution has never before been written inthe English language. Even Gustavus Vasa is but little known outside hisnative land. Doubtless this is due in large measure to the difficultieswhich beset a study of the period. It is not a period to which thestudent of literature can turn with joy. One who would know Gustavuswell must traverse a vast desert of dreary reading, and pore over manyvolumes of verbose despatches before he can find a drop of moisture torelieve the arid soil. Sweden in the early part of the sixteenth centurywas not fertile in literary men. Gustavus himself, judged by anyrational standard, was an abominable writer. His despatches are innumber almost endless and in length appalling. Page after page he runson, seemingly with no other object than to use up time. Often a documentcovers four folios, which might easily have been compressed into asingle sentence. Such was the habit of the age. A simple letter from aman to his wife consisted mainly of a mass of stereotyped expressions ofrespect. Language was used apparently to conceal vacuity of mind. Towardthe close of the monarch's reign there was a marked improvement inliterary style, and some few works of that period possess real worth. These have recently been printed, and as a rule have been edited withconsiderable care. The king's despatches are also being systematicallyprinted by the authorities of the Royal Archives at Stockholm, and thecloud of ignorance which has hitherto hung over the head of Sweden'searly monarch is lifting fast. The tenth volume of the king'sdespatches, known as _Gustaf I. 's registratur_ has now been published, carrying this contemporary transcript of the king's letters down to thesummer of 1535. The only documents bearing on the Swedish Revolution andnot yet published, are the MSS. Known as _Gustaf I. 's rådslagar_, _Gustaf I. 's acta historica_, and _Gustaf I. 's bref med bilagor_, --allto be found in the Royal Archives at Stockholm, --and the MSS. Known asthe _Palmskiöld samlingar_ in the Upsala Library. All these I havecarefully examined. I have also browsed during several months among thelibraries of Sweden, and have spared no pains to get at everything, written or printed, contemporary or subsequent, that might throw lightupon the subject. The most important of these materials are mentioned inthe bibliography inserted immediately before the Index to this work. Inorder to add vividness as well as accuracy to the narrative, I havevisited personally nearly all the battle-fields and other spotsconnected with this history. My descriptions of the leadingcontemporaries of Gustavus are based on a careful study of the portraitsin the Gripsholm gallery, most of which were painted from life. 

Finally, a word of thanks is due to the libraries and archives fromwhich I have derived most aid. Of these the chief are the BritishMuseum, the University Library at Upsala, and above all, the RoyalLibrary and the Royal Archives at Stockholm. To the last twoinstitutions I owe more than I can express. They are the storehouses ofSwedish history, and their doors were thrown open to me with agenerosity and freedom beyond all that I could hope. I wish here tothank my many friends, the custodians of these treasures, for thepersonal encouragement and assistance they have lent me in theprosecution of this work. 

_August 15, 1889. _

CONTENTS. 

 CHAPTER I. 

 CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH OF GUSTAVUS VASA. 1496-1513. PAGE Birth of Gustavus. --His Ancestors. --Anarchy in Sweden. --Its Causes: Former Independence of the People; Growth of Christianity; Growth of the Aristocracy; the Cabinet; Enslavement of Sweden; Revolt of the People against Denmark. --Christiern I. --Sten Sture. --Hans. --Svante Sture. --Sten Sture the Younger. --Childhood of Gustavus. --His Education at Upsala 1

 CHAPTER II. 

 FIRST MILITARY ADVENTURES OF GUSTAVUS; A PRISONER IN DENMARK. 1514-1519. 

 Description of Stockholm. --Christina Gyllenstjerna. --Hemming Gad. --Christiern II. --Gustaf Trolle. --Dissension between Sten Sture and Gustaf Trolle. --Siege of Stäket. --First Expedition of Christiern II. Against Sweden. --Trial of the Archbishop. --Arcimboldo. --Second Expedition of Christiern II. Against Sweden. --Capture of Gustavus Vasa. --Resignation of the Archbishop. --Hostilities of Christiern II. --Farewell of Arcimboldo. 28

 CHAPTER III. 

 FLIGHT OF GUSTAVUS; UPRISING OF THE DALESMEN. 1519-1521. 

 Escape of Gustavus from Denmark. --Lubeck. --Return of Gustavus to Sweden. --Excommunication of Sture. --Invasion of Sweden. --Death of Sture. --Dissolution of the Swedish Army. --Heroism of Christina. --Battle of Upsala. --Gustavus at Kalmar. --Fall of Stockholm. --Coronation of Christiern II. --Slaughter of the Swedes. --Flight of Gustavus to Dalarne. --Efforts to rouse the Dalesmen. --Gustavus chosen Leader. 59

 CHAPTER IV. 

 WAR OF INDEPENDENCE; ELECTION OF GUSTAVUS TO THE THRONE. 1521-1523. 

 Causes of the War. --Character of the Dalesmen. --Growth of the Patriot Army. --Didrik Slagheck. --Battle of Köping. --Capture of Vesterås; of Upsala. --Skirmish with Trolle. --Skirmishes near Stockholm. --Siege of Stegeborg. --Norby. --Rensel. --Brask. --Progress of the War. --Coinage of Gustavus. --Christiern's Troubles in Denmark. --Siege of Stockholm. --Fall of Kalmar. --Diet of Strengnäs. --Fall of Stockholm. --Retrospect of the War. 90

 CHAPTER V. 

 BEGINNINGS OF THE REFORMATION. 1523-1524. 

 Nature of the Reformation in Europe. --Cause of the Reformation in Sweden. --The Debt to Lubeck. --Riches of the Church. --Relations of Gustavus to the Pope. --Johannes Magni. --New Taxation. --Dissension among the People. --Opposition of Gustavus to the Pope. --Trial of Peder Sunnanväder. --Expedition against Gotland. --Repudiation of the "Klippings. "--Berent von Mehlen. --Negotiations between Fredrik and Norby. --Congress of Malmö. --Efforts to appease the People. --Lutheranism. --Olaus Petri. --Laurentius Andreæ. --Brask's Efforts to repress Heresy. --Religious Tendencies of Gustavus. --Character of Brask. 118

 CHAPTER VI. 

 RELIGIOUS DISCORD AND CIVIL WAR. 1524-1525. 

 Riot of the Anabaptists. --Contest between Olaus Petri and Peder Galle. --Marriage of Petri. --Conspiracy of Norby; of Christina Gyllenstjerna; of Mehlen; of Sunnanväder. --Attitude of Fredrik to Gustavus. --Proposition of Gustavus to resign the Crown. --Norby's Incursion into Bleking. --Surrender of Visby. --Flight of Mehlen. --Fall of Kalmar. 165

 CHAPTER VII. 

 DEALINGS WITH FOREIGN POWERS. 1525-1527. 

 Negotiations between Fredrik and Gustavus. --Treachery of Norby. --Sunnanväder and the Cabinet of Norway. --Overthrow and Death of Norby. --Trial and Execution of Knut and Sunnanväder. --Debt to Lubeck. --Treaty with Russia; with the Netherlands. --Dalarne and the Lubeck Envoys. --Swedish Property in Denmark. --Province of Viken. --Refugees in Norway. 190

 CHAPTER VIII. 

 INTERNAL ADMINISTRATION. 1525-1527. 

 Nature of the Period. --Translation of the Bible. --Quarrel between the King and Brask. --Opposition to the Monasteries. --High-handed Measures of the King. --Second Disputation between Petri and Galle. --Opposition to Luther's Teaching. --Banishment of Magni. --Further Opposition to the Monasteries. --Revolt of the Dalesmen. --Diet of Vesterås. --"Vesterås Recess. "--"Vesterås Ordinantia. "--Fall of Brask; his Flight; his Character. 220

 CHAPTER IX. 

 CORONATION OF THE KING. 1528. 

 Reasons for Delay of the Coronation. --Preparations for the Ceremony. --Consecration of the Bishops. --Coronation Festival. --Retrospect of the Revolution. --Character of Gustavus. 268

 BIBLIOGRAPHY 277

 INDEX 293

ILLUSTRATIONS. 

 PAGE Seal of Bishop Brask. Bears the inscription: S[IGILLVM] IOH[ANN]IS DEI GRA[CIA] EPI[SCOPI] LINCOPENSIS 103

 "Klipping" issued by Gustavus Vasa in 1521 or 1522. On one side, the bust of a man in armor. On the other, crowns and arrows, with the inscription: ERI[KS]SO[N] 107

 Medal struck in commemoration of the deliverance of Sweden in 1522. On one side, a half-length figure of Gustavus Vasa, with the date 1522 and the inscription: GVSTAF ERICSEN G[VBERNATOR] R[EGNI] S[VECIAE]. On the other, crowns and arrows, with the inscription: PROTEGE NOS IESV 116

 Coin issued in Stockholm in 1522. On one side, the inscription: GOSTA[F] ERI[KS] SO[N] 1522, and in the centre, G[VBERNATOR]. On the other, a crown, with the inscription: MONET[A] STO[C]KHOLM[ENSIS] 122

 Coin issued in Stockholm in 1522. On one side, a full-length figure, with the inscription: S[ANCTVS] ERICVS REX SWECIEI. On the other, crowns and arrows, with the inscription: MONE[TA] STO[C]KHOLM[ENSIS] 1522 122

 Coin issued in Stockholm in 1522 or 1523. On one side, three crowns, with the inscription: S[ANCTVS] ERICVS REX SVE[CIAE]. On the other, the inscription: MONETA STOC[K]HO[LMENSIS] 122

 Coin issued in Upsala in 1523. On one side, a bust with arrows and sheaves of corn, and the inscription: S[ANCTVS] ERICVS REX SWECIE. On the other, three crowns, with the inscription: MONE[TA] NOVA VPSAL[ENSIS] 1523 123

 Coin issued in Vesterås in 1523. On one side, a crown, with the inscription: GOST[AF] REX SWECIE. On the other, three crowns, with the inscription: MONE[TA] NOVA WESTAR[OSIENSIS] 123

 Coin issued at the coronation of Gustavus Vasa in 1528. On one side, a full-length figure of the king, with crown, sword, and sceptre, and the inscription: GOSTAVS D[EI] G[RACIA] SVECORVM REX. On the other, the inscription: MONET[A] NOVA STO[C]K[H]OL[MENSIS] 1528 272

THE SWEDISH REVOLUTION. 

CHAPTER I. 

CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH OF GUSTAVUS VASA. 1496-1513. 

 Birth of Gustavus. --His Ancestors. --Anarchy in Sweden. --Its Causes: Former Independence of the People; Growth of Christianity; Growth of the Aristocracy; the Cabinet; Enslavement of Sweden; Revolt of the People against Denmark. --Christiern I. --Sten Sture. --Hans. --Svante Sture. --Sten Sture the Younger. --Childhood of Gustavus. --His Education at Upsala. 

The manor of Lindholm lies in the centre of a smiling district abouttwenty miles north of the capital of Sweden. Placed on a height betweentwo fairy lakes, it commands a wide and varied prospect over thesurrounding country. The summit of this height was crowned, at the closeof the fifteenth century, by a celebrated mansion. Time and the ravagesof man have long since thrown this mansion to the ground; but itsfoundation, overgrown with moss and fast crumbling to decay, still marksthe site of the ancient structure, and from the midst of the ruins risesa rough-hewn stone bearing the name Gustavus Vasa. On this spot he wasborn, May 12, 1496. [1] The estate was then the property of hisgrandmother, Sigrid Baner, with whom his mother was temporarilyresiding, and there is no reason to think it continued long the home ofthe young Gustavus. 

The family from which Gustavus sprang had been, during nearly a hundredyears, one of the foremost families of Sweden. Its coat-of-armsconsisted of a simple _vase_, or bundle of sticks; and the Vasa estate, at one time the residence of his ancestors, lay only about ten miles tothe north of Lindholm. [2] The first Vasa of whom anything is definitelyknown is Kristiern Nilsson, the great-grandfather of Gustavus. This manbecame noted in the early part of the fifteenth century as an ardentmonarchist, and under Erik held the post of chancellor. After the fallof his master, in 1436, his office was taken from him, but he continuedto battle for the cause of royalty until his death. Of the chancellor'sthree sons, the two eldest followed zealously in the footsteps of theirfather. The other, Johan Kristersson, though in early life a stanchsupporter of King Christiern, and one of the members of his Cabinet, later married a sister of Sten Sture, and eventually embraced theSwedish cause. Birgitta, the wife of Johan Kristersson, is said to havebeen descended from the ancient Swedish kings. [3] The youngest son ofJohan and Birgitta was Erik Johansson, the father of Gustavus. Of Erik'searly history we know little more than that he married Cecilia, daughterof Magnus Karlsson and Sigrid Baner, and settled at Rydboholm, an estatewhich he inherited from his father. To this place, beautifully situatedon an arm of the Baltic, about ten miles northeast of the capital, Cecilia returned with her little boy from Lindholm; and here Gustavusspent the first years of his childhood. 

Sweden at this period was in a state of anarchy. In order to appreciatethe exact condition of affairs, it will be necessary to cast a glance atsome political developments that had gone before. Sweden was originallya confederation of provinces united solely for purposes of defence. Eachprovince was divided into several counties, which were constituted inthe main alike. Every inhabitant--if we except the class of slaves, which was soon abolished--was either a landowner or a tenant. Thetenants were freemen who owned no land of their own, and hence rentedthe land of others. All landowners possessed the same rights, thoughamong them were certain men of high birth, who through their largeinheritances were much more influential than the rest. Mattersconcerning the inhabitants of one county only were regulated by thecounty assemblies, to which all landowners in the county, and noneothers, were admitted. These assemblies were called and presided over bythe county magistrate, elected by general vote at some previousassembly. All law cases arising in the county were tried before theassembly, judgment being passed, with consent of the assembly, by thecounty magistrate, who was expected to know and expound the traditionallaw of his county. Questions concerning the inhabitants of more than onecounty were regulated by the provincial assemblies, composed of alllandowners in the province, and presided over by the provincialmagistrate, elected by all the landowners in his province. The power ofthe provincial magistrate in the province was similar to that of thecounty magistrate in the county; and to his judgment, with consent ofthe assembly, lay an appeal from every decision of the countymagistrates. Above all the provinces was a king, elected originally bythe provincial assembly of Upland, though in order to gain theallegiance of the other provinces he was bound to appear before theirindividual assemblies and be confirmed by them. His duty was expressedin the old formula, "landom råda, rike styre, lag styrke, och fridhålla, " which meant nothing more than that he was to protect theprovinces from one another and from foreign powers. In order to defraythe expense of strengthening the kingdom, he was entitled to certaindefinite taxes from every landowner, and half as much from every tenant, in the land. These taxes he collected through his courtiers, who in theearly days were men of a very inferior class, --mere servants of theking. They lived on the crown estates, which we find in the veryearliest times scattered through the land. Besides his right to collecttaxes, the king, as general peacemaker, was chief-justice of the realm, and to him lay an appeal from every decision rendered by a provincialmagistrate. Such, in brief, was the constitution of Sweden when firstknown in history. 

Christianity, first preached in Sweden about the year 830, brought withit a diminution of the people's rights. When the episcopal dioceses werefirst marked out, the people naturally kept in their own hands theright to choose their spiritual rulers, who were designated_lydbiskopar_, or the people's bishops. But in 1164 the Court of Romesucceeded in establishing, under its own authority, an archbishopric atUpsala; and by a papal bull of 1250 the choice of Swedish bishops wastaken from the people and confided to the cathedral chapters under thesupervision of the pope. As soon as the whole country became converted, the piety of the people induced them to submit to gross impositions atthe hands of those whom they were taught to regard as God'srepresentatives on earth. In 1152 the so-called "Peter's Penning" wasestablished, an annual tax of one penning from every individual to thepope. Besides this, it became the law, soon after, that all persons mustpay a tenth of their annual income to the Church, and in addition therewere special taxes to the various bishops, deans, and pastors. A stillmore productive source of revenue to the Church was death-bed piety, through which means a vast amount of land passed from kings or wealthyindividuals to the Church. By a law of the year 1200 the clergy weredeclared no longer subject to be tried for crime in temporal courts; andby the end of the thirteenth century the Church had practically ceasedto be liable for crown taxation. It requires but a moment's thought toperceive how heavy a burden all these changes threw on the body of thenation. 

Simultaneously with the spread of Christianity still another power beganto trample on the liberties of the people. This was the power of thesword. In early times, before civilization had advanced enough to giveeverybody continuous employment, most people spent their leisure momentsin making war. Hence the Swedish kings, whose duty it was to keep thepeace, could accomplish that result only by having a large retinue ofarmed warriors at their command. The expense which this entailed wasgreat. Meantime the crown estates had continually increased in numberthrough merger of private estates of different kings, through crownsuccession to estates of foreigners dying without descendants in therealm, and through other sources. Some of the kings, therefore, devisedthe scheme of enlisting the influential aristocracy in their service bygranting them fiefs in the crown estates, with right to all the crownincomes from the fief. This plan was eagerly caught at by thearistocrats, and before long nearly all the influential people in therealm were in the service of the king. Thus the position of royalcourtier, which had formerly been a mark of servitude, was now countedan honor, the courtiers being now commonly known as magnates. About theyear 1200 castles were first erected on some of the crown estates, andthe magnates who held these castles as fiefs were not slow to takeadvantage of their power. Being already the most influential men intheir provinces, and generally the county or provincial magistrates, they gradually usurped the right to govern the surrounding territory, not as magistrates of the people, but as grantees of the crown estates. Since these fiefs were not hereditary, the rights usurped by the holdersof them passed, on the death of the grantees, to the crown, and in 1276we find a king granting not only one of his royal castles, but alsoright of administration over the surrounding land. Thus, by continualenlargement of the royal fiefs, the authority of the provincialassemblies, and even of the county assemblies, was practicallydestroyed. Still, these assemblies continued to exist, and in them thepoor landowners claimed the same rights as the more influentialmagnates. The magnates, as such, possessed no privileges, and were onlypowerful because of their wealth, which enabled them to become courtiersor warriors of the king. In 1280, however, a law was passed exemptingall mounted courtiers from crown taxation. This law was the foundationof the nobility of Sweden. It divided the old landowners, formerly allequal, into two distinct classes, --the knights, who were the mountedwarriors of the king; and the poorer landowners, on whom, together withthe class of tenants, was cast the whole burden of taxation. With theprogress of time, exemption from crown taxation was extended to the sonsof knights unless, on reaching manhood, they failed to serve the kingwith horse. The knights were thus a privileged and hereditary class. Those of the old magnates who did not become knights were known asarmigers, or armor-clad foot-soldiers. The armigers also became anhereditary class, and before long they too were exempted from crowntaxation. In many cases the armigers were raised to the rank of knights. Thus the wealthy landowners increased in power, while the poor, whoconstituted the great body of the nation, grew ever poorer. Many, toescape the taxes shifted to their shoulders from the shoulders of themagnates, sank into the class of tenants, with whom, indeed, they nowhad much in common. The sword had raised the strong into a privilegedaristocracy, and degraded the weak into a down-trodden peasantry. 

The aristocracy and the Church, --these were the thorns that sprang up tocheck the nation's growth. Each had had the same source, --a powergranted by the people. But no sooner were they independent of theirbenefactors, than they made common cause in oppressing the peasantry whohad given them birth. They found their point of union in the Cabinet. This was originally a body of men whom the king summoned whenever heneeded counsel or support. Naturally he sought support among the chiefmen of his realm. As the power of the Church and aristocracy increased, the king was practically forced to summon the chief persons in theseclasses to his Cabinet, and furthermore, in most cases, to follow theiradvice; so that by the close of the thirteenth century the Cabinet hadbecome a regular institution, whose members, known as Cabinet lords, governed rather than advised the king. In the early part of thefourteenth century this institution succeeded in passing a law that eachnew king must summon his Cabinet immediately after his election. Thesame law provided that no foreigner could be a member of the Cabinet;that the archbishop should be _ex officio_ a member; that twelve laymenshould be summoned, but no more; and that, in addition, the king mightsummon as many of the bishops and clergy as he wished. As a matter offact this law was never followed. The Cabinet lords practically formedthemselves into a close corporation, appointing their own successors orcompelling the king to appoint whom they desired. Generally the memberswere succeeded by their sons, and in very many instances we find fathersand sons sitting in the Cabinet together. A person once a Cabinet lordwas such for life. The law providing that the archbishop should have aseat in the Cabinet was strictly followed, and in practice the bishopswere also always members. The other clergy seem never to have beensummoned except in certain instances to aid their bishops or representthem when they could not come. The provincial magistrates were generallymembers, though not always. As to the number of temporal lords, it wasalmost invariably more than twelve, sometimes double as many. From thevery first, this self-appointed oligarchy saw that in unity wasstrength; and while the different members of the royal family weresquabbling among themselves, the Cabinet seized the opportunity toincrease its power. Though not entitled to a definite salary, it wasregularly understood that Cabinet lords were to be paid by grants of thechief fiefs; and when these fiefs were extended so as to embrace thewhole, or nearly the whole, of a province, the grant of such a fiefordinarily carried with it the office of provincial magistrate. Thus theCabinet became the centre of administration for the kingdom. From thisit gradually usurped the right to legislate for the whole realm, to laynew taxes on the people, and to negotiate treaties with foreign powers. Lastly, it robbed the people of their ancient right to nominate andconfirm their kings. These prerogatives, however, were not exercisedwithout strong opposition. Throughout the fourteenth and fifteenthcenturies the peasantry battled with vigor against the arrogantassumptions of the Cabinet, never relinquishing their claim to begoverned as of yore. This struggle against the encroachments of theoligarchy at last resulted in the revolution under Gustavus Vasa. Hencewe may with profit trace the relation between the Cabinet and the peoplefrom the start. 

The first case in which the Cabinet distinctly asserted an authorityover the whole land occurred in 1319, when the king, after a long andbitter struggle with different members of the royal house, had finallybeen driven from the throne. The Cabinet then resolved to place thecrown on the head of the former monarch's grandson, a child but threeyears old. With this in view, they called all the magnates in the realmand four peasants from every county to a general diet, where thechancellor of the Cabinet stepped forward with the infant in his arms, and moved that this infant be elected king. "Courtiers, peasantry, andall with one accord responded, 'Amen. '" This was the first general dietheld in Sweden, and it showed a marked decline in the people's rights. From beginning to end the proceedings of this diet were regulated by theCabinet, and the people were practically forced to acquiesce. Even hadthe people possessed a real voice in the election, their influence wouldhave been far less than formerly, since here they had but fourrepresentatives from each county against the entire class of magnates, whereas originally every landowner, whether magnate or peasant, had anequal vote. During the minority of this king the power of the Cabinetmade rapid strides. He was forced to borrow from them enormous sums ofmoney, for which he mortgaged nearly all the royal castles; so that whenhe came of age he was thoroughly under the dominion of the Cabinet. Hestruggled hard, however, to shake off his shackles, and with somesuccess. Among other things, he passed a law which was intended torestore to the people at large their ancient right to choose theirkings. This law provided that whenever a king was to be chosen, eachprovincial magistrate, with the assent of all landowners in hisprovince, should select twelve men, who on a day appointed were to meetin general diet with all the magistrates, and choose the king. Unhappilythis law was never followed, though the king by whom it was enactedstruggled hard to maintain the people's rights. In 1359, after a seriesof internal disorders, his Cabinet compelled him to call a meeting ofall the magnates in the realm; but in addition to the magnates hesummoned also delegates from the peasantry and burghers, evidently witha view to gain their aid in curbing the insolence of the Cabinet. Thiswas the second general diet. From this time forth the king did all hecould to strengthen the people, until at last he banished a number ofhis chief opponents. They thereupon, in 1363, offered the crown toAlbert of Mecklenburg, who by their aid succeeded in overthrowing theking and getting possession of the throne. For a time now the Cabinethad things nearly as they wished. In 1371 they forced the king to grantthem all the royal estates as fiefs, and to declare that on the death ofany one of them his successor should be chosen by the survivors. Thisastounding grant the Cabinet owed chiefly to the influence of theirchancellor, Bo Jonsson, who had done more than any other to set Alberton the throne; and to him were granted as fiefs all the royal castles. In 1386 he died, leaving all his fiefs, by will, to the chief magnatesof the land. Against this Albert ventured to protest. He called in alarge number of his German countrymen, and by their aid recovered alarge portion of his power. He then began distributing royal favorsamong them with a lavish hand, to the detriment of the Swedish magnates. These magnates therefore turned, in 1388, to Margaret, regent of Denmarkand Norway, and offered her the regency of Sweden, promising torecognize as king whomever she should choose. In 1389 she entered Swedenwith her army, overthrew King Albert, and got possession of the throne. In 1396 the Swedish Cabinet, at her desire, elected her nephew, Erik ofPomerania, already king of Denmark and Norway, to be king of Sweden; andon the 17th of June, 1397, he was crowned at Kalmar. [4] Thus began thecelebrated Kalmar Union, one of the greatest political blunders that anation ever made. It was the voluntary enslavement of a whole people tosuit the whims of a few disgruntled magnates. 

The century following this catastrophe was marked by violence andbloodshed. In all the setting up and pulling down of kings which endedin the Kalmar Union, the Swedish peasantry, now the body of the nation, had had no part. They had long watched in silence the overpoweringgrowth of the magnates and of the Church; they had seen their own rightsgradually, but surely, undermined; and they now beheld the whole nationgiven into the hand of a foreign king. All this tyranny was beginning toproduce its natural effect. A spirit of rebellion was spreading fast. However, open insurrection was for the moment averted by the prudence ofthe regent; so long as she lived the people were tolerably content. Sheruled the Cabinet with an iron hand, and refused to appoint achancellor, the officer who had hitherto done much to bind the Cabinettogether. After her death Erik attempted to carry out a similar policy, and introduced a number of foreigners into the Swedish Cabinet. But hiscontinual absence from the realm weakened his administration, and gavegreat license to his officers, who by their cruelty won the hatred ofthe people. At last, in 1433, the peasantry of Dalarne rebelled againstthe tyranny of the steward whom their Danish ruler had put over them, and in 1435, under the leadership of a courageous warrior, EngelbrektEngelbrektsson, compelled the king to call a general diet, the firstsince 1359, consisting of all the people in the realm who cared to takepart. This diet, under the enthusiasm of the moment, elected Engelbrektcommander of the kingdom. But the hopes of the peasantry were soonblasted. In the next year Engelbrekt was murdered by a Swedish magnate, and by a general diet Karl Knutsson, another magnate, was chosen to fillhis place. King Erik was now tottering to his fall. He was no longerking in anything but name. His fall, however, benefited only themagnates of the realm. By a general diet of 1438, to which all people inthe realm were called, Knutsson was elected regent. But his reign camein the next year to an untimely end. His fellow-magnates, jealous of hispower, forced him to lay it down; and in 1440 the Cabinet called Erik'snephew, Christopher of Bavaria, already king of Denmark, to the Swedishthrone. Thus ended the first effort of the Swedish peasantry to throwoff the Danish yoke. It had begun with high promises for the people, buthad ended in the restoration of the Cabinet to all its former power. From this time forth the Cabinet was again practically the governingbody in the realm. But it was no longer at unity with itself. One party, led by the great house of Oxenstjerna, was for preserving the Union. Theother consisted of the adherents of Karl Knutsson, who hoped to put thecrown on his own head. In 1448 King Christopher died, and, in thedifference of feeling which reigned, the Cabinet called a general dietof all the magnates with representatives from the peasantry andburghers, that the people at large might choose of the two evils thatwhich pleased them best. The result was that Karl Knutsson was electedking. From this time till his death, in 1470, he was in perpetualwarfare with the king of Denmark, with the Swedish priesthood, who hadnow grown fat under Danish rule and wished to continue so, and with thehostile party among the magnates. Twice he was forced to lay down thecrown only to take it up again. Throughout his reign, though in someregards a despot, he was, at all events, the champion of the Swedishmagnates as opposed to those who favored the continuance of foreignrule. In 1470 he died, after having intrusted Stockholm Castle to hisnephew, Sten Sture. The dissension that now reigned throughout the landwas great. On one side were the powerful Vasa and Oxenstjerna families, striving to put Christiern I. Of Denmark on the throne. On the otherside was Sten Sture, the Tott, Gyllenstjerna, Bonde, Bjelke, and Nattoch Dag families, supported by the burgher element in Stockholm and thepeasantry of Dalarne. With such odds on their side the issue could notlong be doubtful. At a general diet held in 1471, Sten Sture was chosenregent of the kingdom. It is impossible to overrate the significance ofthis event. This was the first time that the burgher element played animportant part in the election of Sweden's ruler. The peasantry had oncebefore been prominent, but so long as the oligarchy held firmlytogether, their actual influence had been slight. Now the ranks of theoligarchy were broken. One party looked for supporters in Denmark and inthe Church; the other, now gaining the upper hand, was distinctly theparty of the people. The very name of regent, which was granted to StenSture, bears witness to the popular character of the movement. And thiswas destined to be the tendency of the current during the nexthalf-century. There were many difficulties, however, with which thepatriot party had to contend. In the first place, the Swedish party wasin lack of funds. An enormous proportion of the kingdom was exempt fromtaxes, being held by magnates, who by this time claimed the right toinherit their fathers' fiefs with all the ancient privileges, butwithout the ancient duty to render military service. In this juncturewar broke out with Russia, at the same time that the kingdom wascontinually harassed by Christiern, king of Denmark. It was clear thatsome new mode must be discovered for raising money. The peasantry werealready groaning under a heavier load than they could bear. Stentherefore turned to some of the magnates, and demanded of them that theyshould give up a portion of their fiefs. They of course resisted, andhis whole reign was occupied with a struggle to make them yield. In 1481Christiern, king of Denmark, died, and was succeeded by his son Hans. The efforts of Sten Sture to curb the magnates had rendered him sounpopular among them, that the Swedish Cabinet now opened negotiationswith the new king of Denmark. These negotiations resulted in a meetingof the Cabinets of the three Northern kingdoms, held at Kalmar in 1483. This body promulgated a decree, known in history as the Kalmar Recess, accepting Hans as king of Sweden. To this decree Sten Sture reluctantlyaffixed his seal. The main clauses of the decree were these: No one inSweden was to be held accountable for past opposition to King Hans; theking was to live one year alternately in each kingdom; the high posts aswell as the fiefs of Sweden should be granted to none but Swedes; andthe magnates should be free to fortify their estates and refuse the kingadmittance. This decree, if strictly followed, would have practicallyfreed Sweden from the yoke of Denmark. But as a matter of fact it wasseveral years before it was destined to go into operation at all. TheSwedish Cabinet were determined that no step should be taken to put thedecree into effect until certain preliminary duties were discharged;among them, the cession of the island of Gotland to Sweden. Thesepreliminaries Hans was in no hurry to perform. Meantime Sten Sturecontinued to act as regent. His path remained as rugged as before. Beseton all sides by enemies, each struggling for his own aggrandizement, Sten had all he could do to keep the kingdom from going to pieces. Inevery measure to increase the income of the crown he was hampered by theoverweening power of the Cabinet, who were reluctant to give up a jot ortittle of their ill-acquired wealth. Chief among his opponents was thearchbishop, Jacob Ulfsson, --a man of rare ability, but of high birth andfar too fond of self-advancement. Another enemy, who ought to have beena friend, was Svante Sture, a young magnate of great talent, who firstbecame imbittered against his illustrious namesake because the latter, on the death of Svante's father, in 1494, claimed that the fiefs whichhe had held should be surrendered to the crown. Of Erik Trolle, anotheropponent of Sten Sture, we shall see more hereafter. His strongestsupporter was one Hemming Gad, a learned, eloquent, and dauntlessgentleman, who also was to play a leading rôle before many years werepast. In 1493 war broke out again with Russia, and Hans resolved toseize this opportunity to make good his claims in Sweden. He openednegotiations once more with the disaffected members of the Cabinet, still hoping to make compromise with Sture; they hesitated, theypromised, and then made new demands; and it was in the midst of thiselaborate trifling, while the regent was in Finland conducting theRussian war, that Gustavus Vasa was born at Lindholm. 

Affairs in Sweden were now fast coming to a crisis. The fitful struggleof a century had at last assumed a definite and unmistakable direction. All Sweden was now divided into two distinct and hostile camps, and tothe dullest intellect it was clear as day that Sweden was soon to be thescene of open war. In the autumn of 1496 the Cabinet, seeing that Sturewas thoroughly determined to check their power, resolved to hesitate nolonger. They therefore despatched a messenger to Hans, inviting him to acongress of the three realms to be held at midsummer of the followingyear, when, as they gave him reason to expect, the Kalmar Recess shouldbe put into effect. This news being brought to Sture in Finland, he setforth post-haste for Sweden, and called a meeting of the Cabinet. Themembers failed to appear on the day appointed, and when at last theycame, they were accompanied by a large body of armed retainers. At asession held in Stockholm on the 7th of March, the Cabinet declaredSture deposed, assigning as reasons, first, that he had mismanaged thewar with Russia, and, secondly, that he had maltreated certain of theSwedish magnates. The regent waited two days before making a reply, andthen informed the Cabinet that, as he had been appointed to the regencyby joint action of the Cabinet and people, he felt bound to hold it tillrequested by the same powers to lay it down. The Cabinet had nothing forit but to acquiesce, and letters were issued summoning a general diet. That diet, however, was never held. On the very day when the Cabinetmade its armistice with Sture, Hans put forth a declaration of war, andat once proceeded with his fleet to Kalmar. The enemies of Sture nowopenly embraced the Danish cause; and the regent was forced to go toDalarne, to get together a force with which to defend the kingdom. Herehe was received with enthusiasm by the people, who saw in him thedefender of their rights. At the head of a detachment of Dalesmen, reinforced by his army now recalled from Finland, he marched to Upsala, and laid siege to the archbishop's palace. By the middle of July itfell; and Sture advanced to Stäket, a strongly fortified castle of thearchbishop, about thirty miles south of Upsala. While beleaguering thisplace, he learned that a portion of the Danish forces were advancing onthe capital. He therefore relinquished the siege of Stäket, andproceeded to Stockholm, where he held himself in readiness to repel theenemy. On the 29th of September, being led by a ruse outside the city, he was surrounded by the Danes, and was able to recover the castle onlyafter heavy loss. This battle sealed his fate. Finding himself faroutnumbered, he deemed it wise to yield; and on the 6th of October, 1497, Hans was recognized by him as king. 

The reign of Hans lasted about four years. At first he appeared desirousto promote the welfare of Sweden and to conform to the terms of theKalmar Recess. But before long even the Cabinet began to grow weary oftheir king. The benefits conferred upon them were not so great as theyhad hoped. As for Sture, at his renunciation of the regency he had beengranted extensive fiefs both in Sweden and in Finland; but in 1499 theking forced him to resign a large portion of these fiefs. The othermembers of the Cabinet, now having less cause of jealousy, became morefriendly to Sten Sture. His old enemy, Svante Sture, was at lengthreconciled to him through the mediation of their common admirer, Dr. Hemming Gad. Even with the clergy Sten Sture was now on better terms;and at his solicitation, in January, 1501, the Chapter of Linköpingelected Gad to fill their vacant see. The main ground of complaintagainst Hans was that he disregarded the clause of the Recess whichforbade the granting of Swedish fiefs to Danes. Matters reached a crisisin 1501, when Sten and Svante Sture, Gad, and three others met incouncil and took oath to resist the oppression of their foreign ruler. This step was the signal for a general explosion. On every side thepeople rose in arms. Hans was in despair. He first took counsel with hiswarm supporter, the archbishop, and then, on the 11th of August, 1501, set off with his whole fleet for Denmark. 

In the royal castle at Stockholm he left his wife Christina, who, withErik Trolle and a force of one thousand men, was determined to resist. Gad, whose election to the bishopric of Linköping the pope refused toratify, undertook to besiege the castle. Meantime Svante Sture laidsiege to Örebro, and Sten proceeded to Dalarne and other parts to gatherforces. On the 12th of November the Cabinet again called Sten Sture tothe regency. In February the Castle of Örebro fell. And still Christinawith her brave followers held out. Not till the 9th of May, after abloody assault, could the patriots force a passage. Then they foundthat, of the one thousand who had formed the original garrison, butseventy were alive. Christina was conveyed to Vadstena, where sheremained several months pending negotiations. At the close of the year1503 she was accompanied to the frontier by the regent, who however wastaken ill on his return journey, and died at Jönköping on the 13th ofDecember, 1503. Sten Sture had done much for Sweden. Though himself amagnate, and ambitious to increase his power, he was zealous for thewelfare of his country, and did more than any other of his time to awakeSweden to a sense of her existence as a nation. It was on the foundationlaid by him that a still greater leader was soon to build a mightyedifice. 

On the 21st of January, 1504, at a general diet of the magnates, withdelegates from the burghers and peasantry of Sweden, Svante Sture waselected regent. His reign was even more warlike than that of hispredecessor. The Cabinet, it is true, had come to see the benefitsresulting from Sten Sture's rule, and the majority of them were lukewarmadherents of the Swedish party. But Hans was more determined than everto seize the crown, and not only harassed Svante throughout his reign bya long series of invasions, but did all he could to compromise him withother foreign powers. Svante, however, succeeded in winning manyfriends. In 1504 he concluded a truce of twenty years with Russia, whichwas extended, by treaty of 1510, to 1564. In 1510 an alliance was alsoformed between Sweden and the Vend cities. In 1506 the Dalesmen, at oneof their assemblies, issued a letter to the people of their provinces, urging them to support Svante with life and limb. But this burst ofenthusiasm was short-lived. The war with Hans hung on. New taxes had tobe imposed, and several fiefs to which different magnates laid claimwere appropriated to the crown. Discontent spread once more, and at aCabinet meeting held in September, 1511, Svante was declared deposed. Herefused to yield till heard by a general diet of the kingdom, and whilenegotiations were pending, on the 2d of January, 1512, he died. 

Nothing could have given certain members of the Cabinet greaterpleasure. The clerical members especially, being warmly attached to theDanish cause, thought they now saw an opportunity to set Hans on thethrone. About the middle of January the Cabinet came together and, atthe solicitation of Archbishop Ulfsson, resolved to intrust thegovernment for the time being to Erik Trolle. This gentleman, of whom wehave already seen something, was of high birth as well as talent, thoroughly versed in affairs, and allied to the Danish party not only byfamily connection, but also by reason of large estates in Denmark. Hewas, moreover, a warm friend of the archbishop. 

However, the hopes of Trolle were not destined to be realized. At thedeath of Svante, the Castle of Örebro was in command of a daring andambitious youth of nineteen, known to history as Sten Sture the Younger. He was Svante's son, and in the preceding year had married ChristinaGyllenstjerna, a great-granddaughter of King Karl Knutsson. Immediatelyon hearing of his father's death, he hastened to Vesterås, tookpossession of the castle, and despatched a messenger to convey the newsto Stockholm. On the 8th of January the steward of Stockholm Castledeclared his readiness to yield the command to Sture, and within a dayor two the castles of Stegeborg and Kalmar were also given up. Theenergy with which this chivalrous youth seized the helm is all the moreastounding when we reflect that he stood almost alone against theCabinet. He could not even ask the advice of Gad, his father's trustyfriend, for that doughty patriot was at the moment outside the realm. But his zeal won him numerous friends among the younger magnates, andthe peasantry throughout the country were on his side. All winter longthe battle raged between the two factions, but meantime Sturecontinually grew in favor. No general diet of the kingdom was summoned, but it was understood on every hand that the matter would be submittedto the people when they came together on St. Erik's day at Upsala. Onthat day, May 18, the archbishop and his followers addressed the peoplein the Grand Square at Upsala, and announced that the Cabinet hadresolved to raise Erik Trolle to the regency. But they were met byshouts from the crowd, who declared that they would have no Danes. Meantime Sture had been holding a mass-meeting on the so-called RoyalMeadow outside the town, and had been enthusiastically applauded by thepeople. Even yet, however, the conflict did not cease. The Cabinet stillclamored for Erik Trolle, and it was not till the 23d of July, whenevery hope was gone, that they finally gave way and recognized Sture asregent. Sture now set forth on a journey through Sweden and Finland, receiving everywhere the allegiance of the people. All at last seemed inhis favor, when suddenly, on the 20th of February, 1513, the face ofthings was changed by the unexpected death of Hans. 

Before considering the effect of this catastrophe, let us return to thelittle boy whom we last saw on his father's estate at Rydboholm. Even hewas not wholly outside the conflict. His father, Erik, whom we find in1488 subscribing his name as a knight, [5] took an active part in thecommotions of his times, and early won ill-favor with King Hans. Theyoung Gustavus in his fifth year, so runs the story, happened to beplaying in the hall of Stockholm Castle, when King Hans espied him, and, attracted by his winning manners, patted him on the head and said, "You'll be a great man in your day, if you live. " But when he found outwho the child was, he wanted to carry him off to Denmark with him. Tothis the boy's great-uncle, Sture, raised serious objections, and lestthe king should use some treachery, hurried Gustavus out of the way atonce. [6] In the very next year, 1501, occurred the rebellion againstHans, which resulted in the election of Sture to the regency. Erik wasone of the supporters of his uncle throughout this strife, and in 1502we find him signing a document as member of the Cabinet. [7] About thesame time he was made commandant of Kastelholm Castle. [8] This post, however, he held but a short time, and then retired to his old estate atRydboholm. [9] Among his children, besides Gustavus, were one youngerboy, Magnus, and several girls. Gustavus, we are told, was a handsome, attractive little fellow, and it is added that in his sports he wasalways recognized as leader by his playmates. [10] In 1509, when in histhirteenth year, he was sent by his parents to Upsala, and placed in apreparatory school. [11] Soon after, probably in the next year, Gustavuswas admitted to the University. This institution, which had been foundedin 1477, through the persistent efforts of Archbishop Ulfsson, and ofwhich the archbishop was chancellor, was at this time in a semi-dormantstate. Scarce anything is known either about its professors or about thenumber of its students. It is probable, however, that Peder Galle, whowas cantor of the Upsala Chapter so early as 1504, [12] and whose powersas a theological gladiator will become known to us further on, was oneof the professors. Another was Henrik Sledorn, [13] whom Gustavus latermade his chancellor. Of the progress made by Gustavus in his studies weknow nothing. It may well be surmised, however, that the politics of hisday engrossed a large share of his attention. Upsala was not then thepeaceful town that it now is, and the chancellor of the University wasin the very vortex of the struggle. If Gustavus was still connected withthe University in 1512, we may suppose with reason that he took his partin the great demonstration which resulted in the election of thechivalric young Sture. 

FOOTNOTES:

[1] With regard to the date of his birth our authorities are hopelesslyconfused. Karl IX. , whom we should expect to know something about it, says, in his _Rim-chrön. _, p. 2, that his father was seventy-three athis death, whence we should conclude that he was born in 1487. ButSvart, who was nearer the king's age, and was also the king's confessorand preacher to the court, says, in his _Gust. I. 's krön. _, p. 1, thatGustavus was born in 1495, on Ascension day; which in that year, headds, fell on the 12th of May. Tegel, _Then stoormecht. _, p. 1, agreesthat he was born on Ascension day, and also that he was born on the 12thof May, but gives, as the year, 1490. Ludvigsson, _Collect. _, p. 83, agrees with Tegel about the year, but says nothing about the day. Now, it is noteworthy that while the authorities name three different years, all of them who mention the day agree that it was Ascension day, whichin the year of his birth fell on May 12. Here, then, we have a clew. In1487 Ascension day fell on May 24, in 1490 on May 21, and in 1495 on May29; but, singularly enough, in 1485, in 1491, and in 1496 it fell on May12. The years 1485 and 1491 must be discarded as too early; for themother of Gustavus was then not old enough to have a child, her parentsnot having married till 1475. This is proved by the grant of dowry fromher father to her mother, which, according to the old law of Sweden, wasmade on the day following the marriage. This grant, dated Jan. 16, 1475, with the seals of Magnus Karlsson and witnesses attached, is stillpreserved among the parchment MSS. In the Royal Archives at Stockholm. It reads thus: "Jack Magens Karlsson i Ekae aff wapn gör vitherligat ochoppenbare thet jack meth mynae frenders och neste wenners godwilge ocsamtyckae vpa rette hindersdagh haffwer wntt och giffwet ... Minelskelikae hustro Siggrid Eskelsdatter efter skrefne gotz till heder ochmorgengaffwer.... Som giffwit ok giortt er pa Ekae gard mandagen nestfore sancti Henrici Episcopi dagh anno domini MCDLXXV. " Hence the onlypossible date of the boy's birth is May 12, 1496; and this, as we shallsee further on, harmonizes better than any other date with his laterhistory. 

[2] Originally the Vasa arms were black, the bundle of sticksrepresenting one of the old fascines used in warfare to fill up ditches. Gustavus changed the color of his arms to gold, and altered the oldfascine into a sheaf of grain. 

[3] Svart, _Ährapred. _, pp. 46-47; and Tegel, _Then stoormecht. _, pp. 1-2. On this point our authorities agree. Tegel gives a table showingBirgitta to have been a great-granddaughter of Karl Ulfsson, who, according to the same table, was a great-grandson of King Erik X. As thedescent is traced through a line of females about whom history issilent, we lack the means with which to disprove the assertion of ourchroniclers. 

[4] Until recently, historians have asserted that Margaret, at thecoronation of her nephew, signed a document providing, among otherthings, that the three kingdoms were thereafter to be governed by asingle sovereign, to be elected alternately, if his predecessor diedchildless, by each kingdom; that, in case of war in one kingdom, boththe others were to come to the rescue; and that each kingdom was to begoverned strictly according to its own laws. As a matter of fact, Margaret signed nothing of the kind. The document which gave rise tothis error is still to be seen in the Private Archives at Copenhagen. Itis dated at Kalmar, July 20, 1397, purports to be the work of sixteen ofthe chief Swedish magnates, and declares that unless the terms which itcontains are drawn up in six copies, signed by the king, the regent, theCabinet, and others, there shall be no lawful union. These six copies, so far as we know, were never drawn up or signed. But unhappily theunion had been already formed at the coronation a month before, and, seven days before, these very magnates with fifty-one other persons hadattached their seals to an affidavit of allegiance to their new king. This affidavit, dated at Kalmar, July 13, 1397, is also still preservedin the Private Archives at Copenhagen. Both documents are printed infull in O. S. Rydberg's _Sverges traktater med främmande magter_, Stockh. , 1877-1883, 2 vols. 8vo, vol. Ii. Pp. 560-585. 

[5] _Handl. Till upplysn. Af Finl. Häfd. _, vol. I. P. 187. 

[6] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, p. 2, and Tegel, _Then stoormecht. _, p. 3. Tegel makes this incident occur in the child's seventh year, in 1497. Here we have another proof that Tegel places the birth of Gustavus tooearly. If the child had been born in 1490, this incident could not havetaken place till still later than his seventh year, for Hans did notbecome king till 1497. 

[7] _Kongl. Och furstl. Förlijkn. _, pp. 383-384. 

[8] Tegel, _Then stoormecht. _, p. 3. 

[9] In Reuterdahl, _Swensk. Kyrk. Hist. _, vol. Iii. Pt. Ii. Pp. 558-559, are two letters, dated at Rydboholm, from Erik and his wife to theregent, Svante Sture. 

[10] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, p. 2. 

[11] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, p. 2, and _Ährapred. _, pp. 50-51. Tegel, _Then stoormecht. _, p. 3, agrees that it was in 1509 that Gustavus wassent to Upsala, but seems to assert that he was admitted at once to theUniversity. 

[12] C. A. Örnhjelm's _Diplomatarium_, a manuscript preserved in theVitterh. , Hist. , och Antiq. Akad. At Stockholm. 

[13] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, p. 2, and _Ährapred. _, pp. 50-51. 

CHAPTER II. 

FIRST MILITARY ADVENTURES OF GUSTAVUS; A PRISONER IN DENMARK. 1514-1519. 

 Description of Stockholm. --Christina Gyllenstjerna. --Hemming Gad. --Christiern II. --Gustaf Trolle. --Dissension between Sten Sture and Gustaf Trolle. --Siege of Stäket. --First Expedition of Christiern II. Against Sweden. --Trial of the Archbishop. --Arcimboldo. --Second Expedition of Christiern II. Against Sweden. --Capture of Gustavus Vasa. --Resignation of the Archbishop. --Hostilities of Christiern II. --Farewell of Arcimboldo. 

The old town of Stockholm was beyond all doubt the most picturesquecapital in Europe. Perched on an isle of rock at the eastern extremityof Lake Mälar, it stood forth like a sentinel guarding the entrance tothe heart of Sweden. Around its base on north and south dashed thefoaming waters of the Mälar, seeking their outlet through a narrowwinding channel to the Baltic. Across this channel on the south, andconnected with the city by a bridge, the towering cliffs of Södermalmgazed calmly down upon the busy traffic of the city's streets; and faraway beyond the channel on the north stretched an undulating plain, dotted with little patches of green shrubbery and forest. On the westthe city commanded a wide view over an enchanting lake studded withdarkly wooded isles, above whose trees peeped here and there some grimturret or lofty spire. Finally, in the east, the burgher standing onthe city's walls could trace for several miles the current of a silverstream, glittering in the sunlight, and twisting in and out among theislands along the coast until at last it lost itself in the mightywaters of the Baltic. 

The town itself was small. The main isle, on which "the city, " socalled, was built, stretched scarce a quarter of a mile from east towest and but little more from north to south. Nestling under the shadowof the main isle were two smaller isles, Riddarholm on the west andHelgeandsholm on the north, both severed from the city by a channelabout fifty feet in width. Through the centre of the main isle ran ahuge backbone of rock, beginning at the south and rising steadily tillwithin a few feet of the northern shore. The summit of this ridge wascrowned by the royal citadel, a massive edifice of stone, the northernwall of which ran close along the shore, so that the soldier on patrolcould hear the ripple of the water on the rocks below. From either sideof the citadel the town walls ran south at a distance of perhaps ahundred feet from the shore, meeting at a point about the same distancefrom the southern channel. Within the triangle thus formed, not overtwenty-five acres all told, lived and moved five thousand human beings. The streets, it need scarce be said, were narrow, dark, and damp. Thehouses were lofty, generally with high pitch-roofs to prevent the snowfrom gathering on them. The doors and windows were high, but narrow tokeep out the cold, and were built in the sides of the house, not infront, owing to the darkness and narrowness of the streets. To economizespace, most of the houses were built in blocks of five or six, whollyseparated from their neighbors and forming a sort of castle bythemselves. The only church inside the walls was the so-called GreatChurch on the summit of the hill. Adjoining this church on the south wasthe old town-hall. As to public squares, there were but two, --the GrandSquare, on the summit of the hill immediately south of the town-hall;and the so-called Iron Market, a smaller square just inside the southerngate. These squares, the largest not more than eighty yards in length, served at once as the market, the promenade, and the place of executionfor the town. The town-walls were fortified at several points by towers, and were entered by gateways at the northwest corner and at the southernpoint, as well as by several small gateways along the sides. The citywas connected with the mainland north and south by turreted bridges, thenorth bridge passing across the island of Helgeandsholm. All around themain island, some fifty feet from the shore, ran a long bridge on piles, built as a safeguard against hostile ships. Protected thus by nature andby art from foreign intrusion, the burghers of Stockholm learned to relyon their own industry and skill for every need. They formed themselvesinto various trades or guilds, each under the surveillance of a master. To be admitted to a guild it was necessary to pass a severe examinationin the particular trade. These guilds were marked by an intense _espritde corps_, each striving to excel the others in display of wealth. Someguilds were composed wholly of tradespeople, others wholly of artisans;and there were still others formed for social or religious purposes, comprising members of various trades. Of these latter guilds the mostaristocratic and influential was the Guild of the Sacred Body. Inside aguild the members were bound together by the warmest bonds offriendship. They ordinarily lived in the same quarter of the town; theycared for their brothers in sickness or poverty, and said Mass in commonfor the souls of their deceased. Each guild held meetings at statedintervals to vote on various matters concerning its affairs. In case ofwar the different guilds enlisted in separate companies. Over and aboveall the guilds were a burgomaster and council elected by theirfellow-townsmen, their duties being to regulate the relations of thevarious guilds to one another, and provide for the general welfare ofthe city. Thus the inhabitants of Stockholm formed a miniature republicby themselves. They governed themselves in nearly all local matters. They bought, sold, and exchanged according to their own laws andregulations. They married and gave in marriage after their own caprice. Industrious, skilful, with little ambition, they bustled about theirnarrow streets, jostling those at their elbow and uttering slanderagainst those out of hearing. In short, they led the humdrum lifeincident to all small towns in time of peace, and were ever eager tovary this monotony at the first sound of war. [14]

Into this community Gustavus was ushered in the year 1514. He was thenbut eighteen, and was summoned by the regent to the royal court tocomplete his education. [15] He found himself at once in clover. Threeyears before, his mother's half-sister, Christina Gyllenstjerna, hadmarried the young regent; and the youth on coming to Stockholm wasreceived as one of the family in the royal palace. 

Among all the personages then at court, the most interesting, by allodds, was the regent's wife, Christina. This woman is one of the mostpuzzling characters in Swedish history. On her father's side of royallineage, and on her mother's descended from one of the oldest familiesin Sweden, she inherited at the same time a burning desire for personaladvancement and an enthusiasm for the glory of her native land. Weddedto a handsome, daring, impetuous youth of twenty-one, the nation'sfavorite, she entered with her whole heart into all his projects, andwas among his most valuable counsellors whether in peace or war. Inforce of character and in personal bravery she was scarce inferior toher heroic husband, and yet she lacked not discretion or evenshrewdness. She was the idol of the Swedish people, and before manyyears were passed was to have an opportunity to test their love. 

Another personage at court, with whom we have already become acquainted, was Hemming Gad. Although of humble birth, this man had received acareful education, and during twenty years of his early life had heldthe post of Swedish ambassador at the court of Rome. On his return toSweden he had been elected bishop of the diocese of Linköping, but hadnever entered on his duties owing to the opposition of the pope. He wasnot indeed a priest. Diplomacy was above all else the field in which heshone. A warm supporter of the Stures, he had more than once avertedtrouble by his powers of conciliation, and was regarded as anindispensable servant of the people's cause. Fearless, eloquent, untiring, conciliatory, persuasive, perhaps not too conscientious, hewas the most influential person in the Cabinet and one of the veryforemost statesmen of his time. It was to this man, then seventy-fouryears of age, that the care of the young Gustavus was intrusted when hecame to court. 

Affairs at this time were in a state of great confusion. King Hans ofDenmark had died a year before, and after several months of hostiledemonstration had been succeeded by his son. This person, known asChristiern II. , was as vile a monster as ever occupied a throne. Giftedby nature with a powerful frame, tall, burly, with large head and shortthick neck, broad forehead and high cheek-bones, prominent nose, firmlycompressed lips, a plentiful supply of shaggy hair on his head and face, heavy overhanging eyebrows, his eyes small, deep-set, and fierce, --hisappearance furnished an excellent index to his character. Firm, courageous, by no means wanting in intellect or executive ability, hewas sensual, gross, and cruel. Though often full of hilarity and heartyanimal spirits, there was ever hanging over him a cloud of melancholy, which occasionally settled on him with such weight as to rob him whollyof his reason. At such times he seemed transformed into some fiercemonster with an insatiable thirst for blood. When a mere boy in theroyal palace at Copenhagen, he is said to have amused himself bymidnight orgies about the city's streets. [16] He was well educated, however, and early became a useful adjunct to his father. At twenty-onehe displayed much bravery in an assault which Hans then made onStockholm; and a few years later he became his father's deputy in thegovernment of Norway. While there, his secretary one day came to him andportrayed in glowing terms the beauty of a maiden who had dazzled him inBergen. The sensitive heart of Christiern at once was fired. He left hiscastle at Opslo without a moment's waiting, and, crossing hill and valewithout a murmur, hastened to feast his eyes on the fair Dyveke. Beingof a romantic turn of mind, he resolved to see her first amidst all thefashion of the town. A splendid ball was therefore held, to which thearistocracy were bidden with their daughters. Among the guests was therenowned Dyveke, who outshone all in beauty. No sooner did Christiernsee her, than his whole soul burned within him. He seized her hand, andled off the dance in company with his fair enchanter. Rapture filled hissoul; and when the ball was over, Dyveke was secretly detained andbrought to Christiern's bed. This incident had a far-reaching influenceon Christiern's later life. Though already betrothed to the sister ofCharles V. , his passion for Dyveke did not pass away. He erected apalace at Opslo, and lived there with his mistress until recalled toCopenhagen, when he took her with him. The most singular feature in thiswhole intrigue is that the royal voluptuary was from the outset underthe absolute sway, not of the fair Dyveke, but of her mother, Sigbrit, alow, cunning, intriguing woman of Dutch origin, who followed the coupleto the royal palace at Opslo, and afterwards accompanied them toStockholm, the complete ruler of her daughter's royal slave. On theaccession of Christiern to the throne, he resolved, at the instance ofthis woman, to add the Swedish kingdom to his dominions. In order tocomprehend the measures which he adopted, it will be necessary to traceevents in Sweden since the death of Hans. 

The Danish party, in no way daunted by their futile effort to secure theregency of Sweden, had kept up continuous negotiations with theirfriends in Denmark, with the object ultimately to place the king ofDenmark on the throne. Owing, however, to the manifest and growingpopularity of the young Sture, they deemed it wise to wait for a moreauspicious moment before making open demonstration, and for the timebeing yielded to the regent with the best grace they could command. Thething which they most needed, in order to counteract the influence ofthe chivalric young Sture, was the infusion of new life among theirranks. The archbishop and Erik Trolle both were old, and, though in thefull vigor of their intellectual ability, lacked the energy andendurance required to carry on a policy of active war. It was resolved, therefore, to throw the burden of leadership on younger shoulders. Therewas at this time in Rome a man who seemed to possess more qualificationsthan any other for the post. This was Gustaf Trolle. He was young, highly educated, energetic, and above all a son of Erik Trolle, thepowerful leader of the Danish faction. He had seen much of the world, and had lived on terms of familiarity with some of the greatest men inEurope. But his whole power of usefulness was lost through hisinordinate personal and family pride. Weighted down by the sense of hisown importance, with haughty overbearing manners, and a dogged obstinacyin dealing with his inferiors, he was the last man in the world to besuccessful as a party leader. Yet it was on this man that the Danishparty fixed its hopes. The matter first took shape on the 31st ofAugust, 1514, when the archbishop in conversation with Sture suggestedthat old age was now coming on so fast that he desired to resign hisoffice, and asked whom Sture deemed most fit to serve as his successor. To this the courteous regent answered that he knew no one better fittedfor the post than the archbishop himself. With this the conversationended. On the 12th of October following, the crafty archbishop, notaverse to feathering his own nest, formed a compact with Erik Trolle bywhich Ulfsson was to commend the latter's son for the archbishopric, andin return Erik promised to support Ulfsson to the utmost of his powerand to see that Gustaf Trolle did not deprive Ulfsson of thearchiepiscopal rents during the latter's life. [17] This done, ErikTrolle went to the regent and asked him to recommend Gustaf Trolle forthe post of archdeacon of Upsala. This request was complied with. Butwhen, soon after, Erik appeared again before the regent with a letterfrom the archbishop informing him that the Chapter of Upsala had decidedon Gustaf Trolle as the new archbishop, Sture was so startled that hewrote to Upsala to say that he had never consented to such aproposition, but nevertheless if God wished it he would raise noopposition. The pope having already declared that no one should beappointed without the regent's consent, no effort was spared to disposeSture well towards the new candidate, and with so good result that whenthe archbishop's messengers went to Rome to secure the confirmation, they carried with them a letter from Sture to his legate in Rome, instructing him to do all he could before the pope in favor of GustafTrolle. [18]

In May, 1515, the young man was consecrated archbishop of Upsala by thepope, [19] and started in the following summer for the North. Passingthrough Lubeck, where he is rumored to have had an audience ofChristiern, [20] he pursued his journey by water, and at last cast anchoroff the Swedish coast about twelve miles from Stockholm. Here he was metby certain of the Danish party, who urged him to give the cold shoulderto the regent. Instead, therefore, of proceeding to the capital, hedrove direct to Upsala, and was installed in his new office: all this inspite of the fact that the old archbishop had assured the regent, beforehe wrote to Rome, that he would not hand over Upsala nor Stäket toTrolle till the latter had sworn allegiance to Sture. [21] The immediateeffect of his investiture was to augment the haughtiness of the youngarchbishop. Scarcely had he become domiciled in Upsala, when he wrote aletter to the regent warning him that he, the archbishop, was about tovisit with punishment all who had wronged his father or grandfather, orhis predecessor in the archiepiscopal chair. To this the regent, wishingif possible to avert trouble, answered that if any persons had done thewrong complained of, he would see to it that they should be punished. But the archbishop was in no mood for compromise. The breach now opened, he resolved to make it wider; and he had no difficulty in findingpretext. The fief of Stäket had long been a bone of contention betweenthe Church and State. Though for many years in the hands of thearchbishops, it had never been clearly settled whether they held it as aright or merely by courtesy of the crown; and at the resignation ofArchbishop Ulfsson the fief was claimed by his successor, Trolle, aswell as by the regent. In order to put an end to this vexed question, the regent wrote to Ulfsson asking him to produce the title-deeds onwhich his claim was based. After considerable correspondence, in which, however, the deeds were not produced, Sture, deeming it unwise to leavethe fief any longer without a steward, entered into possession, andapplied the incomes to the royal treasury, at the same time assuringUlfsson that if he or the Chapter at Upsala could prove a title to thefief, they should enjoy it. This only added fuel to the flame. Trolle, unable as it seems to prove his title, assumed the posture of one whohad been wronged, and scorned the urgent invitation of the regent tocome to Stockholm and discuss the matter. Indeed, there were rumors inthe air to the effect that Trolle was engaged in a conspiracy againstthe throne. [22]

In this way matters continued till February of the following year, 1516, when Sture resolved to attend the annual Upsala fair and have aconference with Trolle. The conference took place in presence of some ofthe leading men of Sweden, in the sacristy of the cathedral. But it ledto no result. Trolle charged the regent with unfair dealing, which thelatter denied, at the same time demanding proof. None was furnished; andthe regent withdrew, feeling more than ever convinced that the conductof the archbishop boded ill. In this juncture he summoned a Cabinetmeeting, to be held at Telge in July following, to arrange thedifferences between himself and Trolle, and to resolve on the stand tobe taken by Sweden in the congress of the three realms to be held atHalmstad in the February following. The archbishop, by virtue of hisoffice, was a member of the Cabinet; but when that body met, it wasdiscovered that Trolle was not present. He was in Upsala, nursing hiswrath to keep it warm. The regent therefore wrote and begged him toappear. "Whatever, " he wrote, "the Cabinet here assembled shall decideas right between us, I will do. " But the proud archbishop would notlisten. He and his father kept away, together with one or two of theiradherents; and the Cabinet parted, having accomplished little. [23]

Meantime the archbishop was not idle. Shortly before the Cabinet met, hewith some of his adherents had held a conference at Stäket, where he hadpersuaded them to renounce the regent and form an alliance with the kingof Denmark. While the Cabinet was in session, he despatched a messengerto King Christiern, urging him to break the truce with Sweden, andinforming him that the Castle of Nyköping, now in the hands of one ofthe archbishop's satellites, should be thrown open to him if he woulddraw thither with his army. At the same time the archbishop began tofortify himself in Stäket. Learning this, the regent saw that the hourfor compromise was past. He dissolved the Cabinet, and, advancing withall speed to Nyköping, stormed the castle. So rapid had been hisaction, that he took the archbishop's officers all unprepared, and atthe first assault the garrison surrendered. This was on the 15th ofAugust. After taking the officer in command of the garrison toStockholm, where he was consigned to prison, the energetic young regentproceeded to Vesterås, where, on the 8th of September, in an address tothe populace, he rendered an account of his actions, and informed thepeople that the archbishop and others were engaged in a plot to yieldthe kingdom into the hands of Christiern. Thence he proceeded to anisland some six miles from Stäket, and remained there through theautumn, keeping an eye on the archbishop's castle and preparing, ifnecessary, to besiege it. The Danish party by this time saw that theywere dealing with a man of mettle, and began to change their tactics. Hoping to gain time, they gave out that they would be glad to have theburgomaster and Council of Stockholm act as mediators in the dispute;and on the 20th of October Ulfsson wrote to Sture to appoint a time forconference. The regent, however, was not so easily deceived. Trolle wasstill adding to his strength in Stäket, and looking forward to aid fromDenmark. The regent therefore replied to Ulfsson that Trolle had broughton the dispute, and he must answer for it. "As to a conference withyou, " adds the regent, "my time is now so fully occupied that I canappoint no day before the Cabinet meeting to be held shortly at Arboga. "About the same time he wrote to the Chapter at Upsala, insisting on ananswer to a former letter, in which he had called on them to declarewhether they proposed to side with him or the archbishop. In this letterhe informs them: "As to your question whether I intend to obey theordinances of the Church, I answer that I shall defend the Holy Churchand respect the persons of the clergy as becomes a Christian nobleman, provided you will allow me so to do; and I have never purposedotherwise. " Still, however, the Chapter prevaricated, and gave noanswer; till finally the regent sent them his ultimatum, closed, likeall his letters, with the modest signature, "Sten Sture, soldier. "[24]

On New Year's day, 1517, the Cabinet met at Arboga, where a general dietof the kingdom was gathering to discuss the state of affairs concerningDenmark. At this meeting, as at the one preceding, none of thearchbishop's followers were present. So soon as the Cabinet hadseparated, the regent, in compliance with their suggestion, sent envoysonce more to Trolle, urging him to renounce his allegiance to the Danishking and to surrender Stäket. To this the stubborn archbishop answeredthat he would not yield Stäket so long as his heart beat within him. Hethen turned his guns upon the regent's envoys, and fired on them as theywithdrew. A few days later the regent learned from one of Trolle'sofficers whom he had taken prisoner that the archbishop had received aletter from King Christiern promising all who gave their aid inestablishing him on the throne a double recompense for any loss incurredin the attempt. No time was, therefore, to be lost. Collecting a forcewith all haste from different parts of Sweden, the regent advanced onStäket to besiege the castle. Immediately on their arrival, Trolle sentout word that he desired a parley. This was granted, and the archbishopcame outside the walls to a spot before the Swedish camp. In the courseof the discussion, Trolle, perhaps with a view to intimidate the regent, declared that he had within the castle a letter from King Christiernannouncing that he would come to the relief before the 1st of May. Butthe young regent was not so easily to be intimidated. His terms werethat Trolle and his men might withdraw unharmed from Stäket, and thatthe archbishop might continue in possession of the Cathedral of Upsalaand all the privileges of his office; but that the Castle of Stäket, long a prolific source of discord, should remain in the hands of Sturetill a tribunal composed of clergy as well as laity could determinewhether it should belong to Church or State, or be demolished as asource of discord. These terms were not accepted, and the siegecontinued. All through the winter and spring the Swedish army bivouackedoutside the walls; and Trolle, ever looking for aid from Denmark, refused to yield. At last, at midsummer, having received tidings thatrescue was near at hand, his heart grew bold within him, and he resolvedto make a dupe of Sture. The latter not being at the time at Stäket, thearchbishop sent a messenger to say that he was ready for a parley. Theregent, daily fearing the approach of Christiern, received the messengerwith joy. He called together the burgomaster and Council of Stockholm, and instructed them to select delegates to act in behalf of Stockholm. With these delegates and a few advisers on his own account he proceededto Stäket, and after consultation as to the terms which they shouldoffer, signalled the guard on the castle walls that he was ready totreat with Trolle. After standing some time in the midst of a pouringrain, and without any prospect of an answer, the regent grew impatient, and sent word to Trolle that he could offer no other terms than thosealready offered. The charlatan then threw off the mask. He replied thathe placed implicit confidence in Christiern, and was in no hurry for aparley. Any time within six weeks would do. At this announcement theregent had nothing for it but to withdraw. Drenched to the skin, andburning at the insult offered him, he returned to Stockholm. [25]

He did so none too soon. The Danish forces, four thousand strong, werealready off the Swedish coast. This was by no means the first proof ofactual hostilities on the part of Christiern. Six months before, whilethe truce between the kingdoms was still in force, Christiern had seizeda Swedish vessel while lying in the roads outside Lubeck, and at thegeneral diet held at New Year's in Arboga, it had been voted to resistthe tyrant till the dying breath. As a result, the congress of the threerealms which was to have been held in February had never met. Abroadside was issued by the regent to all the men of Sweden, calling onthem to prepare for war. Throughout the spring and summer the advent ofthe tyrant was expected, and the announcement that his army had atlength arrived was a surprise to none. [26]

It was early in the month of August, 1517, when the Danish fleet wassighted off the coast twelve miles from Stockholm. Sture proceeded atonce to the point at which it was expected they would land, and thusprevented them. The fleet hovered about the coast for several days, sending out pillaging parties in small boats to the shore. One of theseparties was intercepted; and from a prisoner who was taken, Sturelearned definitely that the object of the expedition was to go to therelief of Stäket. On this news Sture sent some members of the Cabinet toStäket to inform the archbishop that the Danish force was now offStockholm, and to urge him in behalf of the town of Stockholm to sendword to the Danish force that it could count on no aid from him, as hewas resolved to remain true to his native land. But this final appeal tothe archbishop's honor met with no response. The fleet meantime hadapproached the capital, and was riding at anchor about two miles downthe stream. There the whole force landed, intending to march direct toStäket. But the young regent was again ahead of them. Scarce had theyset foot on shore when he fell upon them with his army. The conflict wassharp and bitter, but at last the regent came off victorious. The Daneswere driven headlong to their ships, leaving many of their number deadupon the shore, while others fell captives into the hand of Sture. Thiswas a red-letter day in the calendar of the regent, and is speciallymemorable as being the first occasion on which the young Gustavus drewsword in behalf of his native land. [27]

Elated by his victory, the regent now opened communications once morewith Trolle. With a view to frighten him into submission, he sent someof the Danish captives to Stäket, that the archbishop might hear fromhis own allies the story of their disaster. Even at this the proudspirit of the archbishop was not humbled. He still persisted in hisdetermination not to yield, and it was only when his own officers beganto leave him that he signified his willingness to withdraw from Stäketand retire to the duties of his cathedral. But now it was Sture's turnto dictate. He answered curtly that a murderer could no longer bearchbishop, and proceeded at once to summon a general diet of thekingdom. This diet met at Stockholm in the last days of November. It wasa notable gathering. Among those present were four of the sixbishops, --all except the bishops of Vexiö and Skara, --of laymen, HemmingGad and the father of young Gustavus, besides some ten other knights andarmigers, the burgomaster and Council of Stockholm, and a large numberof delegates from the peasantry. Before this assembly the archbishopappeared, under safe-conduct from the regent, to plead his cause. Amongthe witnesses produced in favor of the crown was a Danish officercaptured in the battle outside Stockholm. This man testified, amongother things, that before the Danish fleet set forth, a messenger fromTrolle had appeared before King Christiern to solicit aid for Stäket. Indeed, the charge of conspiracy was proved beyond the shadow of adoubt. The whole house rose with one accord in denunciation of thetraitor. Without a dissenting voice it was decreed that Stäket, "therebel stronghold, " should be levelled to the ground; that Trolle shouldnevermore be recognized as archbishop; that, though by the terms of hissafe-conduct he might return to Stäket, he should not come forththerefrom till he had given pledge to do no further injury to thekingdom; and, finally, that if Trolle or any other in his behalf shouldsolicit excommunication on any of those present for this resolve or forbesieging or destroying Stäket, or should otherwise molest them, theyall should stand firm by one another. This resolve, before the dietparted, was put into writing, and to it every member attached hisseal. [28]

The archbishop, as had been promised him, was permitted to return toStäket, which was again put into a state of siege. The siege, however, was of short duration. Deserted by the largest portion of his officers, and with no immediate prospect of further aid from Denmark, thearchbishop had nothing for it but to yield. Stäket thus fell into thehands of Sture; and the archbishop was placed in the monastery ofVesterås, to remain there captive till further disposition should bemade of his archbishopric. [29]

The whole country was by this time overrun with rebels. Particularlyalong the southern frontier the Danish party, in close alliance with theking of Denmark, kept the inhabitants in a state of terror; and theirhostile demonstrations became at last so marked that the regent found itnecessary, in the autumn of 1517, to despatch his army thither torepress them. This news was brought to Christiern's ears, still tinglingwith the report of the disaster of his fleet. The monarch, having nostomach for a winter campaign among the snows of Sweden, bethought himof a truce until the coming spring. There chanced to be in Denmark atthe time a smooth-mouthed scoundrel with the unsavory name ofArcimboldo. He was by trade a dealer in indulgences, having beencommissioned by Leo X. To vend his wares throughout the northern partsof Europe. He had already spent some time in Lubeck, where he had reapeda splendid harvest; and had now been carrying on his business about twoyears in Denmark. On every church he had affixed a chest with noticethat all who would contribute to the sacred cause should receive fullabsolution from their sins. It certainly was a tempting offer, and onewhich the unwary believers in the papal authority were not slow toseize. They poured in their contributions with a lavish hand, and thelegate soon amassed a princely fortune. At last, however, his goodsbegan to be a drug upon the market, and he prepared to transfer hisheadquarters to another land. It was about this time, early in thewinter of 1518, that Christiern made up his mind to suggest a truce withSweden, and the grand idea occurred to him of enlisting the papal legatein his service. He summoned the pardon-monger without delay, andsuggested that he should mediate with Sture. To this suggestionArcimboldo, by no means averse to turning an honest penny, gave hisassent. He sat down at once and wrote a letter to the regent, instructing him that the pope desired to see peace made between thekingdoms. He therefore, as ambassador from his Holiness, suggested thatSture should observe a truce by land with Denmark till the 23d of Aprilnext, and in the mean time should send delegates to the town of Lundwith full power to make a lasting peace between the kingdoms. To thisproposal the legate added that Christiern had given his consent. Thisdocument was handed to the regent about the middle of February. He sentback a despatch at once, thanking the legate for his efforts in behalfof peace, and expressing a wish to accede in general to the proposition. It would not be possible, however, to send delegates to a congress on soshort a notice. Before doing so it would be necessary to hold a generaldiet, so that the people of Sweden might vote upon the matter; and assome of the members would have to come from Finland, the diet could notbe held unless the truce was extended so as to embrace the sea. But heshould be pleased if Arcimboldo would effect a lasting treaty betweenthe kingdoms, or even a truce by sea and land to continue for the lifeof Christiern. He, on his part, would summon a general diet as soon aspossible, with a view to bring about a lasting peace. Thus the peacenegotiations came to naught. Christiern had no intention of consentingto a lasting peace, and Sture was not to be inveigled into a truce whichhad no other object than to give the king of Denmark an opportunity torecruit. [30]

And thus the winter wore away, and spring came, and both parties weregathering up their forces to renew the war. In the little town ofStockholm a spirit of patriotism was growing fast. It was felt on everyhand that the coming summer would forever settle the question of slaveryor freedom, and all were fixed in purpose to resist the tyrant tilltheir dying breath. Children, from fifteen upwards, were in arms, momentarily expecting the arrival of the Danish fleet. But the agony wasprolonged day after day till the sturdy patriots were eager to have itclose. Excitement had been wrought up to a fever heat, when, in themonth of June, the news was shouted through the narrow streets that theenemy's vessels were at hand. The report was true. There in the streambelow the town were visible the white sails of the Danishsquadron, --eighty ships in all, --slowly forging their way against thecurrent towards the town. It was a sight to make even the stout heart ofa Stockholm burgher quail. The fleet approached within a short distance, and the troops were landed on the southern shore, separated from thecity only by a narrow channel. The Danish king himself was in command. His forces consisted of five thousand Germans, besides a thousandlight-armed soldiers chiefly Danes, a hundred horse, and a vastmultitude of laborers for building dikes and trenches. Proceeding to thewest, he took up his position, June 29, on the hill opposite the city onthe north. But he soon discovered that this point was too far from thetown. He therefore crossed over to the southern shore, and pitched hiscamp on the cliffs of Södermalm. From this point he began to bombard thetower at the southern corner of the town. After battering this towernear a month, he sent a force across the bridge with orders to burstthrough the wall at the point which his guns had shaken. The effort, however, was of no avail. His force was driven back and compelled toseek safety beyond the bridge. At this juncture news arrived that adetachment of the Swedish army was coming against him on the south. Fearing a simultaneous attack on both sides, he hastily advanced in thedirection of the expected onslaught, and threw up a fortification atBrännkyrka, about three miles south of Stockholm. On his right the landwas boggy and overgrown with brushwood, while on his left it wassomewhat higher and wooded. In these woods the Swedish army gathered. Itis reported that they were twelve thousand strong, but they consistedchiefly of ill-trained and ill-armed peasants. The regent had joinedthem, and was leading them in person. The royal banners of the firstbattalion were in charge of Gustavus Vasa. After a few days'skirmishing, in which the patriots were twice driven into the covert oftheir woods, the Danes made a final charge upon them, and put them oncemore to flight. This time, however, the Danish soldiers lost theirheads, and followed in hot haste through the forest. In this way theylost all advantage from their superior arms and training. The Swedes, nearly twice as numerous as their opponents, surrounded them, and closedin upon them on every side. The forest was soon red with blood. Thepatriots fought with vigor and determination; and at length, thoughsixteen hundred of their companions were stretched upon the ground, theday was theirs. Sture collected his men as quickly as possible andreturned to Stockholm, while Christiern took up his quarters again inSödermalm. A few days later Christiern, his powder and provisionsfailing him, ordered a retreat; but before his men were all embarked theSwedes were on them, and killed or captured some two hundred on theshore. After proceeding down the stream about twelve miles, the fleetcast anchor near the northern shore, and a foraging party was sent outtowards Upsala for provisions. Some of these were captured, but themajority returned with a rich booty to their ships. Nearly two monthshad now elapsed since the arrival of the Danish fleet, and the coldweather was approaching. Christiern, worsted at every point, was eagerto return to Denmark. But the equinoctial storm would soon be coming, and he was afraid to venture out in rough weather on short rations. Hismen too, suffering for food and clamoring for their pay, began to leavehim. He therefore resolved to play upon another string. On the 28th ofAugust he despatched envoys to the regent with the preposterousproposition that he should be received as king, or that in lieu thereofhe should receive from the regent and Cabinet of Sweden a yearlystipend, and that the losses which he and the Danish party in Sweden hadsuffered should be repaid them. This ridiculous offer was of courserejected. Christiern then came down from his high horse, and proposed acessation of hostilities till the difficulty could be settled. Aftersome bickering on both sides it was agreed that a congress of the threerealms should meet on the 10th of the following July, to determineChristiern's right to the crown of Sweden or to tribute; and until thatday there should be peace between the realms. This agreement was putinto writing and signed and sealed by Christiern and the regent a fewdays before September 8. The regent then ordered provisions sent out tothe Danish soldiers to relieve their want. And still the fleet continuedto hang about the coast, waiting, so it was given out, for fair weather. In reality, the Danish monarch was dallying with the hope of puttinginto effect a diabolical scheme which he had concocted. There being nowa truce between the kingdoms, he ventured to despatch a messenger toSture with hostages, to beg the regent to come out to the fleet and holda conference. After consultation with his Cabinet, the regent answeredthat he could not accede to this request, and the hostages werereturned. Christiern then sent again to say that he would gladly meethim at an appointed spot on land, provided six persons named--among themHemming Gad and the regent's nephew, Gustavus--should first be placed onboard the Danish fleet as hostages. A day was set and the hostages setforth. All unconscious, the rope was already tightening around theirnecks. On the 25th of September, as had been agreed, the regent rode tothe appointed place of meeting. But the Danish king was nowhere to beseen. Two whole days the regent waited, and on the third discovered thathe had been entrapped. The fleet was on its way to Denmark, and theSwedish hostages were prisoners on board. Before putting out to sea, themonarch touched land once more to despatch a couple of letters, --one tothe burghers of Stockholm, the other to all the inhabitants of Sweden. These letters are dated October 2. Their purpose was to make histreachery seem less brutal. He declared that the regent had violated theterms of the truce by ill-treating the Danish prisoners in his hands, and not surrendering them as had been stipulated in the treaty. "On thisground, " said the tyrant, some four days after seizing the hostages, "Ideclare the treaty off. "[31]

Repairing with his captives to Copenhagen, the tyrant placed them inconfinement in different parts of Denmark. Gustavus was placed in KalöCastle, under the charge of the commandant, who was a distant relativeof the young man's mother. The commandant was under bonds for thesafe-keeping of his prisoner; but being a man of tender feelings, heimposed little restraint upon Gustavus, merely exacting from him apromise that he would make no effort to escape. His life therefore was, to outward appearance, not devoid of pleasure. The castle was situatedon a promontory in Jutland, at the northern end of Kalö Bay. Its wallran close along the cliffs, a hundred feet above the sea. At either endof the castle was a gray stone tower, and from the windows in the towerswas a charming prospect on every side. The promontory was connected withthe mainland by a low and narrow strip of land, and along the main shoreran a dense forest belonging to the castle and plentifully stocked withgame. All these pleasures were at the free disposal of the captive. Butthere was a canker ever gnawing at his heart. No matter which way heturned, he heard only rumors of fresh preparations to conquer Sweden. When guests visited the castle, they talked from morn till night of thesplendid armaments of Christiern. On one occasion he heard them declarethat so soon as Sweden fell, her aristocracy were to be put to the swordand their wives and daughters parted out among the peasantry of Denmark. The Swedish peasants, they said, would soon learn to drive the ploughwith one arm and a wooden leg. Such jests made the young prisoner burnwith indignation. He felt it necessary to conceal his passion, and yethe longed perpetually for a chance to burst his fetters and fly to therescue of his native land. [32]

Before tracing his adventures further, let us return once more toSweden. The dastardly escape of Christiern with the Swedish hostages hadstung the whole country to the quick. Even the Chapter of Upsala, whichhad up to this time clung to the hope of restoring Trolle to his post, began to yield to the oft-repeated exhortations of the regent, andprepared to nominate a new archbishop. The man whom Sture urged for theposition was the bishop of Strengnäs, one of those who had voted infavor of demolishing Stäket; and so early as the preceding February thechapter had practically assented to this choice. Nothing further, however, was done about it; and when, in the autumn of 1518, the papallegate with his proclamations of pardon appeared in Sweden, the chapterbegan to look toward him for help. Arcimboldo was not the man to letslip an opportunity to aggrandize himself. He therefore was prepared tolisten impartially to the arguments on every side, and as papal legateto use his authority in favor of the highest bidder. Now, it requiredlittle sagacity to see that Trolle, whose cause the king of Denmark hadcommissioned him to urge, but who was at this time stripped of hisprerogatives and in prison, could offer small reward; and from the kingof Denmark he had already received quite as much as he had reason toexpect. Moreover, it appeared from the experience of the last two yearsthat Christiern's hopes of Sweden were likely to result in air. Sturewas to all appearances the rising star, and on him the crafty legateresolved to fix his hopes. There seemed no valid reason, however, fordeserting Christiern. It would be better so to trim his sails as toreceive any emoluments that might be forthcoming from either party. Hetherefore approached the regent under the guise of mediator. The regentreceived him kindly, and covered him with honors and rewards. In thewinter of 1518-1519 a meeting was held at Arboga at which the case ofTrolle was laid before the legate. The outcome of it was that Trolleformally resigned his archbishopric and was restored to freedom. Shortlyafter, on the 5th of February, we find the legate reappointing the oldarchbishop, Ulfsson, to the post. Just why this course was taken it isimpossible to state with certainty. But the reasons which led to it mayeasily be surmised. Ulfsson was a man of wealth, with few enemies andmany friends. He was, next to Trolle, the choice of the Upsala Chapterand of Christiern, and he had already some time before been asked bySture to reassume the post. To one of Arcimboldo's compromising temperit is not strange that Ulfsson should have seemed a person whose favorit was desirable to win. [33]

Meantime the king of Denmark was not idle. He still clung to the strangeinfatuation that the people of Sweden might be persuaded to accept himas their king, and almost while in the act of seizing the Swedishhostages instructed Arcimboldo to beg the regent for a friendlyconference. This wild proposal Sture treated with the contempt which itdeserved. He wrote to Christiern a straightforward letter in which herefused to deal further with him, and demanded that the hostages beimmediately returned. Christiern of course did not comply. On thecontrary, he continued his warlike preparations, and throughout thewhole of the next year, 1519, his fleet was busy in making incursionsalong the Swedish coast. These incursions, though they caused the regentgreat annoyance, had little permanent effect. The king was stillsmarting under his recent defeat, and did not venture at once toundertake another campaign on an extensive scale. [34]

One thing the year 1519 did for Sweden. It ridded her of that consummatescoundrel Arcimboldo. After he had fleeced the regent and his people ofevery penny that they had to give, he set forth with his ill-gottengains for Denmark. He soon learned, however, that he had been servingtoo many masters. Christiern had got wind of his ambassador'sfamiliarity with the regent, and had sent out spies to seize him on hisreturn. But the Italian proved more slippery than his royal master hadsupposed. Scarce had he set foot on shore when he perceived that Denmarkwas not the place for him. He embarked once more for Sweden, whence hesoon crossed over to Germany on his way to more congenial climes. Thelast thing we hear of him is that the pope rewarded him with theArchbishopric of Milan. [35]

FOOTNOTES:

[14] Olaus Magni, _Hist. De gent. Sept. _, pp. 409-410. This curiousbook, written by a contemporary of Gustavus, gives an invaluable pictureof the details of Swedish life. 

[15] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, p. 3, and _Ährapred. _, p. 51; and Tegel, _Then stoormecht. _, p. 3. All authorities agree that this event tookplace in 1514; but they differ as to the boy's age at the time. Svart, who places his birth in 1495, says he was eighteen, which would beequally true after May 12, 1514, even though the birth was in 1496. Tegel says he was twenty-four, as he would be if born in 1490; but asTegel says in the very next sentence that he was sent to court to beeducated, it is clear he could not have been so old as twenty-four, andhence could not have been born so early as 1490. 

[16] Svaning, _Christ. II. _, pp. 20-23. 

[17] _Hist. Handl. _, vol. Viii. P. 64. This is a deed to the effectstated above, signed by Erik Trolle, and dated Oct. 12, 1514. 

[18] _Svenska medeltid. Rim-krön. _, vol. Iii. P. 203; Olaus Petri, _Svenska krön. _, pp. 305-306; Johannes Magni, _Hist. Pont. _, p. 72; and_Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xxiv. Pp. 45-47. 

[19] _Svenska medeltid. Rim-krön. _, vol. Iii. P. 203; and _Hist. Handl. _, vol. Viii. Pp. 68-70. 

[20] Olaus Petri, _Svenska krön. _, p. 306; and Laurent. Petri, _ThenSvenska chrön. _, p. 141. 

[21] _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xxiv. Pp. 51 and 74-75. 

[22] _Svenska medeltid. Rim-krön. _, vol. Iii. P. 204; Olaus Petri, _Svenska krön. _, pp. 306-307; Laurent. Petri, _Then Svenska chrön. _, p. 141; and _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xxiv. Pp. 48-49 and 76. 

[23] Olaus Petri, _Svenska krön. _, p. 307; Laurent. Petri, _Then Svenskachrön. _, p. 141; and _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xxiv. Pp. 39-40and 76-77. 

[24] _Svenska medeltid. Rim-krön. _, vol. Iii. P. 205; Olaus Petri, _Svenska krön. _, pp. 307-309; Laurent. Petri, _Then Svenska chrön. _, pp. 141-142; and _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xxiv. Pp. 52-58, 62-71 and77-81. 

[25] Olaus Petri, _Svenska krön. _, pp. 309-310; Johannes Magni, _De omn. Goth. _, pp. 778-779; Laurent. Petri, _Then Svenska chrön. _, p. 142; and_Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xxiv. Pp. 81-87. 

[26] Olaus Petri, _Svenska krön. _, p. 310; Laurent. Petri, _Then Svenskachrön. _, p. 142; and _Kongl. Och furstl. Förlijkn. _, pp. 434-435. 

[27] _Svenska medeltid. Rim-krön. _, vol. Iii. Pp. 205-206; Olaus Petri, _Svenska krön. _, pp. 310-311; Laurent. Petri, _Then Svenska chrön. _, pp. 142-143; Svart, _Ährapred. _, pp. 52-53; and _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xxiv. Pp. 87-88. 

[28] Olaus Petri, _Svenska krön. _, pp. 311-312; Laurent. Petri, _ThenSvenska chrön. _, p. 143; _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xxiv. Pp. 94-105; and _Kongl. Och furstl. Förlijkn. _, pp. 435-437. 

[29] Olaus Petri, _Svenska krön. _, p. 313; Johannes Magni, _De omn. Goth. _, p. 779; and Laurent. Petri, _Then Svenska chrön. _, p. 143. 

[30] Svaning, _Christ. II. _, pp. 106-107; and _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xxiv. Pp. 112-117, 127-128, and 130-145. 

[31] _Svenska medeltid. Rim-krön. _, vol. Iii. Pp. 207-209 and 232; OlausPetri, _Svenska krön. _, pp. 313-314; Rensel, _Berättelse_, p. 15; _Märk. Händl. _, p. 91; Johannes Magni, _De omn. Goth. _, p. 780; Laurent. Petri, _Then Svenska chrön. _, pp. 143-144; Svart, _Ährapred. _, p. 53, and_Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 4-5; Ludvigsson, _Collect. _, p. 86; _Acta hist. Reg. Christ. II. _, p. 1; _Danske Mag. _, 3d ser. , vol. Ii. Pp. 237-248;and _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xxxii. Pp. 58-63. 

[32] Svaning, _Christ. II. _, pp. 385-387, and Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 6-8. 

[33] Olaus Petri, _Svenska krön. _, p. 313; Johannes Magni, _Hist. Pont. _, pp. 71 and 73; Laurent. Petri, _Then Svenska chrön. _, p. 143;_Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xxiv, pp. 110-112, 117-130; and_Skrift. Och handl. _, vol. I. Pp. 363-364. 

[34] Olaus Petri, _Svenska krön. _, pp. 315-316; and _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xxiv. Pp. 245-247. 

[35] Eliesen, _Chron. Skib. _, p. 567. 

CHAPTER III. 

FLIGHT OF GUSTAVUS; UPRISING OF THE DALESMEN. 1519-1521. 

 Escape of Gustavus from Denmark. --Lubeck. --Return of Gustavus to Sweden. --Excommunication of Sture. --Invasion of Sweden. --Death of Sture. --Dissolution of the Swedish Army. --Heroism of Christina. --Battle of Upsala. --Gustavus at Kalmar. --Fall of Stockholm. --Coronation of Christiern II. --Slaughter of the Swedes. --Flight of Gustavus to Dalarne. --Efforts to rouse the Dalesmen. --Gustavus chosen Leader. 

One morning, in the early autumn of 1519, a young man, clad in thecoarse garments of a drover, made a hasty exit from the gate of KalöCastle, and turning into the forest proceeded along the western shore ofKalö Bay. His step was firm and vigorous, and indicated by its rapiditythat the wayfarer was endeavoring to elude pursuit. Though apparentlynot over twenty-four, there was something about the traveller's face andbearing that gave him the look of a person prematurely old. Of largeframe, tall and broad-shouldered, with heavy massive face, highcheek-bones, a careworn dark blue eye, large straight nose, andcompressed lips, --the under lip projecting slightly, --he would have beenpointed out anywhere as a man not easily to be led. The face would not, perhaps, be regarded as particularly intellectual; but determinationand energy were stamped on every feature, and every movement of the bodydisplayed strength and power of endurance. It was pre-eminently the faceand body of one made to govern rather than to obey. Such, in histwenty-fourth year, was Gustavus Vasa. He had made his escape from KalöCastle, and was fleeing with all speed to Lubeck, the busy, enterprisinghead of the Hanseatic League. 

His way led him through some of the most picturesque spots in Denmark. It was a lovely rolling country, with fertile fields and meadows, relieved in places by little clumps of forest, beneath which he couldoften discern the time-worn front of some grim old mansion. Sheep andcattle were grazing on the hillsides. Thatch-roofed huts, with plasteredwalls, were all about him. The fields, in those September days, were redwith buckwheat. Occasionally a broad meadow spread out before him, and, to avoid the husbandmen gathering in their crops, he was often forced tomake a long circuit through thick forests of beech and maple. Here andthere he came on mighty barrows raised over the bodies of Danishwarriors and kings. Well might it make his blood boil within him towitness these honors heaped upon the Danes for their deeds of blood andcruelty to his fathers. Through such scenes, weary and footsore, inconstant dread of his pursuers, and with dark misgivings as to the fatebefore him, he pressed on, until at last, near the end of September, thegray walls of Lubeck, to which he had looked forward as a refuge, stoodbefore him and he entered in. [36]

Lubeck, the capital of the Hanse Towns, and by virtue of this positionmonarch of the northern seas, had been for three centuries a bitter foeto Denmark. At intervals the Danish kings had sought to check the navalsupremacy of Lubeck, and more than once the two powers had been at openwar. Of late, by reason of dissensions among the Towns, Denmark hadgradually been gaining the upper hand. But Lubeck was still very farfrom acknowledging the right of Denmark to carry on an independenttrade, and the growing power of the Danish kings only added fuel to theflame. Lubeck was, therefore, at this time a peculiarly favorable asylumfor one who was at enmity with Christiern. Gustavus doubtless hadreckoned on this advantage, and had resolved to throw himself on themercy of the town. He went directly to the senate, laid his case beforethem, and asked them boldly for a ship and escort to take him back toSweden. This request apparently was more than they were prepared togrant. They hesitated, and in the mean time the commandant of KalöCastle tracked his prisoner to Lubeck, and appeared before the senate todemand that he be surrendered. Many of the senators, unwilling to incurthe wrath of Christiern, were minded to give him up. Others, however, were opposed to such a course. As a result, all action in the matter wasfor the time suspended. Eight weary months dragged on, Gustavusthroughout that period remaining in Lubeck. Finally, in May, 1520, oneof the burgomasters, whose friendship the youth had won, espoused hiscause, and he was allowed to sail for Sweden. By good fortune hesteered clear of the Danish fleet, and on the 31st of May set footagain on his native soil, near Kalmar. [37]

Meantime the Danish arms had not been idle. Soon after the overthrow ofTrolle and the destruction of his castle, the king of Denmark haddespatched a messenger to Rome, to enlist the Holy Father in his cause. Pope Leo, reluctant to take upon himself to decide a matter of whosemerits he could know so little, appointed the archbishop of Lund, aidedby a Danish bishop, to investigate the question and report to him. Atribunal so composed could scarcely be expected to render other verdictthan that which Christiern wished. They reported adversely to theregent. Sture and his adherents were therefore excommunicated by thepope, and all church ministrations interdicted throughout Sweden. To apious people such a blow was terrible in the extreme. All church bellswere for the moment hushed, the church doors barred, and the souls of anentire nation doomed to eternal death. But even in the face of thiscalamity the regent persevered. He refused to restore Trolle to hispost, or even to make him amends for his losses. On this news beingbrought to Rome, the pontiff made no attempt to hide his wrath. He wroteat once to Christiern, with instructions to enter Sweden and inflictpunishment on those who had thus set at naught the papal power. Christiern was entranced. As champion of the pope he felt certain ofsuccess. Without delay he collected all the forces in the kingdom, horseand foot, and placed them under the command of a gallant young officer, Otto Krumpen, with orders to invade Sweden from the south. They landedin the early days of January, 1520, and proceeded northwards, ravagingthe country as they went. Sture at once issued a broadside to thepeople, calling them to arms. He likewise sent his messengers to Trolle, to beg him to use his influence against the enemies of Sweden. Thedeposed archbishop, now cringing before his victor, yielded his assent. Sture, thus emboldened, moved forward with his army to meet the Danes. Knowing that they were advancing through the province of Vestergötland, and that their line of march in the winter season would be across thelakes, Sture took up his position in a narrow cove at the northern endof Lake Åsunden. In the centre of this cove, through which the Danesmust pass, he raised a huge bulwark of felled trees, and within thebulwark stationed his infantry, with provisions enough to last twomonths. He then chopped up the ice about the fort, and retired to thenorth with his cavalry to await the onset. It was not long he had towait. On the 18th of January the Danish army drew near, and seeing thefortification began to storm it with their catapults. As theyapproached, the Swedish cavalry, with Sture at their head, dashed outalong the shore to meet them. The regent was mounted on a fiery charger, and carried into the very thickest of the fight. But scarcely had thefirst shot been fired when a missile glancing along the ice struckSture's horse from under him, and in a moment horse and rider weresprawling on the ice. So soon as Sture could be extricated, he was foundto have received an ugly wound upon the thigh. His followers bore himbleeding from the field, and hastened with his lacerated body to thenorth. But the battle was not yet over. Long and hot it raged about thefortress on the ice. Twice the Danish troops made a mad assault, andafter heavy losses were repulsed. At last, however, their heavycatapults began to tell. The sides of the bulwark weakened, and theDanish army by a vigorous onslaught burst open a passage, and put theSwedish infantry to the sword. This victory was followed by a night ofriot, the Swedes thus gaining time to collect the scattered remnants oftheir army. With a single impulse, though without a leader, they fledacross the marshy meadows of Vestergötland to the north. Their goal wasTiveden, a dreary jungle of stunted pines and underbrush, through whichit was expected the enemy would have to pass. Here after two days' marchthey gathered, and threw up a mighty barrier of felled trees andbrushwood, thinking in that way to impede the passage of the Danes. Allabout them the land, though not mountainous, was rough and rugged in theextreme, huge bowlders and fragments of rock lying about on every side. In spots the undergrowth was wanting, but its place was generally filledby little lakes and bogs, quite as difficult to traverse as the forest. In this region the patriots collected, and with undaunted spirit oncemore awaited the coming of the Danes. Again they were not disappointed. The Danish army, recovering from its night of revelry, proceeded on thetrack of the fugitives, stormed their barrier, and on the 1st ofFebruary put them once more to flight. This done, the invaders pressedforward, burning, robbing, murdering, and affixing bans to every churchdoor, till they arrived at Vesterås. [38]

Let us turn for a moment to another scene. Sture, who had been carriedbleeding from the field of battle, had been taken first to Örebro. Butthe journey over the ice and snow at the dead of winter so aggravatedhis wound that it was clear to all he could take no further part incarrying on the war. He gave orders therefore to be removed toStockholm, where he might be under the tender care and sympathy of hiswife. It was God's will, however, that he should never see her more. Onthe 2d of February, when almost within sight of the castle walls, hedied; and the loved one for whose sympathy he had longed was givennothing but her husband's lifeless corpse. [39] They buried of him allthat earth could bury; but his undaunted spirit remained still among hispeople, cheering them in their misfortunes, and ever calling upon themto resist the hand of the oppressor. Sten Sture's character is one whichdraws forth a warmth of sentiment such as can be felt for no othercharacter of his time. Living in an age when hypocrisy was looked uponwith honor, and when falsehood was deemed a vice only when unsuccessful, he showed in all his dealings, whether with friends or foes, a steadfastintegrity of purpose with an utter ignorance of the art ofdissimulation. Not a stain can history fix upon his memory. Highlygifted as a statesman, courageous on the field of battle, ever courteousin diplomacy, and warm and sympathetic in the bosom of his family, hisfigure stands forth as one of the shining examples of the height towhich human character can attain. It is with a sigh we leave him, andturn again to trace the history of his people. 

Grim ruin now stared the patriot army in the face. Bereft of the onlyperson who seemed competent to guide them, beaten at every point, without arms or provisions, and with a horde of trained and well-armedsoldiers at their heels, the fleeing patriots came straggling intoStrengnäs on the Mälar. Hubbub and confusion reigned supreme. Many ofthe magnates counselled immediate surrender. Others, somewhat more loyalto their country, raised a timid voice in favor of continuing the war, but no one ventured to come forth and lead his fellow-countrymen againstthe foe. Thus they frittered away the precious moments while the Daneswere getting ready for another onset. All this time there was one braveheart still beating for them in the capital. The regent's widow, nothingdaunted by her own calamity or by the disasters that had come upon herhusband's people, kept sending messengers one after another to implorethem to unite in defence of their native land. At length it seemed as ifher supplications were destined to prevail. A firmer purpose spreadamong them, and they girded up their loins for another conflict. Theirspark of courage, however, proved abortive. No sooner did the enemyagain appear than the patriots turned their backs and fled in wilddismay. On coming once more together after this bloodless battle, theyresolved without further ado to lay down arms. A letter was despatchedto Krumpen requesting parley. This was granted; and on the 22d ofFebruary it was agreed that the two parties should hold a conference inUpsala on the 3d of March, for the purpose of making terms. The Swedishparty then urged Christina to attend the conference. She however turneda deaf ear to their entreaties, and sent off a despatch at once toDantzic begging for aid against King Christiern; so the conference beganwithout her. As a preliminary, Krumpen produced a document from the kingof Denmark empowering him to offer terms of peace. This done, aproposition to declare allegiance to King Christiern was at once broughtforward; and at the instance of Gustaf Trolle and the otherDanish-minded magnates present, the proposal was finally accepted, though not until Krumpen had consented to certain terms on which thepatriots insisted. These terms were that all past offences against theDanish crown should be forgiven, that all fiefs hitherto granted totheir fellow-countrymen should be preserved, and that Sweden shouldcontinue to be governed in accordance with her ancient laws and customs. The document reciting these terms was issued on the 6th of March, and onthe 31st it was confirmed by Christiern. [40]

The main body of the Swedish nation being thus again in the hand ofDenmark, it was expected that Christina would no longer dare to offerresistance. It was therefore resolved to approach her once more upon thesubject. An armed body of some three thousand men was despatchedforthwith to Stockholm, a couple of ambassadors being sent ahead toinvite Christina to a conference outside the town. The reception whichthey met was such as to convince them that the regent's widow possessed, at any rate, a portion of her husband's courage. No sooner did they nearthe capital than the portcullis was raised and a volley fired upon themfrom within the walls. Thus discomfited, the ambassadors withdrew, andKrumpen, having insufficient forces to undertake a siege, returned toUpsala, and the Swedish forces that had joined him retired to theirhomes. [41]

Christina was thus afforded a short respite in which to gather strength. The bravery and determination which she had displayed, even from themoment of her husband's death, already began to inspire confidence amongthe people. Most of the great men in the realm, intimidated by thethreats or allured by the promises of Krumpen, had sworn allegiance tothe king of Denmark. But the chief castles were still held by thepatriots, and throughout the land there was a strong undercurrent offeeling against the Danes. In most parts the people were only waiting tosee which way the wind was going to blow, and for the time being itseemed likely to blow in favor of the Swedes. The regent's widow usedevery effort to rouse the people from their lethargy, and withincreased success. All winter long the king of Denmark was burning tosend reinforcements, and dickering with the Powers of Europe to obtainthe necessary funds. But his credit was bad, and it was only with greatdifficulty that he at last despatched a body of some fifteen hundredmen. Christina, on the other hand, was being reinforced by the HanseTowns along the Baltic, and in the early spring the current of sentimenthad set so strongly in her favor that a plot was formed to drive off theDanish troops beleaguering the Castle of Vesterås, on the Mälar. So soonas this plot reached the ears of the Danish leader, he resolved to breakthe siege and hurry off to join the forces of Krumpen at Upsala. He didso; but he did so none too soon. He found his path beset by thepeasantry lying in ambush in the woods, and before he succeeded inpushing through them, he was led into a bloody battle from which thepatriots came off victorious, though their leader fell. [42]

Emboldened by this success, Christina now sent a messenger among thepeasantry to collect a force with which to attack the Danish army inUpsala. In a short space of time he had gathered a strong band ofpeasantry and miners, with whom, reinforced by a detachment fromStockholm, he marched forward to Upsala. As the patriots approached thetown, a squad stationed by Krumpen outside the walls descried them andsounded the alarm. This was on Good Friday, April 6, 1520, and Krumpenwas in the cathedral when the news arrived. Without delay he hurriedforth and gave orders that every man, both horse and foot, should girdon his armor and assemble in the square. As soon as they had cometogether, he led them outside the town and drew up his line of battleclose beneath the walls. In front of this line he formed a solidphalanx, with a wing on either side composed of horse and foot. Stillfarther ahead he placed his catapults, with the largest of which heopened fire first, the sharpshooters at the same time picking off theenemy. The sky was heavily overcast, and at the very beginning of thebattle a driving storm with rain and sleet came beating down in thefaces of the Danes, thus blinding them. Their cavalry, too, was almostuseless; for the ground was covered with melting snow, which formed ingreat cakes under the horses' hoofs, and soon sent horses and riderssprawling on the ground. The patriots, however, being without cavalry ormuskets, suffered little from the rain. They were not slow to takeadvantage of the opportunity thus afforded them, and pressed forwardmadly on the left wing until finally it began to yield. Thestandard-bearer, half frozen, was about to drop the standard, when aDanish veteran rushed forward, seized it from his hands, and fixed it inthe nearest fence, at the same time shouting: "Forward, my men! Rememberyour own and your fathers' valor! Shall this standard of your countryfall unstained into the hands of the enemy?" At these words the companyrallied and, hacking at the hands of the patriots who strove to pluckthe standard from the fence, compelled them to withdraw. This companythen joined the others, and a long and bitter conflict followed, the twoarmies fighting face to face. At length, as soon as the snow began to bewell packed, the Danish cavalry came to the front once more, and after aseries of violent charges, broke in two places through the enemy'sranks. The patriots, now cut into three distinct bodies, fled in wilddespair. One body of them was surrounded and massacred on the spot. Another fled to a brick-kiln near at hand, hoping thus to be shelteredfrom the fury of the Danes. But they were pursued, the whole place wasset on fire, and all who issued from it were put to the sword. The thirdportion of the Swedes fled in terror to the river, but many of themweighted down by their arms were drowned. Thus ended a fearful battle. The snow was literally drenched with blood. Of the Swedes, who numbered30, 000, it is said two thirds were killed; while the Danes, 8, 000strong, lost half. [43]

After this fearful slaughter both parties were for the nonce morecautious. Messengers were sent by each throughout the land to gainrecruits, but they were careful to avoid a general conflict. Skirmishesand trickery were the order of the day. The patriots were fritteringaway their chances for lack of a leader, and Krumpen was waiting for thearrival of King Christiern. This was delayed only till the breaking ofthe ice. Towards the close of April, 1520, Christiern set sail with alarge fleet for Sweden, having on board the Archbishop of Lund and someother influential prelates, to lend to his expedition the aspect of areligious crusade. Proceeding first to Kalmar, he called upon the castleto surrender, but in vain. Seeing that his only mode of reducing thecastle was by siege, he resolved for the present to give it up, andafter issuing a broadside to the people of Vestergötland, summoning themto a conference to be held a month later, on the 3d of June, he advancedto Stockholm and dropped anchor just outside the town. This was on the27th of May, four days before the landing of Gustavus Vasa on theSwedish coast. [44]

The arrival of Gustavus Vasa marks an epoch in the history of Sweden. Itis the starting-point of one of the most brilliant and successfulrevolutions that the world has ever known. Other political upheavalshave worked quite as great results, and in less time. But rarely if everhas a radical change in a nation's development been so unmistakably thework of a single hand, --and that, too, the hand of a mere youth offour-and-twenty. The events immediately preceding the return of Gustavusprove conclusively, if they prove anything, how impotent are merenumbers without a leader. For years the whole country had been almostcontinuously immersed in blood. One moment the peasantry were all inarms, burning to avenge their wrongs, and the next moment, just on theeve of victory, they scattered, each satisfied with promises that hiswrongs would be redressed and willing to let other persons redress theirown. What was needed above all else was a feeling of national unity andstrength; and it was this feeling that from the very outset the youngGustavus sought to instil in the minds of the Swedish people. As we nowfollow him in his romantic wanderings through dreary forest and over iceand snow and even down into the bowels of the earth, we shall observethat the one idea which more than any other filled his mind was the ideaof a united Swedish nation. At first we shall find this idea laughed atas visionary, and its promoter driven to the far corners of the land. But before three years are over, we shall see a Swedish nation alreadyrising from the dust, until at last it takes a high place in thefirmament of European powers. 

The memorable soil on which Gustavus disembarked lay two miles south ofKalmar; and he hurried to the town without delay. Kalmar was at thistime, next to Stockholm, the strongest town in Sweden. Lying on two orthree small islands, it was guarded from the mainland by several narrowstreams, while on the east it was made secure through a stupendouscastle from attack by sea. This castle was at the time in charge of thewidow of the last commandant, and was strongly garrisoned, as was alsothe town below, with mercenaries from abroad. On entering the townGustavus was received with kindness by the burghers, and sought in everyway to rouse their drooping spirits. He even approached the Germansoldiers with a view to inspire comfort in their souls. But his words ofcourage fell on stony ground. It is the nature of mercenaries to fightlike madmen when the prospect of reward is bright, but no sooner does acloud gather on the horizon, than they throw down their arms and beginto clamor for their pay. Such at that moment was the state of things inKalmar. Christiern, backed by the leading powers of Europe, and upheldin his expedition by the authority of Rome, had just arrived in Swedenwith a powerful army, and was now lying at anchor in the harbor of thecapital. The Swedish forces, broken in many places and without a leader, were gradually scattering to their homes. The cloud that had long beengathering over the head of Sweden seemed about to burst. The future wasalready black, and a listening ear could easily catch the mutterings ofthe approaching storm. The Kalmar mercenaries therefore were onlyirritated by the importunities of the youthful refugee, and it was onlythrough the intercession of the burghers that he was saved from violenceand allowed to leave the town. [45]

To revisit the scenes of his boyhood and his father's house was nolonger possible. The brave Sten Sture, from whose palace he had beenstolen two years since, was lying beneath the sod; and Stockholm, heldby the young man's aunt Christina, was in a state of siege. All accessto her or to the capital would have been at the peril of his life. Hetherefore; renounced for the time being his desire to see his family, and proceeded stealthily to approach the capital by land. His way layfirst across the dreary moors and swamps of Småland. Here he went fromhouse to house, inciting the peasantry to rebel. Among others he soughtout some of his father's tenants, in the hope that they at least wouldhear him. But he found them all sunk in lethargy, cowering under thesword of Christiern. His voice was truly the voice of one crying in thewilderness. The golden hope of lifting his country out of her miseryseemed shattered at a blow. Instead of being received with open arms asa deliverer, he was jeered at in every town, and finally so bitter grewthe public sentiment against him that he was forced to flee. Hardlydaring to show his face lest he should be shot down by the soldiers ofthe king, he betook himself to a farm owned by his father on the southshore of the Mälar. Here he remained in secrecy through the summer, hoping for better times, --an unwilling witness of the subjugation of hisland, --till finally he was driven from his refuge by an act ofChristiern so revolting in its villany that it made the whole of Europeshudder. [46]

Christiern, on the 27th of May, was riding at anchor in the harbor ofthe capital. Among his men was Hemming Gad, over the spirit of whosedream had come a vast change since his capture some eighteen monthsbefore. Just when this change began, or how it was effected, is unknown. But already, in March of 1520, the report had spread through Sweden thatGad had turned traitor to his native land, and we find him writing tothe people of Stockholm to tell them that he and they had doneChristiern wrong, and begging them to reconcile themselves to Christiernas he had done. Gad was a statesman, --a word synonymous in those dayswith charlatan, --and he did not hesitate to leave his falling comradesin order to join the opposite party on the road to power. DoubtlessChristiern took care that he lost nothing by his change of colors, anddoubtless it was with a view to aid himself that he brought Gad back toSweden. [47]

No sooner did Christiern arrive off Stockholm than Krumpen came withArchbishop Trolle from Upsala, to receive him. They held a council ofwar on board the fleet, and resolved to lay siege once more toStockholm. The capital was by this time well supplied with food; but thesummer had only just begun, and Christiern thought by using strictprecautions to starve the town ere winter. Pitching his camp along theshore both north and south, and blockading the harbor on the east, hesent messengers through the land to enlist the peasantry in his cause. Many of them he propitiated by a generous distribution of salt which hehad brought with him from Denmark. Things, however, were not entirely tohis taste. Christina too had ambassadors inciting the people to revolt. On the 27th of June a large body of the patriots laid siege to thepalace of the bishop of Linköping. About the same time also themonastery of Mariefred, inhabited by the old archbishop Ulfsson, wasthreatened; and a throng of peasants marched to Strengnäs to burn andplunder. How crude the patriot forces at this time were is apparent froma letter from a Danish officer to Krumpen, in which it is said that outof a body of about three thousand only one hundred and fifty wereskilled soldiers. Christiern finally deemed it best to send a force toVesterås to storm the castle. This was done, the castle fell, and theofficer in command was taken prisoner. It was now August, and theStockholmers, no aid thus far having come to them from abroad, werelosing heart. In this state of things the king sent Gad and othersinside the walls to urge the people to surrender. Christina and hersturdy burghers received the messengers with scorn; but the magnates, already more than half inclined to yield, vehemently advocated theproposal. Soon the whole town was in an uproar. A riot followed, andsome blood was shed. But at last Christina and her adherents yielded, and delegates were sent outside the town to parley. After several daysof bickering it was agreed that Stockholm should be surrendered on the7th of September next, but on the other hand that all hostility toChristiern and to his fathers, as well as to Archbishop Trolle and theother prelates, should be forgiven. [48]

Two days later, on the 7th of September, the burgomasters crossed overin a body to Södermalm, and delivered the keys of the city gates intothe hands of Christiern. Then, with bugles sounding and all the pomp andceremony of a triumph, he marched at the head of his army through thecity walls and up to the Great Church, where he offered thanksgiving toAlmighty God. That over, he proceeded to the citadel and tookpossession. The same day and the day following he obtained twodocuments, --one from the Cabinet members then in Stockholm, and theother from the burgomaster and Council, --granting the castle toChristiern during his life, and at his death to his son Hans, or, if heshould die before the king, then to the king's wife Elizabeth, torevert, after the death of all three, to the Cabinet of Sweden. Christiern then appointed his officers throughout the country, afterwhich he sailed away for Denmark. [49]

Not long, however, was Sweden freed from his contaminating presence. Within a month he had returned, breathing out threatenings and slaughteragainst the nation that he had vanquished. A general diet had beensummoned to meet at Stockholm on the first day of November. As this dietwas to be immediately followed by the coronation of the king, specialefforts had been made to secure a large attendance of the Danish party. The venerable Ulfsson, now tottering to the grave, had recently writtento Christiern that he would be present at the triumphal entry intoStockholm, "even if, " as he says, "I have to crawl upon my knees;" andhe was present at the diet. When the appointed day arrived, thedelegates were summoned to a hill outside the town, and were shut in onevery side by the pikes and rapiers of the royal soldiers. Theproceedings were cut and dried throughout. A pompous oration wasdelivered by one of the king's satellites, declaring the grounds onwhich his master claimed the throne of Sweden, at the close of which thepeople were asked whether they would have him for their king, and withtheir tyrants' weapons brandished before their eyes they answered yes. With this elaborate farce the ceremony ended and the people scattered, being first ordered to return on the following Sunday and share in thecoronation festivities of the king whom they had thus elected againsttheir will. The ostentatious mummery of these mock ceremonies wouldcause a smile but for the frightful tragedy with which they were toclose. None but the blindest partisans could have felt anything elsethan aversion for this monster on whose head they were to place thecrown. Even his own friends hated him, and despised the very ground onwhich he trod. But it was the age of heaven-born rulers; so the massesbent their knee and sang their pæans to the demon whom fate had madetheir king. [50]

It was on the 4th of November--a dreary Sunday--that the tragedy began. On that day, with a great flourish of trumpets and display of power, themonarch proceeded to the Great Church to be crowned. The huge edificewas filled to overflowing. From north and south, from mountain andvalley, all of note in the three kingdoms had flocked thither on thisday to behold the imposing spectacle. Gustaf Trolle, now once morearchbishop, stood at the high altar, lined on either side by the sixSwedish bishops and the Upsala Chapter. The whole chancel was one blazeof gold and silver; and as the king marched through the main aisle withhis splendid retinue, every eye was bent upon him and every whisperhushed. Proceeding straight up to the high altar, he bent his kneebefore the God whose name he was now so soon to desecrate. Then thearchbishop raised from the altar a crown of gold glittering withprecious jewels, and placed it reverently upon the monarch's brow. Thesacred rite of consecration over, the monarch rose and turning was metby a herald of Charles V. , who came from his master bringing a fleecewhich he attached with chains of gold around the monarch's neck, thusreceiving him into the great Burgundian League. After this, a throne wasplaced before the altar, and Christiern conferred the order ofknighthood on Krumpen and some of his other officers. It was observed, however, that all thus honored were of Danish birth. With this theceremony of consecration closed, and the whole concourse poured forthonce more from the house of God. [51]

During three days the whole town now was given over to mirth andmerrymaking. These days seem like the lull that goes before a storm. Allstrife was ended, all past injuries forgotten. The future seemed full ofpromise, and the Swedish peasants went hurrying back to their firesidesto tell their wives and children of the peace and blessings promisedthem by Christiern. But it was not yet. Scarce had the echo of warfaredied upon the wind when a frightful tragedy took place in Stockholmwhich sent a thrill of horror to the heart of Europe. At noon on theWednesday following the coronation all the Swedish magnates with theauthorities of Stockholm were summoned to the citadel and ushered intothe august presence of their king. As they ranged themselves about thegreat hall, the nobles and their wives, all wondering what this dismalsummons meant, they heard the castle gates grate upon their hinges, anda cold shudder gradually spread among them, as the thought now flashedupon them for the first time that they were no longer free. They hadbeen decoyed by the fulsome promises of their ruler into the trap whichhe had laid. The noose was already tightening around their necks. Beforethem, on the throne hallowed by memories of former rulers, sat theirtyrant, grim and lowering. Not a trace of mercy was visible in hisfeatures. Through a long pause, awful in its uncertainty, they waited, the cold sweat fast gathering on their brows. At length the pause wasended. Archbishop Trolle, chuckling at the near prospect of his revenge, stepped forward and addressed the throne. He began by portraying inardent language the sufferings he had undergone. He declared that thecathedral at Upsala had been plundered while he was being besieged inStäket. He dwelt at great length on the wrong which had been done him inthe destruction of his castle. He drew attention to the conspiracyentered into against him by certain of the magnates, and their unitedoath never again to recognize him as archbishop. Finally, he denouncedthe conspirators by name, and called upon the king to visit them withthe punishment which they deserved. At this Christina was summonedbefore the throne and asked for an explanation of her husband's conduct. She was at first struck dumb with terror; then, recovering herself, shepleaded that her husband had been no more guilty than the otherconspirators, as would appear from the document which they all hadsigned. Christiern, learning for the first time of this document, demanded that it be produced. When this was done, and the king hadexamined it to his heart's content, he gave it to his clerk to copy, andcalled on each of the signers in turn to answer for his act. Christiernwith his Cabinet then withdrew, leaving the patriot leaders in the greathall guarded by a body of Danish soldiers. At dusk two Danish officersentered with lanterns, "like Judas Iscariot" says a contemporary, andthe doomed magnates were led out to the tower and thrown into prison toawait the morn. When day broke, Christiern ordered the trumpets soundedand proclamation made that no citizen should leave his house. About noonthe condemned patriots were led from their dungeons to the Grand Square, and huddled together beneath the platform on which they were to bleed. The citizens had by this time been permitted to leave their houses andhad gathered around the foot of the scaffold, from which they wereaddressed in soothing language by several of the Danish Cabinet, whosewords however were interrupted by constant cries of the victims callingon their fellow-countrymen to avenge them. At last the agony of suspensewas over. One after another the condemned mounted the scaffold and weredecapitated with all the refinement of cruelty that the bloodthirstymonarch and his satellites could devise. Over seventy in all wereslaughtered, and their gory bodies piled up in one promiscuous mass inthe centre of the square. On the following day the scene of carnage wasrenewed, several suspected citizens being seized in their houses anddragged to the place of blood. One poor wretch was executed for no otherreason than because he was discovered weeping at the sight of hisfriends' death. Not till the following Saturday was the carnage over andthe weltering mass conveyed outside the town. The body of Sture, together with the body of one of his babes, was dug up by Christiern'sorders and burned, and the property of all who were slaughtered wasseized and confiscated. Having thus effected his diabolical purpose andridded himself of the flower of the Swedish patriots, the gory monarchset his officers at the head of affairs, and taking Christina and hertwo boys with him, marched through the land to Denmark, where he threwChristina and her children into prison. [52]

Through all that summer and autumn Gustavus Vasa had been cooped up inhis hiding-place on the Mälar. Once, in peril of his life, he hadapproached the venerable Archbishop Ulfsson and solicited his advice. But he found little comfort there. Ulfsson urged him to go boldly toChristiern and beg for mercy. He even offered to intercede for the youngman, and encouraged him with the assertion that he had been includedamong those to whom the king had promised immunity at the surrender ofChristina. Gustavus, however, knew too well what reliance he could placeon Christiern's word. With a downcast spirit he went back to hishiding-place, resolved to await further developments before he venturedforth. It was a time of harrowing suspense, the iron entering into hisvery soul. Each day brought new intelligence of the victories ofChristiern and the gradual dismemberment of the Swedish forces. Hishopes were already well-nigh shattered when the report was wafted acrossthe lake that his father, along with the other patriot leaders, had beenslaughtered in the capital. Horror-stricken and overwhelmed with grief, he sprang to his feet, resolved to brave death rather than prolong thisagony. Buckling on his sword, he mounted one of his father's steeds, andset forth for the north, filled with the dream of rescuing his nativeland. It was near the 25th of November, and the scenery was well inkeeping with the dreary thoughts that flooded the horseman's mind. Thestern gnarled oaks along the wayside, twisting their leafless boughsathwart the sky, seemed as perverse as the Swedes whom he had vainlysought to rouse. Even the frosty soil beneath him, unyielding to histread, recalled the apathy with which his fellow-countrymen had listenedto his cries. Had he been fired solely by a love of Sweden, he wouldvery likely long ere this have renounced his hopeless task. But aselfish purpose kept him in the path. He was a pariah, hunted down byhis enemies, and driven through sheer necessity to play the patriot. Itwas liberty or death. And so he pushed on, resolved to mingle among thehardy mountaineers of Dalarne, and strive at all hazards to rouse theflagging pulses of their hearts. [53]

Crossing Lake Mälar about four miles from his father's house, Gustavushurried through the forests north of the lake with all the speed that apatriot's zeal could lend. To one companioned by happier thoughts thejourney in those late autumn days must have been filled with delight. Dalarne, through which his journey lay, is the paradise of Sweden. Asits name imports, it is "the land of valleys. " The whole province standshigh above the sea, rising higher as we travel farther north. The hillswhich separate the valleys are mostly crowned with pine and fir, anddown their sides run broad and gently sloping fields. Here and there thescenery is varied by a little hamlet nestling along the hillside. Littlelakes, too, dot the surface of the land, and tiny brooks go babblingacross the fields. One stream, famous in Swedish history, bisects thedistrict from north to south, passing through various lakes, and finallypours its waters into the Baltic. This tortuous river, called theDalelf, is in some places broad and majestic, while in others it isnarrow and goes foaming like a cataract over the rocks. Along the banksof this stream Gustavus traced his steps, making first for a village onLake Runn, where an old Upsala schoolmate dwelt. Here he arrived somefive days after he left his father's house, and presenting himself inpeasant's dress was given refuge. However, he declared to no one who hewas, probably wishing first to learn how his host and others wereaffected towards the king. While yet uncertain what course he shouldpursue, one of the servants noticed that he wore a gold-embroideredshirt, and told her master; and this, coupled with his language andgeneral appearance, led to his discovery. He thereupon appealed to hisold schoolfellow to shield him from his enemies, but in vain. The dangerwas too great; and though full of sympathy for the young refugee, hetold him he must leave the place. Thus once more an outcast, Gustavushurriedly skirted the south shore of the lake, and after a narrow escapeby breaking through the ice, reached the house of another schoolmate, who offered him protection and then went off to inform the Danishofficers. From this catastrophe Gustavus was rescued by a warning fromhis betrayer's wife, and had fled ere the officers appeared. His nextasylum was some twenty miles farther north, where he found protection atthe hands of the parish priest. The king's officers were now upon thescent. The whole province was alive to the fact that it was harboringwithin its borders the regent's ward. The strictest vigilance wastherefore necessary in order to save his life. So the priest kept himbut a week, and then hurried him some thirty miles farther through thewoods to Rättvik, a hillside village at the eastern extremity of LakeSiljan. There he tarried several days, talking with the peasantry, andurging them to rebel against the tyranny of their Danish ruler. He wasnow on ground to be ever afterwards famous in Swedish history. Here forthe first time his words were heard with some degree of favor. The proudspirits of these mountain peasants had been already often roused byevidences of foreign usurpation, and it needed little to induce them torebel. But their isolated position in a measure saved them from theburdens of the Danish yoke, and they answered they could venture nothingtill they had held a conference with their neighbors. The disheartenedoutlaw therefore set forth once more. He traversed the icy meadows thatlie along the eastern side of Lake Siljan, and after a journey of abouttwenty-five miles reached the village of Mora, lying at the head of thelake. It was on Christmas day that he addressed the people of thisvillage. Knowing this to be his last hope of success, he took his standon an elevated mound, and gazed over the white fields, dotted here andthere with little hamlets, and to the snow-clad hills beyond. Thesurroundings added even to the zeal with which his own needs made himspeak. He portrayed in burning terms the wrongs and insults that hadbeen heaped upon the Swedish people. He alluded to his own afflictionand to the general scene of carnage that had taken place in Stockholm. He pictured the evils in store for the proud highlanders before him, andappealed to them in the name of Almighty God to join him in a war forliberty. But all this eloquence was wasted. His appeal struck noresponsive chord. The people flatly refused to give him theirassistance. He had, therefore, but one course left. With no further hopeof keeping his whereabouts unknown, he hastened with all speed from thetown, and fled over the ice-bound hills of the west, to seek a lastasylum in the wilds of Norway. [54]

Black indeed were the clouds now gathering over the head of Sweden. Eventhe liberty-loving province of Dalarne had refused to strike a blow forfreedom. Soon, it seemed, the whole of Sweden would be groaning underthe burden of a foreign despotism. Yet such an issue was by the designof Providence to be averted. But a few days after the flight of Gustavusout of Mora news arrived that Christiern was preparing a journey throughthe land, and had ordered a gallows to be raised in every province. Rumor was rife, too, with new taxes soon to be imposed. Nor was it longbefore a messenger arrived who confirmed the words of Gustavus as to thecruelties in Stockholm, and added further that there were many magnatesthroughout the realm who not only had not bowed the knee to Christiern, but had declared that rather than do so they would die with sword inhand. Then the blood of the villagers of Mora boiled within them. Post-haste, and trembling lest it were now too late, they put men on thetrack of the young fugitive with orders to push on by day and night andnot rest till they had found Gustavus and brought him back. They foundhim on the very frontier of Norway, and announced to him that theirpeople were ready to join his banner and with him pour out their bloodfor freedom. With a joyous heart he turned about and hurried back toMora. The whole province was now awake. Rättvik had already had aconflict with a body of Danish horsemen; and when the outcast heroappeared once more at Mora, he found a vast throng of peasants flockingfrom every side to join his ranks. By common consent he was chosen to betheir leader and a body of sixteen stout highlanders selected to be hisguard. This was in the early days of 1521. The perseverance of thestanch young outlaw was rewarded, and the supremacy of Gustavus Vasa hadbegun. [55]

FOOTNOTES:

[36] Svaning, _Christ. II. _, p. 387; and Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, p. 8. 

[37] Rensel, _Berättelse_, p. 17; Svaning, _Christ. II. _, pp. 387-388;and Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 8-9. 

[38] _Svenska medeltid. Rim-krön. _, vol. Iii. Pp. 210-212; Olaus Petri, _Svenska krön. _, pp. 316-317; Johannes Magni, _De omn. Goth. _, p. 780;Svaning, _Christ. II. _, pp. 173, 279, and 281-299; and Laurent. Petri, _Then Svenska chrön. _, p. 144. 

[39] _Ibid. _

[40] Olaus Petri, _Svenska krön. _, pp. 318-320; Johannes Magni, _De omn. Goth. _, p. 781; Svaning, _Christ. II. _, pp. 299-315; Laurent. Petri, _Then Svenska chrön. _, p. 145; _Bidrag till Skand. Hist. _, vol. V. Pp. 618-623; and _Kongl. Och furst. Förlijkn. _, pp. 437-440. 

[41] Olaus Petri, _Svenska krön. _, pp. 320-321; and Svaning, _Christ. II. _, pp. 316-320. 

[42] Olaus Petri, _Svenska krön. _, pp. 321-322; Svaning, _Christ. II. _, pp. 320-329; Laurent. Petri, _Then Svenska chrön. _, p. 145; _Christ. II. 's arkiv_, vol. I. Pp. 147-152; and _Nya Källor till Finl. Medeltidshist. _, pp. 704-705. 

[43] Olaus Petri, _Svenska krön. _, pp. 322-323; Svaning, _Christ. II. _, pp. 330-341; Laurent. Petri, _Then Svenska chrön. _, p. 145; and _Bidragtill Skand. Hist. _, vol. V. Pp. 631-632. 

[44] Olaus Petri, _Svenska krön. _, p. 323; Svaning, _Christ. II. _, pp. 341-353; Laurent. Petri, _Then Svenska chrön. _, pp. 145-146; _Bidragtill Skand. Hist. _, vol. V. Pp. 632-634; _Christ. II. 's arkiv. _, vol. I. Pp. 152-153; _Dipl. Dal. _, vol. I. Pp. 231-235; and _Kongl. Och furst. Förlijkn. _, pp. 440-442. 

[45] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, p. 9. 

[46] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 9-10. 

[47] _Bidrag till Skand. Hist. _, vol. V. Pp. 624-627. 

[48] Olaus Petri, _Svenska krön. _, pp. 323-326; Svaning, _Christ. II. _, pp. 353-362; Laurent. Petri, _Then Svenska chrön. _, p. 146; Ludvigsson, _Collect. _, p. 87; _Bidrag till Skand. Hist. _, vol. V. Pp. 637-648;_Dipl. Dal. _, vol. I. Pp. 235-236; _Kongl. Och furst. Förlijkn. _, pp. 444-450; and _Nya Källor till Finl. Medeltidshist. _, pp. 705-708. 

[49] Olaus Petri, _Svenska krön. _, p. 326; Svaning, _Christ. II. _, p. 362; Laurent. Petri, _Then Svenska chrön. _, p. 146; _Acta hist. Reg. Christ. II. _, pp. 3-4; and _Christ. II. 's arkiv_, vol. I. Pp. 153-157. 

[50] Olaus Petri, _Svenska krön. _, pp. 326-327; Svaning, _Christ. II. _, pp. 363-366; and Laurent. Petri, _Then Svenska chrön. _, p. 147. 

[51] Olaus Petri, _Svenska krön. _, pp. 327-328; Svaning, _Christ. II. _, pp. 366-369; and Laurent. Petri, _Then Svenska chrön. _, pp. 147-148. 

[52] _Svenska medeltid. Rim-krön. _, vol. Iii. Pp. 218-219 and 233-234;Eliesen, _Chron. Skib. _ p. 569; Olaus Petri, _Svenska krön. _, pp. 328-334; Johannes Magni, _De omn. Goth. _, p. 781; Olaus Magni, _Hist. Degent. Sept. _, p. 612; Svaning, _Christ. II. _, pp. 369-384; Laurent. Petri, _Then Svenska chrön. _, pp. 148-150; and _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 1-12. 

[53] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 10-12. 

[54] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 12-15. 

[55] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 15-17. 

CHAPTER IV. 

WAR OF INDEPENDENCE; ELECTION OF GUSTAVUS TO THE THRONE. 1521-1523. 

 Causes of the War. --Character of the Dalesmen. --Growth of the Patriot Army. --Didrik Slagheck. --Battle of Köping. --Capture of Vesterås; of Upsala. --Skirmish with Trolle. --Skirmishes near Stockholm. --Siege of Stegeborg. --Norby. --Rensel. --Brask. --Progress of the War. --Coinage of Gustavus. --Christiern's Troubles in Denmark. --Siege of Stockholm. --Fall of Kalmar. --Diet of Strengnäs. --Fall of Stockholm. --Retrospect of the War. 

There are periods in the history of most nations when all that has beenhallowed by time and custom seems of a sudden to lose its sanctity andbow down before the commanding influence of some new force. Theseperiods are of rare occurrence and generally of short duration. Theyremind one of those thunderstorms which burst upon us at the close of asultry August day, unheralded but by the stifling heat of a burning sky, and in a few moments leaving the atmosphere behind them pure and clearand cool. Sudden and unheralded as they appear, they are yet the directresult of a long series of forces, whose ultimate issue might have beenaccurately predicted did we but thoroughly understand the forcesthemselves. So, too, it is with great political upheavals. Therevolution which drenched the whole of France with blood in 1789 is nomore difficult to explain than the thunderstorm which drenches theparched earth with rain on a hot midsummer night. It was simply thereaction after a century of oppression, extravagance and vice. In likemanner the great revolution whose development we are about to trace wasmerely the natural result of long years of tyranny culminating in thefearful carnage of the autumn of 1520. The Revolution in Sweden is, however, in one respect pre-eminent among the great crises known tohistory. Never was a revolution so thoroughly the work of a single manas that in Sweden. From beginning to end there was one figure whosepresence alone infused life into a lukewarm people, and who, workingupon the forces which had been forged by years of tyranny, shaped themgradually to his own commanding will. The Revolution in Sweden is thehistory of Gustavus Vasa. He it was who set the torch, and he, too, pointed out the direction in which the flame should burn. 

Early in January, 1521, the war of independence already had begun. Bythis time news of the revolt in Dalarne had spread throughout the land, and the Danish officers were wild with irritation that the youngGustavus had escaped their clutches. The charge of affairs, at thewithdrawal of Christiern, had been placed in the hands of a wretchscarce less contemptible than his master. This was one Didrik Slagheck, a Westphalian surgeon who, we are told, had "ingratiated himself withChristiern and ravished the wives and daughters of the Swedishmagnates. " Gad, for a time the councillor of the Danish king, was now nomore. Christiern, shrewdly divining that one who had deserted hisformer master might desert again, had used him to mediate for thesurrender of Stockholm and had then removed his head. In place of theold burgomaster and Council of Stockholm, the city was now held bysatellites of Christiern, and any whose hearts revolted against hissickening cruelties were discreet enough to hold their tongues. Dalarnehad become the only spot in Sweden where liberty still lived, andthither all liberty-loving Swedes whose hands were not yet tiedrepaired. Whenever these recruits appeared, Gustavus placed them in themidst of his little army, and called upon them to declare what they hadseen of Christiern's deeds. It makes a striking picture, this littleband of patriots, in a far-off mountain region in the dead of winter, with no arms but their picks and axes, strong only in their highresolve, and yet breathing defiance against the whole army of the Danishking. Gustavus knew the Swedish people well. He knew them slow to move, dull of intellect, and averse from reason. But he knew also that theywere ardent in their emotions, permeated with a love of liberty, courageous in defence of their ancestral rights; and he foresaw that ifhe could once but rouse their passions by a vivid picture of Danishtyranny, he could make of them the finest soldiers in all Christendom. By Lent the little army was four hundred strong. With this forceGustavus marched to the great copper-mine at Falun, where he seized theDanish steward and took possession of the royal rents, as well as of aquantity of clothing and some silk which he at once turned to a good useas banners for his army. He then retired to his camp, but shortly afterreturned, this time fifteen hundred strong. This rapid increase in hisforces produced an instantaneous effect. No sooner did he appear thanthe miners joined his ranks, and further than that they wrote to theirfriends in all the neighboring provinces to join him too. Gustavus thenfixed the headquarters of his army near the southern boundary ofDalarne, and started, April 3, on a journey in person through several ofthe northern provinces to enlist recruits. [56]

Meantime Slagheck had concentrated the Danish forces in and near theCastle of Vesterås, deeming this the best point at which to hold thepatriots at bay. One detachment, indeed, proceeded north as far as theDalelf, on the southern frontier of Dalarne, and encamped there, thinking to prevent the enemy from crossing. While waiting, the Danishleader is said to have inquired the population of Dalarne, and on beingtold that it was about twenty thousand, to have asked how the provincecould support so many. The answer was that the people were not used todainties, that their only drink was water, and in hard times their onlyfood a bread made from the bark of trees. "Even the Devil, " ejaculatedthe officer, "could not vanquish men who live on wood and water;" andwith that he ordered a retreat. Before they got off, however, the Swedesfell upon them and drove them home in flight. About the same time theburgomaster and Council of Stockholm despatched a letter to thenorthern provinces, urging them to pay no heed to the lies of Gustavus;and Archbishop Trolle, after several epistles of a like nature, set sailalong the coast of the Baltic to the north to use his influence inquelling the insurrection. But wherever he tried to land he was met bythe peasantry with threats and imprecations; and he soon beat a hastyand ignominious retreat. [57]

On returning from his recruiting-tour to the headquarters of his army, Gustavus put his men through a regular course of training. Most of themwere farmers, with scarce enough knowledge of military affairs todistinguish a javelin from a flagstaff. Their weapons were of the rudestsort, --axes and bows and arrows. He therefore taught them first of allto forge javelin and arrow heads. He also introduced a pike with spiralpoint which could be driven into a man's armor so as to hold him fast. To meet the necessities of a soldier, who was prevented by hisoccupation from paying for his goods with wheat or rye, Gustavus issueda copper coin which was at once received as money. These preparationsseem all to have been made with the prospect of a long-continued war. While they were in progress, a letter came from the burgomaster andCouncil of Stockholm, dated April 10, and addressed to the people ofDalarne, informing them that a number of vessels had just arrived fromthe Hanse Towns, laden by order of Christiern with clothing and food, which were to be distributed among the people. After administering thismealy morsel the letter of the burgomaster and Council went on to urgethe Dalesmen to have nothing to do with the lies and treachery ofGustavus, but to consider their own and their children's welfare and bowhumbly before their gracious king. This letter seems not to haveproduced the effect that was intended. Another that came about the sametime was more effective. It was from some German soldiers who declared, with more or less exaggeration, that they were four thousand strong, that they had come to lend their succor to Gustavus, had already seizednine of Christiern's best men-of-war, and expected within a few days toget possession of Stockholm. The news of this marvellous achievementseems never to have been confirmed, but at all events it fanned theenthusiasm of the infant army. [58]

Discontent had by this time spread throughout the land. On the 18th ofApril we find the Danish authorities in Stockholm writing that tumultand confusion reign in all parts of the kingdom, and on the 23d of Aprilthey write of an insurrection that has broken out in Stegeholm. Thisrapid spread of the conflagration made it necessary for the Danishofficers to increase their vigilance, and on the 26th of April theyfound an opportunity to win their spurs. It occurred in this wise. Oneof the recruiting-officers of Gustavus, in his eagerness to advance thepatriot cause, had pushed south into the very heart of the enemy'scountry, and finally burst into the town of Köping. Here, with all therashness of a new-made officer, he let loose his soldiers on the town. The result was just what might have been expected. Ere nightfall thewhole army, officers and men, were drunk. They retired to their camp, built blazing fires, and lay down to sleep without watch or guard. Newsof the situation was carried at once to Vesterås, where a force of threethousand men was got together and sent post-haste to Köping. It reachedthe patriot camp soon after midnight on April 26. The scene ofdebauchery was not yet past. The Danes fell upon them as they lay therein their drunken stupor, and slew them. [59]

Three days before this catastrophe Gustavus divided his entire forcesinto two parts, placing one under the command of an officer named Olssonand the other under one Eriksson. He then reviewed his troops, andprepared to march against the Castle of Vesterås. He had planned anattack on the east side of the castle, and the force sent down to Köpinghad been given orders to attack it simultaneously on the west. Onlearning of the disaster at Köping he seems to have made no change inhis own manoeuvres. He waited till the 29th, and then advanced to thewalls of Vesterås. His design was not to attack the town that day. Butthe Danish soldiers, chafing for the fight and already glorying insuccess, gave him no choice. They came boldly forth to meet him, led bya line of cavalry, who dashed upon the patriots, so runs the chronicle, "like raging lions. " The patriots received the charge like men. Intheir front rank were the halberdiers, armed with sharp weapons somefifteen or twenty feet in length. With these they kept the cavalry atbay, and worried the horses till at length confusion began to spreadalong the line. No sooner did the patriots see this than they dischargeda volley of arrows, hitherto reserved. Under this double discomfiture, from their own horses and their opponents' arrows, the cavalry yielded, then finally turned and fled, leaving four hundred dead upon the field. Nor was this all. As the cavalry, frenzied with terror, dashed throughthe town-gate, they found the narrow streets blocked with the infantry, on whom their ungovernable steeds rushed with all the fury lent by fear. A large number were thus trampled to death, while the rest wereprecipitated into flight. Eriksson followed them a short distance, andthen retired; but meantime Olsson entered the city from another quarter, and got possession of the enemy's cannon, ball, and powder. This hecarried to Gustavus, who had taken up his position on a ridge to thenorth of the town. When now the garrison saw that they were worsted, they set fire to the town and then retired to the castle. At this manypatriots rushed back into the burning town, burst open the shops andwine-vaults, and parted their booty among them. As soon as the Danes sawwhat was going on, their courage once more rose, and they fell upon theplundering patriots, already half drunk with wine. Gustavus thereforesent a detachment under Olsson into the town to drive the Danishsoldiers back. They met in the public square, and a long and bloodybattle followed; but at last the remnant of the Danish soldiers fledand took refuge in the monastery. Here they remained three weeks, andthen escaped by boat to Stockholm. Gustavus, after the fight was over, entered the town and destroyed every wine-cask in the place. Though thetown had fallen, the Castle of Vesterås still held out. Experience, however, had made clear that it could not be reduced except by siege. Hetherefore pitched his camp on the west side of the castle, anddespatched the main body of his forces to other parts. [60]

First of all, he ordered Eriksson and Olsson to attack Upsala. Theytherefore proceeded with a body of infantry to a forest some twelvemiles from the city, and pitched their camp. As soon as the canons, withthe burgomaster and Council, heard that the city was to be attacked, they sent a letter to the patriots urging them to postpone the onsettill after the 18th of May, Saint Erik's day, that they might celebratethe festival. But their messenger brought back answer that as SaintErik's day was a Swedish festival, the patriots would enter the townbefore that day and attend to the festival themselves. However, thearchbishop's steward, who held command of the town, felt no anxiety; andout of bravado gave a sumptuous feast one evening on the esplanade. Thefestivities were protracted with song and dance till after midnight; andscarce had the sound of revelry died away, when the patriots, warned ofthe midnight orgies, burst upon the town, beat down the guard, and heldpossession of the streets before any of the carousers knew they were athand. So soon as they did come to their senses they poured a volleyfrom their arquebuses into the spot where they thought the enemy werecollected. But they were aiming in the dark, and not a finger of theSwedes was hurt. The archbishop's steward then planned a strategicmovement on the rear, and endeavored to move his troops through a longwooden passageway running from the palace to the cathedral; but theSwedes, perceiving it, set fire to the passageway, and at the same timeshot blazing arrows up into the palace roof. The Danes retaliated bysetting fire to the buildings all about the palace; but the patriots ineach case extinguished the fire before it got fully under way. Thepalace, however, was soon a mass of flames; and the archbishop's forces, seeing all was lost, mounted their steeds, burst open the palace-gate, and galloped in all haste over the fields to the south. The Swedespursued, but, finding the enemy's steeds too fleet for them, showered avolley of arrows after the flying horsemen, and returned. [61]

Early in June Gustavus came from Vesterås, and opened negotiations withthe canons of Upsala, with a view to win them over to his side. As theyrefused, however, to take action without consulting the archbishop, hebegged them to consult him at once, and he himself wrote a pacificletter urging the archbishop to champion his country's cause. Trolle, then in Stockholm, scorned the message and seized the messenger whobrought it. Then he placed himself at the head of a troop of threethousand foot and five hundred horse, in glittering armor, and marchedto Upsala, declaring that his answer to the message he would convey inperson. Gustavus, expecting daily the return of his messenger, was takenwholly unawares. The great body of his soldiers had gone back to theirfarms, and he had but six hundred of them left. With these it would bemadness to withstand the archbishop's force. He therefore evacuated thecity, and hurried over the meadows to the west. As soon as he was out ofdanger, he despatched officers to call back the farmers to his ranks, and meantime drew up an ambuscade on the road between Stockholm andUpsala, thinking to spring upon the archbishop as he returned. The plotwas discovered, and when the troops returned they took another path. Gustavus, however, did not give up the chase. With his ranks once morereplenished, he pursued the enemy, and a battle followed so hot thatwhen the archbishop arrived at Stockholm, he entered the town with onlyan eighth part of the glittering troop with which he had startedout. [62]

The patriot army now proceeded to the capital, and pitched their camp onthe hill north of the town. There they found four gallows from whichwere hanging the bodies of four Swedes, murdered to glut the rapacity oftheir Danish masters. One day, while encamped on this spot, the Danescame out against them, and dividing their forces into two bodies stormedthe Swedish redoubt simultaneously on both sides. The charge was fierce, and lasted half a day, when the Swedes were driven from theirstronghold with heavy loss, and forced to take up a new position abouttwelve miles farther north. There they remained three weeks, battlingdaily with the enemy with varying success. At last the commandant ofStockholm had recourse to strategy. Advancing with a powerful army tillnear the vicinity of the Swedish camp, he halted and placed his force inambuscade. He then pushed forward with some forty horse and a few weakinfantry to the enemy's earthworks, as if to storm them. After a slightskirmish, in which some eight or ten of the horse were captured, theDanish leader shouted that all was lost, and took to flight. Thepatriots, all unsuspecting, dashed after them, and followed blindly intothe very midst of the Danish army, into the jaws of death. Thus endedthe first attempt of Gustavus Vasa to capture Stockholm. [63]

Better fared it with him in other parts. One of the most valiantofficers of Gustavus was Arvid Vestgöte. This man was despatched, aboutthe middle of May, to the provinces south of Stockholm, to enlist thepeasantry in the Swedish cause. Collecting his forces along the way, headvanced from one town to another, plundering the estates of all whowould not join him, and before the end of June reached Stegeborg, astrongly fortified castle on the Baltic coast. This he proceeded tobesiege. In July, Norby, the most famous naval officer of Christiern, came to the rescue of the beleaguered castle with sixteen men-of-war. Landing his forces on the shore, he drew them up in battle-array, threehundred strong. The Swedes, however, rushed furiously upon them, anddrove them to the sea. A few days later, after provisioning the castle, Norby sailed away to Denmark. [64]

[Illustration]

All through this spring and summer Gustavus was busy passing from campto camp, giving orders as to the disposition of his forces, andreceiving the allegiance of the people. His practice, as far aspossible, seems to have been to use persuasion, and only when thatfailed did he resort to force. This method proved successful in amarvellous degree. One after another the provinces recognized him astheir leader; and on the 14th of July we find him issuing a proclamationas commander of five provinces, named in the order of their declarationof allegiance. His greatest difficulty at this time was in finding themeans with which to pay his men. Possessing no authority to levy taxes, he was often forced to close the mouths of his clamoring soldiers byallowing them to plunder. The great body of his army was of course madeup of Swedes. These were fighting for the welfare of their wives andchildren, and were content if he provided them only with the necessitiesof life. The mercenaries whom he employed were few. One of them, a toughold warrior named Rensel, has left us a chronicle of his life. He tellsus he came over from Livonia in the winter of 1521, and was among thefour thousand German veterans that counted on entering Stockholm in thespring. Gustavus sent him back to the Continent for more men andammunition; and when he returned in July of that year, he brought backsixty mercenaries with him. In August Gustavus made an inspection ofthe camp at Stegeborg. While there, he learned that the Bishop ofLinköping was more than half minded to join the patriot cause. Thisbishop, Hans Brask, was a man of rare shrewdness, excellentcommon-sense, and as time-serving as any man in Europe. He had strongconvictions, but he always looked to see how the wind was blowing beforehe spoke them out. He had, among others, signed the decree for thedemolition of Stäket, but had taken the precaution to place under hisseal a slip of paper declaring that he affixed his signature perforce, and when his fellows were brought out to be beheaded, he removed theseal; by this little bit of Romanism he saved his head and theemoluments of his priestly office. To this man Gustavus wrote in August, asking for a conference. The aspect of the heavens was not such as tojustify the wily bishop in refusing. The continued brutality of DidrikSlagheck had raised such a storm of indignation in the country, that hisown followers had found it necessary, on June 16, to hurry him out ofSweden, and announce that they had thrown him into jail. Nearly all ofSweden, except the fortified castles, was in the patriots' hands. Theforces of Gustavus were growing stronger day by day, and in thecontinued absence of Christiern the fortresses that still held out werelikely soon to yield for want of food and ammunition. In this state ofaffairs Hans Brask made up his mind without delay. He granted theinterview with Gustavus, and was very easily persuaded to join theSwedish cause. It now seemed best that the vague authority conferredupon Gustavus by the different provinces should be defined, so that hemight as representative of the Swedish nation treat with foreign powers. He therefore announced that a general diet would be held at Vadstena onAugust 24, and all the chief men of different classes in the kingdomwere summoned to attend. By whom the delegates were selected we are nottold. Certainly they were not selected by Gustavus. At all events, theycame together in vast numbers, and, if we are to believe the chronicle, urged Gustavus to accept the crown. This, however, he refused, butaccepted the title of Commander of the Swedish Army, at the same timeadding that after they had wholly freed themselves from Christiern, ageneral diet might then be held to discuss the propriety of choosingsome man of their own nation king. [65]

While the patriots were occupied with their diet, the Danes in Stockholmsent a force by water to the relief of Vesterås. The patriots, still inpossession of the town, sought by aid of their falconets to prevent alanding, but without avail. The relief-party made its way into thecastle, replenished it with men and ammunition, and withdrew. Gustavus, knowing that the Danes on their return to Stockholm must pass through anarrow inlet some thirty yards in width, sent thither a force to throwup earthworks on both sides of the passage and await the coming of theenemy. The battle which ensued was fierce, and lasted two whole days;but finally, having inflicted as well as suffered heavy loss, the Danishfleet escaped. Shortly after, in September, Gustavus sent a force toFinland. This force received large reinforcements from the people inthat province, and on the 24th of November, being furnished ammunitionby the bishop of Åbo, laid siege to Åbo Castle. On December 18 theCastle of Stegeborg still besieged by Arvid Vestgöte, fell; and thecommandant, Berent von Mehlen, after two months in prison swore fealtyto Gustavus. Six days after the castle yielded, Norby, not having heardof the disaster, came sailing boldly into the harbor with food and men. The patriots soon informed him of his error by firing upon him from thecastle walls, and in the conflict which took place it is reported thatsix hundred of his men were lost. Most of Vestgöte's forces, after thefall of Stegeborg, were transferred to the vicinity of Stockholm, towhich Gustavus early in the autumn had again laid siege. The summer'sexperience had made manifest that it would be useless to assault thecapital. Gustavus therefore held his forces several miles away from thecity, and with a view to cut off supplies divided them into threecamps, --one on the north, another on the south, and the third on anisland to the west. On Christmas eve the garrison, finding that noassault was likely to be made, embarked some fifteen hundred men onyawls and coasting-vessels, and proceeded against the island-camp. TheSwedish leader watched the preparations from a hill; and when he sawthat the enemy were coming against himself, divided his men into squadsof fourteen and sixteen, and placed these squads at intervals throughthe woods with orders to sound their horns as soon as the neighboringsquad had sounded theirs. He then waited till the enemy were all onshore, when he gave the signal, and in a moment it was re-echoed allalong the line. The effect was marvellous. The enemy, horrified by theapparent number of the Swedes, turned and fled. The Swedes, who had butabout four hundred and fifty men in all, pursued them to their boats andcut down two hundred of them on the shore. After this the garrison fromtime to time made raids upon the northern and southern camps, andgenerally got the better of the Swedes, though nothing of markedimportance was accomplished by either side. On the 30th of January theCastle of Vesterås, hard pressed for food and cut off from supplies, surrendered. Later in the winter, seemingly in March, Norby came fromDenmark with a large force to Stockholm, and replenished the garrisonwith fresh men. About the same time the Swedish camp on the north wasmoved nearer; and the Danes, thus reinforced by Norby, came out againstthem April 17, and routed them with heavy loss. The day following, alike sally was made on the southern camp with like result. Having thusraised the siege of Stockholm, Norby set sail for Finland, and routedthe Swedish forces still besieging Åbo. The bishop of Åbo, finding hisown land too hot for him, embarked for Sweden; but his vessel foundered, and all on board were drowned. In April Gustavus recruited a strongforce in Dalarne and the other northern provinces, and pitched his campsonce more to the north and south of Stockholm. [66]

[Illustration]

The war had now been raging over a year, and Gustavus had experiencedthe utmost difficulty in obtaining money with which to pay his men. Inthe absence of any authority to levy taxes, he had resorted to thepractice of coining money, and had established mints in several placesthrough the realm. His coins, which were known as "klippings, " consistedof copper with a very slight admixture of silver, and twenty-four ofthem were issued for a mark. As a matter of fact their actual value fellfar below what they purported to be worth. For such a practice it isdifficult to find excuse, except that it was a practice universal at thetime. Why a monarch should be justified any more than an individual ingiving a penny where he owed a pound, is difficult to comprehend. Yetthis had been for centuries the custom, and each successive monarch hadpared a little from the standard, so that in the eight hundred yearspreceding Gustavus Vasa the various monetary units all over Europe haddeclined to little more than an eighteenth part of their original value. In Denmark the debasement of the currency had been more rapid than inalmost any other land, and the "klippings" of Christiern II. Fellfarther below their nominal value than any coin in Europe--till the"klippings" were issued by Gustavus, which were a trifle worse thanthose of Christiern. Of course, as the standard of currency is lowered, its buying-power gradually declines, so that ultimately, under whatevername a particular coin may go, it will buy no more than could be had forthe actual bullion which it contains. A mark in the sixteenth centurywould have bought, provided the relative supply of bullion andmerchandise remained the same, only an eighteenth part of what it boughtoriginally. The aim of monarchs was, therefore, to get rid of theirdebased coins at more than the real value, and after they haddepreciated, to get them back at the depreciated value, melt them down, and lower the standard further. Precisely how much Gustavus made bytampering with the currency is impossible to say, for there is no meansof determining how many of his "klippings" he threw upon the market. Itis clear, however, that the scheme was from a financial point of viewsuccessful, and that a vast number of the "klippings" were absorbedbefore the public detected their inferiority. [67]

Unquestionably the marvellous progress made by Gustavus in this firstyear of the revolution was owing in great measure to the critical stateof things in Denmark. Christiern had by this time made enemies all overEurope. Lubeck, always a latent enemy, was particularly imbittered byChristiern's favoritism of the market towns of the Netherlands and hisavowed intention of making Copenhagen the staple market for his kingdom;France hated him because he was the brother-in-law of her enemy, CharlesV. ; Fredrik, Duke of Schleswig-Holstein, opposed him because he had laidclaim to those dominions; and his own clergy opposed him because of hisrumored leaning towards Lutheranism and his efforts to check theirpower. All these things prevented his return to Sweden, and conspiredagainst his credit so that he was unable to raise an army of anystrength. Didrik Slagheck, too, whom he had placed at the head ofaffairs in Sweden, had fallen into disgrace, and, to appease the publicclamor, had been beheaded. Even Gustavus Trolle, after several attemptsto exert his papal authority in Sweden, had found the land too hot forhim, and for the present had withdrawn to Denmark. [68]

Norby was at this time the most valuable officer that Christiern had. Heinfested the shores of the Baltic with his fleet, making frequentincursions on the land to plunder; and at length became so obnoxiousthat Gustavus sent to Lubeck for a fleet. On the 7th of June it came, ten ships of war, laden with all sorts of merchandise, and fullyequipped with powder, shot, and men. For this aid Gustavus is said tohave paid an enormous figure, giving his promissory note for the amount. Picking out a battalion of five hundred men, he sent them down toKalmar, to which castle Vestgöte had just laid siege. The rest of thereinforcements he despatched to Stockholm, quartering them in hisdifferent camps, and then discharged all of the Swedish peasants exceptthe young unmarried men. Shortly after this change the commandant of ÅboCastle crossed the Baltic with a powerful fleet, and sought to break thesiege of Stockholm. But the Swedish fleet met him outside the harbor, captured or burnt his vessels, and took him prisoner. In October, seeingthat the garrison was losing strength, Gustavus advanced his campsnearer to the town. His southern camp he moved to Södermalm, from whichhe built a pontoon bridge to connect it with the west camp now on anisland some three or four hundred yards from Stockholm. Another bridgehe threw across the channel east of the city, and built upon it a turretwhich he armed with heavy guns. The city was thus hemmed in on everyside, and a contemporary writes, "We cannot find in any of the oldchronicles that Stockholm ever was so hard besieged before. " Unlessrelief came it was merely a question of time when the garrison wouldhave to yield. Once, in November, Norby came sailing into the harborwith five ships-of-war; but the Swedish fleet, consisting of fifteenvessels, drove him off, and, were it not for the half-heartedness of theGerman mercenaries, would very likely have destroyed his fleet. [69]

The high spirit of the garrison had fallen. Wasted in numbers, withhunger and dissension spreading fast among them, and with scarce enoughammunition to resist an assault upon their walls, they waitedimpatiently for the army of Christiern, and marvelled that it did notcome. All servants, old men, monks, burghers, and prostitutes they sentaway, that there might be fewer mouths to feed. Each day, too, theirnumbers were diminished through the desertion of able-bodied men whoescaped through the gates or over the walls and made their way by onemeans or another to the Swedish camp. There being no longer possibilityof driving off the enemy by force, they felt that their only hope wasfraud. They therefore one day sent a Swedish magnate to the enemy, withinstructions to pretend that he had fled, and after finding out howmatters stood, set fire to the camp and either return to the garrison, or, that being impossible, make his way to Denmark and induce themonarch to send immediate relief. This piece of stratagem, however, proved abortive; for two refugees from the garrison came forward anddenounced the magnate as a spy. [70]

When winter came, Gustavus sent a large part of his army, chiefly thecavalry, to take up winter-quarters in Upsala. Others were sent to othertowns. Some, too, were sent, in February, 1523, to the Norwegianfrontier to gain the allegiance of the people. Towards the close ofwinter Gustavus ordered his German troops to the south of Sweden on asimilar errand, but within six weeks they came back and reported thatthe spring freshets had carried away the bridges and they could notproceed. Norby meantime lay with a strong force in the town and castleof Kalmar, and was making preparations to attack Vestgöte, who was stillcarrying on the siege, as soon as spring should open. But just as he wasgetting ready, he received word from the Danish Cabinet that Christiernhad been deposed in Denmark, and Fredrik, duke of Schleswig-Holstein, summoned to the throne. At this news he set sail with all his force forDenmark, leaving only sixty men to hold the castle and town of Kalmar. Their orders were to form two garrisons of thirty each, one to guard thecastle and the other to guard the town; and if through assault orfailure of provisions they could not maintain the stronghold, they wereto slaughter all the Swedes in Kalmar, set fire to the town, and sail toGotland. As soon as the burghers of Kalmar learned of theseinstructions, they sent a messenger to the Swedish camp to tell theSwedes to enter the town by the north gate on the 27th of May, when theburghers would take care that the gate should be opened for them. On theday appointed Vestgöte advanced with all his cavalry, and drew them upin battle-array along the west and south side of the town as if to stormthe southern gate. The garrison, all unsuspecting, flocked to that pointin order to receive the charge. But meantime the Swedish infantry hadmassed themselves outside the northern gate, which at a concerted signalwas thrown open on its hinges, and the infantry pressed in. It was butthe work of a moment to put the little garrison to the sword. For a fewweeks more the castle refused to yield, and it was not till the 7th ofJuly that, reduced to the last extremity, it fell. [71]

Kalmar had not yet fallen when it became clear that the war ofindependence was drawing to its close, and it was felt on every handthat the country had been too long without a king. The powers whichGustavus possessed as regent were too vague to meet the necessities of atime of peace. While the army was in the field, he had authority, ascommander of the forces, to levy the taxes necessary to sustain his men;but, so soon as the war was over, there would be no means for raisingthe money needed to pay the nation's debts. He therefore, shortly beforethe fall of Kalmar, summoned a general diet to be held at Strengnäs onthe 27th of May. Whether or not all the magnates of Sweden were summonedto the diet is not known, but at any rate the peasantry wererepresented. The wily Brask, who had once saved his head by a bit ofstrategy, dared not put it in jeopardy again, and fearing that mattersof weight might be brought before the diet, was suddenly taken ill andrendered unable to attend. The Cabinet, hitherto the sum and substanceof a general diet, was practically dead, having been carried off in thefearful slaughter of 1520. One of the first things to be done, therefore, after the opening of the diet, was to fill these vacantseats. This was accomplished on the 2d of June, but whether the memberswere chosen by Gustavus or by vote of the general diet we are not told. Noteworthy it is, that the persons selected, nine in number, were allof them laymen and warriors in the service of Gustavus. Four days later, on the 6th of June, the question of electing a king of Sweden wasbrought before the house. The proposal was received with shouts ofacclamation, and with one accord the delegates raised their voices infavor of Gustavus. But the regent, so the reporter tells us, rose to hisfeet, and, mid the deafening shouts of those about him, declared that hehad no wish for further honor, that he was weary of leadership, that hehad found more gall than honey in the post, and that there were othersmore worthy than himself on whom to lay the crown. So importunate, however, were the delegates, that at last he yielded, accepted theirallegiance, and took the royal oath. This done, the diet voted to levy atax to defray the expenses of the war. Among the very first Acts towhich the newly chosen monarch attached his seal was one which grantedthe cities of Lubeck and Dantzic, with their allies, the perpetualmonopoly of all foreign trade with Sweden. At the same time it wasprovided that Stockholm, Kalmar, Söderköping, and Åbo should be the onlyports of entry for foreign merchants in the realm. This Act was theresult of an application made by Lubeck the year before, and was carriedby the importunities of Lubeck's ambassadors to the diet. It was a sopto stay the flood of their demands for immediate payment of the debtincurred to Lubeck by the war. As it granted these Hanse Towns entry forall goods free of duty, it must be deemed a marked concession. Onefavorable clause, however, was incorporated in the Act, providing thatno alien should thereafter be a burgher either of Stockholm or ofKalmar. Another measure of weight which the diet passed provided that atax payable in silver should be levied to defray the expenses of thewar, though apparently nothing was fixed by the diet as to the amount tobe raised or as to the mode of levy. With this meagre record ourinformation regarding this celebrated diet ends; but the new Cabinet, before it parted, drew up a long-winded account of the cruelties ofChristiern, which it sent abroad among the people for a lasting memorialof their tyrant king. [72]

No sooner had the diet closed its doors than the monarch sped with allthe haste he could command to Stockholm. That city had been for severaldays in the last stages of despair. The garrison was miserably wasted innumbers, and its food was gone. Longer to look for aid from Denmark wasto hope against all hope. Indeed, the wretched soldiers now thought onlyof the terms on which they should capitulate. During a month or morethey had parleyed with their besiegers, but the terms which they hadoffered had thus far been refused. As soon as Gustavus reached the spot, negotiations were once more opened. The new monarch, fresh from thehonors of Strengnäs, seems to have shown them mercy. Apparently hegranted their requests; for on the 20th of June the castle yielded, andthe garrison, supplied with food and ships, set sail for Denmark. Threedays later, June 23, the monarch entered the capital in triumph, amidthe hosannas of his people. With this glorious issue the Swedish war ofindependence closed. [73]

[Illustration]

In contemplating this struggle as a whole, the reader will doubtless beimpressed by the extraordinary ease with which the victory was won. Inless than two years and a half after the first blow was struck, theDanish tyrants had been driven from every stronghold, and the patriotshad placed their leader on the throne. Indeed, eighteen months hadscarcely passed when the issue was practically decided. The remainingyear consisted mainly in the reduction of Sweden's strongholds, and wasmarked by little bloodshed. It furnished small opportunity either forbrilliant strategy or for acts of startling courage. The enforcedabsence of the Danish monarch prevented his army from entering thefield, and the patriots had neither arms nor ammunition with which tostorm the forts. Both parties, therefore, waited; and the last year waslittle more than a test to determine the endurance of the contendingarmies. While, however, this period wants many of the features that makewar grand, it is yet instructive if not interesting in its results. Thestruggle at the beginning was against overwhelming odds. The patriotshad neither ammunition nor resources, and their leader was withoutprestige. On the other hand the Danes were well supplied with men andarms, and were led by one of the powerful monarchs of Europe backed byall the authority and influence of Rome. In spite of all this, thepatriots grew in numbers day by day, while the Danish forces steadilydeclined. The patriots succeeded in obtaining rich supplies of men andarms from abroad, while Christiern was scarce able to keep his army fromstarvation. One by one the strongholds which he had seized surrendered, till finally his entire army was forced to yield, and Sweden, from herplace as a weak and down-trodden Danish province, attained an enviableposition among the great monarchies of Europe. The key to thismarvellous transformation in the two parties can be found only in thecharacters of their respective leaders. The people were horrified by thebrutal cruelties of Christiern, while allured by the evident sincerityand enthusiasm of Gustavus. In all history there is no more strikingexample of the far-reaching influence which individual characterssometimes exert upon a nation's growth. 

FOOTNOTES:

[56] Svaning, _Christ. II. _, pp. 432-433; Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 17-18 and 20-21; Ludvigsson, _Collect. _, pp. 86-87; and _Sver. Trakt. _, vol. Iv. Pp. 1-5. 

[57] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 18-19 and 21-23; _Christ. II. 'sarkiv_, vol. Iv. Pp. 1340-1348; and _Dipl. Dal. _, vol. I. Pp. 237-238. 

[58] Rensel, _Berättelse_, p. 19; Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, p. 26;_Christ. II. 's arkiv_, vol. Iv. Pp. 1338-1339 and 1353-1356; and _Dipl. Dal. _, vol. I. Pp. 240-241. 

[59] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 25-26; and _Christ. II. 's arkiv_, vol. Iv. Pp. 1349-1350 and 1352-1353. 

[60] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 24 and 26-30. 

[61] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 31-34. 

[62] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 35-37; and _Sver. Trakt. _, vol. Iv. Pp. 7-15. 

[63] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 37-39. 

[64] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 30 and 42-43. 

[65] Rensel, _Berättelse_, pp. 22-23; _Diar. Vazsten. _, p. 217; Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 39-41 and 43-46; _Christ. II. 's arkiv_, vol. Iv. Pp. 1356-1369 and 1374-1375; _Dipl. Dal. _, vol. I. Pp. 240-241, andSuppl. P. 30; _Nya Källor till Finl. Medeltidshist. _, pp. 708-709; and_Sver. Trakt. _, vol. Iv. Pp. 5-6 and 27-35. 

[66] _Diar. Vazsten. _, p. 217; Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 43 and46-55; _Christ. II. 's arkiv_, vol. I. Pp. 197-211 and 214-220; and _NyaKällor till Finl. Medeltidshist. _, pp. 712-714. 

[67] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 23 and 53; and _Christ. II. 'sarkiv_, vol. I. P. 214. See on this subject a most valuable discussionby Hans Forssell in his _Anteckningar om mynt, vigt, mått, och varuprisi Sverige_, pp. 19-43, printed at the end of his _Sver. Inre hist. _, vol. Ii. 

[68] Eliesen, _Chron. Skib. _, p. 570; Rensel, _Berättelse_, p. 24;Svaning, _Christ. II. _, pp. 389-392 and 432-437; _Christ. II. 's arkiv_, vol. I. Pp. 159-196 and vol. Iv. Pp. 1369-1379; _Dipl. Dal. _, vol. I. Pp. 242-244; _Nya Källor till Finl. Medeltidshist. _, pp. 718-726; and_Skrift. Och handl. _, vol. Iv. Pp. 351-357. 

[69] Rensel, _Berättelse_, pp. 24-30; Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 51, 55-56 and 61-64; and _Sver. Trakt. _, vol. Iv. Pp. 15-27. 

[70] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 65-66. 

[71] Rensel, _Berättelse_, pp. 30-33; Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 67-69; and _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. I. P. 106. 

[72] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 70-73; _Alla riksdag. Och möt. Besluth_, vol i. Pp. 1-17; _Christ. II. 's arkiv_, vol. Iv. Pp. 1457-1458and 1677-1682; _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. I. Pp. 63-86;_Svenska riksdagsakt. _, vol. I. Pp. 8-9; and _Sver. Trakt. _, vol. Iv. Pp. 55-60. 

[73] Rensel, _Berättelse_, p. 34; Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 69-72;_Christ. II. 's arkiv_, vol. Iv. Pp. 1452-1454, 1463 and 1474-1482; _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. I. Pp. 90-95; and _Sver. Trakt. _, vol. Iv. Pp. 61-65. 

CHAPTER V. 

BEGINNINGS OF THE REFORMATION. 1523-1524. 

 Nature of the Reformation in Europe. --Cause of the Reformation in Sweden. --The Debt to Lubeck. --Riches of the Church. --Relations of Gustavus to the Pope. --Johannes Magni. --New Taxation--Dissension among the People. --Opposition of Gustavus to the Pope. --Trial of Peder Sunnanväder. --Expedition against Gotland. --Repudiation of the "Klippings. "--Berent von Mehlen. --Negotiations between Fredrik and Norby. --Congress of Malmö. --Efforts to appease the People. --Lutheranism. --Olaus Petri. --Laurentius Andreæ. --Brask's Efforts to repress Heresy. --Religious Tendencies of Gustavus. --Character of Brask. 

We have now reached that point in our narrative where the history ofmodern Sweden takes its start. With the close of the war of independencethose features which mark the face of mediæval Sweden disappear, and awholly new countenance gradually settles upon the land. Nor is thistransformation peculiar in any way to Sweden. Early in the sixteenthcentury all Europe was passing from mediæval into modern history. In theMiddle Ages there was but one criterion for every question that arose, and that criterion was the past. Whatever had been, should continue. AllChurch dogmas were settled by an appeal to the ancient Fathers; allpolitical aspirations were fought out on the basis of descent. Traditionwas the god of mediæval Europe. At last, however, questions arose forwhich tradition had no answer. On the Renaissance in Italy, on theinvention of printing and of gunpowder, on the discovery of America, theancient Fathers had not spoken. On these things, therefore, which raisedthe greatest questions of the age, men had nothing for it but to dotheir thinking for themselves. The practice thus evoked soon spread toother questions, and gradually men grew bold enough to venture opinionson certain stereotyped matters of religion. As all the world knows, theReformation followed, and from an age of blind acceptance Europe passedto an age of eager controversy. Instead of searching to find out whathad been, men argued to determine what it was desirable should be. Iftradition was the characteristic of mediæval, policy is thecharacteristic of modern, history. Some old dogmas, like the divineright of kings, still linger; but since the fifteenth century kings havehad little chance whose claims conflict with the balance of Europeanpower. 

The beginnings of modern history are inextricably bound up with thebeginnings of the Reformation. It is a common belief that theReformation in Europe worked a radical change in the doctrines ofreligious men, raising up two parties with diametrically opposingcreeds. Such a conception, however, is misleading. The Reformation wasnot so much a religious as a political revolt. It was the naturaloutcome of a growth in the power of northern Germany at a moment whenRome was losing her political prestige. The alliance between the GermanEmpire and the popes of Rome had its origin in a need of mutualassistance. Western Europe consisted, at the accession of Charlemagne, of many independent principalities at war among themselves, and whatthey needed was a powerful protector to adjust their various disputes. Later this need of a protector became still more urgent, when Germanyand France fell under different rulers, and the German Empire began tobe threatened by the monarchy across the Rhine. Rome, by reason of herspiritual supremacy, was the arbiter to whom the northern nationsnaturally turned, and she found ready recompense for her services in thetreasures poured generously into her lap. Such was the basis of the HolyRoman Empire. But by the beginning of the sixteenth century all this hadchanged. Germany was no longer weak. Her little principalities hadbecome cemented together under an emperor well able to repel everyinvasion of the French. Society had made vast progress, not only in itscomforts, but in its demands. Rome, on the other hand, had lost herprestige. In Italy, where the brutality and licentiousness of the popeswere open to every eye, people had long since lost all reverence for theChurch. This feeling did not spread readily across the Alps; but it cameat last, and at a moment when Germany no longer needed aid. A nationguarded by the strong arm of Maximilian could ill brook new levies tofeed the extravagance of its decrepit ally, and the infamous practicesof Tetzel served as a timely pretext to shake off the burdensomealliance of the papal see. The abuses of popery were little more than awar-cry, while the real struggle of the Reformation was against thepolitical supremacy of Rome. 

In Sweden, more than in almost any other land, the Reformation was apolitical revolt. Indeed, it may well be called a political necessity. At the moment when Gustavus Vasa was elected king, Sweden was on theverge of bankruptcy. The war just passed had drained the resources ofthe country, and left her heavily involved in debt. The principalcreditor was Lubeck. Precisely how much had been borrowed from that townit is impossible to determine, though it is certain the total amountfell not far short of 300, 000 Swedish marks. [74] One payment of about17, 000 Swedish marks Gustavus had made in 1522. [75] This of course was amere drop in the bucket, and other devices were necessary to relieve thegeneral distress. One favorite device, to which allusion has beenalready made, consisted in a debasement of the currency. That device, however, had soon lost its savor, and the coin which in 1522 Gustavushad issued for an öre and a half, he was forced in 1523 to place uponthe market as an öre. [76] So that when the new monarch ascended thethrone it was manifest that the treasury must be replenished in othermodes. The natural direction was that in which the greatest wealth ofSweden lay, --in other words, the Church. We have already seen howcompletely, in the centuries preceding the Reformation, the Church inSweden had freed herself from all authority of the people, and hadgradually accumulated for herself a vast amount of wealth. Someconception of this treasure may be had by comparing the edificesbelonging to the Church with those owned by individuals. Such acomparison reveals at once an enormous disparity in favor of the Church. At a time when well-to-do citizens dwelt in what would at this day beknown as hovels, they worshipped in churches that must have seemed tothem palatial. The six cathedrals that existed in the time of Gustavusstill remain, and even at this day compare favorably with the fineststructures in the land. In addition to a magnificent palace, thearchbishop and the five Swedish bishops each possessed a fortifiedcastle in his diocese. In each diocese, too, there were an enormousnumber of estates belonging to the bishopric; those in the diocese ofLinköping, for example, numbering over six hundred. The rents andprofits from these estates went directly to the bishopric, and werewholly exempt from taxation, as were also the untold treasures of goldand silver belonging to the various churches. Beside all this tithes ofevery species of farm produce raised in any part of Sweden were due theChurch, also tithes of all other personal property acquired. Further, asmall annual tax was due the Church for every building in the land froma palace to a pig-sty; also a fee for every wedding, death, orchildbirth. No one could inherit property, or even take the sacrament, without a contribution to the Church. And every peasant was bound oneday each year to labor for his pastor without reward. [77] How all thismoney was disbursed, seems difficult to comprehend. Some clew, however, may be gained when we consider what a vast horde of clergy the Swedishpeople had to feed. Take, for example, the cathedrals. Most of themformed a little hierarchy in themselves. First of all was the archbishopor the bishop, who lived in regal splendor. Around him was his chapter, comprising in one instance as many as thirty canons. Then there was thearchdeacon, the cantor, the scholasticus, and some thirty or fortyprebends. This little army of Church officers required to be fed, andfed well--and the people of Sweden had to pay the bill. It was butnatural, therefore, that, Sweden being heavily involved in debt, themonarch should seek to stay this wasteful extravagance and divert aportion of the Church incomes to the crown. 

By the war of independence the way had been already paved for a waragainst the Church. Christiern had declared himself the champion of thepope; and the higher clergy, as vicegerents of the pope in Sweden, hadgenerally allied themselves with the foreign party. So that therebellion had been in large measure directed against the authorities ofthe Church itself, and the victory of Gustavus was felt distinctly as avictory over the powers of the Church. The Chapter of Upsala hadtherefore deemed it policy to please Gustavus, and were talking ofelecting his chancellor archbishop in place of Trolle, who had fled therealm. For a like reason the Chapter of Vesterås had chosen a formersecretary of Sture to their vacant bishopric. The bishoprics ofStrengnäs and Skara, made vacant by the expulsion of the Danes, had alsobeen filled by persons favorable to the general policy of Gustavus. Sothat when the new monarch assumed control, the dignitaries of the Churchseemed likely to listen to his demands. [78]

It is not for a moment to be supposed that Gustavus at this timecontemplated an opposition to the pope. Such an idea had been spreadabroad by Christiern with a view to win sympathy in Europe; but Gustavushad written to all the potentates of Europe to deny the charge, and hadsent a messenger to the pope to raise a counter charge againstChristiern as the murderer of two Swedish bishops in the slaughter of1520. The pope, already distrustful of his Danish ally, had listenedfavorably to the message, and in the following summer, 1523, had sent alegate to Sweden to inform him further on the subject. [79]

This papal legate, Johannes Magni, was the son of a pious burgher ofLinköping, and along with his two brothers had been educated fromchildhood for the Church. At the age of eighteen so marvellous was hisprecocity that he was made a canon both of Linköping and of Skara. Later, as was the practice with scholars of that period, he continuedhis studies at several of the leading universities in Europe. But inspite of a sojourn of some seventeen years away from Sweden, he neverceased to keep up a fervid interest in the affairs of his native land. As soon as the atrocities of Christiern reached his ears, he made apersonal visit to Pope Leo X. And denounced the practices of the Danishking. The suggestions which he offered seem to have been scorned by Leo;but in 1521 that pontiff died, and his successor, Adrian VI. , listenedmore readily to the Swedish canon. Adrian himself was from the north ofEurope, and had earlier been an instructor of Johannes in the Universityof Louvain. The characters of the two were not unlike. Both held strongtheological opinions, and looked with dread upon all opposition to thepapal power. But they were both keenly alive to the abuses that hadgathered about the Church, and were eager to repress them. Johannes waspeculiarly suited by nature for a work of compromise. With no ordinarytalents, of untiring energy, sympathetic, generous, and conciliating, but withal imbued with an ardent love of the Church, Adrian at oncediscerned in him a valuable mediator. When, therefore, Gustavus wrote toRome to defend himself against the charge of heresy, the pope selectedJohannes as his legate, with instructions to proceed to Sweden andinvestigate the charges made against each other by Christiern andGustavus. The legate, complying with these orders, arrived in Swedenwhile the diet of Strengnäs was in session. He therefore made his waydirectly to that town. While on the road the tidings reached him thatGustavus Vasa had been elected king. As soon as the new monarch learnedof his approach, he sent for him to come before the house. There he wasoverwhelmed with expressions of gratitude for his past interest in theSwedish cause. In return the legate addressed the house at great lengthin favor of Gustavus. The impression left upon his hearers was sopleasing that the Cabinet drew up a letter to the pope requesting thatJohannes be given full authority, with the bishops of Sweden, to reformthe Swedish Church. In the same letter opportunity was taken to denouncethe vices of Archbishop Trolle, and to beg that, he having alreadyresigned and fled the kingdom, the pope should use his authority tohave a new archbishop chosen in his stead. [80]

This document bears strong evidence of the influence of the king. Itsallusion to the resignation of Archbishop Trolle was of course untrue. That prelate had fled the realm to escape the fury of his opponents, buthe still looked for the restoration of Danish power and a return of hisown prerogatives in the Swedish Church. The king's desire, as reflectedin the letter of his Cabinet, was to secure from the pope a recognitionthat the archbishopric was vacant, and then to use this recognition toforce the unwilling Chapter of Upsala to nominate as archbishop one whowas in the interests of the king. The scheme, however, failed; for PopeAdrian died before he had had time to act, and was succeeded by apontiff who hated everything which savored of reform. 

During the first months of his reign Gustavus was made wretched by theimportunate demands of Lubeck. Her ambassadors continually dogged hissteps, and declared they would not leave him till every cent that Swedenowed was paid. After the fall of Kalmar the monarch needed his foreignmercenaries no longer, and would gladly have cashiered them and sentthem off. But the "klippings" struck the year before had so far lost theconfidence of his subjects that the soldiers refused to take them at anyprice at all, and Gustavus was compelled to keep his men on foot till hecould obtain the silver requisite to issue better coins. The diet justdissolved had passed an act providing for the levy of new taxes to bepaid in silver, and the king apparently had been given power to fix themode in which the levy should be made. This was a matter which requiredskilful handling; and it is fair to say that the policy which the kingpursued, if not perfectly straightforward, showed, at any rate, rareskill. Fearing lest another direct call upon the peasantry would raisean outcry, he resolved to make his application to the Church, and giveher the option of surrendering a portion of her riches or of losing herprestige by laying new burdens on her devotees. With this in view hewrote first of all to Brask, and after demanding some five thousandguilders which he understood that prelate had stored away in Lubeck, hecalled upon him to collect four hundred marks in silver from the clergyof his diocese. He then issued a proclamation to the churches andmonasteries throughout the land to send him all the chalices, patens, and ornaments that could be spared from the altars, as well as all thesilver coin that could be found; and along with this he published astatement of the total amount which each diocese and monastery mustprovide. Two things are noticeable in this proclamation: first, it doesnot specify the amount which each particular church must furnish; and, secondly, it distinctly states that the sums handed over are to bedeemed as loans, which he will duly acknowledge and ultimately pay infull. In his letter to Brask, on the contrary, the exact amount forwhich the bishop must be responsible is named, and no definite promiseis given to repay it. The document seems part of a deliberate plan tocrush the power of the crafty bishop. This Brask noticed, and in hisreply adverted to a suspicion lest for some reason he had incurred theking's displeasure, which he would willingly avert. The simplest mode ofaverting the king's displeasure would have been a speedy compliance withthe king's demand. For this, however, Brask had little relish. SoGustavus, two weeks later, wrote again. "We are much surprised, " hesaid, "that you show no more concern while a weight like this rests uponthe kingdom. The amount which we must raise without a moment's delay istwo hundred thousand guilders, and the Lubeck ambassadors refusepoint-blank to depart unless they take that sum with them. If they don'tget it we fear open war, which God forbid! Therefore, by the allegiancewhich you owe us and the realm, we exhort you, send the four hundredmarks' weight without delay. " Even this appeal had no immediate effect, and after two weeks more he sent Brask another despatch. "The Lubeckambassadors, " wrote the king, "will not leave us till they get the moneywhich we owe in Lubeck, --a vast sum. It is, therefore, of necessity thatwe lay this tax upon the churches and monasteries. Strain every nerve toobtain some relief for us in your diocese, especially from your churchesand monasteries; the clergy we shall spare for the present. " The bishopfinally complied, though with an ill grace; and on the 10th of August wefind Gustavus writing that he has so far satisfied the demands of Lubeckthat her ambassadors have parted from him on good terms. [81]

The tax had been collected, though not without much friction. It hadfound the people in an irritable temper, and it had left them moreirritable still. The ruin which the war had caused was visible on everyhand, and the blessings that were expected to follow were not so easilydiscerned. During two years the fields had been lying fallow, commercehad steadily declined, and the people were actually suffering for food. Stockholm had been rendered desolate. Its population had fallen to aboutone quarter. "Every other house, " wrote Gustavus, "is now empty;" andthere appeared so little chance of a revival that the king issued aproclamation calling on the burghers of other towns as far as possibleto sell their houses and settle down in Stockholm. Another cause ofdissatisfaction was that, though the war was over in Sweden, the Swedishpossessions in Finland were still in the hands of the enemy, and aconsiderable army was needed to reduce them. Fredrik, king of Denmark, had resigned his claim to Sweden; but certain islands off the coast, aswell as some districts along the frontier of Norway, were still mattersof dispute. All these circumstances tended to raise a spirit ofdiscontent, which, though for the nonce restrained, was ready to breakout into violence at any moment. To prevent evil, Gustavus resolved toissue a proclamation to the people. [82]

On the 8th of September the annual fair at Vesterås was opened, andGustavus seized this opportunity to make a public statement of hisdoings. This statement was in the nature of an apology for the recenttax. It declared in the first place that the expenses of the war hadreached a higher figure than had ever been incurred by Swedish kingbefore, amounting to a total of over nine hundred thousand marks. Alarge part of this sum was for foreign troops, hired that the Swedishpeasantry might "stay at home in peace, tending their fields andpastures, and caring for their wives and children. " When the war wasover and the mercenaries were ready to depart, they had demanded withthreats of violence immediate payment for all the arms and vessels theyhad furnished. Having no means to satisfy them, Gustavus had consultedwith his Cabinet, and by their advice had called upon the churches andmonasteries for a loan, "which with God's help shall be paid, if allgoes well. " "Nor, " continued the monarch, "was this tax in any way adeparture from the practice of former rulers, as may be seen byreferring to the ancient records.... Some there are among you who assertopenly or in private that we have fleeced the churches and monasteries. This we assert distinctly we have not done, but have merely called uponthem for a loan, which shall be paid.... We trust you will give no heedto such conspirators and traitors, but will aid us in bringing them topunishment. " The document closes with some remarks upon the coinage. "Itmust be clear to all, " it runs, "that with the enormous expenses whichhave been rolling up against us we could not issue coins of the qualitywhich you are accustomed to of old. From sheer necessity we have issued'klippings' after the pattern of King Christiern, though his coins arenow, thank God! departed from the realm.... These 'klippings' are atpresent not accepted for more than half their worth; and while this hasbeen strenuously forbidden, the only result thus far has been thattraders have refused to trade at all, and have carried their salt andhops and clothing back to Germany. We therefore intend at the firstopportunity to instruct our Cabinet with the most learned men of thevarious classes to determine whether the 'klippings' shall be acceptedfor their present value or for less; and whatever their decision, wepromise faithfully we shall obey. "[83]

After administering this soothing drug, the monarch turned his thoughtsonce more to the appointment of a new archbishop. The letter despatchedby the Cabinet to Pope Adrian immediately after the diet of Strengnäshad proved of little service, for Brask on the 18th of July had secretlysent a messenger to the pope with word that Church property was beingconfiscated. Gustavus, ignorant of the bishop's perfidy and wondering atthe pope's delay, now wrote again. "For a long time, Holy Father, " beganthe courteous monarch, "our cathedral chapters have urged us to solicityou in behalf of the persons elected by them to fill their vacant posts. Trolle having resigned the archbishopric, the prelates and canons ofUpsala have chosen your legate Johannes Magni in his stead; the canonsof Skara have chosen their archdeacon Magnus Haraldsson to the bishopricvacated by his predecessor's death; and the canons of Strengnäs havechosen their provost Magnus Sommar. The prelates and canons ofVesterås, their bishop having died, present the name of Petrus Magni forthe post. In Åbo, though the bishop died a year ago, no successor has asyet been chosen, that church having only recently been captured from ourenemies. As the persons above named are satisfactory to us and to ourpeople, we beg you to confirm them as soon as possible, and thus avertthe danger to which vacancies in the episcopal office would expose theChurch. " Whether or not the Chapters had actually elected all thepersons named, may well be doubted, and is, indeed, of little moment;for their spirit was by this time broken, and if they cherished anypreferences they dared not speak them. The letter was intrusted toJohannes Magni with orders to obtain confirmation from the pope and thenreturn to Sweden. But just as he was making ready to depart, thelong-awaited letter came from Adrian, though it differed much in tenorfrom what had been expected. Instead of urging the Upsala Chapter tochoose a new archbishop, it commanded Gustavus to restore ArchbishopTrolle to his post, threatening him with punishment if he refused. [84]

This change of colors on the part of Adrian has been accounted for inmany ways. Johannes Magni himself suggested that it was the work ofevil-minded counsellors in Rome. The more probable supposition is thatAdrian had been influenced by Brask. If Church property was beingconfiscated, as Brask declared, Archbishop Trolle could be relied on tooffer much more strenuous resistance than the prelate talked of as hissuccessor. But the very reason which induced the pope to favor Trolleseemed to the king sufficient ground for supporting his opponent. It wasprecisely because of Johannes Magni's pliable and compromising temperthat Gustavus would have rejoiced to see the mitre on his head. He wasdetermined that Trolle, at any rate, should not wear it. So he sat down, as soon as Adrian's letter came, and wrote a warm reply to the Collegeof Cardinals in Rome. "If our Most Holy Father, " he said, "has any carefor the peace of our country, we shall be pleased to have him confirmthe election of his legate Johannes to the archbishopric, and we shallcomply with the pope's wishes as to a reformation of the ChristianChurch and religion. But if his Holiness, against our honor and thepeace of our subjects, sides with the crime-stained partisans ofArchbishop Trolle, we shall allow his legate to return to Rome, andshall govern the Church in this country with the authority which we haveas king, and in a manner which we believe will please God as well as allthe princes of Christendom. We beg you, however, to use your authorityin the Apostolic See in such way as not to harm our state, nor give theappearance of championing the crimes of Trolle against the tranquillityof a Christian people. " Three days after writing this vehement despatch, the monarch sent off another, couched in language even more determined, to the pope. "We shall never, " he declared, "allow that man to return asour archbishop. He not only is unworthy of the priesthood, he isunworthy even to live. We respect the Roman Church, and if need bewould die in her behalf. But if she endeavors thus to ruin our country, we shall resist her till the last drop of blood is shed. " This documentwas placed in the hands of Olaus Magni, brother of the proposedarchbishop, with orders to inform the pope of the evils to which theChurch in Sweden was exposed, and to use his utmost endeavor to securethe confirmation of the bishops. The missive, however, never reached thepontiff to whom it was addressed. Adrian was already dead and buried erethe document was penned; and when the messenger arrived in Rome, hefound another pontiff, Clement VII. , seated in the papal chair. [85]

The breach between the king and popery was now open. Gustavus hadactually flung down the gauntlet at the feet of Rome, asserting that ifofficers satisfactory to him were not appointed by the pope, he wouldtake the duty of appointing them upon himself. Still he did notrelinquish hope that the breach might yet be healed; and on the 2d ofNovember he wrote again, this time requesting the pope to confirm theelection of Erik Svensson, a former secretary of Gustavus, to the vacantbishopric of Åbo. "And if your Holiness, " wrote the king, "shall delayin confirming the bishops-elect, we shall ourselves undertake therestoration of our ruined churches, and shall have the bishops confirmedby Him who is our High Pontifex, that His Church and religion may not beinjured through the negligence of the Apostolic See. Moreover, Most HolyFather, we hear from certain men of Lubeck that one Francisco ofPotentia has returned from Rome to Denmark with arguments injustification of that tyrant Christiern's massacre of our bishops, andthat your Holiness has rewarded him with the bishopric of Skara. If thisbe true, the Apostolic See has done us and the Church a wrong equal inenormity to that of the Danish king, and we shall by God's aid avert itif necessary with our blood. Let not your Holiness fancy that we shallpermit foreigners to rule the Church in Sweden. " At about the same timewith this letter the monarch, in writing to Johannes Magni, uses evenstronger language. After suggesting that Christiern has so impoverishedthe Church that it is unable to send its bishops elect to Rome forconfirmation, he asserts that it is rumored the real cause of the delayis that the Church has not been able to furnish the pope the customaryfees for confirmation. "Some assert, too, " he adds, "that there is noauthority in Scripture for all the dues that belong by custom to thepope.... So soon as we find that our patience and moderation are of noavail, we shall proceed to rigorous measures. We shall not suffer ourpeople to bend beneath a cruel foreign yoke, for we are confident thatChrist, who is our High Priest, will not let his people die to suit thepope's caprice. "[86]

These were bold words to use of the potentate whose command allChristendom obeyed. The youthful monarch, it was already clear, intendedto rule his country with an iron hand. When only three months on thethrone, he chanced upon some letters in which the bishop of Vesteråsalluded to him in arrogant and contumelious terms. This bishop, whogloried in the name of Peder Sunnanväder, had been at one timechancellor of the young Sten Sture, and though elected in 1522 to thebishopric of Vesterås, had suffered the same fate as the other bishopsand never been confirmed. Gustavus did not hesitate a moment. As soon asthe abusive letters reached him, he proceeded with the entire Cabinet toVesterås, and summoned the bishop with all his canons to thechapter-house. There he laid before them the evidences of the bishop'sguilt. Unable to furnish satisfactory explanation, the bishop wasremoved; and the Chapter, at the instance of Gustavus, elected PetrusMagni in his stead. Even with this, however, the monarch's vengeance didnot end. Knut, the dean of Vesterås and a former chancellor ofGustavus, --the man, indeed, who had been talked of for the archbishopricof Upsala, --was indiscreet enough to come forward at the trial with anapology for his bishop. The monarch wanted no other proof of hiscomplicity, and discharged him along with Sunnanväder from his post. [87]

Gustavus was spurred on in his campaign against the Church by acontinued need of money to keep his army in the field. Even after thesubjection of Sweden he had to carry on the war in Finland; and it wasnot till nearly Christmas, and after he had sent a strong force ofmercenaries across the Baltic, that Finland was subdued. [88] After thisthe great bone of contention was the isle of Gotland. This island, orrather its capital, the town of Visby, had been in ages past the leaderof the Hanseatic League. Its situation in the Baltic, not far from theeast coast of southern Sweden, made it still of great value tomerchant-vessels passing between Sweden and the Hanseatic Towns. WhenChristiern fled from Denmark, Gotland was under the control of Norby, who continued after his master's fall to make depredations along thecoast of Sweden and seize all merchantmen that came within his grasp. Danish, Swedish, and Hanse vessels were alike his prey, till Gotlandcame to be known by all as a "nest of robbers. " Fredrik and Lubeck, unwilling though they were that Gotland should fall to Sweden, welcomedany movement intended to root out this impediment to the Baltic trade, and raised no opposition when Gustavus offered, in the winter of 1524, to attack the island in the coming spring. The attitude of Fredrik toGustavus recalls the fable of the monkey and the cat. The Danish kinghoped ultimately to secure the chestnuts for himself, but in the meantime was not sorry to see an army gathering in Sweden to bear the bruntof the assault. Which party first proposed an expedition against Gotlandis not clear. [89] At the general diet held in Vadstena in January, representatives from Fredrik were present, and it was agreed that theexpedition should be made as soon as the harbors opened. The quotas tobe furnished by the different parts of Sweden by the first week afterEaster were also fixed. The Danish envoys, it appears, made no promisesexcept that a congress of the two realms should be held on the 14th ofFebruary to settle all matters of dispute. The passports for the Danishenvoys to this convention were issued by Gustavus on the spot. They werenever used, however; for just before the appointed day he receivednotice from the Danish Cabinet that they wished the congress to bepostponed. This action caused Brask to suspect that Fredrik's soleobject was to use up time. Whatever Fredrik's object, the congress couldnot be held without him. Gustavus therefore postponed it till the end ofApril, and set about raising an army for himself. [90]

The first person to whom the monarch turned was Bishop Brask. It appearsthat there had been some dispute between the bishop and one of thehospitals in his diocese as to the tithes from certain lands. The shrewdmonarch conceived the notion that the simplest mode of settling thedispute was to hand the disputed property over to the crown. He wrote, therefore, to both parties to send him at once the original documents onwhich they based their claims. "And meantime, " he said, "we forbid youpositively to collect the disputed tithes. Should you touch them, weshall be forced to take further steps. We have, indeed, been told thatin the times of our fathers the crown received from the canonsthroughout the realm one fourth of their tithes under the name of 'thepoor man's portion, ' with the understanding that the money should beused to found hospitals, and over these hospitals the crown has eversince held _jus patronatus_. " To this demand Brask answered that hewould send the documents desired, but that the crown had never taken thetithes from the canons except by force. A few weeks later, on the 18thof February, the king wrote Brask that the expedition would start assoon as the harbors opened, and that, as Brask had been one of thepromoters of the scheme, he must expect to contribute generously towardit, especially since he and his diocese, being nearest to the isle ofGotland, would be the ones most benefited by the overthrow of Norby. Brask, in his answer of March 8, repudiated the idea that the expeditionwas the fruit of his brain, and expressed the hope that the matter mightbe settled without bloodshed. "'T is never wise, " he said, "to breakdown doors already open. " Brask asserted, further, that he had neverreceived a penny of rent from Gotland, but promised to do all he couldto obtain aid from the churches of his diocese. [91]

By this time it had become rumored that the king was about to levy a newtax upon the people, and a murmur of discontent had risen through theland. To allay this, Gustavus issued several letters, declaring thatthe contribution was to be wholly voluntary. One of the convents hebegged to send him all the silver collected for a certain shrine, andoffered to give the crown's note for the amount, secured, if the conventwished it, by a mortgage of certain crown fiefs. In writing to thepeople of Östergötland he pointed out that the expedition wasnecessitated by the piracies of Norby, who had caused a dreadfulscarcity of food by checking imports; and he called upon the people tohave a detachment of armed men ready by the first week after Easter atthe latest, promising at the same time that as soon as the fleet shouldput to sea the men would be provided for at the crown's expense. To thepeople of Brask's diocese he wrote that he had heard a rumor to theeffect that he was imposing a new tax upon the people. This rumor theking characterized as "a palpable lie. " He declared further that he hadapplied the crown rents to pay for the expedition, and had asked theirbishop to make a loan from his rents for the same purpose, to whichBrask had replied that he would lend the money, but would raise it byimposing a tax upon his churches. This Gustavus declared was not hisdesire; all he wished was a free-will offering. From this letter it isclear the monarch sought to cast upon Brask the odium which this newlevy had brought upon himself, and it is equally clear that in doing sohe exceeded the bounds of truth. In calling upon Brask for acontribution he had in no way specified the mode in which the moneyshould be raised; and Brask, so far from refusing to apply his own rentsfor the purpose, had distinctly stated, in every letter which he wrote, that he would do his utmost to furnish the desired sum. [92]

A further cause of disaffection lay in the general impression that themonarch was tampering with the coinage. This impression had its originnaturally enough in the fact that the general diet held in January hadrepudiated the Swedish "klippings. " The reason given for that act wasthat, the Danish "klippings" having been repudiated in Denmark the yearbefore, merchants were bringing barrelfuls of them into Sweden; so thatthe Swedish "klipping, " being scarcely discernible from its Danishnamesake, fell constantly in value, its fluctuations depending upon theimportations of the repudiated coin from Denmark. In the Act repudiatingthe Swedish "klipping" that coin was declared to be worth four "hvitar;"that is, about one half of the amount which the crown had received inissuing it. The outcry which this Act called forth was universal, andthe king was forced to issue a letter to the people in which heendeavored to allay their wrath. "We have never, " he declared withbrazen falsehood, --"we have never altered the coinage either by raisingor by lowering its value, but have permitted each coin to pass for thesame value as it had before;" and he added with bland simplicity, "thecoin has fallen by its own weight. " The striking feature in this matteris the audacity of the king. He trusted that the people generally wouldnot have access to the documents which we now possess to contradict him. After issuing this mendacious letter, he approached the Stockholmmerchants, and, by certain persuasive arguments whose nature it is easyto conceive, prevailed upon them to deposit all their "klippings" in thetreasury, to be weighed and bought by the Government at their actualbullion value. He then began the issue of a new series of coinsapproximating though still below their face value, and published anotherletter, this time acknowledging that he had repudiated the "klippings, "but asserting that the step was taken to comply with a suggestion madehim by the people. [93]

Late in March Gustavus received a note from Fredrik requesting a furtherpostponement of the congress till May 15. As the Vend Cities were to bepresent, Gustavus answered that he would communicate with Lubeck, and sosoon as he had word from her would give a definite reply. He thendespatched the Danish monarch's letter to Bishop Brask. The answer ofthat prelate was full of wisdom. "I marvel much, " wrote Brask, "that hisGrace should call a congress of these three realms without firstconsulting you.... He must be well aware that you cannot be present onso short notice, especially since he knows that you are about to make anexpedition against Gotland. His real purpose, I suspect, is to induceyou to postpone your expedition. " In this surmise the shrewd bishopdoubtless was correct. Fredrik, though satisfied that Sweden should goto great expense in preparing for an expedition against Gotland, wasreluctant to see her armies actually land upon the isle, lest his ownclaims to Gotland might thereby be lost. It seemed to him that Norby, terrified by the armaments of Sweden, might be induced to go to Denmarkand yield the isle to him. He therefore wrote to Sweden, requesting thatthe pirate be given a safe-conduct through the land. But the army wasalready in the field, and Gustavus answered firmly that he would notcomply with the request. To this answer he was induced partly by asuspicion that Denmark was already furnishing supplies to Norby. [94]

On the 8th of May Gustavus despatched his fleet, eight thousand strong, to Gotland. The command he gave to a German adventurer who has alreadyfigured in this story as Berent von Mehlen. This person, after breakingfaith with his former master, Christiern, had married a cousin ofGustavus, and had become a trusted counsellor of the king. By whattraits he became attractive in his monarch's eyes it is at this daydifficult to conceive. Certainly as a general he knew as little as anygeneral possibly could know. Again and again he had been givenopportunity to display his warlike power, but thus far in every instancehe had failed. He now set forth, as admiral of the Swedish fleet, tobesiege the town of Visby. The siege began on the 19th of May, and wasenlivened during a few weeks by several skirmishes. Nothing ofimportance, however, was accomplished. The siege was protracted throughthe summer, and at last the besiegers showed so little life that theirleader, the favorite of Gustavus, was reported to have turned his coatonce more and joined the enemy. [95]

Not yet had the siege begun when evidence was furnished that Fredrik wasin league with Norby. So early as the 9th of May Gustavus wrote to Braskthat the Danes were rumored to be supplying Norby with stores andammunition. A few days later word arrived from Fredrik that he wishedonce more to put off the congress, this time till the 24th of June. Gustavus was now fairly mad with indignation, and declared to Brask thathe would neither be present nor allow his envoys to be present at theproposed congress. He was discreet enough, however, to conceal his wrathfrom Fredrik; and, without refusing the offer of the Danish king, hecalled a meeting of his Cabinet, to which he urged Lubeck to send herenvoys. Fredrik in the mean time had been negotiating on his ownaccount with Norby, and had wrung promises from him which led to theimpression that Norby had thrown up his allegiance to Christiern II. Andwas ready to accept the authority of Fredrik. Elated by this false hope, the Danish monarch felt in a position to ignore the slight that had beenput upon him by Gustavus, and sent delegates, apparently unbidden, tothe Swedish king and Cabinet, proposing that a congress be held inDenmark to settle all matters of dispute, the Swedish army in the meantime to withdraw from Gotland, and Norby to be given safe-conduct fromthe isle. These terms Gustavus rejected with disdain, declaring that hehad striven for the good of all to scatter Norby with his "nest ofrobbers, " and would consent to a meeting with Fredrik only on conditionthat in the interval Norby should receive no aid of any shape or kind. Fredrik, finding that Gustavus was determined, and that Norby's feignedalliance was somewhat airy, yielded reluctantly to this condition. TheSwedish army continued in its camp at Visby; and the two monarchs, attended by their Cabinets, proceeded to the town of Malmö in hope ofsettling their disputes. The congress opened on the first day ofSeptember. The two monarchs with their retinues were present, togetherwith envoys from the Hanseatic Towns. The meeting opened, as was usual, with an interchange of courtesies and with mutual promises to resisttheir common enemy, King Christiern. It was agreed, too, that allrenegades from either country should be returned, and that citizens ofone country should be entitled to any property belonging to them in theother. As soon, however, as the question of disputed territory arose, it became clear that no conclusion could be reached. It was thereforeresolved, after long debate, that this question be postponed, to bedecided by a congress of certain Hanse Towns, to be held in Lubeck inJune of the following year. Till then a provisional frontier agreed uponby Norway, Denmark, and Sweden was to be observed; and Gotland was toremain during the interval in the hands of that party which held it onSeptember 1. If it should be found that Norby held it on that day, heshould be called upon to surrender it to Fredrik, to be placed by himunder the temporary control of some person satisfactory to Sweden, Denmark, and Lubeck. If Sweden should continue the war in Gotland, shewas to pay for all damage she might do. Either party by violating theseterms was to become indebted to the other to the amount of one hundredthousand guilders. This conclusion reached, the congress was dissolved, envoys being first sent to Gotland to carry out the terms. Finding thatNorby was still in possession, they entered into negotiations, and soonobtained a contract, signed by Norby as well as Mehlen, that each shouldwithdraw his forces from the land. In conformity with this contractMehlen at once broke camp and sailed with all the Swedish fleet toKalmar; but Norby, laughing at the credulity of his opponent, continuedto dominate the island, and began his piracies afresh. [96]

This disastrous expedition caused a heavy drain upon the Swedishtreasury, an evil which the monarch sought to meet by new demands uponthe Church. On the 9th of May he wrote to Brask that he must have moremoney, and that the bishopric of Linköping, being benefited more thanothers by the expedition, must expect to bear the chief part of thecost. To this Brask answered humbly that he had already furnished morethan his proper share, but would do his utmost to obtain the needed sum. This promise, however, did not satisfy the king; and a few days later hesent a letter to Brask's chapter, declaring that they had collectedcertain rents belonging to the crown which must be yielded up withoutdelay. Brask appears to have been a special object of the monarch'sgreed. On one occasion Gustavus seized some tithes belonging to thatprelate, and then had face enough to write him that he had done so, hisonly excuse being that the army was in need of food. This high-handedmode of dealing with the Church is in marked contrast to the monarch'scomplaisance when dealing with the people. Before the common peopleGustavus grovelled in the dust. Every day nearly he despatched somedocument granting new privileges to this town or to that; and when thepeople of Kalmar refused to contribute on the ground that their tradehad been ruined by foreign merchants, Gustavus sent back answer that hewould remedy this wrong. The notion getting abroad in Brask's diocesethat new taxes were being levied, Gustavus insisted that the bishopshould counteract this view, thus practically forcing him to make thecontribution from his private means. [97]

In spite of every effort to appease the people, discontent was fastspreading through the land. To attribute this entirely to the actions ofGustavus is unfair. His expedition against Gotland, it is true, hadproved a failure, and had cost his country dear. The monarch should haveseen that, in the impoverished state of his finances, the duty ofdestroying Norby belonged to Denmark or Lubeck. But, granted that theexpedition was ill-judged, its failure certainly did not justify revolt. The truth is, the Swedish people were so used to insurrection that theslightest disappointment sufficed to set the whole country by the ears, and no sooner was the expedition brought to its humiliating end than thepeople began to look about for pretexts for revolt. One of the firstcries raised against Gustavus was that he had transgressed the law byadmitting foreign citizens into the Cabinet of Sweden. To this chargethe monarch was unable to make a rational reply. At the very outset ofhis reign, he had displayed his first infatuation for foreign men byraising Mehlen to the highest honors of the state. Later anotheradventurer, one Count Johan von Hoya, had appeared upon the scene. Theking had forthwith showered royal favors upon his head. Scarcely twomonths after landing Hoya had betrothed himself to the king's sister, and had been received by the infatuated monarch into the SwedishCabinet. Such a course appeared to the people in direct opposition tothe promise made by Gustavus that he would drive out foreign power. This evil, however, was but slight, in comparison with others that thepeople had to bear. In plain English, they were starving. Thelong-protracted war with Denmark, followed by the brutal piracies ofNorby, had so reduced the supply of necessaries, particularly salt, thatfew except the rich were able to get enough to stay their hunger. Hopingto allay the people's indignation in these matters, Gustavus called ameeting of his Cabinet in October, summoning at the same time twoLinköping burghers to advise the Cabinet as to the best methods ofimproving trade. It is worthy of note, however, that though the meetingwas expressly announced to be called for the purpose of improving trade, the documents describing the debate are devoted almost wholly to aconsideration of methods to augment the royal funds. The king, it seems, came forward with a suggestion that, since he was likely soon to marry, some, provision should be made for adding to his income, and some stepsbe taken to reimburse him for the sums advanced by him to carry on thewar. What he particularly wanted was the right to fix, according to hisown judgment, the amount of rents to be paid by crown estates. Hesuggested, further, that, since the pope would not confirm the bishopstill they paid their fees, his coronation should be delayed no longer, but the bishops should perform the ceremony without the papal sanction. He recommended also that, there being no satisfactory place in which tokeep the Swedish cavalry, they be quartered in the various monasteries, "where, " he added, "we find plenty of money, but very few monks. " As toHoya, he requested the Cabinet's sanction of the proposed marriage, shrewdly intimating that while he favored citizens of Germany, hebelieved no marriage between a Swede and Dane should be allowed. Theanswer which the Cabinet made to these proposals shows traces of afeeble opposition along with a manifest endeavor to accommodate theking. First of all, the Cabinet advised the king to appoint a few of themost intelligent and able debaters in the realm to represent the causeof Sweden at the congress to be held next year in Lubeck; and inaccordance with this suggestion the king named Hoya, and the newarchbishop, Johannes Magni. Regarding the matter of conferring fiefs onHoya, the Cabinet yielded to the king's desire. "Though the lawdeclares, " they said, "that no foreigner shall enter the Cabinet orgovern land or castle, yet we shall gladly see you grant him both castleand land as you deem best, doubting not that you will so watch over hisand all other grants that your subjects suffer not. " In accordance withthis concession Hoya was given Stegeborg in fee, and his marriage withMargareta was arranged to take place in January next. As to quarteringin the monasteries, the conservative element prevailed, the Cabinetdecreeing that it was not advisable to fill the monasteries with horseand men. That the coronation take place at once, the Cabinet stronglyurged, though they refrained from expressing opinion as to theconfirmation of the bishops. The proposition that the king be givenpower to regulate the royal rents was not rejected, but a hint wasthrown out that the proper step was rather to prepare an accurate listof all crown property and collect the rents as due thereon of old. [98]

Clearly enough this meeting would not satisfy a hungry people. In factapparently it added to their rage, and we find the people of Dalarne atthis time drawing up a long list of grievances to be laid before theking. Their first and weightiest complaint was that certain rich men, stewards of the king, had bought up all the grain in their district, andhad made a corner in it so that the poor man could not get enough toeat. Further than this, they protested against the king's practice ofadmitting into the kingdom all sorts of foreigners, "who have put theirheads together to ruin the common people. " This vehement lament arousedGustavus to the gravity of his position, particularly as he learned thatSunnanväder was inciting the people to rebel. Hoping to quiet matters, he despatched his messengers to all parts of the kingdom with soothingwords. He endeavored in every way to impress upon the people that thehigh price of food was due entirely to the war between the emperor andthe King of France; and as to the repudiation of the "klippings, " ofwhich some people had complained, he asserted that he had therebysuffered far greater injury than his people. Sunnanväder's conspiracywas the thing that caused him most anxiety, and on the 9th of Decemberhe addressed the Dalesmen on that theme. "Dear friends, " he suavelywrote, "report has reached our ears that Sunnanväder has gone among youwith plots to throw the kingdom into strife once more. We beg you in thename of God give him no heed. He has made statements about us, we aretold, which are absolutely false; among others, that we are about torestore Trolle to his archbishopric, --the man who deprived us of fatherand mother and threw our kingdom into ruin. As we have called a diet tobe held in January, to investigate these charges among other things, werequest you at that time or earlier to send representatives from everyparish to judge between us; and we hereby promise the said Sunnanvädersafe-conduct to and from Stockholm for this investigation. You may makethis proclamation to him; and if he will not come, you may know that heis false.... Further, since we are informed that you are suffering fromgreat lack of salt, we have just despatched to you between ten andtwenty cargoes of salt to relieve your want. "[99]

While Gustavus was thus dickering with the Dalesmen, a far more weightymatter kept him continually on an anxious seat at home. This was theReformation of the Romish Church. It has been already noted that theSwedish Reformation was a political revolt, and at its outset had butlittle connection with theological dispute. The conflagration that hadraged in Germany since 1519 produced no immediate effect in Sweden, andit was not till the spring of 1523 that the Swedish prelates felt realdread of Martin Luther. The father of the Swedish Reformation was OlausPetri, a blacksmith's son, of Örebro. From his earliest years thischampion of Luther had been educated by a pious father for the RomishChurch. His childhood had been passed amid the religious influence of amonastery in his native town. There, with his younger brotherLaurentius, he had shared the daily routine of a monk. When a mere boyhis father, little knowing the temptation to which his son would beexposed, had placed him in the University of Wittenberg, where he satfor some years at the feet of Luther. On his return to Sweden in 1519, he was appointed to give instructions in the Bible to the youth ofStrengnäs. Though only twenty-two, he already showed such promise thatwithin a year he was chosen deacon of Strengnäs, and placed at the headof the school belonging to the Chapter. The opportunity thus given himwas great. The bishopric being vacant, the charge of things in Strengnäsfell upon Laurentius Andreæ, at the time archdeacon. Andreæ, thoughfifteen years his senior, was of a kindred spirit, and by a contemporaryis described as a willing pupil of the young reformer. There can be noquestion that even at this period Petri was regarded as a man ofstrength. A portrait of him painted when still a youth shows in a markeddegree the traits by which he was distinguished later. The face is fulland round, with large, warm eyes twinkling with merriment, and a high, clear forehead, from which is thrown back a heavy mass of waving hair. The mouth is firm as adamant, and the sharp-cut lips and chin areeloquent of strength. Altogether, it is the picture of just the man thatPetri afterward became, --a brilliant orator, daring, good-natured, andgifted with a generous supply of common-sense. Precisely how much Petriowed to Martin Luther we cannot know. It is not, however, likely that atfirst his teaching in Strengnäs differed materially from that inculcatedby the Romish Church. At any rate, he taught four years before anyserious complaint was made. The first to charge him with heresy wasBishop Brask. On the 7th of May, 1523, that much-enduring prelate wroteto a member of the Upsala Chapter that a certain person in Strengnäs hadinflamed the people by preaching heresies; "and God knows, " he added, "we are grieved enough to learn that he is not silenced. " What theseheresies preached by Petri were, appears from a polemic hurled at theyoung reformer by Brask's deacon. They include, among other things, adenial of the priest's authority to solicit alms, with assertions thatmen should place no faith in the Virgin or in other saints, but in Godalone; that the priest's first duty is to preach, not pray, and thatconfession should be made to none but God. Surely we have here the veryessence of the Reformation. Brask was already trembling withapprehension, and despatched a letter to a brother bishop to say thatthe heresies of Petri had begun to break out in Upsala. "We must use ourutmost vehemence, " he gasped, "to persuade Johannes Magni to apply theinquisition to this Petri; otherwise the flame will spread throughoutthe land. " Magni, it is clear, was deemed a little lukewarm by suchardent men as Brask, and on the 12th of July we find Brask pouring out aflood of Latin eloquence to excite the tranquil legate. In nothing isBrask's sagacity more manifest than in the enthusiasm which he heredisplayed. He discerned with perfect clearness that the battle must befought at once. If Petri should once gain the people's ear, all hope waslost. Romanism was no match for Lutheranism in an open war. He thereforesought to stamp out the new teachings without allowing them to be fairlyknown; and had his superiors shown equal zeal, the Reformation mighthave been delayed. [100]

A few days after his earnest appeal to Magni, Brask despatched to theVadstena Chapter a tract in refutation of the Lutheran doctrines, andalong with it a sermon preached by Petri, "in which, " so wrote thebishop, "you will observe his blasphemy of the Holy Virgin. " Brask, despite his spiritual duties, was no ascetic, and, though suffering atthe time from illness, added a postscript begging the Chapter to let himhave a box of nuts. Apparently these delicacies came; for the bishop'snext letter, written to the pope, was in a happier vein. "I have justhad from Johannes Magni a letter on exterminating heresy which fills mysoul with joy.... I grieve, however, to tell you that the heresy whichhad its birth in Germany has spread its branches across this kingdom.... I have sought to the utmost of my power to stay the pestilence, butthrough lack of authority outside my diocese, could not accomplish whatI would.... Give me your orders to act outside my diocese, and I willcrush the heresy with my utmost zeal. " About this time the bishopreceived a letter from Johannes Magni that must have soothed histemper. "God knows, " the legate wrote, "how eagerly I burn to effect thehoped-for freedom of the Christian Church, had not circumstances beenadverse. I have at any rate pleaded with the king, and he has promisedto maintain our rights. He says that if any of his soldiers wrong ourtenants, they do so at their peril. When I spoke to him of the burdensthat had been put upon us, he exclaimed with tears in his eyes that noone felt it more than he, that it had been necessary and contrary to hiswill, and that it was his full intention so soon as peace was restoredto refund the money we had furnished. He promised also to repress theLutheran heresy, though he urged me to use persuasion rather than force, lest by conflict of opinions the whole Church be overturned. " Theimpression left on Magni by his monarch's tears is probably theimpression that the monarch had designed. We have no reason to supposeGustavus cherished any affection yet for Luther, but neither is therereason to suppose he hated him. What he hoped for above all else was tokeep the bishops under his control, and the surest way to do so was tokeep the Church at enmity with Luther. [101]

That Gustavus played his cards with skill is manifest from a letterwritten by Magni to the Linköping Chapter. "I understand, " he wrote, "that you feel little anxiety at my proposed return to Rome, thinkingthat I have not shown enough energy in restoring the disabled Church. Imay say, however, that I have pleaded and now plead for her before theking, who protests that his whole heart is in her preservation, and thatany harm done by his officers to our tenants has been done against hiswill. He says too, and with tears in his eyes regrets, that theimportunity of his soldiers has forced him to lay burdens on the Church. Nor is it his Majesty's intention to compel our weary priests to give upthe care of souls. His excuse for exacting tribute from the churches toaid the kingdom is that he undertook the war as much for the freedom ofthe Church as for the safety of the kingdom. I give you this excuse forwhatever it is worth. His Majesty promises that when he has paid theenormous debt contracted to Lubeck, and has wholly freed the kingdom, both clergy and people shall rejoice as never they have rejoiced before. In the extirpation of Lutheranism I am aided as much by the efforts ofhis Majesty as by the authority of the pope. It seems to me that thestrife going on by letters among the clergy should be put to an end, andmore toleration shown. I know it will, if continued, spreadconflagration in other lands. The clergy of Strengnäs have promised mefirmly that they will abstain from all new doctrines, and will send outno more letters unless they are harassed. " This warning from the legateproves that the Swedish prelates were already cutting one another'sthroats. Apparently, too, it worked like magic in quieting theirdisputes, for six months now elapsed before the charge of heresy wasraised again. [102]

On the 21st of February, 1524, Laurentius Andreæ returned to the assaultwith a long epistle to the Vadstena Chapter. This epistle is moderate intone, and contains this sound advice: "His Majesty desires that when youdiscover strange doctrines in the books of Luther or of any other, youshould not reject them without a fair examination. If then you findanything contrary to the truth, write a refutation of it based on HolyWrit. As soon as scholars have seen your answer and have determined whatto accept and what reject, you can preach according to their judgmentand not according to your individual caprice. I suspect, however, therewill hardly be many among you able to refute these doctrines; for, though but little of the so-called Lutheran teaching has come to myknowledge, I am convinced that Luther is too great a man to be refutedby simple men like us, for the Scriptures get their strength from noman, but from God. Even if we have the truth on our side, 'tis folly forus who have no arms to attack those who are well equipped, since weshould thus do nothing but expose our own simplicity.... Prove allthings; hold fast that which is good. Search the spirit to see whetherit be of God. I would urge every one to read the new doctrines. Thosewho persuade or command you otherwise, appear to me to act contrary tothe Scriptures, and I suspect they do not wish the truth to come tolight.... If there be any among you whom this letter offends, let himwrite to me, pointing out where I am wrong, and I will withdraw mystatements. " Brask, though offended deeply, scorned the challenge. Instead of answering Andreæ, he wrote to the bishop of Skara, saying:"Certain persons are beginning to urge that we should not banishLuther's writings, but should study them carefully to the end that wemay write against them, as if, forsooth, we were simple enough totrouble ourselves about the effrontery of Luther. He flatters himselfthat he possesses greater wisdom than all the saints. But we shall bowthe knee to God, not man, and shall do our utmost that the kingdom benot corrupted by this new heresy. " Brask was now boiling withindignation, and a few days later wrote a friend: "I have no fear ofLuther or any other heretic. Were an angel from heaven to predict hisvictory, I should not waver. "[103]

This feigned assurance on the part of Brask was not deep-set. In thesecrecy of his own cloisters he contemplated the issue with fear andtrembling. This is clear from a letter penned at this period to themonarch. "By the allegiance which I owe you, " wrote the bishop, "I deemit my duty to urge you not to allow the sale of Luther's books withinthe realm, nor give his pupils shelter or encouragement of any kind, till the coming council of the Church shall pass its judgment.... I knownot how your Grace can better win the love of God, as well as of allChristian kings and princes, than by restoring the Church of Christ tothe state of harmony that it has enjoyed in ages past. " The same daythat this letter was despatched, Brask wrote to a friend in terms whichshow that his anxiety was great. After intimating that the king'sconstant demands on him for money were probably inspired by the friendsof Luther, he exclaimed: "This party is growing all too fast among us, and I greatly fear lest some new heresy, which God forbid! may break outsoon. " As the king appeared not likely to take very stringent measuresto repress the heresy, the bishop hastened to exert his own authority, and issued a mandate, to be read from all the pulpits in his diocese, forbidding the sale of Luther's books and teachings. A few days laterthe monarch's answer came. It was couched in temperate language, butoffered little solace to the bishop. "Regarding your request, " so wroteGustavus, "that we forbid the sale of Luther's writings, we know not bywhat right it could be done, for we are told his teachings have not yetbeen found by impartial judges to be false. Moreover, since writingsopposed to Luther have been circulated through the land, it seems butright that his, too, should be kept public, that you and other scholarsmay detect their fallacies and show them to the people. Then the booksof Luther may be condemned. As to your charge that Luther's pupils aregiven shelter at our court, we answer that they have not sought it. Ifindeed they should, you are aware it is our duty to protect them as wellas you. If there be any in our protection whom you wish to charge, bringyour accusation and give their names. " The method of trial suggested inthis letter was not in harmony with the bishop's views. What he wantedwas an inquisition, and in writing to a fellow-bishop he did nothesitate to say so. "I maintain that every diocese should have aninquisition for this heresy, and I think our Most Holy Father ought towrite his Majesty to that effect. " The mere prohibition of Luther'swritings was of no avail. As Brask declared to Johannes Magni, "Thenumber of foreign abettors of Lutheranism is growing daily, despite ourmandate, through the sale of Luther's books. I fear the remedy will betoo late unless it is applied at once. "[104]

This letter was written on the 20th of June, 1524. About the same timePetri was called to Stockholm to fill the post of city clerk, andAndreæ, already secretary to the king, was made archdeacon of Upsala. This double advancement of the Lutheran leaders left no room longer todoubt the king's designs. From this time forth he was felt on every handto be an enemy to the Romish Church. The striking fact in all thishistory is the utter absence of conscientious motives in the king. Though the whole of Christendom was ablaze with theological dispute, hewent on steadily reducing the bishops' power with never a word ofinvective against their teaching or their faith. His conduct was guidedsolely by a desire to aggrandize the crown, and he seized without ascruple the tools best fitted to his hand. Had Brask been morecompliant, or the Church less rich, the king would not unlikely havecontinued in the faith. The moral of all this is to hide your richesfrom those that may become your foes. 

The part that Brask played in this drama calls forth a feeling ofrespect. Artful and manœuvring though he was, there were certain deepprinciples within his breast that only great adversity could touch. Ofthese the most exalted was his affection for the Church. Apart from allher splendor and the temporal advantages to which her service led, Braskloved her for herself. She was the mother at whose breast he had beenreared, and the feelings that had warmed his soul in childhood could noteasily be extinguished now that he was old. Every dart that struck herpierced deep into his own flesh, and a premonition of the coming ruinoverwhelmed him with bitter grief. It was this very grief, however, thatraised him to rebel. The old vacillating temper that he had shown indays gone by was his no longer. Drear and dismal though the prospectwas, he did not hesitate, but threw himself into the encounter heart andsoul. From this time forth, with all his cunning and sagacity, he wasthe steadfast leader of the papal cause. 

FOOTNOTES:

[74] July 13, 1523, a payment of about 17, 000 marks having been alreadymade, Gustavus wrote to Brask that Lubeck still demanded 200, 000guilders, which was equivalent to about 300, 000 Swedish marks. Thisprobably was an exaggeration for the purpose of getting a generouscontribution from Brask. Another source states it as more than 120, 000Swedish marks. Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, p. 72. This clearly was toolow an estimate; for we know that Gustavus paid at least 42, 945 Lubeckmarks (or 83, 000 Swedish marks) in the course of 1523, and that in thefollowing spring the amount claimed by Lubeck was about 240, 000 Swedishmarks. See _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. I. Pp. 109-110, andthe documents in the Archives at Lubeck cited in Handelmann's _Dieletzten Zeiten der hanseatischen Uebermacht im Norden_, pp. 165-170. Thematter is ably discussed by Forssell in his _Sver. Inre hist. _, vol. I. Pp. 134-138. Much confusion is caused by the fact that the debtor andcreditor reckoned the sum each according to his own monetary standard, and there can be no question, too, that between the parties there wassome dispute as to the exact sum due. 

[75] See a document in the Archives at Lubeck cited in Handelmann's _Dieletzten Zeiten der hanseatischen Uebermacht im Norden_, p. 165. 

[76] [Illustration]

Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 64-65. Svart, whose chronicle was writtenwith a view to flatter Gustavus, informs us of the reduction in thevalue at which the coin was issued, and appears to attribute thisreduction to the generosity of his master. It was "a good fat coin, " headds, which merchants carried out of the country as an excellent pieceof merchandise. The zeal with which the chronicler defends the coin isenough to raise suspicion as to its true value. If it was really worthan öre and a half, it is incredible that Gustavus in the strait in whichhe then was should have ultimately given it for an öre. Forssell, in his_Anteckn. Om mynt, vigt, mått och varupris i Sverige_, pp. 44-51, suggests that probably the coin was first issued for an öre and a half, and then with the same size and weight but containing more alloy, wasissued for an öre. I think the true explanation is more simple. Gustavushad been found out. The "klippings" which he had issued a year beforewere such a palpable fraud that the Danish commandant of Stockholm hadactually forbidden their use, lest the Danish "klippings" (which wereabout as bad as anything could be) might through association with theothers fall into ill repute. _Christ. II. 's arkiv_, vol. I. Pp. 214 and218. So that when he issued a new coin and called it an öre and a half, people were suspicious and refused to take it till he reduced it tosomething like its value. This view is strengthened by the fact that ofthe few extant coins of Gustavus, dated 1522, not one contains enoughsilver to have been worth an öre and a half, and most of them fallconsiderably below the value of an öre. It is noticeable also that thosestamped 1523, which were presumably issued for an öre, contain a triflemore in value than those stamped 1522, and called an öre and a half. Asnone of them have any value stamped upon their face, it was a simplematter to start the figure high, and then reduce it to what the coinwould bring. 

[Illustration]

[77] As to Church fees and incomes see a letter of Brask, dated Dec. 21, 1514, in _Hist. Handl. _, vol. Viii. Pp. 65-67. 

[78] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, p. 58. 

[79] _Von der graüsamen tyrannischen myssehandelung_; Svart, _Gust. I. 'skrön. _, pp. 56-58; and _Sver. Trakt. _, vol. Iv. Pp. 35-44. 

[80] Johannes Magni, _Hist. Pont. _, pp. 74-75; Svart, _Gust. I. 'skrön. _, p. 70; and _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. I. Pp. 88-89. 

[81] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, p. 73; _Kon. Gust. Den Förstesregistrat. _, vol. I. Pp. 97, 99-101, 108-111, 114-115, 119, and 298-300;and Linköping, _Bibliotheks handl. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 204-205. 

[82] _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. I. Pp. 107-108 and121-129; Forssell, _Sver. Inre hist. _, vol. Ii. P. 72; and _Sver. Trakt. _, vol. Iv. Pp. 44-55, 65-67, and 69-74. 

[83] _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. I. Pp. 121-129. 

[84] _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. I. Pp. 129-134 and139-140; and Theiner, _Schwed. U. Seine Stell. Z. Heil. Stuhl_, vol. Ii. Pp. 6-11. 

[85] Johannes Magni, _Hist. Pont. _, p. 75; _Kon. Gust. Den Förstesregistrat. _, vol. I. Pp. 143-150; and _Nya Källor till Finl. Medeltidshist. _, pp. 737-740. 

[86] _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. I. Pp. 172-174 and178-181. 

[87] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 74-75. 

[88] _Ibid. _, pp. 73-74; and _Sver. Trakt. _, vol. Iv. Pp. 67-69. 

[89] No one apparently wished to father the expedition. Svart, whopresents the king's side of the case, says, in his _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 78-81, that Gustavus undertook the campaign at the urgentsolicitation of Lubeck, who promised to defer payment of her loan forseveral years without interest, provided Gustavus would undertake thewar. This proposition appears generous, but there is no trace of it inthe contemporary letters of the king. Those letters assert that Braskwas the prime mover of the scheme; but as Brask repudiated it at once, the responsibility for it cannot be fairly laid on him. See _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. I. Pp. 190 and 301. 

[90] Rensel, _Berättelse_, pp. 34-35; _Acta hist. Reg. Christ. II. _, pp. 4-9; _Alla riksdag. Och möt. Besluth_, vol. I. Pp. 29-30; _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xvii. P. 172; and _Kon. Gust. Den Förstesregistrat. _, vol. I. Pp. 182, 184-185, 187-189, and 301-302. 

[91] _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. I. Pp. 185-186, 189-191, and 300-302; and Linköping, _Bibliotheks handl. _, vol. I. Pp. 153-155. 

[92] _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. I. Pp. 191-192 and193-197. 

[93] The documents relating to the repudiation of the "klippings" varysomewhat in phraseology. In the Royal Archives at Stockholm is anofficial contemporary statement of the business transacted by thegeneral diet in January, 1524, which declares: "The 'klippings' were inso far repudiated as to be valued at only four 'hvitar, ' though anyperson may accept them for what he will. " _Kon. Gust. Den Förstesregistrat. _, vol. I. P. 182; and _Svenska riksdagsakt. _, vol. I. Pp. 17-20. Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, p. 76, asserts that the diet"repudiated the 'klippings. '" Tegel, _Then stoormecht. _, p. 81, says, "the 'klippings' were utterly repudiated. " In a letter issued byGustavus to the people of Dalarne immediately after the passage of theAct he says the diet advised "that the 'klippings' fall so that theypass for only five 'hvitar, ' to which we and our Cabinet consented. "_Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. I. Pp. 182-183. In a letterissued at about the same time to the people of Vadstena, Gustavus madethe same statement, except that he used the word "four" instead of"five. " _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. I. P. 184. The laterletters of Gustavus, in which he declares that he has not repudiated hiscoinage, are printed in _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. I. Pp. 196-197 and 202-207. 

[94] _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. I. Pp. 198-201, 211-212and 303-306. 

[95] _Diar. Minor. Visbyens. _, p. 39; Rensel, _Berättelse_, pp. 36-38;Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 81-82; and _Kon. Gust. Den Förstesregistrat. _, vol. I. Pp. 218-219. 

[96] Eliesen, _Chron. Skib. _, p. 577; Rensel, _Berättelse_, pp. 38-40;Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 82-83 and 93-96; _Christ. II. 's arkiv_, vol. Ii. Pp. 688-765; _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. I. Pp. 223-224, 229-230, 236-241, 245-250 and 309-327; and _Sver. Trakt. _, vol. Iv. Pp. 94-103. 

[97] _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. I. Pp. 223-225, 227-236and 306-309. 

[98] _Alla riksdag. Och möt. Besluth_, vol. I. Pp. 31-35; _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. I. Pp. 251-265; and _Svenskariksdagsakt. _, vol. I. Pp. 22-29. 

[99] _Dipl. Dal. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 31-39; and _Kon. Gust. Den Förstesregistrat. _, vol. I. Pp. 271-281 and 327-328. 

[100] Johannes Magni, _Hist. Pont. _, p. 75; Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, p. 92; and _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xvii. Pp. 117-119 and135-148. 

[101] _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xvii. Pp. 151-155 and 157-159. There is preserved among Brask's documents of this period aproclamation, purporting to be issued by Gustavus, forbidding the saleof Lutheran tracts within the realm. _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xvii. Pp. 159-160. No reference, however, is made to it in otherwritings; and as it is clearly contrary to all the monarch's laterviews, it is certain that it did not emanate from him. Probably it was amere concept drawn by Brask in the hope that it would meet with royalfavor. 

[102] _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xvii. Pp. 162-164. 

[103] _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xvii. Pp. 205-216 and 220-223. 

[104] _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xiii. Pp. 48-50 and 52-54, andvol. Xviii. Pp. 234-236 and 237-239; and _Kon. Gust. Den Förstesregistrat. _, vol. I. Pp. 231-233 and 306-309. 

CHAPTER VI. 

RELIGIOUS DISCORD AND CIVIL WAR. 1524-1525. 

 Riot of the Anabaptists. --Contest between Olaus Petri and Peder Galle. --Marriage of Petri. --Conspiracy of Norby; of Christina Gyllenstjerna; of Mehlen; of Sunnanväder. --Attitude of Fredrik to Gustavus. --Proposition of Gustavus to resign the Crown. --Norby's Incursion into Bleking. --Surrender of Visby. --Flight of Mehlen. --Fall of Kalmar. 

By the autumn of 1524 the whole of Sweden was in a ferment oftheological dispute. When Gustavus returned from the congress of Malmöto the capital, he found the people in a wild frenzy of religious zeal. The turmoil was occasioned mainly by the efforts of two Dutchmen, Melchior and Knipperdolling, who had renounced their respective callingsas furrier and huckster to spread abroad the teachings of a newreligious sect. The history of this strange movement has been so oftentold that it is hardly necessary to waste much time upon it here. Itoriginated doubtless in the stimulus that Luther's preaching had givento religious thought. As so frequently occurs, the very enthusiasm whichthe Reformers felt for things divine led them to disregard their reasonand give their passions undivided sway. One of the chronicles puts it:"Wherever the Almighty builds a church, the Devil comes and builds achapel by its side. " The thing that most distinguished these weirdDutchmen was their communistic views. They taught that, since we allwere equal in the eyes of God, we should all be equal likewise in theeyes of men, that temporal government along with class distinctions ofevery kind should be abolished, and that Christians should indulge inabsolute community of goods. In religious matters, too, they hadpeculiar views, believing that only adults should receive baptism, andthat all adults who had been baptized in infancy should be baptizedagain. By reason of this tenet they were known as Anabaptists. Theirfirst appearance in the Swedish capital occurred at a moment when themonarch was away. In that, at any rate, they manifested sense. Thecapital was all agog with Luther's doctrines, and everything that borethe stamp of novelty was listened to with joy. Melchior andKnipperdolling were received with open arms, the pulpits were placed attheir disposal, and men and women flocked in swarms to hear them. Thetown authorities raised no opposition, believing the influence of theseteachers would be good. In a short time, however, they were undeceived. The contagion spread like wildfire through the town, and every othercitizen began to preach. Churches, monasteries, and chapels were filledfrom morn till eve, and pulpits resounded with doctrines of the mostinflammatory kind. All government was set at naught, and every effort tostay the tempest merely added to its force. Finally these fanatics madewar upon the altars, throwing down statues and pictures, and piling thefragments in huge heaps about the town. They dashed about like maniacs, a witness writes, not knowing what they did. How far their madnesswould have led them, it is idle to conceive. Gustavus returned toStockholm while the delirium was at fever heat, and his presence in aninstant checked its course. He called the leaders of the riot beforehim, and demanded sharply if this raving lunacy seemed to them religion. They mumbled some incoherent answer, and, the fury having spent itsforce, most of them were reprimanded and discharged. Melchior with oneor two others was kept in jail awhile, and then sent back to Holland, with orders not to return to Sweden on pain of death. Some ten yearslater Melchior was executed along with Knipperdolling for sharing in thefamous riot of the Anabaptist sect in Münster. [105]

The hurricane had swept past Stockholm and was gone, but evils of everykind existed to attest its force. Among the greatest sufferers from thisfanaticism were the partisans of Luther. Their attitude to the riotershad at first been doubtful, and the condemnation heaped on Melchior andKnipperdolling fell partially on them. People in general could notdistinguish between fanatics and Luther. They were all deemed heretics, and Gustavus was roundly cursed for neglecting the religion of hisfathers. To soothe the people Gustavus planned a journey through therealm, intending to set forth before the autumn closed. This journey hewas forced by stress of circumstances to postpone. He therefore turnedto other methods to effect his end. The strongest feature of theLutheran doctrine was that it purported to be based upon the Word ofGod. To such a pretension no one but an unbeliever could object. Lutheranism was opposed on the ground of its presumed basis in theidiosyncrasies of men. Gustavus, confident that this idea was false, resolved to put the question to a test. Accordingly, among matters to bediscussed at the Cabinet meeting in October, we find a proposition thatall priests be ordered to confine their teaching to the Word of God. Thefate of this sound measure is not known. It appears nowhere in the listof subjects on which the Cabinet took a vote. A fair conclusion is thatthe question was too broad to be determined at the time, and thereforewas omitted from the calendar by consent of all. [106]

Gustavus was determined, however, that the matter should not drop. Convinced that any discord inside the Church would be a benefit to thecrown, he resolved to hold a theological disputation, and selected achampion from the two chief factions, with orders to appear at Christmasin Upsala and defend the doctrines of his party in open court. TheLutheran gladiator of course was Petri, his opponent being one PederGalle, a learned canon of Upsala. The main points that were discussedare these: man's justification; free will; forgiveness of sins;invocation and worship of saints; purgatory; celebration of vigils andmasses for the dead; chanting of the service; good works, and rewards;papal and monastic indulgences; sacraments; predestination;excommunication; pilgrimages. The battle on these questions was fought, December 27, in the Chapter-house at Upsala; and the chronicle tellsus, somewhat unnecessarily, that the fight was hot. Each party wasstruggling for the very kernel of his faith. If the Bible wereacknowledged to be our sole authority in religious things, the wholefabric of the papal Church was wrong. On the other hand, if power weregranted to the Fathers to establish doctrines and methods supplementaryto the Bible, the Lutherans had no right to disobey. As Gustavus wasarbiter of the battle, there could be no doubt of the result. Petri isasserted to have come off victor, on the ground that his citations wereall from Holy Writ. [107]

Flattered by this great victory, the Lutherans grew bold. Though not soturbulent as before the riot, they showed much indiscretion, andGustavus often found it necessary to interfere. What annoyed him chieflywas their bravado in alluding to the popes and bishops. The hierarchy ofRomanism was fixed so firmly in people's hearts that every effort todislodge it caused a jar. Especially in the rural districts was itnecessary not to give alarm. A single deed or word might work an injurywhich many months of argument could not efface. It is not strange, therefore, that the king was troubled when Petri, in February, 1525, violated every rule of Church propriety by being married publicly inStockholm. The marriage fell like a thunderclap upon the Church. Braskapparently could not believe his ears. He dashed off a letter to anotherprelate to inquire whether the report was true, and finding that it was, wrote to the archbishop as well as to the king, denouncing the wholeaffair. "Though the ceremony has been performed, " he argued, "themarriage is invalid, for such was the decree made by the sixth Councilof the Church. " In his letter to the king, Brask used these words: "YourMajesty must be aware that much talk has been occasioned by the marriagein your capital of Olaus Petri, a Christian priest. At a future day, should the marriage result in children, there will be much trouble, forthe law declares that children of a priest shall stand, in matters ofinheritance, on a par with bastards.... Even in the Grecian Church, where persons who are married may be ordained on certain terms, thosealready priests have never been allowed to marry. Petri's ceremony isnot a lawful marriage, and places him under the ban, according to thedoctrines of the Church. For God's sake, therefore, act in this matteras a Christian prince should do. " On receiving this letter, Gustavus, who had been in Upsala when the act occurred, called for the offendingpreacher and asked him what excuse he offered for violating the ancientcustoms of the Church. To this the culprit answered that he was ready todefend his conduct in open court, and prove that the laws of God shouldnot be sacrificed to the laws of men. The king then wrote to Brask andassured him that if Petri should be shown to have done wrong, he shouldbe punished. The king's own prejudices are manifest in the words withwhich his letter closed. "As to your assertion, " he said, "that Petri'sact has placed him under the ban, it would seem surprising if thatshould be the effect of marriage, --a ceremony that God does notforbid, --and yet that for debauchery and other sins which areforbidden, one should not fall beneath the ban.... In making this chargeconcerning Petri, you appear elated at the opportunity thus given you tocensure me. " This last insinuation the bishop strenuously denied. "Godknows, " he wrote the king, "that I have acted for your welfare in thismatter, as well as for my own. What joy I or any other could feel in mypresent age and infirmity, I leave to God. Petri has sent me an apologyfor his act. It is full of words, but void of sense. I shall see to it, however, that it gets an answer. "[108]

These stormy scenes within the Church were but the echo of what wasgoing on outside. As the autumn advanced it became each day more clearthat Fredrik had victimized the king at Malmö. The Swedish army hadretired from Gotland, and Norby with his horde of pirates remained _instatu quo_. Brask, who had the interests of Sweden constantly at heart, was the first person to suspect foul play. So early as December 9 hetold a friend his fears had been aroused. Gustavus, if he hadsuspicions, kept them dark. He opened correspondence with Norby, hopingto inveigle him into a conference in Stockholm. Norby, however, knew thetrick himself. The weather was such, he answered, that he could notcome. Some few weeks later Gustavus wrote to Mehlen that the promisesmade to him at Malmö had not been fulfilled. He also sent his messengersto Denmark denouncing Norby's course. But all this time hiscommunications with Norby were filled with warm assurance ofrespect. [109]

The truth was, Norby cherished a project far more ambitious than eitherFredrik or Gustavus could suppose. In January, 1524, the braveChristina, widow of the young Sten Sture, had returned to Sweden afterher long captivity in Denmark. The same ambitious spirit that had filledher breast in earlier days was with her still, and she longed to seeupon her son's head the crown that but for his early death would havebeen worn by her husband. This son, a mere boy of twelve, had recentlyreturned from Dantzic, whither he had been sent as exile four yearsbefore by Christiern. He had disembarked at Kalmar, and still remainedthere under custody of Mehlen. In this state of affairs the piraticalNorby conceived the project of marrying Christina, and then of conjuringwith the name of Sture to drive Gustavus out of Sweden. To this boldscheme Christina apparently gave her consent. At all events, the news ofher projected marriage was spread abroad, and nothing was done on herpart to deny it. [110]

Norby's chief anxiety was to get possession of the boy. Mehlen hadshown reluctance to give him to Christina, and one might readilyconclude his purpose was to hand him over to the king. Such a purpose, however, Mehlen seems never to have entertained. He preferred to watchdevelopments, and at the proper moment resign his charge to the partythat should make the highest bid. The truth is, Mehlen had fallen intodisrepute. His pusillanimous conduct in the siege of Visby had graduallydawned upon the king, and ere the close of 1524 report was spread thatMehlen had incurred his monarch's wrath. Though summoned to Stockholm inJanuary to the marriage of the monarch's sister, he did not venture toappear, but wrote a letter to Gustavus begging for a continuance offavor at the court. The answer that came back was characteristic of theking. Stripped of all its verbiage, it was an assurance that the generalreport was wrong. Mehlen might still bask in the smiles of royalty, andmust pay no heed to public slander. In confirmation of these sentimentsGustavus induced the Cabinet to enclose a letter. "Dear brother, " theCabinet lovingly began, "we hear a rumor is abroad that you have growndistasteful to the king, and you are said to shun his presence in fearof danger to your life. We declare before Almighty God we never heardthe monarch speak one word in your disfavor, though we can well believethere may be slanderers who would rejoice to see such discord spread. Wedoubt not you will stamp out such discord with your utmost power. Therefore we beg you pay no heed to evil messengers, but come here atthe earliest opportunity to the king. " This urgent exhortation meetingwith no response, some three weeks later the monarch wrote again, stillwith a show of friendship, but insisting on the immediate presence ofthe erstwhile favorite in Stockholm. So imperative an order Mehlen darednot disobey. Proceeding at once to Stockholm, he appeared before theking, and soon discovered that his worst suspicions were not far fromtrue. The assurances of his monarch's favor had been a blind to decoythe officer away from Kalmar. On the 12th of March Gustavus removed himfrom the post, and appointed another officer, Nils Eriksson, in hisstead. Anticipating that the change might cause some friction, themonarch sent off a whole batch of letters in explanation of his act. Oneof these letters, though a trifle lengthy, is perhaps worth quoting. Itis addressed to the fief of Kalmar, and runs in this wise: "Dearfriends, we thank you warmly for the devotion and allegiance which you, as true and loyal subjects, have exhibited toward us as well as towardthe kingdom of your fathers. You will remember that last summer, when wedespatched our fleet to Gotland to besiege Norby in the castle and townof Visby, and when he found that he could expect no aid from Christiern, he sent his ambassadors to take oath of allegiance to Fredrik, King ofDenmark. His purpose, which we clearly saw, was simply to causedissension between the kingdoms, thus giving Christiern opportunity tocome forward and seize the reins once more. It appearing to us and toour Cabinet unwise to permit a new war at that time to spring up betweenthe kingdoms, we proceeded with delegates from our Cabinet to a congressof the realms at Malmö. There we made a permanent alliance with eachother and the Hanseatic Towns against King Christiern. We agreed, moreover, that our respective claims to Gotland should be left toarbitration. When, now, Norby saw that the dissension which he hadlonged for was not likely to ensue, he disregarded every oath that hehad made to Fredrik, and continued in his old allegiance to KingChristiern. He also feigned a willingness to come to terms with us, ifwe would protect his interests in this kingdom. This he offered, as wehave now found out, in hope of causing discord between us and theHanseatic Towns. He has, too, spread a rumor among the Danes and Germansthat we had entered into an alliance with him against them. Of any suchalliance we assure you we are ignorant. Now, as to Mehlen, we are toldhe does not wholly please you. We have therefore recalled him from hispost, and made Nils Eriksson commander of Kalmar Castle and governor ofthe town and fief. We beg you be submissive and pay to him all rents andtaxes which fall due until we find an opportunity to visit you inperson. He will govern you, by God's help, according to Saint Erik's lawand the good old customs of your fathers. If any among you are foundencouraging dissension or engaged in plots, we pray you all be zealousin aiding Eriksson to bring them to destruction. " Along with this letterGustavus sent one to the burghers in the town of Kalmar. It appears theyhad protested against the taxes imposed on them by Mehlen. There can belittle doubt these taxes were imposed by order of the king. As mattersstood, however, it seemed poor policy to claim them. These are themonarch's words: "Some of your fellow-townsmen have let us understandthat taxes have been laid on you for which you are in no wise liable. Wehave already written you that you are to be free therefrom; but thatletter, we now are told, has never reached you. God knows we grieveextremely that any such burden should have been imposed against our wishand orders, and we hereby notify you that we shall not claim these taxeslaid on you by Mehlen. " Simultaneously with this document others of liketenor were despatched to other persons to allay their wrath. [111]

These summary proceedings of Gustavus made Mehlen more ready to acceptproposals from the other side; and he was further impelled in thatdirection by recent plots among the Dalesmen. The insurrection underSunnanväder, which the monarch had fancied he could extinguish by agenerous supply of salt, had not yet yielded to the treatment. Indeed, according to the best reports, the malady had spread. How serious theinsurrection was, appears from the frequency of the monarch'sexhortations. All through the winter he was writing to the people, condoling with them for the exorbitant price of food, and attributingall their evils to the continuance of wars in Europe. The Cabinet alsoaddressed the Dalesmen, urging them not to ally themselves withSunnanväder, who was disgruntled, so they heard, because he had not beengiven the bishopric of Vesterås. In one of his appeals Gustavus warnedthe rebels to be still, lest Christiern might be encouraged to return. The spectre of their gory tyrant seems not, however, to have hauntedthem, and in February we find that Knut, the deposed dean of Vesterås, had joined their ranks. To him Gustavus wrote a note, assuring him thatthe archbishopric would have been conferred upon him had he but done hisduty. Knut, apparently, did no great benefit to his brother's cause. Only a few days after he arrived, his leader wrote archly to a personwho had loaned him funds, that he could stay no longer in the land, forcertain peasants were already on his track, intending to capture him andtake him to the king. If these suspicions were correct, it was probablyas well for him that he escaped. Some two weeks later these twoscoundrels were both in Norway, waiting for a more auspicious moment toreturn. [112]

Whether their movements were in any way inspired by Norby, is not clear. One thing, however, is very sure. Whomever Norby thought could be ofservice, he did not hesitate to use. In the previous summer, even whiletruckling with Fredrik, he had been in steady communication withChristiern, who was Fredrik's bitter foe. And now, though every onebelieved him to have broken with Fredrik, there was a story afloat thatFredrik's hand was really behind the pirate's opposition to Gustavus. Noone could place the slightest confidence in what he said. In January hestarted a rumor that he was ready to give up Gotland, provided the kingwould grant him a like domain in Finland; but soon it turned out thatthe whole project was a ruse. In February he had so far befogged theintellect of Fredrik as to induce that monarch to request of Gustavus afull pardon for all of Norby's doings. It need scarce be added, thisridiculous proposal met with no success; and Fredrik, almost as soon asit was sent, had cause to rue it, for Norby toward the close of wintersent an army into Bleking, --a province ceded to Fredrik by the Congressof Malmö, --and there spread ruin far and wide. [113]

The relations of Fredrik to Sweden at this juncture are very strange. Though nominally at peace, the two nations were utterly distrustful ofeach other, and at frequent intervals tried in secret to cut eachother's throats. Their only bond of union was their common abhorrence ofthe tyrant Christiern; and whenever Fredrik fancied that danger averted, he spared no effort to humiliate his rival beyond the strait. Oneinstance of his treachery was noticed in the comfort given to Knut andSunnanväder when they fled to Norway. The treaty of Malmö had statedwith sufficient clearness that all fugitives from one country to theother should be returned; and Fredrik, as king of Norway, was bound tosee to it that the treaty was observed. It cannot be stated positivelythat he encouraged the fugitives himself, but it is very certain thathis officers in Norway did, and that he made no effort to restrainthem. [114]

The share Christina had in this conspiracy is likewise doubtful. Soearly as February Gustavus suspected her, and ordered one of hisofficers to keep spies upon her track. As a result one of her servantswas detected in treacherous proceedings and arrested. It appears, however, that she did not merit all the king's severity; for Brask inApril wrote a friend, that the monarch was treating her with undueharshness. She was widely popular, and Gustavus would have been morewise had his hostility to her been less open. "Nescit regnare qui nescitdissimulare, " wrote the wily bishop. Christina was not, at any rate, onthe best of terms with Mehlen, for her boy was kept in Kalmar till thecastle passed from Mehlen's hands. [115]

This last result was not effected till a long time after Mehlen had beendeposed. Before leaving Kalmar he had intrusted matters to his brother, with orders not to yield the castle to any but himself. As soon, therefore, as the new officer approached to take his fief, the reply wasgiven him that the castle would not be yielded till Mehlen shouldreturn. After some three weeks spent in futile negotiation, Gustavuswrung from Mehlen a letter directed to his brother, instructing him toyield. This the monarch sent to Kalmar, April 8, along with a letter ofhis own. Convinced that the whole delay on the part of Mehlen was to useup time, he instructed his messenger to warn the occupants that if thecastle were not surrendered by the 1st of May, he would make them smartfor it. In his letter, however, Gustavus used more gentle language. "Wehave kept your brother here, " he wrote, "in order to protect him fromthe populace, whose mouths are full of scandal about our relations tohim. From your letter it appears you thought we held him inconfinement.... We are minded to treat him well and kindly, unless weshall be forced by you to treat him otherwise. We warn you, however, weshall deal with Kalmar in the way that we deem best, for the town andcastle belong to God, to us, and to the Swedish crown.... Our counsel isthat you obey our mandate, and the earlier you do so the better it willbe for you. " Accompanying this letter was a passport, similar to onedrawn up for Mehlen, to take his brother from the realm. He was not, however, to be allured by passports or even terrified by threats. Thecastle continued firm, and Gustavus began to levy forces to besiegeit. [116]

While these forces were being gathered, Gustavus renewed his efforts togain favor through the land. This he soon discovered to be no easy task. Surrounded by conspirators on every hand, he could not turn withoutconfronting some new rumor. Stories of the most contradictory naturewere set afloat each day. At one time the report was spread throughDalarne that he had cast Christina into jail. After that it was rumoredthat he was sending despatches frequently to Gotland, from which somepersons caught the notion he was in secret league with Norby. Thisnotion was so baleful that Gustavus felt it best to answer it. "No oneneed think, " he said, "we attach the slightest importance to anythingthat Norby says. As he asked us for a hearing, we have promised to lethim have it. He used smooth words to us, and we have given him smoothanswers in return.... As to these slanderous stories, " continuedGustavus, in writing to an officer, "you are aware we cannot close men'smouths. We believe our actions toward our people will bear examinationbefore both God and man. " Such an examination he proposed to make, andon the 25th of March he sent out notice of a general diet to be held inthe early part of May. This notice contained among other things thesestartling words: "If it shall happen that the Cabinet and people thenassembled believe the present evils are in any respect the outcome ofour methods of government, we shall lay it before them to determinewhether they wish us to continue in the government or not. It was attheir request and exhortation that we assumed the reins at Strengnäs, and whatever their judgment now may be, it shall be followed. " Inaddition to this notice, sent to all portions of the land, Gustavuswrote to the people of Mora that he had heard of a complaint from themthat the kingdom was going to pieces and that he was causing it. Heassured them that the rumor was untrue, and that he was doing all hecould to hold the realm together. When these assurances reached Dalarne, the poor peasants of that district were already starving. Half mad withhunger, they called a mass meeting of their little parishes, and drew upa heart-rending though unfair statement of their wrongs. A copy of thesegrievances they despatched at once to Stockholm. It charged the kingwith appointing German and Danish officers to the highest positions inthe state, and with quartering foreign soldiers in the towns andvillages till the inhabitants were constrained to flee. He had further, they asserted, laid taxes on the monasteries and churches, and on thepriests and monks; he had seized jewels consecrated to God's service; hehad robbed the churches of all their Swedish money, and substituted"klippings, " which he then had repudiated; and he had seized the tithes. Finally they charged him with imprisoning Christina and her boy. Theletter ended with a warning that unless he at once drove out allforeigners, released Christina with the others whom he had in prison, and took some measures to better trade, they would renounce allegianceto him. Gustavus received this document while the diet was in session. His answer to the people of Dalarne contained these words: "We cannotbelieve this letter was issued by your consent. Rather, we think, it wasinspired by certain wiseacres among you hoodwinked by Sunnanväder andthe like. That the purpose of these men is to bring back Christiern wehave definite proofs, not only within the kingdom but without. Eversince Sunnanväder went among you, letters and messengers have beenpassing between Dalarne and Norby, the meaning of all which is thatNorby is to attack the government on one side and Dalarne on the other, and that we are to be dragged down from the throne, which is then to behanded over to Norby for the benefit of Christiern. " This letterreflected in some degree the spirit of the diet. The main object forwhich it had been called was to spread an impression that the king wasacting as representative of his people. It was not asked to legislate, and it did not do so. Gustavus, however, went through the farce which hehad promised, and asked the delegates if they wished him to resign thecrown. Of course the answer was a shower of plaudits upon the king. AsGustavus modestly puts it, "The Cabinet and people over all the landbesought us not to resign, but govern them hereafter as heretofore; andthey promised obedience as in the past, swearing by hand and mouth torisk in our service their lives and everything they had. " With thisseductive ceremony the diet was dismissed. [117]

Ere the diet had come together, Norby had made a second irruption intoFredrik's territory in the south of Sweden. Toward the end of March hehad sailed from Gotland with twelve men-of-war, had captured a couple ofthe strongest fortresses in Bleking, and had enlisted many inhabitantsof that province in the cause of Christiern. Fredrik was by this timefully alive to the error he had made in relying for a moment on thepromises of Norby. His anxiety was increased still further when the newswas brought him that Christiern's brother-in-law, the emperor, haddefeated the king of France, and was coming with all his forces to therelief of Christiern. One drop of comfort was granted him when he heardthat a fleet from Lubeck had sailed to Gotland in Norby's absence, andon May 13 had seized the town of Visby. In spite of this disaster, Norby's hopes ran high. He sent letters every day to Christiern, tellinghim that Denmark as well as Sweden was overrun with rebels, and that henow had a chance of restoration such as he had never had before. ButNorby's hopes were at the very highest when the bubble burst. Theemperor proved too busy with his own affairs to send his army to theNorth, and Christiern could not raise the armament requisite for aforeign war. Gustavus, moreover, sent his troops to drive back theinvader, and the Danish nobility enlisted in behalf of Fredrik. Theresult was that ere the close of May the pirate was routed in twoimportant battles. Gustavus literally hugged himself for joy, and sentoff a letter of congratulation to the army that had won the day. "Mygood men, " he began, "you may rest assured that if Norby shall escapeyou and come this way, he will meet with a reception that will cause himlittle joy. From his assertion that he expected aid from us, you willperceive he sought to foster discord between your realm and us.... Wehad already ordered our men in Vestergötland to go to your relief assoon as you should need them, which now, thank God, we trust will neverbe. " The monarch's congratulation was a little premature. Norby's forcewas scattered, but it was not lost. Retiring with his stragglers to oneof the Danish strongholds, he ensconced himself within, and thereremained, --a constant menace to the neighborhood. Late in June thepirate, reduced to the utmost extremity, opened negotiations withFredrik. That monarch, still in dread of Christiern, readily complied. Norby proceeded to Copenhagen, where it was finally arranged that heshould yield the castle of Visby, which the Lubeck army had beenbesieging ever since the town of Visby fell; and that in return thepirate should be granted the whole province of Bleking with all itsstrongholds, to hold as a fief of Denmark. Norby was then conveyed toDenmark, and before the first of August these terms were carried out. Visby passed into the hands of Lubeck, and the pirate returned toBleking to guard his fief. [118]

Gustavus, it need scarce be said, was vexed. The congress which was tohave been held in Lubeck to discuss his claim to Gotland had beenindefinitely postponed. In place thereof, the island had been seized byLubeck, and Bleking--another of the disputed territories--had beenconferred upon a bitter foe. What most irritated him was the closeproximity of Norby's fief to Sweden. He was at a loss, moreover, tounderstand the king of Denmark's motives. "It may be, " he suggested in aletter of July 9, "that Fredrik's purpose was to secure Gotland, andthen deal with Norby as he pleased. However this may be, we must keepwatch on every side. " The same day he wrote to another person, "We arein no wise pleased to have Norby for a neighbor, since we have noticedthat he always seeks to do us harm. " Still, Gustavus believed in makinga virtue of necessity, and a few days later wrote: "We are glad thathostilities between Fredrik and Norby are at an end, and that thekingdom is once more on the road to peace and quiet. "[119]

This letter was written by Gustavus in his camp at Kalmar. The castlethere was still in the hands of Mehlen's brother, though it had beenunder siege about two months. Early in June Gustavus, unwilling to shedmore blood, had ordered Mehlen to proceed to Kalmar and bid the castleyield. The confidence with which the monarch even yet regarded Mehlen isastounding, and the issue proved at once the monarch's folly. Onreaching Kalmar, Mehlen, after a conference with Eriksson, was allowedto enter the castle to persuade his men to yield. The following day, theportcullis was lowered and Mehlen came out upon the bridge. But while hepretended to be crossing, a portion of the garrison dashed out of thecastle and massacred a number of the people, all unsuspecting, in thetown. The alarm was then given to the royal guard, and Mehlen'ssoldiers, finding themselves outnumbered, retired across the bridge. Five days later, Mehlen, with his wife and brother, scaled the castlewall and sailed for Germany, leaving his wretched soldiers to withstandthe siege. If ever there was a cowardly, bustling, impotent, insignificant adventurer, Berent von Mehlen was that man. During his twoyears' stay in Sweden he had dabbled in every project that arose, and hehad accomplished absolutely nothing. He had been the hero of a sixmonths' bloodless siege, that left matters precisely as they had begun;and he had set on foot a conspiracy that had no object and that ended inthe air. It is a pleasure to dismiss him from our thoughts. Hissubsequent career in Germany was of a piece with his career in Sweden. He scurried about from one court to another, endeavoring to raise anarmy with which to conquer Sweden. But nothing came of any of hisprojects, and after a short period oblivion settled on his name. [120]

Gustavus now learned definitely that Norby, ever since his fleet leftGotland, had been in secret conspiracy with Mehlen. He determined, therefore, that, since the pirate had gained a foothold on the mainland, Kalmar must be secured at any risk. So he collected men from everyquarter and sent them down to Kalmar to reinforce the town. Some fewweeks later, as the castle had not yielded, he proceeded to the townhimself. The burghers, hoping the conflict would now be ended, welcomedhim with joy. But the garrison still believed in Mehlen, and confidentlyawaited his return with aid. Gustavus sent an envoy to the castle, topersuade the garrison to yield. The answer was, the garrison would notbe yielded till every one of them was dead. But one course, therefore, was open to the monarch, --the castle must be stormed. This, with theguns which he possessed, demanded almost more than human strength. Thecastle was surrounded on all sides by a moat, beyond which rose aperpendicular wall of masonry twenty feet in height. This rampart waswashed on three sides by the sea, and on the other was protected by abroad deep dike and then an outer wall. From within, the rampart wasguarded by eight huge towers that stood out from the castle-walls, andthe four corners of the ramparts were further strengthened by four moretowers with apertures for crossbows, cannon, and muskets. Such was thefortress that Gustavus, late in July, resolved to storm. He began bythrowing up a line of earthworks, behind which he placed his heavy guns, hoping to batter down the towers and ramparts, while his pikemen andhalberdiers were scaling the unprotected parts. But his men at firstwere lukewarm. The task seemed herculean, and every effort to ascend theramparts met with certain death. Those in the castle fought likemaniacs, the men with guns and crossbows, and the women firing stones. Gustavus, it is reported, stormed and swore, and finally put on hisarmor, declaring that he would either have the castle or die within itswalls. His enthusiasm spread among his men, and they shouted they woulddo their best, though every man of them should fall. The effect wasvisible at once. Each charge left the ramparts weaker than before; andwhen night closed in, there was not a tower or rampart whole. The nextmorning, when Gustavus turned his culverins again upon the wall, theflag of truce was raised. The garrison hoped that if they sued beforethe ramparts actually fell, they might be granted favorable terms. Butthe monarch, who had now lost nearly half his men, demanded anunconditional surrender. As Norby had been conquered, and no signs ofMehlen's succor had appeared, the garrison, after much palaver, threwthemselves upon the mercy of the king. The castle, on the 20th of July, passed into the monarch's hands once more, and a large portion of therebel garrison was put to death. With this scene the conspiracy ofNorby, Mehlen, and their adherents was at an end. [121]

FOOTNOTES:

[105] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 96-98. 

[106] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 98-99; and _Kon. Gust. Den Förstesregistrat. _, vol. I. P. 254. 

[107] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 99-100. 

[108] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, p. 99; _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xiv. Pp. 33-41 and vol. Xviii. Pp. 265-266 and 273-276; and _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 83-86 and 272-276. 

[109] _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xiii. Pp. 107-110; and _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. I. Pp. 281-284 and vol. Ii. Pp. 12and 19. 

[110] _Christ. II. 's arkiv_, vol. Ii. P. 781 and vol. Iv. P. 1530;_Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xiv. Pp. 30-33, 41-44 and 61-65, andvol. Xvii. Pp. 182 and 188-189; and _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 24-26. Some modern writers, unwilling to believe Christinabase enough to marry Norby, regard the whole story of her consent asfalse. It seems impossible, however, that a false rumor should have beenso generally believed by those who knew her. The more natural assumptionis that her ambition caused her to accept the advances of her suitoreven if she did not positively yield to his request. 

[111] Rensel, _Berättelse_, pp. 42-43; _Christ. II. 's arkiv_, vol. Iv. Pp. 1520-1521 and 1527-1533; _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xiv. Pp. 61-65; and _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. I. Pp. 283-284 andvol. Ii. Pp. 7-9, 23-24 and 36-42. 

[112] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, p. 86; _Dipl. Dal. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 39-47; _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xxiii. Pp. 28-34; and _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 3-5, 10-12, 13-14 and 20-21. 

[113] _Christ. II. 's arkiv_, vol. Iv. Pp. 1531-1532; _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xiii. Pp. 124-127; and _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 28-29. 

[114] _Christ. II. 's arkiv_, vol. Iv. Pp. 1485-1486; _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xxiii. Pp. 65-67; _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 33-34, 46 and 49-50; and _Saml. Til det Norske Folks Sprog ogHist. _, vol. I. Pp. 482-484. 

[115] _Christ. II. 's arkiv_, vol. Iv. P. 1530; _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xiv. P. 64 and vol. Xviii. Pp. 269-270 and 276-277; and_Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 24-25. 

[116] _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xiv. P. 45; and _Kon. Gust. DenFörstes registrat. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 72-80, 91-93, 106-107 and 113. 

[117] _Alla riksdag. Och möt. Besluth_, vol. I. Pp. 36-37; _Christ. II. 's arkiv_, vol. Iv. Pp. 1482-1487 and 1496-1497; _Dipl. Dal. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 50-51 and 63-64; _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xiv. Pp. 41-44and 60-61 and vol. Xxiii. Pp. 77-81; _Kon. Gust. Den Förstesregistrat. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 42-48, 52-57, and 110-118; and _Svenskariksdagsakt. _, vol. I. Pp. 32-39. 

[118] _Diar. Minor. Visbyens. _, p. 39; Rensel, _Berättelse_, p. 44;Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 83-84; _Christ. II. 's arkiv_, vol. I. Pp. 7-36; _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xiv. Pp. 55-57 and 72-73; and_Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 59-60, 89-93, 97-102, 119-120, 146-147, 167-168 and 170. 

[119] _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 170-176. 

[120] Rensel, _Berättelse_, pp. 43-45; Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 86-89; _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xiv. Pp. 61-65; and _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 143-144 and 160-161. 

[121] Rensel, _Berättelse_, pp. 45-47; Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 89-92; _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xiv. Pp. 72-73; and _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 143-146, 155-158, 160-165, 168-169, 181-183 and 188. 

CHAPTER VII. 

DEALINGS WITH FOREIGN POWERS. 1525-1527. 

 Negotiations between Fredrik and Gustavus. --Treachery of Norby. --Sunnanväder and the Cabinet of Norway. --Overthrow and Death of Norby. --Trial and Execution of Knut and Sunnanväder. --Debt to Lubeck. --Treaty with Russia; with the Netherlands. --Dalarne and the Lubeck Envoys. --Swedish Property in Denmark. --Province of Viken. --Refugees in Norway. 

The Swedish Revolution was the work of three nations, all foes at heart, endeavoring to effect a common object on utterly divergent grounds. Gustavus wished to free his country from a tyrant's rule, whileFredrik's purpose was to gain the throne of Denmark, and Lubeck's was tocrush her rival in the Baltic trade. Without the alliance of these threeparties, it is not likely that any one of them could have gained hisend. So long, therefore, as the common object was in view, each felt anassurance that the others would not fail. It was only when Christiern'spower was altogether gone that this triple alliance was dissolved. 

The varying hopes of Christiern may be gauged with singular accuracy byFredrik's show of friendship to Gustavus. One cannot read the despatchessent from Denmark without observing a constant change of attitude; themonarch's feelings cooling somewhat as the chance that Christiern wouldrecover Denmark grew more remote. At the moment when Norby returned toBleking, the movements of Christiern caused the monarch much alarm, andhis letters to Gustavus were filled with every assurance of good-will. This assurance, however, Gustavus took at little more than it was worth. So long as Knut and Sunnanväder were protected by Fredrik's officers inNorway, the Danish monarch's assurances of friendship carried littleweight. Gustavus seems not to have appealed to Fredrik in this mattertill every effort to persuade the Danish officers in Norway had beentried. He wrote even to the Norwegian Cabinet, and begged them to keepthe promises made to him in Malmö. While in the midst of theseentreaties, a letter came from Fredrik asking for the release of certainprisoners, among them Norby's daughter, whom Gustavus had captured inthe war with Norby. This was the very opportunity which Gustavus craved. He wrote back that in the same war in which these prisoners had beentaken, some guns belonging to him had been lost, and he offered toexchange the prisoners for the guns. He requested, further, that Fredrikcommand his officers in Norway to yield the refugees. While this answerwas on the road, Fredrik received a note from Norby, to whom Gustavushad written to say that Fredrik had promised that the guns should bereturned. Fredrik, therefore, wrote Gustavus that these guns were not inhis possession, but if the Danish prisoners were surrendered, he wouldtry to get them. When this letter came, the monarch was indignant. Fredrik, it was clear, was playing with him, and hoped to get theprisoners and give nothing in return. The answer which the monarch madewas this: "We have just received your letter with excuses for thedetention of our guns and ammunition, along with a request for thesurrender of Søren Brun, whom you assert we captured in a time of truce. Of such a truce we wish to inform you we are ignorant. He was lawfullytaken, inasmuch as he was one of Norby's men.... As to our ammunitionyou say that it was captured from you and carried off to Gotland. If so, it was no fault of ours. We have written frequently about it, but havemet with nothing but delays. If Norby, who you say has sworn allegianceto you, holds this ammunition in Visby Castle, it is unquestionably inyour power to order that it be returned. So soon as this is done, theprisoners shall be released. " Before this determined letter arrived inDenmark, Fredrik had modified his plans, for news had come thatChristiern's fleet was on the way to Norway, intending to winter thereand make an incursion into Denmark in the spring. Fredrik, therefore, despatched a note to Norby telling him to yield the ammunition, andwrote Gustavus that the guns were ready, and if he would send hisofficers to Denmark for them they should be delivered. A few days lateran officer of Fredrik wrote Gustavus that property of Danish subjectshad been seized in Sweden, and begged that the persons wronged berecompensed. To this Gustavus answered that Swedish subjects had beentreated in the same way in Denmark, and promised to observe the treatyif the Danes would do so in return. He likewise wrote to Fredrikthanking him for his action relating to the guns, declaring that hewould send for them as requested, and as soon as they were yieldedwould set the prisoners free. [122]

This amicable adjustment of their difficulty was on paper, but much moreshuffling was required before it was reduced to fact. Gustavus fearedthat Fredrik was in league with Norby, and rumor had it that Norby waspreparing for another war. Late in 1525, the pirate wrote the Swedishofficer in Kalmar that he had come to terms with Fredrik, and that allthe injury which he had done to Sweden had been forgiven. To this theofficer replied: "I fail to see how Fredrik can have promised that youmay keep our ammunition. " Norby at all events did keep it, and early in1526 Gustavus wrote: "We hear that Norby has let fall calumnies againstus. We place no confidence whatever in him, especially as he is growingstronger every day.... From his own letters we discover he has nothought of giving up our ammunition. " To Fredrik himself the monarchwrote: "From Norby's letters we learn he has no intention of obeyingyour commands. " In the same strain Gustavus addressed the DanishCabinet, and expressed the hope that Norby was not acting under theirbehest. If the Cabinet's assertion can be trusted, he was not; forseveral of the Cabinet wrote Gustavus to keep an eye on Norby, as he wasraising a large force in Bleking despite their orders to him to desist. There being little hope that Fredrik would force the pirate to obey, Gustavus ventured to arrange the matter for himself. It so happened atthis moment that one of Norby's vessels, laden with arms and ammunition, stranded on the coast not far from Kalmar. The monarch's officershurried to the spot, and seized what ammunition they could find. Thisstroke, however, was in some degree offset by a reprisal which Norbymanaged to secure upon the coast of Bleking. Matters now appeared soserious that the king addressed himself to Norby. "We find, " he said, "that a part of the ammunition taken from the wreck off Kalmar is ourown. All the rest of it you may have, provided we are given the guns andammunition promised us by Fredrik.... As soon as these are handed over, your daughter and the other prisoners shall be freed. " This propositionwould have satisfied any man but Norby. To him it seemed unfair. Thefleet of Christiern was looked for early in the spring, and Norbythought by waiting to obtain more favorable terms. He wrote back, therefore, that, though Fredrik may have told Gustavus he should havehis guns, he could not have them, for in the treaty recently drawn upbetween himself and Fredrik, it had been stipulated that all injury doneby him to Sweden should be forgotten, and a part of this injuryconsisted in the seizure of these guns. Norby closed his letter with anoffer to hold a personal conference with the king. The reply which Norbyhad to this proposal was sharp and warm. "We shall permit no nonsense, "wrote the king. If Norby wanted his daughter, let him return the guns. "As to a personal meeting with you, we cannot spare the time. " Norby'spride apparently was not touched by this rebuke. He wrote again, simplyrepeating what he had said before, and in reply obtained another letterfrom the king. "We have already told you, " wrote Gustavus, "that you mayhave your daughter when we get our guns. We were promised them by thetreaty of Malmö, which we desire in every particular to observe. And wewill hand over the property belonging to you in the wreck off Kalmar, ifyou will forward to that town our ammunition together with a promise inwriting never from this day forth to wrong us or our men. " This letter, dated on the 4th of March, was the last communication that passedbetween the pirate and the king. Norby had at length discovered that hecould not dupe the king, and Gustavus deemed it folly to continue parleywith one whose only object was to use up time. [123]

Unable to accomplish anything with Norby, it was more than everimportant that Gustavus should be on terms of amity with Fredrik. Forthe moment it appeared that Fredrik would be fair. At all events, he hadmade Gustavus a generous promise about the guns, and his Cabinet keptGustavus constantly informed about the acts of Norby. In February, whenthe lakes were frozen, the monarch sent, as Fredrik had suggested, forhis ammunition, and intrusted to the same emissary a letter for theDanish king. This letter was in reply to one from Fredrik, asking forthe surrender of a Danish refugee. Gustavus could not comply with hisrequest, for the refugee was gone; but he seized again the opportunityto mention Sunnanväder. "We earnestly entreat you, " were his words, "towrite your Cabinet in Norway no longer to protect this man or any of hisparty. " It was certainly time that something should be done by Fredrik, for at the very moment while Gustavus was writing this appeal, theNorwegian Cabinet were issuing a passport for the traitors through theirrealm; and to a request from Gustavus for their surrender, the Cabinetoffered the absurd excuse that the fugitives themselves protested theywere innocent. "However, " it was added, "the fugitives will return ifthey are given your assurance that they may be tried, as priests, beforea spiritual tribunal. " In this reply the reason for the detention of thefugitives leaked out. They were high in office in the Church, and thearchbishop of Trondhem, with whom they had taken refuge, feared theLutheran tendencies of the king. Fredrik did not wholly share this fear, and on the 4th of March for the first time addressed the archbishop, commanding him to revoke the passport of the renegades. This letterproducing no immediate effect, Gustavus waited about six weeks, and thendespatched to the Cabinet of Norway a safe-conduct for the renegades tobe tried before "a proper tribunal, " and, if adjudged not guilty, toreturn to Norway. The passport was directed to the Cabinet of southernNorway, to whom the monarch used these words: "We marvel much at thelanguage of your northern brothers, and particularly that they aredeceived by the treachery of these rascals, which is well known hundredsof miles from here, and might be known in Norway if the people were notblind. I might tell you how they lay a long while in Dalarne, and in thename of the people sent deceitful letters through the land, to stir uphostility against us. But as soon as the people began to leave them, andthe Dalesmen announced that these letters were not issued with theirconsent, they betook themselves to Norway.... If, now, the fugitiveswill come before a proper tribunal, we cannot and we would not refuse tolet them do so. We therefore send a safe-conduct to guard them againstall wrong, according to their request. If they do not come, it will bemanifest whether they are innocent. " The safe-conduct, it may be well tosay, ran only to the 10th of August following, and no notice apparentlywas taken of it till near the expiration of that time. [124]

Gustavus now devoted himself to the task of fighting Norby. The piratehad given the king of Denmark a written promise that he would do noinjury to Sweden, but it was very soon apparent that this promise wasnot likely to be kept. By the end of January Norby's acts so far arousedsuspicion that Gustavus ordered spies to enter Bleking and discoverNorby's plans. No very definite information, however, was obtained, probably for the reason that Norby did not know his plans himself. Hewas waiting for intelligence from Christiern. Late in March Gustavusfancied the pirate was preparing to depart for Norway. A few daysafterwards, Brask wrote the monarch: "A report is spread that Norby hasseized some seven or eight small craft and two large ships. I do notcomprehend his purpose. Merchants just arrived from Denmark add that theGermans have handed Gotland over to the Danes, though on the other handit is declared that Lubeck has sent a strong force of men and ammunitionto the isle. " The day following the writing of this letter, Gustavusdespatched a note to Finland, with a warning to beware of Norby, for thenews had reached him secretly that the pirate was about to make anincursion into Finland. This was followed, after a week's interval, byanother letter announcing that Norby's fleet was lying at anchor, allready to set sail. The monarch's apprehensions proved to be unfounded. Norby had important business nearer home. Christiern had not wintered inNorway, as some persons had supposed he would, but had continued hisefforts to raise a force in Holland. His efforts had been attended withsome measure of success, and early in May the Swedish Cabinet had wordthat Christiern had despatched a force of seven or eight thousand menunder Gustaf Trolle to make an attack on Denmark. While this fleet wasbelieved to be under sail, the tortuous Norby wrote to Denmark that hewas ready to sacrifice his life for Fredrik, and took the opportunity tocharge Gustavus with every sort of crime. The expedition of Christiernappears to have miscarried, but it so startled Fredrik that he hastenedto rid himself of his doubtful ally, Norby. On pretence of wanting anescort for his daughter, about to sail for Prussia, he asked the pirateto come to Copenhagen. Norby, willing though he was to sacrifice hislife for Fredrik, thought he scented bait. He could not go, he said, unless he did so in his own vessel attended by seven hundred of his men, and as an additional guaranty demanded at the outset that his men bepaid. This was a little more than Fredrik could digest. His answer was aletter to Gustavus, declaring that the pirate was in constantcommunication with Christiern, and meantime spared no efforts to stir updiscord between Gustavus and himself. He was now preparing with a fleetand body of seven hundred men to make an incursion into Sweden. Shouldthis occur, Gustavus might rely upon the aid of Fredrik. For thisgenerous assurance Gustavus in his answer thanked the king, andpromised, in return, that if the pirate should make war on Denmark, Fredrik might count on him. Despite these mutual promises of fidelity, neither party relied much on the other. Gustavus, in a letter to hisCabinet in Finland, openly declared his discontent with Fredrik. However, a common danger kept the allies together, and early in AugustGustavus sent a fleet to Kalmar Sound with orders to make an incursioninto Bleking on the north, at the same moment that Fredrik's fleet wasattacking Norby from the south. For some reason Fredrik did not hear ofthe Swedish movement till the day was won. On August 24 the Danish andLubeck fleets were lying off the coast of Bleking, and, thinking that anattack would soon be made by land, bore down upon the fleet of Norby. Itwas an unequal contest, and the allied fleets were victorious. Seven ofNorby's vessels were captured, with four hundred of his men. Theconquerors then entered Bleking, and placed the district once more underDanish rule. Norby himself escaped across the Baltic Sea to Russia. There he expected to enlist the grand duke in a war against Gustavus. Hefound, however, that he had mistaken the opinions of his host. The grandduke threw him into prison, where he remained two years. At the end ofthat time he was set at liberty by request of Charles V. , under whosebanner he then enlisted. After serving about a year, he was killedoutside the walls of Florence, whither he had been sent with theemperor's forces to storm the town. "Such was the end, " so runs thechronicle, "of one who in his palmy days had called himself a friend ofGod and an enemy to every man. "[125]

Meantime matters had progressed to some extent with Norway. On the 22dof July, the passport issued for the refugees having nearly expiredwithout intimation that it would be used, Gustavus wrote to Fredrik:"Sunnanväder and the other fugitives are still maintained with honor inNorway, and are continually plotting new revolt. They receive especialfavor from the archbishop of Trondhem, who is said to have appointed oneof them his deacon. We have written frequently about them to the Cabinetof Norway, but the more we write the more honor they receive. " Thischarge was proved by subsequent events to be a trifle hasty. Scarce hadthe letter been despatched when Knut, who was probably the least guiltyof the two conspirators, arrived. He came by order of the archbishop ofTrondhem, and along with him came a letter from the archbishop, declaring that, as the king had promised the fugitives they should betried by prelates of the Church, one of them was surrendered. Sunnanväder would likewise have been handed over but that he was ill. The archbishop closed by urging Gustavus to show mercy. It is to benoted that the king had never promised that the tribunal should consistof prelates. What he had said was that they should be tried before a"proper tribunal. " Doubtless it was customary that priests should not betried by laymen, but the practice was not invariably followed, and thelanguage of the passport was enough to throw the conspirators on theirguard. In a case of conspiracy against the crown, the Swedish Cabinetwould seem to be a proper tribunal, and as a matter of fact it wasbefore the Cabinet that this case was tried. The Cabinet consisted ofthe archbishop of Upsala, three bishops, and eight laymen. Their decreewas, in the first place, that the passport did not protect Knut fromtrial, and secondly, that he was guilty of conspiracy against the crown. The decree was dated August 9. On that very day the king of Denmarkwrote Gustavus that he had ordered the archbishop of Trondhem to give noshelter to the traitors, and added: "We are told that you are ready topromise them a trial before yourself and the Swedish Cabinet, afterwhich they shall be permitted to go free. " Gustavus had never promisedthat they should go free, and it was preposterous for anybody to expectit. The only object of the trial was to give the traitors an opportunityto prove their innocence, and if they failed to do so, it was only fairthat they should suffer. As soon as the decree was signed, Gustavuswrote the archbishop of Trondhem that Knut had been found guilty, butthat his life should be spared to satisfy the archbishop, at any rateuntil Gustavus could learn what the archbishop proposed to do with theother refugees. A similar letter was sent also by the Cabinet, declaringthat "many serious charges were made against Knut, which he was in noway able to disprove. " One of the Cabinet members, who had been asked bythe archbishop to intercede for Knut, wrote back: "His crime is soenormous and so clearly proved by his own handwriting, that there is nohope for him unless by the grace of God or through your intercession. "Even Brask wrote: "He has won the king's ill-favor in many ways, forwhich he can offer no defence. " Against such a pressure of publicopinion the archbishop of Trondhem dared no longer stand, and on the 22dof September despatched Sunnanväder to the king, adding, with themendacity of a child, that he had detained him in Norway only in orderthat he might not flee. Gustavus, with grim humor, thanked him for hissolicitude, and begged him now to return all other refugees. Sunnanväderwas kept in jail till the 18th of February, 1527. He was then broughtbefore a tribunal consisting of the entire Chapter of Upsala, twobishops, and a number of laymen. The king produced some sixty letterswritten by the traitor, establishing his conspiracy beyond the shadow ofa doubt. He was condemned at once, and executed the same day outside theUpsala walls. Three days later, his accomplice, Knut, was similarly putto death in Stockholm. Thus ended a conspiracy which had cost themonarch infinite annoyance, and which during a period of three years hadbeen a constant menace to the realm. [126]

What most annoyed the king at this time was the importunate demands ofLubeck. Ever since Gotland, in the summer of 1525, had fallen into thehands of Lubeck, Gustavus had appreciated the necessity of keeping theHanseatic town in check. So early as August of that year the monarchwrote Laurentius Andreæ: "You have advised us to cling to Lubeck andplace no confidence in the Danes, since they have always played usfalse. We are not sure, however, that even Lubeck can be trusted, for wehave no certainty what she has in mind, especially as she is shelteringin Gotland that outspoken traitor, Mehlen. " The Swedish envoys, who hadarrived in Lubeck too late to meet the Danes, as had been agreed inMalmö, seem to have reached no terms with Lubeck, and, when theyreturned to Sweden in September, Gotland was in Lubeck's hands, andLubeck had announced her purpose of defending Mehlen. Her strongest holdon Sweden lay in the fact that Sweden was still her debtor in a verylarge amount. Early in 1526 this burden had become so great that theCabinet passed an act decreeing that two thirds of all the tithesaccrued for the year just ended should be surrendered by the Church tomeet the nation's debt. The announcement of this levy made Lubeck forthe moment more importunate than before. Believing that the money wouldsoon be pouring in, she kept her envoys constantly dogging the monarch'ssteps, and in the month of April Gustavus wrote: "Our creditors willscarce permit us to leave the castle-gate. " They were, therefore, asgreatly disappointed as Gustavus when the money did not come. In JuneGustavus wrote that he had got together ten thousand marks, --a merenothing, --and that Lubeck had written to demand immediate payment of thewhole. "Her envoys have now closed our doors so tight that it is hardlypossible for us to go out. " It was clear that some new scheme must bedevised, and on the 23d of June the king applied to certain members ofhis Cabinet. "We have now, " he wrote, "as frequently before, had lettersfrom Lubeck demanding in curt language the payment of her debt. You areaware that we have often, especially in Cabinet meetings, asked you tosuggest some mode of meeting this requirement, and have never yet beenable to elicit any tangible response. Indeed, you have not had thematter much at heart, but have rather left it to be arranged by us. Youhave, it is true, suggested that the tithes be used, but we find that, though we much relied upon them, they are but a tittle. Our entire taxesfor last year, including iron, skins, butter, salmon, amounted tosomewhat over ten thousand marks. This sum, which would naturally beused to pay the expenses of our court, has been handed over to pay thedebt. The tithes received, which we were assured would be a considerablesum, are shown by our books not to have exceeded two thousand marks inall. The treasury balance has now run so low that we have but a trifleleft, and our soldiers, who are now much needed to keep off Christiernand Norby, must be paid. We therefore beg you take this matter seriouslyto heart, and devise some means by which the debt may soon be paid.... It is utterly impossible from the taxes alone to keep an army and paythis heavy debt, for the taxes are no greater than they were some yearsago, though the expenses are very much increased; and, moreover, we haveno mines to turn to, as our fathers had. " This urgent appeal inspiredthe Cabinet to act, and at a meeting held in August they provided that anew tax be laid on every subject in the realm. In the table thataccompanied this Act, the amounts to be contributed by the differentprovinces were accurately fixed, as well as the amounts to be collectedin the towns. The bishops, too, were called upon to furnish each hisquota, based upon an estimate of his means: the archbishop of Upsalapaying four thousand marks, the bishop of Åbo three thousand marks, Linköping two thousand five hundred marks, Skara and Strengnäs each twothousand marks, Vesterås one thousand marks, and Vexiö five hundredmarks. The amount imposed on Åbo seems unreasonably large, which isprobably to be accounted for by the fact that Åbo was not present at themeeting. Brask, in writing to Åbo, told the bishop that his quota wasthree thousand marks, but did not name to him the individual amounts tobe contributed by the other bishops. Gustavus, in a letter to themembers of his Cabinet in Finland, was even more unfair. He told themthat Åbo was to pay three thousand marks, and added that Linköping andSkara were to pay the same. Brask's letter is particularly important inthat it puts the balance of the debt to Lubeck at forty-five thousandLubeck marks, equivalent to ninety thousand Swedish marks, of whichamount the archbishop and bishops were expected to raise fifteenthousand marks. Brask, with his usual shrewdness, urged the king to paythe debt that autumn, and thus get rid of Lubeck before the winter came. Gustavus doubtless shared with him this view, but there were severalgrave difficulties in the way. Early in October the monarch held aconference with the Lubeck envoys, and found the balance, as theyfigured it, to be larger than he had supposed. Moreover, the peasants inthe north of Sweden declared they could not spare the funds, and urgedGustavus to postpone the levy till a more convenient time. So that atthe close of 1526 the Lubeck envoys were still clamoring for theirpay. [127]

The cramped position in which Gustavus was held by Lubeck made it ofgreat importance that he should be on amicable terms with other powers. So early as 1523, he had sent ambassadors to Russia to ratify the treatymade by Sture. They had returned, however, with announcement that thegrand duke's envoys would come to Stockholm and arrange the terms. Thispromise had never been fulfilled. As soon, therefore, as opportunity wasfound, the monarch prepared to send ambassadors again. The person towhom the matter was intrusted was the monarch's brother-in-law, Johanvon Hoya. In November, 1525, this officer, who had just returned from anexpedition to Lubeck, set sail for Finland, where he already had beengranted fiefs, with orders to determine whether or not it was desirablethat the embassy should go. Considerable delay ensued because Gustavuswas in want of funds. He thought that since the expedition would bemainly for the benefit of Finland, the cost of sending it should beborne by her. It was, therefore, not till May of 1526, when Russiandepredations became unbearable in Finland, that an arrangement could bemade. Envoys then were sent to Moscow, and presented to the grand duke aletter from Gustavus under date of 20th of May. In this document themonarch stated that his envoys had once before been sent to Moscow toratify the treaty made with Sture, but for some reason had never reachedthe capital. Since then great injury had been done in Finland by Russiansubjects. Gustavus desired, therefore, to renew the treaty, and beggedthe grand duke to recompense his subjects, and also to make known to himin what towns in Russia his subjects would be allowed to trade. Thisletter appears to have been some months upon the road, for the grandduke's answer was not given till the 2d of September. In this answer hedeclared that the previous embassy of Gustavus had held a conferencewith Russian envoys, and by them the treaty made with Sture had beenratified. Swedish merchants were allowed to trade in all the towns ofRussia, and all wrongs done to Swedish subjects should be punished andthe persons injured recompensed. On the other hand, he should expectGustavus to punish his own subjects for wrongs which they had done inRussia, and all buildings by them erected on Russian soil must be torndown. While the Swedish envoys were returning with this letter, Norbyreached the grand duke and complained that Swedes had injured Russiansubjects in Lapland. The grand duke therefore ordered that Gustavus benotified of the complaint, and asked to punish the offenders if thecharge were true. When the embassy returned to Sweden, and the monarchfound they had not yet obtained the grand duke's seal, he resolved to goto Finland in the spring of 1527 and meet the Russian emissaries there. This plan, however, was given up for lack of funds, and the Russianemissaries were asked to meet the king in Stockholm. The offer wasaccepted, the emissaries came, and after an elaborate exchange of costlypresents, both parties signed a ratification of the treaty made forseventy years with Sture. The ratification was dated on the 26th ofMay. [128]

The main reason why Gustavus dreaded a rupture between himself andLubeck was that it would cause great injury to his commerce. Immediatelyafter his election in 1523, the monarch in a moment of enthusiasm hadconferred on Lubeck, Dantzic, and their allies a perpetual monopoly ofSwedish trade. In an earlier century, when these so-called Vend Citiescontrolled the Baltic trade, Lubeck would have claimed the monopoly evenwithout a grant. But another branch of the Hanse Towns had ere thisgrown up in Holland, with a power so formidable that the Vend Citiesdared not assert their claim. So long, however, as the privilegesgranted Lubeck were unrepealed, the Dutch Towns were reluctant to incurher enmity by sending ships to Sweden. The result was that practicallyall imports came from Lubeck, and when relations between that city andGustavus became a trifle strained, great difficulty was experienced inobtaining food. To remedy this evil, the envoys sent to Lubeck in 1525, finding themselves too late for the congress with the Danes, enteredinto negotiations with the Dutch envoys that happened to be there. Theyfound at once that Holland wished to trade in Sweden, and was ready todo so if the terms could be arranged. As a provisional measure, theambassadors on both sides promised, August 17, that the two nationsshould remain at peace during the next three years, and before the endof that time another congress should be held to make a more systematictreaty. It was agreed further that in the coming autumn a consignment ofsalt and other wares should be forwarded by the Dutch to Sweden. Apparently this consignment did not come till the spring of 1526, butboth parties were eager to arrange a treaty, and it was agreed that acongress for this purpose should be held in Bremen, May 20, 1526. Thiscongress was afterwards postponed, though the Swedish envoy brought aratification of the former treaty signed by Gustavus under date of May12, 1526, and promised further that salt should be admitted into Swedenfree. A similar ratification was signed by Charles V. , Sept. 19, 1526. This accomplished, Holland opened negotiations with Sweden to the endthat all articles of commerce be placed upon the free-list along withsalt; and she requested further that all the Swedish harbors be open toher ships. So ambitious a proposal terrified Gustavus. He would havebeen rejoiced to grant it, but he feared by doing so to irritate Lubeck. It is somewhat amusing to trace the steps by which he convinced himselfthat such a course was right. Brask, as usual, was the first to questionwhether Lubeck would consent. On the 9th of December, 1526, he wrote:"I advocate the treaty, but I doubt much whether Lubeck will not raiseobjections, for she has wished to have the Baltic to herself. " A fewdays later Gustavus put out a feeler to his Cabinet in the south ofSweden. "So far as we know, " he wrote with caution, "our relations withLubeck and the Vend Cities do not forbid this treaty. " By the spring of1527 he had grown more confident of his position, and wrote as follows:"The provisional arrangement made with Holland has proved greatly to ouradvantage. We now desire to make a perpetual treaty with her beforeWhitsunday next, and for this purpose recommend that Olaus Magni be sentat once to Amsterdam. " Two weeks after this he added: "The privilegeswhich the German cities wrung from us in Strengnäs are so grinding thatwe can no longer adhere to them in all their points. " On the 22d ofApril the monarch had so far removed his doubts as to commission Magnito negotiate the treaty, and he intrusted him with a written promiseover the royal signature and seal, conferring on Holland, Brabant, Zealand, and East and West Friesland the right to enter all the Swedishrivers and harbors, on payment of the customary duties. It is noticeablethat in this document Gustavus did not remit the duties, as had beendesired, nor even promise that salt should be admitted free; and in theletter to his envoy the diplomatic monarch used these words: "Do not betoo liberal, especially in the matter of duties. If they really insistupon free-trade, you must discreetly avoid promising it, and suggestthat probably the privilege will be granted them as a favor. " Brask, whofeared lest these negotiations might cause trouble, hastened to throw afavorable light upon his own position. "You will remember, " he wrote hisfellow-counsellors, "that I opposed the grant of these great privilegesto Lubeck, believing them injurious to the welfare of our people. "Magni, in conformity with the king's injunctions, proceeded to the townof Ghent, where he was given an audience of Margaret, regent of theNetherlands. As soon as the letters of May 12, 1526, and April 18, 1527, were translated for her, she raised a number of objections, chief ofwhich were that the latter letter did not provide that salt should beadmitted free, and did not seem to open to her vessels all the Swedishports. To these objections Magni answered that certain harbors were madeports of entry out of convenience to Gustavus, and as to duties, Magniseems to have assured her that they would probably be taken off. Aftermore palaver, Margaret signed a document accepting the offer assumed tohave been made by Sweden; namely, that vessels of the emperor mightenter all the rivers and harbors of Sweden, paying only the same dutiesthat were paid by Swedish subjects, salt, however, to be admitted free. She expressed a hope, moreover, that other articles might be exempt fromduty too. To this document she attached her seal, July 29, 1527. [129]

It is particularly to be noted that Lubeck did not raise her voiceagainst the treaty. A probable solution is that she wished beyond allelse to secure her money, and felt that Sweden would be more able tomeet the debt in case she were allowed to trade with Holland. Allthrough the winter of 1527 Gustavus struggled to raise funds. Someportions of the country seem to have responded freely, but in Dalarneand other northern provinces it appeared likely that the levy would endin actual revolt. In January Gustavus warned the people that allresponsibility in the matter lay with them. If Lubeck made war upon thekingdom, it would be because of their unwillingness to pay the debt. Asa matter of fact, the Dalesmen had much reason for delay. The monarch, by his ill-judged privileges to Lubeck, had kept the country in a stateof famine, from which it now was just beginning to emerge. Many of thepeople were utterly devoid of means, and the new levy seemed likewringing water from a stone. This in the course of time Gustavuslearned, and in March he prudently suggested to his officers that thetax be modified in special cases. The Dalesmen, however, were not soeasily to be appeased. Other causes of complaint were rife among them, and they formed a compact to the end that no tax should be paid untilthese grievances had been redressed. On the 2d of April Gustavusasserted that the Dalesmen had not contributed a cent. Brask, forreasons that will be manifest later on, was in sympathy with the people, and declared: "I fear danger, for the Dalesmen are reported to beincensed, and rightfully incensed, against the king. If it lay with me, I should remit a portion of the tax rather than give occasion for thisrevolt. " Gustavus, however, was still harassed by Lubeck, and dared nottake this step. As there were several matters to be straightened out inDalarne, he summoned a general diet of the realm. The Dalesmen showingopposition, Gustavus urged the people in the south of Sweden to persuadethe people of Dalarne to come. "We should be glad, " he urged, "if youwould write to the people of Dalarne, and ask them to lay theircomplaints before the diet to be held in Vesterås. We shall thereexplain our conduct, and if our people are not satisfied, shall gladlyresign the throne. The German envoys will be present, and the Dalesmencan then adopt some means to quiet their incessant demands. " All effortsto persuade the Dalesmen failed. They despatched a long list of theirgrievances to Stockholm, but they did not attend the diet. When theother delegates came together, Gustavus laid these grievances beforethem. The Dalesmen had complained, he said, that they were burdened withheavy taxes. If they had been more obedient, a smaller army would havebeen sufficient, and the taxes would not have been so heavy. He toldthem, further, that the whole debt occasioned by the war amounted toabout one hundred thousand marks, of which sum a large portion was stillunpaid. [130] The outcome of the matter was that the delegates voted toquell the insurrection in Dalarne, and if enough money could not now beraised to pay the debt, to levy further taxes. These stringent measureswere not, however, put into effect at once. Gustavus was busy, in theautumn of 1527, with other things; and furthermore a dispute had arisenbetween himself and Lubeck as to the exact total of the debt. The yearclosed, therefore, with the debt still hanging over Sweden's head. TheLubeck envoys accepted all the goods and money they could get, the wholeamount thus paid in 1527 being in the neighborhood of 22, 800 Swedishmarks. [131]

All through this period Gustavus was in constant negotiation withFredrik. Christiern's efforts to recover the crown had been brought to ahalt by the sudden collapse of Norby, and Fredrik had assumed inconsequence a more aggressive attitude toward Sweden. By the treatysigned at Malmö each monarch promised to protect the interests whichcitizens of the other held within his realm. But the ink was scarcelydry when complaints were heard that Fredrik had failed to substantiatethis clause. The most flagrant breach occurred in the case of propertyowned in Denmark by Margaret, sister of the king of Sweden. So greatdifficulty was experienced by Margaret in protecting this estate, thatearly in 1526 the monarch counselled her to sell it. He wrote also tocertain Danish officers, and begged them to defend her rights. Theseexhortations proving futile, Margaret sent her agent to the spot to seewhat he could do. This only irritated the natives, and they fell uponthe agent with their fists. It was reported, too, that the deed wasordered by an officer of Fredrik. At all events, the agent was given noredress, and Gustavus, after urging Margaret's husband to appeal toFredrik, wrote finally to the Danish king himself. He laid the wholeaffair before him, and declaring that he had ever upheld the rights ofDanes in Sweden, urged Fredrik to investigate the matter and punishthose by whom the violence had been committed. With this request theDanish monarch promised to comply; and as we find no further mention ofthe case, it is probable the quarrel was adjusted and the rights ofMargaret maintained. [132]

Another dispute originating in the Malmö treaty concerned the provinceof Viken, which lay along the Swedish frontier in the southeast part ofNorway. This province had joined Gustavus in the war with Christiern, and after the war was over had continued under Swedish rule. In courseof time, however, the inhabitants grew eager to return once more toNorway. With a view to satisfy their longing, Gustavus allowed them, early in 1526, to be governed by Norwegian law and custom. Possibly thiswould have appeased the natives, but Fredrik was desirous for more. Hethought that Viken, being originally a province of Norway, should beruled by him. He therefore wrote Gustavus, and begged a conference tosettle their respective claims. Gustavus, defrauded of his rights inGotland, answered that he would gladly hold a conference to settle allmatters of dispute between them. Fredrik waited nearly six months beforemaking his reply. He then informed Gustavus that the Danish envoys hadappeared in Lubeck at the day fixed for the conference, but that nothingwas accomplished simply because the Swedish envoys did not come. Hetherefore urged Gustavus to name a time and place at which the questionof Viken should be settled. The Swedish monarch had learned by sadexperience that a conference with Denmark meant no benefit to him. Heanswered that his envoys had been sent to Lubeck, as agreed, but hadfailed through stress of weather to reach the place of meeting on theday arranged. Gustavus appears not to have cared particularly to retainthe province, though he was not willing to yield it without obtainingsomething in return. He saw no reason why Viken should be given up toFredrik unless Gotland should be given up to him. In answer, therefore, to repeated solicitations, he declared his readiness to meet the Danishking half-way; he would treat with him concerning Viken, but at the sametime some definite conclusion must be reached about the isle of Gotland. When negotiations had reached this point, they were interrupted for themoment by a new dispute. [133]

Ever since the fall of Kalmar, Christina's boy had been in Stockholm, under the surveillance of the king. Gustavus for some reason had neverliked the boy, and in April, 1527, he sent him to his mother with areprimand, at the same time urging that he be placed for a period underthe quiet influence of some rural town. This incident was the signal foranother conspiracy against the crown. This time the aspirant was a gayyoung hostler, who conceived the desperate project of posing as theregent's son. Relying on his own audacity and on the perennial state ofinsurrection in the north of Sweden, he went to Dalarne with the storythat he had escaped the clutches of Gustavus, whose orders were that hebe put to death. He then proceeded from one village to another, extolling the virtues of the young Sten Sture, and urging the people, since they had sworn allegiance to his father, to do the same to him. The support which he received was small. One or two villages were atfirst deceived, but the majority of them told him flatly that he lied. He therefore followed the course of earlier impostors, and betookhimself to Norway. Approaching first the archbishop of Trondhem, he toldhis story and awoke the archbishop's interest by announcing thatGustavus had fallen from the faith. It being bruited that certain of thechurch dignitaries were on terms of friendship with this impostor, thearchbishop received him kindly, and though he refused to give himshelter, promised he would take no steps to harm him. Gustavus thenaddressed the archbishop and the Cabinet of Norway, urging that thetraitor be returned. He pointed out, moreover, that, Sten Sture havingbeen married only fourteen years before, it was impossible that thistraitor was his son. This argument producing no effect, Gustavusprevailed upon Fredrik's emissaries, then in Stockholm, to join him inhis appeal. An answer then came back from the archbishop of Trondhemthat he had refused to shelter the impostor, though he had promised thathe would not harm him. Since then a letter had arrived from Dalarnesaying that the Swedish king was dead. The impostor had thereforecollected a band of refugees in Norway, and was now once more in Sweden. With this mendacious explanation Gustavus was forced to be content. Thefraud had been discovered, and by the close of 1527 the insurrection inDalarne was practically at an end. [134]

FOOTNOTES:

[122] _Christ. II. 's arkiv_, vol. Iv. Pp. 1510-1511, 1517-1588 and1568-1575; _Dipl. Dal. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 66-67; _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xxiii. Pp. 60-65; _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 169-170, 187-188, 196-197, 204-206, 208-213, 218-219, 240-242, 252-257and 278-285; and _Saml. Til det Norske Folks Sprog og Hist. _, vol. I. Pp. 484-485. 

[123] _Christ. II. 's arkiv_, vol. Iv. Pp. 1576-1584, 1587-1591, 1593-1596 and 1602-1605; and _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. Iii. Pp. 2-3, 13-15, 30-32, 38-39, 61-62, 78-80, 353-355, 364-365, 369-370 and 375-376. 

[124] _Christ. II. 's arkiv_, vol. Iv. Pp. 1585-1587 and 1589-1593;_Dipl. Dal. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 82-83 and 89; _Handl. Rör. Sver. Inreförhåll. _, vol. I. Pp. 23-25; _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. Iii. Pp. 50-51, 55, 57-58, 59-60, 71, 367-369, 372, 373-374 and 381-384;and _Saml. Til det Norske Folks Sprog og Hist. _, vol. I. Pp. 485-486 and488-495. 

[125] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 84-85; _Christ. II. 's arkiv_, vol. I. Pp. 1-144 and vol. Iv. Pp. 1584, 1606-1612, 1614-1626, 1633-1635, 1639-1643 and 1646-1651; _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xv. Pp. 5-7, 19-24, 27-29 and 32-47; _Handl. Till upplysn. Af Finl. Häfd. _, vol. Ii. P. 158; _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. Iii. Pp. 46, 97-98, 110-111, 117, 167-169, 170-172, 188-190, 195-196, 199-200, 203-207, 218-220, 250-251, 256-260, 380-381, 386-393, 394-404, 406-407, 411-414and 415-416; and _Sver. Trakt. _, vol. Iv. Pp. 104-105. 

[126] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 112-114; _Christ. II. 's arkiv_, vol. Iii. Pp. 1075-1083, and vol. Iv. Pp. 1627-1628; _Dipl. Dal. _, vol. Ii. P. 92, and vol. Iii. Pp. 30-32; _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xvi. Pp. 18-20; _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. Iii. Pp. 207-208, 220-224, 326-327, 405-406, 408-410 and 419, and vol. Iv. Pp. 61-62; _Saml. Til det Norske Folks Sprog og Hist. _, vol. I. Pp. 496-513;and _Skrift. Och handl. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 267-268 and 270-271. 

[127] _Alla riksdag. Och möt. Besluth_, vol. I. Pp. 42-56; _Christ. II. 's arkiv_, vol. Iv. Pp. 1492 and 1613; _Dipl. Dal. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 79-80 and _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xiv. Pp. 89-90, vol. Xv. Pp. 29-32, and vol. Xvi. Pp. 15-16; _Handl. Rör. Sver. Inre förhåll. _, vol. I. Pp. 15-18 and 30-31; _Handl. Till upplysn. Af Finl. Häfd. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 185-187; _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 190-191, 222-223 and 229-231, and vol. Iii. Pp. 15-16, 18-21, 32-34, 109-110, 122, 173-176, 179-181, 236-243, 248-249, 294-295, 308-309, 324-326 and416-417; and _Svenska riksdagsakt. _, vol. I. Pp. 39-47. 

[128] _Christ. II. 's arkiv_, vol. Iv. Pp. 1548-1553; _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xvi. Pp. 107-113; _Handl. Til uplysn. Af Svenska hist. _, vol. I. Pp. 121-123; _Handl. Till upplysn. Af Finl. Häfd. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 151-153, 156-157, 161-183, 193-195, 201-205 and 207-209, and vol. Viii. Pp. 14-18; _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 51-52, 225-226 and 242-244, vol. Iii. Pp. 132-135, 141-155, 287-288 and429-430, and vol. Iv. Pp. 127-129, 147-148, 152-153, 196-198 and411-413; and _Sver. Trakt. _, vol. Iv. Pp. 74-89. 

[129] _Christ. II. 's arkiv_, vol. Iv. Pp. 1491-1492; _Dipl. Dal. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 90-91 and 115-116; _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. I. Pp. 1-35and vol. Xvi. Pp. 45-52 and 124-127; _Kon. Gust. Den Förstesregistrat. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 201-204, 206-207, 227-228 and 262-265, vol. Iii. Pp. 51-52, 111-112, 119-121, 308-309, 335-336 and 421-424, and vol. Iv. Pp. 101-103, 113-116, 143-145, 413-414, 419-420 and 428-432;Linköping, _Bibliotheks handl. _, vol. I. Pp. 193-199; and _Sver. Trakt. _, vol. Iv. Pp. 106-124. 

[130] This was clearly a misstatement. It has been already shown (p. 121) that in 1523 Gustavus put the debt at over 300, 000 marks. 

[131] _Alla riksdag. Och möt. Besluth_, vol. I. Pp. 60-61; _Dipl. Dal. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 97, 99-101, 105-109 and 115-116; _Kon. Gust. Den Förstesregistrat. _, vol. Iv. Pp. 6-7, 22-23, 64-65, 66-67, 83-85, 95-96, 102-103, 113-117, 131-132, 163-165, 170, 206-207, 257-259, 333-334, 419-420 and 445-446; and the documents cited in Handelmann's _Dieletzten Zeiten der hanseatischen Uebermacht im Norden_, p. 170. Thequestion of the Lubeck debt is ably treated by Forssell in his _Sver. Inre hist. _, vol. I. Pp. 134-138. 

[132] _Christ. II. 's arkiv_, vol. Iv. Pp. 1666-1668; and _Kon. Gust. DenFörstes registrat. _, vol. Iii. Pp. 41, 57-58, 65, 76-78 and 291-292, andvol. Iv. Pp. 48-49, 68-70 and 426-427. 

[133] _Christ. II. 's arkiv_, vol. Iv. 1622-1626, 1662-1664, 1669-1670and 1671-1676; _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. Iii. Pp. 47-48and 203-207, and vol. Iv. Pp. 45-47, 66-67, 102-103, 113-117, 285-286, 377-382, 398-399, and 439-440; and _Saml. Til det Norske Folks Sprog ogHist. _, vol. I. Pp. 328-336. 

[134] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 104-112; _Dipl. Dal. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 115-116; _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xvi. Pp. 124-127; _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. Iv. Pp. 120, 348-349, 350-354, 415, 419-420, 438-439, 441-442 and 443-445; and _Saml. Til det Norske FolksSprog og Hist. _, vol. I. Pp. 518-528. 

CHAPTER VIII. 

INTERNAL ADMINISTRATION. 1525-1527. 

 Nature of the Period. --Translation of the Bible. --Quarrel between the King and Brask. --Opposition to the Monasteries. --High-handed Measures of the King. --Second Disputation between Petri and Galle. --Opposition to Luther's Teaching. --Banishment of Magni. --Further Opposition to the Monasteries. --Revolt of the Dalesmen. --Diet of Vesterås. --"Vesterås Recess. "--"Vesterås Ordinantia. "--Fall of Brask; his Flight; his Character. 

In most instances the stirring periods of a nation's history are not theperiods in which the nation grows. Warfare, even though it end invictory, must be accompanied by loss, and the very achievements thatarouse our ardor bring with them evils that long years of prosperitycannot efface. Take, as a single example, the dazzling victories ofCharles XII. He was, beyond all doubt, the most successful general thatSweden ever had. One after another the provinces around the Balticyielded to his sway, and at one time the Swedish frontiers had beenextended into regions of which no man before his age had dreamt. Yetwith what result? Sweden was impoverished, commerce was at a standstill, education had been neglected, and the dominions for which his people hadpoured out their blood during many years were lost almost in a singleday. His career shows, if it shows anything, that prosperity isincompatible with war. No man can serve two masters. So long as nationsare in active and continued warfare, they cannot enjoy the blessings oreven the comforts that belong to them in time of peace. 

A like argument may be drawn from the reign of Gustavus Vasa. The earlyyears of the Swedish Revolution were marked by bloodshed. The countrywas in a state of famine, superstition was universal, literature wasalmost without a champion, and art was practically dead. Not till thewarfare ceased did people turn their thoughts to matters of education, of religion, or of other things that lend a charm to life; and even thenthe country was hampered during a considerable period by poverty, --anoutcome of the war. It is in this last period of the Revolution--aperiod of peace--that the chief work of Gustavus Vasa was accomplished. Then occurred the great changes in Church government and doctrine thatmade Lutherans out of Roman Catholics, and in place of accountability tothe pope made every soul accountable to God. In the first few years ofhis supremacy the monarch's opposition to popery was based almostentirely on politics, but by the middle of 1525 he began openly tooppose the Romish Church on grounds of faith. 

The heaviest blow to popery was the order issued by the king in 1525that the Scriptures be translated into Swedish. This all-importantmeasure resulted doubtless from the general dissension that had arisenabout the Word of God. If, as Luther urged, the Scriptures were our solecriterion of faith, it was obviously proper that they should bepublished in a form which every one could understand. Luther hadalready three years before translated the Bible into German, but inSwedish the only effort at a translation was in a manuscript of severalcenturies before, which even Brask knew only by report. Gustavus, therefore, toward the middle of 1525, instructed Archbishop Magni tohave a new translation made. His purpose, he affirmed, was not merely toinstruct the people but to instruct the priests, for many of them werethemselves incompetent to read the Latin version. As shepherds theirduty was to feed Christ's flock with the Word of God; and if they failedto do so, they were unworthy of their name. This reasoning thearchbishop was unable to refute. He was himself disgusted with theignorance of his clergy, and promised Gustavus that the translationshould be made. Not wishing, however, to undertake too much, he devotedhis attention wholly to the New Testament, dividing it into severalparts and assigning the translation of different parts to different men. Matthew and the Epistle to the Romans he took himself. Mark and theEpistles to the Corinthians were assigned to Brask, while Luke and theEpistle to the Galatians were given to the Chapter of Skara, and Johnand the Epistle to the Ephesians to the Chapter of Strengnäs. Theannouncement of this choice was made to Brask on the 11th of June, andhe was asked to forward his translation to Upsala by September 10, whena congress of the translators should be held to arrange the variousportions into one harmonious whole. This project was not received withfavor by the crafty bishop. He felt it to be the knell of popery, and inwriting to Peder Galle he inveighed against it. "We marvel much, " hewrote, "that the archbishop should enter this labyrinth withoutconsulting the prelates and chapters of the Church. Every one knows thattranslations into the vernacular have already given rise to frequentheresy.... It is said the Bible is capable of four differentinterpretations. Therefore it would imperil many souls were a mereliteral translation made. Moreover, laymen cannot read the Bible even ifit be translated, and the clergy can understand it quite as well inLatin as in Swedish. We fear that if this translation be published whilethe Lutheran heresy is raging, the heresy will become more pestilent, and, new error springing up, the Church will be accused of fosteringit. " This letter was dated on the 9th of August. Clearly Brask's shareof the translation would not be ready by September 10. The fact was, Brask had no notion of furthering the scheme. At every opportunity heraised his voice against it, and the weight of his influence was suchthat finally the whole project was given up. The Lutherans, however, were not disheartened. Finding that nothing could be effected throughthe Church, they proceeded to make a translation of their own. This waspublished, though without the translators' names, in 1526. It did not, of course, receive the sanction of the archbishop, but it paved the wayfor new reforms by checking the Roman Catholics in their scholasticdoctrine and by educating the common people in the Word of God. [135]

Brask was now openly beneath the monarch's frown. The rupture betweenthem was becoming every day more wide, and both parties gradually grewconscious it could not be healed. Brask had never forgiven the king forsanctioning the marriage of Olaus Petri. Some six months after the eventhe alluded to it in a letter to Peder Galle. "I am much troubled, " hedeclared, "that marriage is permitted to the clergy, and that no onecries out against it. I have urged the king that Petri be excommunicatedfor his act, that evil example may not spread, but have had only ahalf-hearted answer from his Majesty. " While this wrong still rankled inthe prelate's breast, his ire was further kindled by the monarch'sevident intention to rob the Church of several of her chief estates. Asan entering wedge Gustavus had pastured his soldiers' horses on the richbut fallow lands belonging to the monasteries, and in some cases theofficers had been billeted in the monasteries themselves. Against thispractice Brask protested, and received this soothing answer: "When yousay that this mode of billeting cripples the service of God, you areright, provided his service consists in feeding a body of hypocritessunk, many of them, in licentiousness, rather than in providingprotection for the common people. As to your assertion that themonasteries were not founded by the crown, and hence are not subject toour dominion, we will look into the matter, though our humble opinion isthat the monasteries were originally bound to pay taxes to the crown. "The argument which the monarch strove to make was this: Thosemonasteries which were founded by individuals comprised estates held bythe donors in consideration of military service to be rendered to thecrown; and so soon as the military service ended, the tenure by whichthe lands were held no longer existed, and the crown once more becameentitled to the lands. It is difficult to feel that the monarch's viewwas right. In countries where there is no written law, all controversiesmust be determined by the law of custom, and it is certain that forcenturies Swedish subjects had been allowed to dedicate for religiouspurposes the property which they held by military tenure of the crown. With Gustavus it appears that custom was of little moment. Themonasteries were wealthy, and could be encroached upon without directlyinjuring the people. He resolved, therefore, as soon as possible toconfiscate their property, using a plausible argument if one was ready;otherwise, to close their doors by force. [136]

In May, 1525, the king found pretext for interfering with the Dominicanmonks of Vesterås. That order numbered among its brothers a very largeproportion of Norwegians; and one of them had assumed the generalship ofthe order in Sweden, contrary to the mandates of the king. This seemedan opportunity to play the patriot and at the same time secure a footingin the monastery. So Gustavus wrote to the Swedish vicar-general anddeclared: "We understand that the conspiracy in Dalarne and other placesis largely due to this man and several of the Norwegian brothers. Wehave therefore appointed our subject Nils Andreæ to be prior ofVesterås, trusting that he will prove a friend to Sweden, by expellingthe foreigners and preventing all such conspiracies in future. We begyou also ... To punish all offenders among your brotherhood, that we benot forced to punish them ourselves. "[137]

Later in the same year Gustavus asserted his claim with even moredistinctness to the monastery of Gripsholm. That monastery, it will beremembered, was on the estate at one time belonging to the monarch'sfather. It therefore was a special object of his greed. At a meeting ofthe Cabinet he laid his case before them, and offered to abide by theirdecree. There was, of course, no question what their decree would be. The monastery was adjudged the property of the king, and all the inmateswere instructed to withdraw. This judgment naturally caused an outcry incertain quarters. So Gustavus addressed the monks of Gripsholm withunctious promises, and under the mask of friendship obtained from them awritten statement that they were satisfied of the justice of his claim. This document, a copy of which was filed among the royal papers, bearssingular testimony to the meanness of the king. "Our title to GripsholmMonastery, " the wretched victims wrote, "has been disputed, and, thematter being laid before the Cabinet, they have determined thatGustavus, as heir of the founder, is entitled to the premises. He hasoffered us another monastery in place of this, but we feared lest thattoo might some day prove to be the property of other heirs, and haverequested permission to disband and retire each of us according to hisown caprice. It has now been agreed that Gustavus shall provide us withthe money and clothing which we need, and in return that he shall beentitled to the monastery together with all the property that we haveacquired. " At the close of this affecting document the writers expressedtheir gratitude to the monarch for his generosity. Armed with thisevidence of his good intentions, Gustavus addressed the Dalesmen with aview to calm their wrath. "You are aware, " he wrote with confidence, "that the elder Sten Sture, who was a brother of our father's mother, founded Gripsholm Monastery with property that would have descended bylaw to our father, and that Sten Sture induced our father to append hissignature to the deed. The signature was obtained, however, only oncondition that if the monastery should be unable to keep up itsstanding, Gripsholm and all its possessions should revert to the heirs. Hence we have good right to protest and to claim the inheritance ofwhich our father was deprived by threats and fraud. Indeed, the goodbrothers have considered the matter well, and have agreed to withhold nolonger property to which they have no right. We have therefore offeredthem another monastery.... But they have not ventured to accept it, fearing to offend the brothers already occupying it. So they have askedpermission to go back to their friends and to the posts which they heldbefore entering the monastery. This, at the desire of our Cabinet, wehave granted, since we are ever ready to listen to their counsel, and wehave furnished the good brothers with clothing and money to aid them. Wetrust they will be grateful; and to prove to you that such is the case, we enclose herewith an extract from the letter which they have written. "As the deed conveying Gripsholm to the brotherhood is lost, we cannotdiscuss with thoroughness the merits of the case. It is enough that themonarch's action accorded with the policy which he adopted later towardall the monasteries in the land. The seizure of Gripsholm was justified, at any rate, by a show of right. Of later cases it is difficult to sayeven this. The Gripsholm Monastery had not been closed six months whenGustavus claimed another monastery, this time in the diocese of Brask. The abbot it appears had died, and Brask was busy making a list of themonastery's property, that nothing should be lost. Gustavus wrote toBrask with orders to leave the place alone. "Your fathers, " he added, "did not found the monastery; and even though your predecessors in thebishopric may have founded it, they did so with money belonging to thepeople.... We intend, therefore, to take charge of it ourselves. " Tothese imperative orders the wearied bishop answered: "I feel a specialobligation to this monastery, since it was founded by the yearly incomesof the bishopric. " This assertion, however, proved of no avail. Within ayear the monastery was yielded to the crown, and one of the monarch'sofficers took the entire property in fee. [138]

All things apparently conspired to bring the aged bishop to the dust. The seizure of his monastery occurred at a moment when he was in deepdistress about the newly levied tax. Early in 1525 Gustavus had writtenhim to surrender all the tithes accruing in his diocese for the yearlast past; and following close upon this order, the royal stewards haddeprived him of a right of fishery which he possessed. The haplessbishop murmured, but did not rebel. In writing to a fellow bishop, hedeclared: "The king has recently demanded of us all our tithes, and thechief prelates of Upland have yielded their consent. This policy appearsto me unwise. I dread an outburst from the people, and scarce havecourage to make the announcement to them. " A few days later he said: "Ihave written Gustavus about the tithes, but do not dare to discuss thematter seriously with the people.... Only a year ago the officers seizedour tithes without consulting us. You can imagine, therefore, what thepeople will say to this new levy. However, if his Majesty will notcountermand the order, we shall do our duty by writing and speaking tothe people. The feeding of the army, which he wishes by consent of hisadvisers to impose upon the monasteries, we asserted at Vadstena was aforeign practice that ought never to be introduced. " Despite theseprotests, Brask appears to have obeyed the monarch's orders. He wrote tothe clergy of his diocese urging them to send their quota, and to sendit quickly. "Bis dat qui cito dat, " translated for the ignorant amonghis clergy, "He gives nothing who delays. " The result was precisely whatthe bishop feared. The people fought against the imposition, and Brask, as a reward for his efforts, was accused by Gustavus of being a party tothe revolt. The charge was utterly groundless and unfair. From beginningto end the bishop's object had been to avoid friction, and finally hehad sacrificed his own interests in order to prevent friction with theking. When in January, 1526, it was once more voted that the tithes begiven to the crown, he wrote to all his clergy urging them immediatelyto obey. Gustavus, however, would not be appeased; and a parishionerclaiming that the bishop had withheld some jewels that belonged to her, Gustavus, without examining the matter, wrote to Brask: "The law, as weinterpret it, gives you no power to take high-handed measures of thissort. " A few days later Brask asserted: "The royal officers arebeginning to enter upon the possessions of the Church, much to thedispleasure of the people. " What he alluded to particularly was the actsof Arvid Vestgöte, who had seized Church tithes and committed every sortof violence to the priests in Öland. Against this Brask protested, andbefore the year was over Vestgöte was removed. By this time the spiritof the aged bishop was well-nigh broken. In answer to a summons fromGustavus in 1526, he wrote the king: "Though shattered by illness andthe infirmities of age, I will obey your orders with all the haste Ican, provided the weather or my death does not prevent me. "[139]

Early in 1526, at one of the public fairs, an enthusiast came forwardand announced in public that a leading Lutheran in Stockholm waspreaching heresy, and that the king himself had violated old Churchcustoms in his food and drink. This silly assertion burst like a bombupon the town, and for a short period there was danger that thefanaticism of the year before would be renewed. However, the excitementsoon died away; and Gustavus, when he heard of it, declared the story tobe a fabrication. "Would to God, " he wrote, "that people would examineinto their own lives and not borrow trouble about the lives of others!Let them first pluck the beam out of their own eye, and then they cansee clearly to pluck the mote out of their brother's eye. " Lutheranismhad by this time attained so general acceptance that the monarch deemedit unnecessary to offer arguments in its support. In August, 1526, Laurentius Andreæ forwarded to the archbishop of Trondhem the NewTestament in Swedish, and added that some two or three hundred copies ofthe edition were still unsold, and could be had if he desired them. Thiswide-spread distribution of the Scriptures produced its natural effect. The flame of theological discord that had been slumbering for a yearbroke out afresh. Brask, as an offset to the new translation, interpreted into Swedish some tracts composed in Germany against theLutherans; and the monarch, hearing of this move, sent off a lettercommanding the aged bishop to desist. "Report has reached us, venerablefather, " he began, "that you have translated into Swedish certainproclamations of the emperor against the doctrines now current, ... Andthat you have circulated them among the common people. We are well awarethat these proclamations are used to cast aspersions on us, since we arenot so zealous as he is in opposition to these doctrines. It is, therefore, our desire and our command that you be patient, and sendhither certain scholars from your cathedral to prove that anything istaught here other than the holy gospel. They shall be given a fairhearing, and may postulate their views without prejudice in any way. Andif they can prove that any one preaches unchristian doctrine, he shallbe punished. Furthermore, we object to having a printing-pressestablished in Söderköping, lest it may do injury to the one establishedhere. " Gustavus was determined that the enemies of Luther should defendtheir faith. The disputation between Galle and Olaus Petri two yearsbefore had been unsystematic, and had produced no permanent effect. Sothe king resolved to force the parties to debate again. This time he putdown in writing certain questions, and sent them to the leading prelatesof the land, with orders to forward him their answers. The questionswere similar to those already raised; among them being these: Whether wemay reject all teaching of the Fathers and all Church customs that areunsupported by the Word of God; whether the dominion of the pope and hissatellites is for or against Christ; whether any authority can be foundin the Bible for monastic life; whether any revelation is to be reliedon other than that recorded in the Bible; whether the saints are to beconsidered patrons, or in any way are mediators between ourselves andGod. Gustavus intended that when the answers were all received, a publichearing should be had, and every prelate given an opportunity to refutethe doctrines of his opponents. Some of the Roman Catholics, however, refused to enter the arena. Brask, in writing to the monarch, declaredhis clergy to be satisfied with their present doctrines, and unwillingto discuss them publicly. The bishop also wrote to Galle, hoping todissuade him from the contest. But Galle, it appears, was eager for thefray. He put his answers down in writing, and sent them to the king. Other prelates, it is reported, did the same. The contest, however, presumably from lack of combatants, did not succeed. Petri thereforetook the written answers filed by Galle, and printed them in book form, along with comments by himself. This book does little credit either toPetri or to the general intelligence of his time. Should any one askproof that we are more rational creatures than our fathers, he can do nobetter than study in Petri's book the controversy that raged between theintellectual giants of Sweden at the close of 1526. Of the positionstaken by the two contestants, Petri's was certainly less consistent thanthat of his opponent. Galle declared explicitly: "Not everything doneby the Apostles or their successors is written in the Scriptures;"[140]and on matters concerning which the Bible does not speak we must obeythe practices handed down by the Apostles through the Church. Petri, while granting that many Fathers were inspired, declared we must notfollow their instructions, "lest we be led away by the devil;"[141] andyet the Bible, compiled from various sources by the Fathers, he heldshould be implicitly obeyed. In the light of recent scholarship, bothcombatants were wrong. The Bible is no more intelligible without aknowledge of its history than is the teaching of the Fathers without aknowledge of the Bible. [142]

The contest has its chief value in the opportunity that it gives us tostudy the methods of the king. From first to last it was a blow atpopery and the temporal supremacy of Rome. Each question was worded withthe very purpose of offering insult to the Church. Take for example thesecond question: whether the dominion of the pope and his satellites isfor or against Christ. The monarch could not have thrown the questioninto a more irritating form. Certainly Galle showed forbearance inarguing the point at all. His answer was an appeal to history. From thedays of Gregory popes had enjoyed vast riches along with temporal power;this showed that they were justified in possessing wealth. [143] Galle'slogic on the subject is not altogether clear. Petri's was somewhatbetter. Christ had distinctly told the Apostles that his kingdom was notof this world, [144] and Paul had declared that the Apostles were not tobe masters but servants. [145] Petri then broke out into a tirade againsthis opponent's view. What right, he asked, had Galle to set up Gregoryagainst Christ and Paul? "What authority has he to expound the Word ofGod according to the deeds of petty men? Rather, I conceive, are thedeeds of men to be judged according to the Word of God. "[146] To anassertion by Galle that the Church had held temporal power for the lasttwelve centuries, Petri answered: "For that matter, the Word of God haslasted still longer than twelve centuries.... However, the question isnot how old the thing is, but how right it is. The devil is old, andnone the better for it. That bishops are temporal lords is contrary tothe Word of God; and the longer they have been so, the worse for them. Princes and emperors have granted the pope vast privileges, by which incourse of time he has become their master, till now all men bow down andkiss his feet. Where he was given an inch, he has taken an ell.... Christ told Saint Peter to feed his lambs. But the popes with theirsatellites have long since ceased to feed Christ's lambs, and forcenturies have done naught but fleece and slaughter them, not actinglike faithful shepherds, but like ravening wolves. "[147] This vehementlanguage must have pleased the king. If bishops were not entitled toworldly goods, it was an easy task to confiscate their property to thecrown. A like incentive called forth the question: whether any authoritycan be found in the Bible for monastic life. The question, in that form, permitted no reference to the Fathers. So Galle cited the command ofJesus: "Go, sell all that thou hast, and give to the poor;" and hefurther commended monastic life as a step on the way to heaven. [148]Petri replied that monks did not sell all they had and give to the poor, but clung fast to their possessions, bringing vast treasures into themonasteries with them. [149]

The disputation, while strengthening the hands of Petri, caused amomentary shout of opposition to the king. The cry arose that he wasintroducing strange and novel faiths. His faiths perhaps were novel, butthey were not strange. The strangest feature in the matter was theposition taken by the king. By this time, there can be no question, hewas at heart with Luther; yet, judging from his own assertions, he was afirm defender of the Church. The king's duplicity, of course, is easilyexplained. He wished to rob the Roman Catholics of their power withoutincurring their ill-will. He intended to reform their doctrines, and atthe same time spread abroad the notion that these doctrines had reformedthemselves. Some time before the disputation, he had written to thenorth of Sweden to explain his views. "Dear friends, " he courteouslybegan, "we hear that numerous reports have spread among you to theeffect that we have countenanced certain novel doctrines taught byLuther. No one can prove, however, that we have countenanced aughtexcept the teaching of God and his Apostles. For the faith given us byour fathers we shall battle so long as life remains, and die, as ourfathers died before us, in the faith. The seditious libels spread bySunnanväder and his followers have occasioned all the injury that hasfallen in days gone by upon this kingdom, as every reasonable man mustknow. Doubtless there are among the clergy as well as among the peoplemany who are conscious of what they ought to do. But certain monks andpriests have raised this cry against us, chiefly for the reason that wehave denounced their ambitious projects and their unrighteous dealingstoward the people. If any person owes them anything, they withhold fromhim the sacrament, and thus wring his money from him against the law ofGod.... Again, if a man kills a bird or catches a fish on the Sabbathday, they fine him in behalf of their bishop. This they have no right todo unless the act is committed during church service, when the culpritshould have been listening to the Word of God. Again, whenever a priesthas wronged a layman, the layman is practically without a remedy. Heought, however, to have the same remedy as the priest. Again, if alayman kills a priest, he is at once put under the ban, whereas if apriest kills a layman, he is not put under the ban. Yet God hasforbidden priests to kill laymen as well as laymen to kill priests, making no difference in fact between them, but commanding all men to beaffectionate and peaceable toward one another. Finally, if a priest diesintestate, his heirs lose their inheritance and his property is taken bythe bishop. Even the crown estates, which they know we are bounden byour oath of office to protect, they have confiscated, and now theyproclaim that we have introduced new faiths and doctrines taught byLuther. All we have done, as you already know, is to command them not tocarry on their ambitious practices to the ruin of our realm. " Thisexplanation did not wholly calm the peasants; and when they foundGustavus holding another contest over their religious tenets, theirsuspicions were aroused again. Gustavus determined, therefore, that hemust take some drastic measure to prevent revolt. What he needed was avote of all the people to support his views. So he issued a proclamationin January, 1527, informing the whole country that, since he wasreported to be introducing new beliefs, he should soon summon a generaldiet to discuss the more important matters of belief, particularly theoverweening power of the pope. [150]

To this serious step Gustavus was impelled by several things. In thefirst place he desired to fortify himself against the pope. During thelast three years the pope had practically been without authority inSweden. Gustavus had selected as his bishops men whose actions he wasable to control, and the pope had deprived himself of even thesemblance of authority by refusing to confirm them. However, the nominalsupremacy of Rome was not yet shaken off; and until it was so, there wasconstant danger that her actual supremacy would revive. The monarch'schief anxiety concerned Archbishop Magni. That prelate owed hisappointment mainly to the pliability of his temper, and to theassumption on the monarch's part that he would prove a ready tool. Inthis assumption Gustavus had soon discovered he was wrong. Magni, thoughof pliant temper, was a thorough Papist, and, as time went on, displayeda growing tendency to oppose the king. In consequence he gradually fellfrom favor, till he became an object of open distrust. The earliestevidence of this feeling appeared in 1525, when Magni, as one of theenvoys sent to Lubeck, was warned to take no action without theacquiescence of the other envoys. This mandate was issued from a fearlest Magni should encourage Lubeck to raise her voice against the spreadof Lutheranism in the Swedish kingdom. How far this fear was justified, it is difficult to say. As Lubeck had not yet embraced the Reformation, she doubtless sympathized in some degree with Magni, but there is notthe slightest evidence that Magni was unfaithful to the king. InFebruary, of the following year, when Magni was starting for theNorwegian frontier to administer the rite of confirmation, he wrote thearchbishop of Trondhem that he would like to meet him and discuss thedangerous condition of the Church. Gustavus, hearing of the contents ofthis letter, was aroused again. The archbishop of Trondhem had givenoffence by harboring Swedish refugees, and Magni's simple letter causedthe monarch to believe that the two archbishops were, as he expressedit, "in secret negotiation. " Some two months later, Gustavus being inthe archbishop's palace, a stately feast was given in his honor. Thisonly added to the feud. The monarch was incensed to find that Magni wascapable of such display. Hot words ensued between them, and finally thearchbishop was arrested and conveyed to Stockholm. There he was chargedwith conspiracy against the king. Certain letters that had passedbetween him and the Roman Catholics of Germany were produced; and thoughthey showed no evidence of fraud, the archbishop was remanded to hisprison to await the further disposition of his case. Never was greaterinjustice done a worthy man. There was not a scintilla of evidenceagainst him. He was a generous, kindly, single-minded prelate, and theonly reason for this cruelty was that he had no sympathy with themethods of the king. After some months in prison he was released uponthe pretext of an embassy to Poland. Nobody could be ignorant what thispretext meant. He was to be an exile from his native land. He sailedfrom Sweden in the autumn of 1526, never to return. By such ignoblepractices the monarch cleared his path. [151]

After the banishment of Archbishop Magni, Gustavus gave free rein tohis ambition. The principal object of his greed was still themonasteries and convents. The practice of quartering his soldiers inthem was by this time accepted as a necessary evil. But in August, 1526, he raised a new pretension. The provost of the Åbo Chapter having died, its members had chosen another in his stead, and had begun to distributehis property in accordance with a will that he had left, when a lettercame from Sweden ordering them to stop. After expressing surprise thatthey should have chosen a provost without consulting him, Gustavusadded: "We learn that your last provost left a large amount of propertyby his testament to those persons to whom he wished to have it go. It isclear, however, that it would do more good if given to the public, sincethe kingdom is in a state of distress brought on by the long-protractedwar against King Christiern. We therefore command you, afterdistributing the legacies given to his family and friends as well as thepoor, to hand the balance over to us to pay the nation's debt. " Againstthis high-handed measure there was no redress. It was but part of apolicy by this time well established in the monarch's mind. Some sixmonths later, the burgomaster and Council of Arboga wrote Gustavus thataffairs in their monastery were managed in a very slipshod way; thatwhen a brother died, the prior took possession of his estate, and themonastery itself got nothing for it. To prevent this state of things, Gustavus sent an officer to take up quarters in the monastery and sendhim a list of all the property he could find. "You will discover also, "he declared, "some chests belonging to foreign monks. Take a look atthem, and see what they contain. " This letter, it should be remembered, was not intended for the public eye. Gustavus was careful to keep hisactions dark, and, the monks of Arboga being accused of secretingcertain treasures, the royal officer was instructed to make a diligentinvestigation, but to lay his hands on nothing until he received morepositive commands. He was careful, also, that his practice ofconfiscating Church property should not be taken as an excuse forprivate individuals to do the same. In one case, where such a thing wasdone, he denounced the perpetrator in the strongest terms. Moreover, when the monasteries began to murmur against the soldiers quartered withthem, he sent out an open letter to them, declaring that he hadinstructed his officers to be as courteous to them as they could. It maybe noted, however, that he showed no signs of mitigating theirdistress. [152]

Early in 1527 Gustavus determined that the crucial moment for theReformation had arrived. Dalarne, as usual, was in a state ofinsurrection, and every effort which he made to check the Church calledforth a storm of imprecations from the northern provinces. The taximposed upon the Dalesmen being still withheld, it was particularlynecessary that the insurrection should be stayed. In February, therefore, Gustavus wrote a letter to appease the people. "Dearfriends, " began the monarch, "we understand a report is spread amongthe people that some new creed is preached here to the dishonor of God, the Virgin, and the saints. Before God we declare this rumor to befalse. Nothing is here preached or taught except the pure word of God, as given by Christ to his Apostles.... It is indeed true, thatdenunciations have been heard in public against the vice and avarice ofthe clergy, and against the flagrant abuse of their privileges. Theyhave oppressed the ignorant with excommunication, withholding of thesacrament, and all sorts of impositions. Wholly without authority fromHoly Writ, they have imposed their Romish indulgences upon you, carryingvast treasures of gold and silver out of the kingdom, thus weakening ourrealm and impoverishing our people, while the high prelates have grownrich and haughty toward the lords and princes from whom these veryprivileges were derived.... We therefore urge you all by your swornallegiance, not to be deceived by false rumors about us, doubtingnothing that we shall move heaven and earth to promote your interests. And we beg you earnestly to believe that we are as good a Christian asany living man, and shall do our utmost to promote the Christian faith. "Every one could see that this assertion was intended to persuade theDalesmen to pay the newly levied tax. As the effort proved withoutavail, the monarch called a general diet to be held on the 9th of June, the object being, as he declared, to put an end to the dissension thathad arisen in divine affairs. Later, the diet was postponed to June 15, and, to appease the Dalesmen, was ordered to be held in Vesterås, acity that was near their province. [153]

Before the day appointed for the diet, a long list of their grievanceswas drawn up by the Dalesmen and sent to Stockholm to the king. To thesecomplaints Gustavus issued a reply, in which he strove to pacify themalcontents and thus obtain their presence at the diet. The complaintsthemselves are somewhat trivial, but the monarch's answer is importantas an instance of his peculiar power in avoiding discord withoutdirectly compromising his affairs. To their murmur at the abolition ofthe mint in Vesterås, and the scarcity of coins of small denominations, he answered that the mint was closed because the mines adjacent were nolonger worked; so soon as the mines in question should be opened hewould reinstate the mint, and moreover he would please them by issuingsmall coins. As to the complaint of heavy taxes, the Cabinet wereresponsible for that. He would say, however, that he did not contemplateany further tax. The practice of billeting in the towns and monasterieswas made necessary by the paucity of land about the royal castles, butthis necessity he hoped would not exist much longer. The charge ofreducing the number of monasteries and churches he denied. He had notclosed a single monastery except Gripsholm, which was the property ofhis father and had been made a monastery against his father's will. Tothe ludicrous charge that he was planning to restore Archbishop Trolle, he made a flat denial. One thing, he said, was certain, --those whofavored Trolle favored Christiern; he could scarce be charged with that. Finally, the Dalesmen complained of Luther's teachings, particularly thedoctrines that were taught in Stockholm and the practice of allowingSwedish chants and hymns. To this he could say only that he had orderednothing to be preached except the Word of God; and as to Swedish chants, he could see no reason for punishing in Stockholm what was permitted inall other portions of the kingdom; it was certainly better to praise Godin a language that everybody understood than in Latin, which no oneunderstood. "I wonder much, " he said in closing, "that the Dalesmentrouble themselves concerning matters of which they have no knowledge. It would be wiser to leave the discussion of these things to priests andscholars.... I do not believe, however, that these complaints are madeof your own free will, but rather at the instigation of certain priestsand monks, whose desire is to keep the truth unknown. " This sentencewith which he closed contains the pith of the entire letter. The monarchfelt that in the coming contest the opposing parties were to be theChurch and State. He endeavored, therefore, by every means to win theDalesmen to his side. Letters were despatched to Dalarne from variousportions of the realm, to instruct the peasants that if they persistedin their opposition to Gustavus, they would have to fight alone. TheDalesmen, however, were no more influenced by threats than bypersuasion. They stood firm in their determination; and when the dietassembled on the 24th of June, no delegates from Dalarne appeared. [154]

The Diet of Vesterås is the bulwark of the Swedish Reformation. It isthe first embodiment in the Swedish law of the reforms of Martin Luther. Gustavus had been making ready for this diet ever since the day of hiselection, and at last the opportunity was ripe. One by one the prelatesthat were hostile to his views had been removed; and Brask, the only manof strength that still held out against him, was tottering to the grave. His enemies abroad had been by this time silenced, and except in thelittle province of Dalarne, Sweden was at peace. It was this revoltamong the Dalesmen that served as a pretext for the diet. Gustavus wastoo shrewd a politician to make an open avowal of his aim. He announcedthat the purpose of the diet was to quell the constant riots in therealm, and hinted with mock innocence that he wished also to end thedissension that had arisen in matters of the Church. Among the personswho answered to the summons we find the names of four bishops, includingBrask, together with representatives from Upsala and all the otherChapters excepting Åbo. Beside these, there were present one hundred andforty-four of the nobility (of whom sixteen were Cabinet members), thirty-two burghers, one hundred and five peasants, and fourteendelegates from the mining districts. The king's design had been mademanifest before the diet met; for on the previous Sunday, at a banquetgiven by him to the delegates already arrived in Vesterås, he had takenespecial pains to show the bishops that their temporal supremacy was atan end. Despising every venerated custom, he had ranged about himselfthe higher members of the nobility, and had consigned the bishops to aninferior position. The affront thus put upon them galled them to thequick, and on the following day they held a secret meeting to discusstheir wrongs. All of the bishops present excepting Brask discerned thehopelessness of their cause, and advocated a humble submission to themonarch's will. But Brask was boiling over with indignation. He sprangto his feet and shouted that they must be mad. If the king wanted todeprive them of their rights by force, he might do so. But they oughtnever to consent to such a course, lest they might thereby offend theHoly See. In times gone by, princes had frequently attempted the samething that Gustavus was attempting now, but the thunders of the Vaticanhad always overwhelmed them. If the bishops now should fall away fromtheir allegiance to the pope, their only refuge would be gone. Theywould become mere puppets of the king, afraid to speak a word in favorof their old prerogatives. These sentiments of Brask's were listened towith favor. The warmth with which he spoke produced its natural effect, and before the prelates parted they drew up a set of "protests, " as theycalled them, agreeing never to abandon the pope or accept a singlearticle of Luther's teaching. To these "protests" the prelates allattached their seals; and fifteen years afterward the document wasdiscovered under the floor of Vesterås Cathedral, with all the sealsattached. [155]

Directly following this secret session of the prelates, the general dietassembled in the grand hall of the monastery. The proceedings openedwith a laborious address from Gustavus, --his secretary, LaurentiusAndreæ, acting as spokesman for the king. This address reviewed theentire history of the monarch's reign. He began by thanking his subjectsfor their presence at the diet, and went on to remind them that he hadalready more than once expressed his willingness to resign the crown. Nothing had induced him to retain it except their earnest prayer. He hadtherefore striven, night and day, to promote the welfare of his people, and in return for all his labors insurrection had sprung up on everyhand, till now, the Dalesmen having once again rebelled, he wasdetermined that he would no longer be their king. They charged him nowwith imposing heavy taxes, with keeping up the price of food, withbilleting his soldiers in the towns and monasteries, with robbingchurches and confiscating religious property, with favoring new creedsand sanctioning new customs. All these charges were untrue. He hadcommanded that nothing should be preached except the Word of God; buthis orders had not been obeyed, for the people preferred to cling totheir ancient customs, whether right or wrong. As it was impossible, under the present system, to avoid continual rebellion, he wished toretire from the government. If they desired him to remain, some methodmust be found to increase the royal income. He was at present whollyunable to pay the expenses of his army, for war had grown to be a muchmore costly matter than it was in former days. Other expenses, too, werevery heavy. The cost of embassies to foreign powers was a serious drainupon his revenue. Moreover, the royal castles had all sunk into decayand must be rebuilt; and if he married the daughter of some foreignprince, a vast outlay would be required. The nobility also wereimpoverished through constant warfare, and were calling on the crown foraid. His present income was twenty-four thousand marks per annum, whilehis expenses in round numbers amounted to sixty thousand marks. [156]

At the close of this address Gustavus called upon the knights andbishops to reply. Although the monarch's speech had not in termsdenounced the bishops, it was clear to all men that his purpose was tohumble them. The duty of making answer, therefore, naturally fell toBrask. That venerable prelate rose, and with his usual complaisancedeclared that, having sworn allegiance to his gracious lord the king, hefelt in duty bound to honor his commands. He had, however, by his oathof office promised to do nothing contrary to the will of Rome; and sincethe pope had ordered him and the other prelates to defend all property, whether real or personal, of the holy Church, they must not consent tosacrifice their rights. But he would promise that any deacons, priests, or monks who might devise tricks or superstitious practices notprescribed by their superiors, should be ordered to desist and should bepunished. [157]

At this, Gustavus demanded of the Cabinet and nobility whether they weresatisfied with the answer. As none seemed eager to defend the monarch'scause, Gustavus took the floor himself and said: "I have no furtherdesire, then, to be your king. Verily I had not counted on suchtreatment at your hands. I now no longer wonder at the perversity of thepeople, since they have such men as you for their advisers. Have they norain? They lay the blame on me. Have they no sun? Again they lay theblame on me. When hard times come, hunger, disease, or whatever it maybe, they charge me with it, as if I were not man, but God. This is yourgratitude to me for bringing corn and rye and malt at great expense andtrouble from foreign lands, that the poor of Sweden might not starve. Yea, though I labor for you with my utmost power both in spiritual andin temporal affairs, you would gladly see the axe upon my neck; nay, youwould be glad to strike the blow yourselves. I have borne more labor andtrouble both at home and abroad than any of you can know orunderstand, --and all because I am your king. You would now set monks andpriests and all the creatures of the pope above my head, though we havelittle need of these mighty bishops and their retinue. In a word, youall would lord it over me; and yet you elected me your king. Who undersuch circumstances would desire to govern you? Not the worst wretch inhell would wish the post, far less any man. Therefore I, too, refuse tobe your king. I cast the honor from me, and leave you free to choose himwhom you will. If you can find one who will continue ever to please you, I shall be glad. Be so considerate, however, as to let me leave theland. Pay me for my property in the kingdom, and return to me what Ihave expended in your service. Then I declare to you I will withdrawnever to return to my degenerate, wretched, and thankless nativeland. "[158]

After this burst of passion, the monarch strode in anger from the hall. He had studied his position well, and knew that his opponents in the endmust yield. No sooner had he left the meeting than his secretary roseand sought to bring the members to the monarch's views. "My good men, "he began, "let us arrive at some conclusion in this matter, seeking aidfrom God. It is a weighty question that we are to answer, and one uponwhich hangs the welfare of our people. You heard the king say trulythere were but two courses open. One was to follow his request, imploring him to be our leader hereafter as heretofore; the other was tochoose the king's successor. " But the delegates continued silent, andadjourned toward evening without putting the question to a vote. [159]

During three whole days the deadlock lasted. From the inactivity of theking's adherents, it would seem that they were acting according toadvice. Gustavus wished to force his enemies' hand. It was clear toeverybody that the blessings conferred by him on Sweden were beyond allpraise, and he was confident that no one would be rash enough to talkseriously about selecting another for the throne. His object was to waituntil the patience of his enemies was exhausted, in the hope thatultimately the offer of a compromise should come from them. If suchmethods of procedure are to be allowed, it must be granted that themonarch's policy was shrewd. During the three days following his stormyaction in the diet, he kept himself in the castle, entertaining histrusty courtiers and feigning utter indifference to what was going onoutside. On the very day after his withdrawal, this independent policybegan to tell. The bishop of Strengnäs was apparently the first towaver. He appreciated the folly of longer holding out against the king, and rose to say that he regarded such a step as fraught with danger. Something must be done, he said, without delay. To put aside Gustavusand elect another king was simply childish, and to buy up all hisproperty would be impossible. While he wished the clergy's rights to beprotected, he asked for nothing that would be a detriment to the realm. Matters in general were now improving, and the future apparently wasbright. If Gustavus should be permitted to withdraw, nations that hadever coveted the kingdom would no longer leave it unmolested. The effectof these words was in a measure lost through a wrangle that ensuedbetween Laurentius Petri and the Papist champion, Peder Galle. What theywere fighting over, no one knew, for Petri made his argument in Swedishfor the benefit of the people, and Galle would not answer in anythingbut Latin. Nothing had been accomplished, therefore, when thedisputation ceased. And the morning and the evening were the secondday. [160]

When the diet once more came together, the battle opened withreplenished strength. By this time the peasantry and burghers had prettygenerally sided with the king, and threats were heard that, if theknights persisted in their stubborn purpose, they would be made tosuffer for it. This language proved more efficacious than persuasion. The knights and bishops could agree upon no policy, nor upon a leader. They were terrified, moreover, by the preponderance in number of theirfoes. As a consequence, they gradually weakened, till at last thedelegates all voted to obey the monarch's will. Andreæ and Petri weretherefore chosen to approach Gustavus and inform him that the delegateswould now consent to his requests. Gustavus then indulged once more hislove of masquerade. He feigned reluctance to accept the proffered honor, and scorned the delegates who came to him upon their knees. One afteranother the recalcitrant members grovelled in the dust before him, andbegged that he would show them mercy. This was the sort of ceremony thatthe monarch loved. He kept his enemies in their humble posture till hisvanity was glutted, and then declared that he would go before the dieton the following day. [161]

Gustavus was at last in a position to dictate to the diet. Theopportunity for which he had been longing since his first acceptance ofthe crown was now at hand. He had won an unconditional victory overevery one of his opponents, and he was minded to use this victory forall that it was worth. It is matter of regret that practically noaccount is given us of the steps by which the measures that he sought tohave enacted were attained. This very meagreness, however, is strongevidence that the measures were enacted without much friction. Apparently, the only object of the delegates now was to suit theiraction to the monarch's will. They therefore adopted as their guidingstar the propositions with which the diet had been opened by the king, and formulated a set of answers in conformity therewith. These answerswere drawn respectively by the Cabinet and nobility, by the burghers andmountaineers, and by the common people. It is worthy of more thanpassing notice that no answer was presented by the clergy. Indeed, theclergy appear to have been regarded in the light of victims. The wholeobject of the diet was to crush the Church, and the clergy were notpermitted even to have a hand in the proceedings. The monarch's notionwas to give the clergy no voice whatever in the diet, but after the laydelegates had formulated their resolves, to force the bishops to issue aproclamation certifying their assent. 

It seems desirable to describe in brief the answers which the differentclasses of delegates presented. The Cabinet and nobility began bypromising that, if the rebellion in Dalarne were not already quelled, they would use every measure in their power to attain that end. Theywere satisfied with the monarch's seizure of Gripsholm. They deemed itproper, since the royal rents were small, that Gustavus be at libertyto grant the monasteries of the land as fiefs, but not, however, toexpel the monks. In order to increase the wealth of the nobility, theyadvocated that all property granted by former noblemen to churches ormonasteries since 1454 revert to the donors' heirs, though not untilsuch heirs should prove their title. To augment the crown's resources, they believed the bishops, chapters, and cathedrals should surrender tothe king all that portion of their income which they did not absolutelyneed. No one should be permitted to preach falsehood or anything beyondthe simple Word of God, and old Church customs ought to bemaintained. [162]

The burghers and mountaineers gave their answer in a similar vein. Theybegged Gustavus to remain their king, and promised to defend him withtheir blood. They would express no opinion concerning Dalarne till theDalesmen who were going thither should bring back their report. Sincethe monks were clearly at the bottom of the trouble, no monk should bepermitted to leave his monastery more than twice a year. Gustavus shouldbe given the right of billeting whenever it were necessary. Beforedeciding about the new beliefs they wished to hear a disputation on thesubject. As the rents of the nobility and crown had been diminished bythe Church, the Church ought certainly to restore them; and the mode ofrestoration should be determined by Gustavus and his Cabinet. The royalcastles having been demolished, the prelates should surrender theirsuntil the castles belonging to the crown could be rebuilt. Finally, fromthat day forth no bishop ought to send to Rome for confirmation. [163]

The answer of the common people began with a promise that they would goto Dalarne and inflict punishment upon the traitors; and since manymonks were in the habit of inciting the people to rebel, it seemeddesirable that they be permitted to leave their monasteries only twiceeach year. Gustavus might quarter his soldiers in the monasterieswhenever it was necessary. The churches and monasteries near Stockholm, having in times past given shelter to the enemy, should be torn down andtheir materials used to repair the city walls. All matters of creed theywere willing to leave to the bishops and prelates, but asked that adisputation on these subjects might be had in presence ofrepresentatives of the people. The king should have authority toincrease his revenue in the way that seemed to him most fitting. Theking might take the bishops' castles till his own could be rebuilt. Theproper disposition of the Church incomes they were content to leave tothe king and his Cabinet. [164]

One cannot but be startled by the revolutionary tendency of thesereplies. Never before had such a thing been dreamt of as the surrenderof all the bishops' castles to the crown. Gustavus must have beenbewildered by his own audacity. Within four days the diet that had cometogether puffed up by a consciousness of its own magnificence, had sunkinto a position of absolute servility. Things had been granted by thedelegates which, when the diet opened, Gustavus had not even dared toask. The very mode in which the votes were taken and the acts werepassed, shows how completely everybody answered to the monarch's nod. Instead of the answers being submitted to a general vote, they were laidbefore the Cabinet to be passed upon by them. In defiance of everyprecedent, the Cabinet usurped the right to clothe the diet's sentimentin language of their own. The result was a decree promulgated in thediet's name and celebrated in Swedish history as the Vesterås Recess. Bythis decree the delegates asserted, every one of them, that they woulddo their utmost to punish all conspiracies against the king. Theydeclared, moreover, that as the royal incomes were but meagre, themonasteries and churches must come to the relief, and, to prevent alldanger, no bishop should keep up a larger retinue than the king allowed. All bishops and cathedrals, with their chapters, must hand over to theking all income not absolutely necessary for their support. Since manymonasteries were dilapidated and their lands were lying waste, anofficer must be appointed by the crown to keep them up and hand over alltheir rents not needed for that purpose to the crown. The nobility weredeclared entitled to all property that had passed from their ancestorsto the Church since 1454. Finally, Gustavus was ordered to summon thetwo factions in the Church to hold a disputation in presence of thediet, and the members promised to quell the outcry that had arisenagainst Gustavus and to punish the offenders. [165]

It is reported that something in the nature of a disputation was nowheld. But its significance, at any rate, was small. The bishops andtheir clergy were to all intents and purposes without a voice; and erethe diet closed, a set of resolutions had been passed which did awaywith all necessity for further disputation. These so-called "VesteråsOrdinantia" were even more far-reaching than the "Vesterås Recess. "Since they are the touchstone of the modern Swedish faith, the readerwill pardon prolixity if I give them all. They are as follows: (1)Vacancies in the parish-churches are to be filled by the bishop of thediocese. If, however, he appoints murderers, drunkards, or persons whocannot or will not preach the Word of God, the king may expel them andappoint other priests who are more fit. (2) Where a parish is poor, twoof them may be joined together, though not if such a step would be aninjury to the Word of God. (3) All bishops shall furnish the king with aschedule of their rents and incomes of every kind. From these scheduleshe shall determine the relative proportions for them to keep and to handover to the crown. (4) A similar course shall be pursued with regard tothe cathedrals and chapters. (5) Auricular confession must be given upas already commanded, and an account must be rendered to the king of allfines imposed. (6) An account must also be rendered to the king of allfees received for remitting the ban, and bishops with their officersmust not inflict the ban for petty offences, as has been often donehitherto. (7) Bishops shall have authority to determine as to thelegality of marriages, and may grant divorces, but an account shall berendered to the king of all fees received therefor. (8) Fees forweddings, funerals, and churchings, may be taken as provided in theChurch ordinances, but no more. (9) Since it has been decreed that theking and not the bishop is to receive all fines imposed in cases withinecclesiastical jurisdiction, the provosts may hereafter hold court justas the bishops have done hitherto, and shall render an account of theirdoings to the king. (10) For desecration of holy days no penalty is tobe imposed on those who have been tilling the ground, or fishing, orcatching birds, but persons discovered hunting or quarrelling shall befined. (11) Priests shall be subject to temporal laws and temporalcourts, in all disputes, of their own or of their churches, concerningproperty, torts, or contracts, and shall pay to the king the samepenalties as laymen. But all complaints against the clergy fornon-fulfilment of their priestly duties shall be laid before the bishop. (12) If a priest and layman come to blows, one shall not be placed underthe ban any more than the other, for God has forbidden priests toquarrel as well as laymen. Both shall suffer for their acts according tothe laws of the land. (13) Since it has been found that mendicant monksspread lies and deceit about the country, the royal stewards are to seethat they do not remain away from their monasteries more than fiveweeks every summer and five weeks every winter. Every monk must get alicense from the steward or burgomaster before he goes out, and returnit when he comes back. (14) Monks who receive rents shall not go out tobeg at all. (15) When a priest dies, the bishop is not to defraud thepriest's heirs of their inheritance. Priests shall be bound, in regardto their wills, by the same law as other people. (16) If a man hassexual intercourse with a woman to whom he is engaged, he shall not bepunished, since they are already married in the eye of God. (17) Noperson who is infirm shall be compelled by priests to make a will. (18)The sacrament shall not be withheld from any one for debt or otherreason. The church or priest has a remedy in court. (19) Fines foradultery and fornication belong to the king, not to the bishop. (20) TheGospel shall hereafter be taught in every school. (21) Bishops shallconsecrate no priest who is incompetent to preach the Word of God. (22)No one shall be made a prelate, canon, or prebend unless he has beenrecommended by the king, or his name submitted to the king. [166]

These ordinances were practically a signal for the death of popery. Theynot only transferred to the king the rich emoluments on which forcenturies the bishops had grown fat; they transferred also to him aright to superintend the actions of ecclesiastical authorities inmatters appertaining to the Church. It is hardly credible that so vastan object should have been attained without more friction, and that itwas attained is a lasting testimony to the shrewdness of the king. Wemay sneer at the childish indignation with which Gustavus strode forthfrom the diet, but the fact remains that this pretended indignationgained its end. Above all else, Gustavus knew the character of hispeople. They were particularly prone to sentiment. A few sham tears oran exuberant display of wrath had more effect upon them than the mostsagacious argument that the monarch could employ. His policy, therefore, was to stir their feelings, and then withdraw to watch their feelingseffervesce. It is not too much to say that no monarch has ever in soshort a time effected greater change in sentiment than Gustavus effectedamong the members of this diet. 

Before the delegates departed, a letter was issued by all the bishopspresent, and by representatives of the absent bishops, declaring to thepeople that Gustavus had portrayed in graphic terms the evil inflictedon the crown in former times by bishops; and that the lay members hadvoted, to prevent such danger in the future, that the bishops' retinuesshould be limited thereafter by the king, and that all their superfluousrents and castles, as well as the superfluous rents of the cathedralsand chapters, should be surrendered to the crown. "To this, " the humbledprelates added, "we could not, even if we would, object, for we wish todispel the notion that our power and castles are a menace to the realm. We shall be satisfied whether we are rich or poor. " To one who readsbetween these lines, it is easy to discern the language of the king. Healso wrote, above his own name, to the people, informing them that thediet had been held; and for details of the proceedings he referred themto a letter which the Cabinet had penned. [167]

There was one man on whom the diet of Vesterås had fallen like a clap ofthunder from on high. His cherished dream of finally restoring Romanismto her old position in the eyes of men was now no more. The knell ofpopery had been sounded, and nothing remained for the aged bishop butdespair. True to the spirit of the ancient Church, he had looked askanceon every effort to discuss her faith. The doctrines handed down throughcenturies appeared to him so sacred that in his eyes it was sacrilege toopen them again. In answer to the monarch's oft-repeated counsel thatthe Church reform her doctrines, he had steadily asserted hisunwillingness to take that step, "for these new doctrines, " he declared, "have been investigated frequently in other countries and have beencondemned. No man of wisdom, I believe, will champion a doctrine that iscontrary to the mandates of the Christian Church. " This constantopposition on the part of Brask had brought him more and more beneaththe monarch's frown. Gustavus let no opportunity escape to addhumiliation to the venerable bishop. On one occasion Brask unwittinglyhad consecrated as a nun a woman who formerly had been betrothed; andwhen the woman later left the convent to become her lover's wife, thebishop placed them both beneath the ban. This act called forth acondemnation from the king. "The bearer tells us, " were his words toBrask, "that he has married a woman to whom he was engaged, and whoagainst her will was made a nun. We see no wrong in such a practice, andwonder much that you did not inform yourself before the girl receivedher consecration. The husband informs us, further, that you have placedthem both beneath the ban. This course appears to us unjust, and wecommand you to remit the punishment.... We think it better to allow thismarriage than to drive the woman to an impure life. " A little later, when revolt arose in Dalarne, Gustavus fancied that he saw the bishop'shand. "The priests, " he said to one of his officers, "are at the bottomof all rebellion, and the diocese of Linköping is the heart of thisconspiracy. " Gustavus had no ground for this suspicion, and the chargewas utterly untrue. Brask thought the tax imposed upon the Dalesmenaltogether too severe, and did not hesitate to say so; but he was veryfar from sympathizing with the rebels, and when it was ordered that thediet should be held in Vesterås to please the Dalesmen, he was the firstperson to suggest a danger in holding it so near the seat of therevolt. [168]

Brask's influential position in the diet only added to the monarch'swrath, and it was against him chiefly that the diet's acts were framed. He was the wealthiest of the Swedish bishops. Hence the reduction intheir incomes, as commanded by the diet, fell heaviest on him. But evenhere the monarch's greed was not assuaged. After the "Ordinantia" hadbeen passed, Gustavus rose and called upon the several bishops to resigntheir castles. This step, though advocated by the burghers andmountaineers as well as common people, had not been ordered by the diet. Gustavus seems, therefore, to have made the demand upon his ownauthority alone, and the issue proved that his authority was great. Thebishops of Strengnäs and Skara, on whom the demand was made first, acquiesced as gracefully as was possible to so provoking a demand. Butwhen the monarch came to Brask, that prelate did not readily comply. Oneof the nobility addressed the king, and begged him to allow the agedbishop to retain his castle during the few short years that yet remainedto him of life. This reasonable request, however, the monarch would notgrant; and Brask persisting in his right to hold the castle, Gustavusdeprived him of his retinue and held him prisoner till he furnished bailconditioned for his good behavior as well as for the surrender of hiscastle. The diet then adjourned, Gustavus sending forth a body of menwho entered the bishop's castle by main force, and placed it under thesupremacy of the king. [169]

The ground of this barbaric treatment appears in a negotiation betweenthe king and Brask some five weeks later. By the Vesterås RecessGustavus was given a claim to all the income not needed by the bishops, cathedrals, and chapters for their support. But since the sum requiredfor the prelates was not named, the field thus left for argument waswide. The prelates took a much higher view of their necessities than wastaken by the king. Brask especially found it hard to do without hisancient pomp and circumstance. Gustavus therefore put the screws uponhim to bring the lordly bishop to the ground. How well this plansucceeded is shown in a document of the 2d of August--about five weeksafter the seizure of Brask's castle--in which the bishop is declared tohave come to an understanding, and to have promised the king fifteenhundred marks a year beside some other tribute. In reward for thisconcession, Gustavus declared himself contented, and received the bishoponce more into royal favor. [170]

There is now but little more to chronicle about the aged bishop. Beatenat every point, and practically a prisoner at the monarch's mercy, hehad at last capitulated and granted to Gustavus all that he had asked. The surrender, furthermore, was but the prelude to the bishop's flight. Conscious that every hope was crushed forever, he craved permission tovisit Gotland and perform the sacred duties of his office. This requestwas granted, and the venerable prelate set forth never to return. Onpretext of consulting eminent physicians, he sailed across the Baltic, and watched the monarch's movements from afar. Gustavus, when he learnedof this escape, confiscated all the property of Brask that he couldfind, and, worse than all, he issued a letter, filled with venom, denouncing the perfidy of the aged bishop and telling the people of hisdiocese that Brask had fled because of suits that certain persons wereabout to bring against him for his wrongs. [171]

It is difficult to take our leave of Brask without a word in admirationof his character. He was, in point of intellect, the most commandingfigure of his time. Though born and bred among a people strangely voidof understanding, he displayed some talents by which he would have stoodconspicuous in any court of Europe. His learning possibly was not sogreat as that of Magni, nor did his eloquence by any means compare withthat of Petri. But in matters of diplomacy, in the art of comprehendinghuman nature, he was unsurpassed by any prelate of the day. He wassingularly acute in forming his conclusions. Rarely if ever did heexpress opinions that were not ultimately verified by facts. Hisversatility, moreover, was something marvellous. While weighted downwith every sort of trouble and anxiety, he spent his leisure moments inwriting perfectly delightful letters to his friends. These letters bearthe marks of suffering, but are calm in spirit, charitable, and repletewith thought. They treat of botany, of geographical experiments, and ofvarious schemes to benefit the Swedish nation. As specimens ofliterature they are superior to any other documents of the time; and thewriter evidently took keen pleasure in their composition. "By means ofletters, " he declared, "we keep our friends; and I would rather keep thefriends I have than make new ones. " Brask's greatest fault was hishypocrisy; but even this was due more to his education than to anyinnate trait. He was a Romanist of the deepest dye, and along withRomanism he inherited a tendency to sacrifice the means in order toeffect the end. His very earnestness impelled him to deceive. But hisdeception, if only we may judge him leniently, was of a very pardonablekind. Take him for all in all, he was an extremely interesting man; andwhen he left the country, Sweden lost a valuable son. 

FOOTNOTES:

[135] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 101-102; _Kon. Gust. Den Förstesregistrat. _, vol. Ii. P. 138; and _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xviii. Pp. 295-303 and 315-316. 

[136] _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xiv. Pp. 48-53 and vol. Xviii. Pp. 300-303; _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 83-86;Linköping, _Bibliotheks handl. _, vol. I. Pp. 179-183; and _Skrift. Ochhandl. _, vol. I. Pp. 347-351. 

[137] _Dipl. Dal. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 62-63; _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xxiii. Pp. 59-60; _Handl. Rör. Sver. Inre förhåll. _, vol. I. Pp. 5-8;and _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 126-129. 

[138] _Dipl. Dal. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 86-88; _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xv. Pp. 14-17 and vol. Xv. Pp. 15-16; _Handl. Rör. Sver. Inre förhåll. _, vol. I. Pp. 22, 25-29, 42-43 and 109-110; _Kon. Gust. Den Förstesregistrat. _, vol. Iii. Pp. 24-25, 101-104, 263-264, 385-386 and 416-417, and vol. Iv. Pp. 292-293, 321-322 and 357-358; and _Smål. Archiv. _, pp. 175-176. 

[139] _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xiv. Pp. 66-70, vol. Xv. Pp. 5-7, 13-15, 25-29 and 49-50, vol. Xvi. Pp. 11-14 and 59-62, and vol. Xviii. Pp. 267-269, 276-282, 316-317, 320 and 341-342; _Kon. Gust. Den Förstesregistrat. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 29-31, 191-192, 214 and 277-278, and vol. Iii. Pp. 166, 333-334, 406-408 and 425-428; and Linköping, _Bibliothekshandl. _, vol. I. Pp. 199-201. 

[140] _Skrift. Och handl. _, vol. I. P. 100. 

[141] _Ibid. _, pp. 19 and 118. 

[142] _Christ. II. 's arkiv_, vol. Iii. Pp. 1075-1083; _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xvi. Pp. 43-52, 59-62 and 76-78; _Handl. Rör. Sver. Inre förhåll. _, vol. I. Pp. 20-21 and 46-48; _Kon. Gust, den Förstesregistrat. _, vol. Iii. Pp. 100-101, 313-314, 331-333 and 421-426 andvol. Iv. Pp. 3-4; Linköping, _Bibliotheks handl. _, vol. I. Pp. 192-201;and _Skrift. Och handl. _, vol. I. Pp. 1-145. 

[143] _Skrift. Och handl. _, vol. I. P. 71. 

[144] _Ibid. _, p. 28. 

[145] _Ibid. _, p. 33. 

[146] _Ibid. _, p. 76. 

[147] _Ibid. _, pp. 77-78. 

[148] _Skrift. Och handl. _, vol. I. P. 87. 

[149] _Ibid. _, p. 96. Petri's book, entitled _Swar påå tolff spörsmål_, published in 1527, is printed in _Skrift. Och handl. _, vol. I. Pp. 1-145. 

[150] _Dipl. Dal. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 95-96; _Handl. Rör. Sver. Inreförhåll. _, vol. I. Pp. 33-36 and 53-56; and _Kon. Gust. Den Förstesregistrat. _, vol. Iii. Pp. 162-164 and vol. Iv. Pp. 18-20. 

[151] Johannes Magni, _Hist. Pont. _, pp. 76-80; Svart, _Gust. I. 'skrön. _, pp. 100-104 and 120-121; _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xviii. Pp. 341-342; _Handl. Rör. Sver. Inre förhåll. _, vol. I. Pp. 31-32;_Handl. Till upplysn. Af Finl. Häfd. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 193-195; _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 185-186 and vol. Iii. Pp. 111-112, 193-194, 267-268, 287-289 and 378-379; and _Saml. Til det Norske FolksSprog og Hist. _, vol. I. Pp. 487-488. 

[152] _Handl. Rör. Sver. Inre förhåll. _, vol. I. Pp. 32-33, 40-42 and53-54; _Handl. Till upplysn. Af Finl. Häfd. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 190-191; and_Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. Iii. Pp. 124 and 260-261, andvol. Iv. Pp. 70-71, 80, 91 and 130-131. 

[153] _Dipl. Dal. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 102-104; _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xvi. Pp. 115-119; _Handl. Rör. Sver. Inre förhåll. _, vol. I. Pp. 54-56 and 62-63; _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. Iv. Pp. 74-76, 135-136, 138-140, 147-150, 159-163 and 166-167; and _Svenskariksdagsakt. _, vol. I. Pp. 56-59. 

[154] _Dipl. Dal. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 105-109 and 112-113; _Handl. Rör. Sver. Inre förhåll. _, vol. I. Pp. 64-67; and _Kon. Gust. Den Förstesregistrat. _, vol. Iv. Pp. 169-174, 177-180, 183-184 and 198-199. 

[155] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 121-123; _Alla riksdag. Och möt. Besluth_, vol. I. Pp. 75-89; and _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. Iv. Pp. 226-240 and 249-250. 

[156] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 123-126; _Alla riksdag. Och möt. Besluth_, vol. I. Pp. 56-67; _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. Iv, pp. 200-215; and _Svenska riksdagsakt. _, vol. I. Pp. 65-75. 

[157] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, p. 126. 

[158] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 126-128. 

[159] _Ibid. _, p. 128. 

[160] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 128-131. 

[161] _Ibid. _, pp. 131-133. 

[162] _Alla riksdag. Och möt. Besluth_, vol. I. Pp. 67-70; _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. Iv. Pp. 216-220; and _Svenskariksdagsakt. _, vol. I. Pp. 75-78. 

[163] _Alla riksdag. Och möt. Besluth_, vol. I. Pp. _70-72_; _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. Iv. Pp. 220-222; and _Svenskariksdagsakt. _, vol. I. Pp. 78-80. 

[164] _Alla riksdag. Och möt. Besluth_, vol. I. Pp. 72-74; _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. Iv. Pp. 223-226; and _Svenskariksdagsakt. _, vol. I. Pp. 80-82. 

[165] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, p. 133; _Alla riksdag. Och möt. Besluth_, vol. I. Pp. 75-79; _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. Iv. Pp. 226-231; and _Svenska riksdagsakt. _, vol. I. Pp. 82-87. 

[166] There is a Latin version of the "Ordinantia" containing certainregulations not given in the Swedish. They are these: The contributionknown as "Peter's penning" shall not be given hereafter to the pope, butshall go to swell the royal revenue. A like disposition shall be made ofthe money which the monasteries are wont to send to the superiors oftheir orders. Bishops and other prelates shall not hereafter payanything to the pope for confirmation. It will be sufficient if theytake their office by consent of the king. All property, real andpersonal, donated to the cathedrals, monasteries, and parochial orprebendal churches, shall belong to the descendants of the noblemen whogave it, and if there is any residue, it shall be conferred by the kingon whomsoever he will. All real property sold or pledged to churches maybe redeemed on payment of the sum received for the property. To augmentthe crown's resources the bishops, cathedrals, and canons ought to handover to the king as large a sum as they can spare. All these regulationsin the Latin version bear on their face the stamp of forgery. They aredrawn in a careless manner, and convey the impression of being part of arough draught that never was perfected. Certainly they never wereenforced. See _Alla riksdag. Och möt. Besluth_, vol. I. Pp. 90-93; _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. Iv. Pp. 241--247; and _Svenskariksdagsakt. _, vol. I. Pp. 89-96. 

[167] _Alla riksdag. Och möt. Besluth_, vol. I. Pp. 79-82 and 89; _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. Iv. Pp. 249-256; and _Svenskariksdagsakt. _, pp. 87-88 and 96-100. 

[168] _Dipl. Dal. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 110-112 and 115-116; _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xvi. Pp. 70-75, 78-80, 98-100, 105-106, 119-122 and124-127; _Handl. Rör. Sver. Inre förhåll. _, vol. I. Pp. 58-59 and 60-62;_Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. Iv. Pp. 3-4, 12-13, 42-43, 54-55, 111-112, 175-176, 400-404, 406-407, 417 and 419-420; _Monumentapolit. Eccles. _, pp. 10-11 and 17-18; and _Skrift. Och handl. _, vol. I. Pp. 352-353. 

[169] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 133-134; and _Kon. Gust. DenFörstes registrat. _, vol. Iv. P. 259. 

[170] _Handl. Rör. Sver. Inre förhåll. _, vol. I. Pp. 105-107; and _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrant. _, vol. Iv. Pp. 287-289. 

[171] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 134-135; _Handl. Rör. Sver. Inreförhåll. _, vol. I. Pp. 120-123, 129 and 135-138; _Kon. Gust. Den Förstesregistrat. _, vol. Iv. Pp. 315-318, 325-326, 327-328, 340-343 and391-394; and _Smål. Archiv. _, pp. 175 and 177. 

CHAPTER IX. 

CORONATION OF THE KING. 1528. 

 Reasons for Delay of the Coronation. --Preparations for the Ceremony. --Consecration of the Bishops. --Coronation Festival. --Retrospect of the Revolution. --Character of Gustavus. 

There is but one scene needed now to bring the drama of the SwedishRevolution to its close. During a period of over four eventful yearsGustavus Vasa had been seated on the throne, but the final act deemednecessary in the election of a king had not yet taken place. Again andagain the people had urged Gustavus to be crowned, but on one pretext oranother he had put them off, and the ancient rite of coronation was notyet performed. The mystery of this strange delay can easily be explainedby looking for a moment into the condition of the Swedish Church. 

It was a time-honored theory all over Christendom that no person couldbe legally installed in any royal post without first having the sanctionof the Church of Rome; and such sanction, it was held, could only beconferred through the consecrated archbishop of the land. When Gustavuswas elected king, the Swedish archbishop was in voluntary exile, andnobody expected that he ever would return. Indeed, he was so far anobject of suspicion at the papal court that, shortly after the electionof Gustavus, the pope appointed another prelate to perform the dutiesof archbishop till the charges brought against Gustaf Trolle should beset at rest. It is matter of common knowledge that Trolle neversucceeded in vindicating his position; and Magni, though not confirmed, continued to perform the duties of archbishop. 

In January, 1526, the Cabinet urged Gustavus to be crowned, and hedeclared that he would do so in the coming summer, trusting presumablythat Magni would receive his confirmation ere that time. A tax was evenlevied to defray the expenses of the ceremony. But some opposition wasencountered when the royal officers endeavored to collect the tax, and, the kingdom being then in need of revenue, the project had to bepostponed. There is evidence, moreover, that Gustavus was not eager forthe confirmation of the prelates. On one occasion he expressed a fearthat they were seeking to obtain their consecration with a view totransfer their allegiance from himself to Rome. Apparently his objectwas, by continual postponement of the coronation, to have a standingargument whenever he desired to obtain new funds. [172]

Matters therefore dragged on in the same way till Archbishop Magni hadbeen banished and the diet of Vesterås had voted an addition to theincome of the king. As the Cabinet had been beyond all others urgent intheir solicitations, the announcement of the monarch's resolution wasaddressed to them. He would have still preferred, he said, to delay hiscoronation till the summer of 1528; but fearing that at that time heshould be too busy, he had resolved to have the rite performed soonafter Christmas, and the day he fixed at January 6. Invitations werethen sent out to all the noblemen of the realm, who were instructed alsoto appear with all their retinues, and to bring their wives anddaughters with them. Each town was asked to send two delegates to thecoronation, and a certain number of persons were to represent thedifferent parishes throughout the land. Sheep, geese, and hens wereordered in enormous quantities to be collected by the royal stewards forthe festival. These the thrifty monarch arranged should be provided bythe parishes themselves. Lest the Dalesmen, already somewhat irritated, should have new cause for discontent, Gustavus wrote them that they neednot take part in the contribution, nor even send their representativesif they did not feel inclined. [173]

Although the Swedish Church was practically severed from the Church ofRome, a doubt still lingered in the monarch's mind as to the proprietyof a coronation by prelates whose authority had not been sanctioned bythe pope. Therefore, to remove all chance of contest, he directed thatthose bishops who had not received their confirmation should besanctified through laying on of hands by those who had. As a matter offact the only bishops whose authority had been derived from Rome werethe bishops of Vexiö and Vesterås. The former was too old to undertakethe active duties of his office. The bishop of Vesterås was selected, therefore, to consecrate the bishops of Skara, Strengnäs, and Åbo. Thiswas effected on the 5th of January, --just before the coronation festivalbegan. [174]

The gorgeous ceremony was performed, according to ancient practice, inthe Cathedral of Upsala. Representatives from every portion of the realmwere present, and the huge edifice was filled from choir to nave withall the wealth and beauty that the land could boast. It was the finaltribute of gratitude to one whose ceaseless energy had saved the nationfrom long years of tyranny. Never had the Swedish people been moredeeply bounden to revere their ruler. If in the annals of all history aking deserved to wear a crown, Gustavus Vasa was that king. The honor, however, was not all his own. The ceremony of coronation over, Gustavusselected from among his courtiers twelve to whom he granted the degreeof knighthood. Here again, as on the day of his election, he displayedthe sentiments that inspired his whole reign. No longer do we find amongthe monarch's chosen counsellors the names of men illustrious in theChurch and Chapter. It was from the ranks of the lower classes that thepersons whom he was to knight were chosen, and from this time forwardthe knights to all intents and purposes composed his Cabinet. Nostronger argument can be offered to show the utter humiliation of theChurch. [175]

The act of coronation was followed by a period of mirth. A rich repastwas offered by the king, at which the representatives of all the classeswere invited to be present. A new coin, also, bearing the full-lengthfigure of Gustavus, with his sword and sceptre, and wearing on his heada crown, was issued and distributed gratuitously among the people. Onthe following days the ceremony was prolonged by tilt and tourney. Withall the gallantry of a warmer climate two gladiators entered the liststo combat for the hand of one of Sweden's high-born ladies. Thechronicler has immortalized the combatants, but the fair lady's name, byreason of a blemish in the manuscript, is gone forever. From beginningto end the scene was one which no eyewitness ever could forget. Yearslater, it stirred the spirit of the author whose zeal has given us theleading features of our narrative. It is a fitting picture with which toclose this tale. [176]

[Illustration]

The Swedish Revolution now was at an end, and the great achievements ofGustavus Vasa had been done. Though not yet thirty-two, the youthfulmonarch had already secured a place among the foremost leaders of theworld. We have watched the Swedish nation rise from insignificance, through a series of remarkable developments, till its grandeur cast alengthened shadow across the face of northern Europe. In some regardsthis revolution stands pre-eminent above all others known in history. Few political upheavals have been more sudden, and few, if any, havebeen more complete. Seven years was all Gustavus needed to annihilatethe ancient constitution, and fashion another structure of an absolutelynew design. The Cabinet, at one time the autocrat of Sweden, was now amere puppet in the monarch's hand. Under the guise of leader of thepeople, Gustavus had crushed the magnates, with all their oldmagnificence and power, beneath his feet. In place of bishops andarchbishops, whose insolence had been to former kings a constant menace, his court was filled with common soldiers selected from the body of thenation, and raised to posts of highest honor, for no other reason thantheir obedience to the monarch's will. Of the old ecclesiasticalauthority not a trace was left. Rome, in ages past the ultimate tribunalfor the nation, had now no more to say in Sweden than in the kingdom ofJapan. The Reformation was so thorough that from the reign of GustavusVasa to the present day, it is asserted, no citizen of Sweden has becomea Romish priest. 

 * * * * *

The Revolution whose main incidents have here been followed recallsanother Revolution enacted near three centuries later amid the forestsof the great continent of North America. Both originated in a longseries of acts of tyranny, and each gave birth to a hero whose name hasbecome a lasting synonym of strength and greatness. The lessons ofhistory, however, are more often found in contrasts than insimilarities, and the points of difference between these two upheavalsare no less striking than their points of likeness. The chief differencelies in the individual characteristics of the leaders. George Washingtonwas pre-eminently a hero of the people. He embraced the popular causefrom no other motive than a love of what he deemed the people's rights;and when the war of independence closed, he retired from public life andallowed the nation whose battle he had fought to take the government ofthe country upon itself. The result was the most perfect system ofrepublican government that the world has ever known. Gustavus Vasa, onthe other hand, though actuated in a measure by enthusiasm for thepublic weal, was driven into the contest mainly by a necessity to savehimself. The calm disinterestedness which marks the career of Washingtonwas wholly wanting in the Swedish king. His readiness to debase thecurrency, his efforts to humiliate the bishops, his confiscation ofChurch property, his intimacy with foreign courtiers, --all show a desirefor personal aggrandizement inconsistent with an earnest longing tobenefit his race. One must regret that the rare talents which hepossessed, and the brilliant opportunities that lay before him, were notemployed in more unselfish ends. It is true he gave his country a betterconstitution than it had before; he freed it from the atrocities of ahorrid tyrant; he laid the axe at the root of many religiousabsurdities; and he relieved the people from a heavy load of religiousburdens. But he did not lay that foundation of public liberty which theblood poured out by the Swedish people merited. Of all nations on theface of the globe none are more fitted by temperament for a republicanform of government than the Swedes. They are calm, they are thoughtful, they are economical, and above all else, they are imbued with an ardentlove of liberty. It is hard, therefore, to repress the wish thatGustavus Vasa had been allowed, at the diet of Vesterås, to lay asidethe crown, and that in his place a leader had been chosen to carry onthe good work on the lines already drawn. The Revolution had begun witha feeling that the Swedish nation was entitled to be ruled according toits ancient laws, --that it was entitled to a representative form ofgovernment; and it was only because of the nation's admiration for itsleader that this object was relinquished. The people, having expelledone tyrant, chose another; and ere Gustavus closed his memorable reign, the principle of hereditary monarchy was once more engrafted on thenation. Nothing could demonstrate with greater clearness the extremedanger that is always imminent in blind enthusiasm for a popular andgifted leader. 

FOOTNOTES:

[172] _Alla riksdag. Och möt. Besluth_, vol. I. Pp. 37-39 and 45-47;_Dipl. Dal. _, vol. Ii. Pp. 77, 80-81 and 93; _Handl. Rör. Sver. Inreförhåll. _, vol. I. Pp. 19-20; and _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. Iii. Pp. 12, 22-23, 95-96, 236-237 and 414-415. 

[173] _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. Iv. Pp. 334-335, 360-366and 416-417; and _Svenska riksdagsakt. _, vol. I. Pp. 102-107. 

[174] Svart, _Gust. I. 's. Krön. _, p. 136; _Handl. Rör. Sver. Inreförhåll. _, vol. I. Pp. 133-134; and _Kon. Gust. Den Förstes registrat. _, vol. Iv. Pp. 368-369. 

[175] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, p. 136; and _Kon. Gust. Den Förstesregistrat. _, vol. V. Pp. 9-11. 

[176] Svart, _Gust. I. 's krön. _, pp. 136-137. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

I. AUTHORITIES. 

A. _Books and Pamphlets. _

 [In this list are included all works written for publication, whether published or not, before the year 1600. The arrangement is strictly chronological. ]

BEYER, Christopher. _Chronicon Gedanensis. _ [In _Scriptores rerumSuecicarum medii aeui_, ed. E. M. Fant. Upsal. , 1818-1828. 2 vols. F^o. Vol. Iii. , ed. C. Annerstedt. Upsal. , 1871-1876. F^o. Sect. 1, pp. 339-340. ]

The author was born in 1502, and died in 1518. His chronicle contains afew allusions to events in Sweden from 1507 to 1515. 

FERBER, Eberhard. _Chronicon Gedanensis. _ [In _Scriptores rerumSuecicarum_, vol. Iii. Sect. 1, pp. 340-341. ]

Author died in 1529. A few statements in his chronicle refer to theexpedition of Christiern II. Against Sweden in 1518. 

_Svenska medeltidens rim-krönikor_, ed. G. E. Klemming. Stockh. , 1865-1868. 3 vols. 8^o. 

This ancient collection of rhythmic chronicles, composed by variousunknown hands, is devoted chiefly to events occurring before thesixteenth century; and most of the chronicles contained in it werewritten before that time. Two of them, however, were written in themonastery at Vadstena in 1520, one running through the reign of KarlKnutsson, and the other running from 1452 to 1520. Beside these there isa satire on Christiern II. , written shortly after 1520. Although thesechronicles are little to be relied on, they are extremely valuable asspecimens of early Swedish literature. 

KOCK, Reimarus. _Chronicon Lubecensis. _ [In _Scriptores rerumSuecicarum_, vol. Iii. Sect. 1, pp. 239-274. ]

Author born at end of fifteenth century, lived in Lubeck, and died in1569. His chronicle runs to 1521. 

_Von der graüsamen tyrannischen myssehandelung, so Künig Christiern, desnamēs der Ander vō Den̄marck jm reich zu Sweden begāgen hatt. _

This little work, containing only twelve pages, bears no date or placeof publication on the titlepage, but at the end is dated at Surcöping, Dec. 29, 1522. One copy of it is in the Royal Library at Stockholm. Itis merely a denunciation of the cruelties of Christiern II. , and wasdoubtless issued with a view to win friends for Gustavus Vasa indifferent parts of Europe. It is written in High German, and has sincebeen translated and published several times in Dutch and also inSwedish. 

_Proelia inter Suecos et Danos annis 1452-1524. _ [In _Scriptores rerumSuecicarum_, vol. Iii. Sect. 1, pp. 33-34. ]

A short list of battles believed to have been composed by Spegelberg, the secretary of Bishop Brask, about the year 1524. 

_Diarium Minoritarum Visbyensium ab anno 686 ad annum 1525. _ [In_Scriptores rerum Suecicarum_, vol. I. Sect. 1, pp. 32-39. ]

A meagre chronicle of events in Visby, composed by various unknown handsin the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries. 

STEGMANN, Bernt. _Hanseatische Chronik. _ [In _Scriptores rerumPrussicarum_, ed. T. Hirsch, M. Töppen, and E. Strehlke. Leipz. , 1861-1874. 5 vols. 8^o. Vol. V. Pp. 492-528. ]

This chronicle runs to the year 1525. It was probably collected byStegmann, a Dantzic burgher of the time of Gustavus, but it seems not tohave been written by him. It is in Low German. Pages 517-528 give thestory of Christiern's cruelties in Sweden, which the writer denounces inunmeasured terms. 

ZIEGLER, Jacob. _Crudelitas Christierni Secundi. _ [In _Scriptores rerumSuecicarum_, vol. Iii. Sect. 1, pp. 71-77. ]

This description of the carnage of 1520 was written at some periodbetween that year and 1531. 

_Chronicon episcoporum Arosiensium. _ [In _Scriptores rerum Suecicarum_, vol. Iii. Sect. 2, pp. 120-128. ]

This consists of some extracts made by Peder Svart from a rhythmic Latinchronicle of an unknown author. It runs to 1534. 

ELIESEN, Povel. _Chronicon Skibyensis. _ [In _Scriptorum rerum Danicarummedii aeui_, ed. J. Langebek. Hafniae, 1772-1878. 9 vols. F^o. Vol. Ii. Pp. 554-602. ]

This chronicle was written by Eliesen in the years 1519-1534, closingabruptly with the year 1534, though it has been continued by a laterhand to the year 1555. The MS. Was found in 1650, in the church at Skibyin Seeland. Eliesen was a Danish priest, a Catholic, and a vehementopponent of Christiern II. 

PETRI, Olaus. _Svenska krönika_, ed. G. E. Klemming. Stockh. , 1860. 8^o. 

Born in 1497; died in 1552. Called the Luther of Sweden. Was a man ofdetermined character, great eloquence, and common sense. He wrote in astrong, pure style, and with a critical judgment. His _Svenska krönika_is the first history of Sweden written in modern Swedish. It wascompleted in 1534, but runs only to the year 1521. It awoke thehostility of Gustavus because of its leniency to the old bishops andclergy. 

RENSEL, Clement. _Berättelse hörande till Konung Gustafs I. 's historia. _[In _Handlingar rörande Skandinaviens historia_. Stockh. , 1816-1865. 41vols. 8^o. Vol. Ii. Pp. 13-54. ]

A native of Livonia, came to Sweden in 1521 to enlist under the bannerof Gustavus. He writes like a blunt soldier who revels in the story of abattle. His _Berättelse_ seems to have been written for the king. It ischiefly a chronicle of Swedish wars, running from 1518 to 1536. Theoriginal MS. Is in the University Library at Upsala, and seems to haverun later than the year 1536, a portion at the end of the MS. Beinglost. 

_Diarium Vazstenense ab anno 1344 ad annum 1545. _ [In _Scriptores rerumSuecicarum_, vol. I. Sect. 1, pp. 99-229. ]

A long chronology of Church affairs, chiefly relating to the monasteryat Vadstena. Written by unknown hands, and completed in the sixteenthcentury. 

_Märkvärdige händelser i Sverige ifrån 1220 till 1552. _ [In _Scriptoresrerum Suecicarum_, vol. I. Sect. 1, pp. 90-91. ]

A very short chronology of general events in Sweden, by an unknownauthor, written in the sixteenth century. 

MAGNI, Johannes. _De omnibus Gothorum Sueonumque regibus qui unquam abinitio nationis extitere, eorumque memorabilibus bellis late uariequeper orbem gestis, opera Olai Magni Gothi fratris eiusdem autoris acetiam archiepiscopi Upsalensis in lucem edita. _ Romae, 1554. 4^o. 

The author, the last Roman Catholic archbishop of Sweden, was born in1488 and died in 1544. The work is edited by his brother, Olaus Magni. It runs to the year 1520. The writer lacks critical judgment, and hiswork abounds in errors. He writes as one who, though wronged, isunwilling to complain; yet he hints that later generations may not thinkso highly of Gustavus as those living at the time. 

MAGNI, Olaus. _Historia de gentibus Septentrionalibus, earumque diuersisstatibus, conditionibus, moribus, ritibus, superstitionibus, disciplinis, exercitiis, regimine, uictu, bellis, fructuris, instrumentis, ac mineris metallicis, et rebus mirabilibus, necnonuniuersis pene animalibus in Septentrione degentibus, eorumque natura. _Romae, 1555. 6^o. 

Author was a brother of Archbishop Johannes Magni. Born in 1490, travelled through the northern portions of Scandinavia in 1518 and 1519on a papal mission. As a canon of Upsala and Linköping was employed byGustavus Vasa in several missions, being sent to Rome in 1523 to obtainpapal confirmation of his brother's election to the archbishopric. Afterhis brother's disgrace he followed him, as his secretary, to Rome, andat his brother's death was appointed archbishop of Upsala by the pope, but never attempted to assert his right. Died in Rome in 1558. He was aman of remarkable memory, and possessed strong powers of observation;but he lacked his brother's even temper. His _Hist. De gent. Sept. _ isone of the most singular books ever written. It is an encyclopædia ofSweden in the sixteenth century; and though filled with errors andbarefaced exaggerations, is invaluable to any student of Swedishhistory. 

MAGNI, Johannes. _Historia pontificum metropolitanae ecclesiaeUpsaliensis in regnis Suetiae et Gothiae. _ [In _Scriptores rerumSuecicarum_, vol. Iii. Sect. 2, pp. 5-97. ]

This work was first printed at Rome in 1557, with a preface by OlausMagni. Reprinted at Rome in 1560. 

PETRI, Laurentius. _Then Svenska chrönikan. _ [In _Scriptores rerumSuecicarum_, vol. Ii. Sect. 2, pp. 3-151. ]

Born 1499, died 1573. First Protestant archbishop of Sweden, and brotherof Olaus Petri. Lacked his brother's eloquence, but surpassed him andindeed all men of his time as a writer of Swedish prose. This work isnothing but his brother's _Svenska krönika_, wholly revised, with theomission of certain manifest errors. Like his brother's work, it runsonly to the year 1521, and is believed to have been completed about1559. 

SVANING, Hans. _Refutatio calumniarum cuiusdam Ioannis Magni GothiUpsalensis, quibus in historia sua ac famosa oratione Danicam gentemincensit. _ 1560. 4^o. 

A Danish priest and royal historiographer; born 1503, died 1584. Was awarm adherent of Fredrik II. Of Denmark, and an opponent of ChristiernII. Wrote this book to refute the work _De omn. Goth. _ of JohannesMagni. It is so full of bitterness toward the Swedes that, while it wasgoing through the press, the Danish chancellor suppressed the pagesbearing Svaning's name, and the book was published under that of aGerman professor named Rosefontanus, who had died in 1559. The name ofthe printer and place of publication was also left out, and it was madeto appear as if compiled many years before from some documents whichRosefontanus had seen when Christiern II. Took refuge at his house. Thecopy in the Royal Library at Stockholm contains the suppressed pages, all soiled and torn. A second edition, bearing the author's real name, was printed in Copenhagen in 1561. 

SVANING, Hans. _Christiernus II. Daniae rex. _ Francof. , 1658. 12^o. 

Published from an old MS. Written by Svaning. Is written with muchvigor, though somewhat unfair both to Christiern II. And to GustavusVasa. 

SVART, Peder. _Ährapredikning öffwer then fordom stormechtigaste, oöffwerwinnelige, och högloffligaste furstes och herres, H. Gostafs, Sweriges, Göthes, Wändes etc. Konungz och faders, christelige lijk. _Holmiae, 1620. 4^o. 

This is the funeral oration delivered over the body of Gustavus inUpsala Cathedral, Dec. 21, 1560, by Peder Svart, who had formerly beenpreacher to the court and had been made bishop of Vesterås by Gustavusin 1556. It is ornate and pretentious, and of little value. 

SVART, Peder. _Gustaf I. 's krönika_, ed. G. E. Klemming. Stockh. , 1870. 8^o. 

This chronicle was begun in 1561, the year following the king's death;and the author himself died in 1562, having brought his work down onlyto the year 1533. The original MS. Is in the Royal Library at Stockholm. Svart writes in a forcible and at the same time easy style. Nor does helack good sense; though the work is marred throughout by a bitternesstoward popery and a total blindness to the errors of Gustavus. 

SVART, Peder. _Historia om de forna Westerås stifts biscopar_, ed. A. A. Von Stiernman. Stockh. , 1744. 4^o. 

A history of the bishops of Vesterås, running to 1534. 

TOXITES, Michael. _Epicedion sereniss. Ac potentiss. Principis, ac D. D. Gostaui, Suecorum, Gothorum, atq: Vandalorum regis. _

A copy of this rare little book is preserved in the British Museum. Itcontains eight quarto pages without pagination, and is without date orplace of publication, though it is believed to have been printed inStockholm in 1561. It is a mere eulogy of Gustavus in Latin verse, andis addressed to King Erik XIV. 

GRIP, Birger Nilsson. _Calendarium Hammarstadense. _ [In _Scriptoresrerum Suecicarum_, vol. I. Sect. 1, pp. 237-239. ]

This is a short calendar of the births and deaths of some eminentpersons arranged in the order of the days of the year. The compiler wasborn about 1490, and died in 1565. He was a Cabinet member, and a warmsupporter of Gustavus Vasa, whose niece he married. 

LUDVIGSSON, Rasmus. _Collectiones historicae. _ [In _Scriptores rerumSuecicarum_, vol. Iii. Sect. 1, pp. 79-87. ]

Born probably at beginning of sixteenth century. When Gustavus, according to Act passed at Vesterås, 1527, established the RoyalArchives, he employed Ludvigsson to collect all the old documentsbelonging to the various churches. These were then deposited in theRoyal Archives. Ludvigsson also, by order of Gustavus, compiled agenealogical table of the old nobility of Sweden, that Gustavus mightknow what estates to claim. Under Erik XIV. , as well as under hisbrother Johan, Ludvigsson held the post of secretary to the king. Hedied in 1594. As a writer he shows great industry and poor judgment. The_Collectiones_ comprises a continuation of Svart's chronicle to 1560, achronicle of Erik XIV. , and a compilation of the early Swedishchronicles from 1362 to 1522. Of these the chief is the continuation ofSvart, which includes also Svart's chronicle slightly altered, and thewhole of it was long supposed to be Ludvigsson's own work, though thename was erroneously spelt Rasmus Carlsson. The original MS. Of thiscontinuation of Svart is in the University Library at Upsala. The MSS. Of Ludvigsson's other works are in the Royal Library at Stockholm. 

KARL IX. _Rim-chrönika_, ed. B. Bergius. Stockh. , 1759. 4^o. 

This is a metrical chronicle, written by one of the sons of GustavusVasa, and containing one or two references to Gustavus. 

B. _Letters, Treaties, and other Documents. _

 The contemporary documents bearing on the Swedish Revolution number several thousand. Nearly all of these have now been printed except the following collections:--

_Gustaf I. 's registratur. _

This consists of thirty-one MS. Folios containing copies of the letterswritten by Gustavus throughout his reign, and is preserved in the RoyalArchives at Stockholm. The letters are arranged in chronological order, each folio as a rule embracing the letters of a year. Nearly all thefolios were compiled by the king's secretary in the course of the yearwhich they represent, though some of them were not compiled till 1600 oreven later; and portions of the contemporary folios, left incomplete atthe time, are filled out by a later hand. Besides this collection, the_Registratur_ originally embraced fifteen folios of the king's lettersto foreign powers, and some folios of his letters on the crown estates;but these are lost. The thirty-first volume of the extant portion of the_Registratur_ does not properly belong there, being a transcription ofClaes Christersson's letters to Gustavus in 1558-1561. Of the_Registratur_, ten volumes have now been published, extending throughthe year 1535. 

_Gustaf I. 's acta historica. _

This is the name given to nine bundles of MSS. , chiefly originals, inthe Royal Archives at Stockholm, bearing on the reign of Gustavus Vasa. Many of them are found transcribed in the _Registratur_. Some, not sotranscribed, have been published in the already printed volumes of the_Registratur_, as supplements, and in the _Svenska riksdagsakter_ editedby Hildebrand and Alin. 

_Gustaf I. 's bref med bilagor. _

This is the name given to three bundles of MS. Letters, chieflyoriginals, of Gustavus Vasa. These, too, are preserved in the RoyalArchives at Stockholm. Most of them are found transcribed in the_Registratur. _ Some, not so transcribed, have been published in thealready printed volumes of the _Registratur_, as supplements, and in the_Svenska riksdagsakter_ edited by Hildebrand and Alin. 

_Gustaf I. 's rådslagar. _

This is the name given to a bundle of original MSS. Of the Cabinetresolutions under Gustavus Vasa. It is preserved in the Royal Archivesat Stockholm. Most of these _rådslagar_ have been published in the_Svenska riksdagsakter_ edited by Hildebrand and Alin. 

_Palmskiöld samlingar. _

This consists of over five hundred folios of documents collected andcopied by Erik and Elias Palmskiöld about the year 1700, and containscopies of many original MSS. Now lost. Portions of these folios havebeen printed. As now bound, volumes 2, 3, and 4 of that portion of thecollection called number 1 are entitled _Acta ad historiam R. GustauiI. _, and are devoted wholly to the reign of Gustavus Vasa. 

 Apart from the above-named MSS. , practically all documents bearing on the Swedish Revolution will be found printed in one of the following collections:--

_Acta et litterae ad historiam Reformationis in Suecia_, ed. E. M. Fant. Upsal. , 1807. 4^o. 

Contains documents on the Reformation in Sweden. 

_Acta historiam Regis Christierni II. Illustrantia_, ed. P. A. Adde. Upsal. , 1833. 4^o. 

Contains a letter from Christiern II. To his queen, dated 1518, on theday of the battle of Brännkyrka; also a document of 1520 resigningStockholm Castle to Christiern; also a letter from Gustavus Vasa, 1522;and a letter from Norby to Christiern, 1523. 

_Acta Tomiciana. _ Posnaniae, 1852-1860. 9 vols. 4^o. Vol. Ix. 2a ed. 1876. 4^o. 

A celebrated collection of documents in the Royal Archives of Poland. 

_Aktstykker. _ See ODENSE. 

_Alla riksdagars och mötens besluth_, ed. A. A. Von Stiernman. Stockh. , 1728-1743. 4 vols. 4^o. 

A collection of documents issued by diets and conventions from 1521 to1727. 

_Bidrag till Skandinaviens historia ur utländska arkiver_, ed. C. G. Styffe. Stockh. , 1859-1884. 5 vols. 8^o. 

A collection of foreign documents, chiefly from the Private Archives ofDenmark, relating to the history of Skandinavia, running to 1520. 

_Breve og Aktstykker til Oplysning af Christiern den Andens og Frederikden Førstes Historie_, ed. C. F. Allen, Kjøbenhavn. 1854. 4^o. 

Contains documents from 1519 to 1530 on the history of Christiern II. And Fredrik I. 

CHRISTIANIA. SAMFUND FOR DET NORSKE FOLKS SPROG OG HISTORIE. _Samlingtil det Norske Folks Sprog og Historie. _ Christiania, 1833-1839. 6 vols. 4^o. 

Contains documents on the surrender of the district of Viken by Swedento Norway, 1523-1535; also documents on the rebellion of Sunnanväder andKnut. 

_Christiern II. 's arkiv, 1e serien. Handlingar rörande Severin Norby ochde under hans ledning stående krigsföretagen mot Sverge_, ed. N. J. Ekdahl. Stockh. , 1835-1842. 4 vols. 8^o. 

A collection of documents on Christiern II. 's expeditions againstSweden. 

COPENHAGEN. KONGELIGT DANSK SELSKAB FOR FAEDRELANDETS HISTORIE OG SPROG. _Danske Magazin, 3e Raekke. _ Kjøbenhavn, 1843-1860. 6 vols. 4^o. 

This is the third series of the work mentioned under the precedingtitle. It contains a few letters relating to Christiern II. 's relationswith Sten Sture in 1518. 

COPENHAGEN. KONGELIGT GEHEIMEARCHIV. _Aarsberetninger_, ed. C. F. Wegener. Kjøbenhavn, 1852-1883. 7 vols. 8^o. 

A collection of documents in the Private Archives at Copenhagen. 

_Corps universel diplomatique du droit des gens_, ed. J. Dumont. Amst. , 1726-1739. 13 vols. F^o. 

A collection of European treaties from the reign of Charlemagne. 

_Danske Magazin. _ See COPENHAGEN. 

_De la Gardiska archivet, eller handlingar ur Greft. De la Gardiskabibliotheket på Löberöd_, ed. P. Wieselgren. Stockh. & Lund, 1831-1844. 20 vols. & bihang. 8^o. 

A collection of documents on the history of Sweden, preserved in thelibrary of the De la Gardie family. 

_Den Swenska Mercurius. _ 4e årgång. Stockh. , 1758. 8^o. 

Contains a few letters from Gustavus Vasa. 

_Diplomatarium Dalecarlicum. _ _Urkunde rörande landskapet Dalarne_, ed. C. G. Kröningssvärd & J. Lidén. Stockh. , 1842-1853. 3 vols. &Supplement, 4^o. 

Contains documents relating to Dalarne from 1248 to 1560. 

_Handlingar. _ See STOCKHOLM. 

_Handlingar til uplysning af Svenska historien_, ed. E. M. Fant. Upsal. , 1789-1802. 4 vols. 8^o. 

_Handlingar till upplysning af Finlands häfder_, ed. A. I. Arvidsson. Stockh. , 1846-1858. 10 vols. 8^o. 

_Handlingar till upplysning i Finlands Kyrko-historia_, ed. W. G. Lagus. Ny följd. Åbo, 1836-1839. 4 vols. 4^o. 

_Handlingar ur. V. Brinkman'ska archivet på Trolle-Ljungby_, ed. G. Andersson. Örebro, 1859-1865. 2 vols. 8^o. 

_Historiska handlingar. _ See STOCKHOLM. 

_Historiska märkwerdigheter til uplysning af Swenska häfder_, ed. S. Lönbom. Stockh. , 1768. 4 vols. 8^o. 

_Historiska samlingar_, ed. C. Adlersparre. Stockh. , 1793-1822. 5 vols. 8^o. 

_Konglige och furstlige förlijkningar, föreningar, försäkringar, dagtingan, förbund, förskrijffningar, legdebref, etc. _, ed. J. Hadorph. Stockh. , 1676. 4^o. 

A valuable collection of Swedish public documents running to 1523. 

_Konung Gustaf den Förstes registratur. _ See STOCKHOLM. 

LINKÖPING. _Bibliotheks handlingar_, ed. J. A. Lindblom. Linköp. , 1793-1795. 2 vols. 8^o. 

Contains a number of letters of Bishop Brask, badly edited, however. 

_Monumenta diplomatica Suecana_, ed. J. H. Schröder. Upsal. , 1822. 4^o. 

Contains documents from 1441 to 1502. 

_Monumenta politico-Ecclesiastica ex archiuo Palmskiöldiano_, ed. O. Celsius. Upsal. , 1753. 4^o. 

_Nya Källor till Finlands Medeltidshistoria. _ 1a Samlingen, ed. E. Grönblad. Köpenhamn, 1857. 8^o. 

Contains documents on the history of Finland from 1335 to 1524. 

ODENSE. FYENS STIFTS LITERAERE SELSKAB. _Aktstykker til Nordens Historiei Grevefeidens Tid_, ed. C. Paludan-Müller. Odense, 1850-1853. 2 vols. 4^o. 

A very valuable collection of documents on the history of Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, 1533-1536. 

_Samling utaf kongl. Bref, stadgar och förordningar etc. AngåendeSweriges Riges commerce, politie och oeconomie_, ed. A. A. VonStiernman. Stockh. , 1747-1775. 6 vols. 4^o. 

A valuable collection of Swedish public documents running from 1523 to1746. 

_Scriptores rerum Danicarum medii aeui_, ed. J. Langebek. Hafniae, 1772-1878. 9 vols. F^o. 

_Scriptores rerum Suecicarum medii aeui_, ed. E. M. Fant. Upsal. , 1818-1828. 2 vols. F^o. Vol. Iii. , ed. C. Annerstedt. Upsal. , 1871-1876. F^o. 

_Skrifter och handlingar til uplysning i Swenska Kyrko och Reformationshistorien_, ed. U. Von Troil. Upsal. , 1790-1791. 5 vols. 8^o. 

A very valuable collection of documents on Church matters. 

_Småländska archivet_, ed. C. G. Södergren. Vexiö, 1853-1874. 3 vols. 8^o. 

A collection of documents relating to the history of Småland. 

STOCKHOLM. KONGLIGA BIBLIOTEKET. _Tidningar om lärda saker. _ År 1767, ed. C. C. Gjörwell. Stockh. , 1767. 8^o. 

Contains a few letters from Gustavus Vasa. 

STOCKHOLM. KONGLIGA RIKS-ARCHIVET. _Handlingar rörande Sverges inreförhållanden under Konung Gustaf I. _, ed. P. E. Thyselius. Stockh. , 1841-1845. 2 vols. 8^o. 

These documents are in the Royal Archives at Stockholm. 

STOCKHOLM. KONGLIGA RIKS-ARCHIVET. _Handlingar rörande Sverigeshistoria. 1a serien, Konung Gustaf den Förstes registratur_, ed. V. G. Granlund. Stockh. , 1861-1887. 10 vols. 8^o. 

A most valuable collection of documents in the Royal Archives atStockholm. Published thus far only from the year 1521 through 1535. 

STOCKHOLM. KONGLIGA SAMFUNDET FÖR UTGIVANDE AF HANDSKRIFTER RÖRANDESKANDINAVIENS HISTORIA. _Handlingar rörande Skandinaviens historia. _Stockh. , 1816-1865. 41 vols. 8^o. 

A most valuable collection of documents from various sources on thehistory of Sweden. 

STOCKHOLM. KONGLIGA SAMFUNDET FÖR UTGIVANDE AF HANDSKRIFTER RÖRANDESKANDINAVIENS HISTORIA. _Historiska handlingar. _ Stockh. , 1861-1879. 11vols. 8^o. 

A most valuable collection of documents from various sources on thehistory of Sweden. 

STOCKHOLM. KONGLIGA SAMFUNDET FÖR UTGIVANDE AF HANDSKRIFTER RÖRANDESKANDINAVIENS HISTORIA. _Samling af instructioner rörande den civilaförvaltningen i Sverige och Finnland_, ed. C. G. Styffe. Stockh. , 1856. 8^o. 

STOCKHOLM. KONGLIGA VETENSKAPS-ACADEMIEN. _Praesidii tal om det förstelycklige tidehvarf för Sveriges allmänna hushållning, under Gustaf d. I. 's regering, af N. Bielke, Apr. 27, 1776. _ Stockh. , 1776. 8^o. 

Contains a number of documents from the time of Gustavus Vasa. 

_Supplement till Bishop Brasks brefväxling 1527-1528_, ed. J. H. Schröder. Upsal. , 1854. 4^o. 

Contains a few letters between Bishop Brask and Gustavus Vasa. Issupplementary to Brask's letters as published in LINKÖPING and in_Handl. Rör. Sver. Hist. _, vols. Xiii. -xviii. 

_Svenska riksdagsakter jämte andra handlingar söm höra tilstatsförfattningens historia under tidehvarfvet 1521-1718. _ Ie delen, ed. Emil Hildebrand & Oskar Alin. Stockh. , 1887-1888. 8^o. 

_Sverges traktater med främmande magter_, ed. O. S. Rydberg. Stockh. , 1877-1887. 3 vols. 8^o. 

THEINER, Augustin. _Schweden und seine Stellung zum heiligen Stuhl underJohann III. , Sigismund III. Und Karl IX. _ Augsburg, 1838-1839. 2 vols. 8^o. 

Contains a few documents of the time of Gustavus Vasa relating to Churchmatters. 

VESTERGÖTLANDS FORMINNESFÖRENING. _Tidskrift_, ed. C. J. Ljungström. Lund, 1869-1877. 3 vols. 8^o. 

ÖSTERGÖTLANDS FORMINNESFÖRENING. _Tidskrift. _ Linköp. , 1875. 8^o. 

II. AIDS. 

 [In this list are included the chief works bearing on Gustavus Vasa, and written during or since the year 1600. ]

ALLEN, Carl Ferdinand. _De tre nordiske Rigers Historie under Hans, Christiern den Anden, Frederik den Første, Gustav Vasa, Grevefeiden. _Kjøbenhavn, 1864-1872. 5 vols. 8^o. 

ANJOU, Lars Anton. _Swenska Kyrkoreformationens historia. _ Upsal. , 1850-1851. 3 vols. 8^o. [Eng. Trans. , N. Y. , 1859. 8^o. ]

ARCHENHOLTZ, Johann Wilhelm von. _Geschichte Gustav Wasa's, König's vonSchweden. _ Tubing. , 1801. 2 vols. 8^o. [French trans. , Paris, 1803. 2vols. 8^o. ]

BAAZIUS, Johannes. _Inuentarium Ecclesiae Sueo-Gothorum, continensintegram historiam Ecclesiae Suecicae libb. Viii. Descriptam. _Lincopiae, 1642. 4^o. 

_Berättelse om oroligheterna i södra Swerige, til följe af Nils Dackesupror, med flera märkelige händelser, som sig under K. Gustaf d. I. 'sregering tildragit. Utgifwen efter et gammalt manuscript. _ Stockh. , 1781, 16^o. 

_Biographiskt lexicon öfver namnkunnige Svenska män. _ Upsal. & Örebro, 1835-1857. 2 vols. 8^o. & nya serien, Örebro & Stockh. , 1857-1883. 9vols. 8^o. 

CELSIUS, Olof. _Konung Gustaf den Förstes historia. _ 3e uplag. , Lund, 1792. 2 vols. 8^o. 

[CHAPMAN, Rev. ] _The history of Gustavus Vasa, king of Sweden. Withextracts from his correspondence. _ Lond. , 1852. 8^o. 

_Expeditio Danica aduersus Holmiam anno 1518. _ [In _Scriptores rerumSuecicarum_, vol. Iii. Sect. 1, pp. 29-32. ]

From MS. Of latter part of seventeenth century. Author and sourceunknown. 

FLAUX, Armand de. _La Suède au XVI^e. Siècle. Histoire de la Suèdependant la vie et sous la règne de Gustave I^er. _ Paris, 1861. 8^o. 

FORSSELL, Hans. _Sveriges inre historia från Gustaf den Förste, medsärskildt afseende på förvaltning och ekonomi. _ Stockh. , 1869-1875. 2vols. 8^o. 

FRYXELL, Anders. _Berättelser ur svenska historien. _ Stockh. , 1823-1848. 10 vols. 8^o. [Eng. Trans. , Lond. , 1844. 2 vols. 12^o. ]

GEIJER, Erik Gustaf. _Svenska folkets historia. _ Örebro, 1832-1836. 3vols. 8^o. [Eng. Trans. , Lond. , 1845. 8^o. ]

GIESELER, Johann Carl Ludwig. _Lehrebuch der Kirchengeschichte. _ Bonn, 1824-1853. 3 vols. 8^o. [Eng. Trans. , N. Y. , 1857-1880. 5 vols. 8^o. ]

GIRS, Aegidius. _Konung Gustaff's den I. Och Erich's den XIV. Chrönikor. _ Stockh. , 1670. 4^o. 

GRUBB, Christopher Lorenz. _Breuiarium Gustauianum: thet är, ett kortuthtogh aff K. Gustaffz den Förstes historia. _ Linköp. , 1671. 4^o. 

HALLENBERG, Jonas. _Historisk afhandling on mynt och warors wärde iSwerige, under Konung Gustaf I. 's regering. _ Stockh. , 1798. 8^o. 

HALLMAN, Johan Gustaf. _The Twenne bröder och Neriksboer, som thenEvangeliska läran införde uti Norlanden, then äldre Mest. Oluff PetriPhase, första Evangeliska Kyrkioherde öfwer Stockholms stad, then yngreMest. Lars Petri hin gamle, första Evangeliska Erkiebiskop uti Upsala. _Stockh. , 1726. 4^o. 

HVITFELD, Arild. _Danmarks Riges Krønike tilligemed Bispekrøniken. _Kiøbenhaffn, 1595-1604. 10 vols. 8^o. 

JOHANSSON, Johan. _Om Noraskog. Äldre och nyare anteckningar. _ Stockh. , 1875-1882. 2 vols. 8^o. 

KEMPENSKIÖLD, Samuel. _Historiae serenissimi et potentissimi principisac domini, Domini Gustaui Primi, Suecorum, Gothorum, Wandalorumqueregis, libri V. _ Strengnesiae, 1648. 12^o. 

KEMPIUS, Samuel. _Historiae potentissimi et Christianissimi principis acdomini Gustaui I. _ Strengnesiae, 1629. 8^o. 

LOCCENIUS, Johan. _Antiquitatum Sueo-Gothicarum, cum huius aeui moribus, institutis ac ritibus indigenis pro re nata comparatarum libri tres. _ 2aed. , Holmiae, 1654. 8^o. 

LOCCENIUS, Johan. _Rerum Suecicarum historia a Rege Berone tertio usquead Ericum decimum quartum deducta. _ Holmiae, 1654. 8^o. 

MESSENIUS, Johan. _Chronicon episcoporum per Sueciam Gothiam etFinlandiam. Cuilibet successiue dioccesi, ab anno DCCCXXXV. Adpraesentem usque MDCXI. Praesidentium uitam complectens. _ Stockh. , 1611. 8^o. 

MESSENIUS, Johan. _Scondia illustrata, seu chronologia de rebusScondiae, hoc est, Sueciae, Daniae, Noruegiae, atque una Islandiae, Gronlandiaeque, tam Ecclesiasticis quam politicis; a mundo cataclysmo, usque annum Christi MDCXII. _ Stockholmiae, 1700-1705. 15 vols. F^o. 

MEURS, Jan de. _Historia Danica usque ad annum 1523. _ [In his _Operaomnia_, Florentiae, 1741-1763, 12 vols. F^o. , vol. Ix. Pp. 1-992. ]

_Nouvelle biographie générale. _ Paris, 1862-1870. 46 vols. 8^o. Vol. Xxii. Pp. 863-872. _Gustave I^er Wasa_, par A. De Lacaze. 

PALUDAN-MÜLLER, C. _Grevens Feide. _ Kjøbenhavn, 1853-1854. 2 vols. 8^o. 

_Relatio historica de duobus Gustauis regibus Sueciae, auo et nepote, Augustanae confessionis, Augustis defensoribus. Das ist: historischeRelation, von Zweyen Königen in Schweden, Gustavo dem Ersten, undGustavo dem Andern. _ Stralsund, 1632. 4^o. 

REUTERDAHL, Henrik. _Swenska Kyrkans historia. _ Lund, 1838-1866. 4 vols. 8^o. 

RHYZELIUS, Anders Olofsson. _Episcoposcopia Suiogothica. _ Linköp. , 1752. 2 vols. 4^o. 

RÖMER, Rudolf Cornelius Heinrich. _Specimen historico-theologicum, deGustauo I. , rerum sacrarum in Suecia, saec. XVI. Instauratore. _ Traj. AdRhen. , 1840. 8^o. 

SCOTT, Sarah [Henry Augustus Raymond]. _The history of Gustavus Ericson, king of Sweden. With an introductory history of Sweden, from the middleof the twelfth century. _ Lond. , 1761. 8^o. 

STRINNHOLM, Anders Magnus. _Svenska folkets historia under konungarne afWasa-ätten. _ Stockh. , 1819-1823. 3 vols. 8^o. 

SVEDELIUS, Vilhelm Erik. _Om Konung Gustaf den Förste och hans tidehvarfsärdeles de tvenne förste s. K. Dalkarlsupproren. _ Stockh. , 1861. 8^o. 

_Sveriges historia från äldsta tid till våra dagar. _ Stockh. , 1877-1881. 6 vols. 8^o. Vol. Ii. By Hans Hildebrand, and vol. Iii. By Oskar Alin. 

TEGEL, Erik. _Then stoormechtighe, höghborne furstes och Christeligheherres, der Gustaffs, fordom Sweriges, Göthes, och Wendes konungs etc. Historia. _ Stockh. , 1622. 6^o. 

TENGSTRÖM, Johan Jacob. _Några blad ur Finnlands häfder för K. GustafI. 's regeringstid. _ [In _Suomi_, vol. Xiii. Pp. 101-287. Helsingfors, 1854. 8^o. ]

TYPOTIUS, Jacobus. _Relatio historica de regno Sueciae et bellisciuilibus atque externis. _ Francof. , 1605. 16^o. 

VERTOT, René Aubert de. _Histoire des révolutions de Suède. _ Paris, 1695. 2 vols. 12^o. [Eng. Trans. , Glasg. , 1761. 8^o. ]

VINGQVIST, Olof. _Om svenska representationen i äldre tider, till ochmed riksdagen år 1617. _ Stockh. , 1863. 8^o. 

WEIDLING, Julius. _Schwedische Geschichte im Zeitalter der Reformation. _Gotha, 1882. 8^o. 

WILLEBRANDT, Johann Peter. _Hansische Chronick. _ Lübeck, 1748. F^o. 

ÖRNHJELM, Claudius. _Relation om bispars, kanikers, praebendaters ochclosters jordegods. _ [In _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xxi. Pp. 218-279. ]

From a MS. Written by command of the king of Sweden in 1691. 

ÖRNHJELM, Claudius, and others. _Relation, med bijlagde documenter, ombiskops-canonie-prebende-sampt kyrckie och kloster-gods, och derasreduction. _ [In _Handl. Rör. Skand. Hist. _, vol. Xxi. Pp. 280-357, andvol. Xxii. Pp. 313-418. ]

From a MS. Written by command of the king of Sweden in 1691. 

INDEX. 

 Adrian VI. , appoints Johannes Magni his legate, 126-127; death of, 128; orders Gustavus to restore Trolle, 134. 

 Albert of Mecklenburg, king of Sweden, 12-13. 

 Amsterdam, Magni is sent to, 211. 

 Anabaptists, fanaticism of, 165-167. 

 Andreæ (Laurentius), his friendship for Petri, 155; writes concerning Luther, 160-161; is made archdeacon of Upsala, 163; Gustavus writes to, 203; sends translation of New Testament, 231; addresses Diet of Vesterås, 248-249; is chosen to approach the king, 253. 

 Andreæ (Nils) is made prior of Vesterås, 226. 

 Apostles, authority of, 233-236. 

 Arboga, Cabinet meeting at, 42; Gustavus quarrels with monks of, 241-242. 

 Arcimboldo, is sent as ambassador by Christiern to Sture, 48-50; reappoints Ulfsson to the archbishopric, 56-57; his withdrawal from Sweden, 58. 

 Aristocracy, origin of, 6-9. 

 Armigers, origin of, 8. 

 Assemblies (county), 4-5 and 8. 

 Assemblies (provincial), 4-5 and 8. 

 Baner (Sigrid), grandmother of Gustavus Vasa, 2. 

 Bible, translation of, 221-223; authority of, 233-236. 

 Birgitta, grandmother of Gustavus Vasa, 3 and note 2. 

 Bjelke, influence of family of, 16. 

 Bleking, is invaded by Norby, 178 and 183-184; is granted to Norby, 185; hostilities of Norby in, 193-194; Norby is driven from, 197-200. 

 Bonde, influence of family of, 16. 

 Brabant, privileges granted to, 211. 

 Brask (Hans), places note under his seal, 103; joins the Swedish cause, 103-104; avoids the Diet of Strengnäs, 113; is called upon to aid the crown, 129-130; informs the pope that Church property is being confiscated, 133-134; is called upon to furnish aid for expedition against Gotland, 140-141 and 142-143; denounces Fredrik to Gustavus, 145; is oppressed by Gustavus, 149-150; charges Petri with heresy, 156; writes to Magni concerning heresy, 157-158; writes concerning Luther, 161-163; his love for the Church, 164; protests against the marriage of Petri, 169-171 and 224; suspects Fredrik, 171; writes about Christina, 179; writes about Norby, 198; writes about Sunnanväder, 202; writes about the tax, 206; writes about the treaty with Holland, 210-211; writes about Dalarne, 213-214; opposes translation of the Bible, 222-223; his dispute with Gustavus about a monastery, 228; is oppressed by Gustavus, 229-231; incurs wrath of Gustavus, 232; protests against disputation, 233; his action at Diet of Vesterås, 246-250; fall of, 262-266; his character, 266-267. 

 Brännkyrka, battle at, 51-52. 

 Bremen, congress to be held in, 210. 

 Brun (Søren), capture of, 192. 

 Cabinet, its origin and constitution, 9-11; its encroachments, 11-25; slaughter of, 113; Gustavus admits foreigners into, 150; usurps authority in Diet of Vesterås, 257; its composition under Gustavus, 271; is humbled by Gustavus, 273. 

 Cecilia, mother of Gustavus Vasa, 3-4. 

 Charles V. Receives Christiern into Burgundian League, 80; Norby enlists under, 200; signs treaty with Sweden, 210. 

 Charles XII. , his influence in Sweden, 220-221. 

 Christianity, introduction of, into Sweden, 5-6. 

 Christiern I. , king of Denmark, 16-17. 

 Christiern II. , king of Denmark, his character, 33-34; his early life, 34; his passion for Dyveke, 34-35; his interview with Gustaf Trolle, 37-38; attacks Sweden, 44-45; is defeated by Sture, 45-46; seeks to form truce with Sture, 48-50; his expedition against Sweden, 50-51; is defeated at Brännkyrka, 51-52; treachery of, 53-54; renews his efforts to recover Sweden, 57-58; appeals to the pope, 62; sails with his fleet to Sweden, 71-72; lays siege to Stockholm, 76-77; enters Stockholm in triumph, 77-78; is crowned, 78-80; slaughters the Swedish magnates, 81-83; opposition to, 109; is deposed, 112; his failures, 117; is charged with murdering Swedish bishops, 126; opposition of Fredrik and Gustavus to, 147; Norby's alliance with, 175 and 177; his efforts to recover Sweden, 190-193 and 198-199. 

 Christina. _See_ Gyllenstjerna (Christina). 

 Christina, wife of King Hans, defends the castle of Stockholm, 22. 

 Christopher of Bavaria, is elected king of Sweden, 15-16. 

 Church, early encroachments of, 5-6; sides with Denmark against Sweden, 17-25; riches of, 122-124; Gustavus oppresses, 149-150; is taxed to pay Lubeck, 204; Gustavus opposes her on grounds of faith, 221-245; Gustavus deprives her of her power, 254-262; humiliation of, 271. 

 Clement VII. , pope, 136. 

 Coinage, debasement of, 107-108; alterations in, 122 and note. 

 Copenhagen, youth of Christiern II. In, 34; Norby proceeds to, 185; Norby is asked to proceed to, 199. 

 Dalarne, rebellion in, 15; Sten Sture gains support in, 20; Svante Sture is supported by, 23; description of, 85; Gustavus seeks to rouse the people of, 85-87; Gustavus is recalled by the people of, 88-89; becomes the centre of the Revolution, 92; hardihood of people of, 93; Gustavus recruits forces in, 107; grievances of, 153-154; conspiracy in, 176-177; efforts of Gustavus to stay discontent in, 181-183; dissension in, 213-215; impostor goes to, 218-219; Gustavus writes to, 227-228; Gustavus tries to appease, 242-246; Andreæ condemns rebellion in, 248; Diet of Vesterås discusses rebellion in, 254-256; Brask is charged with conspiracy in, 263. 

 Dalelf, description of, 85; Danish camp at, 93. 

 Dantzic, Christina seeks aid from, 67; privileges granted by Sweden to, 114 and 209-212; Christina's son returns from, 172. 

 Denmark, struggle between Sweden and, 13-25, and 35-117; "klippings" repudiated in, 143. 

 Dyveke becomes mistress of Christiern II. , 34-35. 

 East Friesland, privileges granted to, 211. 

 Engelbrektsson (Engelbrekt), rebellion under, 15. 

 Erik of Pomerania, is chosen king of Sweden, 13; his career, 14-15. 

 Eriksson, takes part in storming of Vesterås, 96-98; of Upsala, 98-99. 

 Eriksson (Nils), is placed in command of Kalmar, 174-175. 

 Falun, Gustavus plunders, 92. 

 Fathers, dispute concerning authority of, 233-236. 

 Finland, Gustavus sends force to, 105; Norby goes to rescue of, 106; Swedish possessions in, 131; is subdued by Gustavus, 138; Norby asks for land in, 178; Norby is said to be about to attack, 198; Gustavus writes to, 199; her part in the treaty with Russia, 207-208. 

 France, her hatred of Christiern, 109. 

 Francisco of Potentia, is said to have been made bishop of Skara, 137. 

 Fredrik, duke of Schleswig-Holstein, his opposition to Christiern, 109; is chosen king of Denmark, 112; resigns his claim to Sweden, 131; delays matter of Gotland, 139-140; requests postponement of congress, 144-145; is said to be in league with Norby, 146-147; takes part in congress at Malmö, 147-148; his relations with Norby, 174-175; is deceived by Norby, 177-178; his treachery toward Gustavus, 178-179; makes war on Norby, 184-185; grants Bleking to Norby, 185; his show of friendship to Gustavus, 190-196; defeats Norby, 199-200; his action concerning Knut and Sunnanväder, 200-202; negotiates with Gustavus, 215-217. 

 Gad (Hemming), supporter of Sten Sture, 19; reconciles Svante Sture to Sten Sture, 21; is elected bishop of Linköping, 21; his election is not ratified, 22; besieges Stockholm, 22; his character, 33; is captured by Christiern, 53-54; allies himself with Christiern, 75-76. 

 Galle (Peder), professor in University of Upsala, 27; holds disputation with Petri, 168-169; Brask writes to, 224; holds another disputation with Petri, 232-236; wrangles at Diet of Vesterås, 252-253. 

 Germany, her share in the Reformation, 119-120. 

 Ghent, Magni goes to, 212. 

 Gotland, Swedish Cabinet demands, 18; Gustavus plans expedition against, 138-141; opening of war against, 145-146; decision of congress at Malmö concerning, 147-148; folly of expedition against, 150; Norby offers to surrender, 178; retains ammunition of Gustavus in, 192; is said to have been handed over to the Danes, 198; Gustavus demands, 217; Brask goes to, 266. 

 Gregory, authority of, 234-235. 

 Gripsholm, Gustavus seizes monastery of, 226-228 and 244-245; Diet of Vesterås discusses seizure of, 254. 

 Guilds, in Stockholm, 30-31. 

 Gustavus. _See_ Vasa (Gustavus). 

 Gyllenstjerna (Christina), marries Sten Sture the Younger, 24; her character, 32; her bravery, 66; refuses to parley with the Danes, 67 and 68; battles with the Danes, 68-69; surrenders Stockholm, 76-77; is summoned before Christiern, 82; is imprisoned in Denmark, 83; her projected alliance with Norby, 172; is suspected of conspiracy against Gustavus, 179; is said to have been imprisoned by Gustavus, 181 and 182; impersonation of her boy, 218-219. 

 Hans, king of Denmark, 17; his hostility to Sten Sture, 18-21; is recognized as king, 21; is forced to flee, 22; death of, 25; his words about Gustavus Vasa, 25-26. 

 Hanse Towns, send aid to Christina, 69; are said to have sent stores to Christiern, 94; privileges granted to, 114 and 209-212; importance of Gotland to, 139; their share in the congress at Malmö, 175. 

 Haraldsson (Magnus), is elected bishop of Skara, 133. 

 Helgeandsholm, island near Stockholm, 29-30. 

 Holland, Christiern II. Raises force in, 198; Sweden forms treaty with, 209-212. 

 Hoya (Johan von), infatuation of Gustavus for, 150; honors conferred on, 152; is sent as ambassador to Russia, 207. 

 Italy, her feeling toward the Church, 120. 

 Johansson (Erik), father of Gustavus Vasa, his early history, 3-4; hostility to King Hans, 25; is member of Cabinet, 26; is commandant of Kastelholm Castle, 26. 

 Jonsson (Bo), chancellor of the Swedish Cabinet, 13. 

 Kalmar, landing of Gustavus at, 62; Christiern proceeds against, 72; rejects Gustavus, 73-74; is besieged by Vestgöte, 110; fall of, 112-113; Mehlen sails to, 148; liberality of Gustavus to, 149; Christina's son arrives at, 172; Mehlen is deposed from command of, 174; Gustavus writes to people of, 175-176; Christina's boy is kept in, 179; resists Gustavus, 179-180; treachery of Mehlen at, 186-187; siege of, 187-188; fall of, 189; wreck at, 194-195; Gustavus sends fleet to, 199. 

 "Kalmar Recess, " its nature, 18; violation of its terms, 19 and 21. 

 Kalmar Union, its formation, 13-14. 

 Kalö, the place of imprisonment of Gustavus, 54-55; escape of Gustavus from, 59-60. 

 Karlsson (Magnus), grandfather of Gustavus Vasa, 3. 

 "Klippings, " their character, 107-108; are forbidden by Danish commandant of Stockholm, 122, note; are refused by the soldiers of Gustavus, 128; Gustavus apologizes for, 132-133; are repudiated in Sweden, 143-144 and note; Gustavus writes to Dalarne about, 153; Gustavus is denounced for, 182. 

 Knights, origin of, 8. 

 Knipperdolling, fanaticism of, 165-167. 

 Knut, is deposed from deanery of Vesterås, 138; joins conspiracy against Gustavus, 177; is given comfort in Norway, 178; Gustavus demands surrender of, 191; execution of, 200-203. 

 Knutsson (Karl), regent of Sweden, 15-16. 

 Kristersson (Johan), grandfather of Gustavus Vasa, 3. 

 Krumpen (Otto), is placed in command of Danish forces, 63; makes treaty with the Swedes, 67; his ineffectual effort to subdue Christina, 68; defeats the Swedes at Upsala, 69-71; holds conference with Christiern, 76; is knighted by Christiern, 80. 

 Köping, battle at, 95-96. 

 Lapland, Swedish depredations in, 208. 

 Leo X. , appoints Arcimboldo to sell indulgences, 48; appoints tribunal to investigate affairs in Sweden, 62; excommunicates Sture, 62; is approached by Johannes Magni, 126. 

 Lindholm, description of, 1. 

 Linköping, Gad is elected bishop of, 21; palace of bishop of, is besieged, 76; tax to be paid by bishop of, 205-206; is said to be at heart of conspiracy in Dalarne, 263. 

 Louvain, University of, 126. 

 Lubeck, flight of Gustavus to, 60-61; her hatred of Christiern, 109; sends fleet to Gustavus, 109-110; privileges granted by Sweden to, 114 and 209-212; debt of Sweden to, 121 and notes 1 and 2; demands payment of her loan to Sweden, 128-130; is asked to send delegates to congress at Malmö, 146; congress of Hanse Towns to be held at, 148; captures Visby, 184-185; her position in the Swedish Revolution, 190; is said to have fortified Gotland, 198; her negotiations with Gustavus, 203-206; tries to secure payment of debt, 213-215; her feeling toward the Reformation, 239. 

 Lund, archbishop of, investigates affairs in Sweden, 62; accompanies Christiern II. In expedition against Sweden, 72. 

 Luther (Martin), causes dread in Sweden, 154; Petri becomes pupil of, 155-156; feelings of Gustavus toward, 158; Andreæ writes concerning, 160-161; Brask writes concerning, 161-163; danger of his teaching, 165-168; his translation of the Bible, 221-223; Gustavus says he has not adopted teaching of, 236-238 and 245; his reforms are embodied in Swedish law, 246; clergy refuse to accept teaching of, 247-248. 

 Magni (Johannes), early life of, 126; is appointed legate by Adrian VI. , 127; is elected archbishop of Sweden, 133; is ordered to Rome to obtain confirmation, 134-135; Gustavus writes about the pope to, 137; his efforts to repress heresy, 156-158; his share in the translation of the Bible, 222-223; banishment of, 239-240; comparison between Brask and, 266. 

 Magni (Olaus), is sent to Rome by Gustavus, 136; is sent to Amsterdam by Gustavus, 211-212. 

 Magni (Petrus), is elected bishop of Vesterås, 134 and 138. 

 Malmö, congress at, 147-148; Gustavus is deceived at, 171. 

 Margaret, becomes regent of Sweden, 13 and note. 

 Margaret, regent of the Netherlands, forms treaty with Sweden, 212. 

 Margareta, is betrothed to Hoya, 152; is wronged by Fredrik, 215-216. 

 Mariefred, monastery of, is threatened, 76. 

 Maximilian, his share in the Reformation, 120. 

 Mehlen (Berent von), swears fealty to Gustavus, 105; is given command of expedition against Gotland, 145-146; withdraws from Gotland, 148; infatuation of Gustavus for, 150; fall of, 173-176; treachery of, 179-180; his flight, 186-187; Lubeck defends, 204. 

 Melchior, fanaticism of, 165-167. 

 Middle Ages, nature of, 118-119. 

 Mora, Gustavus at, 87-89; Gustavus writes to people of, 181. 

 Moscow, Swedish envoys are sent to, 207-208. 

 Mälar, pours its waters into the Baltic, 28; Gustavus takes up hiding-place on shore of, 75. 

 Natt och Dag, influence of family of, 16. 

 Netherlands, form treaty with Sweden, 212. 

 Nilsson (Kristiern), great-grandfather of Gustavus Vasa, 3. 

 Norby, is defeated by Vestgöte, 101-102; relieves Stockholm, 106; relieves Åbo, 106; infests shores of Baltic, 109; attempts to relieve Stockholm, 110; sails for Denmark, 112; makes depredations from Gotland, 139; is charged with checking imports, 142; Fredrik is thought to be in league with, 145-148; Gustavus tries to delude, 171-172; his projected alliance with Christina, 172-173; Gustavus denounces, 174-175; deceives Fredrik, 177-178; Gustavus is said to be in league with, 181; Dalarne conspires with, 182-183; invades Bleking, 183-184; is granted fiefs in Bleking, 185; negotiations between Fredrik and Gustavus concerning, 191-193; his negotiations with Gustavus, 193-195; fall of, 197-200; his complaint to the grand duke of Russia, 208. 

 North America, Revolution in, 273-275. 

 Norway, Gustavus flees to, 88; Knut and Sunnanväder flee to, 177-178; Gustavus writes to Cabinet of, 191; pretended son of Sture in, 218-219. 

 Nyköping, surrender of Castle of, 40-41. 

 Olsson, takes part in storming of Vesterås, 96-98; of Upsala, 98-99. 

 Oxenstjerna, influence of family of, 15-16. 

 Petri (Laurentius), early life of, 155; wrangles at Diet of Vesterås, 252-253. 

 Petri (Olaus), his early life and character, 154-156; is charged with heresy, 156-157; is appointed city clerk in Stockholm, 163; holds disputation with Galle, 168-169; his marriage, 169-171 and 224; holds another disputation with Galle, 232-236; is chosen to approach the king at Vesterås, 253; comparison between Brask and, 266. 

 Poland, Magni is sent on embassy to, 240. 

 Popes, usurpation of, 234-235; Gustavus fears, 238-239. 

 Prussia, Fredrik's daughter sails for, 199. 

 Reformation, general character of, 119-120; spread of, 154-156. 

 Rensel, enlists in the Swedish army, 102. 

 Revolution, nature of, 90-91; evils of Swedish, 220-221; comparison of Swedish Revolution with others, 272-275. 

 Riddarholm, island near Stockholm, 29. 

 Rome, establishes archbishopric of Upsala, 6; Gad is sent as ambassador to, 33; her share in the Reformation, 120; opposition of Gustavus to, 136; Magni plans return to, 159; Brask champions, 247 and 249; necessity that kings be sanctioned by, 268; Gustavus fears, 269; Swedish church becomes independent of, 270-271 and 273. 

 Runn (Lake), Gustavus at, 85-86. 

 Russia, is at war with Sweden, 17; is again at war with Sweden, 19; forms treaty with Sweden, 23; Norby flees to, 200; Gustavus ratifies treaty with 207-209. 

 Rydboholm, home of Gustavus Vasa, 3-4. 

 Rättvik, Gustavus at, 86-87; skirmish of Danish horsemen at, 88. 

 Scriptures, translation of, 221-223 and 231-232; authority of, 233-236; are to be taught in schools, 260. 

 Sigbrit, her influence over Christiern II. , 35. 

 Siljan (Lake), Gustavus at, 86-87. 

 Skara, election of bishop of, 125 and 133; Francisco of Potentia is said to have been made bishop of, 137; tax to be paid by bishop of, 206; part of Bible to be translated by Chapter of, 222; Gustavus oppresses bishop of, 264; bishop of Vesterås consecrates bishop of, 271. 

 Slagheck (Didrik), is placed at head of affairs in Sweden, 91; concentrates his forces at Vesterås, 93; is removed from office, 103; is beheaded, 109. 

 Sledorn (Henrik), professor in University of Upsala, 27. 

 Småland, Gustavus seeks to incite the people of, 75. 

 Sommar (Magnus), is elected bishop of Strengnäs, 133. 

 Stegeborg, is besieged by Vestgöte, 101-102; Gustavus inspects camp at, 102-103; fall of, 105; is granted to Hoya, 152. 

 Stegeholm, revolt in, 95. 

 Sten. _See_ Sture (Sten). 

 Sten Sture the Younger. _See_ Sture (Sten) the Younger. 

 Stockholm, siege of castle at, 22; description of, 28-31; is held by Christina, 68; Christiern arrives at, 72; siege of, 75-76; Christiern's triumphal entry into, 77-78; festival in, 78-80; carnage in, 81-83; Gustavus fails to capture, 100-101; Gustavus again lays siege to, 105-106; Gustavus raises siege of, 106; Gustavus again lays siege to, 107; Gustavus continues siege of, 110-111; is captured by Gustavus, 115-116; desolation of, 131. 

 Strengnäs, depredations at, 76; Diet of, 113-115; election of bishop of, 125 and 133; influence of Petri and Andreæ in, 155-156; Magni writes concerning clergy of, 159; tax to be paid by bishop of, 206; part of Bible to be translated by Chapter of, 222; address at Vesterås by bishop of, 252; Gustavus oppresses bishop of, 264; bishop of Vesterås consecrates bishop of, 271. 

 Sture (Sten), is chosen regent of Sweden, 16; is opposed by the Cabinet, 17-19; by King Hans of Denmark, 20-21; fall of, 21; is re-elected regent, 22; death of, 22; Gripsholm Monastery is founded by, 227. 

 Sture (Sten) the Younger, his war with Erik Trolle, 24-25; is elected regent, 25; recommends Gustaf Trolle for the archbishopric, 36-37; discord between Trolle and, 38-44; his peace negotiations with Christiern, 48-50; battles with the Danes, 51-52; is duped by Christiern, 53-54; writes to Christiern, 57-58; is excommunicated, 62; is wounded, 63-64; his death, 65; his character, 65-66; his body is exhumed, 83; pretended son of, 218-219. 

 Sture (Svante), his hostility to Sten Sture, 18-19; is reconciled to Sten Sture, 21; besieges Castle of Örebro, 22; is elected regent, 23; is deposed, 23; death of, 23. 

 Stäket, siege of, 20; dispute concerning, 38-39; Trolle fortifies, 40-42; siege of, 43-44; fall of, 47-48. 

 Sunnanväder (Peder), is deposed from bishopric of Vesterås, 137-138; conspiracy of, 153-154 and 176-177; is given comfort in Norway, 178; Gustavus demands surrender of, 191; execution of, 200-203; Gustavus denounces, 237. 

 Svante. _See_ Sture (Svante). 

 Svensson (Erik), is elected bishop of Åbo, 136. 

 Sweden, early constitution of, 4-5; introduction of Christianity into, 5-6; Reformation in, 121; is ruined by warfare, 220-221. 

 Söderköping, printing-press of, 232. 

 Södermalm, cliffs of, 28; Christiern pitches his camp at, 51. 

 Taxation, exemption of knights and armigers from, 8; is provided for by Diet of Strengnäs, 115 and 128-129; Gustavus apologizes for, 131-133; people's opposition to, 141-142; is provided for by Cabinet, 205-206; trouble in Dalarne about, 213-215 and 242-244. 

 Tetzel, his sale of indulgences, 120. 

 Tiveden, battle at, 64. 

 Tott, influence of family of, 16. 

 Trolle (Erik), his hostility to Sten Sture, 19; endeavors to be appointed regent, 24-25; plans to have his son appointed archbishop, 36-37. 

 Trolle (Gustaf), his character, 36; is appointed archbishop of Sweden. 36-37; hostility to Sten Sture, 38-45; appears before a diet in Stockholm, 46-47; is taken prisoner by Sture, 47-48; resigns his archbishopric, 57; becomes reconciled to Sture, 63; advocates declaration of allegiance to Christiern, 67; holds conference with Christiern, 76; denounces the Swedish magnates, 81-82; endeavors to check the power of Gustavus, 94; captures Upsala, 99-100; retires to Denmark, 109; Swedish Cabinet writes to the pope about, 127-128; Gustavus writes to Rome about, 135-136; Gustavus writes to Dalarne about, 154; is placed in command of Christiern's fleet, 198; Gustavus is said to favor, 245. 

 Trondhem, archbishop of, protects fugitives, 196; returns Knut and Sunnanväder, 201-202; relations between pretended son of Sture and, 218-219; translation of Bible is sent to, 231; Magni communicates with, 239-240. 

 Ulfsson (Jacob), archbishop of Sweden, 18; founds University of Upsala, 27; resigns the archbishopric, 36-37; is reappointed archbishop, 57; attends coronation of Christiern, 78; his advice to Gustavus, 83-84. 

 Upsala, siege of archbishop's palace, 20; election of Sten Sture at, 25; University of, 27; battle at, 69-71; is captured by Gustavus, 98-99; is recaptured by Trolle 99-100; election of archbishop of, 133; heresy breaks out in, 156; disputation held in, 168-169; tax to be paid by archbishop of, 205; Gustavus is crowned in Cathedral of, 271. 

 Vadstena, expedition against Gotland is determined at diet in, 139-140. 

 Vasa, family of, 2-3; influence of family of, 16. 

 Vasa (Gustavus), his birth, 1-2; his coat-of-arms, 2-3; his ancestry, 2-3; his meeting with King Hans, 25-26; his boyhood, 26; his education at Upsala, 26-27; is received at court, 31-32 and note; takes part in the battle of Brännkyrka, 51; is captured by Christiern, 53-54; is imprisoned in Denmark, 54-55; escapes from Kalö Castle, 59-60; appears in Lubeck, 60-61; lands at Kalmar, 61-62; his purpose, 72-73; seeks to incite the people of Småland, 74-75; solicits advice from Ulfsson, 83-84; flees to Dalarne, 84-85; seeks to rouse the Dalesmen, 85-87; flees to Norway, 87-88; is recalled, 88; is chosen leader, 89; recruits his army, 92-93; trains his soldiers, 94: captures Vesterås, 96-98; captures Upsala, 98-99; evacuates Upsala, 99-100; his unsuccessful effort to take Stockholm, 100-101; superintends the manœuvres of his army, 102-103; wins Brask to his side, 103-104; accepts title of Commander of Swedish Army, 104; prepares ambuscade for Danes, 105; sends force to Finland, 105; lays siege to Stockholm, 105-106; issues "klippings, " 107-108; sends to Lubeck for a fleet, 109-110; continues siege of Stockholm, 110-111; recruits his forces, 111-112; calls diet at Strengnäs, 113; is elected king, 114; enters Stockholm in triumph, 115-116; his successes, 117; charges Christiern with murdering Swedish bishops, 125-126; summons Johannes Magni, 127; is called upon to pay the debt to Lubeck, 128; calls upon Brask to aid the crown, 129-130; strives to improve condition of Stockholm, 131; endeavors to soothe the people, 131-133; writes to the pope for confirmation of the bishops, 133-134; writes to Rome about Trolle, 135-136; writes to Rome again and to Magni, 136-137; deposes bishop and dean of Vesterås, 137-138; subdues Finland, 138; plans expedition against Gotland, 138-140; appeals to Brask for aid, 140-141; lays the odium of the new tax on Brask, 141-143; communicates with Fredrik concerning Gotland, 144-145; begins war with Gotland, 145-146; takes part in the congress at Malmö, 147-148; oppresses Brask, 149-150; holds Cabinet meeting to improve trade, 150-153; his feelings toward Luther, 157-159; writes concerning Luther, 162-163; his purpose in opposing the Church, 163; his treatment of the Anabaptists, 167; holds a disputation, 168-169; discusses the marriage of Petri, 170-171; deposes Mehlen, 173-176; tries to quell insurrection in Dalarne, 176-177; his distrust of Fredrik, 178-179; his distrust of Christina, 179; is opposed in Kalmar, 179-180; summons diet to stay discontent, 180-183; fights Norby, 184; is displeased with Fredrik, 185-186; captures Kalmar, 186-189; his negotiations with Fredrik, 190-193; his communications with Norby, 194-195; his communications concerning Knut and Sunnanväder, 195-197; his movements against Norby, 197-199; executes Knut and Sunnanväder, 200-203; negotiates about debt to Lubeck, 203-206; forms treaty with Russia, 207-209; with Holland, 209-212; negotiates with the Dalesmen, 213-215; with Fredrik, 215-217; with the archbishop of Trondhem, 218-219; orders Bible to be translated, 222-223; oppresses the monasteries, 224-226; seizes Gripsholm, 228; oppresses Brask, 229-231; denies charge of favoring Luther, 231; calls a disputation, 232-234; seeks to soothe the Dalesmen, 236-238; oppresses Magni, 238-240; oppresses Åbo and Arboga, 240-242; communicates with the Dalesmen, 242-246; humiliates the Church at Vesterås, 246-247; opens the diet, 248-249; resigns the crown, 250-251; watches his enemies, 251-252; is begged to withdraw his resignation, 253-254; his demands are granted by the diet, 254-261; sends out announcement to the people, 261-262; oppresses Brask, 262-266; delays confirmation of the bishops, 269; sends out invitations to coronation, 269-270; consents to confirmation of the bishops, 270-271; is crowned, 271-272; considerations on his career, 272-275; bibliography of, 283-284. 

 Vend Cities, alliance with Sweden, 23; privileges granted by Sweden to, 209-211. 

 Vesterås, siege of, 69; fall of, 77; Danish forces are concentrated at, 93; Gustavus captures, 96-98; castle is reinforced by Danes, 104-105; castle surrenders, 106; election of new bishop of, 125 and 134; fair at, 131; Gustavus deposes bishop and dean of, 138; tax to be paid by bishop of, 206; trouble with the Dominican monks of, 225-226; closing of mint at, 244; Diet of, 246-262; consecrates the other bishops, 270-271. 

 "Vesterås Ordinantia, " terms of, 258-260. 

 "Vesterås Recess, " terms of, 257-258. 

 Vestgöte (Arvid), lays siege to Stegeborg, 101-102; captures Stegeborg, 105; besieges Kalmar, 110; captures Kalmar, 112-113; his depredations in Öland, 230. 

 Vexiö, tax to be paid by bishop of, 206; receives authority from Rome, 270-271. 

 Viken, dispute between Fredrik and Gustavus about, 216-217. 

 Visby, leader of the Hanseatic League, 139; siege of, 146-147; Mehlen's conduct in siege of, 173; is captured by Lubeck, 184-185; ammunition of Gustavus kept in, 192. 

 Washington (George), comparison between Gustavus and, 274. 

 West Friesland, privileges granted to, 211. 

 Wittenberg, Petri studies at, 155. 

 Zealand, privileges granted to, 211. 

 Åbo, is besieged by Gustavus, 105; forces of Gustavus are routed at, 106; death of bishop of, 134; election of bishop of, 136; tax to be paid by bishop of, 205-206; Gustavus quarrels with Chapter of, 241; is not represented at Diet of Vesterås, 246; bishop of Vesterås consecrates bishop of, 271. 

 Öland, depredations of Vestgöte in, 230. 

 Örebro, siege of castle at, 22. 

University Press, Cambridge: John Wilson & Son.