_To be completed in 12 volumes, 3s. 6d. Each_. 

THE PROSE WORKS

OF

JONATHAN SWIFT, D. D. 

EDITED BY

TEMPLE SCOTT

VOL. I. A TALE OF A TUB AND OTHER EARLY WORKS. Edited by TEMPLE SCOTT. With a biographical introduction byW. E. H. LECKY, M. P. With Portrait and Facsimiles. 

VOL. II. THE JOURNAL TO STELLA. Edited by FREDERICK RYLAND, M. A. With two Portraits of Stella and a Facsimile of one of the Letters. 

VOLS. III. & IV. WRITINGS ON RELIGION AND THE CHURCH. Edited by TEMPLE SCOTT. With Portraits and Facsimiles of Title-pages. 

VOL. V. HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL TRACTS--ENGLISH. Edited by TEMPLE SCOTT. With Portrait and Facsimiles of Title-pages. 

VOL. VI. THE DRAPIER'S LETTERS. Edited by TEMPLE SCOTT. With Portrait, Reproductions of Wood's Coinage, and Facsimiles of Title pages. 

VOL. VIII. GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. Edited by G. RAVENSCROFT DENNIS. With Portrait, Maps and Facsimiles. 

VOL. IX. CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE "EXAMINER, " "TATLER, " "SPECTATOR, " &c. Edited by TEMPLE SCOTT. With Portrait. 

VOL. X. HISTORICAL WRITINGS. Edited by TEMPLE SCOTT. With Portrait. 

_To be followed by:_

VOL. VII. HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL TRACTS--IRISH. 

VOL. XI. LITERARY ESSAYS. 

VOL. XII. BIBLIOGRAPHY AND INDEX TO COMPLETE WORKS. 

 * * * * *

LONDON: GEORGE BELL AND SONS. 

BOHN'S STANDARD LIBRARY

 * * * * *

THE PROSE WORKS OF JONATHAN SWIFTVOL. VI

GEORGE BELL AND SONS

LONDON: YORK ST. COVENT GARDENCAMBRIDGE: DEIGHTON, BELL & CO. NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN CO. BOMBAY: A. H. WHEELER & CO. 

[Illustration: Jonathan Swift from a painting in the National Galleryof Ireland once in the possession of judge Berwick and ascribed toFrancis Bindon]

THE PROSE WORKS

OF

JONATHAN SWIFT, D. D. 

EDITED BY

TEMPLE SCOTT

VOL. VI

THE DRAPIER'S LETTERS

LONDON

GEORGE BELL AND SONS

1903

CHISWICK PRESS CHARLES WHITTINGHAM AND COTOOKS COURT, CHANCERY LANE, LONDON

INTRODUCTION

In 1714 Swift left England for Ireland, disappointed, distressed, andworn out with anxiety in the service of the Harley Ministry. On hisinstallation as Dean of St. Patrick's he had been received in Dublinwith jeering and derision. He had even been mocked at in his walksabroad. In 1720, however, he entered for the second time the field ofactive political polemics, and began with renewed energy the series ofwritings which not only placed him at the head and front of thepolitical writers of the day, but secured for him a place in theaffections of the people of Ireland--a place which has been kept sacredto him even to the present time. A visitor to the city of Dublindesirous of finding his way to St. Patrick's Cathedral need but to askfor the Dean's Church, and he will be understood. There is only oneDean, and he wrote the "Drapier's Letters. " The joy of the people ofDublin on the withdrawal of Wood's Patent found such permanentexpression, that it has descended as oral tradition, and what wasomitted from the records of Parliament and the proceedings of Clubs andAssociations founded in the Drapier's honour, has been embalmed in thehearts of the people, whose love he won, and whose homage it was everhis pride to accept. 

The spirit of Swift which Grattan invoked had, even in Grattan's time, power to stir hearts to patriotic enthusiasm. That spirit has not diedout yet, and the Irish people still find it seasonable and refreshing tobe awakened by it to a true sense of the dignity and majesty ofIreland's place in the British Empire. 

A dispassionate student of the condition of Ireland between the yearsof Swift's birth and death--between, say, 1667 and 1745--could rise fromthat study in no unprejudiced mood. It would be difficult for him toavoid the conclusion that the government of Ireland by England had notonly degraded the people of the vassal nation, but had proved a disgraceand a stigma on the ruling nation. It was a government of the masses bythe classes, for no other than selfish ends. It ended, as all suchgovernments must inevitably end, in impoverishing the people, inwholesale emigration, in starvation and even death, in revolt, and infostering among those who remained, and among those whom circumstancesexiled, the dangerous spirit of resentment and rebellion which is theoutcome of the sense of injustice. It has also served, even to this day, to give vitality to those associations that have from time to timearisen in Ireland for the object of realizing that country'sself-government. 

It may be argued that the people of Ireland of that time justifiedSwift's petition when he prayed to be removed from "this land of slaves, where all are fools and all are knaves"; but that is no justificationfor the injustice. The injustice from which Ireland suffered was a fact. Its existence was resented with all the indignation with which anemotional and spiritual people will always resent material obstructionsto the free play of what they feel to be their best powers. 

There were no leaders at the time who could see this, and seeing it, enforce its truth on the dull English mind to move it to saner methodsof dealing with this people. Nor were there any who could order theresentment into battalions of fighting men to give point to the demandsfor equal rights with their English fellow-subjects. 

Had Swift been an Irishman by nature as he was by birth, it might havebeen otherwise; but Swift was an Irishman by accident, and only becamean Irish patriot by reason of the humanity in him which found indignantand permanent expression against oppression. Swift's indignationagainst the selfish hypocrisy of his fellow-men was the cry from thepain which the sight of man's inhumanity to man inflicted on hissensitive and truth-loving nature. The folly and baseness of hisfellow-creatures stung him, as he once wrote to Pope, "to perfect rageand resentment. " Turn where he would, he found either the knave as theslave driver, or the slave as a fool, and the latter became even awilling sacrifice. His indignation at the one was hardly greater thanhis contempt for the other, and his different feelings found trenchantexpression in such writings as the "Drapier's Letters, " the "ModestProposal, " and "Gulliver's Travels. "

It has been argued that the _saeva indignatio_ which lacerated his heartwas the passion of a mad man. To argue thus seems to us to misunderstandentirely the peculiar qualities of Swift's nature. It was not the madman that made the passion; it was rather the passion that made the manmad. As we understand him, it seems to us that Swift's was an eminentlymajestic spirit, moved by the tenderest of human sympathies, and capableof ennobling love--a creature born to rule and to command, but with allthe noble qualities which go to make a ruler loved. It happened thatcircumstances placed him early in his career into poverty and servitude. He extricated himself from both in time; but his liberation was due toan assertion of his best powers, and not to a dissimulation of them. Hadhe been less honest, he might have risen to a position of great power, but it would have been at the price of those very qualities which madehim the great man he was. That assertion cost him his natural vocation, and Swift lived on to rage in the narrow confines of a Dublin DeaneryHouse. He might have flourished as the greatest of English statesmen--hebecame instead a monster, a master-scourger of men, pitiless to them asthey had been blind to him. But monster and master-scourger as he provedhimself, he always took the side of the oppressed as against theoppressor. The impulse which sent him abroad collecting guineas for"poor Harrison" was the same impulse which moved him in his study at theDeanery to write as "M. B. Drapier. " On this latter occasion, however, healso had an opportunity to lay bare the secret springs of oppression, anopportunity which he was not the man to let go by. 

No doubt Swift was not quite disinterested in the motives which promptedhim to enter the political arena for the second time. He hated theWalpole Ministry in power; he resented his exile in a country whosepeople he despised; and he scorned the men who, while they feared him, had yet had the power to prevent his advancement. But, allowing forthese personal incentives, there was in Swift such a large sympathy forthe degraded condition of the Irish people, such a tender solicitude fortheir best welfare, and such a deep-seated zeal for their betterment, that, in measuring to him his share in the title of patriot, we cannotbut admit that what we may call his public spirit far outweighed hisprivate spleen. Above all things Swift loved liberty, integrity, sincerity and justice; and if it be that it was his love for these, rather than his love for the country, which inspired him to patrioticefforts, who shall say that he does not still deserve well of us. If apatriot be a man who nobly teaches a people to become aware of itshighest functions as a nation, then was Swift a great patriot, and hebetter deserves that title than many who have been accorded it. 

The matter of Wood's Halfpence was a trivial one in itself; but it wasjust that kind of a matter which Swift must instantly have appreciatedas the happiest for his purpose. It was a matter which appealed to thecommonest news-boy on the street, and its meaning once made plain, theprinciple which gave vitality to the meaning was ready for enunciationand was assured of intelligent acceptance. In writing the "Drapier'sLetters, " he had, to use his own words, seasonably raised a spiritamong the Irish people, and that spirit he continued to refresh, untilwhen he told them in his Fourth Letter, "by the Laws of God, of Nature, of Nations, and of your Country, you are, and ought to be, as free apeople as your brethren in England, " the country rose as one man to theappeal. Neither the suavities of Carteret nor the intrigues of Walpolehad any chance against the set opposition which met them. The questionto be settled was taken away from the consideration of ministers, andout of the seclusion of Cabinets into the hands of the People, andbefore the public eye. There was but one way in which it could besettled--the way of the people's will--and it went that way. It does notat all matter that Walpole finally had his way--that the King's mistresspocketed her _douceur_, and that Wood retired satisfied with the amplecompensation allowed him. What does matter is that, for the first timein Irish History, a spirit of national life was breathed into an almostdenationalized people. Beneath the lean and starved ribs of death Swiftplanted a soul; it is for this that Irishmen will ever revere hismemory. 

In the composition of the "Letters" Swift had set himself a taskpeculiarly fitting to his genius. Those qualities of mind which enabledhim to enter into the habits of the lives of footmen, servants, andlackeys found an even more congenial freedom of play here. His knowledgeof human nature was so profound that he instinctively touched the rightkeys, playing on the passions of the common people with a deftness farsurpassing in effect the acquired skill of the mere master of oratory. He ordered his arguments and framed their language, so that his readersresponded with almost passionate enthusiasm to the call he made uponthem. Allied to his gift of intellectual sympathy with his kind was aconsummate ability in expression, into which he imparted the fullestvalue of the intended meaning. His thought lost nothing in itsstatement. Writing as he did from the point of view of a tradesman, tothe shopkeepers, farmers, and common people of Ireland, his business wasto speak with them as if he were one of them. He had already laid baretheir grievances caused by the selfish legislation of the EnglishParliament, which had ruined Irish manufactures; he had written grimlyof the iniquitous laws which had destroyed the woollen trade of thecountry; he had not forgotten the condition of the people as he saw iton his journeys from Dublin to Cork--a condition which he was later toreveal in the most terrible of his satirical tracts--and he realizedwith almost personal anguish the degradation of the people brought aboutby the rapacity and selfishness of a class which governed with nothought of ultimate consequences, and with no apparent understanding ofwhat justice implied. It was left for him to precipitate his privateopinion and public spirit in such form as would arouse the nation to asense of self-respect, if not to a pitch of resentment. The "Drapier'sLetters" was the reagent that accomplished both. 

 * * * * *

The editor takes this opportunity to express his thanks and obligationsto Mr. G. R. Dennis, to Mr. W. Spencer Jackson, to the late Colonel F. R. Grant, to Mr. C. Litton Falkiner of Killiney, and to Mr. O'Donoghue ofDublin. His acknowledgment is here also made to Mr. Strickland, of theNational Gallery of Ireland, to whose kindness and learning he isgreatly indebted. 

TEMPLE SCOTT. 

NEW YORK, _March_, 1903. 

CONTENTS

LETTER I. TO THE SHOPKEEPERS, TRADESMEN, FARMERS, AND COMMON-PEOPLE OFIRELAND

LETTER II. TO MR. HARDING THE PRINTER

THE REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF THE LORDS OF HIS MAJESTY'S MOSTHONOURABLE PRIVY-COUNCIL, IN RELATION TO MR. WOOD'S HALFPENCE ANDFARTHINGS, ETC. 

LETTER III. TO THE NOBILITY AND GENTRY OF THE KINGDOM OF IRELAND

LETTER IV. TO THE WHOLE PEOPLE OF IRELAND

SEASONABLE ADVICE TO THE GRAND JURY, CONCERNING THE BILL PREPARINGAGAINST THE PRINTER OF THE DRAPIER'S FOURTH LETTER

LETTER V. TO THE LORD CHANCELLOR MIDDLETON

LETTER VI. TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE LORD VISCOUNT MOLESWORTH

LETTER VII. AN HUMBLE ADDRESS TO BOTH HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT

APPENDIXES

I. ADDRESSES TO THE KING

II. REPORT OF THE ASSAY ON WOOD'S COINAGE, MADE BY SIR ISAAC NEWTON, EDWARD SOUTHWELL, ESQ. , AND THOMAS SCROOPE, ESQ. 

III. TOM PUNSIBI'S DREAM

IV. A LETTER FROM A FRIEND TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE ----

A SECOND LETTER FROM A FRIEND TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE ----

V. THE PRESENTMENT OF THE GRAND JURY OF THE COUNTY OF THE CITY OF DUBLIN

VI. PROCLAMATION AGAINST THE DRAPIER

VII. REPORT OF THE IRISH PRIVY COUNCIL ON WOOD'S COINAGE

VIII. THE PATENTEE'S COMPUTATION OF IRELAND, IN A LETTER FROM THEAUTHOR OF THE "WHITEHALL EVENING POST" CONCERNING THE MAKING OF COPPERCOIN

IX. DESCRIPTIONS OF THE VARIOUS SPECIMENS OF WOOD'S COINS

INDEX

PLATES. 

JONATHAN SWIFT. From a painting in the National Gallery of Ireland, ascribed to Francis Bindon

HALFPENCE AND FARTHINGS coined by William Wood, 1722 and 1723

[Illustration: _Half-pence & farthings coined by William Wood, 1722 &1723_]

LETTER I. 

TO THE SHOP-KEEPERS, TRADESMEN, FARMERS, AND COMMON-PEOPLE OF IRELAND. 

NOTE

About the year 1720 it was generally acknowledged in Ireland that therewas a want there of the small change, necessary in the transaction ofpetty dealings with shopkeepers and tradesmen. It has been indignantlydenied by contemporary writers that this small change meant coppercoins. They asserted that there was no lack of copper money, but thatthere was a great want of small silver. Be that as it may, the reportthat small change was wanting was sufficiently substantiated to theEnglish government to warrant it to proceed to satisfy the want. In itsdealings with Ireland, however, English governments appear to haveconsistently assumed that attitude which would most likely causefriction and arouse disturbance. In England coins for currency proceededfrom a mint established under government supervision. In Scotland such amint was specially provided for in the Act of Union. But in Ireland, thegovernment acted otherwise. 

The Irish people had again and again begged that they should bepermitted to establish a mint in which coins could be issued of the samestandard and intrinsic value as those used in England. Englishparliaments, however, invariably disregarded these petitions. Instead ofthe mint the King gave grants or patents by which a private individualobtained the right to mint coins for the use of the inhabitants. Theright was most often given for a handsome consideration, and held for aterm of years. In 1660 Charles II. Granted such a patent to Sir ThomasArmstrong, permitting him to coin farthings for twenty years. Itappears, however, that Armstrong never actually coined the farthings, although he had gone to the expense of establishing a costly plant forthe purpose. 

Small copper coins becoming scarce, several individuals, withoutpermission, issued tokens; but the practice was stopped. In 1680 SirWilliam Armstrong, son of Sir Thomas, with Colonel George Legg(afterwards Lord Dartmouth), obtained a patent for twenty-one years, granting them the right to issue copper halfpence. Coins were actuallystruck and circulated, but the patent itself was sold to John Knox inthe very year of its issue. Knox, however, had his patent speciallyrenewed, but his coinage was interrupted when James II. Issued hisdebased money during the Revolution (see Monck Mason, p. 334, and thenotes on this matter to the Drapier's Third Letter, in present edition). 

Knox sold his patent to Colonel Roger Moore, who overstocked the countrywith his coins to such an extent that the currency became undervalued. When, in 1705, Moore endeavoured to obtain a renewal of his patent, hisapplication was refused. By 1722, owing either to Moore's bad coinage, or to the importation of debased coins from other countries, the coppermoney had degraded considerably. In a pamphlet[1] issued by GeorgeEwing in Dublin (1724), it is stated that in that year, W. Trenchpresented a memorial to the Lords of the Treasury, complaining of thecondition of the copper coinage, and pointing out that the evil resultshad been brought about by the system of grants to private individuals. Notwithstanding this memorial, it was attempted to overcome thedifficulty by a continuance of the old methods. A new patent was issuedto an English iron merchant, William Wood by name, who, according toCoxe, submitted proposal with many others, for the amelioration of thegrievance. Wood's proposals, say this same authority, were accepted "asbeneficial to Ireland. " The letters patent bear the date July 12th, 1722, and were prepared in accordance with the King's instructions tothe Attorney and Solicitor General sent in a letter from Kensington onJune 16th, 1722. The letter commanded "that a bill should be preparedfor his royal signature, containing and importing an indenture, whereofone part was to pass the Great Seal of Great Britain. " This indenture, notes Monck Mason, [2] between His Majesty of the one part, "and WilliamWood, of Wolverhampton, in the County of Stafford, Esq. , " of the other, signifies that His Majesty

"has received information that, in his kingdom of Ireland, there was agreat want of small money for making small payments, and that retailersand others did suffer by reason of such want. "

[Footnote 1: "A Defence of the Conduct of the People of Ireland in theirunanimous refusal of Mr. Wood's Copper Money, " pp. 22-23. ]

[Footnote 2: "History of St. Patrick's Cathedral, " note v, pp. 326-327. ]

By virtue, therefore, of his prerogative royal, and in consideration ofthe rents, covenants, and agreements therein expressed, His Majestygranted to William Wood, his executors, assigns, etc. , "full, free, sole, and absolute power, privilege, licence, and authority, " duringfourteen years, from the annunciation of the Blessed Virgin, 1722, tocoin halfpence and farthings of copper, to be uttered and disposed of inIreland, and not elsewhere. It was provided that the whole quantitycoined should not exceed 360 tons of copper, whereof 100 tons only wereto be coined in the first year, and 20 tons in each of the lastthirteen, said farthings and halfpence to be of good, pure, andmerchantable copper, and of such size and bigness, that one avoirdupoispound weight of copper should not be converted into more farthings andhalfpence than would make thirty pence by tale; all the said farthingsand halfpence to be of equal weight in themselves, or as near thereuntoas might be, allowing a remedy not exceeding two farthings over or underin each pound. The same "to pass and to be received as current money, bysuch as shall or will, voluntarily and willingly, and not otherwise, receive the same, within the said kingdom of Ireland, and notelsewhere. " Wood also covenanted to pay to the King's clerk orcomptroller of the coinage, £200 yearly, and £100 per annum into hisMajesty's treasury. 

Most of the accounts of this transaction and its consequent agitationin Ireland, particularly those given by Sir W. Scott and Earl Stanhope, are taken from Coxe's "Life of Walpole. " Monck Mason, however, in hisvarious notes appended to his life of Swift, has once and for all placedCoxe's narrative in its true light, and exposed the specious specialpleading on behalf of his hero, Walpole. But even Coxe cannot hide thefact that the granting of the patent and the circumstances under whichit was granted, amounted to a disgraceful job, by which an opportunitywas seized to benefit a "noble person" in England at the expense ofIreland. The patent was really granted to the King's mistress, theDuchess of Kendal, who sold it to William Wood for the sum of £10, 000, and (as it was reported with, probably, much truth) for a share in theprofits of the coining. The job was alluded to by Swift when he wrote:

"When late a feminine magician, Join'd with a brazen politician, Expos'd, to blind a nation's eyes, A parchment of prodigious size. "

Coxe endeavors to exonerate Walpole from the disgrace attached to thisbusiness, by expatiating on Carteret's opposition to Walpole, anopposition which went so far as to attempt to injure the financialminister's reputation by fomenting jealousies and using the Wood patentagitation to arouse against him the popular indignation; but this doesnot explain away the fact itself. He lays some blame for the agitationon Wood's indiscretion in flaunting his rights and publicly boasting ofwhat the great minister would do for him. At the same time he takes careto censure the government for its misconduct in not consulting with theLord Lieutenant and his Privy Council before granting the patent. Hiscensure, however, is founded on the consideration that this want ofattention was injudicious and was the cause of the spread of exaggeratedrumours of the patent's evil tendency. He has nothing to say of therights and liberties of a people which had thereby been infringed andignored. 

The English parliament had rarely shown much consideration for Irishfeelings or Irish rights. Its attitude towards the Irish Houses ofLegislation had been high-handed and even dictatorial; so thatconstitutional struggles were not at all infrequent towards the end ofthe seventeenth and during the first quarter of the eighteenth century. The efforts of Sir Constantine Phipps towards a non-parliamentarygovernment, [3] and the reversal by the English House of Lords of thedecision given by the Irish House of Lords in the famous Annesley case, had prepared the Irish people for a revolt against any further attemptsto dictate to its properly elected representatives assembled inparliament. Moreover, the wretched material condition of the people, asit largely had been brought about by a selfish, persecuting legislationthat practically isolated Ireland commercially in prohibiting theexportation of its industrial products, was a danger and a menace to thegoverning country. The two nations were facing each other threateningly. When, therefore, Wood began to import his coin, suspicion wasimmediately aroused. 

[Footnote 3: See Lecky's "History of Ireland, " vol. I. , p. 446, etc. ]

The masses took little notice of it at first; but the commissioners ofrevenue in Dublin took action in a letter they addressed to the RightHon. Edward Hopkins, secretary to the Lord Lieutenant. This letter, dated August 7th, 1722, began by expressing surprise at the patentgranted to Mr. Wood, and asked the secretary "to lay before the LordLieutenant a memorial, presented by their agent to the Lords of theTreasury, concerning this patent, and also a report of some formerCommissioners of the revenue on the like occasion, and to acquaint hisGrace, that they concurred in all the objections in those papers, andwere of opinion, that such a patent would be highly prejudicial to thetrade, and welfare of this kingdom, and more particularly to hisMajesty's revenue, which they had formerly found to have suffered verymuch, by too great a quantity of such base coin. "[4] No reply wasreceived to this letter. 

[Footnote 4: "A Defence of the Conduct of the People of Ireland, " etc. , p. 6. ]

Fears began to be generally felt, and the early murmurs of an agitationto be heard when, on September 19th, 1722, the Commissioners addressed asecond letter, this time to the Lords Commissioners of His Majesty'sTreasury. The letter assured their Lordships "that they had been appliedto by many persons of rank and fortune, and by the merchants and tradersin Ireland, to represent the ill effects of Mr. Wood's patent, and thatthey could from former experience assure their Lordships, it would beparticularly detrimental to his Majesty's revenue. They represented thatthis matter had made a great noise here, and that there did not appearthe _least want of such small species of coin for change_, and hopedthat the importance of the occasion would excuse their making thisrepresentation of a matter that had not been referred to them. "[5]

[Footnote 5: _Ibid_, pp. 6-7. ]

To this letter also no reply was vouchsafed. In the meantime, Wood keptsending in his coins, landing them at most of the ports of the kingdom. 

"Then everyone that was not interested in the success of this coinage, "writes the author of the pamphlet already quoted, "by having contractedfor a great quantity of his halfpence at a large discount, or biassed bythe hopes of immoderate gain to be made out of the ruins of theircountry, expressed their apprehensions of the pernicious consequences ofthis copper money; and resolved to make use of the _right they had bylaw to refuse the same_". [6]

[Footnote 6: _Ibid_, p. 7. ]

The Lord Lieutenant, the Duke of Grafton, had arrived in August, 1723, and parliament sat early in September. Its first attention was paid tothe Wood patent. After the early excitement had subsided, they resolvedto appeal to the King. During the early stages of the discussion, however, the Commons addressed the Lord Lieutenant, asking that a copyof the patent and other papers relating to it, be laid before them. Thiswas on September 13th. On the following day Mr. Hopkins informed theHouse that the Lord Lieutenant had no such copy, nor any papers. TheHouse then unanimously resolved to inquire into the matter on its ownaccount, and issued orders for several persons to appear before it togive evidence, fixing the day for examination for September 16th. Onthat day, however, Mr. Hopkins appeared before the members with a copyof the patent, and informed them that the Lord Lieutenant had receivedit since his last communication with them. This incident served but toarouse further ridicule. A broadside, published at the time with thetitle "A Creed of an Irish Commoner, " amusingly reveals the lameness ofthe excuse for this non-production of the exemplification. Coxe saysthat the cause for the delay was due to the fact that the copy of thepatent had been delivered to the Lord Lieutenant's servant, instead ofto his private secretary; but this excuse is probably no more happilyfounded than the one offered. 

On Friday, September 20th, the House resolved itself into a committee"to take into consideration the state of the nation, particularly inrelation to the importing and uttering of copper halfpence and farthingsin this kingdom. " After three days' debate, and after examiningcompetent witnesses under oath, it passed resolutions to the followingeffect

(1) That Wood's patent is highly prejudicial to his Majesty's revenue, and is destructive of trade and commerce, and most dangerous to therights and properties of the subject. 

(2) That for the purpose of obtaining the patent Wood had notoriouslymisrepresented the state of the nation. 

(3) That great quantities of the coin had been imported of differentimpressions and of much less weight than the patent called for. 

(4) That the loss to the nation by the uttering of this coin wouldamount to 150 per cent. 

(5) That in coining the halfpence Wood was guilty of a notorious fraud. 

(6) "That it is the opinion of this Committee, that it hath been alwayshighly prejudicial to this kingdom to grant the power or privilege ofcoining money to private persons; and that it will, at all times, be ofdangerous consequence to grant any such power to any body politic, orcorporate, or any private person or persons whatsoever. "[7]

[Footnote 7: "Comm. Journals, " vol. Iii. , pp. 317-325. ]

Addresses to his Majesty in conformity with these resolutions were votedon September 27th. 

The House of Lords passed similar resolutions on September 26th, andvoted addresses embodying them on September 28th. [8]

[Footnote 8: "Lords' Journals, " vol. Ii. , pp. 745-751. ]

These Addresses received a better attention than did the letters fromthe revenue commissioners. The Houses were courteously informed thattheir communications would receive His Majesty's careful consideration. Walpole kept his promise, but not before he had fought hard to maintainthe English prerogative, as he might have called it. The "secret"history as narrated in Coxe's lively manner, throws some light on thesituation. Coxe really finds his hero's conduct not marked with "hisusual caution. " The Lord Lieutenant was permitted to go to Irelandwithout proper instructions; the information on which Walpole acted wasnot reliable; and he did not sufficiently appreciate the influence ofChancellor Midleton and his family. "He bitterly accused Lord Midletonof treachery and low cunning, of having made, in his speeches, distinction between the King and his ministers, of caballing withCarteret, Cadogan, and Roxburgh, and of pursuing that line of conduct, because he was of opinion the opposite party would gain the ascendencyin the cabinet. He did not believe the disturbances to be so serious asthey were represented, nor was he satisfied with the Duke of Grafton'sconduct, as being solely directed by Conolly, but declared that the partacted by Conolly, almost excused what the Brodricks had done. " Carteretcomplained to the King and proved to him that Walpole's policy was adangerous one. The King became irritated and Walpole "ashamed. " He evenbecame "uneasy, " and it is to be supposed, took a more "cautious"course; for he managed to conciliate the Brodricks and the powers inDublin. But the devil was not ill long. The cabinet crisis resulted inthe triumph of Townshend and Walpole, and the devil got well again. Carteret must be removed and the patent promoted. But Midleton and theBrodricks must be kept friendly. So Carteret went to Ireland as LordLieutenant, Midleton remained Chancellor, and constituted a lordjustice, and St. John Brodrick was nominated a member of the PrivyCouncil. Still farther on his "cautious" way, Ireland must be given someconsideration; hence the Committee of the Privy Council, speciallycalled to inquire into the grievances complained of by the Irish Housesof Parliament in their loyal addresses. 

The Committee sat for several weeks, and the report it issued forms thesubject of Swift's animadversions in the Drapier's third letter. But thetime spent by the Committee in London was being utilized in quite adifferent fashion by Swift in Ireland. "Cautious" as was Walpole, he hadnot reckoned with the champion of his political opponents of QueenAnne's days. Swift had little humour for court intrigues and cabinetcabals. He came out into the open to fight the good fight of the peopleto whom courts and cabinets should be servants and not self-seekingmasters. Whatever doubts the people of Ireland may have had about thelegal validity of their resentment towards Wood and his coins, werequickly dissipated when they read "A Letter to the Shop Keepers, Tradesmen, Farmers, and Common People of Ireland, concerning the BrassHalf-pence coined by Mr. Wood, " and signed, "M. B. Drapier. " The letter, as Lord Orrery remarked, acted like the sound of a trumpet. At thatsound "a spirit arose among the people, that in the eastern phrase, was_like unto a trumpet in the day of the whirlwind_. Every person of everyrank, party, and denomination was convinced, that the admission ofWood's copper must prove fatal to the Commonwealth. The papist, thefanatic, the Tory, the Whig, all listed themselves volunteers under thebanners of M. B. Drapier, and were all equally zealous to serve theCommon cause. "

The present text of the first of the Drapier's letters is based on thatgiven by Sir W. Scott, carefully collated with two copies of the firstedition which differed from each other in many particulars. One belongedto the late Colonel F. Grant, and the other is in the British Museum. Ithas also been read with the collection of the Drapier's Letters issuedby the Drapier Club in 1725, with the title, "Fraud Detected"; with theLondon edition of "The Hibernian Patriot" (1730), and with Faulkner'stext issued in his collected edition of Swift's Works in 1735. 

[T. S. ]

[Illustration: A *LETTER* TO THE_Shop-Keepers_, _Tradesmen_, _Farmers_ and _Common-People_ of *IRELAND*, Concerning the *Brass Half-pence* Coined by

 **Mr. Woods, **

 WITHA _Design_ to have them _Pass_ in this *KINGDOM*. 

Wherein is shewn the Power of the said PATENT, the Value of the HALF-PENCE, and how far every Person may be oblig'd to take the same in Payments, and how to behave in Case such an Attempt shou'd be made by WOODS or any other Person. 

[Very Proper to be kept in every FAMILY. ]

 By M. B. _Drapier_. 

DUBLIN: Printed by _J. Harding_ in _Molesworth's-Court_. ]

LETTER I. 

TO THE TRADESMEN, SHOP-KEEPERS, FARMERS, AND COMMON-PEOPLE IN GENERAL OFIRELAND. 

BRETHREN, FRIENDS, COUNTRYMEN AND FELLOW-SUBJECTS, What I intend now to say to you, is, next to your duty to God, and thecare of your salvation, of the greatest concern to yourselves, and yourchildren, your bread and clothing, and every common necessary of lifeentirely depend upon it. Therefore I do most earnestly exhort you asmen, as Christians, as parents, and as lovers of your country, to readthis paper with the utmost attention, or get it read to you by others;which that you may do at the less expense, I have ordered the printer tosell it at the lowest rate. 

It is a great fault among you, that when a person writes with no otherintention than to do you good, you will not be at the pains to read hisadvices: One copy of this paper may serve a dozen of you, which will beless than a farthing a-piece. It is your folly that you have no commonor general interest in your view, not even the wisest among you, neitherdo you know or enquire, or care who are your friends, or who are yourenemies. 

About three[9] years ago, a little book was written, to advise allpeople to wear the manufactures of this our own dear country:[10] It hadno other design, said nothing against the King or Parliament, or anyman, yet the POOR PRINTER was prosecuted two years, with the utmostviolence, and even some WEAVERS themselves, for whose sake it waswritten, being upon the JURY, FOUND HIM GUILTY. This would be enough todiscourage any man from endeavouring to do you good, when you willeither neglect him or fly in his face for his pains, and when he mustexpect only danger to himself and loss of money, perhaps to hisruin. [11]

[Footnote 9: In his reprint of the Drapier's Letters, issued in 1725with the title, "Fraud Detected; or the Hibernian Patriot, " Faulknerprints "four" instead of "three"; but this, of course, is a correctionmade to agree with the date of the publication of this reprint. The"Proposal" was published in 1720. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 10: The "little book" was "A Proposal for the Universal Use ofIrish Manufactures. " See vol. Vii. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 11: Instead of the words "loss of money, " Faulkner in thereprint of 1725 has "to be fined and imprisoned. " [T. S. ]]

However I cannot but warn you once more of the manifest destructionbefore your eyes, if you do not behave yourselves as you ought. 

I will therefore first tell you the plain story of the fact; and then Iwill lay before you how you ought to act in common prudence, andaccording to the laws of your country. 

The fact is thus: It having been many years since COPPER HALFPENCE ORFARTHINGS were last coined in this kingdom, they have been for some timevery scarce, [12] and many counterfeits passed about under the name of_raps_, several applications were made to England, that we might haveliberty to coin new ones, as in former times we did; but they did notsucceed. At last one Mr. Wood, [13] a mean ordinary man, a hardwaredealer, procured a patent[14]under his Majesty's broad seal to coinfourscore and ten thousand pounds[15] in copper for this kingdom, whichpatent however did not oblige any one here to take them, unless theypleased. Now you must know, that the halfpence and farthings in Englandpass for very little more than they are worth. And if you should beatthem to pieces, and sell them to the brazier you would not lose above apenny in a shilling. But Mr. Wood made his halfpence of such base metal, and so much smaller than the English ones, that the brazier would notgive you above a penny of good money for a shilling of his; so that thissum of fourscore and ten thousand pounds in good gold and silver, mustbe given for trash that will not be worth above eight or nine thousandpounds real value. But this is not the worst, for Mr. Wood when hepleases may by stealth send over another and another fourscore and tenthousand pounds, and buy all our goods for eleven parts in twelve, underthe value. For example, if a hatter sells a dozen of hats for fiveshillings a-piece, which amounts to three pounds, and receives thepayment in Mr. Wood's coin, he really receives only the value of fiveshillings. 

[Footnote 12: They had become scarce because they had been undervalued, and therefore sent out of the country in payment of goods bought. SeePrior's "Observations on Coin, " issued in 1729, where it is stated thatthis scarcity had occurred only within the last twenty years. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 13: William Wood (1671-1730) was an ironmaster ofWolverhampton. In addition to the patent for coining copper halfpencewhich he obtained for Ireland, and to which full reference is made inthe introductory note to this first Drapier's Letter, Wood also obtaineda patent, in 1722, for coining halfpence, pence and twopence for theEnglish colonies in America. This latter patent fared no better than theIrish one. The coins introduced in America bear the dates 1722 and 1723, and are now much sought after by collectors. They are known as the RosaAmerican coinage. A list of the poems and pamphlets on Wood, during theexcitement in Dublin, attending on the Drapier's Letters, will be foundin the bibliography of Swift's works to be given in vol. Xi. Of thisedition. See also Monck Mason's "History of St. Patrick's Cathedral. " Inthe original edition of the Letter, Wood's name is mis-spelt Woods. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 14: See the introductory note for the manner in which thispatent was obtained. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 15: This is how the amount is named in the first edition; butthe amount in reality was £100, 800 (the value of 360 tons of copper, asstated by the patent). Sir W. Scott prints this as £108, 000. Coxe, inhis "Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole" gives the amount as £100, 000. Leckystates it as £108, 000. [T. S. ]]

Perhaps you will wonder how such an ordinary fellow as this Mr. Woodcould have so much interest as to get His Majesty's broad seal for sogreat a sum of bad money, to be sent to this poor country, and that allthe nobility and gentry here could not obtain the same favour, and letus make our own halfpence, as we used to do. Now I will make that mattervery plain. We are at a great distance from the King's court, and havenobody there to solicit for us, although a great number of lords andsquires, whose estates are here, and are our countrymen, spending alltheir lives and fortunes there. But this same Mr. Wood was able toattend constantly for his own interest; he is an Englishman and hadgreat friends, and it seems knew very well where to give money, tothose that would speak to others that could speak to the King and couldtell a fair story. And His Majesty, and perhaps the great lord or lordswho advised him, might think it was for our country's good; and so, asthe lawyers express it, "the King was deceived in his grant, " whichoften happens in all reigns. And I am sure if His Majesty knew that sucha patent, if it should take effect according to the desire of Mr. Wood, would utterly ruin this kingdom, which hath given such great proofs ofits loyalty, he would immediately recall it, and perhaps shew hisdispleasure to somebody or other. But "a word to the wise is enough. "Most of you must have heard, with what anger our honourable House ofCommons received an account of this Wood's patent. [16] There wereseveral fine speeches made upon it, and plain proofs that it was all AWICKED CHEAT from the bottom to the top, and several smart votes wereprinted, which that same Wood had the assurance to answer likewise inprint, and in so confident a way, as if he were a better man than ourwhole Parliament put together. [17]

[Footnote 16: The Irish House of Commons reported that the loss to thecountry, even if the patent were carried out as required, would amountto about 150 per cent. ; and both Irish Houses of Parliament votedaddresses against the coinage, and accused the patentee of fraud anddeceit. They asserted that the terms of the patent had not beenfulfilled and "that the circulation of the halfpence would be highlyprejudicial to the revenue, destructive of the commerce, and of mostdangerous consequences to the rights and properties of the subjects. "See introductory note. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 17: Wood's indiscreet retort was published in the "FlyingPost" October 8th, 1723. Later he boasted that he would, with Walpole'sassistance, "pour the coin down the throats of the people. " [T. S. ]]

This Wood, as soon as his patent was passed, or soon after, sends overa great many barrels of these halfpence, to Cork and other sea-porttowns, [18] and to get them off offered an hundred pounds in his coin forseventy or eighty in silver. But the collectors of the King's customsvery honestly refused to take them, and so did almost everybody else. And since the Parliament hath condemned them, and desired the King thatthey might be stopped, all the kingdom do abominate them. 

[Footnote 18: At Dublin, Cork, Waterford and other ports, the merchantsrefused to accept the copper coins. Monck Mason notes that "in the'Dublin Gazette, ' No. 2562, we meet with resolutions by the merchants ofCork, dated the 25th of Aug. , 1724, and like resolutions by those ofWaterford, dated 22d Aug. Wherein they declare, that, 'they will neverreceive or utter in any payment, the halfpence or farthings coined byWilliam Wood; as they conceive the importing and uttering the same, tobe highly prejudicial to His Majesty's revenue, and to the trade of thekingdom': these resolutions are declared to be conformable to those ofthe Trinity Guild, of merchants, of the city of Dublin, voted at theirguild-hall, on the 18th day of the same month" (Hist. St. Patrick's, p. 346, note r). See also Appendix No. IX. [T. S. ]]

But Wood is still working underhand to force his halfpence upon us, andif he can by help of his friends in England prevail so far as to get anorder that the commissioners and collectors of the King's money shallreceive them, and that the army is to be paid with them, then he thinkshis work shall be done. And this is the difficulty you will be under insuch a case. For the common soldier when he goes to the market oralehouse will offer this money, and if it be refused, perhaps he willswagger and hector, and threaten to beat the butcher or alewife, or takethe goods by force, and throw them the bad halfpence. In this and thelike cases, the shopkeeper or victualler, or any other tradesman has nomore to do, than to demand ten times the price of his goods, if it is tobe paid in Wood's money; for example, twenty-pence of that money for aquart of ale, and so in all things else, and not part with his goodstill he gets the money. 

For suppose you go to an alehouse with that base money, and the landlordgives you a quart for four of these halfpence, what must the victuallerdo? His brewer will not be paid in that coin, or if the brewer should besuch a fool, the farmers will not take it from them for their bere, [19]because they are bound by their leases to pay their rents in good andlawful money of England, which this is not, nor of Ireland neither, andthe 'squire their landlord will never be so bewitched to take such trashfor his land, so that it must certainly stop somewhere or other, andwherever it stops it is the same thing, and we are all undone. 

[Footnote 19: Bere = barley. Cf. A. S. _baerlic_, Icelandic, _barr_, meaning barley, the grain used for making malt for the preparation ofbeer. [T. S. ]]

The common weight of these halfpence is between four and five to anounce, suppose five, then three shillings and fourpence will weigh apound, and consequently twenty shillings will weigh six pound butterweight. Now there are many hundred farmers who pay two hundred pound ayear rent. Therefore when one of these farmers comes with hishalf-year's rent, which is one hundred pound, it will be at least sixhundred pound weight, which is three horse load. 

If a 'squire has a mind to come to town to buy clothes and wine andspices for himself and family, or perhaps to pass the winter here; hemust bring with him five or six horses loaden with sacks as the farmersbring their corn; and when his lady comes in her coach to our shops, itmust be followed by a car loaden with Mr. Wood's money. And I hope weshall have the grace to take it for no more than it is worth. 

They say 'Squire Conolly[20] has sixteen thousand pounds a year, now ifhe sends for his rent to town, as it is likely he does, he must have twohundred and forty horses to bring up his half-year's rent, and two orthree great cellars in his house for stowage. But what the bankers willdo I cannot tell. For I am assured, that some great bankers keep by themforty thousand pounds in ready cash to answer all payments, which sum, in Mr. Wood's money, would require twelve hundred horses to carry it. 

[Footnote 20: William Conolly (d. 1729) was chosen Speaker of the IrishHouse of Commons on November 12th, 1715. He held this office untilOctober 12th, 1729. Swift elsewhere says that Wharton sold Conolly theoffice of Chief Commissioner of the Irish Revenue for £3, 000. Betweenthe years 1706 and 1729 Conolly was ten times selected for the office ofa Lord Justice of Ireland. The remark in the text as to Conolly's incomeis repeated by Boulter ("Letters, " vol. I. , p. 334), though the Primatewrites of £17, 000 a year. The reference to Conolly is of set purpose, because Conolly had advocated the patent as against Midleton'scondemnation of it. [T. S. ]]

For my own part, I am already resolved what to do; I have a pretty goodshop of Irish stuffs and silks, and instead of taking Mr. Wood's badcopper, I intend to truck with my neighbours the butchers, and bakers, and brewers, and the rest, goods for goods, and the little gold andsilver I have, I will keep by me like my heart's blood till bettertimes, or till I am just ready to starve, and then I will buy Mr. Wood'smoney as my father did the brass money in K. James's time, [21] who couldbuy ten pound of it with a guinea, and I hope to get as much for apistole, and so purchase bread from those who will be such fools as tosell it me. 

[Footnote 21: James II. , during his unsuccessful campaign in Ireland, debased the coinage in order to make his funds meet the demands of hissoldiery. Archbishop King, in his work on the "State of the Protestantsin Ireland, " describes the evil effects which this proceeding had: "KingJames's council used not to stick at the formalities of law or reason, and therefore vast quantities of brass money were coined, and madecurrent by a proclamation, dated 18th June, 1689, under severepenalties. The metal of which this money was made was the worst kind ofbrass; old guns, and the refuse of metals were melted down to make it;workmen rated it at threepence or a groat a pound, which being coinedinto sixpences, shillings, or half-crowns, one pound weight made about£5. And by another proclamation, dated 1690, the half-crowns were calledin, and being stamped anew, were made to pass for crowns; so that then, three pence or four pence worth of metal made £10. There was coined inall, from the first setting up of the mint, to the rout at the Boyne, being about twelve months, £965, 375. In this coin King James paid allhis appointments, and all that received the king's pay being generallypapists, they forced the protestants to part with the goods out of theirshops for this money, and to receive their debts in it; so that the lossby the brass money did, in a manner, entirely fall on the protestants, being defrauded (for I can call it no better) of about, £60, 000 permonth by this stratagem, which must, in a few months, have utterlyexhausted them. When the papists had gotten most of their saleable goodsfrom their protestant neighbours, and yet great quantities of brassmoney remained in their hands, they began to consider how many of them, who had estates, had engaged them to protestants by judgments, statutesstaple, and mortgages; and to take this likewise from them they procureda proclamation, dated 4 Feb. 1689, to make brass money current in allpayments whatsoever. " A proclamation of William III. , dated July 10th, 1690, ordered that these crown pieces of James should pass as of equalvalue with one penny each. [T. S. ]]

These halfpence, if they once pass, will soon be counterfeit, because itmay be cheaply done, the stuff is so base. The Dutch likewise willprobably do the same thing, and send them over to us to pay for ourgoods. [22] And Mr. Wood will never be at rest but coin on: So that insome years we shall have at least five times fourscore and ten thousandpounds of this lumber. Now the current money of this kingdom is notreckoned to be above four hundred thousand pounds in all, and whilethere is a silver sixpence left these blood-suckers will never be quiet. 

[Footnote 22: The Dutch had previously counterfeited the debased coinageof Ireland and sent them over in payment for Irish manufactures. [T. S. ]]

When once the kingdom is reduced to such a condition, I will tell youwhat must be the end: The gentlemen of estates will all turn off theirtenants for want of payment, because as I told you before, the tenantsare obliged by their leases to pay sterling which is lawful currentmoney of England; then they will turn their own farmers, as too many ofthem do already, run all into sheep where they can, keeping only suchother cattle as are necessary, then they will be their own merchants andsend their wool and butter and hides and linen beyond sea for readymoney and wine and spices and silks. They will keep only a few miserablecottiers. [23] The farmers must rob or beg, or leave their country. Theshopkeepers in this and every other town, must break and starve: For itis the landed man that maintains the merchant, and shopkeeper, andhandicraftsman. 

[Footnote 23: "Unlike the peasant proprietor, " says Lecky, "and alsounlike the mediaeval serf, the cottier had no permanent interest in thesoil, and no security for his future position. Unlike the Englishfarmer, he was no capitalist, who selects land as one of the many formsof profitable investment that are open to him. He was a man destitute ofall knowledge and of all capital, who found the land the only thing thatremained between himself and starvation. Rents in the lower grades oftenancies were regulated by competition, but it was competition betweena half-starving population, who had no other resources except the soil, and were therefore prepared to promise anything rather than be deprivedof it. The landlord did nothing for them. They built their own mudhovels, planted their hedges, dug their ditches. They were half naked, half starved, utterly destitute of all providence and of all education, liable at any time to be turned adrift from their holdings, ground tothe dust by three great burdens--rack-rents, paid not to the landlordbut to the middleman; tithes, paid to the clergy--often the absenteeclergy--of the church to which they did not belong; and dues, paid totheir own priests" ("Hist, of Ireland, " vol. I. , pp. 214-215, ed. 1892). [T. S. ]]

But when the 'squire turns farmer and merchant himself, all the goodmoney he gets from abroad, he will hoard up or send for England, andkeep some poor tailor or weaver and the like in his own house, who willbe glad to get bread at any rate. 

I should never have done if I were to tell you all the miseries that weshall undergo if we be so foolish and wicked as to take this CURSEDCOIN. It would be very hard if all Ireland should be put into one scale, and this sorry fellow Wood into the other, that Mr. Wood should weighdown this whole kingdom, by which England gets above a million of goodmoney every year clear into their pockets, and that is more than theEnglish do by all the world besides. 

But your great comfort is, that as His Majesty's patent does not obligeyou to take this money, so the laws have not given the crown a power offorcing the subjects to take what money the King pleases: For then bythe same reason we might be bound to take pebble-stones or cockle-shellsor stamped leather for current coin, if ever we should happen to liveunder an ill prince, who might likewise by the same power make a guineapass for ten pounds, a shilling for twenty shillings, and so on, bywhich he would in a short time get all the silver and gold of thekingdom into his own hands, and leave us nothing but brass or leather orwhat he pleased. Neither is anything reckoned more cruel or oppressivein the French government than their common practice of calling in alltheir money after they have sunk it very low, and then coining it anewat a much higher value, which however is not the thousandth part sowicked as this abominable project of Mr. Wood. For the French give theirsubjects silver for silver and gold for gold, but this fellow will notso much as give us good brass or copper for our gold and silver, noreven a twelfth part of their worth. 

Having said thus much, I will now go on to tell you the judgments ofsome great lawyers in this matter, whom I fee'd on purpose for yoursakes, and got their opinions under their hands, that I might be sure Iwent upon good grounds. 

A famous law-book, called "The Mirror of Justice, "[24] discoursing ofthe articles (or laws) ordained by our ancient kings declares the law tobe as follows: "It was ordained that no king of this realm shouldchange, impair or amend the money or make any other money than of goldor silver without the assent of all the counties, " that is, as my LordCoke says, [25] without the assent of Parliament. 

[Footnote 24: This was an important legal treatise often quoted by Coke. Its full title is: "The Booke called, The Mirrour of Justices: Made byAndrew Home. With the book, called, The Diversity of Courts, And TheirJurisdictions . .. London . .. 1646. " The French edition was printed in1642 with the title, "La somme appelle Mirroir des Justices: velspeculum Justiciariorum, Factum per Andream Home. " Coke quotes it from amanuscript, as he died before it was printed. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 25: 2 Inst. 576. [ORIG. ED. ]]

This book is very ancient, and of great authority for the time in whichit was wrote, and with that character is often quoted by that greatlawyer my Lord Coke. [26] By the law of England, the several metals aredivided into lawful or true metal and unlawful or false metal, theformer comprehends silver or gold; the latter all baser metals: That theformer is only to pass in payments appears by an act of Parliament[27]made the twentieth year of Edward the First, called the "Statuteconcerning the Passing of Pence, " which I give you here as I got ittranslated into English, for some of our laws at that time, were, as Iam told writ in Latin: "Whoever in buying or selling presumeth to refusean halfpenny or farthing of lawful money, bearing the stamp which itought to have, let him be seized on as a contemner of the King'smajesty, and cast into prison. "

[Footnote 26: 2 Inst. 576-577. [ORIG. ED. ]]

[Footnote 27: 2 Inst. 577. [ORIG. ED. ]]

By this statute, no person is to be reckoned a contemner of the King'smajesty, and for that crime to be committed to prison; but he whorefuses to accept the King's coin made of lawful metal, by which, as Iobserved before, silver and gold only are intended. 

That this is the true construction of the act, appears not only from theplain meaning of the words, but from my Lord Coke's observation upon it. "By this act" (says he) "it appears, that no subject can be forced totake in buying or selling or other payments, any money made but oflawful metal; that is, of silver or gold. "[28]

[Footnote 28: 2 Inst. 577. [ORIG. ED. ]]

The law of England gives the King all mines of gold and silver, but notthe mines of other metals, the reason of which prerogative or power, asit is given by my Lord Coke[29] is, because money can be made of goldand silver, but not of other metals. 

[Footnote 29: 2 Inst. 577. [ORIG. ED. ]]

Pursuant to this opinion halfpence and farthings were anciently made ofsilver, which is most evident from the act of Parliament of Henry the4th. Chap. 4. [30] by which it is enacted as follows: "Item, for thegreat scarcity that is at present within the realm of England ofhalfpence and farthings of silver, it is ordained and established thatthe third part of all the money of silver plate which shall be broughtto the bullion, shall be made in halfpence and farthings. " This shewsthat by the word "halfpenny" and "farthing" of lawful money in thatstatute concerning the passing of pence, are meant a small coin inhalfpence and farthings of silver. 

[Footnote 30: Swift makes an incorrect reference here. The act was 4Henry IV. , cap. 10. [T. S. ]]

This is further manifest from the statute of the ninth year of Edwardthe 3d. Chap. 3. Which enacts, "That no sterling halfpenny or farthingbe molten for to make vessel, nor any other thing by the goldsmiths, norothers, upon forfeiture of the money so molten" (or melted). 

By another act in this King's reign[31] black money was not to becurrent in England, and by an act made in the eleventh year of his reignchap. 5. Galley halfpence were not to pass, what kind of coin these wereI do not know, but I presume they were made of base metal, and thatthese acts were no new laws, but farther declarations of the old lawsrelating to the coin. 

[Footnote 31: The act against black money was passed in Henry IV. 'sreign not Edward III. 's. The "galley halfpence" were dealt with by 9Hen. IV. , cap. 4. [T. S. ]]

Thus the law stands in relation to coin, nor is there any example to thecontrary, except one in Davis's Reports, [32] who tells us that in thetime of Tyrone's rebellion Queen Elizabeth ordered money of mixed metalto be coined in the Tower of London, and sent over hither for payment ofthe army, obliging all people to receive it and commanding that allsilver money should be taken only as bullion, that is, for as much as itweighed. Davis tells us several particulars in this matter too long hereto trouble you with, and that the privy-council of this kingdom obligeda merchant in England to receive this mixed money for goods transmittedhither. [33]

[Footnote 32: This refers to Sir John Davies's "Abridgement of SirEdward Coke's Reports, " first published in 1651. Davies wasAttorney-General for Ireland and a poet. His works have been collectedand edited by Dr. A. B. Grosart in the Fuller Worthies Library. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 33: Charles I. , during the Civil War, paid his forces withdebased coin struck by him. [T. S. ]]

But this proceeding is rejected by all the best lawyers as contrary tolaw, the Privy-council here having no such power. And besides it is tobe considered, that the Queen was then under great difficulties by arebellion in this kingdom assisted from Spain, and whatever is done ingreat exigences and dangerous times should never be an example toproceed by in seasons of peace and quietness. 

I will now, my dear friends to save you the trouble, set before you inshort, what the law obliges you to do, and what it does not oblige youto. 

First, You are obliged to take all money in payments which is coined bythe King and is of the English standard or weight, provided it be ofgold or silver. 

Secondly, You are not obliged to take any money which is not of gold orsilver, no not the halfpence, or farthings of England, or of any othercountry, and it is only for convenience, or ease, that you are contentto take them, because the custom of coining silver halfpence andfarthings hath long been left off, I will suppose on account of theirbeing subject to be lost. 

Thirdly, Much less are you obliged to take those vile halfpence of thatsame Wood, by which you must lose almost eleven-pence in every shilling. 

Therefore my friends, stand to it one and all, refuse this filthy trash. It is no treason to rebel against Mr. Wood. His Majesty in his patentobliges nobody to take these halfpence, [34] our gracious prince hath noso ill advisers about him; or if he had, yet you see the laws have notleft it in the King's power, to force us to take any coin but what islawful, of right standard gold and silver, therefore you have nothing tofear. 

[Footnote 34: The words of the patent are "to pass and to be received ascurrent money; by such as shall or will, voluntarily and wittingly, andnot otherwise, receive the same" (the halfpence and farthings). [T. S. ]]

And let me in the next place apply myself particularly to you who arethe poor sort of tradesmen, perhaps you may think you will not be sogreat losers as the rich, if these halfpence should pass, because youseldom see any silver, and your customers come to your shops or stallswith nothing but brass, which you likewise find hard to be got, but youmay take my word, whenever this money gains footing among you, you willbe utterly undone; if you carry these halfpence to a shop for tobaccoor brandy, or any other thing you want, the shopkeeper will advance hisgoods accordingly, or else he must break, and leave the key under thedoor. Do you think I will sell you a yard of tenpenny stuff for twentyof Mr. Wood's halfpence? No, not under two hundred at least, neitherwill I be at the trouble of counting, but weigh them in a lump; I willtell you one thing further, that if Mr. Wood's project should take, itwill ruin even our beggars; For when I give a beggar an halfpenny, itwill quench his thirst, or go a good way to fill his belly, but thetwelfth part of a halfpenny will do him no more service than if I shouldgive him three pins out of my sleeve. 

In short these halfpence are like "the accursed thing, which" as theScripture tells us, "the children of Israel were forbidden to touch, "they will run about like the plague and destroy every one who lays hishands upon them. I have heard scholars talk of a man who told a kingthat he had invented a way to torment people by putting them into a bullof brass with fire under it, but the prince put the projector first intohis own brazen bull to make the experiment;[35] this very much resemblesthe project of Mr. Wood, and the like of this may possibly be Mr. Wood'sfate, that the brass he contrived to torment this kingdom with, mayprove his own torment, and his destruction at last. 

[Footnote 35: It is curious to find Swift so referring to Phalaris, ofwhom he had heard so much in the days of the "Battle of the Books. " [SIRH. CRAIK. ]]

N. B. The author of this paper is informed by persons who have made ittheir business to be exact in their observations on the true value ofthese halfpence, that any person may expect to get a quart of twopennyale for thirty-six of them. 

I desire all persons may keep this paper carefully by them to refreshtheir memories whenever they shall have farther notice of Mr. Wood'shalfpence, or any other the like imposture. 

LETTER II. 

TO MR. HARDING THE PRINTER. 

NOTE. 

Towards the beginning of the August of 1724, the Committee of Inquiryhad finished their report on Wood's patent. Somehow, an advance noticeof the contents of the report found its way, probably directed byWalpole himself, into the pages of a London journal, from whence it wasreprinted in Dublin, in Harding's Newspaper on the 1st of August. Thenotice stated that the Committee had recommended a reduction in theamount of coin Wood was to issue to £40, 000. It informed the public thatthe report notified that Wood was willing to take goods in exchange forhis coins, if enough silver were not to be had, and he agreed torestrict the amount of each payment to 5-1/2_d_. But a pretty broad hintwas given that a refusal to accept the compromise offered might possiblyprovoke the higher powers to an assertion of the prerogative. 

Walpole also had already endeavoured to calm the situation by consentingto a minute examination of the coins themselves at the London Mint. TheLords Commissioners had instructed Sir Isaac Newton, the Master of theMint, Edward Southwell, and Thomas Scroope, to make an assay of Wood'smoney. The report of the assayists was issued on April 27th, 1724;[1]and certified that the coins submitted had been tested and found to becorrect both as to weight and quality. In addition to this evidence ofgood faith, Walpole had nominated Carteret in place of the Duke ofGrafton to the Lord-Lieutenancy. Carteret was a favourite with the bestmen in Ireland, and a man of culture as well as ability. It was hopedthat his influence would smooth down the members of the opposition by anacceptance of the altered measure. He was in the way in London, and hemight be of great service in Dublin; so to Dublin he went. 

[Footnote 1: A full reprint of this report is given in Appendix II. ]

But Walpole had not reckoned with the Drapier. In the paragraph inHarding's sheet, Swift saw a diplomatist's move to win the game bydiplomatic methods. Compromise was the one result Swift was determinedto render impossible; and the Drapier's second letter, "To Mr. Hardingthe Printer, " renews the conflict with yet stronger passion and witheven more satirical force. It is evident Swift was bent now on raising adeeper question than merely this of the acceptance or refusal of Wood'shalfpence and farthings. There was a principle here that had to beinsisted and a right to be safeguarded. Mr. Churton Collins ablyexpresses Swift's attitude at this juncture when he says:[2] "Nothingcan be more certain than that it was Swift's design from the verybeginning to make the controversy with Wood the basis of far moreextensive operations. It had furnished him with the means of wakingIreland from long lethargy into fiery life. He looked to it to furnishhim with the means of elevating her from servitude to independence, fromignominy to honour. His only fear was lest the spirit which he hadkindled should burn itself out or be prematurely quenched. And of thishe must have felt that there was some danger, when it was announced thatEngland had given way much more than it was expected she would give way, and much more than she had ever given way before. "

[Footnote 2: "Jonathan Swift, " pp. 179-180. ]

This letter to Harding was but the preliminary leading up to the famousfourth letter "to the whole people of Ireland. " It was also anintroduction to, and preparation of the public mind for, the drasticcriticism of the Privy Council's Report, the arrival of which wasexpected shortly. 

The present text of this second letter is that given by Sir W. Scott, collated with the copies of the original edition in the possession ofthe late Colonel F. Grant and in the British Museum. It has also beencompared with Faulkner's issue of 1725, in "Fraud Detected. "

[T. S. ]

[Illustration: A *LETTER* TO Mr. _Harding_ the Printer, Upon Occasion of a

 **PARAGRAPH** *IN HIS* **News-Paper** of _Aug_. 1st. 

Relating to Mr. _Wood's_ Half-pence. 

 _By_ M. B. _Drapier_. AUTHOR of the LETTER to the SHOP-KEEPERS, &c. 

 DUBLIN: Printed by _J. Harding_ in _Molesworth's-Court_. ]

LETTER II. 

TO MR. HARDING THE PRINTER. 

Sir, In your Newsletter of the 1st. Instant there is a paragraph datedfrom London, July 25th. Relating to Wood's halfpence; whereby it isplain what I foretold in my "Letter to the Shopkeepers, &c. " that thisvile fellow would never be at rest, and that the danger of our ruinapproaches nearer, and therefore the kingdom requires NEW and FRESHWARNING; however I take that paragraph to be, in a great measure, animposition upon the public, at least I hope so, because I am informedthat Wood is generally his own newswriter. I cannot but observe fromthat paragraph that this public enemy of ours, not satisfied to ruin uswith his trash, takes every occasion to treat this kingdom with theutmost contempt. He represents "several of our merchants and tradersupon examination before a committee of council, agreeing that there wasthe utmost necessity of copper money here, before his patent, so thatseveral gentlemen have been forced to tally with their workmen and givethem bits of cards sealed and subscribed with their names. " What then?If a physician prescribes to a patient a dram of physic, shall a rascalapothecary cram him with a pound, and mix it up with poison? And is nota landlord's hand and seal to his own labourers a better security forfive or ten shillings, than Wood's brass seven times below the realvalue, can be to the kingdom, for an hundred and four thousandpounds?[3]

[Footnote 3: Thus in original edition. £108, 000 is the amount generallygiven. See note on p. 15. [T. S. ]]

But who are these merchants and traders of Ireland that make this reportof "the utmost necessity we are under of copper money"? They are only afew betrayers of their country, confederates with Wood, from whom theyare to purchase a great quantity of his coin, perhaps at half value, andvend it among us to the ruin of the public, and their own privateadvantage. Are not these excellent witnesses, upon whose integrity thefate of a kingdom must depend, who are evidences in their own cause, andsharers in this work of iniquity?

If we could have deserved the liberty of coining for ourselves, as weformerly did, and why we have not _is everybody's wonder as well asmine_, [4] ten thousand pounds might have been coined here in Dublin ofonly one-fifth below the intrinsic value, and this sum, with the stockof halfpence we then had, would have been sufficient:[5] But Wood by hisemissaries, enemies to God and this kingdom, hath taken care to buy upas many of our old halfpence as he could, and from thence the presentwant of change arises; to remove which, by Mr. Wood's remedy, would be, to cure a scratch on the finger by cutting off the arm. But supposingthere were not one farthing of change in the whole nation, I willmaintain, that five and twenty thousand pounds would be a sum fullysufficient to answer all our occasions. I am no inconsiderableshopkeeper in this town, I have discoursed with several of my own andother trades, with many gentlemen both of city and country, and alsowith great numbers of farmers, cottagers, and labourers, who all agreethat two shillings in change for every family would be more thannecessary in all dealings. Now by the largest computation (even beforethat grievous discouragement of agriculture, which hath so much lessenedour numbers [6]) the souls in this kingdom are computed to be onemillion and a half, which, allowing but six to a family, makes twohundred and fifty thousand families, and consequently two shillings toeach family will amount only to five and twenty thousand pounds, whereasthis honest liberal hardwareman Wood would impose upon us above fourtimes that sum. 

[Footnote 4: Time and again Ireland had petitioned the King of Englandfor the establishment of a mint in Dublin. Both Houses of Parliamentaddressed King Charles I. In 1634, begging for a mint which should coinmoney in Ireland of the same standard and values as those of England, and allowing the profits to the government. Wentworth supported theaddress; but it was refused (Carte's "Ormond, " vol. I. , pp. 79-80). WhenLord Cornwallis's petition for a renewal of his patent for minting coinswas presented in 1700, it was referred to a committee of the LordsJustices. In their report the Lords Justices condemned the system invogue, and urged the establishment of a mint, in which the coining ofmoney should be in the hands of the government and in those of asubject. No notice was taken of this advice. See Lecky's "Ireland, " vol. I. , p. 448 (ed 1892) [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 5: Boulter stated that £10, 000 or £15, 000 would have amplyfulfilled the demand ("Letters, " vol. I. , pp. 4, 11). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 6: It was not alone the direct discouragement of agriculturewhich lessened the population. This result was also largely broughtabout by the anti-Catholic legislation of Queen Anne's reign, which"reduced the Roman Catholics to a state of depression, " and causedthousands of them to go elsewhere for the means of living. SeeCrawford's "Ireland, " vol. Ii. , pp. 264-267. [T. S. ]]

Your paragraph relates further, that Sir Isaac Newton reported an assaytaken at the Tower of Wood's metal, by which it appears, that Wood hadin all respects performed his contract[7]. His contract! With whom? Wasit with the parliament or people of Ireland? Are not they to be thepurchasers? But they detest, abhor, and reject it, as corrupt, fraudulent, mingled with dirt and trash. Upon which he grows angry, goesto law, and will impose his goods upon us by force. 

[Footnote 7: For the full text of Newton's report see Appendix, No. II. [T. S. ]]

But your Newsletter says that an assay was made of the coin. Howimpudent and insupportable is this? Wood takes care to coin a dozen ortwo halfpence of good metal, sends them to the Tower and they areapproved, and these must answer all that he hath already coined or shallcoin for the future. It is true indeed, that a gentleman often sends tomy shop for a pattern of stuff, I cut it fairly off, and if he likes it, he comes or sends and compares the pattern with the whole piece, andprobably we come to a bargain. But if I were to buy an hundred sheep, and the grazier should bring me one single wether fat and well fleecedby way of pattern, and expect the same price round for the wholehundred, without suffering me to see them before he was paid, or givingme good security to restore my money for those that were lean or shornor scabby, I would be none of his customer. I have heard of a man whohad a mind to sell his house, and therefore carried a piece of brick inhis pocket, which he shewed as a pattern to encourage purchasers: Andthis is directly the case in point with Mr. Wood's assay. [8]

[Footnote 8: Monck Mason remarks on this assay that "the assay-mastersdo not report that Mr. Wood's coinage was superior to that of formerkings, but only to those specimens of such coinages as were exhibited byMr. Wood, which, it is admitted were much worn. Whether the money coinedin the preceding reign was good or bad is in fact nothing to thepurpose. " "'What argument, '" quotes Monck Mason from the tract issued in1724 entitled, "A Defence of the Conduct of the People of Ireland, intheir unanimous refusal of Mr. Wood's Copper Money, " "'can be drawn fromthe badness of our former coinages but this, that because we haveformerly been cheated by our coiners, we ought to suffer Mr. Wood tocheat us over again? Whereas, one reason for our so vigorously opposingMr. Wood's coinage, is, because we have always been imposed upon in ourcopper money, and we find he is treading exactly in the steps of hispredecessors, and thinks he has a right to cheat us because he can shewa precedent for it. ' In truth, there was a vast number of counterfeitsof those coins, which had been imported, chiefly from Scotland, asappears from a proclamation prohibiting the Importation of them in 1697"("History St. Patrick's Cathedral, " p, 340, note d. ) [T. S. ]]

The next part of the paragraph contains Mr. Wood's voluntary proposalsfor "preventing any future objections or apprehensions. "

His first proposal is, that "whereas he hath already coined seventeenthousand pounds, and has copper prepared to make it up forty thousandpounds, he will be content to coin no more, unless the EXIGENCES OFTRADE REQUIRE IT, though his patent empowers him to coin a far greaterquantity. "

To which if I were to answer it should be thus: "Let Mr. Wood and hiscrew of founders and tinkers coin on till there is not an old kettleleft in the kingdom: let them coin old leather, tobacco-pipe clay or thedirt in the streets, and call their trumpery by what name they pleasefrom a guinea to a farthing, we are not under any concern to know how heand his tribe or accomplices think fit to employ themselves. " But I hopeand trust, that we are all to a man fully determined to have nothing todo with him or his ware. 

The King has given him a patent to coin halfpence, but hath not obligedus to take them, and I have already shewn in my "Letter to theShopkeepers, &c. " that the law hath not left it in the power of theprerogative to compel the subject to take any money, beside gold andsilver of the right sterling and standard. 

Wood further proposes, (if I understand him right, for his expressionsare dubious) that "he will not coin above forty thousand pounds, unlessthe exigences of trade require it. " First, I observe that this sum offorty thousand pounds is almost double to what I proved to be sufficientfor the whole kingdom, although we had not one of our old halfpenceleft. Again I ask, who is to be judge when the exigences of traderequire it? Without doubt he means himself, for as to us of this poorkingdom, who must be utterly ruined if his project should succeed, wewere never once consulted till the matter was over, and he will judge ofour exigences by his own; neither will these be ever at an end till heand his accomplices will think they have enough: And it now appears thathe will not be content with all our gold and silver, but intends to buyup our goods and manufactures with the same coin. 

I shall not enter into examination of the prices for which he nowproposes to sell his halfpence, or what he calls his copper, by thepound; I have said enough of it in my former letter, and it hathlikewise been considered by others. It is certain that by his own firstcomputation, we were to pay three shillings for what was intrinsicallyworth but one, [9] although it had been of the true weight and standardfor which he pretended to have contracted; but there is so great adifference both in weight and badness in several of his coins that someof them have been nine in ten below the intrinsic value, and most ofthem six or seven. [10]

[Footnote 9: The report of the Committee of the Privy Council which saton Wood's coinage, stated that copper ready for minting cost eighteenpence per pound before it was brought into the Mint at the Tower ofLondon. See the Report prefixed to Letter III. And Appendix II. , inwhich it is also stated that Wood's copper was worth thirteen pence perpound. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 10: Newton's assay report says that Wood's pieces were ofunequal weight. [T. S. ]]

His last proposal being of a peculiar strain and nature, deserves to bevery particularly considered, both on account of the matter and thestyle. It is as follows. 

"Lastly, in consideration of the direful apprehensions which prevail inIreland, that Mr. Wood will by such coinage drain them of their gold andsilver, he proposes to take their manufactures in exchange, and that noperson be obliged to receive more than fivepence halfpenny at onepayment. "

First, Observe this little impudent hardwareman turning into ridicule"the direful apprehensions of a whole kingdom, " priding himself as thecause of them, and daring to prescribe what no King of England everattempted, how far a whole nation shall be obliged to take his brasscoin. And he has reason to insult; for sure there was never an examplein history, of a great kingdom kept in awe for above a year in dailydread of utter destruction, not by a powerful invader at the head oftwenty thousand men, not by a plague or a famine, not by a tyrannicalprince (for we never had one more gracious) or a corrupt administration, but by one single, diminutive, insignificant, mechanic. 

But to go on. To remove our "direful apprehensions that he will drain usof our gold and silver by his coinage:" This little arbitrarymock-monarch most graciously offers to "take our manufactures inexchange. " Are our Irish understandings indeed so low in his opinion? Isnot this the very misery we complain of? That his cursed project willput us under the necessity of selling our goods for what is equal tonothing. How would such a proposal sound from France or Spain or anyother country we deal with, if they should offer to deal with us onlyupon this condition, that we should take their money at ten times higherthan the intrinsic value? Does Mr. Wood think, for instance, that wewill sell him a stone of wool for a parcel of his counters not worthsixpence, when we can send it to England and receive as many shillingsin gold and silver? Surely there was never heard such a compound ofimpudence, villainy and folly. 

His proposals conclude with perfect high treason. He promises, that noperson shall be _obliged_ to receive more than fivepence halfpenny ofhis coin in one payment: By which it is plain, that he pretends to_oblige_ every subject in this kingdom to take so much in every payment, if it be offered; whereas his patent obliges no man, nor can theprerogative by law claim such a power, as I have often observed; sothat here Mr. Wood takes upon him the entire legislature, and anabsolute dominion over the properties of the whole nation. 

Good God! Who are this wretch's advisers? Who are his supporters, abettors, encouragers, or sharers? Mr. Wood will _oblige_ me to takefivepence halfpenny of his brass in every payment! And I will shoot Mr. Wood and his deputies through the head, like highwaymen orhousebreakers, if they dare to force one farthing of their coin upon mein the payment of an hundred pounds. It is no loss of honour to submitto the lion, but who, with the figure of a man, can think with patienceof being devoured alive by a rat. He has laid a tax upon the people ofIreland of seventeen shillings at least in the pound; a tax I say, notonly upon lands, but interest-money, goods, manufactures, the hire ofhandicraftsmen, labourers, and servants. Shopkeepers look to yourselves. Wood will _oblige_ and force you to take fivepence halfpenny of histrash in every payment, and many of you receive twenty, thirty, fortypayments in a day, or else you can hardly find bread: And pray considerhow much that will amount to in a year: Twenty times fivepence halfpennyis nine shillings and twopence, which is above an hundred and sixtypounds a year, whereof you will be losers of at least one hundred andforty pounds by taking your payments in his money. If any of you becontent to deal with Mr. Wood on such conditions they may. But for myown particular, "let his money perish with him. " If the famous Mr. Hampden rather chose to go to prison, than pay a few shillings to KingCharles 1st. Without authority of Parliament, I will rather choose to behanged than have all my substance taxed at seventeen shillings in thepound, at the arbitrary will and pleasure of the venerable Mr. Wood. 

The paragraph concludes thus. "N. B. " (that is to say _nota bene_, or_mark well_), "No evidence appeared from Ireland, or elsewhere, to provethe mischiefs complained of, or any abuses whatsoever committed in theexecution of the said grant. "

The impudence of this remark exceeds all that went before. First; theHouse of Commons in Ireland, which represents the whole people of thekingdom; and secondly the Privy-council, addressed His Majesty againstthese halfpence. What could be done more to express the universal senseand opinion of the nation? If his copper were diamonds, and the kingdomwere entirely against it, would not that be sufficient to reject it?Must a committee of the House of Commons, and our whole Privy-council goover to argue _pro_ and _con_ with Mr. Wood? To what end did the Kinggive his patent for coining of halfpence in Ireland? Was it not, becauseit was represented to his sacred Majesty, that such a coinage would beof advantage to the good of this kingdom, and of all his subjects here?It is to the patentee's peril if his representation be false, and theexecution of his patent be fraudulent and corrupt. Is he so wicked andfoolish to think that his patent was given him to ruin a million and ahalf of people, that he might be a gainer of three or four scorethousand pounds to himself? Before he was at the charge of passing apatent, much more of raking up so much filthy dross, and stamping itwith His Majesty's "image and superscription, " should he not first incommon sense, in common equity, and common manners, have consulted theprincipal party concerned; that is to say, the people of the kingdom, the House of Lords or Commons, or the Privy-council? If any foreignershould ask us, "whose image and superscription" there is in Wood's coin, we should be ashamed to tell him, it was Caesar's. In that great want ofcopper halfpence, which he alleges we were, our city set up our Caesar'sstatue[11] in excellent copper, at an expense that is equal in value tothirty thousand pounds of his coin: And we will not receive his _image_in worse metal. 

[Footnote 11: An equestrian statue of George I. At Essex Bridge, Dublin, [F. ]]

I observe many of our people putting a melancholy case on this subject. "It is true" say they, "we are all undone if Wood's halfpence must pass;but what shall we do, if His Majesty puts out a proclamation commandingus to take them?" This hath been often dinned in my ears. But I desiremy countrymen to be assured that there is nothing in it. The King neverissues out a proclamation but to enjoin what the law permits him. Hewill not issue out a proclamation against law, or if such a thingshould happen by a mistake, we are no more obliged to obey it than torun our heads into the fire. Besides, His Majesty will never command usby a proclamation, what he does not offer to command us in the patentitself. There he leaves it to our discretion, so that our destructionmust be entirely owing to ourselves. Therefore let no man be afraid of aproclamation, which will never be granted; and if it should, yet uponthis occasion, will be of no force. The King's revenues here are nearfour hundred thousand pounds a year, can you think his ministers willadvise him to take them in Wood's brass, which will reduce the value tofifty thousand pounds. England gets a million sterl. By this nation, which, if this project goes on, will be almost reduced to nothing: Anddo you think those who live in England upon Irish estates will becontent to take an eighth or a tenth part, by being paid in Wood'sdross?

If Wood and his confederates were not convinced of our stupidity, theynever would have attempted so audacious an enterprise. He now sees aspirit hath been raised against him, and he only watches till it beginsto flag, he goes about "watching" when to "devour us. " He hopes we shallbe weary of contending with him, and at last out of ignorance, or fear, or of being perfectly tired with opposition, we shall be forced toyield. And therefore I confess it is my chief endeavour to keep up yourspirits and resentments. If I tell you there is a precipice under you, and that if you go forwards you will certainly break your necks. If Ipoint to it before your eyes, must I be at the trouble of repeating itevery morning? Are our people's "hearts waxed gross"? Are "their earsdull of hearing, " and have "they closed their eyes"? I fear there aresome few vipers among us, who, for ten or twenty pounds gain, would selltheir souls and their country, though at last it would end in their ownruin as well as ours. Be not like "the deaf adder, who refuses to hearthe voice of the charmer, charm he never so wisely. "

Though my letter be directed to you, Mr. Harding, yet I intend it forall my countrymen. I have no interest in this affair but what is commonto the public. I can live better than many others, I have some gold andsilver by me, and a shop well furnished, and shall be able to make ashift when many of my betters are starving. But I am grieved to see thecoldness and indifference of many people, with whom I discourse. Someare afraid of a proclamation, others shrug up their shoulders, and cry, "What would you have us do?" Some give out, there is no danger at all. Others are comforted that it will be a common calamity and they shallfare no worse than their neighbours. Will a man, who hears midnightrobbers at his door, get out of bed, and raise his family for a commondefence, and shall a whole kingdom lie in a lethargy, while Mr. Woodcomes at the head of his confederates to rob them of all they have, toruin us and our posterity for ever? If an highwayman meets you on theroad, you give him your money to save your life, but, God be thanked, Mr. Wood cannot touch a hair of your heads. You have all the laws of Godand man on your side. When he or his accomplices offer you his dross itis but saying no, and you are safe. If a madman should come to my shopwith an handful of dirt raked out of the kennel, and offer it in paymentfor ten yards of stuff, I would pity or laugh at him, or, if hisbehaviour deserved it, kick him out of my doors. And if Mr. Wood comesto demand any gold and silver, or commodities for which I have paid mygold and silver, in exchange for his trash, can he deserve or expectbetter treatment?

When the evil day is come (if it must come) let us mark and observethose who presume to offer these halfpence in payment. Let their names, and trades, and places of abode be made public, that every one may beaware of them, as betrayers of their country, and confederates with Mr. Wood. Let them be watched at markets and fairs, and let the first honestdiscoverer give the word about, that Wood's halfpence have been offered, and caution the poor innocent people not to receive them. 

Perhaps I have been too tedious; but there would never be an end, if Iattempted to say all that this melancholy subject will bear. I willconclude with humbly offering one proposal, which, if it were put inpractice, would blow up this destructive project at once. Let someskilful judicious pen draw up an advertisement to the following purpose. 

That "Whereas one William Wood hardware-man, now or lately sojourningin the city of London, hath, by many misrepresentations, procured apatent for coining an hundred and forty thousand pounds[12] in copperhalfpence for this kingdom, which is a sum five times greater than ouroccasions require. And whereas it is notorious that the said Wood hathcoined his halfpence of such base metal and false weight, that they are, at least, six parts in seven below the real value. And whereas we havereason to apprehend, that the said Wood may, at any time hereafter, clandestinely coin as many more halfpence as he pleases. And whereas thesaid patent neither doth nor can _oblige_ His Majesty's subjects toreceive the said halfpence in any payment, but leaves it to theirvoluntary choice, because, by law the subject cannot be _obliged_ totake any money except gold or silver. And whereas, contrary to theletter and meaning of the said patent, the said Wood hath declared thatevery person shall be _obliged_ to take fivepence halfpenny of his coinin every payment. And whereas the House of Commons and Privy-councilhave severally addressed his Most Sacred Majesty, representing the illconsequences which the said coinage may have upon this kingdom. Andlastly whereas it is universally agreed, that the whole nation to a man(except Mr. Wood and his confederates) are in the utmost apprehensionsof the ruinous consequences, that must follow from the said coinage. Therefore we whose names are underwritten, being persons of considerableestates in this kingdom, and residers therein, do unanimously resolveand declare that we will never receive, one farthing or halfpenny of thesaid Wood's coining, and that we will direct all our tenants to refusethe said coin from any person whatsoever; Of which that they may not beignorant, we have sent them a copy of this advertisement, to be read tothem by our stewards, receivers, &c. "

[Footnote 12: In the first paragraph of this letter the sum was given as£104, 000. [T. S. ]]

I could wish, that a paper of this nature might be drawn up, and signedby two or three hundred principal gentlemen of this kingdom, and printedcopies thereof sent to their several tenants; I am deceived, if anythingcould sooner defeat this execrable design of Wood and his accomplices. This would immediately give the alarm, and set the kingdom on theirguard. This would give courage to the meanest tenant and cottager. "Howlong, O Lord, righteous and true. "

I must tell you in particular, Mr. Harding, that you are much to blame. Several hundred persons have enquired at your house for my "Letter tothe Shopkeepers, &c. " and you had none to sell them. Pray keep yourselfprovided with that letter, and with this; you have got very well by theformer, but I did not then write for your sake, any more than I do now. Pray advertise both in every newspaper, and let it not be _your_ faultor _mine_, if our countrymen will not take warning. I desire youlikewise to sell them as cheap as you can. 

_I am your servant_, M. B. 

_Aug. _ 4, 1724. 

_The Report of the Committee of the Lords of HisMajesty's most honourable Privy-Council, inrelation to Mr. Wood's Halfpenceand Farthings, etc. _[1]

AT THE COUNCIL CHAMBER AT WHITEHALL, THE 24TH DAYOF JULY, 1724. 

In obedience to your Majesty's order of reference, upon the severalresolutions and addresses of both Houses of Parliament of Ireland, during their late session, the late address of your Majesty's justices, and Privy-council of that kingdom, and the petitions of the county andcity of Dublin, concerning a patent granted by your Majesty to WilliamWood Esq; for the coining and uttering copper halfpence and farthings inthe kingdom of Ireland, to such persons as would voluntarily accept thesame; and upon the petition of the said William Wood, concerning thesame coinage, the Lords of the Committee have taken into theirconsideration the said patent, addresses, petitions, and all matters andpapers relating thereto, and have heard and examined all such persons, as upon due and sufficient notice, were desirous and willing to be heardupon the subject matter under their consideration, and have agreed uponthe following Report, containing a true state of the whole matter, as itappeared before them, with their humble opinion, to be laid before yourMajesty for your royal consideration and determination, upon a matter ofsuch importance. 

[Footnote 1: For the story of the origin of this report see the Noteprefixed to Letter III. [T. S. ]]

The several addresses to your Majesty from your subjects of Ireland, contain in general terms the strongest representations of the greatapprehensions they were under, from the importing and uttering copperhalfpence and farthings in Ireland, by virtue of the patent granted toMr. Wood, which they conceived would prove highly prejudicial to yourMajesty's revenue, destructive of the trade and commerce of the kingdom, and of dangerous consequence to the properties of the subject. Theyrepresent, That the patent had been obtained in a clandestine andunprecedented manner, and by notorious misrepresentations of the stateof Ireland; That if the terms of the patent had been complied with, thiscoinage would have been of infinite loss to the kingdom, but that thepatentee, under colour of the powers granted to him, had imported andendeavoured to utter great quantities of different impressions, and ofless weight, than required by the patent, and had been guilty ofnotorious frauds and deceit in coining the said copper money: And theyhumbly beseech your Majesty, that you would give such directions, as inyour great wisdom you should think proper, to prevent the fatal effectsof uttering any half pence or farthings by virtue of the said patent:And the House of Commons of Ireland, in a second address upon thissubject, pray, That your Majesty would be pleased to give directions tothe several officers intrusted in the receipt of your Majesty's revenue, That they do not on any pretence whatever, receive or utter any of thesaid copper halfpence or farthings. 

In answer to the addresses of the Houses of Parliament of Ireland, yourMajesty was most graciously pleased to assure them, "That if any abuseshad been committed by the patentee, you would give the necessary ordersfor enquiring into and punishing those abuses; and that your Majestywould do everything, that was in your power, for the satisfaction ofyour people. "

In pursuance of this your Majesty's most gracious declaration, yourMajesty was pleased to take this matter into you royal consideration;and that you might be the better enabled effectually to answer theexpectations of your people of Ireland, your Majesty was pleased by aletter from Lord Carteret, one of your principal secretaries of state, dated March 10, 1723-4, to signify your pleasure to your Lord Lieutenantof Ireland, "That he should give directions for sending over such papersand witnesses as should be thought proper to support the objections madeagainst the patent, and against the patentee, in the execution of thepowers given him by the patent. "

Upon the receipt of these your Majesty's orders, the Lord Lieutenant, byhis letter of the 20th of March, 1723-4, represented the greatdifficulty he found himself under, to comply with these your Majesty'sorders; and by another letter of the 24th of March 1723-4, "afterconsulting the principal members of both Houses, who were immediately inyour Majesty's service, and of the Privy Council, " acquainted yourMajesty, "That none of them would take upon them to advise, how anymaterial persons or papers might be sent over on this occasion; but theyall seemed apprehensive of the ill temper any miscarriage, in a trial, upon _scire facias_ brought against the patentee, might occasion in bothHouses, if the evidence were not laid as full before a jury, as it wasbefore them, " and did therefore, a second time, decline sending overany persons, papers or materials whatsoever, to support this chargebrought against your Majesty's patent and the patentee. 

As this proceeding seemed very extraordinary, that in a matter that hadraised so great and universal a clamour in Ireland, no one person couldbe prevailed upon to come over from Ireland, in support of the unitedsense of both Houses of Parliament of Ireland; That no papers, nomaterials, no evidence whatsoever of the mischiefs arising from thispatent, or of the notorious frauds and deceit committed in the executionof it, could now be had, to give your Majesty satisfaction herein; "yourMajesty however, desirous to give your people of Ireland all possiblesatisfaction, but sensible that you cannot in any case proceed againstany of the meanest of your subjects, but according to the known rulesand maxims of law and justice, " repeated your orders to your LordLieutenant of Ireland, that by persuasion, and making proper allowancesfor their expenses, new endeavours might be used to procure and sendover such witnesses as should be thought material to make good thecharge against the patent. 

In answer to these orders, the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland acquaints yourMajesty, by his letter of the 23d of April to one of your principalsecretaries of state, "That in order to obey your Majesty's commands asfar as possibly he could, at a meeting with my Lord Chancellor, theChief Judges, your Majesty's Attorney and Solicitor-General, he hadearnestly desired their advice and assistance, to enable him to sendover such witnesses as might be necessary to support the charge againstMr. Wood's patent, and the execution of it. The result of this meetingwas such, that the Lord Lieutenant could not reap the least advantage orassistance from it, every one being so guarded with caution, againstgiving any advice or opinion in this matter of state, apprehending greatdanger to themselves from meddling in it. "

The Lords of the Committee think it very strange, that there should besuch great difficulty in prevailing with persons, who had already giventheir evidence before the Parliament of Ireland, to come over and givethe same evidence here, and especially, that the chief difficulty shouldarise, from a general apprehension of a miscarriage, in an enquirybefore your Majesty, or in a proceeding by due course of law, in a case, where both Houses of Parliament had declared themselves so fullyconvinced, and satisfied upon evidence, and examinations taken in themost solemn manner. 

At the same time that your Majesty sent your orders to the LordLieutenant of Ireland, to send over such evidences as were thoughtmaterial to support the charge against the patent, that your Majestymight, without any further loss of time than was absolutely necessary, be as fully informed as was possible, and that the abuses and fraudsalleged to be committed by the patentee, in executing the powers grantedto him, might be fully and strictly enquired into, and examined, yourMajesty was pleased to order that an assay should be made of thefineness, value, and weight of this copper money, and the goodnessthereof, compared with the former coinages of copper money for Ireland, and the copper money coined in your Majesty's Mint in England; and itwas accordingly referred to Sir Isaac Newton, Edward Southwell, andThomas Scroope, Esqs. To make the said assay and trial. 

By the reports made of this assay, which are hereunto annexed, itappears, [2] "That the pix of the copper moneys coined at Bristol by Mr. Wood for Ireland, containing the trial pieces, which was sealed andlocked up at the time of coining, was opened at your Majesty's mint atthe Tower; that the comptroller's account of the quantities of halfpenceand farthings coined, agreed with Mr. Wood's account, amounting to 59tons, 3 hundred, 1 quarter, 11 pounds, and 4 ounces; That by thespecimens of this coinage, which had from time to time been taken fromthe several parcels coined, and sealed up in papers, and put into thepix, 60 halfpence weighed 14 ounces troy, and 18 penny-weight, which isabout a quarter of an ounce above one pound weight avoirdupois; and 30farthings weighed 3 ounces and 3 quarters of an ounce troy, and 46grams, which is also above the weight required by the patent. It alsoappears, that both halfpence and farthings when heated red-hot spreadthin under the hammer without cracking; that the copper of which Mr. Wood's coinage is made, is of the same goodness and value with thecopper of which the copper money is coined in your Majesty's mint forEngland, and worth in the market about 13 pence per pound weightavoirdupois; That a pound of copper wrought into bars of fillets, andmade fit for coinage, before brought into the mint at the Tower ofLondon, is worth 18 pence per pound, and always cost as much, and iscoined into 23 pence of copper money by tale, for England; It likewiseappears, that the halfpence and farthings coined by Mr. Wood, whencompared with the copper money coined for Ireland, in the reigns of KingCharles II. King James II. And King William and Queen Mary, considerablyexceeds them all in weight, very far exceeds them all in goodness, fineness, and value of the copper, none of them bearing the fire sowell, not being malleable, wasting very much in the fire, and great partof them burning into a cinder of little or no value at all; Specimensof all which, as likewise of Mr. Wood's copper money, upon trials andassays made by Sir Isaac Newton, Mr. Southwell, and Mr. Scroope, werelaid before this Committee for their information. "

[Footnote 2: See Appendix, No. II. [T. S. ]]

The Lords of the Committee beg leave upon this article of the complaint, "That notorious frauds and deceits had been committed by the patentee, in executing the powers granted him, " to observe to your Majesty, Thatthis is a fact expressly charged upon the patentee, and if it had in anymanner been proved, it might have enabled your Majesty, by due course oflaw, to have given the satisfaction to your people of Ireland, that hasbeen so much insisted upon; but as it is now above four months sinceyour Majesty was pleased to send over to Ireland for such evidence, asmight prove a fact alleged to be so notorious, and no evidence at allhas been as yet transmitted, nor the least expectation given of any thatmay hereafter be obtained, and the trials and assays that have beentaken of the halfpence, and farthings coined by Mr. Wood proving sounquestionably the weight, goodness and fineness of the copper moneycoined, rather exceeding the conditions of the patent, than being anyway defective, the Lords of the Committee cannot advise your Majesty, bya writ of _scire facias_, or any other manner to endeavour vacating thesaid patent, when there is no probability of success in such anundertaking. 

As these trials and assays fully shew that the patentee hath actedfairly according to the terms and conditions of his patent, so theyevidently prove, that the care and caution made use of in this patent, by proper conditions, checks, and comptrols have effectually provided, that the copper money coined for Ireland by virtue of this patent, should far exceed the like coinages for Ireland, in the reigns of yourMajesty's royal predecessors. 

And that your Majesty's royal predecessors have exercised this undoubtedprerogative of granting to private persons the power and privilege ofcoining copper halfpence and farthings for the kingdom of Ireland, wasproved to this Committee by several precedents of such patents grantedto private persons by King Charles II. And King James II. None of whichwere equally beneficial to your kingdom of Ireland, nor so well guardedwith proper covenants and conditions for the due execution of the powersthereby granted, although the power and validity of those patents, and adue compliance with them, was never in any one instance, till this time, disputed or controverted. 

By these former patents, the sole power of coining copper money forIreland, was granted to the patentees for the term of 21 years, to becoined in such place as they should think convenient, and "suchquantities as they could conveniently issue within the term of 21years, " without any restriction of the quantity to be coined within thewhole term, or any provision of a certain quantity, only to be coinedannually to prevent the ill consequences of too great a quantity to bepoured in at once, at the will and pleasure of the patentees; noprovision was made for the goodness and fineness of the copper, nocomptroller appointed to inspect the copper in bars and fillets, beforecoined, and take constant assays of the money when coined, and the powerof issuing not limited "to such as would voluntarily accept the same";but by the patent granted to John Knox, the money coined by virtue ofthe patent, "is made and declared to be the current coin of the kingdomof Ireland, " and a pound weight of copper was allowed to be coined into2 shillings and 8 pence, and whatever quantity should be coined, a rentof 16_l_ _per annum_ only was reserved to the crown, and 700 tons ofcopper were computed to be coined within the 21 years, without anycomplaint. 

The term granted to Mr. Wood for coining copper money is for 14 yearsonly, the quantity for the whole term limited to 360 tons, 100 ton onlyto be issued within one year, and 20 tons each year for the 13 remainingyears; a comptroller is appointed by the authority of the crown toinspect, comptrol, and assay the copper, as well not coined as coined;the copper to be fine British copper, cast into bars or fillets, whichwhen heated red hot would spread thin under the hammer; a pound weightof copper to be coined into 2 shillings and sixpence, and without anycompulsion on currency enforced, to be received by such only as wouldvoluntarily and wilfully accept the same"; a rent of 800_l_ _per annum_is reserved unto your Majesty, [3] and 200_l per annum_ to your Majesty'sclerk comptroller, to be paid annually by the patentee, for the fullterm of the fourteen years, which for 13 years when 20 tons of copperonly are coined, is not inconsiderable; these great and essentialdifferences in the several patents, that have been granted for coiningcopper money for the kingdom of Ireland, seemed sufficiently to justifythe care and caution that was used in granting the letters-patent to Mr. Wood. 

[Footnote 3: See the extract from the patent itself, where the amount isgiven differently [T. S. ]]

It has been further represented to your Majesty, That theseletters-patent were obtained by Mr. Wood in a clandestine andunprecedent manner, and by gross misrepresentations of the state of thekingdom of Ireland. Upon enquiring into this fact it appears, That thepetition of Mr. Wood for obtaining this coinage, was presented to yourMajesty at the time that several other petitions and applications weremade to your Majesty, for the same purpose, by sundry persons, wellacquainted and conversant with the affairs of Ireland, setting forth thegreat want of small money and change in all the common and lower partsof traffic, and business throughout the kingdom, and the terms of Mr. Wood's petition seeming to your Majesty most reasonable, thereupon adraught of a warrant directing a grant of such coinage to be made to Mr. Wood, was referred to your Majesty's then Attorney and Solicitor-generalof England, to consider and report their opinion to your Majesty; SirIsaac Newton, as the Committee is informed was consulted in all thesteps of settling and adjusting the terms and conditions of the patent;and after mature deliberation, your Majesty's warrant was signed, directing an indenture in such manner as is practised in your Majesty'smint in the Tower of London, for the coining of gold and silver moneys, to pass the Great Seal of Great Britain, which was carried through allthe usual forms and offices without haste or precipitation, That theCommittee cannot discover the least pretence to say, this patent waspassed or obtained in a clandestine or unprecedented manner, unless itis to be understood, that your Majesty's granting a liberty of coiningcopper money for Ireland, under the Great Seal of Great Britain, withoutreferring the consideration thereof to the principal officers ofIreland, is the grievance and mischief complained of. Upon this head itmust be admitted, that letters-patent under the Great Seal of GreatBritain for coining copper money for Ireland, are legal and obligatory, a just and reasonable exercise of your Majesty's royal prerogative, andin no manner derogatory, or invasive, of any liberties or privileges ofyour subjects of Ireland. When any matter or thing is transacting thatconcerns or may affect your kingdom of Ireland, if your Majesty has anydoubts concerning the same, or sees just cause for considering yourofficers of Ireland, your Majesty is frequently pleased to refer suchconsiderations to your chief governors of Ireland, but the Lords of theCommittee hope it will not be asserted, that any legal orders orresolutions of your Majesty can or ought to be called in question orinvalidated, because the advice or consent of your chief governors ofthat kingdom was not previously had upon them: The precedents are many, wherein cases of great importance to Ireland, and that immediatelyaffected, the interests of that kingdom, warrants, orders, anddirections, by the authority of your Majesty and your royalpredecessors, have been issued under the royal sign manual, without anyprevious reference, or advice of your officers of Ireland, which havealways had their due force, and have been punctually complied with andobeyed. And as it cannot be disputed but this patent might legally andproperly pass under the Great Seal of Great Britain, so their Lordshipscannot find any precedents of references to the officers of Ireland, ofwhat passed under the Great Seal of England; on the contrary, there areprecedents of patents passed under the Great Seal of Ireland, where inall the previous steps the references were made to the officers ofEngland. 

By the misrepresentation of the state of Ireland, in order to obtainthis patent, it is presumed, is meant, That the information given toyour Majesty of the great want of small money, to make small payments, was groundless, and that there is no such want of small money: The Lordsof the Committee enquired very particularly into this article, and Mr. Wood produced several witnesses, that directly asserted the great wantof small money for change, and the great damage that retailers andmanufactures suffered for want of such copper money. Evidence was given, That considerable manufacturers have been obliged to give tallies, ortokens in cards, to their workmen for want of small money, signed uponthe back, to be afterwards exchanged for larger money: That a premiumwas often given to obtain small money for necessary occasions: Severalletters from Ireland to correspondents in England were read, complainingof the want of copper money, and expressing the great demand there wasfor this money. 

The great want of small money was further proved by the common use of_raps_, a counterfeit coin, of such base metal, that what passes for ahalfpenny, is not worth half a farthing, which raps appear to haveobtained a currency, out of necessity and for want of better small moneyto make change with, and by the best accounts, the Lords of theCommittee have reason to believe, That there can be no doubt, that thereis a real want of small money in Ireland, which seems to be so faradmitted on all hands, that there does not appear to have been anymisrepresentation of the state of Ireland in this respect. 

In the second address from the House of Commons to your Majesty, Theymost humbly beseech your Majesty, that you will be graciously pleased togive directions to the several officers intrusted with the receipt ofyour Majesty's revenue, that they do not, on any pretence whatsoever, receive or utter such halfpence or farthings, and Mr. Wood, in hispetition to your Majesty, complains, that the officers of your Majesty'srevenue had already given such orders to all the inferior officers notto receive any of this coin. 

Your Majesty, by your patent under the Great Seal of Great Britain, wills, requires and commands your "lieutenant, deputy, or other chiefgovernor or governors of your kingdom of Ireland, and all other officersand ministers of your Majesty, your heirs and successors in England, Ireland or elsewhere, to be aiding and assisting to the said WilliamWood, his executors, &c. In the execution of all or any the powers, authorities, directions, matters or things to be executed by him orthem, or for his or their benefit and advantage, by virtue, and inpursuance of the said indentures, in all things as becometh, &c. " And ifthe officers of the revenue have, upon their own authority, given anyorders, directions, significations, or intimations, to hinder orobstruct the receiving and uttering the copper money coined andimported, pursuant to your Majesty's letters-patent, this cannot but belooked upon as a very extraordinary proceeding. 

In another paragraph of the patent your Majesty has covenanted andgranted unto the said William Wood, his executors, &c. "That uponperformance of covenants, on his and their parts, he and they shallpeaceably, and quietly, have, hold, and enjoy all the powers, authorities, privileges, licences, profits, advantages, and all othermatters and things thereby granted, without any let, suit, trouble, molestation or denial of your Majesty, your heirs or successors, or ofor by any of your or their officers or ministers, or any person orpersons, &c. " This being so expressly granted and covenanted by yourMajesty, and there appearing no failure, non-performance, or breach ofcovenants, on the part of the patentee, the Lords of the Committeecannot advise your Majesty to give directions to the officers of therevenue, not to receive or utter any of the said copper halfpence orfarthings as has been desired. 

Mr. Wood having been heard by his counsel, produced his severalwitnesses, all the papers and precedents, which he thought material, having been read and considered, and having as he conceived, fullyvindicated both the patent, and the execution thereof. For his furtherjustification, and to clear himself from the imputation of attempting tomake to himself any unreasonable profit or advantage, and to enrichhimself at the expense of the kingdom of Ireland, by endeavouring toimpose upon them, and utter a greater quantity of copper money, than thenecessary occasions of the people shall require, and can easily takeoff, delivered a proposal in writing, signed by himself, which ishereunto annexed, and Mr. Wood having by the said letters-patent, "covenanted, granted, and promised to, and with your Majesty, your heirsand successors, that he shall and will from time to time in the makingthe said copper farthings and halfpence in England, and in transportingthe same from time to time to Ireland, and in uttering, vending, disposing and dispersing the same there, and in all his doings andaccounts concerning the same, submit himself to the inspection, examination, order and comptrol of your Majesty and your commissionersof the treasury or high-treasurer for the time being;" the Lords of theCommittee are of opinion, that your Majesty upon this voluntary offerand proposal of Mr. Wood, may give proper orders and directions for theexecution and due performance of such parts of the said proposal, asshall be judged most for the interest and accommodation of your subjectsof Ireland: In the mean time, it not appearing to their Lordships thatMr. Wood has done or committed any act or deed, that may tend toinvalidate, or make void his letters-patent, or to forfeit theprivileges and advantages thereby granted to him by your Majesty; It isbut just and reasonable, that your Majesty should immediately sendorders to your commissioners of the revenue, and all other your officersin Ireland, to revoke all orders, directions, significations, orintimations whatsoever, that may have been given by them, or any ofthem, to hinder or obstruct the receiving and uttering this coppermoney, and that the halfpence and farthings already coined by Mr. Wood, amounting to about 17, 000_l_. And such further quantity as shall make upthe said 17, 000_l_. To 40, 000_l_. "be suffered and permitted without anylet, suit, trouble, molestation, or denial of any of your Majesty'sofficers or ministers whatsoever, to pass, and be received as currentmoney by such as shall be willing to receive the same. " At the sametime, it may be advisable for your Majesty, to give the proper orders, that Mr. Wood shall not coin, import into Ireland, utter or dispose ofany more copper halfpence or farthings, than to the amount of 40, 000_l_. According to his own proposal, without your Majesty's special licence orauthority, to be had for that purpose; and if your Majesty shall bepleased to order, that Mr. Wood's proposal, delivered to the Lords ofthe Committee, shall be transmitted to your Majesty's chief governor, deputies, or other your ministers, or officers in Ireland, it will givethem a proper opportunity to consider, Whether, after the reduction of360 tons of copper, being in value 100, 800_l_. To 142 tons, 17 hundred, 16 pounds being in value 40, 000_l_. Only, anything can be done for thefurther satisfaction of the people of Ireland. 

LETTER III. 

TO THE NOBILITY AND GENTRY OF THE KINGDOM OF IRELAND. 

NOTE. 

The Drapier's second letter was dated August 4th, 1724. A few dayslater the English Privy Council's Report, dated 24th July, 1724, arrivedin Dublin, and on August 25th, Swift had issued his reply to it in thisthird letter. 

The Report itself, which is here prefixed to the third letter, was saidto have been the work of Walpole. Undoubtedly, it contains the bestarguments that could then be urged in favour of Wood and the patent, andundoubtedly, also, it would have had the desired effect had it beenallowed to do its work uncriticised. But Swift's opposition was fatal toWalpole's intentions. He took the report as but another attempt to foiston the people of Ireland a decree in which they had not been consulted, and no amount of yielding, short of complete abandonment of it, wouldpalliate the thing that was hateful in itself. He resented the insult. After specific rebuttals of the various arguments urged in the report infavour of the patent, Swift suddenly turns from the comparatively pettyand insignificant consideration as to the weight and quality of thecoins, and deals with the broad principle of justice which the grantingof the patent had ignored. Had the English Houses of Parliament and theEnglish Privy Council, he said, addressed the King against a similarbreach of the English people's rights, his Majesty would not have waitedto discuss the matter, nor would his ministers have dared to advise himas they had done in this instance. "Am I a free man in England, " heexclaims, "and do I become a slave in six hours in crossing thechannel?"

The report, however, is interesting inasmuch as it assists us toappreciate the pathetic condition of Irish affairs at the time. The veryfact that the petition of the Irish parliament could be so handled, proves how strong had been the hold over Ireland by England, and withwhat daring insistence the English ministers continued to efface thelast strongholds of Irish independence. 

Monck Mason, in reviewing the report, has devoted a very elaborate noteto its details, and has fortified his criticisms with a series ofremarkable letters from the Archbishop of Dublin, which he publishes forthe first time. [1] I have embodied much of this note in the annotationswhich accompany the present reprint of this letter. 

[Footnote 1: "History of St. Patrick's Cathedral, " pp. Lxxxvi-xcv. ]

The text of this third letter is based on Sir W. Scott's, collated withthe first edition and that given by Faulkner in "Fraud Detected. " It hasalso been read with Faulkner's text given in the fourth volume of hisedition of Swift's Works, published in 1735. 

[T. S. ]

[Illustration: SOME **Observations**

 Upon a PAPER, Call'd, The

 **REPORT**

 OF THE **COMMITTEE** OF THE Most Honourable the _Privy-Council_ IN **ENGLAND, ** Relating to WOOD's _Half-pence_. 

 _By_. M. B. _Drapier_. AUTHOR of the LETTER to the _SHOP-KEEPERS_, &c. 

 DUBLIN: Printed by _John Harding_ in_Molesworth's-Court_ in _Fishamble Street_. ]

LETTER III. 

TO THE NOBILITY AND GENTRY OF THE KINGDOM OF IRELAND. 

Having already written two letters to people of my own level, andcondition; and having now very pressing occasion for writing a third; Ithought I could not more properly address it than to your lordships andworships. 

The occasion is this. A printed paper was sent to me on the 18thinstant, entitled, "A Report of the Committee of the Lords of HisMajesty's Most Honourable Privy-Council in England, relating to Mr. Wood's Halfpence and Farthings. "[2] There is no mention made where thepaper was printed, but I suppose it to have been in Dublin; and I havebeen told that the copy did not come over in the Gazette, but in theLondon Journal, or some other print of no authority or consequence; andfor anything that legally appears to the contrary, it may be acontrivance to fright us, or a project of some printer, who hath a mindto make a penny by publishing something upon a subject, which nowemploys all our thoughts in this kingdom. Mr. Wood in publishing thispaper would insinuate to the world, as if the Committee had a greaterconcern for his credit and private emolument, than for the honour of thePrivy-council and both Houses of Parliament here, and for the quiet andwelfare of this whole kingdom; For it seems intended as a vindication ofMr. Wood, not without several severe remarks on the Houses of Lords andCommons of Ireland. 

[Footnote 2: The full text of this report is prefixed to this thirdletter of the Drapier. The report was published in the "London Journal"about the middle of August of 1724. Neither the "Gazette" nor any otherministerial organ printed it, which evidently gave Swift his cue toattack it in the merciless manner he did. Monck Mason thought it "notimprobable that the minister [Walpole] adopted this method ofcommunication, because it served his own purpose; he dared not to stakehis credit upon such a document, which, in its published form, containssome gross mis-statements" ("History of St. Patrick's Cathedral, " note, on p. 336). [T. S. ]]

The whole is indeed written with the turn and air of a pamphlet, as ifit were a dispute between William Wood on the one part, and the LordsJustices, Privy-council and both Houses of Parliament on the other; thedesign of it being to clear and vindicate the injured reputation ofWilliam Wood, and to charge the other side with casting rash andgroundless aspersions upon him. 

But if it be really what the title imports, Mr. Wood hath treated theCommittee with great rudeness, by publishing an act of theirs in sounbecoming a manner, without their leave, and before it was communicatedto the government and Privy-council of Ireland, to whom the Committeeadvised that it should be transmitted. But with all deference be itspoken, I do not conceive that a Report of a Committee of the Council inEngland is hitherto a law in either kingdom; and until any point isdetermined to be a law, it remains disputable by every subject. 

This (may it please your lordships and worships) may seem a strange wayof discoursing in an illiterate shopkeeper. I have endeavoured (althoughwithout the help of books) to improve that small portion of reason whichGod hath pleased to give me, and when reason plainly appears before me, I cannot turn away my head from it. Thus for instance, if any lawyershould tell me that such a point were law, from which many grosspalpable absurdities must follow, I would not, I could not believe him. If Sir Edward Coke should positively assert (which he nowhere does, butthe direct contrary) that a limited prince, could by his prerogativeoblige his subjects to take half an ounce of lead, stamped with hisimage, for twenty shillings in gold, I should swear he was deceived or adeceiver, because a power like that, would leave the whole lives andfortunes of the people entirely at the mercy of the monarch: Yet this, in effect, is what Wood hath advanced in some of his papers, and whatsuspicious people may possibly apprehend from some passages in thatwhich is called the "Report. "

That paper mentions "such persons to have been examined, who weredesirous and willing to be heard upon that subject. " I am told, theywere four in all, Coleby, Brown, Mr. Finley the banker, and one morewhose name I know not. The first of these was tried for robbing theTreasury in Ireland, and although he was acquitted for want of legalproof, yet every person in the Court believed him to be guilty. Thesecond was tried for a rape, and stands recorded in the votes of theHouse of Commons, for endeavouring by perjury and subornation, to takeaway the life of John Bingham, Esq. [3]

[Footnote 3: Referring to these persons who were examined by theCommittee, Monck Mason quotes from two letters from Archbishop King toEdward Southwell, Esq. King was one of the council, and Southwellsecretary of state at the time. The first of these letters remarks:"Could a greater contempt be put upon a nation, than to see such alittle fellow as Wood favoured and supported against them, and suchprofligates as Brown and Coleby believed before a whole parliament, government, and private council. " From the second letter, written onAugust 15th, 1724, Monck Mason gives the following extracts:

"--When I returned to Dublin I met with resolutions concerning ourhalfpence, founded chiefly on the testimony of two infamous persons, John Brown and Coleby: as to the first of these, you will find hischaracter in the votes of the house of commons, last parliament. Tuesday, the 5th of November. 

"'Resolved, that it appears to this Committee, that a wicked conspiracywas maliciously contrived and carried on against John Bingham, to takeaway his life and fortune. 

"'Resolved, that it is the opinion of this Committee, that the said JohnBrown, of Rabens, Esq. And his accomplices, were the chief promoters andadvisers of the said conspiracy. 

"'Resolved, that it is the opinion of this Committee, that the said JohnBrown is a person not fit to serve his majesty, in any office oremployment, civil or military, whatsoever. 

"'Resolved, that the said John Brown has, in the course of hisexamination, grossly prevaricated with this Committee. 

"'To all which resolutions, the question being severally put, the housedid agree, _nemine contradicente_. 

"'Ordered, that the said John Brown be, for his said prevarication, taken into the custody of the serjeant at arms attending this house. 

"'Ordered, that his majesty's attorney-general do present the said JohnBrown, for conniving and maliciously carrying on the said conspiracy totake away the life of the said John Bingham, and others. '

"As to Coleby, he was turned out of the treasury for robbing it of aconsiderable sum of money. I was present at his trial at theKing's-bench, and the evidence was such as convinced every one, in hisconscience, that he was guilty; but, the proofs being presumptive, andnot direct, the jury acquitted him; on which the judge (Pine, if Iremember right) observed the happiness of English subjects, that, thougheverybody was convinced of a man's guilt, yet, if the evidence did notcome up to the strict requisites of the law, he would escape" ("Historyof St. Patrick's Cathedral, " pp. Xciv-xcv. ) [T. S. ]]

But since I have gone so far as to mention particular persons, it may besome satisfaction to know who is this Wood himself, that has the honourto have a whole kingdom at his mercy, for almost two years together. Ifind he is in the patent entitled _Esq_; although he were understood tobe only a hardware-man, and so I have been bold to call him in my formerletters; however a '_squire_ he is, not only by virtue of his patent, but by having been a collector in Shropshire, where pretending to havebeen robbed, and suing the county, he was cast, and for the infamy ofthe fact, lost his employment. 

I have heard another story of this 'Squire Wood from a very honourablelady, that one Hamilton told her. He (Hamilton) was sent for six yearsago by Sir Isaac Newton to try the coinage of four men, who thensolicited a patent for coining halfpence for Ireland; their names wereWood, Coster, Elliston, and Parker. Parker made the fairest offer, andWood the worst, for his coin were three halfpence in a pound less valuethan the other. By which it is plain with what intentions he solicitedthis patent, but not so plain how he obtained it. 

It is alleged in the said paper, called the "Report, " that upon repeatedorders from a secretary of state, for sending over such papers andwitnesses, as should be thought proper to support the objections madeagainst the patent (by both Houses of Parliament) the Lord Lieutenantrepresented "the great difficulty he found himself in to comply withthese orders. That none of the principal members of both Houses, whowere in the King's service or council, would take upon them to advisehow any material person or papers might be sent over on this occasion, &c. " And this is often repeated and represented as "a proceeding thatseems very extraordinary, and that in a matter which had raised so greata clamour in Ireland, no one person could be prevailed upon to come overfrom Ireland in support of the united sense of both Houses of Parliamentin Ireland, especially that the chief difficulty should arise from ageneral apprehension of a miscarriage, in an enquiry before HisMajesty, or in a proceeding by due course of law, in a case where bothHouses of Parliament had declared themselves so fully convinced, andsatisfied upon evidence, and examinations taken in the most solemnmanner. "[4]

[Footnote 4: Commenting on this Monck Mason has the following note. Thislearned biographer's remarks are specially important inasmuch as he hasfortified them with letters from Archbishop King, unpublished at thetime he wrote: "But this [referring to the extract from the Report givenby Swift] will not appear so strange or inexplicable after perusing thefollowing letter from Archbishop King . .. To Edward Southwell, Esq. . .. ;this important state paper may, therefore, be considered as an officialcommunication of the sentiments of the Irish Privy Council upon thismatter. 

"Letter from William King, Archbishop of Dublin, to Edward Southwell, Esq. , dated the 23d March, 1723. 

"'I have not had any occasion of late to trouble you with my letters;but yesternight I came to the knowledge of an affair which gave me someuneasiness, and, I believe, will do so to the whole kingdom, when itbecomes public. My lord lieutenant sent for several lords and commonersof the privy council, and communicated to them a letter from my LordCarteret, writ by his majesty's command, in which was repeated theanswer given to the addresses of the lords and commons, about oneWilliam Wood's farthings and halfpence; and his grace is required tosend over witnesses and evidences against the patentee or patent: thishas surprised most people, because we were borne in hand that thataffair was dead, and that we should never hear any more of it. 

"'His grace's design was, to be advised by what means and methods hemight effectually comply with his majesty's commands; and, by what Icould perceive, it was the sense of all, that it was not possible, inthe present situation of affairs, to answer his majesty's expectationsor those of the kingdom; and that, for these reasons:

"'1st, because this is a controversy between the parliament of Irelandand William Wood, and, the parliament being now prorogued, nobody eitherwould, or durst, take on them to meddle in a business attacked by theparliament, or pretend to manage a cause which so deeply concerned theparliament, and the whole nation, without express orders. If this letterhad come whilst the parliament was sitting, and had been communicated tothe houses, they could have appointed certain persons to have acted forthem, and raised a fund to support them, as has been done formerly inthis kingdom on several occasions; but, for any, without such authority, to make himself a party for the legislature and people of Ireland, wouldbe a bold undertaking, and, perhaps, dangerous; for, if such undertakeror undertakers should fail in producing all evidences that may be had, or any of the papers necessary to make the case evident, they mustexpect to be severely handled the next parliament for theirofficiousness, and bear the blame of the miscarriage of the cause: forthese reasons, as it seemed to me, the privy councillors were unwillingto engage at all in the business, or to meddle with it. 

"'But, 2dly, the thing seemed impracticable; because it would signifynothing to send over the copies of the papers that were laid before theparliament, if the design is, as it seems to be, to bring the patent toa legal trial; for such copies we were told by lawyers, could not beproduced in any court as evidence; and, as to the originals, they are inthe possession of the houses, and (as was conceived) could not be takenfrom the proper officers with whom they were trusted, but by the likeorder. 

"'And, as to the witnesses, it was a query whether my lord lieutenant byhis own power could send them; and, if he have such power, yet it willnot be possible to come at the witnesses, for several in each housevouched several facts on their own knowledge, to whom the houses gavecredit; my lord lieutenant can neither be apprised of the persons nor ofthe particulars which the members testified; whereas, if the parliamentwas sitting, those members would appear, and make good their assertions. 

"'There were several sorts of farthings and halfpence produced to thehouses, differing in weight, and there was likewise a difference in thestamp. These were sent over by William Wood to his correspondents here, and by them produced. But can it be proved, on a legal trial, that theseparticular halfpence were coined by him? It is easy for him to say, thatthey are counterfeited, as (if I remember right) he has already affirmedin the public prints, in his answer to the address of the commons. 

"'But, 3dly, it was not on the illegality of the patent, nor chiefly onthe abuse of it the patentee (which was not so much as mentioned by thelords), that the parliament insisted, but on the unavoidable mischiefand destruction it would bring on the kingdom, and on its being obtainedby most false and notorious misinformation of his majesty; it beingsuggested, as appears by the preamble, that the kingdom wanted suchhalfpence and farthings: now, if the king be misinformed, the lawyerstell us, that the grant is void. And, that his majesty was deceived inthis grant by a false representation, it was said, needed no furtherproof than the patent itself. --William Wood by it was empowered to coin360 tons of copper into halfpence and farthings, which would have made£90, 000, about the fifth part of all the current cash of Ireland; forthat is not reckoned, by those who suppose it most, to be £500, 000. Now, the current cash of England is reckoned above twenty millions; inproportion, therefore, if Ireland wants £90, 000 England will want fourmillions. It is easy to imagine what would be said to a man that wouldpropose to his majesty such a coinage; and it is agreed, that the peopleof England would not be more alarmed by such a patent, than the peopleof Ireland are, by the prospect of turning the fifth part of theircurrent coin into brass. 

"'This, so far as I can remember, is a brief of what passed in themeeting before my lord lieutenant'" ("History of St. Patrick'sCathedral, " pp. Lxxxvii-lxxxviii). [T. S. ]]

How shall I, a poor ignorant shopkeeper, utterly unskilled in law, beable to answer so weighty an objection. I will try what can be done byplain reason, unassisted by art, cunning or eloquence. 

In my humble opinion, the committee of council, hath already prejudgedthe whole case, by calling the united sense of both Houses ofParliament in Ireland an "universal clamour. " Here the addresses of theLords and Commons of Ireland against a ruinous destructive project of an"obscure, single undertaker, " is called a "clamour. " I desire to knowhow such a style would be resented in England from a committee ofcouncil there to a Parliament, and how many impeachments would followupon it. But supposing the appellation to be proper, I never heard of awise minister who despised the universal clamour of a people, and ifthat clamour can be quieted by disappointing the fraudulent practice ofa single person, the purchase is not exorbitant. 

But in answer to this objection. First it is manifest, that if thiscoinage had been in Ireland, with such limitations as have been formerlyspecified in other patents, and granted to persons of this kingdom, oreven of England, able to give sufficient security, few or noinconveniencies could have happened, which might not have beenimmediately remedied. As to Mr. Knox's patent mentioned in the Report, security was given into the exchequer, that the patentee should at anytime receive his halfpence back, and pay gold or silver in exchange forthem. And Mr. Moor (to whom I suppose that patent was made over) was in1694 forced to leave off coining, before the end of that year, by thegreat crowds of people continually offering to return his coinage uponhim. In 1698 he coined again, and was forced to give over for the samereason. This entirely alters the case; for there is no such condition inWood's patent, which condition was worth a hundred times all otherlimitations whatsoever. [5]

[Footnote 5: It will serve to elucidate this paragraph if an account begiven of the various coinage patents issued for Ireland. Monck Masongives an account in a long note to his biography of Swift; but as he hasobtained it from the very ably written tract, "A Defence of the Conductof the People of Ireland, " etc. , I have gone to that pamphlet for thepresent _résumé_. I quote from pp. 21-24 of the Dublin edition, issuedin 1724 and printed by George Ewing:

"K. Charles 2d. 1660 granted a patent for coining only farthings for thekingdom of Ireland to Coll. Armstrong: But I do not find he ever madeany use of it. [A] For all our copper and brass money to the year 1680was issued by private persons, who obtained particular licences, _ongiving security to change their half-pence and farthings for gold andsilver_; but some of their securities failing, others pretending thehalf-pence which were tendered to be changed were counterfeits, thepublic always suffered. Col. Armstrong's son, finding great profit wasmade by coining half-pence in Ireland, by virtue of particular licencesrecallable at pleasure, solicited and obtained a patent in the name ofGeorge Legg afterwards Lord Dartmouth, for coining half-pence forIreland from 1680, for 21 years, _he giving security to exchange themfor gold or silver on demand_. [B] In pursuance of this he coinedconsiderable quantities of half-pence for four years; but in 1685 [John]Knox, with the consent of Armstrong, got the remaining part of this termgranted by patent in his own name, he giving security as above, and gothis half-pence declared the current coin of Ireland, notwithstanding twoActs of Parliament had enacted that they should not be received in therevenue. Knox was interrupted in his coinage in 1689, by King James'staking it into his own hands, to coin his famous brass money, of whichhe coined no less than £965, 375, three penny worth of metal passing for£10 _ster_. In this money creditors were obliged to receive their debts, and by this cruel stratagem Ireland lost about £60, 000 per month. Thisnot only made our gold and silver, but even our half-pence to disappear;which obliged King William to coin pewter half-pence for the use of hisarmy. .. . 

[Footnote A: Monck Mason, quoting Simon "On Irish Coins" (Append. , No. LXV), says: "Sir Thomas [Armstrong] was never admitted to make use ofthis grant, nor could he obtain allowance of the chief governor ofIreland, to issue them as royal coin among the subjects of thatkingdom. "]

[Footnote B: "A proclamation was issued by the lord lieutenant, declaring these half-pence to be the current coin of the kingdom, but itprovided that none should be enforced to take more than five shillingsin the payment of one hundred pounds, and so proportionately in allgreater and lesser sums. .. . This patent was granted, by and with, theadvice of James, Duke of Ormond" (Monck Mason, "History of St. Patrick's, " p. 334, note y). ]

"After the Revolution, Col. Roger Moore being possessed of Knox'spatent, commenced his coinage in Dublin, and at first kept severaloffices for changing his half-pence for gold or silver. He soonoverstocked the kingdom so with copper money, that persons were obligedto receive large sums in it; for the officers of the crown wereindustrious dispensers of it, for which he allowed them a premium. Itwas common at that time for one to compound for 1/4 copper, and thecollectors paid nothing else. The country being thus overcharged with abase coin, everyone tendered it to Col. Moore to be changed. This herefused, on pretence they were counterfeits. .. . On this he quittedcoining in 1698, but left us in a miserable condition, which is livelyrepresented in a Memorial presented by Will. Trench, Esq. To the Lordsof the Treasury, on Mr. Wood's obtaining his patent, and which ourCommissioners referred to. .. . Col. Moore finding the sweet of such apatent, applied to King William for a renewal of it; but his petitionbeing referred to the government of Ireland, the affair was fairlyrepresented to the king, whereby his designs were frustrated. 

"In the reign of the late Queen, application was made by Robert Bairdand William Harnill, Trustees for the garrison which defendedLondonderry, for a patent to coin base money for Ireland . .. Theirpetition was rejected. .. . Since this time there have been manyapplications made for such patents. " [T. S. ]]

Put the case, that the two Houses of Lords and Commons of England, andthe Privy-council there should address His Majesty to recall a patent, from whence they apprehend the most ruinous consequences to the wholekingdom: And to make it stronger if possible, that the whole nation, almost to a man, should thereupon discover the "most dismalapprehensions" (as Mr. Wood styles them) would His Majesty debate halfan hour what he had to do? Would any minister dare advise him againstrecalling such a patent? Or would the matter be referred to thePrivy-Council or to Westminster-hall, the two Houses of Parliamentplaintiffs, and William Wood defendant? And is there even the smallestdifference between the two cases?

Were not the people of Ireland born as free as those of England? Howhave they forfeited their freedom? Is not their Parliament as fair arepresentative of the people as that of England? And hath not theirPrivy-council as great or a greater share in the administration ofpublic affairs? Are they not subjects of the same King? Does not thesame sun shine on them? And have they not the same God for theirprotector? Am I a freeman in England, and do I become a slave in sixhours by crossing the Channel? No wonder then, if the boldest personswere cautious to interpose in a matter already determined by the wholevoice of the nation, or to presume to represent the representatives ofthe kingdom, and were justly apprehensive of meeting such a treatment asthey would deserve at the next session. It would seem very extraordinaryif an inferior court in England, should take a matter out of the handsof the high court of Parliament, during a prorogation, and decide itagainst the opinion of both Houses. 

It happens however, that, although no persons were so bold, as to goover as evidences, to prove the truth of the objections made againstthis patent by the high court of Parliament here, yet these objectionsstand good, notwithstanding the answers made by Wood and his Council. 

The Report says, that "upon an assay made of the fineness, weight andvalue of this copper, it exceeded in every article. " This is possibleenough in the pieces upon which the assay was made; but Wood must havefailed very much in point of dexterity, if he had not taken care toprovide a sufficient quantity of such halfpence as would bear the trial;which he was well able to do, although "they were taken out of severalparcels. " Since it is now plain, that the bias of favour hath beenwholly on his side. [6]

[Footnote 6: The report of the assayers as abstracted by the Lords ofthe Committee in their report is not accurately stated. Monck Masonnotes that the abstract omits the following passage: "But although thecopper was very good, and the money, one piece with another, was fullweight, yet the single pieces were not so equally coined in the weightas they should have been. " Nor is it shown that the coins assayed wereof the same kind as those sent into Ireland. The Committee's reportfails to see the question that must arise when it is noted that while inEngland a pound of copper was made into twenty-three pence, yet forIreland Wood was permitted to make it into thirty pence, in spite of thestatement that the copper used in England was worth fivepence a poundmore than that used by Wood. [T. S. ]]

But what need is there of disputing, when we have positive demonstrationof Wood's fraudulent practices in this point? I have seen a largequantity of these halfpence weighed by a very skilful person, which wereof four different kinds, three of them considerably under weight. I havenow before me an exact computation of the difference of weight betweenthese four sorts, by which it appears that the fourth sort, or thelightest, differs from the first to a degree, that, in the coinage ofthree hundred and sixty tons of copper, the patentee will be a gainer, only by that difference, of twenty-four thousand four hundred andninety-four pounds, and in the whole, the public will be a loser ofeighty-two thousand one hundred and sixty-eight pounds, sixteenshillings, even supposing the metal in point of goodness to answerWood's contract and the assay that hath been made; which it infalliblydoth not. For this point hath likewise been enquired into by veryexperienced men, who, upon several trials in many of these halfpence, have found them to be at least one fourth part below the real value (notincluding the raps or counterfeits that he or his accomplices havealready made of his own coin, and scattered about). Now the coinage ofthree hundred and sixty ton of copper coined by the weight of the fourthor lightest sort of his halfpence will amount to one hundred twenty-twothousand four hundred eighty-eight pounds, sixteen shillings, and if wesubtract a fourth part of the real value by the base mixture in themetal, we must add to the public loss one fourth part to be subtractedfrom the intrinsic value of the copper, which in three hundred and sixtytons amounts to ten thousand and eighty pounds, and this added to theformer sum of eighty-two thousand one hundred sixty-eight pounds, sixteen shillings, will make in all, ninety-two thousand two hundredforty-eight pounds loss to the public; besides the raps or counterfeitsthat he may at any time hereafter think fit to coin. Nor do I knowwhether he reckons the dross exclusive or inclusive with his threehundred and sixty ton of copper; which however will make a considerabledifference in the account. 

You will here please to observe, that the profit allowed to Wood by thepatent is twelvepence out of every pound of copper valued at _1s. 6d_. Whereas _5d_. Only is allowed for coinage of a pound weight for theEnglish halfpence, and this difference is almost 25 _per cent_. Which isdouble to the highest exchange of money, even under all the additionalpressures, and obstructions to trade, that this unhappy kingdom lies atpresent. This one circumstance in the coinage of three hundred and sixtyton of copper makes a difference of twenty-seven thousand seven hundredand twenty pounds between English and Irish halfpence, even allowingthose of Wood to be all of the heaviest sort. 

It is likewise to be considered, that for every halfpenny in a poundweight exceeding the number directed by the patent, Wood will be againer in the coinage of three hundred and sixty ton of copper, sixteenhundred and eighty pounds profit more than the patent allows him; Out ofwhich he may afford to make his comptrollers easy upon that article. 

As to what is alleged, that "these halfpence far exceed the like coinagefor Ireland in the reigns of His Majesty's predecessors;" there cannotwell be a more exceptionable way of arguing: Although the fact weretrue, which however is altogether mistaken; not by any fault in theCommittee, but by the fraud and imposition of Wood, who certainlyproduced the worst patterns he could find, such as were coined in smallnumbers by permissions to private men, as butchers' halfpence, blackdogs and the like, or perhaps the small St. Patrick's coin which passesfor a farthing, or at best some of the smallest raps of the latest kind. For I have now by me some halfpence coined in the year 1680 by virtue ofthe patent granted to my Lord Dartmouth, which was renewed to Knox, andthey are heavier by a ninth part than those of Wood, and in much bettermetal. And the great St. Patrick's halfpenny is yet larger than either. 

But what is all this to the present debate? If under the variousexigencies of former times, by wars, rebellions, and insurrections, theKings of England were sometimes forced to pay their armies here withmixed or base money, God forbid that the necessities of turbulent timesshould be a precedent for times of peace, and order, and settlement. 

In the patent above mentioned granted to Lord Dartmouth, in the reign ofKing Charles 2d. And renewed to Knox, the securities given into theexchequer, obliging the patentee to receive his money back upon everydemand, were an effectual remedy against all inconveniencies. And thecopper was coined in our own kingdom, so that we were in no danger topurchase it with the loss of all our silver and gold carried over toanother, nor to be at the trouble of going to England for the redressingof any abuse. 

That the Kings of England have exercised their prerogative of coiningcopper for Ireland and for England is not the present question: But (tospeak in the style of the Report) it would "seem a littleextraordinary, " supposing a King should think fit to exercise hisprerogative by coining copper in Ireland, to be current in England, without referring it to his officers in that kingdom to be informedwhether the grant was reasonable, and whether the people desired it orno, and without regard to the addresses of his Parliament against it. God forbid that so mean a man as I should meddle with the King'sprerogative: But I have heard very wise men say, that the King'sprerogative is bounded and limited by the good and welfare of hispeople. I desire to know, whether it is not understood and avowed thatthe good of Ireland was intended by this patent. But Ireland is notconsulted at all in the matter, and as soon as Ireland is informed ofit, they declare against it; the two Houses of Parliament and thePrivy-council addresses His Majesty upon the mischiefs apprehended bysuch a patent. The Privy-council in England takes the matter out of theParliament's cognizance; the good of the kingdom is dropped, and it isnow determined that Mr. Wood shall have the power of ruining a wholenation for his private advantage. 

I never can suppose that such patents as these were originally grantedwith the view of being a job for the interest of a particular person, tothe damage of the public: Whatever profit must arise to the patentee wassurely meant at best but as a secondary motive, and since somebody mustbe a gainer, the choice of the person was made either by favour, or_something else_[7] or by the pretence of merit and honesty. Thisargument returns so often and strongly into my head, that I cannotforbear frequently repeating it. Surely His Majesty, when he consentedto the passing of this patent, conceived he was doing an act of grace tohis most loyal subjects of Ireland, without any regard to Mr. Wood, farther than as an instrument. But the people of Ireland think thispatent (intended _no doubt_ for their good) to be a most intolerablegrievance, and therefore Mr. Wood can never succeed, without an openavowal that his profit is preferred not only before the interests, butthe very safety and being of a great kingdom; and a kingdomdistinguished for its loyalty, perhaps above all others upon earth. Notturned from its duty by the "jurisdiction of the House of Lords, abolished at a stroke, by the hardships of the Act of Navigation newlyenforced; By all possible obstructions in trade, " and by a hundredother instances, "enough to fill this paper. " Nor was there ever amongus the least attempt towards an insurrection in favour of the Pretender. Therefore whatever justice a free people can claim we have at least anequal title to it with our brethren in England, and whatever grace agood prince can bestow on the most loyal subjects, we have reason toexpect it: Neither hath this kingdom any way deserved to be sacrificedto one "single, rapacious, obscure, ignominious projector. "

[Footnote 7: A hint at the Duchess of Kendal's influence in theprocuring of the patent. [T. S. ]]

Among other clauses mentioned in this patent, to shew how advantageousit is to Ireland, there is one which seems to be of a singular nature, that the patentee shall be obliged, during his term, "to pay eighthundred pounds a year to the crown, and two hundred pounds a year to thecomptroller. "[8] I have heard indeed that the King's council do alwaysconsider, in the passing of a patent, whether it will be of advantage tothe crown, but I have likewise heard that it is at the same timeconsidered whether the passing of it may be injurious to any otherpersons or bodies politic. However, although the attorney and solicitorbe servants to the King, and therefore bound to consult His Majesty'sinterest, yet I am under some doubt whether eight hundred pounds a yearto the crown would be equivalent to the ruin of a kingdom. It would befar better for us to have paid eight thousand pounds a year into HisMajesty's coffers, in the midst of all our taxes (which, in proportion, are greater in this kingdom than ever they were in England, even duringthe war) than purchase such an addition to the revenue at the price ofour _utter undoing_. 

[Footnote 8: By the terms of the patent, Wood covenanted to pay to theKing's clerk, or comptroller of the coinage, £200 yearly, and £100 perannum into his Majesty's exchequer, and not as Walpole's report has it, £800 and £200. [T. S. ]]

But here it is plain that fourteen thousand pounds are to be paid byWood, only as a small circumstantial charge for the purchase of hispatent, what were his other visible costs I know not, and what were hislatent, is variously conjectured. But he must be surely a man of somewonderful merit. Hath he saved any other kingdom at his own expense, togive him a title of reimbursing himself by the destruction of ours? Hathhe discovered the longitude or the universal medicine? No. But he hathfound out the philosopher's stone after a new manner, by debasing ofcopper, and resolving to force it upon us for gold. 

When the two Houses represented to His Majesty, that this patent to Woodwas obtained in a clandestine manner, surely the Committee could notthink the Parliament would insinuate that it had not passed in thecommon forms, and run through every office where fees and perquisiteswere due. They knew very well that persons in places were no enemies togrants, and that the officers of the crown could not be kept in thedark. But the late Lord Lieutenant of Ireland[9] affirmed it was asecret to him (and who will doubt of his veracity, especially when heswore to a person of quality; from whom I had it, that Ireland shouldnever be troubled with these halfpence). It was a secret to the peopleof Ireland, who were to be the only sufferers, and those who best knewthe state of the kingdom and were most able to advise in such an affair, were wholly strangers to it. 

[Footnote 9: The Duke of Grafton. Walpole called him "a fair-weatherpilot, that knew not what he had to do, when the first storm arose. "Charles, second Duke of Grafton (1683-1757), was the grandfather of thethird duke, so virulently attacked by Junius in his famous letters. [T. S. ]]

It is allowed by the Report that this patent was passed without theknowledge of the chief governor or officers of Ireland; and it is thereelaborately shewn, that "former patents have passed in the same manner, and are good in law. " I shall not dispute the legality of patents, butam ready to suppose it in His Majesty's power to grant a patent forstamping round bits of copper to every subject he hath. Therefore to layaside the point of law, I would only put the question, whether in reasonand justice it would not have been proper, in an affair upon which thewelfare of a kingdom depends, that the said kingdom should have receivedtimely notice, and the matter not be carried on between the patentee andthe officers of the Crown, who were to be the only gainers by it. 

The Parliament, who in matters of this nature are the most able andfaithful counsellors, did represent this grant to be "destructive oftrade, and dangerous to the properties of the people, " to which the onlyanswer is, that "the King hath a prerogative to make such a grant. "

It is asserted that in the patent to Knox, his "halfpence, are made anddeclared the current coin of the kingdom, " whereas in this to Wood, there is only a "power given to issue them to such as will receivethem. " The authors of the Report, I think, do not affirm that the Kingcan by law declare _anything_ to be current money by hisletters-patents. I dare say they will not affirm it, and if Knox'spatent contained in it powers contrary to law, why is it mentioned as aprecedent in His Majesty's just and merciful reign:[10] But althoughthat clause be not in Wood's patent, yet possibly there are others, thelegality whereof may be equally doubted, and particularly that, whereby"a power is given to William Wood to break into houses in search of anycoin made in imitation of his. " This may perhaps be affirmed to beillegal and dangerous to the liberty of the subject. Yet this is aprecedent taken from Knox's patent, where the same power is granted, andis a strong instance what uses may be sometimes made of precedents. 

[Footnote 10: Knox's patent, as Monck Mason points out, did not containthe right to have his coins pass as the current coin of the realm; thatwas permitted by a proclamation of the lord lieutenant, and could in thesame manner be withdrawn. Knox's patent differed materially from thatgranted to Wood, since he was obliged to take back his coins and givegold or silver for them, and no one was compelled to take more than fiveshillings in the payment of each £100. See note, p. 66. [T. S. ]]

But although before the passing of this patent, it was not thoughtnecessary to consult any persons of this kingdom, or make the leastenquiry whether copper money were wanted among us; yet now at length, when the matter is over, when the patent hath long passed, when Woodhath already coined seventeen thousand pounds, and hath his tools andimplements prepared to coin six times as much more; the Committee hathbeen pleased to make this affair the subject of enquiry. Wood ispermitted to produce his evidences, which consist as I have alreadyobserved, of four in number, whereof Coleby, Brown and Mr. Finley thebanker are three. And these were to prove that copper money wasextremely wanted in Ireland. The first had been out of the kingdomalmost twenty years, from the time that he was tried for robbing thetreasury, and therefore his knowledge and credibility are equal. Thesecond may be allowed a more knowing witness, because I think it is notabove a year since the House of Commons ordered the Attorney-general toprosecute him, for endeavouring "to take away the life of John BinghamEsq; member of parliaments by perjury and subornation. " He asserted thathe was forced to tally with his labourers for want of small money (whichhath often been practised in England by Sir Ambrose Crawley[11] andothers) but those who knew him better give a different reason, (if therebe any truth at all in the fact) that he was forced to tally with hislabourers not for want of halfpence, but of more substantial money, which is highly possible, because the race of suborners, forgers, perjurers and ravishers, are usually people of no fortune, or of thosewho have run it out by their vices and profuseness. Mr. Finley the thirdwitness honestly confessed, that he was ignorant whether Ireland wantedcopper money or no; but all his intention was to buy a certain quantityfrom Wood at a large discount, and sell them as well as he could, bywhich he hoped to get two or three thousand pounds for himself. 

[Footnote 11: Ambrose Crowley (not Crawley) was alderman and sheriff ofLondon. He was knighted January 1st, 1706-1707, and sat in the House ofCommons as member for Andover in 1713-1714. [T. S. ]]

But suppose there were not one single halfpenny of copper coin in thiswhole kingdom (which Mr. Wood seems to intend, unless we will come tohis terms, as appears by employing his emissaries to buy up our old onesat a penny in the shilling more than they pass for), it could not be anyreal evil to us, although it might be some inconvenience. We have manysorts of small silver coins, to which they are strangers in England, such as the French threepences, fourpence halfpennies and eightpencehalf-pennies, the Scotch fivepences and tenpences, besides theirtwenty-pences, and three-and-four-pences, by all which we are able tomake change to a halfpenny of almost any piece of gold or silver, and ifwe are driven to Brown's expedient of a sealed card, with the littlegold or silver still remaining, it will I suppose, be somewhat betterthan to have nothing left but Wood's adulterated copper, which he isneither obliged by his patent, nor hitherto able by his estate to makegood. 

The Report farther tells us, it "must be admitted that letters-patentsunder the Great Seal of Great Britain for coining copper money forIreland are legal and obligatory, a just and reasonable exercise of HisMajesty's royal prerogative, and in no manner derogatory or invasive ofany liberty or privilege of his subjects of Ireland. " First we desire toknow, why His Majesty's prerogative might not have been as wellasserted, by passing this patent in Ireland, and subjecting the severalconditions of the contract to the inspection of those who are onlyconcerned, as was formerly done in the only precedents for patentsgranted for coining for this kingdom, since the mixed money[12] in QueenElizabeth's time, during the difficulties of a rebellion: Whereas nowupon the greatest imposition that can possibly be practised, we must goto England with our complaints, where it hath been for some time thefashion to think and to affirm that "we cannot be too hardly used. "Again the Report says, that "such patents are obligatory. " After longthinking, I am not able to find out what can possibly be meant here bythis word _obligatory_. This patent of Wood neither obligeth him toutter his coin, nor us to take it, or if it did the latter, it would beso far void, because no patent can oblige the subject against law, unless an illegal patent passed in one kingdom can bind another and notitself. 

[Footnote 12: "Civill warre having set all Ireland in a combustion, theQueene [Elizabeth] more easily to subdue the rebels, did take silvercoyne from the Irish, some few years before her death, and paid her armywith a mixed base coyne, which, by proclamation, was commanded to bespent and received, for sterling silver money. This base mixed money hadthree parts of copper, and the fourth part of silver, which proportionof silver was in some part consumed by the mixture, so as the Englishgoldsmiths valued a shilling thereof at no more than two silver pence, though they acknowledged the same to be worth two pence halfpenny. "(Fynes Moryson's "Itinerary, " pt. I. , p. 283). [T. S. ]]

Lastly, it is added that "such patents are in no manner derogatory orinvasive of any liberty or privilege of the King's subjects of Ireland. "If this proposition be true, as it is here laid down, without anylimitation either expressed or implied, it must follow that a King ofEngland may at any time coin copper money for Ireland, and oblige hissubjects here to take a piece of copper under the value of half afarthing for half-a-crown, as was practised by the late King James, andeven without that arbitrary prince's excuse, from the necessity andexigences of his affairs. If this be in no manner "derogatory norevasive of any liberties or privileges of the subjects of Ireland, " itought to have been expressed what our liberties and privileges are, andwhether we have any at all, for in specifying the word _Ireland_, instead of saying "His Majesty's subjects, " it would seem to insinuatethat we are not upon the same foot with our fellow-subjects in_England_; which, however the practice may have been, I hope will neverbe directly asserted, for I do not understand that Poining's act[13]deprived us of our liberty, but only changed the manner of passing lawshere (which however was a power most indirectly obtained) by leaving thenegative to the two Houses of Parliament. But, waiving all controversiesrelating to the legislature, no person, I believe, was ever yet so boldas to affirm that the people of Ireland have not the same title to thebenefits of the common law, with the rest of His Majesty's subjects, andtherefore whatever liberties or privileges the people of England enjoyby common law, we of Ireland have the same; so that in my humbleopinion, the word _Ireland_ standing in that proposition, was, in themildest interpretation, _a lapse of the pen_. 

[Footnote 13: It was not intended that Poyning's act should interferewith the liberty of the people, but it is undoubted that advantage wastaken of this law, and an interpretation put on it far different fromthe intention that brought it on the statute books. It was passed by aparliament convened by Sir Edward Poyning, at Drogheda, in the tenthyear of Henry VII. 's reign. Its immediate cause was the invasion ofPerkin Warbeck. That pretender assumed royal authority in Ireland andhad several statutes passed during his short-lived term of power. Toprevent any viceroy from arrogating to himself the powers of law-makingit was enacted by Poyning's parliament:

"That no parliament be holden hereafter in Ireland, but at such seasonas the King's lieutenant and counsaile there first do certifie the King, under the Great Seal of that land, the causes and considerations, andall such acts as them seemeth should pass in the same parliament, andsuch causes, considerations, and acts affirmed by the King and hiscounsaile to be good and expedient for that land, and his licencethereupon, as well in affirmation of the said causes and acts, as tosummon the said parliament, under his Great Seal of England had andobtained; that done, a parliament to be had and holden as aforerehearsed" ("Irish Statutes, " vol. I. , p. 44). 

Two statutes, one, the Act of 3 and 4 Phil. , and Mary, cap. 4, and theother of II Eliz. Ses. 3, cap. 8, explain this act further, and thelatter points out the reason for the original enactment, namely, that"before this statute, when liberty was given to the governors to callparliaments at their pleasure, acts passed as well to the dishonour ofthe prince, as to the hindrance of their subjects" ("Irish Statutes, "vol. I. , p. 346). 

"By Poyning's Law, " says Lecky, "a great part of the independence ofthe Irish Parliament had indeed been surrendered; but even the servileParliament which passed it, though extending by its own authority toIreland laws previously enacted in England, never admitted the right ofthe English Parliament to make laws for Ireland. " ("Hist. Ireland, " vol. Ii. , p. 154; 1892 ed). [T. S. ]]

The Report farther asserts, that "the precedents are many, wherein casesof great importance to Ireland, and that immediately affected theinterests of that kingdom, warrants, orders, and directions by theauthority of the King and his predecessors, have been issued under theroyal sign manual, without any previous reference or advice of HisMajesty's officers of Ireland, which have always had their due force, and have been punctually complied with, and obeyed. " It may be so, and Iam heartily sorry for it, because it may prove an eternal source ofdiscontent. However among all these precedents there is not one of apatent for coining money for Ireland. 

There is nothing hath perplexed me more than this doctrine ofprecedents. If a job is to be done, and upon searching records you findit hath been done before, there will not want a lawyer to justify thelegality of it, by producing his precedents, without ever consideringthe motives and circumstances that first introduced them, the necessityor turbulence or iniquity of times, the corruptions of ministers, or thearbitrary disposition of the prince then reigning. And I have been toldby persons eminent in the law, that the worst actions which human natureis capable of, may be justified by the same doctrine. How the firstprecedents began of determining cases of the highest importance toIreland, and immediately affecting its interest, without any previousreference or advice to the King's officers here, may soon be accountedfor. Before this kingdom was entirely reduced by the submission ofTyrone in the last year of Queen Elizabeth's reign, there was a periodof four hundred years, which was a various scene of war and peacebetween the English pale and the Irish natives, and the government ofthat part of this island which lay in the English hands, was, in manythings under the immediate administration of the King. Silver and copperwere often coined here among us, and once at least upon great necessity, a mixed or base metal was sent from England. The reign of King JamesIst. Was employed in settling the kingdom after Tyrone's rebellion, andthis nation flourished extremely till the time of the massacre 1641. Inthat difficult juncture of affairs, the nobility and gentry coined theirown plate here in Dublin. 

By all that I can discover, the copper coin of Ireland for three hundredyears past consisted of small pence and halfpence, which particular menhad licence to coin, and were current only within certain towns anddistricts, according to the personal credit of the owner who utteredthem, and was bound to receive them again, whereof I have seen manysorts; neither have I heard of any patent granted for coining copper forIreland till the reign of King Charles II. Which was in the year 1680. To George Legge Lord Dartmouth, and renewed by King James II. In thefirst year of his reign to John Knox. Both patents were passed inIreland, and in both the patentees were obliged to receive their coinagain to any that would offer then twenty shillings of it, for whichthey were obliged to pay gold or silver. 

The patents both of Lord Dartmouth and Knox were referred to theAttorney-general here, and a report made accordingly, and both, as Ihave already said, were passed in this kingdom. Knox had only a patentfor the remainder of the term granted to Lord Dartmouth, the patentexpired in 1701, and upon a petition by Roger Moor to have it renewed, the matter was referred hither, and upon the report of the attorney andsolicitor, that it was not for His Majesty's service or the interest ofthe nation to have it renewed, it was rejected by King William. Itshould therefore seem very extraordinary, that a patent for coiningcopper halfpence, intended and professed for the good of the kingdom, should be passed without once consulting that kingdom, for the good ofwhich it is declared to be intended, and this upon the application of a"poor, private obscure mechanic;" and a patent of such a nature, that assoon as ever the kingdom is informed of its being passed, they cry outunanimously against it as ruinous and destructive. The representativeof the nation in Parliament, and the Privy-council address the King tohave it recalled; yet the patentee, such a one as I have described, shall prevail to have this patent approved, and his private interestshall weigh down the application of a whole kingdom. St. Paul says, "Allthings are lawful, but all things are not expedient. " We are answeredthat this patent is lawful, but is it expedient? We read that thehigh-priest said "It was expedient that one Man should die for thepeople;" and this was a most wicked proposition. But that a whole nationshould die for one man, was never heard of before. 

But because much weight is laid on the precedents of other patents, forcoining copper for Ireland, I will set this matter in as clear a lightas I can. Whoever hath read the Report, will be apt to think, that adozen precedents at least could be produced of copper coined forIreland, by virtue of patents passed in England, and that the coinagewas there too; whereas I am confident, there cannot be one precedentshewn of a patent passed in England for coining copper for Ireland, forabove an hundred years past, and if there were any before, it must be intimes of confusion. The only patents I could ever hear of, are thosealready mentioned to Lord Dartmouth and Knox; the former in 1680. Andthe latter in 1685. Now let us compare these patents with that grantedto Wood. First, the patent to Knox, which was under the same conditionsas that granted to Lord Dartmouth, was passed in Ireland, the governmentand the Attorney and Solicitor-general making report that it would beuseful to this kingdom: [The patentee was obliged to make everyhalfpenny one hundred and ten grains Troy weight, whereby _2s. 2d_. Onlycould be coined out of a pound of copper. ][14] The patent was passedwith the advice of the King's council here; The patentee was obliged toreceive his coin from those who thought themselves surcharged, and togive gold and silver for it; Lastly, The patentee was to pay only _16l. 13s. 4d. Per ann. _ to the crown. Then, as to the execution of thatpatent. First, I find the halfpence were milled, which, as it is ofgreat use to prevent counterfeits (and therefore industriously avoidedby Wood) so it was an addition to the charge of coinage. And for theweight and goodness of the metal; I have several halfpence now by me, many of which weigh a ninth part more than those coined by Wood, andbear the fire and hammer a great deal better; and which is no trifle, the impression fairer and deeper. I grant indeed, that many of thelatter coinage yield in weight to some of Wood's, by a fraud natural tosuch patentees; but not so immediately after the grant, and before thecoin grew current: For in this circumstance Mr. Wood must serve for aprecedent in future times. 

[Footnote 14: The portion here in square brackets was printed in thefourth edition of this Letter and in the work entitled, "FraudDetected. " It is not given in Faulkner's first collected edition issuedin 1735, nor in "The Hibernian Patriot, " issued in 1730. [T. S. ]]

Let us now examine this new patent granted to William Wood. It passedupon very false suggestions of his own, and of a few confederates: Itpassed in England, without the least reference hither. It passed unknownto the very Lord Lieutenant, then in England. Wood is empowered to coinone hundred and eight thousand pounds, "and all the officers in thekingdom (civil and military) are commanded" in the Report to countenanceand assist him. Knox had only power to utter what we would take, and wasobliged "to receive his coin back again at our demand, " and to "enterinto security for so doing. " Wood's halfpence are not milled, andtherefore more easily counterfeited by himself as well as by others:Wood pays a thousand pounds _per ann. _ for 14 years, Knox paid only_16l. 13s. 4d. Per ann. _ for 21 years. 

It was the Report that set me the example of making a comparison betweenthose two patents, wherein the committee was grossly misled by the falserepresentation of William Wood, as it was by another assertion, thatseven hundred ton of copper were coined during the 21 years of LordDartmouth's and Knox's patents. Such a quantity of copper at the rate of_2s. 8d. Per_ pound would amount to about an hundred and ninety thousandpounds, which was very near as much as the current cash of the kingdomin those days; yet, during that period, Ireland was never known to havetoo much copper coin, and for several years there was no coining at all:Besides I am assured, that upon enquiring into the custom-house books, all the copper imported into the kingdom, from 1683 to 1692, whichincludes 8 years of the 21 (besides one year allowed for the troubles)did not exceed 47 tons, and we cannot suppose even that small quantityto have been wholly applied to coinage: So that I believe there wasnever any comparison more unluckily made or so destructive of the designfor which it was produced. 

The Psalmist reckons it an effect of God's anger, when "He selleth Hispeople for nought, and taketh no money for them. " That we have greatlyoffended God by the wickedness of our lives is not to be disputed: Butour King we have not offended in word or deed; and although he be God'svicegerent upon earth, he will not punish us for any offences, exceptthose which we shall commit against his legal authority, his sacredperson (which God preserve) or the laws of the land. 

The Report is very profuse in arguments, that Ireland is in great wantof copper money. [15] Who were the witnesses to prove it, hath been shewnalready, but in the name of God, Who are to be judges? Does not thenation best know its own wants? Both Houses of Parliament, thePrivy-council and the whole body of the people declare the contrary: Orlet the wants be what they will, We desire they may not be supplied byMr. Wood. We know our own wants but too well; they are many and grievousto be borne, but quite of another kind. Let England be satisfied: Asthings go, they will in a short time have all our gold and silver, andmay keep their adulterate copper at home, for we are determined not topurchase it with our manufactures, which Wood hath graciously offered toaccept. Our wants are not so bad by an hundredth part as the method hehath taken to supply them. He hath already tried his faculty inNew-England, [16] and I hope he will meet at least with an equalreception here; what _that_ was I leave to public intelligence. I amsupposing a wild case, that if there should be any person alreadyreceiving a monstrous pension out of this kingdom, who was instrumentalin procuring this patent, they have either not well consulted their owninterests, or Wood must[17] put more dross into his copper and stilldiminish its weight. 

[Footnote 15: On this subject of the want of small money in Ireland, Monck Mason traverses the Report in the following manner:

"There appears to be a manifest prevarication in their lordships' reportupon this part of the subject; they state, that the witnesses testified, that there was a want of small money in Ireland; they attempt, therefore, to impose a copper currency, which certainly was not wanted. To satisfy the reader upon this point, I shall quote, from theunpublished correspondence of Archbishop King, the following extracts:the first, from his letter to General Gorge, dated the 17th October, 1724, is to the following purpose. 

"'. .. As to our wanting halfpence for change, it is most false; we havemore halfpence than we need, already; it is true, we want change; but itis sixpences, shillings, half-crowns, and crowns; our silver and ourguineas being almost gone; and the general current coin of the kingdomis now moydores, which are thirty shillings a-piece; at least nine penceabove the value in silver: now, they would have us change these forhalfpence, and so the whole cash of the kingdom would be thesehalfpence. ' . .. 

"But the true state of the case, as to coin, is more circumstantiallydeveloped in the following letter of the same prelate to Mr. Southwell, which was written a few months before, viz. , on the 9th June, 1724. 

"'. .. And yet, after all, we want change, and I will take leave toacquaint you with the state of this kingdom as to coin. We used to havehardly any money passing here, but foreign ducatoons, plate pieces, perns, dollars, etc. But, when the East India Company were forbidsending the coin of England abroad, they continued to buy up all ourforeign coin, and give us English money in lieu of some part of it; bywhich we lost twopence in every ounce, the consequence of this was, thatin two years there was not to be seen in Ireland a piece of foreignsilver. 

"'If any be brought, it is immediately sent away, the two, or as I aminformed, the three pence in the ounce, given by the East India Company, being a temptation not to be resisted; but, the truth is, very little isbrought in, for the merchants that carry our commodities to foreignmarkets, find it more to their advantage to carry directly to Londonwhatever they receive in cash; and whereas formerly they used, when theyhad disposed of their cargo, to load their vessels with such commoditiesas there was a demand for in Ireland, and bring the rest in cash, theybring now only the commodities, and send the silver to London; and whenthey have got the twopence in every ounce from the East India Company, the rest serves to answer the returns we are obliged to make to England, for the rents we are obliged to pay to noblemen and gentlemen who haveestates in Ireland and live in England, and for the pensions, and otheroccasions which are many; by this means they gain likewise the exchange, which is commonly four or five per cent, better to them than if theysent cash. 

"'It Is farther to be observed, that 21 shillings, which is the value ofa guinea in England, makes in Ireland 22 shillings and 9 pence, whereasa guinea passes for 23 shillings with us, therefore, he who sends silverinto England, gains three pence more by it than if he sent guineas; thisadvantage, though it may seem little, yet in a manner has entirelydrained us of our English money which was given in lieu of foreignsilver. 

"'But farther, if any carry foreign gold to England, they cannot easilypass it, and if they do, it is at a greater loss than there is in theguineas, this has taken away our guineas, so that there is hardly one tobe seen; we have hardly any coin left but a few moydores and pistoles, which can, by no means, serve the inland trade of the kingdom. 

"'To give, therefore, a short view of our case, it is thus; We can haveEnglish coin but by stealth, there being an act of parliament forbiddingthe exportation of English coin; if, therefore, we should send our goldor silver to England to be coined, we cannot have it back again, or ifwe could, we cannot keep it for the reason above; we cannot for the samereason have foreign silver; let us add to these, that by the act ofnavigation and other acts, we cannot make our markets of buying where wemake our markets for selling; though we might have the commodities wewant much cheaper there, than we can have them in England, viz. All EastIndia and Turkey goods, with many others: nor is it to be expected thatany nation will trade with us with their silver only, when we will notexchange commodities with them. 

"'Except, therefore, England designs entirely to ruin Ireland, a kingdomby which it is demonstrable that she gains yearly thirteen or fourteenhundred thousand pounds, she ought to think of giving us some relief'"("History of St. Patrick's, " pp. Xciii-xciv). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 16: See note on p. 14. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 17: Another hint at the Duchess of Kendal and her connectionwith the patent. [T. S. ]]

Upon Wood's complaint that the officers of the King's revenue here hadalready given orders to all the inferior officers not to receive anyof his coin, the Report says, That "this cannot but be looked upon as avery extraordinary proceeding, " and being contrary to the powers givenin the patent, the Committee say, They "cannot advise His Majesty togive directions to the officers of the revenue here, not to receive orutter any of the said coin as has been desired in the addresses of bothHouses, " but on the contrary, they "think it both just and reasonablethat the King should immediately give orders to the commissioners of therevenue, &c. To revoke all orders, &c. That may have been given by themto hinder or obstruct the receiving the said coin. " And accordingly, weare told, such orders are arrived. [18]. Now this was a cast of Wood'spolitics; for his information was wholly false and groundless, which heknew very well; and that the commissioners of the revenue here wereall, except one, sent us from England, and love their employments toowell to have taken such a step: But Wood was wise enough to consider, that such orders of revocation would be an open declaration of the crownin his favour, would put the government here under a difficulty, wouldmake a noise, and possibly create some terror in the poor people ofIreland. And one great point he hath gained, that although any orders ofrevocation will be needless, yet a new order is to be sent, and perhapsalready here, to the commissioners of the revenue, and all the King'sofficers in Ireland, that Wood's "halfpence be suffered and permitted, without any let, suit, trouble, molestation or denial of any of theKing's officers or ministers whatsoever, to pass and be received ascurrent money by such as shall be willing to receive them. " In thisorder there is no exception, and therefore, as far as I can judge, itincludes all officers both civil and military, from the Lord HighChancellor to a justice of peace, and from the general to an ensign: Sothat Wood's project is not likely to fail for want of managers enough. For my own part, as things stand, I have but little regret to findmyself out of the number, and therefore I shall continue in all humilityto exhort and warn my fellow-subjects never to receive or utter thiscoin, which will reduce the kingdom to beggary by much quicker andlarger steps than have hitherto been taken. [19]

[Footnote 18: Archbishop King's letter, quoted by Monck Mason, explainswhy it was that the revenue officers refused to receive Wood's coins. Itseems the officers had been advised by lawyers that, in the event oftheir taking the coins, it might be quite likely they would be compelledto make them good, should such a demand be made of them. Precedentscould easily be cited by those taking action, since all previous patentsissued to private individuals for coining money, required of thepatentee to take them back and pay for them with gold or silver. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 19: The suggestion thus made by the Lords of the Committee, although coupled with the reduction in the amount of money Wood was tobe permitted to introduce, did not do any good. Archbishop King arguedrightly that this was treating the people of Ireland as if they werefools and children. If Wood could coin £40, 000, what was to prevent himcoining £200, 000? The suggestion indeed irritated the people almost asmuch as did the patent itself. [T. S. ]]

But it is needless to argue any longer. The matter is come to an issue. His Majesty pursuant to the law, hath left the field open between Woodand the kingdom of Ireland. Wood hath liberty to offer his coin, and wehave law, reason, liberty and necessity to refuse it. A knavish jockeymay ride an old foundered jade about the market, but none are obliged tobuy it. I hope the words "voluntary" and "willing to receive it" will beunderstood, and applied in their true natural meaning, as commonlyunderstood by Protestants. For if a fierce captain comes to my shop tobuy six yards of scarlet cloth, followed by a porter laden with a sackof Wood's coin upon his shoulders, if we are agreed about the price, andmy scarlet lies ready cut upon the counter, if he then gives me the wordof command, to receive my money in Wood's coin, and calls me a"disaffected Jacobite dog" for refusing it (although I am as loyal asubject as himself, and without hire) and thereupon seizes my cloth, leaving me the price in his odious copper, and bids me take my remedy:In this case, I shall hardly be brought to think that I am left to myown will. I shall therefore on such occasions, first order the porteraforesaid to go off with his pack, and then see the money in silver andgold in my possession before I cut or measure my cloth. But if a commonsoldier drinks his pot first, and then offers payment in Wood'shalfpence, the landlady may be under some difficulty; For if shecomplains to his captain or ensign, they are likewise officers, includedin this general order for encouraging these halfpence to pass as currentmoney. If she goes to a justice of peace, he is also an officer, to whomthis general order is directed. I do therefore advise her to follow mypractice, which I have already begun, and be paid for her goods beforeshe parts with them. However I should have been content, for somereasons, that the military gentlemen had been excepted by name, becauseI have heard it said, that their discipline is best confined withintheir own district. 

His Majesty in the conclusion of his answer to the address of the Houseof Lords against Wood's coin, is pleased to say that "he will doeverything in his power for the satisfaction of his people. " It shouldseem therefore, that the recalling the patent is not to be understood asa thing in his power. But however since the law does not oblige us toreceive this coin, and consequently the patent leaves it to ourvoluntary choice, there is nothing remaining to preserve us from rainbut that the whole kingdom should continue in a firm determinateresolution never to receive or utter this fatal coin:[20]

[Footnote 20: So ready was the response to this suggestion of Swift's, that it was found necessary for tradesmen to take precautions to have itpublicly known that they were in no way connected with Wood and hismoney, The following is a copy of an advertisement which illustratesthis:

"Whereas several persons in this kingdom suspect that John Molyneux ofMeath Street, ironmonger, and his brother Daniel Molyneux, of EssexStreet, ironmonger, are interested in the patent obtained by WilliamWood for coining of halfpence and farthings for this kingdom. 

"Now we the said John Molyneux and Daniel Molyneux, in order to satisfythe public, do hereby declare, that we are in no way concerned with thesaid Wood in relation to his said patent; And that we never werepossessed of any of the said halfpence or farthings, except onehalfpence and one farthing, which I the said John Molyneux received in apost-letter, and which I immediately afterwards delivered to one of theLords-Justices of Ireland. 

"And we do further declare, that we will not directly or indirectly, beanyways concerned with the said Wood's halfpence or farthings; but onthe contrary, act to the great advantage and satisfaction of thiskingdom, as good, loving and faithful subjects ought to do. And we dofurther declare, that to the best of our knowledge, the said WilliamWood is not in this kingdom. 

"Given under our hands in Dublin this 22d. Day of August 1724. 

"JOHN MOLYNEUX

"DAN. MOLYNEUX. "

Another ran as follows:

"ADVERTISEMENT. 

"Whereas, I, Thomas Handy, of Meath Street, Dublin, did receive by thelast packet, from a person in London, to whom I am an entire stranger, bills of lading for eleven casks of Wood's halfpence, shipped atBristol, and consigned to me by the said person on his own properaccount, of which I had not the least notice until I received the saidbills of lading. 

"Now I, the said Thomas Handy, being highly sensible of the duty andregard which every honest man owes to his country and to hisfellow-subjects, do hereby declare, that I will not be concerned, directly or indirectly, in entering, landing, importing, receiving, oruttering any of the said Wood's halfpence, for that I am fullyconvinced, as well from the addresses of both Houses of Parliament, asotherwise, that the importing and uttering the said halfpence will bedestructive to this nation, and prejudicial to his Majesty's revenue. 

"And of this my resolution I gave notice by letter to the person whosent me the bills of lading, the very day I received them, and have sentback the said bills to him. 

"THO. HANDY. 

"Dublin, 29th. August, 1724. " [T. S. ]]

After which, let the officers to whom these orders are directed, (Iwould willingly except the military) come with their exhortations, their arguments and their eloquence, to persuade us to find our interestin our undoing. Let Wood and his accomplices travel about the countrywith cart-loads of their ware, and see who will take it off their hands, there will be no fear of his being robbed, for a highwayman would scornto touch it. 

I am only in pain how the commissioners of the revenue will proceed inthis juncture; because I am told they are obliged by act of Parliamentto take nothing but gold and silver in payment for His Majesty'scustoms, and I think they cannot justly offer this coinage of Mr. Woodto others, unless they will be content to receive it themselves. 

The sum of the whole is this. The "Committee advises the King to sendimmediate orders to all his officers here, that Wood's coin be sufferedand permitted without any let, suit, trouble, &c. To pass and bereceived as current money by such as shall be willing to receive thesame. " It is probable, that the first willing receivers may be those whomust receive it whether they will or no, at least under the penalty oflosing an office. But the landed undepending men, the merchants, theshopkeepers and bulk of the people, I hope, and am almost confident, will never receive it. What must the consequence be? The owners willsell it for as much as they can get. Wood's halfpence will come to beoffered for six a penny (yet then he will be a sufficient gainer) andthe necessary receivers will be losers of two-thirds in their salariesor pay. 

This puts me in mind of a passage I was told many years ago in England. At a quarter-sessions in Leicester, the justices had wisely decreed, totake off a halfpenny in a quart from the price of ale. One of them, whocame in after the thing was determined, being informed of what hadpassed, said thus: "Gentlemen; you have made an order, that ale shouldbe sold in our country for three halfpence a quart: I desire you willnow make another to appoint who must drink it, for _by G-- I willnot_. "[21]

[Footnote 21: The following broadside, ascribed to Swift, but writtenprobably by Sheridan, further amusingly illustrates the point Swiftmakes. The broadside was printed by John Harding:

"Another Letter to Mr. Harding the printer, upon occasion of the Reportof the Committee of the Lords of His Majesty's Most HonourablePrivy-Council, in relation to Mr. Wood's halfpence and farthings, etc. , lately published. 

"Mr. Harding, --Although this letter also is directed to you, yet youknow that it is intended for the benefit of the whole kingdom, andtherefore I pray make it public, and take care to disperse it. 

"The design of it is only to desire all people to take notice, Thatwhatever apprehensions some persons seem to be under on account of theabove-mentioned report concerning Mr. Wood's halfpence and farthings, yet the utmost advice which the right honourable Committee have thoughtfit to give His Majesty, is, That a certain sum of the said halfpenceand farthings may be received as current money by such as shall bewilling to receive the same. And if we are willing to ruin ourselves andour country, I think we are not to be pitied. 

"Upon this occasion I would only tell my countrymen a short story. 

"A certain King of Great Britain who spoke broad Scotch, and beinghimself a man of wit, loved both to hear and speak things that werehumorous, had once a petition preferred to him, in which the petitioner, having set forth his own merits, most humbly prayed His Majesty to granthim letters-patent for receiving a shilling from every one of hissubjects who should be willing to give so much to him. 'In gude troth, 'said the King, 'a very reasonable petition. Let every man give thee twashillings gin he be willing so to do, and thou shalt have full libertyto receive it. ' 'But, ' says the petitioner, 'I desire that this clausemay be inserted in my patent, That every man who refuses to give me ashilling, should appear at Westminster Hall to shew cause why he sorefuses. ' 'This also, ' says the King, 'shall be granted thee, but alwayswith this proviso, that the man be willing to come. '

"I am your, etc. 

"MISOXULOS. "]

I must beg leave to caution your lordships and worships in oneparticular. Wood hath graciously promised to load us at present onlywith forty thousand pounds of his coin, till the exigences of thekingdom require the rest. I entreat you will never suffer Mr. Wood to bea judge of your exigences. While there is one piece of silver or goldremaining in the kingdom he will call it an exigency, he will double hispresent _quantum_ by stealth as soon as he can, and will have theremainder still to the good. He will pour his own raps[22]andcounterfeits upon us: France and Holland will do the same; nor will ourown coiners at home be behind them: To confirm which I have now in mypocket a rap or counterfeit halfpenny in imitation of his, but so illperformed, that in my conscience I believe it is not of his coining. 

[Footnote 22: The word Rap is probably a contraction of "raparee, " andwas the name given to the tokens that passed current in Ireland forcopper coins of small value. Generally it referred to debased coins;hence it may be allied to "raparee, " who might be considered as adebased citizen. The raparees were so called from the rapary orhalf-pike they carried. [T. S. ]]

I must now desire your lordships and worships that you will give greatallowance for this long undigested paper, I find myself to have goneinto several repetitions, which were the effects of haste, while newthoughts fell in to add something to what I had said before. I think Imay affirm that I have fully answered every paragraph in the Report, which although it be not unartfully drawn, and is perfectly in thespirit of a pleader who can find the most plausible topics in behalf ofhis client, yet there was no great skill required to detect the manymistakes contained in it, which however are by no means to be chargedupon the right honourable Committee, but upon the most false impudentand fraudulent representations of Wood and his accomplices. I desire oneparticular may dwell upon your minds, although I have mentioned it morethan once; That after all the weight laid upon precedents there is notone produced in the whole Report, of a patent for coining copper inEngland to pass in Ireland, and only two patents referred to (for indeedthere were no more) which were both passed in Ireland, by references tothe King's Council here, both less advantageous to the coiner than thisof Wood, and in both securities given to receive the coin at every call, and give gold and silver in lieu of it. This demonstrates the mostflagrant falsehood and impudence of Wood, by which he would endeavour tomake the right honourable Committee his instruments, (for his ownillegal and exorbitant gain, ) to ruin a kingdom, which hath deservedquite different treatment. 

I am very sensible that such a work as I have undertaken might haveworthily employed a much better pen. But when a house is attempted to berobbed it often happens that the weakest in the family runs first tostop the door. All the assistance I had were some informations from aneminent person, [23] whereof I am afraid I have spoiled a few byendeavouring to make them of a piece with my own productions, and therest I was not able to manage: I was in the case of David who could notmove in the armour of Saul, and therefore I rather chose to attack this"uncircumcised Philistine (Wood I mean) with a sling and a stone. " And Imay say for Wood's honour as well as my own, that he resembles Goliathin many circumstances, very applicable to the present purpose; ForGoliath had "a helmet of brass upon his head, and he was armed with acoat of mail, and the weight of the coat was five thousand shekels ofbrass, and he had greaves of brass upon his legs, and a target of brassbetween his shoulders. " In short he was like Mr. Wood, all over brass;And "he defied the armies of the living God. " Goliath's condition ofcombat were likewise the same with those of Wood. "If he prevail againstus, then shall we be his servants:" But if it happens that I prevailover him, I renounce the other part of the condition, he shall never bea servant of mine, for I do not think him fit to be trusted in anyhonest man's shop. 

[Footnote 23: Mr. Robert Lindsay, a Dublin lawyer, assisted Swift on thelegal points raised in the Drapier's letters. This is the Mr. Lindsay, counsellor-at-law, to whom Swift submitted a case concerning a Mr. Gorman (see Scott's edit. , vol. Xix. , p. 294). Mr. Lindsay is supposedto be the author of two letters addressed to Chief Justice Whitshed onthe matter of his conduct towards the grand jury which dischargedHarding the printer (see Scott's edit. , vol. Vi. , p. 467). [T. S. ]]

I will conclude with my humble desire and request which I made in mysecond letter; That your lordships and worships would please to order adeclaration to be drawn up expressing, in the strongest terms, your firmresolutions never to receive or utter any of Wood's halfpence orfarthings, and forbidding your tenants to receive them. That the saiddeclaration may be signed by as many persons as possible who haveestates in this kingdom, and be sent down to your several tenantsaforesaid. [24]

[Footnote 24: A Declaration, pursuant to this request, was signed soonafter by the most considerable persons of the kingdom, which wasuniversally spread and of great use. [F. ]

"The humble petition of the lord-mayor, sheriffs, commons, and citizensof the city of Dublin, in Common Council assembled, " was issued as abroadside on 8th September, 1724. See also Appendix IX. [T. S. ]]

And if the dread of Wood's halfpence should continue till nextquarter-sessions (which I hope it will not) the gentlemen of everycounty will then have a fair opportunity of declaring against them withunanimity and zeal. 

I am with the greatest respect, (May it please your lordships and worships) Your most dutiful and obedient servant, M. B. 

Aug. 25, 1724. 

LETTER IV. 

A LETTER TO THE WHOLE PEOPLE OF IRELAND. 

NOTE

The country was now in a very fever of excitement. Everywhere meetingswere held for the purpose of expressing indignation against theimposition, and addresses from brewers, butchers, flying stationers, andtownspeople generally, were sent in embodying the public protest againstWood and his coins. Swift fed the flame by publishing songs and balladswell fitted for the street singers, and appealing to the understandingsof those who he well knew would effectively carry his message to thevery hearths of the poorest labourers. Courtier and student, tradesmanand freeman, thief and prostitute, beggar and loafer, all were alikecarried by an indignation which launched them on a maelstrom ofenthusiasm. So general became the outcry that, in Coxe's words, "thelords justices refused to issue the orders for the circulation of thecoin. .. . People of all descriptions and parties flocked in crowds to thebankers to demand their money, and drew their notes with an expresscondition to be paid in gold and silver. The publishers of the mosttreasonable pamphlets escaped with impunity, provided Wood and hispatent were introduced into the work. The grand juries could scarcely beinduced to find any bill against such delinquents; no witnesses in theprosecution were safe in their persons; and no juries were inclined, orif inclined could venture, to find them guilty. "

In such a state of public feeling Swift assumed an entirely newattitude. He promulgated his "Letter to the Whole People of Ireland"--aletter which openly struck at the very root of the whole evil, and laidbare to the public eye the most secret spring of its righteousindignation. It was not Wood nor his coins, it was the freedom of thepeople of Ireland and their just rights and privileges that were beingfought for. He wrote them the letter "to refresh and continue thatspirit so seasonably raised among" them, and in order that they shouldplainly understand "that by the laws of God, of NATURE, of NATIONS, andof your COUNTRY, you ARE, and OUGHT to be as FREE a people as yourbrethren in England. " The King's prerogative had been held threateninglyover them. What was the King's prerogative? he asked in effect. It wasbut the right he enjoyed within the bounds of the law as made by thepeople in parliament assembled. The law limits him with his subjects. Such prerogative he respected and would take up arms to protect againstany who should rebel. But "all government without the consent of thegoverned, is the very definition of slavery. " The condition of the Irishnation was such that it was to be expected eleven armed men shouldovercome a single man in his shirt; but even if those in power exercisethen power to cramp liberty, a man on the rack may still have "theliberty of roaring as loud as he thought fit. " And the men on the rackroared to a tune that Walpole had never before heard. 

The letter appeared on the 13th October, 1724. [1] The Duke of Graftonhad been recalled and Carteret had taken up the reins of government. Forreasons, either personal or politic, he took Walpole's side. Coxe goesinto considerations on this attitude of Carteret's, but they hardlyconcern us here. Suffice it that the Lord Lieutenant joined forces withthe party in the Irish Privy Council, among whom were Midleton and St. John Brodrick, and on October 27th issued a proclamation offering areward of £300[2] for the discovery of the author of this "wicked andmalicious pamphlet" which highly reflected on his Majesty and hisministers, and which tended "to alienate the affections of his goodsubjects of England and Ireland from each other. "

[Footnote 1: Not on October 23rd as the earlier editors print it, and asMonck Mason, Scott and Mr. Churton Collins repeat. ]

[Footnote 2: See Appendix, No. VI. ]

The author's name was not made public, nor was it likely to be. There isno doubt that it was generally known who the author was. In that generalknowledge lies the whole pith of the Biblical quotation circulatedabroad on the heels of the proclamation: "And the people said unto Saul, shall _Jonathan_ die, who had wrought this great salvation in Israel?God forbid: as the Lord liveth there shall not one hair of his head fallto the ground, for he hath wrought with God this day: So the peoplerescued _Jonathan_ that he died not. "

Swift remained very much alive. Harding, for printing the obnoxiousletter, had been arrested and imprisoned, and the Crown proceeded withhis prosecution. In such circumstances Swift was not likely to remainidle. On the 26th October he addressed a letter to Lord ChancellorMidleton in defence of the Drapier's writings, and practicallyacknowledged himself to be the author. [3] It was not actually printeduntil 1735, but there is no doubt that Midleton received it at the timeit was written. What effect it had on the ultimate issue is not known;but Midleton's conduct justifies the confidence Swift placed in him. TheGrand Jury of the Michaelmas term of 1724 sat to consider the billagainst Harding. On the 11th of November Swift addressed to them his"Seasonable Advice. " The bill was thrown out. Whitshed, the ChiefJustice, consistently with his action on a previous occasion (see vol. Vii. ), angrily remonstrated with the jury, demanded of them theirreasons for such a decision, and finally dissolved them. Thisunconstitutional, and even disgraceful conduct, however, served but toaccentuate the resentment of the people against Wood and the patent, andthe Crown fared no better by a second Grand Jury. The second juryaccompanied its rejection of the bill by a presentment against thepatent, [4] and the defeat of the "prerogative" became assured. Everywhere the Drapier was acclaimed the saviour of his country. Any personwho could scribble a doggerel or indite a tract rushed into print, andnow Whitshed was harnessed to Wood in a pillory of contemptuousridicule. Indeed, so bitter was the outcry against the Lord ChiefJustice, that it is said to have hastened his death. The cities ofDublin, Cork and Waterford passed resolutions declaring the uttering ofWood's halfpence to be highly prejudicial to his Majesty's revenue andto the trades of the kingdom. The Drapier was now the patriot, and thewhole nation responded to his appeal to assist him in its own defence. 

[Footnote 3: The highly wrought up story about Swift's butler, narratedby Sheridan, Deane Swift and Scott, is nothing but a sample ofeighteenth century "sensationalism. " Swift never bothered himself aboutwhat his servants would say with regard to the authorship of theLetters. Certainly this letter to Midleton proves that he was not at allafraid of the consequences of discovery. ]

[Footnote 4: See Appendix V. ]

The text of the present reprint is based on that given by Sir WalterScott, collated with the original edition and with that reprinted in"Fraud Detected" (1725). Faulkner's text of 1735 has also beenconsulted. 

[T. S. ]

[Illustration: A

 **LETTER**

 TO THE **WHOLE People** OF

 **IRELAND**. 

 _By_ M. B. _Drapier_. 

AUTHOR of the LETTER to the _SHOP-KEEPERS_, &c. 

 _DUBLIN:_

 Printed by _John Harding_ in_Molesworth's-Court_ in _Fishamble Street_. ]

LETTER IV. 

A LETTER TO THE WHOLE PEOPLE OF IRELAND. 

MY DEAR COUNTRYMEN, Having already written three letters upon so disagreeable a subject asMr. Wood and his halfpence; I conceived my task was at an end: But Ifind, that cordials must be frequently applied to weak constitutions, political as well as natural. A people long used to hardships, lose bydegrees the very notions of liberty, they look upon themselves ascreatures at mercy, and that all impositions laid on them by a strongerhand, are, in the phrase of the Report, legal and obligatory. Henceproceeds that poverty and lowness of spirit, to which a kingdom may besubject as well as a particular person. And when Esau came fainting fromthe field at the point to die, it is no wonder that he sold hisbirthright for a mess of pottage. 

I thought I had sufficiently shewn to all who could want instruction, bywhat methods they might safely proceed, whenever this coin should beoffered to them; and I believe there hath not been for many ages anexample of any kingdom so firmly united in a point of great importance, as this of ours is at present, against that detestable fraud. Buthowever, it so happens that some weak people begin to be alarmed anew, by rumours industriously spread. Wood prescribes to the newsmongers inLondon what they are to write. In one of their papers published here bysome obscure printer (and probably with no good design) we are told, that "the Papists in Ireland have entered into an association againsthis coin, " although it be notoriously known, that they never onceoffered to stir in the matter; so that the two Houses of Parliament, thePrivy-council, the great number of corporations, the lord mayor andaldermen of Dublin, the grand juries, and principal gentlemen ofseveral counties are stigmatized in a lump under the name of "Papists. "

This impostor and his crew do likewise give out, that, by refusing toreceive his dross for sterling, we "dispute the King's prerogative, aregrown ripe for rebellion, and ready to shake off the dependency ofIreland upon the crown of England. " To countenance which reports he hathpublished a paragraph in another newspaper, to let us know that "theLord Lieutenant is ordered to come over immediately to settle hishalfpence. "

I entreat you, my dear countrymen, not to be under the least concernupon these and the like rumours, which are no more than the last howlsof a dog dissected alive, as I hope he hath sufficiently been. Thesecalumnies are the only reserve that is left him. For surely ourcontinued and (almost) unexampled loyalty will never be called inquestion for not suffering ourselves to be robbed of all that we have, by one obscure ironmonger. 

As to disputing the King's prerogative, give me leave to explain tothose who are ignorant, what the meaning of that word _prerogative_ is. 

The Kings of these realms enjoy several powers, wherein the laws havenot interposed: So they can make war and peace without the consent ofParliament; and this is a very great prerogative. But if the Parliamentdoth not approve of the war, the King must bear the charge of it out ofhis own purse, and this is as great a check on the crown. So the Kinghath a prerogative to coin money without consent of Parliament. But hecannot compel the subject to take that money except it be sterling, goldor silver; because herein he is limited by law. Some princes have indeedextended their prerogative further than the law allowed them; whereinhowever, the lawyers of succeeding ages, as fond as they are ofprecedents, have never dared to justify them. But to say the truth, itis only of late times that prerogative hath been fixed and ascertained. For whoever reads the histories of England, will find that some formerKings, and these none of the worst, have upon several occasions venturedto control the laws with very little ceremony or scruple, even laterthan the days of Queen Elizabeth. In her reign that pernicious counselof sending base money hither, very narrowly failed of losing thekingdom, being complained of by the lord-deputy, the council, and thewhole body of the English here:[5] So that soon after her death it wasrecalled by her successor, and lawful money paid in exchange. 

[Footnote 5: See Moryson's "Itinerary" (Pt. Ii. , pp. 90, 196 and 262), where an account is given which fully bears out Swift. [T. S. ]]

Having thus given you some notion of what is meant by the King's"prerogative, " as far as a tradesman can be thought capable ofexplaining it, I will only add the opinion of the great Lord Bacon: That"as God governs the world by the settled laws of nature, which he hathmade, and never transcends those laws but upon high important occasions;so among earthly princes, those are the wisest and the best, who governby the known laws of the country, and seldomest make use of theirprerogative. "[6]

[Footnote 6: The words in inverted commas appear to be a reminiscencerather than a quotation. I have not traced the sentence, as it stands, in Bacon; but the regular government of the world by the laws of nature, as contrasted with the exceptional disturbance of these laws, isenunciated in Bacon's "Confession of Faith, " while the dangers of astrained prerogative are urged in the "Essay on Empire. " Bacon certainlygives no support to Swift's limits of the prerogative as regardscoinage. [CRAIK. ]]

Now, here you may see that the vile accusation of Wood and hisaccomplices, charging us with "disputing the King's prerogative" byrefusing his brass, can have no place, because compelling the subject totake any coin which is not sterling is no part of the King'sprerogative, and I am very confident if it were so, we should be thelast of his people to dispute it, as well from that inviolable loyaltywe have always paid to His Majesty, as from the treatment we might insuch a case justly expect from some who seem to think, we have neithercommon sense nor common senses. But God be thanked, the best of them areonly our fellow-subjects, and not our masters. One great merit I am surewe have, which those of English birth can have no pretence to, that ourancestors reduced this kingdom to the obedience of England, for which wehave been rewarded with a worse climate, the privilege of being governedby laws to which we do not consent, a ruined trade, a House of Peerswithout jurisdiction, almost an incapacity for all employments; and thedread of Wood's halfpence. 

But we are so far from disputing the King's prerogative in coining, thatwe own he has power to give a patent to any man for setting his royalimage and superscription upon whatever materials he pleases, and libertyto the patentee to offer them in any country from England to Japan, onlyattended with one small limitation, That nobody alive is obliged to takethem. 

Upon these considerations I was ever against all recourse to England fora remedy against the present impending evil, especially when I observedthat the addresses of both Houses, after long expectance, producednothing but a REPORT altogether in favour of Wood, upon which I madesome observations in a former letter, and might at least have made asmany more. For it is a paper of as singular a nature as I ever beheld. 

But I mistake; for before this Report was made, His Majesty's mostgracious answer to the House of Lords was sent over and printed, whereinthere are these words, "granting the patent for coining halfpence andfarthings AGREEABLE TO THE PRACTICE OF HIS ROYAL PREDECESSORS, &c. " ThatKing Charles 2d. And King James 2d. (AND THEY ONLY) did grant patentsfor this purpose is indisputable, and I have shewn it at large. Theirpatents were passed under the great seal of Ireland by references toIreland, the copper to be coined in Ireland, the patentee was bound ondemand to receive his coin back in Ireland, and pay silver and gold inreturn. Wood's patent was made under the great seal of England, thebrass coined in England, not the least reference made to Ireland, thesum immense, and the patentee under no obligation to receive it againand give good money for it: This I only mention, because in my privatethoughts I have sometimes made a query, whether the penner of thosewords in His Majesty's most gracious answer, "agreeable to the practiceof his royal predecessors, " had maturely considered the severalcircumstances, which, in my poor opinion seem to make a difference. 

Let me now say something concerning the other great cause of somepeople's fear, as Wood has taught the London newswriter to express it. That "his Excellency the Lord Lieutenant is coming over to settle Wood'shalfpence. "

We know very well that the Lords Lieutenants for several years past havenot thought this kingdom worthy the honour of their residence, longerthan was absolutely necessary for the King's business, whichconsequently wanted no speed in the dispatch; and therefore it naturallyfell into most men's thoughts, that a new governor coming at an unusualtime must portend some unusual business to be done, especially if thecommon report be true, that the Parliament prorogued to I know not when, is by a new summons (revoking that prorogation) to assemble soon afterhis arrival: For which extraordinary proceeding the lawyers on t'otherside the water have by great good fortune found two precedents. 

All this being granted, it can never enter into my head that so little acreature as Wood could find credit enough with the King and hisministers to have the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland sent hither in a hurryupon his errand. 

For let us take the whole matter nakedly as it lies before us, withoutthe refinements of some people, with which we have nothing to do. Hereis a patent granted under the great seal of England, upon falsesuggestions, to one William Wood for coining copper halfpence forIreland: The Parliament here, upon apprehensions of the worstconsequences from the said patent, address the King to have it recalled;this is refused, and a committee of the Privy-council report to HisMajesty, that Wood has performed the conditions of his patent. He thenis left to do the best he can with his halfpence; no man being obligedto receive them; the people here, being likewise left to themselves, unite as one man, resolving they will have nothing to do with his ware. By this plain account of the fact it is manifest, that the King and hisministry are wholly out of the case, and the matter is left to bedisputed between him and us. Will any man therefore attempt to persuademe, that a Lord Lieutenant is to be dispatched over in great hastebefore the ordinary time, and a Parliament summoned by anticipating aprorogation, merely to put an hundred thousand pounds into the pocket ofa sharper, by the ruin of a most loyal kingdom. 

But supposing all this to be true. By what arguments could a LordLieutenant prevail on the same Parliament which addressed with so muchzeal and earnestness against this evil, to pass it into a law? I am suretheir opinion of Wood and his project is not mended since the lastprorogation; and supposing those methods should be used which detractorstell us have been sometimes put in practice for gaining votes. It iswell known that in this kingdom there are few employments to be given, and if there were more, it is as well known to whose share they mustfall. 

But because great numbers of you are altogether ignorant in the affairsof your country, I will tell you some reasons why there are so fewemployments to be disposed of in this kingdom. All considerable officesfor life here are possessed by those to whom the reversions weregranted, and these have been generally followers of the chief governors, or persons who had interest in the Court of England. So the LordBerkeley of Stratton[7] holds that great office of master of the rolls, the Lord Palmerstown[8] is first remembrancer worth near 2000_l. Perann. _ One Dodington[9] secretary to the Earl of Pembroke, [10] begged thereversion of clerk of the pells worth 2500_l. _ a year, which he nowenjoys by the death of the Lord Newtown. Mr. Southwell is secretary ofstate, [11] and the Earl of Burlington[12] lord high treasurer of Irelandby inheritance. These are only a few among many others which I have beentold of, but cannot remember. Nay the reversion of several employmentsduring pleasure are granted the same way. This among many others is acircumstance whereby the kingdom of Ireland is distinguished from allother nations upon earth, and makes it so difficult an affair to getinto a civil employ, that Mr. Addison was forced to purchase an oldobscure place, called keeper of the records of Bermingham's Tower of tenpounds a year, and to get a salary of 400_l. _ annexed to it, [13] thoughall the records there are not worth half-a-crown, either for curiosityor use. And we lately saw a favourite secretary descend to be master ofthe revels, which by his credit and extortion he hath made prettyconsiderable. [14] I say nothing of the under-treasurership worth about8000_l_. A year, nor the commissioners of the revenue, four of whomgenerally live in England; For I think none of these are granted inreversion. But the test is, that I have known upon occasion some ofthese absent officers as keen against the interest of Ireland as if theyhad never been indebted to her for a single groat. 

[Footnote 7: Berkeley was one of the Junta in Harley's administration of1710-1714. He had married Sir John Temple's daughter. His connectionwith a person so disliked by Swift may account for his inclusion here. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 8: This was Henry Temple, first Viscount Palmerston, with whomSwift later had an unpleasant correspondence. Palmerston could not havebeen more than seven years old when he was appointed (September 21st, 1680), with Luke King, chief remembrancer of the Court of Exchequer inIreland, for their joint lives. King died in 1716, but the grant wasrenewed to Palmerston and his son Henry for life. He was raised to thepeerage as Baron Temple of Mount Temple, and Viscount Palmerston ofPalmerston, in March, 1722-1723. Sir Charles Hanbury Williams called him"Little Broadbottom Palmerston. " He died in 1757. [T. S. ] ]

[Footnote 9: George Bubb (1691-1762) was Chief Secretary duringWharton's Lord lieutenancy in 1709. He took the name of Doddington onthe death of his uncle in 1720. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 10: Thomas Herbert, eighth Earl of Pembroke (1656-1733), hadpreceded the Earl of Wharton as Lord lieutenant of Ireland. He bears ahigh character in history and on four successive coronations, namely, those of William and Mary, Anne, George I. And George II. , he acted assword carrier. Although a Tory, even Macaulay acknowledges Pembroke'shigh breeding and liberality. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 11: This is the Edward Southwell to whom Archbishop King wrotethe letters quoted from Monck Mason in previous notes. He was the son ofSir Robert Southwell, the diplomatist and friend of Sir William Temple, to whom Swift bore a letter of introduction from the latter, solicitingthe office of amanuensis. In June, 1720, Edward Southwell had his salaryas secretary increased by £300; and in July of the same year the officewas granted to him and his son for life. The Southwell family first cameto Ireland in the reign of James I. , at the time of the plantation ofMunster. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 12: Richard Boyle, third Earl of Burlington (or Bridlington ofYorks), and fourth Earl of Cork (1695-1753), was appointed LordHigh-Treasurer of Ireland in August, 1715. His great-grandfather, thefirst Earl of Cork, had held the same office in 1631. TheLord-lieutenancy of the West Riding of Yorkshire, and the office ofCustos Rotulorum of the North and West Ridings, seem also to have beeninheritances of this family. The third Earl had a taste forarchitecture, and spent enormous sums of money in the reconstruction ofBurlington House, a building that was freely satirized by Hogarth andLord Hervey. His taste, however, seems to have run to the ornamentalrather than the useful, and its gratification involved him in suchserious financial difficulties, that he was compelled to sell some ofhis Irish estates. Swift notes that "My Lord Burlington is now sellingin one article £9, 000 a year in Ireland for £200, 000 which must pay hisdebts" (Scott's edit. 1814, vol. Xix. , p. 129). [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 13: This post was found for Addison on his appointment in 1709as secretary to the Earl of Wharton, Lord-lieutenant of Ireland. Tickell, in his preface to his edition of Addison's works, says the postwas granted to Addison as a mark of Queen Anne's special favour. Bermingham's Tower was that part of Dublin Castle in which the recordswere kept. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 14: Mr. Hopkins, secretary to the Duke of Grafton. Theexactions made by this gentleman upon the players, in his capacity ofMaster of the Revels, are the subject of two satirical poems. [S. ]

This may have been John Hopkins, the second son of the Bishop ofLondonderry, who was the author of "Amasia, " dedicated to the Duchess ofGrafton. [T. S. ]]

I confess, I have been sometimes tempted to wish that this project ofWood might succeed, because I reflected with some pleasure what a jollycrew it would bring over among us of lords and squires, and pensionersof both sexes, and officers civil and military, where we should livetogether as merry and sociable as beggars, only with this one abatement, that we should neither have meat to feed, nor manufactures to clothe us, unless we could be content to prance about in coats of mail, or eatbrass as ostriches do iron. 

I return from this digression to that which gave me the occasion ofmaking it: And I believe you are now convinced, that if the Parliamentof Ireland were as temptable as any other assembly within a mile ofChristendom (which God forbid) yet the managers must of necessity failfor want of tools to work with. But I will yet go one step further, bysupposing that a hundred new employments were erected on purpose togratify compilers; yet still an insuperable difficulty would remain; forit happens, I know not how, that money is neither Whig nor Tory, neitherof town nor country party, and it is not improbable, that a gentlemanwould rather choose to live upon his own estate which brings him goldand silver, than with the addition of an employment, when his rents andsalary must both be paid in Wood's brass, at above eighty _per cent. _discount. 

For these and many other reasons, I am confident you need not be underthe least apprehensions from the sudden expectation of the LordLieutenant, [15] while we continue in our present hearty disposition; toalter which there is no suitable temptation can possibly be offered:And if, as I have often asserted from the best authority, the law hathnot left a power in the crown to force any money except sterling uponthe subject, much less can the crown devolve such a power upon another. 

[Footnote 15: Lord Carteret, afterwards Earl Granville. See note to "AVindication of Lord Carteret, " in vol. Vii. Of present edition ofSwift's works. [T. S. ]]

This I speak with the utmost respect to the person and dignity of hisExcellency the Lord Carteret, whose character hath been given me by agentleman that hath known him from his first appearance in the world:That gentleman describes him as a young nobleman of greataccomplishments, excellent learning, regular in his life, and of muchspirit and vivacity. He hath since, as I have heard, been employedabroad, was principal secretary of state, and is now about the 37th yearof his age appointed Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. From such a governorthis kingdom may reasonably hope for as much prosperity as, under somany discouragements, it can be capable of receiving. [16]

[Footnote 16: Carteret was an old friend of Swift. On the Earl'sappointment to the Lord-lieutenancy, in April, 1724, Swift wrote him aletter on the matter of Wood's halfpence, in which he took the libertyof "an old humble servant, and one who always loved and esteemed" him, to make known to him the apprehensions the people were under concerningMr. Wood's patent. "Neither is it doubted, " he wrote, "that when yourexcellency shall be thoroughly informed, your justice and compassion foran injured people, will force you to employ your credit for theirrelief. " Swift waited for more than a month, and on receiving no reply, sent a second letter, which Sir Henry Craik justly calls, "a masterpieceof its kind. " It was as follows:

"June 9, 1724. 

"MY LORD, "It is above a month since I took the boldness of writing to yourexcellency, upon a subject wherein the welfare of this kingdom is highlyconcerned. 

"I writ at the desire of several considerable persons here, who couldnot be ignorant that I had the honour of being well known to you. 

"I could have wished your excellency had condescended so far, as to letone of your under clerks have signified to me that a letter wasreceived. 

"I have been long out of the world; but have not forgotten what used topass among those I lived with while I was in it: and I can say, thatduring the experience of many years, and many changes in affairs, yourexcellency, and one more, who is not worthy to be compared to you, arethe only great persons that ever refused to answer a letter from me, without regard to business, party, or greatness; and if I had not apeculiar esteem for your personal qualities, I should think myself to beacting a very inferior part in making this complaint. 

"I never was so humble, as to be vain upon my acquaintance with men inpower, and always rather chose to avoid it when I was not called. Neither were their power or titles sufficient, without merit, to make mecultivate them; of which I have witnesses enough left, after all thehavoc made among them, by accidents of time, or by changes of persons, measures, and opinions. 

"I know not how your conception of yourself may alter, by every new highstation; but mine must continue the same, or alter for the worse. 

"I often told a great minister, whom you well know, that I valued himfor being the same man through all the progress of power and place. Iexpected the like in your lordship; and still hope that I shall be theonly person who will ever find it otherwise. 

"I pray God to direct your excellency in all your good undertakings, andespecially in your government of this kingdom. 

"I shall trouble you no more; but remain, with great respect, my Lord, "Your excellency's most obedient, "and most humble servant, "JON. SWIFT. "

This letter brought an immediate reply from Carteret, who confessedhimself in the wrong for his silence, and trusted he had not forfeitedSwift's friendship by it. With regard to Mr. Wood's patent, he said thatthe matter was under examination, "and till that is over I am notinformed sufficiently to make any other judgment of the matter, thanthat which I am naturally led to make, by the general aversion whichappears to it in the whole nation. " Swift replied in a charming vein, and elegantly put his scolding down to the testiness of old age. Hisexcellency had humbled him. "Therefore, I fortel that you, who could soeasily conquer so captious a person, and of so little consequence, willquickly subdue this whole kingdom to love and reverence you" (Scott'sed. 1824, vol. Xvi. , pp. 430-435). [T. S. ]]

It is true indeed, that within the memory of man, there have beengovernors of so much dexterity, as to carry points of terribleconsequence to this kingdom, by their power with _those who were inoffice_, and by their arts in managing or deluding others with oaths, affability, and even with dinners. If Wood's brass had in those timesbeen upon the anvil, it is obvious enough to conceive what methods wouldhave been taken. Depending persons would have been told in plain terms, that it was a "service expected from them, under pain of the publicbusiness being put into more complying hands. " Others would be alluredby promises. To the country gentleman, besides good words, burgundy andcloseting. It would perhaps have been hinted how "kindly it would betaken to comply with a royal patent, though it were not compulsory, "that if any inconveniences ensued, it might be made up with other"graces or favours hereafter. " That "gentlemen ought to consider whetherit were prudent or safe to disgust England:" They would be desired to"think of some good bills for encouraging of trade, and setting the poorto work, some further acts against Popery and for uniting Protestants. "There would be solemn engagements that we should "never be troubled withabove forty thousand pounds in his coin, and all of the best andweightiest sort, for which we should only give our manufactures inexchange, and keep our gold and silver at home. " Perhaps a "seasonablereport of some invasion would have been spread in the most properjuncture, " which is a great smoother of rubs in public proceedings; andwe should have been told that "this was no time to create differenceswhen the kingdom was in danger. "

These, I say, and the like methods would in corrupt times have beentaken to let in this deluge of brass among us; and I am confident wouldeven then have not succeeded, much less under the administration of soexcellent a person as the Lord Carteret, and in a country where thepeople of all ranks, parties and denominations are convinced to a man, that the utter undoing of themselves and their posterity for ever willbe dated from the admission of that execrable coin; that if it onceenters, it can be no more confined to a small or moderate quantity, thanthe plague can be confined to a few families, and that no equivalent canbe given by any earthly power, any more than a dead carcass can berecovered to life by a cordial. 

There is one comfortable circumstance in this universal opposition toMr. Wood, that the people sent over hither from England to fill up ourvacancies ecclesiastical, civil and military, are all on our side:Money, the great divider of the world, hath by a strange revolution, been the great uniter of a most divided people. Who would leave ahundred pounds a year in England (a country of freedom) to be paid athousand in Ireland out of Wood's exchequer. The gentleman they havelately made primate[17] would never quit his seat in an English House ofLords, and his preferments at Oxford and Bristol, worth twelve hundredpounds a year, for four times the denomination here, but not half thevalue; therefore I expect to hear he will be as good an Irishman, uponthis article, as any of his brethren, or even of us who have had themisfortune to be born in this island. For those, who, in the commonphrase, do not "come hither to learn the language, " would never change abetter country for a worse, to receive brass instead of gold. 

[Footnote 17: Hugh Boulter (1672-1742) was appointed Archbishop ofArmagh, August 31st, 1724. He had been a fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford, and had served the King as chaplain in Hanover, in 1719. In thislatter year he was promoted to the Bishopric of Bristol, and the Deaneryof Christ Church, Oxford. His appointment as Primate of Ireland, was inaccordance with Walpole's plan for governing Ireland from England. Walpole had no love for Carteret, and no faith in his power orwillingness to aid him in his policy. Indeed, Carteret was sent toIreland to be got out of the way. He was governor nominally; the realgovernor being Walpole in the person of the new Primate. What wereBoulter's instructions may be gathered from the manner in which hecarried out his purpose. Of a strong character and of untiring energy, Boulter set about his work in a fashion which showed that Walpole hadchosen well. Nothing of any importance that transpired in Ireland, nofact of any interest about the individuals in office, no movement of anysuspected or suspicious person escaped his vigilance. His letterstestify to an unabating zeal for the English government of Irish affairsby Englishmen in the English interest. His perseverance knew noobstacles; he continued against all difficulties in his dogged and yetable manner to establish some order out of the chaos of Ireland'scondition. But his government was the outcome of a profound convictionthat only in the interest of England should Ireland be governed. IfIreland could be made prosperous and contented, so much more good wouldaccrue to England. But that prosperity and that contentment had nothingwhatever to do with safeguarding Irish institutions, or recognizing therights of the Irish people. If he gave way to popular opinion at all, itwas because it was either expedient or beneficial to the Englishinterest. If he urged, as he did, the founding of Protestant Charterschools, it was because this would strengthen the English power. Topreserve that he obtained the enactment of a statute which excludedRoman Catholics from the legal profession and the offices of legaladministration; and another act of his making actually disfranchisedthem altogether. Boulter was also a member of the Irish Privy Council, and Lord Justice of Ireland. The latter office he held under thevice-regencies of Carteret, Dorset and Devonshire. His secretary, Ambrose Philips, had been connected with him, in earlier years, incontributing to a periodical entitled, "The Free Thinker, " whichappeared in 1718. Philips, in 1769, supervised the publication ofBoulter's "Letters, " which were published at Oxford. [T. S. ]]

Another slander spread by Wood and his emissaries is, that by opposinghim we discover an inclination to "shake off our dependence upon thecrown of England. " Pray observe how important a person is this sameWilliam Wood, and how the public weal of two kingdoms is involved inhis private interest. First, all those who refuse to take his coin arePapists; for he tells us that "none but Papists are associated againsthim;" Secondly, they "dispute the King's prerogative;" Thirdly, "theyare ripe for rebellion, " and Fourthly, they are going to "shake offtheir dependence upon the crown of England;" That is to say, "they aregoing to choose another king;" For there can be no other meaning in thisexpression, however some may pretend to strain it. 

And this gives me an opportunity of explaining, to those who areignorant, another point, which hath often swelled in my breast. Thosewho come over hither to us from England, and some weak people amongourselves, whenever in discourse we make mention of liberty andproperty, shake their heads, and tell us, that Ireland is a "dependingkingdom, " as if they would seem, by this phrase, to intend that thepeople of Ireland is in some state of slavery or dependence differentfrom those of England; Whereas a "depending kingdom" is a modern term ofart, unknown, as I have heard, to all ancient civilians, and writersupon government; and Ireland is on the contrary called in some statutesan "imperial crown, " as held only from God; which is as high a style asany kingdom is capable of receiving. Therefore by this expression, a"depending kingdom, " there is no more understood than that by a statutemade here in the 33d year of Henry 8th. "The King and his successors areto be kings imperial of this realm as united and knit to the imperialcrown of England. " I have looked over all the English and Irish statuteswithout finding any law that makes Ireland depend upon England, any morethan England does upon Ireland. We have indeed obliged ourselves to havethe same king with them, and consequently they are obliged to have thesame king with us. For the law was made by our own Parliament, and ourancestors then were not such fools (whatever they were in the precedingreign) to bring themselves under I know not what dependence, which isnow talked of without any ground of law, reason or common sense. [18]

[Footnote 18: This was the passage selected by the government upon whichto found its prosecution. As Sir Walter Scott points out, it "containsthe pith and essence of the whole controversy. " [T. S. ]]

Let whoever think otherwise, I M. B. Drapier, desire to be excepted, [19]for I declare, next under God, I _depend_ only on the King my sovereign, and on the laws of my own country; and I am so far from _depending_ uponthe people of England, that if they should ever rebel against mysovereign (which God forbid) I would be ready at the first command fromHis Majesty to take arms against them, as some of _my_ countrymen didagainst _theirs_ at Preston. And if such a rebellion should prove sosuccessful as to fix the Pretender on the throne of England, I wouldventure to transgress that statute so far as to lose every drop of myblood to hinder him from being King of Ireland. [20]

[Footnote 19: For a humorous story which accounts for Swift's use of thewords "desire to be excepted, " see the Drapier's sixth letter. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 20: Great offence was taken at this paragraph. Swift refers toit again in his sixth letter. Sir Henry Craik, in his "Life of JonathanSwift" (vol. Ii. , p. 74), has an acute note on this paragraph, and theone already alluded to in the sixth letter. I take the liberty oftranscribing it: "The manoeuvre by which Swift managed to associate asuspicion of Jacobitism with his opponents, is one peculiarlycharacteristic; and so is the skill with which, in the next letter, hemeets the objections to this paragraph, by half offering an extent ofsubmission that might equally be embarrassing--a submission even toJacobitism, if Jacobitism were to become strong enough. He does notcommit himself, however: he fears a 'spiteful interpretation. ' In short, he places the English Cabinet on the horns of a dilemma. 'Am I to resistJacobitism? Then what becomes of your doctrine of Ireland's dependency?'or, 'Am I to become a Jacobite, if England bids me? Then what becomes ofyour Protestant succession? Must even that give way to your desire totyrannize?'" [T. S. ]]

'Tis true indeed, that within the memory of man, the Parliaments ofEngland have sometimes assumed the power of binding this kingdom by lawsenacted there, [21] wherein they were at first openly opposed (as far astruth, reason and justice are capable of opposing) by the famous Mr. Molineux, [22] an English gentleman born here, as well as by several ofthe greatest patriots, and best Whigs in England; but the love andtorrent of power prevailed. Indeed the arguments on both sides wereinvincible. For in reason, all government without the consent of thegoverned is the very definition of slavery: But in fact, eleven men wellarmed will certainly subdue one single man in his shirt. But I havedone. For those who have used power to cramp liberty have gone so far asto resent even the liberty of complaining, although a man upon the rackwas never known to be refused the liberty of roaring as loud as hethought fit. 

[Footnote 21: Particularly in the reign of William III. , when thisdoctrine of English supremacy was assumed, in order to discredit theauthority of the Irish Parliament summoned by James II. [S. ]

See note on Poyning's Law, p. 77. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 22: See note on p. 167. [T. S. ]]

And as we are apt to sink too much under unreasonable fears, so we aretoo soon inclined to be raised by groundless hopes (according to thenature of all consumptive bodies like ours) thus, it hath been givenabout for several days past, that somebody in England empowered a secondsomebody to write to a third somebody here to assure us, that we "shouldno more be troubled with those halfpence. " And this is reported to havebeen done by the same person, who was said to have sworn some monthsago, that he would "ram them down our throats" (though I doubt theywould stick in our stomachs) but whichever of these reports is true orfalse, it is no concern of ours. For in this point we have nothing to dowith English ministers, and I should be sorry it lay in their power toredress this grievance or to enforce it: For the "Report of theCommittee" hath given me a surfeit. The remedy is wholly in your ownhands, and therefore I have digressed a little in order to refresh andcontinue that spirit so seasonably raised amongst you, and to let yousee that by the laws of GOD, of NATURE, of NATIONS, and of your ownCOUNTRY, you ARE and OUGHT to be as FREE a people as your brethren inEngland. 

If the pamphlets published at London by Wood and his journeymen indefence of his cause, were reprinted here, and that our countrymen couldbe persuaded to read them, they would convince you of his wicked designmore than all I shall ever be able to say. In short I make him a perfectsaint in comparison of what he appears to be from the writings of thosewhom he hires to justify his project. But he is so far master of thefield (let others guess the reason) that no London printer dare publishany paper written in favour of Ireland, and here nobody hath yet been sobold as to publish anything in favour of him. 

There was a few days ago a pamphlet sent me of near 50 pages written infavour of Mr. Wood and his coinage, printed in London; it is not worthanswering, because probably it will never be published here: But it gaveme an occasion to reflect upon an unhappiness we lie under, that thepeople of England are utterly ignorant of our case, which however is nowonder, since it is a point they do not in the least concern themselvesabout, farther than perhaps as a subject of discourse in a coffee-housewhen they have nothing else to talk of. For I have reason to believethat no minister ever gave himself the trouble of reading any paperswritten in our defence, because I suppose their opinions are alreadydetermined, and are formed wholly upon the reports of Wood and hisaccomplices; else it would be impossible that any man could have theimpudence to write such a pamphlet as I have mentioned. 

Our neighbours whose understandings are just upon a level with ours(which perhaps are none of the brightest) have a strong contempt formost nations, but especially for Ireland: They look upon us as a sort ofsavage Irish, whom our ancestors conquered several hundred years ago, and if I should describe the Britons to you as they were in Caesar'stime, when they painted their bodies, or clothed themselves with theskins of beasts, I would act full as reasonably as they do: However theyare so far to be excused in relation to the present subject, that, hearing only one side of the cause, and having neither opportunity norcuriosity to examine the other, they believe a lie merely for theirease, and conclude, because Mr. Wood pretends to have power, he hathalso reason on his side. 

Therefore to let you see how this case is represented in England by Woodand his adherents, I have thought it proper to extract out of thatpamphlet a few of those notorious falsehoods in point of fact andreasoning contained therein; the knowledge whereof will confirm mycountrymen in their own right sentiments, when they will see bycomparing both, how much their enemies are in the wrong. 

First, The writer, positively asserts, "That Wood's halfpence werecurrent among us for several months with the universal approbation ofall people, without one single gainsayer, and we all to a man thoughtourselves happy in having them. "

Secondly, He affirms, "That we were drawn into a dislike of them only bysome cunning evil-designing men among us, who opposed this patent ofWood to get another for themselves. "

Thirdly, That "those who most declared at first against Wood's patentwere the very men who intended to get another for their own advantage. "

Fourthly, That "our Parliament and Privy-council, the Lord Mayor andaldermen of Dublin, the grand juries and merchants, and in short thewhole kingdom, nay the very dogs" (as he expresseth it) "were fond ofthose halfpence, till they were inflamed by those few designing personsaforesaid. "

Fifthly, He says directly, That "all those who opposed the halfpencewere Papists and enemies to King George. "

Thus far I am confident the most ignorant among you can safely swearfrom your own knowledge that the author is a most notorious liar inevery article; the direct contrary being so manifest to the wholekingdom, that if occasion required, we might get it confirmed under fivehundred thousand hands. 

Sixthly, He would persuade us, that "if we sell five shillings worth ofour goods or manufactures for two shillings and fourpence worth ofcopper, although the copper were melted down, and that we could get fiveshillings in gold or silver for the said goods, yet to take the said twoshillings and fourpence in copper would be greatly for our advantage. "

And Lastly, He makes us a very fair offer, as empowered by Wood, that"if we will take off two hundred thousand pounds in his halfpence forour goods, and likewise pay him three _per cent_. Interest for thirtyyears, for an hundred and twenty thousand pounds (at which he computesthe coinage above the intrinsic value of the copper) for the loan of hiscoin, he, will after that time give us good money for what halfpencewill be then left. "

Let me place this offer in as clear a light as I can to shew theunsupportable villainy and impudence of that incorrigible wretch. First(says he) "I will send two hundred thousand pounds of my coin into yourcountry, the copper I compute to be in real value eighty thousandpounds, and I charge you with an hundred and twenty thousand pounds forthe coinage; so that you see I lend you an hundred and twenty thousandpounds for thirty years, for which you shall pay me three _per cent_. That is to say three thousand six hundred pounds _per ann_. Which inthirty years will amount to an hundred and eight thousand pounds. Andwhen these thirty years are expired, return me my copper and I will giveyou good money for it. "

This is the proposal made to us by Wood in that pamphlet written by oneof his commissioners; and the author is supposed to be the same infamousColeby one of his under-swearers at the committee of council, who wastried for robbing the treasury here, where he was an under-clerk. [23]

[Footnote 23: See note on p. 61. [T. S. ]]

By this proposal he will first receive two hundred thousand pounds, ingoods or sterling for as much copper as he values at eighty thousandpounds, but in reality not worth thirty thousand pounds. Secondly, Hewill receive for interest an hundred and eight thousand pounds. And whenour children came thirty years hence to return his halfpence upon hisexecutors (for before that time he will be probably gone to his ownplace) those executors will very reasonably reject them as raps andcounterfeits, which probably they will be, and millions of them of hisown coinage. 

Methinks I am fond of such a dealer as this who mends every day upon ourhands, like a Dutch reckoning, where if you dispute the unreasonablenessand exorbitance of the bill, the landlord shall bring it up every timewith new additions. 

Although these and the like pamphlets published by Wood in London bealtogether unknown here, where nobody could read them without as muchindignation as contempt would allow, yet I thought it proper to give youa specimen how the man employs his time, where he rides alone withoutone creature to contradict him, while our FEW FRIENDS there wonder atour silence, and the English in general, if they think of this matter atall, impute our refusal to wilfulness or disaffection, just as Wood andhis hirelings are pleased to represent. 

But although our arguments are not suffered to be printed in England, yet the consequence will be of little moment. Let Wood endeavour topersuade the people there that we ought to receive his coin, and let meconvince our people here that they ought to reject it under pain of ourutter undoing. And then let him do his best and his worst. 

Before I conclude, I must beg leave in all humility to tell Mr. Wood, that he is guilty of great indiscretion, by causing so honourable a nameas that of Mr. Walpole to be mentioned so often, and in such a manner, upon his occasion: A short paper printed at Bristol and reprinted herereports Mr. Wood to say, that he "wonders at the impudence and insolenceof the Irish in refusing his coin, and what he will do when Mr. Walpolecomes to town. " Where, by the way, he is mistaken, for it is the trueEnglish people of Ireland who refuse it, although we take it for grantedthat the Irish will do so too whenever they are asked. He orders it tobe printed in another paper, that "Mr. Walpole will cram this brass downour throats:" Sometimes it is given out that we must "either take thesehalfpence or eat our brogues, " And, in another newsletter but ofyesterday, we read that the same great man "hath sworn to make usswallow his coin in fire-balls. "

This brings to my mind the known story of a Scotchman, who receivingsentence of death, with all the circumstances of hanging, beheading, quartering, embowelling and the like, cried out, "What need all thisCOOKERY?" And I think we have reason to ask the same question; for if webelieve Wood, here is a dinner getting ready for us, and you see thebill of fare, and I am sorry the drink was forgot, which might easily besupplied with melted lead and flaming pitch. 

What vile words are these to put into the mouth of a great councillor, in high trust with His Majesty, and looked upon as a prime-minister. IfMr. Wood hath no better a manner of representing his patrons, when Icome to be a great man, he shall never be suffered to attend at mylevee. This is not the style of a great minister, it savours too much ofthe kettle and the furnace, and came entirely out of Mr. Wood's forge. 

As for the threat of making us eat our brogues, we need not be in pain;for if his coin should pass, that unpolite covering for the feet, wouldno longer be a national reproach; because then we should have neithershoe nor brogue left in the kingdom. But here the falsehood of Mr. Woodis fairly detected; for I am confident Mr. Walpole never heard of abrogue in his whole life. [24]

[Footnote 24: A biting sneer at Walpole's ignorance of Irish affairs. [T. S. ]]

As to "swallowing these halfpence in fire-balls, " it is a story equallyimprobable. For to execute this operation the whole stock of Mr. Wood'scoin and metal must be melted down and moulded into hollow balls withwild-fire, no bigger than a reasonable throat can be able to swallow. Now the metal he hath prepared, and already coined will amount at leastfifty millions of halfpence to be swallowed by a million and a half ofpeople; so that allowing two halfpence to each ball, there will be aboutseventeen balls of wild-fire a-piece to be swallowed by every person inthis kingdom, and to administer this dose, there cannot be convenientlyfewer than fifty thousand operators, allowing one operator to everythirty, which, considering the squeamishness of some stomachs and thepeevishness of young children, is but reasonable. Now, under correctionof better judgments, I think the trouble and charge of such anexperiment would exceed the profit, and therefore I take this report tobe spurious, or at least only a new scheme of Mr. Wood himself, which tomake it pass the better in Ireland he would father upon a minister ofstate. 

But I will now demonstrate beyond all contradiction that Mr. Walpole isagainst this project of Mr. Wood, and is an entire friend to Ireland, only by this one invincible argument, that he has the universal opinionof being a wise man, an able minister, and in all his proceedingspursuing the true interest of the King his master: And that as hisintegrity is above all corruption, so is his fortune above alltemptation. I reckon therefore we are perfectly safe from that corner, and shall never be under the necessity of contending with so formidablea power, but be left to possess our brogues and potatoes in peace asremote from thunder as we are from Jupiter. 

I am, My dear countrymen, Your loving fellow-subject, fellow-sufferer and humble servant. M. B. 

Oct. 13. 1724. 

SEASONABLE ADVICE TO THE GRAND JURY. 

SEASONABLE ADVICE TO THE GRAND JURY, CONCERNING THE BILL PREPARING AGAINST THE PRINTER OF THE DRAPIER'SFOURTH LETTER. 

Since a bill is preparing for the grand jury, to find against theprinter of the Drapier's last letter, there are several things maturelyto be considered by those gentlemen, before whom this bill is to come, before they determine upon it. 

FIRST, they are to consider, that the author of the said pamphlet, didwrite three other discourses on the same subject; which instead of beingcensured were universally approved by the whole nation, and were allowedto have raised, and continued that spirit among us, which hitherto hathkept out Wood's coin: For all men will allow, that if those pamphletshad not been writ, his coin must have overrun the nation some monthsago. 

SECONDLY, it is to be considered that this pamphlet, against which aproclamation hath been issued, is writ by the same author; that nobodyever doubted the innocence, and goodness of his design, that he appearsthrough the whole tenor of it, to be a loyal subject to His Majesty, anddevoted to the House of Hanover, and declares himself in a mannerpeculiarly zealous against the Pretender; And if such a writer in fourseveral treatises on so nice a subject, where a royal patent isconcerned, and where it was necessary to speak of England and ofliberty, should in one or two places happen to let fall an inadvertentexpression, it would be hard to condemn him after all the good he hathdone; Especially when we consider, that he could have no possibledesign in view, either of honour or profit, but purely the GOOD of hiscountry. 

THIRDLY, it ought to be well considered, whether any one expression inthe said pamphlet, be really liable to just exception, much less to befound "wicked, malicious, seditious, reflecting upon His Majesty and hisministry, " &c. 

The two points in that pamphlet, which it is said the prosecutors intendchiefly to fix on, are, First, where the author mentions the "penner ofthe King's answer. " First, it is well known, His Majesty is not masterof the English tongue, and therefore it is necessary that some otherperson should be employed to pen what he hath to say, or write in thatlanguage. Secondly, His Majesty's answer is not in the first person, butthe third. It is not said "WE are concerned, " or, "OUR royalpredecessors, " but "HIS MAJESTY is concerned;" and "HIS royalpredecessors. " By which it is plain these are properly not the words ofHis Majesty; but supposed to be taken from him, and transmitted hitherby one of his ministers. Thirdly it will be easily seen, that the authorof the pamphlet delivers his sentiments upon this particular, with theutmost caution and respect, as any impartial reader will observe. 

The second paragraph, which it is said will be taken notice of as amotive to find the bill, is, what the author says of Ireland being adepending kingdom. He explains all the dependency he knows of it, whichis a law made in Ireland, whereby it is enacted that "whoever is King ofEngland, shall be King of Ireland. " Before this explanation becondemned, and the bill found upon it, it would be proper, that somelawyers should fully inform the jury what other law there is, eitherstatute or common for this dependency, and if there be no law, there isno transgression. 

The Fourth thing very maturely to be considered by the jury, is, whatinfluence their finding the bill may have upon the kingdom. The peoplein general find no fault in the Drapier's last book, any more than inthe three former, and therefore when they hear it is condemned by agrand jury of Dublin, they will conclude it is done in favour of Wood'scoin, they will think we of this town have changed our minds, and intendto take those halfpence, and therefore that it will be in vain for themto stand out. So that the question comes to this, Which will be of theworst consequence, to let pass one or two expressions, at the worst onlyunwary, in a book written for the public service; or to leave a freeopen passage for Wood's brass to overrun us, by which we shall be undonefor ever. 

The fifth thing to be considered, is, that the members of the grand jurybeing merchants, and principal shopkeepers, can have no suitabletemptation offered them, as a recompense for the mischief they willsuffer by letting in this coin, nor can be at any loss or danger byrejecting the bill: They do not expect any employments in the state, tomake up in their own private advantage, the destruction of theircountry. Whereas those who go about to advise, entice, or threaten themto find that bill, have great employments, which they have a mind tokeep, or to get greater, which was likewise the case of all those whosigned to have the author prosecuted. And therefore it is known, thathis grace the Lord Archbishop of Dublin, [1] so renowned for his piety, and wisdom, and love of his country, absolutely refused to condemn thebook, or the author. 

[Footnote 1: The proclamation against the Drapier's fourth letter asgiven in Appendix IV. At the end of this volume, does not bearArchbishop King's signature. In a letter from that prelate, written onNovember 24th, 1724, to Samuel Molineux, secretary to the Prince ofWales, it appears that other persons of influence also refrained fromsanctioning it. The following is an extract from this letter as given byMonck Mason for the first time:

"A great many pamphlets have been writ about it [Wood's patent], but Iam told none of them are permitted to be printed in England. Two havecome out since my Lord Lieutenant came here, written with sobriety, modesty, and great force, in my opinion, which put the matter in a fairand clear light, though not with all the advantage of which it iscapable; four were printed before, by somebody that calleth himself aDrapier which were in a ludicrous and satyrical style; against the lastof these the Lord Lieutenant procured a proclamation, signed by 17 ofthe Council; offering £300 for discovering the author. I thought thepremium excessive, so I and three more refused to sign it, but declared, that if his excellency would secure us from the brass money, I wouldsign it, or any other, tending only to the disadvantage of privatepersons; but, till we had that security, I would look on thisproclamation no otherwise than as a step towards passing that base andmischievous coin, and designed to intimidate those who opposed thepassing it; and I declared, that I would not approve of anything thatmight countenance, or encourage such a ruinous project; that issuingsuch a proclamation would make all believe, that the government wasengaged to support Wood's pretensions, and that would neither be fortheir honour nor ease. I was not able to stop the proclamation, but myrefusing to sign it has not been without effect. " ("History of St. Patrick's, " p. 344, note n. ). [T. S. ]]

Lastly, it ought to be considered what consequence the finding the bill, may have upon a poor man perfectly innocent, I mean the printer. Alawyer may pick out expressions and make them liable to exception, whereno other man is able to find any. But how can it be supposed, that anignorant printer can be such a critic? He knew the author's design washonest, and approved by the whole kingdom, he advised with friends, whotold him there was no harm in the book, and he could see none himself. It was sent him in an unknown hand, but the same in which he receivedthe three former. He and his wife have offered to take their oaths thatthey knew not the author; and therefore to find a bill, that may bring apunishment upon the innocent, will appear very hard, to say no worse. For it will be impossible to find the author, unless he will please todiscover himself, although I wonder he ever concealed his name. But Isuppose what he did at first out of modesty, he now continues to do outof prudence. God protect us and him!

I will conclude all with a fable, ascribed to Demosthenes. He had servedthe people of Athens with great fidelity in the station of an orator, when upon a certain occasion, apprehending to be delivered over to hisenemies, he told the Athenians, his countrymen, the following story. Once upon a time the wolves desired a league with the shepherds, uponthis condition; that the cause of strife might be taken away, which wasthe shepherds and the mastiffs; this being granted, the wolves withoutall fear made havoc of the sheep. [2]

Novem. 11th, 1724. 

[Footnote 2: The advice had the desired effect. The jury returned averdict of "Ignoramus" on the bill, which so aroused Whitshed, the ChiefJustice, that he discharged them. As a comment on Whitshed's illegalprocedure, the following extract was circulated:

EXTRACT FROM A BOOK ENTITLED, "AN EXACT COLLECTION OF THE DEBATES OF THEHOUSE OF COMMONS HELD AT WESTMINSTER, OCTOBER 21, 1680, " page 150. 

_Resolutions of the House of Commons, in England, November 13, 1680. _

"Several persons being examined about the dismissing a grand jury inMiddlesex, the House came to the following resolutions:--

"_Resolved_, That the discharging of a grand-jury by any judge, beforethe end of the term, assizes, or sessions, while matters are under theirconsideration, and not presented, is arbitrary, illegal, destructive topublic justice, a manifest violation of his oath, and is a means tosubvert the fundamental laws of this kingdom. 

"_Resolved_, That a committee be appointed to examine the proceedings ofthe judges in Westminster-hall, and report the same with their opiniontherein to this House. " [T. S. ]]

LETTER V. 

A LETTER TO THE LORD CHANCELLOR MIDDLETON. 

NOTE. 

I have departed from the order given by Faulkner and the earliereditors, [1] and followed by Sir W. Scott in arranging the series of theDrapier's Letters, by adhering to a more correct chronological sequence. This letter has always been printed as the sixth Drapier's letter, but Ihave printed it here as the fifth, since it was written prior to theletter addressed to Viscount Molesworth, which has hitherto been calledthe fifth. The Molesworth letter I print here as "Letter VI. " As alreadynoted the letter to Midleton was written on the 26th October, 1724, butits first publication in print did not occur until Faulkner included itin the fourth volume of his collected edition of Swift's works, issuedin 1735. There it is signed "J. S. " and is given as from the "DeaneryHouse. " All the other letters are printed as "By M. B. Drapier. " TheAdvertisement to the Reader prefixed to the present fifth letter is fromFaulkner's edition. Probably it was printed by Faulkner under Swift'sdirection. 

[Footnote 1: Sheridan, Deane Swift, Hawkesworth and Nichols]

Swift's acquaintance with Midleton had been of long standing. TheChancellor had been an avowed opponent of the patent and yet, by hissignature to the proclamation, he seemed to be giving the weight of hisofficial position against the popular sentiment. In addressing him, Swift was endeavouring, apparently, to keep him to his original line ofaction and to destroy any influence the government party may have had onhim, since he was well aware of Carteret's insinuating charm. Midleton, however, had always stood firm against the patent. His signature to theproclamation against the Drapier was justified by him when he said thatthe Drapier's letters tended to disturbance. Carteret had really triedto win him over, but he did not succeed "While he [Midleton] expressedthe highest obligation to the Lord Lieutenant, " writes Coxe, "hedeclared that his duty to his country was paramount to every otherconsideration, and refused to give any assistance to government, untilthe patent was absolutely surrendered. "

The text here given of this letter is based on Faulkner's issue in vol. Iv. Of the 1735 edition of Swift's works. It has been collated with thatgiven in the fifth volume of the "Miscellanies, " printed in London inthe same year. 

[T. S. ]

ADVERTISEMENT TO THE READER[2]

The former of the two following papers is dated Oct. 6th 1724[3], bywhich it appears to be written a little after the proclamation againstthe author of the Drapier's Fourth Letter. It is delivered with muchcaution, because the author confesseth himself to be Dean of St. Patrick's; and I could discover his name subscribed at the end of theoriginal, although blotted out by some other hand, I can tell no otherreason why it was not printed, than what I have heard; that the writerfinding how effectually the Drapier had succeeded, and at the same timehow highly the people in power seemed to be displeased, thought it moreprudent to keep the paper in his cabinet. However, having received someencouragement to collect into one volume all papers relating to Ireland, supposed to be written by the Drapier; and knowing how favourably thatauthor's writings in this kind have been received by the public; to makethe volume more complete, [I procured a copy of the following letterfrom one of the author's friends, with whom it was left, while theauthor was in England; and][4] I have printed it as near as I could inthe order of time. 

[Footnote 2: Nichols, in the second volume of his Supplement to Swift'sWorks (1779, 8vo), prints a note on this "Advertisement, " furnished himby Bowyer. It is as follows:

"1. The first of the papers is said to be dated Oct. 6, 1724; and thatit appears from thence to be dated a little after the proclamationagainst the Drapier's fourth letter. Now the fourth letter itself isdated Oct. 23, 1724. This is a pardonable mistake anywhere, but, muchmore in a country where _going before just coming after_ is thecharacteristic dialect. But I little thought that the Dean, in his zealfor Ireland, would vouchsafe to adopt the shibboleth of it. 

"2. The Preface-writer, in the choice MS which he found, could discoverthe Dean's name subscribed at the end of the original; but _blotted out_by _some other hand_. As the former passage is a proof that theAdvertisement was drawn up in Ireland, so this affords a strongpresumption that it was under the direction of the Dean himself: for whoelse could divine that his name was struck out by another hand? Otherink it might be: but in these recent MSS. Of our age, it is the firsttime I ever heard of a blot carrying the evidence of a handwriting. Whether the Dean or the printer hit this _blot_, I shall not inquire;but lay before you the pleasant procedure of the latter upon thisdiscovery. He had got, we see, the original in the Dean's hand; but thename was obliterated. What does he, but send away to England for a copywhich might authenticate _his original_; and from such a copy the publicis favoured with it! I remember, in a cause before Sir Joseph Jekyll, aman began reading in court the title-deeds of an estate which wascontested. 'The original is a little blind, ' says he; 'I have got a veryfair copy of it, which I beg leave to go on with'--'Hold, ' says SirJoseph, 'if the original is not good, the copy can never make it so. ' Iam far, however, from accusing the printer of intending any fraud on theworld. He who tells his story so openly gives security enough for hishonesty. I can easily conceive the Advertisement might be in a goodmeasure the Dean's, who never was over-courteous to his readers, andmight for once be content to be merry with them. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 3: Misprinted by Faulkner for Oct. 26th. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 4: This portion in square brackets is not given by Faulkner inhis Advertisement. [T. S. ]]

The next treatise is called "An Address, &c. " It is without a date; butseems to be written during the first session of Parliament in LordCarteret's government. The title of this Address is in the usual form, by M. B. Drapier. There is but a small part of it that relates to WilliamWood and his coin: The rest contains several proposals for theimprovement of Ireland, the many discouragements it lies under, and whatare the best remedies against them. 

By many passages in some of the Drapier's former letters, butparticularly in the following Address, concerning the great drain ofmoney from Ireland by absentees, importation of foreign goods, balanceof trade, and the like, it appears that the author had taken much pains, and been well informed in the business of computing; all his reasoningsupon that subject, although he does not here descend to particular sums, agreeing generally with the accounts given by others who have since madethat enquiry their particular study. And it is observable, that in thisAddress, as well as in one of his printed letters, he hath specifiedseveral important articles, that have not been taken notice of by otherswho came after him. 

LETTER V. 

A LETTER TO THE LORD CHANCELLOR MIDDLETON. [5]

My Lord, I desire you will consider me as a member who comes in at thelatter end of a debate; or as a lawyer who speaks to a cause, when thematter hath been almost exhausted by those who spoke before. 

[Footnote 5: Alan Brodrick, Lord Midleton (1660?-1728), came of a Surreyfamily that had greatly benefited by the forfeitures in Ireland. Adopting the profession of the law, Brodrick was, in 1695, appointedSolicitor-General for Ireland. He sat in the Irish House of Commons asthe member for Cork, and in 1703 was chosen its Speaker. His strongopposition to the Sacramental Test Act lost him the favour of thegovernment, and he was removed from his office of Solicitor-General. In1707, however, he was appointed Attorney-General for Ireland, and in1714 made Lord Chancellor. In the year following he was created BaronBrodrick of Midleton. His trimming with Walpole and Carteret did not, however, prevent him from opposing the Wood's patent, though he signedthe proclamation against the Drapier. He thought the letters served to"create jealousies between the King and the people of Ireland. " [T. S. ]]

I remember some months ago I was at your house upon a commission, whereI am one of the governors: But I went thither not so much on account ofthe commission, as to ask you some questions concerning Mr. Wood'spatent to coin halfpence for Ireland; where you very freely told me, ina mixed company, how much you had been always against that wickedproject, which raised in me an esteem for you so far, that I went in afew days to make you a visit, after many years' intermission. I amlikewise told, that your son wrote two letters from London, (one ofwhich I have seen) empowering those to whom they were directed, toassure his friends, that whereas there was a malicious report spread ofhis engaging himself to Mr. Walpole for forty thousand pounds of Wood'scoin, to be received in Ireland, the said report was false andgroundless; and he had never discoursed with that minister on thesubject; nor would ever give his consent to have one farthing of thesaid coin current here. And although it be long since I have givenmyself the trouble of conversing with people of titles or stations; yetI have been told by those who can take up with such amusements, thatthere is not a considerable person of the kingdom, scrupulous in anysort to declare his opinion. But all this is needless to allege, when weconsider, that the ruinous consequences of Wood's patent, have been sostrongly represented by both Houses of Parliament; by the Privy-council;the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of Dublin; by so many corporations; and theconcurrence of the principal gentlemen in most counties, at theirquarter-sessions, without any regard to party, religion, or nation. 

I conclude from hence, that the currency of these halfpence would, inthe universal opinion of our people, be utterly destructive to thiskingdom; and consequently, that it is every man's duty, not only torefuse this coin himself, but as far as in him lies, to persuade othersto do the like: And whether this be done in private or in print, is alla case: As no layman is forbid to write, or to discourse upon religiousor moral subjects; although he may not do it in a pulpit (at least inour church). Neither is this an affair of state, until authority shallthink fit to declare it so: Or if you should understand it in thatsense; yet you will please to consider that I am not now a preaching. 

Therefore, I do think it my duty, since the Drapier will probably be nomore heard of, so far to supply his place, as not to incur his fortune:For I have learnt from old experience, that there are times wherein aman ought to be cautious as well as innocent. I therefore hope, thatpreserving both those characters, I may be allowed, by offering newarguments or enforcing old ones, to refresh the memory of myfellow-subjects, and keep up that good spirit raised among them; topreserve themselves from utter ruin by lawful means, and such as arepermitted by his Majesty. 

I believe you will please to allow me two propositions: First, that weare a most loyal people; and, Secondly, that we are a free people, inthe common acceptation of that word applied to a subject under alimited monarch. I know very well, that you and I did many years agoin discourse differ much, in the presence of Lord Wharton, about themeaning of that word _liberty_, with relation to Ireland. But if youwill not allow us to be a free people, there is only another appellationleft; which, I doubt, my Lord Chief Justice Whitshed would call me to anaccount for, if I venture to bestow: For, I observed, and I shall neverforget upon what occasion, the device upon his coach to be _Libertas etnatale solum;_ at the very point of time when he was sitting in hiscourt, and perjuring himself to betray both. [6]

[Footnote 6: On this motto of Whitshed's Swift wrote the followingpoetical paraphrase:

"_Libertas et natale solum:_Fine words! I wonder where you stole 'em. Could nothing but thy chief reproachServe for a motto on thy coach?But let me now thy words translate:_Natale solum, _ my estate;My dear estate, how well I love it, My tenants, if you doubt, will prove it, They swear I am so kind and good, I hug them till I squeeze their blood. _Libertas_ bears a large import:First, how to swagger in a court;And, secondly, to shew my furyAgainst an uncomplying jury;And, thirdly, 'tis a new invention, To favour Wood, and keep my pension;And, fourthly, 'tis to play an odd trick, Get the great seal and turn out Broderick;And, fifthly, (you know whom I mean, )To humble that vexatious Dean:And, sixthly, for my soul to barter itFor fifty times its worth to Carteret. Now since your motto thus you construe, I must confess you've spoken once true. _Libertas et natale solum_. You had good reason when you stole 'em. "

[T. S. ]]

Now, as for our loyalty, to His present Majesty; if it hath ever beenequalled in any other part of his dominions; I am sure it hath neverbeen exceeded: And I am confident he hath not a minister in England whocould ever call it once in question: But that some hard rumours at leasthave been transmitted from t'other side the water, I suppose you willnot doubt: and rumours of the severest kind; which many good people haveimputed to the indirect proceeding of Mr. Wood and his emissaries; as ifhe endeavoured it should be thought that our loyalty depended upon thetest of refusing or taking his copper. Now, as I am sure you will admitus to be a loyal people; so you will think it pardonable in us to hopefor all proper marks of favour and protection from so gracious a King, that a loyal and free people can expect: Among which, we all agree inreckoning this to be one; that Wood's halfpence may never have entranceinto this kingdom. And this we shall continue to wish, when we dare nolonger express our wishes; although there were no such mortal as aDrapier in the world. 

I am heartily sorry, that any writer should, in a cause so generallyapproved, give occasion to the government and council to charge him withparagraphs "highly reflecting upon His Majesty and his ministers;tending to alienate the affections of his good subjects in England andIreland from each other; and to promote sedition among the people. "[7] Imust confess, that with many others, I thought he meant well; althoughhe might have the failing of better writers, to be not always fortunatein the manner of expressing himself. 

[Footnote 7: Swift here quotes the words of the proclamation issuedagainst the fourth Drapier's Letter. See Appendix IV. [T. S. ]]

However, since the Drapier is but one man, I shall think I do a publicservice, by asserting that the rest of my countrymen are wholly freefrom learning out of _his_ pamphlets to reflect on the King or hisministers, to breed sedition. 

I solemnly declare, that I never once heard the least reflection castupon the King, on the subject of Mr. Wood's coin: For in many discourseson this matter, I do not remember His Majesty's name to be so much asmentioned. As to the ministry in England, the only two persons hinted atwere the Duke of Grafton, and Mr. Walpole:[8] The former, as I haveheard you and a hundred others affirm, declared, that he never saw thepatent in favour of Mr. Wood, before it was passed, although he werethen lord lieutenant: And therefore I suppose everybody believes, thathis grace hath been wholly unconcerned in it since. 

[Footnote 8: Walpole was created a Knight of the Bath in 1724, when thatorder was revived. In 1726 he was installed Knight of the Order of theGarter, being the only commoner who had been so distinguished since thereign of James I. , except Admiral Montague, afterwards Earl of Sandwich. He had been offered a peerage in 1723, but declined it for himself, accepting it for his son, who was created Baron Walpole of Walpole, inNorfolk. [T. S. ]]

Mr. Walpole was indeed supposed to be understood by the letter W. Inseveral newspapers; where it is said, that some expressions fell fromhim not very favourable to the people of Ireland; for the truth ofwhich, the kingdom is not to answer, any more than for the discretion ofthe publishers. You observe, the Drapier wholly clears Mr. Walpole ofthis charge, by very strong arguments and speaks of him with civility. Icannot deny myself to have been often present, where the company gavethen opinion, that Mr. Walpole favoured Mr. Wood's project, which Ialways contradicted; and for my own part, never once opened my lipsagainst that minister, either in mixed or particular meetings: And myreason for this reservedness was, because it pleased him, in the Queen'stime (I mean Queen Anne of ever blessed memory) to make a speechdirectly against me, by name, in the House of Commons, as I was told avery few minutes after, in the Court of Requests, by more than fiftymembers. 

But you, who are in a great station here, (if anything here may becalled great) cannot be ignorant, that whoever is understood by publicvoice to be chief minister, will, among the general talkers, share theblame, whether justly or no, of every thing that is disliked; which Icould easily make appear in many instances, from my own knowledge, whileI was in the world; and particularly in the case of the greatest, thewisest, and the most uncorrupt minister, I ever conversed with. [9]

[Footnote 9: Robert Harley, Earl of Oxford. [T. S. ]]

But, whatever unpleasing opinion some people might conceive of Mr. Walpole, on account of those halfpence; I dare boldly affirm, it wasentirely owing to Mr. Wood. Many persons of credit, come from England, have affirmed to me, and others, that they have seen letters under hishand, full of arrogance and insolence towards Ireland; and boasting ofhis favour with Mr. Walpole; which is highly probable: Because hereasonably thought it for his interest to spread such a report; andbecause it is the known talent of low and little spirits, to have agreat man's name perpetually in their mouths. [10]

[Footnote 10: See Coxe's "Memoirs of Walpole" (vol. I. , cap. 26, p. 389, ed. 1800), where Wood is blamed for his indiscretion on this matter. Seealso note prefixed to the Drapier's First Letter in the present edition. [T. S. ]]

Thus I have sufficiently justified the people of Ireland, from learningany bad lessons out of the Drapier's pamphlets, with regard to HisMajesty and his ministers: And, therefore, if those papers were intendedto sow sedition among us, God be thanked, the seeds have fallen upon avery improper soil. 

As to alienating the affections of the people of England and Irelandfrom each other; I believe, the Drapier, whatever his intentions were, hath left that matter just as he found it. 

I have lived long in both kingdoms, as well in country as in town; andtherefore, take myself to be as well informed as most men, in thedispositions of each people toward the other. By the people, Iunderstand here, only the bulk of the common people; and I desire nolawyer may distort or extend my meaning. 

There is a vein of industry and parsimony, that runs through the wholepeople of England; which, added to the easiness of their rents, makesthem rich and sturdy. As to Ireland, they know little more than they doof Mexico; further than that it is a country subject to the King ofEngland, full of bogs, inhabited by wild Irish Papists; who are kept inawe by mercenary troops sent from thence: And their general opinion is, that it were better for England if this whole island were sunk into thesea; for, they have a tradition, that every forty years there must be arebellion in Ireland. I have seen the grossest suppositions pass uponthem; "that the wild Irish were taken in toils; but that, in some time, they would grow so tame, as to eat out of your hands:" I have beenasked by hundreds, and particularly by my neighbours, your tenants, atPepper-harrow; "whether I had come from Ireland by sea:" And, upon thearrival of an Irishman to a country town, I have known crowds comingabout him, and wondering to see him look so much better than themselves. 

A gentleman now in Dublin, affirms, "that passing some months agothrough Northampton, and finding the whole town in a flurry, with bells, bonfires, and illuminations, upon asking the cause, was told, it was forjoy, that the Irish had submitted to receive Wood's halfpence. " This, Ithink, plainly shews what sentiments that large town hath of us; and howlittle they made it their own case; although they be directly in our wayto London, and therefore, cannot but be frequently convinced that wehave human shapes. 

As to the people of this kingdom, they consist either of Irish Papists;who are as inconsiderable, in point of power, as the women and children;or of English Protestants, who love their brethren of that kingdom;although they may possibly sometimes complain, when they think they arehardly used: However, I confess, I do not see any great consequence, howtheir personal affections stand to each other, while the sea dividesthem, and while they continue in their loyalty to the same prince. Andyet, I will appeal to you; whether those from England have reason tocomplain, when they come hither in pursuit of their fortunes? Or, whether the people of Ireland have reason to boast, when they go toEngland on the same design?

My second proposition was, that we of Ireland are a free people: This, Isuppose, you will allow; at least, with certain limitations remaining inyour own breast. However, I am sure it is not criminal to affirm;because the words "liberty" and "property, " as applied to the subject, are often mentioned in both houses of Parliament, as well as in yours, and other courts below; from whence it must follow, that the people ofIreland do, or ought to enjoy all the benefits of the common and statutelaw; such as to be tried by juries, to pay no money without their ownconsent, as represented in Parliament; and the like. If this be so, andif it be universally agreed, that a free people cannot, by law, becompelled to take any money in payment, except gold and silver; I donot see why any man should be hindered from cautioning his countrymenagainst this coin of William Wood; who is endeavouring by fraud to robus of that property, which the laws have secured. If I am mistaken, andthat this copper can be obtruded on us; I would put the Drapier's casein another light, by supposing, that a person going into his shop, should agree for thirty shillings' worth of goods, and force the sellerto take his payment in a parcel of copper pieces, intrinsically notworth above a crown: I desire to know, whether the Drapier would not beactually robbed of five and twenty shillings, and how far he could besaid to be master of his property? The same question may be applied torents and debts, on bond or mortgage, and to all kind of commercewhatsoever. 

Give me leave to do what the Drapier hath done more than once before me;which is, to relate the naked fact, as it stands in the view of theworld. 

One William Wood, Esq; and hardware-man, obtains, by fraud, a patent inEngland, to coin 108, 000_l. _ in copper, to pass in Ireland, leaving usliberty to take, or to refuse. The people here, in all sorts of bodiesand representatives, do openly and heartily declare, that they will notaccept this coin: To justify these declarations, they generally offertwo reasons; first, because by the words of the patent, they are left totheir own choice: And secondly, because they are not obliged by law: Sothat here you see there is, _bellum atgue virum_, a kingdom on one side, and William Wood on the other. And if Mr. Wood gets the victory, at theexpense of Ireland's ruin, and the profit of one or two hundred thousandpounds (I mean by continuing, and counterfeiting as long as he lives)for himself; I doubt, both present and future ages will, at least, thinkit a very singular scheme. 

If this fact be truly stated; I must confess, I look upon it as my duty, so far as God hath enabled me, and as long as I keep within the boundsof truth, of duty, and of decency, to warn my fellow-subjects, as theyvalue their King, their country, and all that ought or can be dear tothem, never to admit this pernicious coin; no not so much as one singlehalfpenny. For, if one single thief forces the door, it is in vain totalk of keeping out the whole crew behind. 

And, while I shall be thus employed, I will never give myself leave tosuppose, that what I say can either offend my Lord Lieutenant; whoseperson and great qualities I have always highly respected; (as I am surehis excellency will be my witness) or the ministers in England, withwhom I have nothing to do, or they with me; much less the Privy-councilhere, who, as I am informed, did send an address to His Majesty againstMr. Wood's coin; which, if it be a mistake, I desire I may not beaccused for a spreader of false news: But, I confess, I am so great astranger to affairs, that for anything I know, the whole body of thecouncil may since have been changed: And, although I observed some ofthe very same names in a late declaration against that coin, which I sawsubscribed to the proclamation against the Drapier; yet possibly theymay be different persons; for they are utterly unknown to me, and arelike to continue so. 

In this controversy, where the reasoners on each side are divided by St. George's Channel, His Majesty's prerogative, perhaps, would not havebeen mentioned; if Mr. Wood, and his advocates, had not made itnecessary, by giving out, that the currency of his coin should beenforced by a proclamation. The traders and common people of thekingdom, were heartily willing to refuse this coin; but the fear of aproclamation brought along with it most dreadful apprehensions. It wastherefore, absolutely necessary for the Drapier, to remove thisdifficulty; and accordingly, in one of his former pamphlets, he hathproduced invincible arguments, (wherever he picked them up) that theKing's prerogative was not at all concerned in the matter; since the lawhad sufficiently provided against any coin to be imposed upon thesubject, except gold and silver; and that copper is not money, but as ithath been properly called _nummorum famulus_. 

The three former letters from the Drapier, having not received anypublic censure, I look upon them to be without exception; and that thegood people of the kingdom ought to read them often, in order to keep upthat spirit raised against this destructive coin of Mr. Wood: As forthis last letter, against which a proclamation is issued; I shall onlysay, that I could wish it were stripped of all that can be any wayexceptionable; which I would not think it below me to undertake, if myabilities were equal; but being naturally somewhat slow ofcomprehension; no lawyer, and apt to believe the best of those whoprofess good designs, without any visible motive either of profit orhonour; I might pore for ever, without distinguishing the cockle fromthe corn. 

That which, I am told, gives greatest offence in this last letter, iswhere the Drapier affirms; "that if a rebellion should prove sosuccessful, as to fix the Pretender on the throne of England, he wouldventure so far to transgress the Irish statute, (which unites Ireland toEngland under one King) as to lose every drop of his blood, to hinderhim from being King of Ireland. "

I shall not presume to vindicate any man, who openly declares he wouldtransgress a statute; and a statute of such importance: But, with themost humble submission, and desire of pardon for a very innocentmistake, I should be apt to think that the loyal intention of thewriter, might be at least some small extenuation of his crime. For, inthis I confess myself to think with the Drapier. 

I have not hitherto been told of any other objections against thatpamphlet; but, I suppose, they will all appear at the prosecution of theDrapier. And, I think, whoever in his own conscience believes the saidpamphlet to be "wicked and malicious, seditious and scandalous, highlyreflecting upon His Majesty and his ministers, &c. " would do well todiscover the author, (as little a friend as I am to the trade ofinformers) although the reward of 300_l_. Had not been tacked to thediscovery. I own, it would be a great satisfaction to me, to hear thearguments not only of judges, but of lawyers, upon this case. Because, you cannot but know, there often happens occasions, wherein it would bevery convenient, that the bulk of the people should be informed how theyought to conduct themselves; and therefore, it hath been the wisdom ofthe English Parliaments, to be very reserved in limiting the press. Whena bill is debating in either House of Parliament there, nothing is moreusual, than to have the controversy handled by pamphlets on both sides;without the least animadversion upon the authors. 

So here, in the case of Mr. Wood and his coin; since the two Housesgave their opinion by addresses, how dangerous the currency of thatcopper would be to Ireland; it was, without all question, both lawfuland convenient, that the bulk of the people should be let moreparticularly into the nature of the danger they were in; and of theremedies that were in their own power, if they would have the sense toapply them; and this cannot be more conveniently done, than byparticular persons, to whom God hath given zeal and understandingsufficient for such an undertaking. Thus it happened in the case of thatdestructive project for a bank in Ireland, which was brought intoParliament a few years ago; and it was allowed, that the arguments andwritings of some without doors, contributed very much to reject it. [11]

[Footnote 11: Swift himself assisted in writing against this"destructive project" in a series of pamphlets (see vol. Vii. ). Thearguments for and against the bank were thoroughly discussed by HerculesRowley and Henry Maxwell in a series of controversial letters againsteach other. [T. S. ]]

Now, I should be heartily glad if some able lawyers would prescribe thelimits, how far a private man may venture in delivering his thoughtsupon public matters: Because a true lover of his country, may think ithard to be a quiet stander-by, and an indolent looker-on, while a publicerror prevails; by which a whole nation may be ruined. Every man whoenjoys property, hath some share in the public; and therefore, the careof the public is, in some degree, every such man's concern. 

To come to particulars, I could wish to know, Whether it be utterlyunlawful in any writer so much as to mention the prerogative; at leastso far as to bring it into doubt, upon any point whatsoever? I know itis often debated in Westminster-hall; and Sir Edward Coke, as well asother eminent lawyers, do frequently handle that subject in their books. 

Secondly, How far the prerogative extends to force coin upon thesubject, which is not sterling; such as lead, brass, copper, mixt metal, shells, leather, or any other material; and fix upon it whateverdenomination the crown shall think fit?

Thirdly, What is really and truly meant by that phrase of "a dependingkingdom, " as applied to Ireland; and wherein that dependency consisteth?

Lastly, In what points relating to liberty and property, the people ofIreland differ, or at least ought to differ, from those of England?

If these particulars were made so clear, that none could mistake them, it would be of infinite ease and use to the kingdom; and either preventor silence all discontents. 

My Lord Somers, the greatest man I ever knew of your robe; and whosethoughts of Ireland differed as far as heaven and earth, from those ofsome others among his brethren here; lamented to me, that theprerogative of the Crown, or the privileges of Parliament, should everbe liable to dispute, in any single branch of either; by which means, hesaid, the public often suffered great inconveniences; whereof he gave meseveral instances. I produce the authority of so eminent a person, tojustify my desires, that some high points might be cleared. 

For want of such known ascertainment, how far a writer may proceed inexpressing his good wishes for his country; a person of the mostinnocent intentions, may possibly, by the oratory and comments oflawyers, be charged with many crimes, which from his very soul heabhors; and consequently may be ruined in his fortunes, and left to rotamong thieves in some stinking jail; merely for mistaking the purlieusof the law. I have known, in my lifetime, a printer prosecuted andconvicted, for publishing a pamphlet; where the author's intentions, Iam confident, were as good and innocent, as those of a martyr at hislast prayers. [12] I did very lately, as I thought it my duty, preach tothe people under my inspection, upon the subject of Mr. Wood's coin; andalthough I never heard that my sermon gave the least offence, as I amsure none was intended; yet, if it were now printed and published, Icannot say, I would ensure it from the hands of the common hangman; ormy own person from those of a messenger. [13]

[Footnote 12: Supposed to be "A proposal for the universal use of Irishmanufactures, " written by the author. [F. ]]

[Footnote 13: The reference here is to Swift's sermon on "Doing Good. "See Swift's Works, vol. Iv. , p. 181, present edition. [T. S. ]]

I have heard the late Chief Justice Holt[14]affirm, that in all criminalcases, the most favourable interpretation should be put upon words, thatthey can possibly bear. You meet the same position asserted in manytrials, for the greatest crimes; though often very ill practised, by theperpetual corruption of judges. And I remember, at a trial in Kent, where Sir George Rook[15] was indicted for calling a gentleman knave andvillain; the lawyer for the defendant brought off his client, byalleging, that the words were not injurious; for, _knave_ in the old andtrue signification, imported only a servant; and _villain_ in Latin, is_villicus_; which is no more than a man employed in country labour; orrather a bailiff. 

[Footnote 14: Sir John Holt (1642-1710) held the recordership of London, in 1685, and was appointed Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench in1688. In the celebrated case, Ashby _v. _. White, Holt strongly upheldthe rights of the voter as against the House of Commons. He wasdistinguished, in his time, for the fair and impartial hearing he alwaysaccorded a prisoner, and he even personally assisted the accused incases where the law did not allow him to be represented by counsel. Manyof Holt's opinions did become "standard maxims. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 15: Admiral Sir George Rooke (1650-1709), who, withRear-Admiral Byng, captured Gibraltar in 1704. [T. S. ]]

If Sir John Holt's opinion were a standard maxim for all times andcircumstances, any writer, with a very small measure of discretion, might easily be safe; but, I doubt, in practice it hath been frequentlycontrolled, at least before his time; for I take it to be an old rule inlaw. 

I have read, or heard, a passage of Signor Leti, an Italian; who beingin London, busying himself with writing the History of England, toldKing Charles the Second, that he endeavoured as much as he could toavoid giving offence, but found it a thing impossible; although heshould have been as wise as Solomon: The King answered, that if thiswere the case, he had better employ his time in writing proverbs asSolomon did: But Leti lay under no public necessity of writing; neitherwould England have been one halfpenny the better, or the worse, whetherhe writ or no. 

This I mention, because I know it will readily be objected, "What haveprivate men to do with the public? What call had a Drapier to turnpolitician, to meddle in matters of state? Would not his time have beenbetter employed in looking to his shop; or his pen in writing proverbs, elegies, ballads, garlands, and wonders? He would then have been out ofall danger of proclamations, and prosecutions. Have we not ablemagistrates and counsellors hourly watching over the public weal?" Allthis may be true: And yet, when the addresses from both Houses ofParliament, against Mr. Wood's halfpence, failed of success; if some penhad not been employed, to inform the people how far they might legallyproceed, in refusing that coin, to detect the fraud, the artifice, andinsolence of the coiner; and to lay open the most ruinous consequencesto the whole kingdom; which would inevitably follow from the currency ofthe said coin; I might appeal to many hundred thousand people, whetherany one of them would ever have had the courage or sagacity to refuseit. 

If this copper should begin to make its way among the common, ignorantpeople, we are inevitably undone; it is they who give us the greatestapprehension, being easily frighted, and greedy to swallowmisinformations: For, if every man were wise enough to understand hisown interest, which is every man's principal study, there would be noneed of pamphlets upon this occasion. But, as things stand, I havethought it absolutely necessary, from my duty to God, my King, and mycountry, to inform the people, that the proclamation lately issuedagainst the Drapier, doth not in the least affect the case of Mr. Woodand his coin; but only refers to certain paragraphs in the Drapier'slast pamphlet, (not immediately relating to his subject, nor at all tothe merits of the cause, ) which the government was pleased to dislike;so that any man has the same liberty to reject, to write, and to declareagainst this coin, which he had before: Neither is any man obliged tobelieve, that those honourable persons (whereof you are the first) whosigned that memorable proclamation against the Drapier, have at allchanged their opinions, with regard to Mr. Wood or his coin. 

Therefore concluding myself to be thus far upon a safe and sure foot; Ishall continue, upon any proper occasion, as God enables me, to reviveand preserve that spirit raised in the nation, (whether the real authorwere a real Drapier or no is little to the purpose) against this horriddesign of Mr. Wood; at the same time carefully watching every stroke ofmy pen, and venturing only to incur the public censure of the world as awriter; not of my Lord Chief Justice Whitshed, as a criminal. Wheneveran order shall come out by authority, forbidding all men upon thehighest penalties, to offer anything in writing or discourse againstMr. Wood's halfpence; I shall certainly submit. However, if that shouldhappen, I am determined to be somewhat more than the last man in thekingdom to receive them; because I will never receive them at all: For, although I know how to be silent; I have not yet learned to pay activeobedience against my conscience, and the public safety. 

I desire to put a case, which I think the Drapier, in some of his books, hath put before me; although not so fully as it requires. 

You know the copper halfpence in England are coined by the public; andevery piece worth pretty tolerably near the value of the copper. Nowsuppose, that, instead of the public coinage, a patent had been grantedto some private, obscure person, for coining a proportionable quantityof copper in that kingdom, to what Mr. Wood is preparing in this; andall of it at least five times below the intrinsic value: The currentmoney of England is reckoned to be twenty millions; and ours under fivehundred thousand pounds: By this computation, as Mr. Wood hath power togive us 108, 000 pound; so the patentee in England, by the sameproportion, might circulate four millions three hundred and twentythousand pounds; besides as much more by stealth and counterfeits: Idesire to know from you, whether the Parliament might not have addressedupon such an occasion; what success they probably would have had; andhow many Drapiers would have risen to pester the world with pamphlets:Yet that kingdom would not be so great a sufferer as ours in the likecase; because their cash would not be conveyed into foreign countries, but lie hid in the chests of cautious, thrifty men, until better times. Then I desire, for the satisfaction of the public, that you will pleaseto inform me why this country is treated in so very different a manner, in a point of such high importance; whether it be on account ofPoining's act; of subordination; dependence; or any other term of art;which I shall not contest, but am too dull to understand. 

I am very sensible, that the good or ill success of Mr. Wood, willaffect you less than any person of consequence in the kingdom; because Ihear you are so prudent as to make all your purchases in England; andtruly so would I, if I had money, although I were to pay a hundredyears' purchase; because I should be glad to possess a freehold thatcould not be taken from me by any law to which I did not give my ownconsent; and where I should never be in danger of receiving my rents inmixed copper, at the loss of sixteen shillings in the pound. You canlive in ease and plenty at Pepper-harrow, in Surrey; and therefore Ithought it extremely generous and public-spirited in you to be of thekingdom's side in this dispute, by shewing, without reserve, yourdisapprobation of Mr. Wood's design; at least if you have been so frankto others as you were to me; which indeed I could not but wonder at, considering how much we differ in other points; and therefore I couldget but few believers, when I attempted to justify you in this articlefrom your own words. 

I would humbly offer another thought, which I do not remember to havefallen under the Drapier's observation. If these halfpence should oncegain admittance; it is agreed, that in no long space of time, what bythe clandestine practices of the coiner, what by his own counterfeits, and those of others, either from abroad or at home; his limited quantitywould be trebled upon us, until there would not be a grain of gold orsilver visible in the nation. This, in my opinion would lay a heavycharge upon the crown, by creating a necessity of transmitting moneyfrom England to pay the salaries at least of the principal civilofficers: For I do not conceive how a judge (for instance) could supporthis dignity with a thousand pounds a year in Wood's coin; which wouldnot intrinsically be worth near two hundred. To argue that thesehalfpence, if no other coin were current, would answer the general endsof commerce among ourselves, is a great mistake; and the Drapier hathmade that matter too clear to admit an answer; by shewing us what everyowner of land must be forced to do with the products of it in such adistress. You may read his remarks at large in his second and thirdletter; to which I refer you. 

Before I conclude, I cannot but observe, that for several months past, there have more papers been written in this town, such as they are, allupon the best public principle, the love of our country, than, perhaps, hath been known in any other nation, and in so short a time: I speak ingeneral, from the Drapier down to the maker of ballads; and all withoutany regard to the common motives of writers: which are profit, favour, and reputation. As to profit, I am assured by persons of credit, thatthe best ballad upon Mr. Wood will not yield above a groat to theauthor; and the unfortunate adventurer Harding, declares he never madethe Drapier any present, except one pair of scissors. As to favour, whoever thinks to make his court by opposing Mr. Wood is not very deepin politics. And as to reputation, certainly no man of worth andlearning, would employ his pen upon so transitory a subject, and in soobscure a corner of the world, to distinguish himself as an author. Sothat I look upon myself, the Drapier, and my numerous brethren, to beall true patriots in our several degrees. 

All that the public can expect for the future, is only to be sometimeswarned to beware of Mr. Wood's halfpence; and refer them for convictionto the Drapier's reasons. For, a man of the most superior understanding, will find it impossible to make the best use of it, while he writes inconstraint; perpetually softening, correcting, or blotting outexpressions, for fear of bringing his printer, or himself, under aprosecution from my Lord Chief-Justice Whitshed. It calls to myremembrance the madman in Don Quixote, who being soundly beaten by aweaver for letting a stone (which he always carried on his shoulder)fall upon a spaniel, apprehended that every cur he met was of the samespecies. 

For these reasons, I am convinced, that what I have now written willappear low and insipid; but if it contributes, in the least, to preservethat union among us for opposing this fatal project of Mr. Wood, mypains will not be altogether lost. 

I sent these papers to an eminent lawyer (and yet a man of virtue andlearning into the bargain) who, after many alterations returned themback, with assuring me, that they are perfectly innocent; without theleast mixture of treason, rebellion, sedition, malice, disaffection, reflection, or wicked insinuation whatsoever. 

If the bellman of each parish, as he goes his circuit, would cry out, every night, "Past twelve o'clock; Beware of Wood's halfpence;" it wouldprobably cut off the occasion for publishing any more pamphlets;provided that in country towns it were done upon market days. For myown part, as soon as it shall be determined, that it is not against law, I will begin the experiment in the liberty of St. Patrick's; and hope myexample may be followed in the whole city But if authority shall thinkfit to forbid all writings, or discourses upon this subject, except suchas are in favour of Mr. Wood, I will obey as it becomes me; only when Iam in danger of bursting, I will go and whisper among the reeds, not anyreflection upon the wisdom of my countrymen; but only these few words, BEWARE OF WOOD'S HALFPENCE. 

I am, With due Respect, Your Most Obedient, Humble Servant, J. S. 

Deanery House, Oct. 26, 1724. 

LETTER VI

A LETTER TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE LORD VISCOUNT MOLESWORTH. 

NOTE. 

This letter, hitherto styled the Drapier's fifth letter, is here printedas the sixth, for the reasons already stated. It was published on the14th December, 1724, at a time when the Drapier agitation had reachedits last stage. The Drapier had taught his countrymen that "to be braveis to be wise, " and he now struck the final blow that laid prostrate analready tottering opposition. 

Walpole realized that to govern Ireland from England he must have atrustier aid, a heavier hand, and a more vigilant eye, than wereafforded in Carteret. Carteret, however, was better away in Ireland, and, moreover, as Lord-Lieutenant, he was an ameliorating influence onthe Irish patriotic party in Dublin. But that party was now backed by avery important popular opinion. For the present, therefore, he gave way;but his real feelings might have been discovered by an interpretation ofhis appointment of Hugh Boulter as Archbishop of Armagh and Primate ofIreland. [1] Boulter's letter to the Duke of Newcastle, written after hisarrival in Dublin towards the end of November, 1724, gave a veryunambiguous account of the state of the country towards the patent. Onthe 3rd of December, he wrote, "We are at present in a very bad state, and the people so poisoned with apprehensions of Wood's halfpence, thatI do not see there can be any hopes of justice against any person forseditious writings, if he does but mix somewhat about Wood in them. .. . But all sorts here are determinedly set against Wood's halfpence, andlook upon their estates as half sunk in their value, whenever they shallpass upon the nation. "[2] On January 19th 1724-1725, the Primate wroteagain to the same effect. On the 3rd of July, he hopes that, asparliament is about to meet, the Lord-Lieutenant "will be impowered inhis speech to speak clearly as to the business of the halfpence, andthoroughly rid this nation of their fear on that head. "[3] Boulter'sadvice was taken. On the 14th August, 1725, a vacation of the patent wasissued, and when parliament met shortly after, the Lord-Lieutenant wasable, in his speech, to announce that his Majesty had put an entire endto the patent granted Wood for coining copper halfpence and farthings. He alluded to the surrender as a remarkable instance of royal favour andcondescension which should fill the hearts of a loyal and obedientpeople with the highest sense of duty and gratitude. He doubted not theHouses would make suitable acknowledgment of their sense of happinessenjoyed under his Majesty's most mild and gracious government. [4]

[Footnote 1: See note on pp. 111-112. ]

[Footnote 2: Boulter's letter, vol. I. , p. 3. Dublin edition, 1770. ]

[Footnote 3: _Ibid_. , p. 29. ]

[Footnote 4: Comm. Journals, vol. Iii. , p. 398. ]

The Commons unanimously voted an address suitable to the occasion and inharmony with the Lord-Lieutenant's suggestion. But the Lordsprocrastinated in debates. It was a question whether their addressshould or should not include the words "great wisdom" in addition to theword "condescension" to express their sense of his Majesty's action. Finally, however, the address was forthcoming, though not before somestrenuous expressions of opinion had been made by Midleton andArchbishop King against Walpole's administration. As passed, theirAddress included the debated words; as presented the Address omittedthem. 

Thus ended this famous agitation in which the people of Ireland wontheir first victory over England by constitutional means. Wood was noloser by the surrender; indeed, he was largely the gainer, since he wasgiven a pension of £3, 000 per annum for twelve years. [5]

[Footnote 5: Coxe says for eight years. ]

Now that the fight was over the people, to use Scott's words, "turnedtheir eyes with one consent on the man, by whose unbending fortitude, and pre-eminent talents, this triumph was accomplished. " He was hailedjoyously and blessed fervently wherever he went; the people almostidolized him; he was their defender and their liberator. No monarchvisiting his domains could have been received with greater honour thanwas Swift when he came into a town. Medals and medallions were struck inhis honour. A club was formed to the memory of the Drapier; shops andtaverns bore the sign of the Drapier's Head; children and women carriedhandkerchiefs with the Drapier's portrait woven in them. All grades ofsociety respected him for an influence that, founded in sincerity andguided by integrity and consummate ability, had been used patriotically. The DEAN became Ireland's chiefest citizen; and Irishmen will everrevere the memory of the man who was the first among them to precipitatetheir national instincts into the abiding form of national power--thereasoned opinion of a free people. 

The text of this letter is based on that given by Sir Walter Scott, collated with the original edition and with the text given in "FraudDetected" (1725). 

[T. S. ]

[Illustration: A

 **LETTER**

 To the Right Honourable the *Lord Viscount _Molesworth_. *

 * * * * *

By _M. B. Drapier_, Author of the Letter to the _Shop-keepers_, &c. 

 * * * * *

They compassed me about also with Words of Deceit, and fought against me without a Cause. 

For my Love they are my Adversaries, but I give my self unto Prayer. 

And they have rewarded me Evil for Good, and Hatred for my Love. _Psalm_ 109. _v_. 3, 4, 5. 

Seek not to be Judge, being not able to take away Iniquity, lest at any Time thou fear the Person of the Mighty, and lay a stumbling Block in the Way of thy Uprightness. 

Offend not against the Multitude of a City, and then thou shalt not cast thy self down among the People. 

Bind not one Sin upon another, for in One thou shalt not be Unpunished. _Ecclus_. Ch. 7. V. 6, 7, 8. 

 * * * * *

_Non jam prima peto Mnesttheus, neque vincere certo:Quanquam O! Sed superent, quibus Hoc, Neptune, dedisti. _

 * * * * *

 DUBLIN:Printed by _John Harding_ in_Molesworth's Court_ in _Fishamble-street_. ]

DIRECTIONS TO THE PRINTER. 

MR. HARDING, When I sent you my former papers, I cannot say I intendedyou either good or hurt, and yet you have happened through my means toreceive both. I pray God deliver you from any more of the latter, andincrease the former. Your trade, particularly in this kingdom, is of allothers the most unfortunately circumstantiated; For as you deal in themost worthless kind of trash, the penny productions of pennylessscribblers, so you often venture your liberty and sometimes your lives, for the purchase of half-a-crown, and by your own ignorance are punishedfor other men's actions. 

I am afraid, you in particular think you have reason to complain of mefor your own and your wife's confinement in prison, to your greatexpense, as well as hardship, and for a prosecution still impending. ButI will tell you, Mr. Harding, how that matter stands. Since the presshath lain under so strict an inspection, those who have a mind to informthe world are become so cautious, as to keep themselves if possible outof the way of danger. My custom is to dictate to a 'prentice who canwrite in a feigned hand, and what is written we send to your house by ablackguard boy. But at the same time I do assure you upon my reputation, that I never did send you anything, for which I thought you couldpossibly be called to an account. And you will be my witness that Ialways desired you by a letter to take some good advice before youventured to print, because I knew the dexterity of dealers in the law atfinding out something to fasten on where no evil is meant; I am toldindeed, that you did accordingly consult several very able persons, andeven some who afterwards appeared against you: To which I can onlyanswer, that you must either change your advisers, or determine to printnothing that comes from a Drapier. 

I desire you will send the enclosed letter, directed "To my LordViscount Molesworth at his house at Brackdenstown near Swords;" but Iwould have it sent printed for the convenience of his Lordship'sreading, because this counterfeit hand of my 'prentice is not verylegible. And if you think fit to publish it, I would have you first getit read over carefully by some notable lawyer: I am assured you willfind enough of them who are friends to the Drapier, and will do itwithout a fee, which I am afraid you can ill afford after all yourexpenses. For although I have taken so much care, that I think itimpossible to find a topic out of the following papers for sending youagain to prison; Yet I will not venture to be your guarantee. 

This ensuing letter contains only a short account of myself, and anhumble apology for my former pamphlets, especially the last, with littlemention of Mr. Wood or his halfpence, because I have already said enoughupon that subject, until occasion shall be given for new fears; and inthat case you may perhaps hear from me again. 

I am, Your Friend and Servant, M. B. 

From my shop inSt. Francis-streetDec. 14. 1724. 

_P. S. _ For want of intercourse between you and me, which I never willsuffer, your people are apt to make very gross errors in the press, which I desire you will provide against. 

LETTER VI

A LETTER TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE LORD VISCOUNT MOLESWORTH, AT HISHOUSE AT BRACKDENSTOWN NEAR SWORDS. [6]

My Lord, I reflect too late on the maxim of common observers, that"those who meddle in matters out of their calling, will have reason torepent;" which is now verified in me: For by engaging in the trade of awriter, I have drawn upon myself the displeasure of the government, signified by a proclamation promising a reward of three hundred poundsto the first faithful subject who shall be able and inclined to informagainst me. To which I may add the laudable zeal and industry of my LordChief Justice [Whitshed] in his endeavours to discover so dangerous aperson. Therefore whether I repent or no, I have certainly cause to doso, and the common observation still stands good. 

[Footnote 6: Robert, Viscount Molesworth (1656-1725), born in Dublin andeducated at the University there, was a prominent adherent of the Princeof Orange during the Revolution of 1688. In 1692 William sent him toDenmark as envoy-extraordinary to the Court at Copenhagen; but he leftabruptly because of the offence he gave there. Retiring to Flanders, Molesworth revenged himself by writing, "An Account of Denmark as it wasin 1692, " in which he described that country as no fit place for thosewho held their liberties dearly. Molesworth had been strongly imbuedwith the republican teachings of Algernon Sidney, and his book affordsample proof of the influence. Its publication aroused much indignation, and a controversy ensued in which Swift's friend, Dr. William King, tookpart. In 1695 Molesworth returned to Ireland, became a Privy Councillorin 1697, sat in the Irish parliament in 1703-1705, and in the EnglishHouse of Commons from 1705 to 1708. In 1713 he was removed from theIrish Privy Council on a charge of a treasonable utterance, which Steelevindicated in "The Englishman" and "The Crisis. " The accession of GeorgeI. , however, brought Molesworth into his honours again, and he wascreated Baron Molesworth of Philipstown, and Viscount Molesworth ofSwords, in 1719. His work entitled "Considerations for PromotingAgriculture, " issued in 1723, was considered by Swift as "an excellentdiscourse, full of most useful hints. " At the time Swift addressed himthis sixth letter, Molesworth was living in retirement at Brackdenstown. [T. S. ]]

It will sometimes happen, I know not how in the course of human affairs, that a man shall be made liable to legal animadversions, where he hasnothing to answer for, either to God or his country; and condemned atWestminster-hall for what he will never be charged with at the Day ofJudgment. 

After strictly examining my own heart, and consulting some divines ofgreat reputation, I cannot accuse myself of any "malice or wickednessagainst the public;" of any "designs to sow sedition, " of "reflecting onthe King and his ministers, " or of endeavouring "to alienate theaffections of the people of this kingdom from those of England. "[7] AllI can charge myself with, is a weak attempt to serve a nation in dangerof destruction by a most wicked and malicious projector, without waitinguntil I were called to its assistance; which attempt, however it mayperhaps give me the title of _pragmatical_ and _overweening_ will neverlie a burthen upon my conscience. God knows whether I may not with allmy caution have already run myself into danger, by offering thus much inmy own vindication. For I have heard of a judge, who, upon thecriminal's appeal to the dreadful Day of Judgment, told him he hadincurred a _premunire_ for appealing to a foreign jurisdiction: And ofanother in Wales, who severely checked the prisoner for offering thesame plea, taxing him with reflecting on the Court by such a comparison, because "comparisons were odious. "

[Footnote 7: The quotations are from the charges stated in theindictment and proclamation against the writer and printer of theprevious letters. [T. S. ] ]

But in order to make some excuse for being more speculative than othersof my condition, I desire your lordship's pardon, while I am doing avery foolish thing, which is, to give you some little account of myself. 

I was bred at a free school where I acquired some little knowledge inthe Latin tongue, I served my apprenticeship in London, and there set upfor myself with good success, till by the death of some friends, andthe misfortunes of others, I returned into this kingdom, and began toemploy my thoughts in cultivating the woollen manufacture through allits branches Wherein I met with great discouragement and powerfulopposers, whose objections appeared to me very strange and singular Theyargued that the people of England would be offended if our manufactureswere brought to equal theirs; and even some of the weaving trade were myenemies, which I could not but look upon as absurd and unnatural Iremember your lordship at that time did me the honour to come into myshop, where I shewed you a piece of black and white stuff just sent fromthe dyer, which you were pleased to approve of, and be my customer forit. [8]

[Footnote 8: The "piece of black and white stuff just sent from thedyer, " refers to his pamphlet, issued in 1720, "The Proposal for theUniversal Use of Irish Manufactures. " See vol. Vii. [T. S. ]]

However I was so mortified, that I resolved for the future to sitquietly in my shop, and deal in common goods like the rest of mybrethren; till it happened some months ago considering with myself thatthe lower and poorer sort of people wanted a _plain strong coarse stuffto defend them against cold easterly winds, which then blew very fierceand blasting for a long time together_, I contrived one on purpose, which sold very well all over the kingdom, and preserved many thousandsfrom agues I then made a second and a third kind of stuffs for thegentry with the same success, insomuch that an ague hath hardly beenheard of for some time. [9]

[Footnote 9: The "cold easterly winds" refer to the demands made on theIrish people to accept Wood's halfpence. The three different kinds of"stuffs" are the three letters written under the _nom de guerre, _ "M. B. Drapier. " [T. S. ]]

This incited me so far, that I ventured upon a fourth piece made of thebest Irish wool I could get, and I thought it grave and rich enough tobe worn by the best lord or judge of the land. But of late some greatfolks complain as I hear, "that when they had it on, they felt ashuddering in their limbs, " and have thrown it off in a rage, cursing tohell the poor Drapier who invented it, so that I am determined never towork for persons of quality again, except for your lordship and a veryfew more. [10]

[Footnote 10: This refers to the fourth letter of the Drapier, whichbrought forth the proclamation, and for the author of which the rewardof £300 was offered. [T. S. ]]

I assure your lordship upon the word of an honest citizen, that I am notricher by the value of one of Mr. Wood's halfpence with the sale of allthe several stuffs I have contrived; for I give the whole profit to thedyers and pressers. [11] And therefore I hope you will please to believe, that no other motive beside the love of my country could engage me tobusy my head and hands to the loss of my time and the gain of nothingbut vexation and ill-will. 

[Footnote 11: The printers [F. ]]

I have now in hand one piece of stuff to be woven on purpose for yourlordship, although I might be ashamed to offer it you, after I haveconfessed that it will be made only from the shreds and remnants of thewool employed in the former. However I shall work it up as well as Ican, and at worst, you need only give it among your tenants. 

I am very sensible how ill your lordship is like to be entertained withthe pedantry of a drapier in the terms of his own trade. How will thematter be mended, when you find me entering again, though verysparingly, into an affair of state; for such is now grown thecontroversy with Mr. Wood, if some great lawyers are to be credited. Andas it often happens at play, that men begin with farthings, and go on togold, till some of them lose their estates, and die in jail; so it maypossibly fall out in my case, that by playing too long with Mr. Wood'shalfpence, I may be drawn in to pay a fine, double to the reward forbetraying me, be sent to prison, and "not be delivered thence till Ishall have paid the uttermost farthing. "

There are my lord, three sorts of persons with whom I am resolved neverto dispute: A highwayman with a pistol at my breast, a troop of dragoonswho come to plunder my house, and a man of the law who can make a meritof accusing me. In each of these cases, which are almost the same, thebest method is to keep out of the way, and the next best is to deliveryour money, surrender your house, and confess nothing. 

I am told that the two points in my last letter, from which an occasionof offence hath been taken, are where I mention His Majesty's answer tothe address of the House of Lords upon Mr. Wood's patent, and where Idiscourse upon Ireland's being a dependent kingdom. As to the former, Ican only say, that I have treated it with the utmost respect andcaution, and I thought it necessary to shew where Wood's patent differedin many essential parts from all others that ever had been granted, because the contrary had for want of due information been so stronglyand so largely asserted. As to the other, of Ireland's dependency, Iconfess to have often heard it mentioned, but was never able tounderstand what it meant. This gave me the curiosity to enquire amongseveral eminent lawyers, who professed they knew nothing of the matter. I then turned over all the statutes of both kingdoms without the leastinformation, further than an Irish act, that I quoted, of the 33d ofHenry 8th, uniting Ireland to England under one king. I cannot say I wassorry to be disappointed in my search, because it is certain, I could becontented to depend only upon God and my prince and the laws of my owncountry, after the manner of other nations. But since my betters are ofa different opinion, and desire further dependencies, I shall readilysubmit, not insisting on the exception I made of M. B. Drapier. Forindeed that hint was borrowed from an idle story I had heard in England, which perhaps may be common and beaten, but because it insinuatesneither treason nor sedition, I will just barely relate it. 

Some hundred years ago when the peers were so great that the commonswere looked upon as little better than their dependents, a bill wasbrought in for making some new additions to the power and privileges ofthe peerage. After it was read, one Mr. Drewe a member of the house, stood up, and said, he very much approved the bill, and would give hisvote to have it pass; but however, for some reasons best known tohimself, he desired that a clause might be inserted for excepting thefamily of the Drewes. The oddness of the proposition taught others toreflect a little, and the bill was thrown out. 

Whether I were mistaken, or went too far in examining the dependencymust be left to the impartial judgment of the world, as well as to thecourts of judicature, although indeed not in so effectual and decisivea manner. But to affirm, as I hear some do, in order to countenance afearful and servile spirit, that this point did not belong to mysubject, is a false and foolish objection. There were several scandalousreports industriously spread by Wood and his accomplices to discourageall opposition against his infamous project. They gave it out that wewere prepared for a rebellion, that we disputed the King's prerogative, and were shaking off our dependency. The first went so far, and obtainedso much belief against the most visible demonstrations to the contrary, that a great person of this kingdom, now in England, sent over such anaccount of it to his friends, as would make any good subject both grieveand tremble. I thought it therefore necessary to treat that calumny asit deserved. Then I proved by an invincible argument that we could haveno intention to dispute His Majesty's prerogative, because theprerogative was not concerned in the question, the civilians and lawyersof all nations agreeing that copper is not money. And lastly to clear usfrom the imputation of shaking off our dependency, I shewed wherein as Ithought this dependency consisted, and cited the statute above mentionedmade in Ireland, by which it is enacted, that "whoever is King ofEngland shall be King of Ireland, " and that the two kingdoms shall be"for ever knit together under one King. " This, as I conceived, didwholly acquit us of intending to break our dependency, because it wasaltogether out of our power, for surely no King of England will everconsent to the repeal of that statute. 

But upon this article I am charged with a heavier accusation. It is saidI went too far, when I declared, that "if ever the Pretender should cometo be fixed upon the throne of England (which God forbid) I would so farventure to transgress this statute, that I would lose the last drop ofmy blood before I would submit to him as King of Ireland. "

This I hear on all sides, is the strongest and weightiest objectionagainst me, and which hath given the most offence; that I should be sobold to declare against a direct statute, and that any motive how strongsoever, could make me reject a King whom England should receive. Now ifin defending myself from this accusation I should freely confess, that I"went too far, " that "the expression was very indiscreet, althoughoccasioned by my zeal for His present Majesty and his Protestant line inthe House of Hanover, " that "I shall be careful never to offend again inthe like kind. " And that "I hope this free acknowledgment and sorrow formy error, will be some atonement and a little soften the hearts of mypowerful adversaries. " I say if I should offer such a defence as this, Ido not doubt but some people would wrest it to an ill meaning by somespiteful interpretation, and therefore since I cannot think of any otheranswer, which that paragraph can admit, I will leave it to the mercy ofevery candid reader. 

I will now venture to tell your lordship a secret, wherein I fear youare too deeply concerned You will therefore please to know that thishabit of writing and discoursing, wherein I unfortunately differ fromalmost the whole kingdom, and am apt to grate the ears of more than Icould wish, was acquired during my apprenticeship in London, and a longresidence there after I had set up for myself. Upon my return andsettlement here, I thought I had only changed one country of freedom foranother. I had been long conversing with the writings of yourlordship, [12] Mr. Locke, Mr. Molineaux, [13] Colonel Sidney[14] and otherdangerous authors, who talk of "liberty as a blessing, to which thewhole race of mankind hath an original title, whereof nothing butunlawful force can divest them. " I knew a good deal of the severalGothic institutions in Europe, and by what incidents and events theycame to be destroyed; and I ever thought it the most uncontrolled anduniversally agreed maxim, that _freedom_ consists in a people beinggoverned by laws made with their own consent; and _slavery_ in thecontrary. I have been likewise told, and believe it to be true, that_liberty_ and _property_ are words of known use and signification inthis kingdom, and that the very lawyers pretend to understand, and havethem often in their mouths. These were the errors which have misled me, and to which alone I must impute the severe treatment I have received. But I shall in time grow wiser, and learn to consider my driver, theroad I am in, and with whom I am yoked. This I will venture to say, thatthe boldest and most obnoxious words I ever delivered, would in Englandhave only exposed me as a stupid fool, who went to prove that the sunshone in a clear summer's day; and I have witnesses ready to depose thatyour lordship hath said and writ fifty times worse, and what is still anaggravation, with infinitely more wit and learning, and strongerarguments, so that as politics run, I do not know a person of moreexceptionable principles than yourself; and if ever I shall bediscovered, I think you will be bound in honour to pay my fine andsupport me in prison; or else I may chance to inform against you by wayof reprisal. [15]

[Footnote 12: See note _ante_, p. 161. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 13: William Molyneux (1656-1698), the correspondent of JohnFlamsteed and Locke. His "Dioptrica Nova" contains a warm appreciationof Locke's "Essay on the Human Understanding. " He died in October, 1698, but in the early part of this year, he published his famous inquiry intothe effect of English legislation on Irish manufactures. The work wasentitled, "The Case of Ireland's being bound by Acts of Parliament inEngland stated, " and its publication made a great stir both in Englandand in Ireland. Molyneux attempted to show that the Irish Parliament wasindependent of the English Parliament. His book was reported by aCommittee of the House of Commons, on June 22nd, 1698, to be "ofdangerous consequence to the Crown and Parliament of England, " but thematter went no further than embodying this resolution of the committeein an address to the King. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 14: Algernon Sidney (1622-1682), the author of the well known"Discourses concerning Government, " and the famous republican of theCromwellian and Restoration years, was the second surviving son of thesecond Earl of Leicester His career as soldier, statesman, agitator, ambassador and author, forms an interesting and even fascinating chapterof the story of this interesting period of English history. He was triedfor treason before Jeffreys, and in spite of a most excellent defence, sentenced to death. His execution took place on December 7th, 1682. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 15: A writer, signing himself M. M. , replying to this letter ofSwift's in a broadside entitled, "Seasonable Advice to M. B. Drapier, Occasioned by his Letter to the R--t. Hon. The Lord Visct. Molesworth, "actually takes this paragraph to mean that Swift intended seriously toturn informer: "Now sir, some people are of opinion that you carriedthis too far, inasmuch as you become a precedent to informers: othersthink that you intimate to his lordship, the miserable circumstance youare in by the menaces of the prentice to whom you dictate; they conceiveyour declaring to inform, if not fee'd, to the contrary, signifies yoursaid prentice on the last occasion to swear, if you don't forthwithdeliver him his indentures, and half of your stock to set up trade with, he will inform against you, bring you to justice, be dismissed by law, and get the promised £300 to begin trade with; how near theseconceptions be to truth I can't tell; but I know people think that word_inform_ unseasonable. . . . " [T. S. ]]

In the meantime, I beg your lordship to receive my confession, that ifthere be any such thing as a dependency of Ireland upon England, otherwise than as I have explained it, either by the law of God, ofnature, of reason, of nations, or of the land (which I shall neverhereafter contest, ) then was the proclamation against me, the mostmerciful that ever was put out, and instead of accusing me as malicious, wicked and seditious, it might have been directly as guilty of hightreason. 

All I desire is, that the cause of my country against Mr. Wood may notsuffer by any inadvertency of mine; Whether Ireland depends uponEngland, or only upon God, the King and the law, I hope no man willassert that it depends upon Mr. Wood. I should be heartily sorry thatthis commendable resentment against me should accidentally (and I hope, what was never intended) strike a damp upon that spirit in all ranks andcorporations of men against the desperate and ruinous design of Mr. Wood. Let my countrymen blot out those parts in my last letter whichthey dislike, and let no rust remain on my sword to cure the wounds Ihave given to our most mortal enemy. When Sir Charles Sidley[16] wastaking the oaths, where several things were to be renounced, he said "heloved renouncing, " asked "if any more were to be renounced, for he wasready to renounce as much as they pleased. " Although I am not sothorough a renouncer; yet let me have but good city security againstthis pestilent coinage, and I shall be ready not only to renounce everysyllable in all my four letters, but to deliver them cheerfully with myown hands into those of the common hangman, to be burnt with no bettercompany than the coiner's _effigies, _ if any part of it hath escaped outof the secular hands of the rabble. 

[Footnote 16: This must be Sir Charles Sedley (properly Sidley), thefamous wit and dramatist of Charles II. 's reign. In his reprint of 1735, Faulkner prints the name "Sidley, " though the original twopenny tractand the "Hibernian Patriot" print it as "Sidney. " Sir W. Scott correctsit to "Sedley. " [T. S. ]]

But whatever the sentiments of some people may be, I think it is agreedthat many of those who subscribed against me, are on the side of a vastmajority in the kingdom who opposed Mr. Wood; and it was with greatsatisfaction that I observed some right honourable names very amicablyjoined with my own at the bottom of a strong declaration against him andhis coin. But if the admission of it among us be already determined theworthy person who is to betray me ought in prudence to do it with allconvenient speed, or else it may be difficult to find three hundredpounds in sterling for the discharge of his hire; when the public shallhave lost five hundred thousand, if there be so much in the nation;besides four-fifths of its annual income for ever. 

I am told by lawyers, that in all quarrels between man and man, it is ofmuch weight, which of them gave the first provocation or struck thefirst blow. It is manifest that Mr. Wood hath done both, and therefore Ishould humbly propose to have him first hanged and his dross thrown intothe sea; after which the Drapier will be ready to stand his trial. "Itmust needs be that offences come, but woe unto him by whom the offencecometh. " If Mr. Wood had held his hand every body else would have heldtheir tongues, and then there would have been little need of pamphlets, juries, or proclamations upon this occasion. The provocation must needshave been great, which could stir up an obscure indolent Drapier tobecome an author. One would almost think the very stones in the streetwould rise up in such a cause: And I am not sure they will not do soagainst Mr. Wood if ever he comes within their reach. It is a knownstory of the dumb boy, whose tongue forced a passage for speech by thehorror of seeing a dagger at his father's throat. This may lessen thewonder that a tradesman hid in privacy and silence should cry out whenthe life and being of his political mother are attempted before hisface, and by so infamous a hand. 

But in the meantime, Mr. Wood the destroyer of a kingdom walks about intriumph (unless it be true that he is in jail for debt) while he whoendeavoured to assert the liberty of his country is forced to hide hishead for occasionally dealing in a matter of controversy. However I amnot the first who hath been condemned to death for gaining a greatvictory over a powerful enemy, by disobeying for once the strict ordersof military discipline. 

I am now resolved to follow (after the usual proceeding of mankind, because it is too late) the advice given me by a certain Dean. He shewedthe mistake I was in of trusting to the general good-will of the people, "that I had succeeded hitherto better than could be expected, but thatsome unfortunate circumstantial lapse would probably bring me within thereach of power. That my good intentions would be no security againstthose who watched every motion of my pen, in the bitterness of my soul. "He produced an instance of "a writer as innocent, as disinterested, andas well meaning as myself, where the printer, who had the author in hispower, was prosecuted with the utmost zeal, the jury sent back ninetimes, and the man given up to the mercy of the court. "[17] The Deanfurther observed "that I was in a manner left alone to stand the battle, while others who had ten thousand times better talents than a Drapier, were so prudent to lie still, and perhaps thought it no unpleasantamusement to look on with safety, while another was giving themdiversion at the hazard of his liberty and fortune, and thought theymade a sufficient recompense by a little applause. " Whereupon heconcluded with a short story of a Jew at Madrid, who being condemned tothe fire on account of his religion, a crowd of school-boys followinghim to the stake, and apprehending they might lose their sport, if heshould happen to recant, would often clap him on the back, and cry, "_Sta firme Moyse_ (Moses, continue steadfast). "

[Footnote 17: This was for the publication of "A Proposal for theUniversal Use of Irish Manufactures. " [T. S. ]]

I allow this gentleman's advice to have been good, and his observationsjust, and in one respect my condition is worse than that of the Jew, forno recantation will save me. However it should seem by some lateproceedings, that my state is not altogether deplorable. This I canimpute to nothing but the steadiness of two impartial grand juries, which hath confirmed in me an opinion I have long entertained, that, asphilosophers say, "virtue is seated in the middle, " so in anothersense, the little virtue left in the world is chiefly to be found amongthe middle rank of mankind, who are neither allured out of her paths byambition, nor driven by poverty. 

Since the proclamation occasioned by my last letter, and a duepreparation for proceeding against me in a court of justice, there havebeen two printed papers clandestinely spread about, whereof no man isable to trace the original further than by conjecture, which with itsusual charity lays them to my account. The former is entitled, "Seasonable Advice, "[18] and appears to have been intended forinformation of the grand jury, upon the supposition of a bill to beprepared against that letter. The other[19] is an extract from a printedbook of Parliamentary Proceedings in the year 1680 containing an angryresolution of the House of Commons in England against dissolving grandjuries. As to the former, your lordship will find it to be the work of amore artful hand than that of a common Drapier. It hath been censuredfor endeavouring to influence the minds of a jury, which ought to bewholly free and unbiassed, and for that reason it is manifest that nojudge was ever known either upon or off the bench, either by himself orhis dependents, to use the least insinuation that might possibly affectthe passions or interests of any one single juryman, much less of awhole jury; whereof every man must be convinced who will just givehimself the trouble to dip into the common printed trials; so as, it isamazing to think, what a number of upright judges there have been inboth kingdoms for above sixty years past, which, considering how longthey held their offices during pleasure, as they still do among us, Iaccount next to a miracle. 

[Footnote 18: See p. 123. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 19: See note on p. 127. [T. S. ]]

As to the other paper I must confess it is a sharp censure of an EnglishHouse of Commons against dissolving grand juries by any judge before theend of the term, assizes, or sessions, while matters are under theirconsideration, and not presented; is arbitrary, illegal, destructive topublic justice, a manifest violation of his oath, and is a means tosubvert the fundamental laws of the kingdom. 

However, the publisher seems to have been mistaken in what he aimed at. For, whatever dependence there may be of Ireland upon England, I hope hewould not insinuate, that the proceedings of a lord chief justice inIreland must depend upon a resolution of an English House of Commons. Besides, that resolution although it were levelled against a particularlord chief justice, Sir William Scroggs, [20] yet the occasion wasdirectly contrary: For Scroggs dissolved the grand jury of London forfear they should present, but ours in Dublin was dissolved because theywould not present, which wonderfully alters the case. And therefore asecond grand jury supplied that defect by making a presentment[21] thathath pleased the whole kingdom. However I think it is agreed by allparties, that both the one and the other jury behaved themselves in sucha manner, as ought to be remembered to their honour, while there shallbe any regard left among us for virtue or public spirit. 

[Footnote 20: Sir William Scroggs (1623?-1683) was appointed Lord ChiefJustice of England on the removal of Sir Thomas Ramsford in 1678. One ofthe eight articles of impeachment against Scroggs, in 1680, was forillegally discharging the grand jury of Middlesex before the end of theterm. Although the articles of impeachment were carried to the House ofLords in 1681, the proceedings went no farther than ordering him to findbail and file his answer by a certain time. Scroggs was removed, onaccount of his unpopularity, on April 11th, 1681. As a lawyer, Scroggshas no great reputation; as a judge he must be classed with thenotorious Jeffreys. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 21: See Appendix No. V. [T. S. ]]

I am confident your lordship will be of my sentiments in one thing, thatsome short plain authentic tract might be published for the informationboth of petty and grand juries, how far their power reacheth, and whereit is limited, and that a printed copy of such a treatise might bedeposited in every court, to be consulted by the jurymen before theyconsider of their verdict; by which abundance of inconveniences would beavoided, whereof innumerable instances might be produced from formertimes, because I will say nothing of the present. 

I have read somewhere of an eastern king who put a judge to death for aniniquitous sentence, and ordered his hide to be stuffed into a cushion, and placed upon the tribunal for the son to sit on, who was preferred tohis father's office. I fancy such a memorial might not have beenunuseful to a son of Sir William Scroggs, and that both he and hissuccessors would often wriggle in their seats as long as the cushionlasted. I wish the relater had told us what number of such cushionsthere might be in that country. 

I cannot but observe to your lordship how nice and dangerous a point itis grown for a private person to inform the people even in an affairwhere the public interest and safety are so highly concerned as that ofMr. Wood, and this in a country where loyalty is woven into the veryhearts of the people, seems a little extraordinary. Sir William Scroggswas the first who introduced that commendable acuteness into the courtsof judicature; but how far this practice hath been imitated by hissuccessors or strained upon occasion, is out of my knowledge. Whenpamphlets unpleasing to the ministry were presented as libels, he wouldorder the offensive paragraphs to be read before him, and said it wasstrange that the judges and lawyers of the King's Bench should be dullerthan all the people of England; and he was often so very happy inapplying the initial letters of names, and expounding dubious hints (thetwo common expedients among writers of that class for escaping the law)that he discovered much more than ever the authors intended, as many ofthem or their printers found to their cost. If such methods are to befollowed in examining what I have already written or may write hereafterupon the subject of Mr. Wood, I defy any man of fifty times myunderstanding and caution to avoid being entrapped, unless he will becontent to write what none will read, by repeating over the oldarguments and computations, whereof the world is already grown weary. Sothat my good friend Harding lies under this dilemma, either to let mylearned works hang for ever a drying upon his lines, or venture topublish them at the hazard of being laid by the heels. 

I need not tell your lordship where the difficulty lies. It is true, theKing and the laws permit us to refuse this coin of Mr. Wood, but at thesame time it is equally true, that the King and the laws permit us toreceive it. Now it is most certain the ministers in England do notsuppose the consequences of uttering that brass among us to be soruinous as we apprehend; because doubtless if they understood it in thatlight, they are persons of too much honour and justice not to use theircredit with His Majesty for saving a most loyal kingdom fromdestruction. But as long as it shall please those great persons to thinkthat coin will not be so very pernicious to us, we lie under thedisadvantage of being censured as obstinate in not complying with aroyal patent. Therefore nothing remains, but to make use of that libertywhich the King and the laws have left us, by continuing to refuse thiscoin, and by frequent remembrances to keep up that spirit raised againstit, which otherwise may be apt to flag, and perhaps in time to sinkaltogether. For, any public order against receiving or uttering Mr. Wood's halfpence is not reasonably to be expected in this kingdom, without directions from England, which I think nobody presumes, or is sosanguine to hope. 

But to confess the truth, my lord, I begin to grow weary of my office asa writer, and could heartily wish it were devolved upon my brethren, themakers of songs and ballads, who perhaps are the best qualified atpresent to gather up the gleanings of this controversy. As to myself, ithath been my misfortune to begin and pursue it upon a wrong foundation. For having detected the frauds and falsehoods of this vile impostor Woodin every part, I foolishly disdained to have recourse to whining, lamenting, and crying for mercy, but rather chose to appeal to law andliberty and the common rights of mankind, without considering theclimate I was in. 

Since your last residence in Ireland, I frequently have taken my nag toride about your grounds, where I fancied myself to feel an air offreedom breathing round me, and I am glad the low condition of atradesman did not qualify me to wait on you at your house, for then I amafraid my writings would not have escaped severer censures. But I havelately sold my nag, and honestly told his greatest fault, which was thatof snuffing up the air about Brackdenstown, whereby he became such alover of liberty, that I could scarce hold him in. I have likewiseburied at the bottom of a strong chest your lordship's writings under aheap of others that treat of liberty, and spread over a layer or two ofHobbes, Filmer, Bodin[22] and many more authors of that stamp, to bereadiest at hand whenever I shall be disposed to take up a new set ofprinciples in government. In the mean time I design quietly to look tomy shop, and keep as far out of your lordship's influence as possible;and if you ever see any more of my writings upon this subject, I promiseyou shall find them as innocent, as insipid and without a sting as whatI have now offered you. But if your lordship will please to give me aneasy lease of some part of your estate in Yorkshire, [23] thither will Icarry my chest and turning it upside down, resume my political readingwhere I left it off; feed on plain homely fare, and live and die a freehonest English farmer: But not without regret for leaving my countrymenunder the dread of the brazen talons of Mr. Wood: My most loyal andinnocent countrymen, to whom I owe so much for their good opinion of me, and of my poor endeavours to serve them, I am with the greatest respect, My Lord Your Lordship's most obedient and most humble servant, M. B. 

From my shopin St. Francis-Street, Dec. 14. 1724. 

[Footnote 22: Sir Robert Filmer, the political writer who suffered forhis adhesion to the cause of Charles I. His chief work was publishedafter his death in 1680. It is entitled, "Patriarcha, " and defends thepatriarchal theory of government against the social-compact theory ofHobbes. Locke vigorously attacked it in his "Two Treatises onGovernment" published in 1690. 

Jean Bodin, who died in 1596, wrote the "Livres de la Republique, " aremarkable collection of information and speculation on the theoreticalbasis of political government. [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 23: Molesworth's estate in Yorkshire was at Edlington, nearTickhill. [T. S. ]]

LETTER VII. 

AN HUMBLE ADDRESS TO BOTH HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT. 

BY M. B. DRAPIER. 

"Multa gemens ignominiam Plagasque superbi Victoris. --"

[VIRGIL, _Georg. III. _, 226-7. ]

NOTE. 

This letter was published in the fourth volume of the collected editionof Swift's Works, issued by Faulkner, in Dublin, in 1735. It is therestated that it was written "before the Lord Carteret came over, and soonafter the fourth Drapier's letter. " If Faulkner be correct, and heprobably is, the subject matter of the letter shows that it was not tobe printed until after the agitation had subsided. The letter is in anentirely different spirit from the other letters, and deals withsuggestions and methods of action for a general righting of the wrongsunder which Ireland was suffering. In matter as well as in manner it isnot a continuation of the contest against Wood, but an effort to sendthe people along paths which would lead to their general welfare andprosperity. As such it properly concludes the Drapier series. 

The text of the letter here printed is that of Faulkner collated withthat given in the fifth volume of "Miscellanies, " issued in London in. 1735. 

[T. S. ]

LETTER VII. 

AN HUMBLE ADDRESS TO BOTH HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT. 

I have been told, that petitions and addresses, either to King orParliament, are the right of every subject; providing they consist withthat respect, which is due to princes and great assemblies. Neither do Iremember, that the modest proposals, or opinions of private men, havebeen ill-received, when they have not been delivered in the style ofadvice; which is a presumption far from my thoughts. However, ifproposals should be looked upon as too assuming; yet I hope, every manmay be suffered to declare his own and the nation's wishes. Forinstance; I may be allowed to wish, that some further laws were enactedfor the advancement of trade, for the improvement of agriculture, nowstrangely neglected, against the maxim of all wise nations: Forsupplying the manifest defects in the acts concerning plantation oftrees: For setting the poor to work, and many others. 

Upon this principle, I may venture to affirm; it is the hearty wish ofthe whole nation, very few excepted; that the Parliament in this sessionwould begin by strictly examining into the detestable fraud of oneWilliam Wood, now or late of London, hardwareman; who illegally andclandestinely, as appears by your own votes and addresses, procured apatent in England, for coining halfpence in that kingdom, to be currenthere. This, I say, is the wish of the whole nation, very few excepted;and upon account of those few, is more strongly and justly the wish ofthe rest: Those few consisting either of Wood's confederates, someobscure tradesmen, or certain bold UNDERTAKERS[1] of weak judgment, andstrong ambition; who think to find their accounts in the ruin of thenation, by securing or advancing themselves. And, because such menproceed upon a system of politics, to which I would fain hope you willbe always utter strangers, I shall humbly lay it before you. 

[Footnote 1: This was a phrase used in the time of Charles II. Toexpress those dashing ministers who obtained power by undertaking tocarry through particular favourite measures of the crown. But the Deanapplies it with his usual studied ambiguity, so that it may be explainedas meaning schemers or projectors in general. [S. ]]

Be pleased to suppose me in a station of fifteen hundred pounds a year, salary and perquisites; and likewise possessed of 800_l_. A year, realestate. Then, suppose a destructive project to be set on foot; such, forinstance, as this of Wood; which if it succeed, in all the consequencesnaturally to be expected from it, must sink the rents and wealth of thekingdom one half, (although I am confident, it would have done sofive-sixths. ) Suppose, I conceive that the countenancing, or privatelysupporting this project, will please those by whom I expect to bepreserved, or higher exalted. Nothing then remains, but to compute andbalance my gain and my loss, and sum up the whole. I suppose that Ishall keep my employment ten years, (not to mention the fair chance of abetter. ) This at 1500_l_. A year, amounts, in ten years, to 15, 000_l_. My estate, by the success of the said project, sinks 400_l_. A year;which at twenty years' purchase, is but 8000_l_. So that I am a cleangainer of 7000_l_. Upon the balance. And during all that period, I ampossessed of power and credit, can gratify my favourites, and takevengeance of mine enemies. And if the project miscarry, my private meritis still entire. This arithmetic, as horrible as it appears, I knowinglyaffirm to have been practised, and applied in conjunctures, whereondepended the ruin or safety of a nation: Although, probably the charityand virtue of a senate, will hardly be induced to believe, that therecan be such monsters among mankind. And yet, the wise Lord Baconmentions a sort of people, (I doubt the race is not yet extinct) whowould "set a house on fire, for the convenience of roasting their owneggs at the flame. "

But whoever is old enough to remember, and hath turned his thoughts toobserve the course of public affairs in this kingdom, from the time ofthe Revolution; must acknowledge, that the highest points of interestand liberty, have been often sacrificed to the avarice and ambition ofparticular persons, upon the very principles and arithmetic that I havesupposed: The only wonder is, how these artists were able to prevailupon numbers; and influence even public assemblies to become instrumentsfor effecting their execrable designs. 

It is, I think, in all conscience, latitude enough for vice, if a man instation be allowed to act injustice, upon the usual principles ofgetting a bribe, wreaking his malice, serving his party, or consultinghis preferment; while his wickedness terminates in the ruin only ofparticular persons: But, to deliver up our whole country, and everyliving soul who inhabits it, to certain destruction; hath not, as Iremember, been permitted by the most favourable casuists on the side ofcorruption. It were far better, that all who have had the misfortune tobe born in this kingdom, should be rendered incapable of holding anyemployment whatsoever, above the degree of a constable, (according tothe scheme and intention of a great minister[2] _gone to his ownplace_)than to live under the daily apprehension of a few false brethrenamong ourselves. Because, in the former case we should be wholly freefrom the danger of being betrayed; since none could then have impudenceenough to pretend any public good. 

[Footnote 2: The Earl of Sunderland. See note on p. 377 of vol. _v. _ ofpresent edition. [T. S. ]]

It is true, that in this desperate affair of the new halfpence, I havenot heard of any man above my own degree of a shopkeeper, to have beenhitherto so bold, as, in direct terms, to vindicate the fatal project;although I have been told of some very mollifying expressions which wereused, and very gentle expedients proposed and handed about, when itfirst came under debate: But, since the eyes of the people have been sofar opened, that the most ignorant can plainly see their own ruin, inthe success of Wood's attempt; these grand compounders have been morecautious. [3]

[Footnote 3: Alluding to Walpole's overture for reducing the amount tobe coined to £40, 000. [T. S. ]]

But that the same spirit still subsists, hath manifestly appeared (amongother instances of great compliance) from certain circumstances, thathave attended some late proceedings in a court of judicature. There isnot any commonplace more frequently insisted on, by those who treat ofour constitution, than the great happiness and excellency of trials byjuries; yet if this blessed part of our law be eludible at pleasure, bythe force of power, frowns, and artifice; we shall have little reason toboast of our advantage, in this particular, over other states orkingdoms in Europe. And surely, these high proceedings, exercised in apoint that so nearly concerned the life-blood of the people, theirnecessary subsistence, their very food and raiment, and even the publicpeace; will not allow any favourable appearance; because it was obvious, that so much superabundant zeal could have no other design, or produceany other effect, than to damp that spirit raised in the nation againstthis accursed scheme of William Wood, and his abettors; to which spiritalone, we owe, and for ever must owe, our being hitherto preserved, andour hopes of being preserved for the future; if it can be kept up, andstrongly countenanced by your wise assemblies. I wish I could accountfor such a demeanour upon a more charitable foundation, than that ofputting our interest in over balance with the ruin of our country. 

I remember some months ago, when this affair was fresh in discourse; aperson near allied to SOMEBODY, or (as the hawkers called him) NOBODY, who was thought deeply concerned, went about very diligently among hisacquaintance, to shew the bad consequences that might follow from anypublic resentment to the disadvantage of his ally Mr. Wood; principallyalleging the danger of all employments being disposed of from England. One of these emissaries came to me, and urged the same topic: Ianswered, naturally, that I knew there was no office of any kind, whicha man from England might not have, if he thought it worth his asking;and that I looked upon all who had the disadvantage of being born here, as only in the condition of leasers and gleaners. Neither could Iforbear mentioning the known fable of the countryman, who entreated hisass to fly for fear of being taken by the enemy; but the ass refused togive himself that trouble; and upon a very wise reason, because he couldnot possibly change his present master for a worse: The enemy could notmake him fare harder; beat him more cruelly; nor load him with heavierburthens. 

Upon these, and many other considerations, I may affirm it to be thewish of the whole nation, that the power and privileges of juries weredeclared, ascertained, and confirmed by the legislature; and thatwhoever hath been manifestly known to violate them, might be stigmatizedby public censure; not from any hope that such a censure will amendtheir practices, or hurt their interest, (for it may probably operatequite contrary in both:) but that the nation may know their enemies fromtheir friends. 

I say not this with any regard or view to myself; for I write in greatsecurity; and am resolved that none shall merit at my expense furtherthan by shewing their zeal to discover, prosecute, and condemn me, forendeavouring to do my duty in serving my country: And yet I am consciousto myself that I never had the least intention to reflect on HisMajesty's ministers, nor on any other person, except William Wood, whomI neither did, nor do yet conceive to be of that number. However, somewould have it, that I went too far; but I suppose they will now allowthemselves mistaken. I am sure I might easily have gone further; and Ithink I could not easily have fared worse. And therefore I was nofurther affected with their proclamation, and subsequent proceedings, than a good clergyman is with the sins of the people. And as to the poorprinter, he is now gone to appear before a higher, and before arighteous tribunal. 

As my intention is only to lay before your great assemblies, the generalwishes of the nation; and as I have already declared it our principalwish that your first proceeding would be to examine into the perniciousfraud of William Wood; so I must add, as the universal opinion, that allschemes of commutation, composition, and the like expedients, eitheravowed or implied, will be of the most pernicious consequences to thepublic; against the dignity of a free kingdom; and prove anencouragement to future adventurers in the same destructive projects. For, it is a maxim, which no man at present disputes, that even aconnivance to admit one thousand pounds in these halfpence, willproduce, in time, the same ruinous effects, as if we openly consented toadmit a million. It were, therefore, infinitely more safe and eligible, to leave things in the doubtful, melancholy state they are at present, (which, however, God forbid) and trust entirely to the general aversionof our people against this coin; using all honest endeavours topreserve, continue, and increase that aversion, than submit to applythose palliatives which weak, perfidious, or abject politicians, are, upon all occasions, and in all diseases, so ready to administer. 

In the small compass of my reading, (which, however, hath been moreextensive than is usual to men of my inferior calling) I have observedthat grievances have always preceded supplies; and if ever grievanceshad a title to such a pre-eminence, it must be this of Wood; because itis not only the greatest grievance that any country could suffer, but agrievance of such a kind that, if it should take effect, would make itimpossible for us to give any supplies at all; except in adulteratecopper; unless a tax were laid for paying the civil and military lists, and the large pensions, with real commodities instead of money; which, however, might be liable to some few objections as well as difficulties:For although the common soldiers might be content with beef and mutton, and wool, and malt, and leather; yet I am in some doubt as to thegenerals, the colonels, the numerous pensioners, the civil officers, andothers, who all live in England upon Irish pay; as well as those few whoreside among us only because they cannot help it. 

There is one particular, which although I have mentioned more than oncein some of my former papers, yet I cannot forbear to repeat, and alittle enlarge upon it; because I do not remember to have read or heardof the like in the history of any age or country; neither do I everreflect upon it without the utmost astonishment. 

After the unanimous addresses to his Sacred Majesty, against this patentof Wood, from both Houses of Parliament, which are the three estates ofthe kingdom; and likewise an address from the Privy-council, to whom, under the chief governors, the whole administration is entrusted; thematter is referred to a committee of council in London. Wood, and hisadherents, are heard on one side; and a few volunteers, without anytrust or direction from hence, on the other. The question (as Iremember) chiefly turned upon the want of halfpence in Ireland:Witnesses are called on the behalf of Wood (of what credit I haveformerly shewn :) Upon the issue the patent is found good and legal; allHis Majesty's officers here, (not excepting the military) commanded tobe aiding and assisting to make it effectual. The addresses of bothHouses of Parliament, of the Privy-council; and of the city of Dublin:The declarations of most counties and corporations through the kingdom, are altogether laid aside, as of no weight, consequence, orconsideration whatsoever: And the whole kingdom of Ireland nonsuited, indefault of appearance; as if it were a private cause between John Doe, plaintiff, and William Roe, defendant. 

With great respect to those-honourable persons, the committee of councilin London, I have not understood them to be our governors, councillors, or judges. Neither did our case turn at all upon the question, whetherIreland wanted halfpence or no. For there is no doubt, but we do wantboth halfpence, gold, and silver; and we have numberless other wants, and some that we are not so much as allowed to name; although they arepeculiar to this nation; to which no other is subject, whom God hathblessed with religion and laws, or any degree of soil and sunshine: But, for what demerits on our side, I am altogether in the dark. 

But, I do not remember, that our want of halfpence was either affirmed, or denied in any of our addresses or declarations, against those ofWood: We alleged, the fraudulent obtaining and executing his patent, thebaseness of his metal, the prodigious sum to be coined, which might beincreased by stealth, from foreign importation and his own counterfeits, as well as those at home; whereby we must infallibly lose all our littlegold and silver, and all our poor remainder of a very limited anddiscouraged trade: We urged, that the patent was passed without theleast reference hither; and without mention of any security given byWood, to receive his own halfpence upon demand; both which are contraryto all former proceedings in the like cases. These, and many otherarguments we offered; but still the patent went on, and at this day ourruin would have been half completed; if God, in His mercy, had notraised an universal detestation of these halfpence, in the wholekingdom; with a firm resolution never to receive them; since we are notunder obligations to do so by any law, either human or divine. 

But, in the Name of God, and of all justice and piety; when the King'sMajesty was pleased that this patent should pass; is it not to beunderstood, that he conceived, believed, and intended it as a graciousact, for the good and benefit of his subjects, for the advantage of agreat and fruitful kingdom; of the most loyal kingdom upon earth, whereno hand or voice was ever lifted up against him; a kingdom where thepassage is not of three hours from Britain; and a kingdom where Papistshave less power, and less land, than in England? Can it be denied, ordoubted, that His Majesty's ministers understood and proposed the sameend, the good of this nation, when they advised the passing this patent?Can the person of Wood be otherwise regarded, than as the instrument, the mechanic, the head-workman, to prepare his furnace, his fuel, hismetal, and his stamps? If I employ a shoe-boy, is it in view to hisadvantage, or to my own convenience? I mention the person of WilliamWood alone, because no other appears, and we are not to reason uponsurmises; neither would it avail, if they had a real foundation. 

Allowing therefore, (for we cannot do less) that this patent, for thecoining of halfpence, was wholly intended, by a gracious king, and awise public-spirited ministry, for the advantage of Ireland; yet whenthe whole kingdom to a man, for whose good the patent was designed, do, upon maturest consideration, universally join, in openly declaring, protesting, addressing, petitioning, against these halfpence, as themost ruinous project that ever was set on foot, to complete the slaveryand destruction of a poor innocent country: Is it, was it, can it, orwill it ever be a question, not whether such a kingdom, or William Wood, should be a gainer; but whether such a kingdom should be wholly undone, destroyed, sunk, depopulated, made a scene of misery and desolation, forthe sake of William Wood? God, of His infinite mercy, avert thisdreadful judgment; and it is our universal wish, that God would put itinto your hearts to be His instruments for so good a work. 

For my own part, who am but one man, of obscure condition, I do solemnlydeclare, in the presence of Almighty God, that I will suffer the mostignominious and torturing death, rather than submit to receive thisaccursed coin, or any other that shall be liable to the same objections, until they shall be forced upon me, by a law of my own country; and ifthat shall ever happen, I will transport myself into some foreign land, and eat the bread of poverty among a free people. 

Am I legally punishable for these expressions? Shall anotherproclamation issue against me, because I presume to take my country'spart against William Wood; where her final destruction is intended? But, whenever you shall please to impose silence upon me, I will submit;because, I look upon your unanimous voice to be the voice of the nation;and this I have been taught, and do believe to be, in some manner, thevoice of God. 

The great ignominy of a whole kingdom, lying so long at mercy, under sovile an adversary, is such a deplorable aggravation, that the utmostexpressions of shame and rage, are too low to set it forth; andtherefore, I shall leave it to receive such a resentment, as is worthyof a parliament. 

It is likewise our universal wish, that His Majesty would grant libertyto coin halfpence in this kingdom, for our own use; under suchrestrictions as a parliament here shall advise: Since the power ofcoining even gold and silver, is possessed by every petty prince abroad;and was always practised by Scotland, to the very time of the Union; yetsurely Scotland, as to soil, climate, and extent, is not, in itself, afourth part the value of Ireland; (for Bishop Burnet says, it is notabove a fortieth part in value, to the rest of Britain) and with respectto the profit that England gains from hence, not the forty thousandthpart. Although I must confess, that a mote in the eye, or a thorn in theside, is more dangerous and painful than a beam, or a spike at adistance. 

The histories of England, and of most other countries, abound inrelating the miserable, and sometimes the most tragical effects, fromthe abuses of coin; by debasing the metal, by lessening, or enhancingthe value upon occasions, to the public loss; of which we have anexample, within our own memory in England, and another very lately inFrance. It is the tenderest point of government, affecting everyindividual, in the highest degree. When the value of money is arbitrary, or unsettled; no man can well be said to have any property at all; noris any wound so suddenly felt, so hardly cured, or that leaves such deepand lasting scars behind it. 

I conceive this poor unhappy island, to have a title to some indulgencefrom England; not only upon the score of Christianity, natural equity, and the general rights of mankind; but chiefly on account of thatimmense profit they receive from us; without which, that kingdom wouldmake a very different figure in Europe, from what it doth at present. 

The rents of land in Ireland, since they have been of late so enormouslyraised, and screwed up, may be computed to about two millions; whereofone-third part, at least, is directly transmitted to those, who areperpetual absentees in England; as I find by a computation made with theassistance of several skilful gentlemen. 

The other articles by which we are altogether losers, and England againer; we found to amount to almost as much more. I will only set downas many heads of them as I can remember; and leave them to theconsideration of those, who understand accounts better than I pretend todo. 

The occasional absentees, for business, health, or diversion. 

Three-fourths of the revenue of the chief governor, during his absence;which is usually four-fifths of his government. 

The whole revenue of the post-office. 

The numerous pensions paid to persons in England. 

The pay of the chief officers of the army absent in England, which is agreat sum. 

Four commissioners of the revenue, always absent. 

Civil employments very numerous, and of great income. 

The vast charge of appeals to the House of Lords, and to the Court ofDelegates. 

Students at the Inns of Court, and the two Universities. 

Eighty thousand pounds sent yearly to England, for coals; whereof theprime cost is nothing; and therefore, the profit wholly theirs. 

One hundred thousand pounds paid several years past, for corn sent overhither from England; the effect of our own great wisdom in discouragingagriculture. 

The kind liberty granted us of wearing Indian stuffs, and calicoes, togratify the vanity and folly of our women; which, beside the profit toEngland, is an unconceivable loss to us; forcing the weavers to beg inour streets, or transport themselves to foreign countries. 

The prodigious loss to us, and gain to England, by selling them all ourwool at their own rates; whereof the manufacture exceeds above ten timesthe prime cost: A proceeding without example in the Christian or heathenworld. 

Our own wool returned upon us, in English manufactures, to our infiniteshame and damage; and the great advantage of England. 

The full profit of all our mines accruing to England; an effect of greatnegligence and stupidity. 

An affectation among us, of liking all kinds of goods made in England. 

NOTE, Many of the above articles have been since particularly computedby another writer, to whose treatise the reader is referred. [4]

[Footnote 4: The work referred to is "A List of the Absentees ofIreland, and the yearly value of their estates and Incomes spentabroad, " by Thomas Prior, Esq. Prior was a native of Ireland and theschoolfellow and life-long friend of Berkeley, the philosopher. Inconcert with Samuel Madden and other friends, he founded, in 1731, theDublin Society for the Promotion of Agriculture, Manufactures, Arts andSciences. This society was the parent of the present Royal DublinSociety. His "List of the Absentees of Ireland" was published in 1729. He also issued "Observations on Coin" (1730), and "An AuthenticNarrative of the Success of Tar Water in Curing a great number andvariety of Distempers" (1746), to which Berkeley contributed. [T. S. ]]

These and many other articles, which I cannot recollect at present, areagreed by judicious men to amount to near seven hundred thousand pounds_per ann_. Clear profit to England. And, upon the whole, let any manlook into those authors who write upon the subject of commerce, he shallfind, that there is not one single article in the essentials, orcircumstances of trade, whereby a country can be a loser, which we donot possess in the highest perfection; somewhat, in every particular, that bears a kind of analogy to William Wood; and now the branches areall cut off, he stands ready with his axe at the root. 

Upon this subject of perpetual absentees, I have spent some time in veryinsignificant reflections; and considering the usual motives of humanactions, which are pleasure, profit, and ambition, I cannot yetcomprehend how those persons find their account in any of the three. Ispeak not of those English peers or gentlemen, who, beside their estatesat home, have possessions here; for, in that case, the matter isdesperate; but I mean those lords, and wealthy knights, or squires, whose birth, and partly their education, and all their fortune (exceptsome trifle, and that in very few instances) are in this kingdom. I knewmany of them well enough, during several years, when I resided inEngland; and truly I could not discover that the figure they made was, by any means, a subject for envy; at least it gave me two very differentpassions: For, excepting the advantage of going now and then to anopera, or sometimes appearing behind a crowd at Court; or adding to thering of coaches in Hyde Park, or losing their money at the ChocolateHouse; or getting news, votes, and minutes, about five days before us inDublin, I say, besides these, and a few other privileges of lessimportance, their temptations to live in London, were beyond myknowledge or conception. And I used to wonder, how a man of birth andspirit, could endure to be wholly insignificant and obscure in a foreigncountry, when he might live with lustre in his own; and even at lessthan half that expense, which he strains himself to make, withoutobtaining any one end; except that which happened to the frog when hewould needs contend for size with the ox. I have been told by scholars, that Caesar said, he would rather be the first man, in I know not whatvillage, than the second in Rome. This, perhaps, was a thought only fitfor Caesar: But to be preceded by thousands, and neglected by millions;to be wholly without power, figure, influence, honour, credit, ordistinction, is not, in my poor opinion, a very amiable situation oflife, to a person of title, or wealth, who can so cheaply and easilyshine in his native country. 

But, besides the depopulating of the kingdom, the leaving so many partsof it wild and uncultivated, the ruin of so many country-seats andplantations, the cutting down all the woods to supply expenses inEngland; the absence of so many noble and wealthy persons, hath been thecause of another fatal consequence, which few perhaps have been awareof. For if that very considerable number of lords, who possess theamplest fortunes here, had been content to live at home, and attend theaffairs of their own country in Parliament; the weight, reputation, anddignity thereby added to that noble House, would, in all humanprobability, have prevented certain proceedings, which are now ever tobe lamented; because they never can be remedied: And we might have thendecided our own properties among ourselves, without being forced totravel five hundred miles by sea and land, to another kingdom, forjustice; to our infinite expense, vexation, and trouble: Which is a markof servitude without example, from the practice of any age or nation inthe world. 

I have sometimes wondered, upon what motive the peerage of England wereso desirous to determine our controversies; because I have been assured, and partly know, that the frequent appeals from hence, have been veryirksome to that illustrious body; and whoever hath frequented thePainted Chamber, and Court of Requests, must have observed, that theyare never so nobly filled, as when an Irish appeal is under debate. 

The peers of Scotland, who are very numerous, were content to reside intheir castles and houses, in that bleak and barren climate; and althoughsome of them made frequent journeys to London, yet I do not remember anyof their greatest families, till very lately, to have made England theirconstant habitation, before the Union: Or, if they did, I am sure it wasgenerally to their own advantage; and whatever they got, was employed tocultivate and increase their own estates; and by that means enrichthemselves and their country. 

As to the great number of rich absentees, under the degree of peers;what particular ill effects their absence may have upon this kingdom, besides those already mentioned, may perhaps be too tender a point forme to touch. But whether those who live in another kingdom, upon greatestates here; and have lost all regards to their own country, furtherthan upon account of the revenues they receive from it: I say, whethersuch persons may not be prevailed on to recommend others to vacantseats, who have no interest here, except a precarious employment; andconsequently can have no views, but to preserve what they have got, orto be higher advanced: This, I am sure, is a very melancholy question, if it be a question at all. 

But, besides the prodigious profit which England receives by thetransmittal thither of two-thirds of the revenues of this whole kingdom;it hath another mighty advantage by making our country a receptacle, wherein to disburthen themselves of their supernumerary pretenders tooffices; persons of second-rate merit in their own country; who, likebirds of passage, most of them thrive and fatten here, and fly off whentheir credit and employments are at an end. So that Ireland may justlysay what Luther said of himself; POOR Ireland maketh many rich. 

If amidst all our difficulties, I should venture to assert, that we haveone great advantage, provided we could improve it as we ought; I believemost of my readers would be long in conjecturing what possible advantagecould ever fall to our share. However, it is certain, that all theregular seeds of party and faction among us are entirely rooted out, andif any new ones shall spring up, they must be of equivocal generation, without any seed at all; and will justly be imputed to a degree ofstupidity beyond even what we have been ever charged with upon the scoreof our birth-place and climate. 

The parties in this kingdom (including those of modern date) are, First, of those who have been charged or suspected to favour the Pretender; andthose who were zealous opposers of him. Secondly, of those who were forand against a toleration of Dissenters by law. Thirdly, of High and LowChurch; or, (to speak in the cant of the times) of Whig and Tory: And, Fourthly, of court and country. If there be any more, they are beyond myobservation or politics: For as to subaltern or occasional parties, theyhave all been derivations from the same originals. 

Now, it is manifest, that all these incitements to faction, party, anddivision are wholly removed from among us. For, as to the Pretender, hiscause is both desperate and obsolete: There are very few now alive whowere _men_ in his father's time, and in that prince's interest; and inall others, the obligation of conscience hath no place;[5] even thePapists in general, of any substance, or estates, and their priestsalmost universally, are what we call Whigs in the sense which by thatword is generally understood. They feel the smart, and see the scars oftheir former wounds; and very well know, that they must be made asacrifice to the least attempts towards a change; although it cannot bedoubted, that they would be glad to have their superstition restored, under any prince whatsoever. 

[Footnote 5: That is to say, they had not sworn any allegiance to him. [T. S. ]]

Secondly, The Dissenters are now tolerated by law; neither do we observeany murmurs at present from that quarter, except those reasonablecomplaints they make of persecution, because they are excluded fromcivil employments; but their number being very small in either House ofParliament, they are not yet in a situation to erect a party: Because, however indifferent men may be with regard to religion, they are nowgrown wise enough to know, that if such a latitude were allowed toDissenters; the few small employments left us in cities andcorporations, would find other hands to lay hold on them. 

Thirdly, The dispute between High and Low Church is now at an end;two-thirds of the bishops having been promoted in this reign, and mostof them from England, who have bestowed all preferments in their gift tothose they could well confide in: The deaneries all except three, andmany principal church-livings, are in the donation of the crown: So thatwe already possess such a body of clergy as will never engage incontroversy upon that antiquated and exploded subject. 

Lastly, As to court and country parties, so famous and avowed under mostreigns in English Parliaments: This kingdom hath not, for several yearspast been a proper scene whereon to exercise such contentions; and isnow less proper than ever; many great employments for life being indistant hands, and the reversions diligently watched and secured; thetemporary ones of any inviting value are all bestowed elsewhere as fastas they drop; and the few remaining, are of too low consideration tocreate contests about them, except among younger brothers, or tradesmenlike myself. And, therefore, to institute a court and country partywithout materials, would be a very new system in politics, and what Ibelieve was never thought on before; nor, unless in a nation of idiots, can ever succeed. For the most ignorant Irish cottager will not sell hiscow for a groat. 

Therefore, I conclude, that all party and faction, with regard to publicproceedings, are now extinguished in this kingdom; neither doth itappear in view how they can possibly revive; unless some new causes beadministered; which cannot be done without crossing the interests ofthose who are greatest gainers by continuing the same measures. And, general calamities without hope of redress, are allowed to be the greatuniters of mankind. 

However we may dislike the causes; yet this effect of begetting anuniversal concord among us in all national debates, as well as incities, corporations, and country neighbourhoods, may keep us at leastalive, and in a condition to eat the little bread allowed us in peaceand amity. I have heard of a quarrel in a tavern, where all were atdaggers-drawing, till one of the company cried out, desiring to know thesubject of the quarrel; which, when none of them could tell, they put uptheir swords, sat down, and passed the rest of the evening in quiet. Theformer part hath been our case; I hope the latter will be so too; thatwe shall sit down amicably together, at least until we have somethingthat may give us a title to fall out; since nature hath instructed evena brood of goslings to stick together while the kite is hovering overtheir heads. 

It is certain, that a firm union in any country, where every man wishesthe same thing with relation to the public, may, in several points ofthe greatest importance, in some measure, supply the defect of power;and even of those rights which are the natural and undoubted inheritanceof mankind. If the universal wish of the nation upon any point, weredeclared by the unanimous vote of the House of Commons, and a reasonablenumber of Lords; I should think myself obliged in conscience to act inmy sphere according to that vote; because, in all free nations, I takethe proper definition of law to be the will of the majority of those whohave the property in land; which, if there be a monarchy, is to beconfirmed by the royal assent. And, although such votes or declarationshave not received such a confirmation, for certain accidental reasons;yet I think they ought to be of much weight with the subject; providedthey neither oppose the King's prerogative, endanger the peace of thenation, nor infringe any law already in force; none of which, however, can reasonably be supposed. Thus, for instance, if nine in ten of theHouse of Commons, and a reasonable number of native temporal peers, should declare, that whoever received or uttered brass coin, exceptunder certain limitations and securities, should be deemed as enemies tothe King and the nation; I should think it a heinous sin in myself toact contrary to such a vote: And, if the same power should declare thesame censure against those who wore Indian stuffs and calicoes, orwoollen manufactures imported from abroad, whereby this nation isreduced to the lowest ebb of misery; I should readily, heartily, andcheerfully pay obedience; and to my utmost power persuade others to dothe like: Because, there is no law of this land obliging us either toreceive such coin, or to wear such foreign manufactures. 

Upon this last article, I could humbly wish that the reverend the clergywould set us an example, by contenting themselves with wearing gowns, and other habiliments of Irish drapery; which, as it would be someincitement to the laity, and set many hands to work; so they would findtheir advantage in the cheapness; which is a circumstance not to beneglected by too many among that venerable body. [6] And, in order tothis, I could heartily desire, that the most ingenious artists of theweaving trade, would contrive some decent stuffs and silks forclergymen, at reasonable rates. [7]

[Footnote 6: This hath since been put in practice, by the persuasions, and influence of the supposed author; but much defeated by the mostinfamous fraud of shop-keepers. [F. ]]

[Footnote 7: This scheme was likewise often urged to the weavers by thesupposed author; but he could never prevail upon them to put it inpractice. [F. ]]

I have pressed several of our most substantial brethren, that the wholecorporation of weavers in silk and woollen, would publish someproposals, (I wish they would do it to both Houses of Parliament)inviting persons of all degrees, and of both sexes, to wear the woollenand silk manufactures of our own country; entering into solemn, mutualengagements, that the buyer shall have good, substantial, merchantableware for his money; and at a certain rate, without the trouble ofcheapening: So that, if I sent a child for a piece of stuff of aparticular colour and fineness, I should be sure not to be deceived; orif I had reason to complain, the corporation should give me immediatesatisfaction; and the name of the tradesman who did me the wrong, shouldbe published; and warning given not to deal with him for the future;unless the matter plainly appeared to be a mistake: For, besides thetrouble of going from shop to shop; an ignorant customer runs the hazardof being cheated in the price and goodness of what he buys; being forcedto an unequal combat with a dexterous, and dishonest man, in his owncalling. Thus our goods fall under a general disreputation; and thegentry call for English cloth, or silk, from an opinion they have (andoften too justly by our own faults) that the goodness more than makes upfor the difference of price. 

Besides, it hath been the sottish and ruinous practice of us tradesmen, upon any great demand of goods, either at home or from abroad, to raisethe prices immediately, and manufacture the said goods more slightly andfraudulently than before. 

Of this foul and foolish proceeding, too many instances might beproduced; and I cannot forbear mentioning one, whereby this poor kingdomhath received such a fatal blow in the only article of trade allowed usof any importance that nothing but the success of Wood's project, couldoutdo it. During the late plague in France, the Spaniards, who buy theirlinen cloths in that kingdom, not daring to venture thither for fear ofinfection; a very great demand was made here for that commodity, andexported to Spain: But, whether by the ignorance of the merchants, ordishonesty of the Northern weavers, or the collusion of both; the warewas so bad, and the price so excessive, that except some smallquantity, which was sold below the prime cost, the greatest part wasreturned back: And I have been told by very intelligent persons, that ifwe had been fair dealers, the whole current of the linen trade to Spainwould have taken its course from hence. 

If any punishment were to be inflicted on numbers of men; surely therecould none be thought too great for such a race of traitors, and enemiesto God and their country; who for the prospect of a little present gain, do not only ruin themselves, (for that alone would be an example to therest, and a blessing to the nation) but sell their souls to hell, andtheir country to destruction; And, if the plague could have beenconfined only to these who were partakers in the guilt, had it travelledhither from Marseilles, those wretches would have died with less titleto pity, than a highwayman going to the gallows. 

But, it happens very unluckily, that, for some time past, all endeavoursor proposals from private persons, to advance the public service;however honestly and innocently designed, have been called _flying inthe King's face:_ And this, to my knowledge, hath been the style of somepersons, whose ancestors, (I mean those among them who had any) andthemselves, have been flying in princes' faces these fourscore years;and from their own inclinations would do so still, if their interest didnot lead them rather to fly in the face of a kingdom; which hath giventhem wings to enable them for such a flight. 

Thus, about four years ago, when a discourse was published, endeavouringto persuade our people to wear their own woollen manufactures, [8] fullof the most dutiful expressions to the King, and without the least partyhint; it was termed "flying in the King's face;" the printer wasprosecuted in the manner we all remember; (and, I hope, it willsomewhere be remembered further) the jury kept eleven hours, and sentback nine times, till they were under the necessity of leaving theprisoner to the mercy of the court, by a special verdict. The judge onthe bench invoking God for his witness, when he asserted, that theauthor's design was to bring in the Pretender. [9]

[Footnote 8: This was Swift's pamphlet entitled, "A Proposal for theUniversal Use of Irish Manufactures. " [T. S. ]]

[Footnote 9: The action and language of Justice Whitshed. [T. S. ]]

And thus also, my own poor endeavours to prevent the ruin of my country, by the admission of Wood's coin, was called by the same persons, "flyingin the King's face;" which I directly deny: For I cannot allow thatvile representation of the royal countenance in William Wood'sadulterate copper, to be his Sacred Majesty's face; or if it were, myflying was not against the impression, but the baseness of the metal;because I well remembered; that the image which Nebuchadnezzar"commanded to be set up, for all men to fall down and worship it, " wasnot of _copper_, but pure _gold_. And I am heartily sorry, we have sofew royal images of that metal among us; the sight whereof, although itcould hardly increase our veneration for His Majesty, which is alreadyso great; yet would very much enliven it with a mixture of comfort andsatisfaction. 

Alexander the Great, would suffer no statuary, except Phidias, to carvehis image in stone or metal. How must he have treated such an operatoras Wood, who goes about with sackfuls of dross; odiously misrepresentinghis Prince's countenance; and would force them, by thousands, upon everyone of us, at above six times the value. 

But, notwithstanding all that hath been objected by William Woodhimself; together with his favourers, abettors, supporters, eitherpublic or private; by those who connive at his project, or discourageand discountenance his opposers, for fear of lessening their favour, orhazarding their employments; by those who endeavour to damp the spiritof the people raised against this coin; or check the honest zeal of suchas by their writings, or discourses, do all they can to keep it up:Those softeners, sweeteners, compounders; and expedient-mongers, whoshake their heads so strongly, that we can hear their pockets jingle; Idid never imagine, that, in detecting the practices of such enemies tothe kingdom, I was "flying in the King's face"; or thought they werebetter representers of His Majesty, than that very coin, for which theyare secret or open advocates. 

If I were allowed to recite only those wishes of the nation, which maybe in our power to attain; I think they might be summed up in these fewfollowing. 

First, That an end might be put to our apprehensions of Wood'shalfpence, and to any danger of the like destructive scheme for thefuture. 

Secondly; That halfpence might be coined in this kingdom, by a publicmint, with due limitations. 

Thirdly, That the sense of both Houses of Parliament, at least of theHouse of Commons, were declared by some unanimous and hearty votes, against wearing any silk or woollen manufactures, imported from abroad, as likewise against wearing Indian silks or calicoes, which areforbidden under the highest penalties in England: And it behoves us, totake example from so wise a nation; because we are under a greaternecessity to do so, since we are not allowed to export any woollenmanufactures of our own; which is the principal branch of foreign tradein England. 

Fourthly, That some effectual methods may be taken to civilize thepoorer sort of our natives, in all those parts of this kingdom where theIrish abound; by introducing among them our language and customs; forwant of which they live in the utmost ignorance, barbarity and poverty;giving themselves wholly up to idleness, nastiness, and thievery, to thevery great and just reproach of too many landlords. And, if I had in methe least spirit of a projector, I would engage that this might beeffected in a few years, at a very inconsiderable charge. [10]

[Footnote 10: Since this hint was suggested, several useful seminarieshave been instituted, under the name of "Charter Working Schools, " inIreland, supported by the royal benefaction of a thousand pounds a year, by a tax on hawkers and pedlars, and by voluntary subscriptions. Theschools are for the education of boys and girls born of Popish parents;in most of them, the children manufacture their own clothing, and theboys are employed in matters relative to husbandry. [F. ]

These Charter Schools, founded by Marsh, Bishop of Clogher, and adoptedby Primate Boulter in 1733, were intended "to rescue the souls ofthousands of poor children from the dangers of Popish superstition andidolatry, and their bodies from the miseries of idleness and beggary. "In reality the scheme was one by which it was hoped to prevent thegrowth of Catholicism. The conditions and methods of instruction werepositively cruel, since the children were actually withheld from anycommunication with their parents. Mr. Lecky deals with the subject fullyin the first volume of his "Ireland in the Eighteenth Century, " Froudegives the scheme his praise and admiration, but at the time of itsinstitution it was the cause of "an intensity of bitterness hardlyequalled by any portion of the penal code. Parents would rather doanything than send their children into such prisons where, at last, theywould receive an education which, to their minds, must lead them toforfeit their soul's salvation. " [T. S. ]]

Fifthly, That due encouragement should be given to agriculture; and astop put to that pernicious practice of graziers; engrossing vastquantities of land, sometimes at great distance; whereby the country isextremely depopulated. 

Sixthly, That the defects in those acts for planting forest trees, mightbe fully supplied, since they have hitherto been wholly ineffectual;except about the demesnes of a few gentlemen; and even there, ingeneral, very unskilfully made, and thriving accordingly. Neither haththere yet been due care taken to preserve what is planted, or to enclosegrounds; not one hedge, in a hundred, coming to maturity, for want ofskill and industry. The neglect of copsing woods cut down, hath likewisebeen of very ill consequences. And if men were restrained from thatunlimited liberty of cutting down their own woods before the propertime, as they are in some other countries; it would be a mighty benefitto the kingdom. For, I believe, there is not another example in Europe, of such a prodigious quantity of excellent timber cut down, in so shorta time, with so little advantage to the country, either in shipping orbuilding. 

I may add, that absurd practice of cutting turf, without any regularity;whereby great quantities of restorable land are made utterly desperate, many thousands of cattle destroyed, the turf more difficult to come at, and carry home, and less fit for burning; the air made unwholesome bystagnating pools and marshes; and the very sight of such placesoffensive to those who ride by. Neither should that odious custom beallowed, of cutting scraws, (as they call them) which is flaying off thegreen surface of the ground, to cover their cabins; or make up theirditches; sometimes in shallow soils, where all is gravel within a fewinches; and sometimes in low ground, with a thin greensward, and sloughyunderneath; which last turns all into bog, by this mismanagement. And, I have heard from very skilful country-men, that by these two practicesin turf and scraws, the kingdom loseth some hundreds of acres ofprofitable land every year; besides the irreparable loss of many skirtsof bogs, which have a green coat of grass, and yet are mangled for turf;and, besides the want of canals, by regular cutting, which would notonly be a great convenience for bringing their turf home at an easyrate; but likewise render even the larger bogs more dry and safe, forsummer pasture. 

These, and some other speculations of the like kind, I had intended topublish in a particular discourse against this session of Parliament;because, in some periods of my life, I had opportunity and curiosity toobserve, from what causes those great errors, in every branch of countrymanagement, have arisen; of which I have now ventured to relate but few, out of very many; whereof some, perhaps, would not be mentioned withoutgiving offence; which I have endeavoured, by all possible means, toavoid. And, for the same reason, I chose to add here, the little Ithought proper to say on this subject. 

But, as to the lands of those who are perpetual absentees, I do not seeany probability of their being ever improved. In former times, theirtenants sat at easy rents; but for some years past, they have been, generally speaking, more terribly racked by the dexterity of mercilessagents from England, than even those held under the severest landlordshere. I was assured upon the place, by great numbers of credible people, that a prodigious estate in the county of Cork, being let upon leasesfor lives, and great fines paid; the rent was so high, that the tenantsbegged leave to surrender their leases, and were content to lose theirfines. 

The cultivating and improvement of land, is certainly a subject worthyof the highest enquiry in any country, but especially in ours; where weare so strangely limited in every branch of trade, that can be ofadvantage to us; and utterly deprived of those, which are of thegreatest importance; whereof I defy the most learned man in Europe, toproduce me an example from any other kingdom in the world: For, we aredenied the benefits which God and nature intended to us; as manifestlyappears by our happy situation for commerce, and the great number ofour excellent ports. So that, I think, little is left us, beside thecultivating our own soil, encouraging agriculture, and making greatplantations of trees, that we might not be under the necessity ofsending for corn and bark from England, and timber from other countries. This would increase the number of our inhabitants, and help to consumeour natural products, as well as manufactures at home. And I shall neverforget what I once ventured to say to a great man in England; "That fewpoliticians, with all their schemes, are half so useful members of acommonwealth, as an honest farmer; who, by skilfully draining, fencing, manuring, and planting, hath increased the intrinsic value of a piece ofland; and thereby done a perpetual service to his country;" which it isa great controversy, whether any of the former ever did, since thecreation of the world; but no controversy at all, that ninety-nine in ahundred, have done abundance of mischief. 

APPENDIXES

APPENDIX I

ADDRESSES TO THE KING[1]

"To the King's most Excellent MAJESTY: _The humble_ ADDRESS _of the_Knights, Citizens _and_ Burgesses, _in Parliament assembled. _

"MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN, It is with the utmost Concern, that We, Your Majesty's most dutifulsubjects, the Commons of IRELAND in Parliament assembled, find ourselvesindispensably obliged, to represent to Your Majesty, our unanimousOpinion: That the importing and uttering of _Copper Farthings_ and_Halfpence_ by virtue of the Patent lately granted to _William Wood, _Esq. ; under the Great Seal of _Great Britain, _ will be highlyprejudicial to Your Majesty's Revenue, destructive of the trade andcommerce of this nation, and of the most dangerous consequence to theproperties of the subject. 

[Footnote 1: Addresses by the House of Commons and the House of Lordspresented to the King in conformity with the resolutions passed by theseHouses. See Introductory Note to the Drapier's First Letter. The textsof these addresses are taken from "Fraud Detected: or, the HibernianPatriot, " printed by George Faulkner in 1725. [T. S. ]]

"We are fully convinced, from the tender regard Your Majesty has alwaysexpressed for our welfare and prosperity, that this Patent could nothave been obtained, had not _William Wood_ and his accomplices, greatlymisrepresented the state of this nation to Your Majesty, it havingappeared to us, by Examinations taken in the most solemn manner, thatthough the terms thereof had been strictly complied with, there wouldhave been a loss to this nation of at least 150 _per Cent. _ by means ofthe said coinage, and a much greater in the manner the said _Half-pence_have been coined. 

"We likewise beg leave to inform Your Majesty, That the said _WilliamWood_ has been guilty of a most notorious fraud and deceit in coiningthe said _Half-pence, _ having, under colour of the powers granted untohim, imported and endeavoured to utter great quantities of differentimpressions, and of much less weight than was required by the saidPatent. 

"Your faithful _Commons_ have found, by experience, That the grantingthe power or privilege of coining _Money_, or _Tokens_ to pass for_Money_ to private persons, has been highly detrimental to your loyalsubjects; and being apprehensive, that the vesting such power in anybody politic or corporate, or any private person or persons whatsoever, will be always of dangerous Consequence to this Kingdom, are encouraged, by the repeated assurances Your Majesty hath given us of Your RoyalFavour and Protection, humbly to entreat Your Majesty, That whenever youshall hereafter think it necessary to coin any _Farthings_ or_Half-pence, _ the same may be made as near the intrinsic value aspossible, and that whatever profit shall accrue thereby, may be appliedto the public service. 

"And we do further humbly beseech Your Majesty, That you will begraciously pleased to give such direction, as you, in your great wisdom, shall think proper, to prevent the fatal effects of uttering any_Farthings_ or _Half-pence_ pursuant to the said Patent. 

"As this enquiry has proceeded entirely from our love to our country, sowe cannot omit this opportunity of repeating our unanimous resolution, to stand by and support Your Majesty to the utmost of our power, againstall Your enemies, both at home and abroad; and of assuring Your Majesty, that we will, upon every occasion, give Your Majesty, and the world, allpossible demonstration of our zeal and inviolable duty and affection toYour Majesty's most sacred person and government, and to the succession, as established in Your Royal House. "

"To the King's most Excellent MAJESTY. _The humble Address of the LordsSpiritual and Temporal of_ IRELAND, _in Parliament assembled, against_Wm. Wood. 

"May it please Your most Sacred Majesty, WE the Lords Spiritual andTemporal in Parliament assembled, are under the utmost concern to find, that our duty to Your Majesty and our Country, indispensably calls uponus to acquaint Your Majesty with the ill consequences, which willinevitably follow from a Patent for coining Half-pence and Farthings tobe uttered in this Kingdom, obtained under the Great Seal of _GreatBritain, _ by one _William Wood_ in a clandestine and unprecedentedmanner, and by a gross misrepresentation of the state of this Kingdom. 

"We are most humbly of opinion, that the diminution of Your Majesty'srevenue, the ruin of our trade, and the impoverishing of your people, must unavoidably attend this undertaking; and we beg leave to observe toYour Majesty, that from the most exact Enquiries and Computations wehave been able to make, it appears to us, that the gain to _WilliamWood_ will be excessive, and the loss to this Kingdom, by circulatingthis base coin, greater than this poor country is able to bear. 

"With the greatest submission and deference to Your Majesty's wisdom, webeg we may offer it as our humble opinion. That the reserving thecoining of _Half-pence_ and _Farthings_ to the _Crown_ and _the notintrusting it_ with any private person, body politic or corporate, willalways be for Your Majesty's service, and the good of your people in_this Kingdom. _

"In confidence, Sir, of your paternal care of the welfare of _this_country, we beseech Your Majesty, that you will be pleased to extendthat goodness and compassion to us, which has so eminently shewed itselfto all your other subjects, who have the happiness to live under yourprotection and government; and that you will give such directions as mayeffectually free us from the terrible apprehensions we labour under fromthe _Patent_ granted to _William Wood. "_

The following was the King's reply to the above address:

"GEORGE R. 

"His _Majesty is very much concerned to see, That His granting thePatent for coining_ Half-pence _and_ Farthings _agreeable to thePractice of his Royal Predecessors, has given so much uneasiness to the_House of Lords: _And if there have been any abuses committed by the_Patentee, _His Majesty will give the necessary Orders for enquiringinto, and punishing those Abuses. And will do everything that is in HisPower, for the Satisfaction of His People. "_

APPENDIX II

REPORT OF THE ASSAY ON WOOD'S COINAGE, MADE BY SIR ISAAC NEWTON, EDWARDSOUTHWELL, ESQ. , AND THOMAS SCROOPE, ESQ. [1]

"_To the right honourable the Lords Commissioners of his Majesty'sTreasury. 

"May it please your Lordships_, According to your Lordships' Order, the pix of the copper-money coinedat Bristol by Mr. Wood for Ireland, has been opened and tried before usat his Majesty's Mint in the Tower; and by the Comptroller's account, towhich Mr. Wood agreed, there hath been coined from Lady-day 1723 toMarch 28, 1724, in half-pence, fifty and five tons, five hundred andthree quarters, and twelve ounces, and in farthings, three tons, seventeen hundred and two quarters, ten pounds, and eight ounces, _avoirdupois_, the whole coinage amounting to 59 tons, 3 cwt, 1 qr. 11 lbs. 4 ozs. , and by the specimens of this coinage which have, fromtime to time, been taken from the several parcels coined and sealed upin papers, and put into the pix, we found that sixty half-pence weighedfourteen ounces, _Troy_, and eight pennyweight, which is about a quarterof an ounce above one pound _avoirdupois_; and that thirty farthingsweighed three ounces, and three quarters of an ounce _Troy_, andforty-six grains, which is also above the weight required by his Patent. We found also that both half-pence and farthings when heated red hot, spread thin under the hammer without cracking, as your Lordships may seeby the pieces now laid before your Lordships. But although the copperwas very good, and the money, one piece with another, was full weight, yet the single pieces were not so equally coined in the weight as theyshould have been. 

[Footnote 1: The copy of this Report as here printed is taken from thetract already quoted in previous notes, entitled, "A Defence of theConduct of the People of Ireland in their unanimous Refusal of Mr. Wood's Copper-money . .. Dublin: Printed for George Ewing, at the Angeland Bible in Dames-Street, MDCCXXIV. " As already noted, the assayistshad for trial only those coins which were coined between March, 1723, and March, 1724, and these coins were neither imported into Ireland norattempted to be uttered there. As Wood asked for the assay, he no doubtknew what he was about. But even as it stands, the Report was not veryfavourable to him. The author of the tract named above enters minutelyinto this point, and for a further inquiry the reader is referred topages 15 to 19 of his publication. [T. S. ]]

"We found also that thirty and two old half-pence coined for Ireland inthe reigns of King Charles 2d. , King James 2d. , and King William 3d. AndQueen Mary, and produced by Mr. Wood, weighed six ounces and eightpennyweight _Troy_, that is, one hundred and three grains and a halfapiece one with another. They were much worn, and if about six or sevengrains be allowed to each of them one with another for loss of theirweight by wearing, the copper-money coined for England, in the reign ofKing William being already as much lightened by wearing, they might atfirst weigh about half a pound _avoirdupois_; whereas only thirty ofthose coined by Mr. Wood are to be of that. They were also made of badcopper, two of those coined in the reign of King Charles II. Wasted muchin the fire, and then spread thin under the hammer, but not so wellwithout cracking as those of Mr. Wood. Two of those coined in the reignof King James II. Wasted much more in the fire, and were not malleablewhen red hot. Two of those coined in the reign of King William and QueenMary wasted still more in the fire, and turned to an unmalleablesubstance like a cinder, as your Lordships may see the pieces now laidbefore you. 

"By the assays we reckon the copper of Mr. Wood's halfpence andfarthings to be of the same goodness and value with the copper of whichthe copper money is coined in the King's Mint for England; or worth inthe market about twelve or thirteen pence per pound weight_avoirdupois_; and the copper of which the half-pence were coined forIreland in the reigns of King Charles, King James, and King William, tobe much inferior in value, the mixture being unknown, and not bearingthe fire for converting it to any other use until it be refined. 

"The half-pence and farthings in the pix coined by Mr. Wood had on oneside the head of the King, with this inscription GEORGIUS DEI GRATIAREX: And on the other side, a woman sitting with a harp by her leftside, and above her the inscription HIBERNIA with the date. Thehalf-pence coined in the reigns of King Charles, King James, and KingWilliam, had on one side the head of King Charles, King James, or KingWilliam and Queen Mary, and on the reverse a harp crowned. 

"All which facts we most humbly represent to your Lordships. April 27, 1724. "

APPENDIX III

TOM PUNSIBI'S DREAM[1]

[Greek: "A ghar proseidon nukthi taeoe phasmataDisson oneiron, tauta moi----Ehi men pephaenen esthlha, dus telesphora, Eid echthra, tois echthroisin empalin methesKai mae me plete te paront ei tinesDoloisi beleueoin ekbalein, ephaes. "]

Soph, Elec. [644-649]. 

Since the heat of this business, which has of late so much and so justlyconcerned this kingdom, is at last, in a great measure over, we mayventure to abate something of our former zeal and vigour in handling it, and looking upon it as an enemy almost overthrown, consult more our ownamusement than its prejudice, in attacking it in light excursoryskirmishes. Thus much I thought fit to observe, lest the world should betoo apt to make an obvious pun upon me; when beginning to dream uponthis occasion, I presented it with the wild nocturnal rovings of anunguided imagination, on a subject of so great importance, as the finalwelfare or ruin of a whole nation. 

[Footnote 1: The following tract, written probably by Thomas Sheridan, Swift's humorous friend, is interesting as affording an example of thelighter kind of literature brought into existence by this agitation. Itmay be that Swift had a hand in its composition. The text is taken froma copy of the original broadside in the South Kensington Collection. Itwas published during the height of the controversy. [T. S. ]]

But so it was, that upon reading one of the Drapier's letters, I fellasleep, and had the following dream:

The first object that struck me was a woman of exquisite beauty, and amost majestic air, seated on a throne, whom by the figure of a lionbeneath her feet, and of Neptune who stood by her, and paid her the mostrespectful homage, I easily knew to be the Genius of England; at somedistance from her, (though not at so great an one as seemed to bedesired, ) I observed a matron clothed in robes so tattered and torn, that they had not only very nigh lost their original air of royalty andmagnificence, but even exposed her to the inclemency of the weather inseveral places, which with many other afflictions had so affected her, that her natural beauty was almost effaced, and her strength and spiritsvery nigh lost. She hung over a harp with which, if she sometimesendeavoured to sooth her melancholy, she had still the misfortune tofind it more or less out of tune, particularly, when as I perceived atlast, it was strung with a sort of wire of so base composition, thatneither she nor I could make anything of it. I took particular notice, that, when moved by a just sense of her wrongs, she could at any timeraise her head, she fixed her eyes so stedfastly on her neighbour, sometimes with an humble and entreating, at others, with a more bold andresentful regard, that I could not help (however improbable it shouldseem from her generous august appearance) in a great measure toattribute her misfortunes to her; but this I shall submit to thejudgment of the world. 

I should now at last mention the name, were not these circumstances toounhappily singular to make that any way necessary. 

As I was taken up with many melancholy reflections on this movingobject, I was on a sudden interrupted by a little sort of an uproar, which, upon turning my eyes towards it, I found arose from a crowd ofpeople behind her throne; the cause it seems was this:

There was, I perceived, among them the god of merchandise, with hissandals, mostly of brass, but not without a small proportion of gold andsilver, and his wings chiefly of the two latter metals, but allayed witha little of the former; with those he used to trudge up and down tofurnish them with necessaries; with these he'd take a flight to othercountries, but not so dexterously or to so good purpose as in otherplaces of his office, not so much for want of encouragement among 'emhere, as on account of the haughty jealousy of their neighbours, who, itseems dreading in them a rival, took care to clip his wings andcircumscribe his flights; the former, more especially, being, by theseand other means so much worn, he performed his office but lamely, whichgave occasion to some who had their own private interest more at heart, than that of the public, to patch up some of the places that were worn, with a metal of the same nature indeed, but so slight and base, thatthough at first it might serve to carry him on their errands, it soonfailed, and by degrees grew entirely useless; insomuch, that he wouldrather be retarded than promoted in his business, and this occasionedthe above disturbances among his dependents, who thereupon turned theireyes towards their mistress (for by this time she will I presume bebetter known by that, than the more homely and sociable name ofneighbour) and not daring of late to say or do anything without herapprobation, made several humble applications to her, beseeching thatshe would continue them that liberty of refitting these implementsthemselves, which she had been formerly pleased graciously to allow 'em;but these, however reasonable, were all rejected, whereupon I observed acertain person (a mean ill-looking fellow) from among a great number ofpeople that stood behind the genius of England, who, during the wholeaffair had kept his eyes intently fixed on his neighbours, watching alltheir motions, like a hawk hovering over his quarry, and with just thesame design: Him, I say, I observed to turn off hastily, and maketowards the throne, where being arrived, after some preparationsrequisite, he preferred a petition, setting forth the wants andnecessities, (but taking care to make 'em appear at least four timesgreater than they really were) of his neighbours, or as he might havemore truly and honestly said his own, both which, for the latter, thoughnot expressed, he chiefly intended, but modestly or rather knavishlyleft to be understood, he begged the royal licence to redress, bysupplying those defects which were the occasion of 'em. This humblesuppliant I observed both before and after this petition, seemed toemploy his utmost industry and art, to insinuate himself into the goodgraces of two persons that stood on each side the throne;[2]the one onthe right was a lady of large make and swarthy complexion; the other, aman, that seemed to be between fifty and sixty, who had an air of deepdesigning thought: These two he managed with a great deal of art; forthe lady he employed all the little arts that win her sex, particularly, I observed, that he frequently took hold of her hand, as in raptures, tokiss it, in such a manner as made me suspect she did not always draw itback empty; but this he did so slily, that it was not easy for anybodyto be certain of it: The man on the other hand, he plied his own waywith politics, remonstrating to him the several things he had before thethrone; which however, as might be presumed from his manner of attendingto them, seemed to make little impression; but when he came to laybefore him the great advantages that might accrue from thence to theirmistress, and consequently to him, he heard him with the utmosteagerness and satisfaction; at last, having plainly told him, that hehimself should be a considerable gainer by it, and thereupon, that everything that came to his hands of that nature should be at his service: Asa sort of token or earnest he kissed his hand in the same manner he hadthe lady's, and so retired; by these and the like means he soon broughtover both parties to him, who, with a whisper or two, procured him theroyal licence; whereupon he immediately fell to making up a metal, if itdeserved the name, of a very strange composition, wherewith he purposedto refit the implements of that useful deity, but in such manner, thatfor the base metal he put into them, he would take care to draw awayfrom them an infinitely more than proportionable quantity of gold andsilver, and thereby render him almost incapable of taking flight toforeign countries; nay, at last perhaps utterly so, when under pretenceof their not being completed, he should filch in more of his metal, andfilch away more of theirs. 

[Footnote 2: The Duchess of Kendal and Sir Robert Walpole. [S. ]]

These things being therefore prepared, he sends 'em over to hisneighbours, and there endeavoured to get them admitted by fair words andpromises, being too sensible that they were not of themselves the mostwilling to accept of his favour, and indeed he was not deceived; forthey being advertised of his designs, had taken the alarm, and hadalmost to a man united in one common faction against him. This generousardour had first taken hold of the most active and important part, andif I may be allowed to call it, the heart of this body, from thence wason one side by a quick passage, and in its more refined parts, communicated through the blood to the contemplative, and reasoning, thehead, which it inspired with noble thoughts and resolutions; and on theother, to the inferior extremities, which were thereby rendered moreexpedite and readier to obey the dictates of the head in a roughermethod of opposition, from each of which extremities being carried backto its fountain, it was returned to them from thence, and so backwardsand forwards, till the circulation and union were confirmed andcompleted, the sordid unnatural, offensive parts being in the meantimethrown off as dregs of nature, and nuisances of human society; but ofthese in so well-tempered a constitution, there were but few; however, when there were any to be found, though they had been of the mostexalted nature, and bore most noble offices in this body, by anycorruption became so, they shared the common fate, with this onlydifference, that they were rejected with greater scorn and contempt onaccount of their former dignity, as was found in one notorious instance;but on the other hand, among all the parts that were serviceable to theconstitution on this occasion, there was not one more so, than a certainone whose name indeed is not openly known, but whose good offices andusefulness are too great ever to be forgotten; for it by its nicediligence and skill selected out things of the most noble and exquisitenature, by infusing and dispersing them to enliven and invigorate thewhole body, which how effectually they did, our bold projector sadlyexperienced. For finding all his endeavours to pass his ware upon them, disappointed, he withdrew; but his patron on the other side beinginformed of what had passed, fell into a most terrible passion, andthreatened, they say, I know not what, of making to swallow and rammingdown throats; but while they were in deep conference together, methoughtall on a sudden a trap-door dropped, and down fell our projector; thisunexpected accident did on many accounts not a little alarm the throne, and gave it but too great occasion to reflect a little on what had beendoing, as what a mean ordinary fellow it had intrusted with the care ofan affair of so great consequence that though their neighbours' refusalmight possibly have put him to such straits as might be the greatoccasion of this disgrace, yet that very refusal could not be souniversal and resolute without some reason, which could arise fromnothing else but the unseasonableness or unworthiness of his offers, orboth, and he, consequently, must deserve as much to suffer as they did;not for the better information, therefore in these surmises some of theneighbours were consulted, who confirming them, things seemed to bear agood face, and be in a very fair way of clearing up. When I awoke, Icannot say whether more pleased at the present posture of affairs, whenI recollected how indifferent an one they had lately been in, or anxiouswhen upon considering that they were not yet firm and settled, I was ledto reflect in general on the uncertainty of events, and in particular, on the small reason the persons in hand can have to promise themselvesprosperous ones, especially when they are depending in that part of theworld. 

Dublin, printed in the year 1724-5. 

APPENDIX IV

A LETTER FROM A FRIEND TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE ------[1]

Ceteri, quanto quis servitio promptior, opibus et honoribus extollerentur:Invalido legum auxilio, quae vi, ambitu, postremo pecuniaturbabantur. --_Tacit. An. _

To THE RIGHT HONOURABLE ------

I fear your lordship in your wonted zeal for the interest of yourcountry will think this paper very unseasonable; but I am very confidentnot more than one man in this kingdom will be of your lordship'sjudgment. 

[Footnote 1: The two following severe letters are directly addressed toLord Chief Justice Whitshed, and were generally circulated. Theyprobably underwent Swift's correction, though they have too much of alegal cast to have been written by the Dean himself. .. . They were, perhaps, composed by Mr. Robert Lindsay, distinguished by Swift in hisletter to Lord Midleton, as an eminent lawyer, as well as a man ofvirtue and learning, whose legal advice he used during the wholecontroversy. [S. ]

The present letters are taken from copies of the original broadsides inthe South Kensington collection. [T. S. ]]

In matters of law your opinion has from our first acquaintance entirelyguided me, and the things you have assured me I might depend upon aslaw, have few of them escaped my memory, though I have had but littleconversation with you since you first appeared in Parliament and movedthe House to resolve, That it is the indispensable duty of the judges ofthis kingdom to go through their circuits; nor have I had any since youfell sick and was made solicitor-general. 

I have often heard your lordship affirm, and therefore I do affirm it, That the great ends for which grand juries were instituted, were thesupport of the government, the safety of every man's life and fortune, it being necessary some should be trusted to inquire after alldisturbers of the peace, that they might be prosecuted and brought tocondign punishment; and it is no less needful for every man's quiet andsafety, that the trust of such inquisitions should be put into the handsof persons of understanding and integrity, that will suffer no man to befalsely accused or defamed; nor the lives of any to be put in jeopardy, by the malicious conspiracies of great or small, or the perjuries of anyprofligate wretches. 

So material a part of our constitution are grand juries, so much doesthe security of every subject depend upon them, that though ancientlythe sheriff was by express law, chosen annually by the people of thecounty, and trusted with the power of the county, yet the law left notthe election of grand juries to the will of the sheriff, but hasdescribed their qualifications, which if they have, and the sheriffreturn them, no man, nay no judge, can object to their being sworn, muchless may they to their serving when sworn: And to prevent thediscretionary power (a new-fashioned term) of these judges over juries, you used to say was made the statute of the 11th of Hen. 4. 

Pardon me my lord if I venture to affirm, That a dissolving power is abreach of that law, or at least an evasion, as every citizen in Dublinin Sir Constantine Phipps's time perfectly understood, that disapprovingthe aldermen lawfully returned to the Privy-council was in effectassuming the power of choosing and returning----But your lordship andI know dissolving and disapproving are different terms. 

I always understood from your Lordship the trust and power of grandjuries is or ought to be accounted amongst the greatest and of mostconcern, next to the legislative: The honour, reputations, fortunes andlives of every man being subject to their censure; the kings of Englandhave an undoubted power of dissolving parliaments, but dissolving 'tillone was returned to their or their ministers' liking, has never beenthought very righteous, and Heaven be praised never very successful. 

I am entirely of your lordship's opinion, the oath of a grand juryman isnot always sufficiently considered by the jurors, which is as follows. 

"You shall diligently enquire, and true presentment make of all sucharticles, matters and things as shall be given you in charge; And of allother matters and things as shall come to your own knowledge, touchingthis present service. The King's counsel your fellows' and your own youshall keep secret, " &c. --And from some other men's behaviour, I fearoaths are not always as sacredly observed as they ought to be: "TheKing's counsel, your fellows' and your _own_ you shall keepsecret"--Though our grandmothers my lord might have thought there was adispensing power in the Pope, you and I profess no power upon earth candispense with this oath, so that to force a man to discover the counselhe is sworn to keep, is to force him into direct perjury. 

Suppose upon information taken before your Lordship of a rape committed, a bill of indictment were sent to a grand jury, and the grand juryreturn _ignoramus_ on it, application is made to the Court torecommend it to them to reconsider it, and they return as before_ignoramus_--Suppose a judge with more than decent passion should askthem their reasons (which is their counsel) for so doing, nay should beso particular as to demand of them whether they thought the woman awhore. Must not all the world conclude somebody had forgot the oath of agrand juryman? Yes sure, or his own, or worse. --But suppose they shouldask a juror a question might criminate himself? My Lord, you know I putnot bare possibilities, it is generally believed these things have beendone within an oak of this town--And if I am rightly informed, therestraint a juror is under by his oath, is so well understood, that acertain person desired the clerk of the Crown to change the form of itby adding this exception: "unless by leave or order of the Court. "

These things, my Lord, would seem strange in Westminster-hall, and wouldbe severely noted in St. Stephen's Chapel. The honour of the Crown wouldbe thought a very false as well as weak plea for such proceedings there, as indeed it is an infamous one everywhere, for 'tis a scandal upon aking, if he is represented in a court of justice, as if he werepartially concerned or rather inclined to desire, that a party should befound guilty, than that he should be declared innocent. 

The King's interest and honour is more concerned in the protection ofthe innocent, than in the punishment of the guilty, as in all theimmediate actions of his Majesty we find that maxim pursued, a maxim cannever run a prince into excesses. We do not only find those princesrepresented in history under odious characters, who have basely betrayedthe innocent, but such as by their spies and informers were tooinquisitive after the guilty, whereas none was ever blamed for clemency, or for being too gentle interpreters of the law. Though Trajan was anexcellent prince, endowed with all heroical virtues; yet the mosteloquent writers, and his best friends, found nothing more to be praisedin his government, than that in his time, all men might think what theypleased, and every man speak what he thought, this I say, that if anyamongst us by violent measures, and a dictatorial behaviour have raisedjealousies in the minds of His Majesty's faithful subjects, the blamemay lie at their door. 

I know it has been said for His Majesty's service, grand juries may beforced to discover their counsels: But you will confess a king can donothing against law, nor will any honest man judge that for his service, which is not warranted by law. If a constant uninterrupted usage, cangive the force of a law, then the grand jurymen are bound by law, aswell as by their oaths, to keep the King's, their fellows' and their owncounsel secret. Bracton and Britton in their several generations bearwitness, that it was then practised; and greater proof of it needs notbe sought, than the disputes that appear by the law-books to have beenamongst the ancient lawyers, Whether it was treason or felony for agrand juryman to discover their counsels--The trust of grand juries wasin those days thought so sacred, and their secrecy of so great concernto the kingdom, that whosoever should break their oaths, was by allthought worthy to die, only some would have them suffer as traitors, others as felons. 

If a king's commands should come to the judges of a court of justice orto a jury, desiring them to vary from the direction of the law, (whichit is criminal to say, and no man ought to be believed therein) they arebound by their oaths not to regard them. The statute of 2 of E. 3. 8. And 20 E. 3. I. Are express; and the substance of these and otherstatutes is inserted into the oaths taken by every judge; and if they beunder the most solemn and sacred tie in the execution of justice to holdfor nothing the commands of the King under the great seal, then surelypolitical views and schemes, the pleasure or displeasure of a minister, in the like case ought to be less than nothing. 

It is a strange doctrine that men must sacrifice the law to secure theirproperties, if the law is to be fashioned for every occasion, if grandjurymen contrary to their oaths must discover their fellows' and theirown counsels, and betray the trust the law has reposed in them, if theymust subject the reasons of their verdicts to the censure of the judges, whom the law did never design to trust with the liberty, property, orgood name of their fellow-subjects. No man can say he has any securityfor his life or fortune, and they who do not themselves, may however seetheir best friends and nearest relations suffer the utmost violences andoppressions. 

Which leads me to say a few words of the petit jury, not forgetting Mr. Walters. I am assured by an eminent lawyer, that the power and office ofa petit jury is judicial, that they only are the judges from whosesentence the indicted are to expect life or death. Upon their integrityand understanding the lives of all that are brought in judgment doultimately depend; from their verdict there lies no appeal, by findingguilty or not guilty. They do complicately resolve both law and fact. Asit hath been the law, so it hath always been the custom and practice ofthese juries (except as before) upon all general issues, pleaded incases civil as well as criminal, to judge both of the law and fact. Soit is said in the report of the Lord Chief Justice Vaughan in Bushell'scase, That these juries determine the law in all matters where issue isjoined and tried, in the principal case whether the issue be abouttrespass or debt, or disseizin in assizes, or a tort or any such like, unless they should please to give a special verdict with an implicatefaith in the judgment of the Court, to which none can oblige themagainst their wills. 

It is certain we may hope to see the trust of a grand juryman bestdischarged when gentlemen of the best fortunes and understandings attendthat service, but it is as certain we must never expect to see such menon juries, if for differing with a judge in opinion, when they only arethe lawful judges, they are liable to be treated like villains, likeperjurers, and enemies to their king and country; I say my lord suchbehaviour to juries will make all gentlemen avoid that duty, and insteadof men of interest, of reputation and abilities, our lives, ourfortunes, and our reputations must depend upon the basest and meanest ofthe people. 

I know it is commonly said, _boni judicis est ampliare juridictionem_. But I take that to be better advice which was given by the LordChancellor Bacon upon swearing a judge; That he would take care tocontain the jurisdiction of the court within the ancient mere-stoneswithout removing the mark. 

I intend to pay my respects to your lordship once every month 'till themeeting of the Parliament, when our betters may consider of thesematters, and therefore will not trouble you with any more on thissubject at present. But conclude, most heartily praying----

That from depending upon the will of a judge, who may be corrupted orswayed by his own passions, interests, or the impulse of such as supporthim and may advance him to greater honours, the God of mercy and ofjustice deliver this nation. 

 I am, my lord, Your lordship's most obedient humble servant, N. N. Dec. The First 1724. Dublin: Printed in the Year 1724. 

A SECOND LETTER FROM A FRIEND TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE ------

My Lord, I think the best service men employed by His Majesty can do for him andthis country, is to shew such prudence and temper in their behaviours asmay convince every man they are not intrusted with any power but what isnecessary and will always be exercised for the advantage and security ofHis Majesty's subjects. 

For my own part I hold it the duty of every man though he has not thehonour of serving His Majesty in public employment, not only, not tomisrepresent the actions of his servants, but in matters of smallconcern, to wink at their follies and mistakes; I know the Jacobites andPapists our irreconcilable enemies are too watchful to lay hold of everyoccasion to misrepresent His Majesty and turn the faults of ambitiousand self-interested servants upon the best of kings. 

I hear some men say, that in my last to your lordship, there appearsmore of the satirist, than becomes a man engaged merely in the defenceof liberty and justice; But I am satisfied I can with charity affirm, they are either such as have no knowledge of the several steps [that]have been taken to bring this poor country into ruin and disgrace, orthey are of the number of those who have had a share in the actings andcontrivances against it; for my lord, he must rather be an insensiblestoic than an angry cynic, who can survey the measures of some menwithout horror and indignation--To see men act as if they had nevertaken an oath of fidelity to their king, whose interest is inseparablefrom that of his people, but had sworn to support the ruinous projectsof abandoned men (of whatever faction) must rouse the most lethargic, ifhonest, soul. 

I who have always professed myself a Whig do confess it has mine. 

I beg leave in this place to explain what I intended in my last by thewords, "unless by leave or order of the court, " lest whilst I plead forjustice I should do an injury to your lordship. 

I do declare I never heard that story of your lordship, and I hope noman did believe it of you. My intention was by that hint to remember youof Judge U--p--n and a certain assizes held at Wicklow, as I believeyour lordship understood it, and as I now desire all the world may. 

Having learned from your lordship and other lawyers of undoubtedabilities, that no judge ought by threats or circumvention to make agrand-juryman discover the king's counsel his fellows' or his own Ishould not at present say anything in support of that position. But thatI find a most ridiculous and false explanation seem to mislead some menin that point: Say they, by the word counsel is understood, such billsas are before the grand jury and the evidence the prosecutors for thecrown have to support the charge against the subject--Lest that beingknown the party indictable may fly from justice, or he may procure falsewitnesses to discredit the evidence for the king, or he may by bribesand other indirect measures take off the witnesses for the crown. 

I confess _I_ take that to be the meaning of the word counsel, but I amcertain that is not _all_ that is meant by it, that is what must beunderstood when it is called the king's counsel, _id est_, the counselor reasons for which the king by his servants, his attorney-general orcoroner, has drawn and sent to the grand jury a charge against asubject. 

But the counsel of a juror is a different thing, it is the evidence, themotives and reasons that induce him or his fellow-jurors to say _billavera_ or _ignoramus_, and the opinion he or they happen to be of when thequestion is put by the foreman for finding or not finding: This counselevery man is sworn to keep secret, that so their opinion and advice maynot be of prejudice to them hereafter, That as they are sworn to actwithout favour or affection, so may they also act without FEAR. Whereas, were it otherwise the spirit of revenge is so universal, there are butfew cases wherein a juror could act with safety to himself; either theprosecuted, as where the bill is found, or the prosecutor, where it isreturned _ignoramus_, may contrive to defame the jurors who differ fromthem in opinion: As I am told has happened to some very honest citizenswho are represented to be Jacobites since their opinions were know to beagainst ----. And sometimes revenge or ambition may prompt men to carryit further, as in the case of Mr. Wilmer, who in King Charles 2d's timewas very severely handled for being one of an _ignoramus_ jury. ----'Tis not necessary to say whom he disobliged by being so. ----But if Iremember right his case was this. 

He was a merchant, (and as I said, an _ignoramus_ juryman) hadcovenanted with a servant boy to serve him in the West Indies, andaccordingly sent him beyond sea: Upon suggestion and affidavit by whichany person might have it, a writ _de homine replegiando_ was grantedagainst Mr. Wilmer; the sheriffs would have returned on the writ theagreement and the boy's consent, but the court (in the case of thisWilmer) Easter 34, Cha. 2. [_i. E. , _ Charles the Second] in B. R. Ruledthey must return _replegiari fecimus_ or _elongavit_, that is, they hadreplevy'd the boy, or that Wilmer had carried him away where they couldnot find him, in which last case Mr. Wilmer, though an innocent personmust have gone to gaol until he brought the boy into court or he musthave been outlawed--Shower's Rep. 2 Part. 

I do not say this that I think the same thing will be practised again, or anything like it, though I know that very homely proverb, "More waysof killing a dog than hanging him. "--But I instance it to shew, thecounsels of every grand juryman should be kept secret, that he may actfreely and without apprehensions of resentment from the prosecuted orprosecutor. 

My resolution when I writ to you last, was, not to have said anything inthis concerning the power of dissolving or dispensing, but as I havebeen forced to say something of the dispensing, for the same reason Imust of the dissolving power. --A power undoubtedly in effect includingthat of returning, which makes me wish two men of great interest in thiskingdom, differing in every other thing, had not undertaken to defendit, or they had better reasons for it than I have yet heard. 

'Tis said, "This power is in the court as a right of resistance is inthe people, as the people have a power superior to the prerogative ofthe prince, though no written or express law for it; so of necessitythough no statute directs it, and it may seem to overturn the greatestsecurity men have for their liberties, yet the court has a power ofdissolving grand juries, if they refuse to find or present as the courtshall direct. "

Pray let us consider how well this concludes. 

The people may do anything in defence of their lives, their religion andliberties, and consequently resistance is lawful, therefore an inferiorcourt a _bene placito_ judge may----Monstrous absurdity. 

Another, I am sorry I can't say more modest argument to support it isthis. --

"Considering, " say they, "grand juries, it is but reasonable adiscretionary power of dissolving them should be lodged in the judges. "

By the words "considering grand juries, " I must understand consideringtheir understandings, their fortunes or their integrity, for from a wantof one or more of those qualifications must arise the reason of such adiscretionary power in the judges. 

Though I shall not urge it as far as I could, I will venture to say theargument is at least as strong the other way--considering the judges. --

First as to their understandings, it must be confessed the benches areinfinitely superior to the lower professors of the law: Yet surely itcan't give offence to say the gentlemen of the several counties haveunderstandings sufficient to discharge the duty of grand jurymen--Ifwant of fortune be an objection to grand jurymen, _a pari ratione_, itis an objection to some other men. --Besides, that the fact is not true, for in their circuits, no judge goes into any county where he does notmeet at least a dozen gentlemen returned upon every grand jury, everyone of whom have better estates than he himself has--And these notduring pleasure, which last consideration, saves me the trouble ofshewing the weakness of the objection in the third qualification. 

"Ay. But it was a necessary expedient to keep out Wood's brass. "

Are the properties of the commons of this kingdom better secured by theknight-errantry of that day? In the name of common sense, what are we tobelieve? Has the undaunted spirit, the tremendous voice of ------frightened Wood and his accomplices from any further attempts? Or ratherhas not the ready compliance of ------ encouraged them to furthertrials? The officers and attendants of his court may tremble when hefrowns, but who else regards it more than they do one of Wood'sfarthings. 

"There is no comparison, " says another, "between the affair of Sir W. Scroggs and this of ------. Sir W. Discharged a grand jury because theywere about to present the Duke of York for being a Papist, but ------discharged the grand jury for not presenting a paper he recommended tothem to present as scandalous, (and in which, I say, he was a partyreflected on. )"

I agree there is a mighty difference, but whom does it make for?

A grand jury of a hundred (part of a county) take upon them to presenta no less considerable person than the king's brother and heirpresumptive of the crown, the chief-justice thinks this a matter of toomuch moment for men of such sort to meddle in, but a matter more properfor the consideration of Parliament: I would not be understood tocondemn the jury; I think they acted as became honest Englishmen andlovers of their country; But I say if judges could in any case beallowed to proceed by rules of policy, surely here was a sufficientexcuse. However the commons impeached him. 

The determinations of ignorant or wicked judges as they are precedentsof little weight, so they are but of little danger, and therefore itwill become the commons at all times to animadvert most carefully uponthe actions of the most knowing men in that profession. 

I say, my lord, _at all times_, because I hear former merit is pleadedto screen this action from any inquiry. 

I am sensible much is due to the man who has always preferred the publicinterest to his private advantages as -------- has done. When a man hassignalized himself, when he has suffered for that principle, he deservesuniversal respect. Yet men should act agreeably to the motive of thatrespect, and not ruin the liberty of their country to shew theirgratitude, and so, my lord, where a man has the least pretence to thatcharacter, I think 'tis best to pass over small offences, but never suchas will entail danger and dishonour upon us and our posterity. 

The Romans, my lord, when a question was in the senate, whether theyshould ransom fifteen thousand citizens who had merited much by theirformer victories, but losing one battle were taken prisoners; weredetermined by the advice of that noble Roman Attilius Regulus not toredeem them as men unworthy their further care, though probably it wastheir misfortunes not their faults lost that day. 

 Flagitio additisDamnum: neque amissos coloresLuna refert medicata fuco

He thought they were not worthy to be trusted again:----

To shew them pity, in his mind, would betray the Romans to perpetualdanger: _Et exemplo trahenti_

Perniciem veniens in aevum, Si non periret immiserabilisCaptiva pubes

I hear some precedents have been lately found out to justify thatmemorable action; but if precedents must control reason and justice, ifa man may swear he will keep his counsels secret, and yet by precedentsmay be forced to divulge them, I would advise gentlemen very seriouslyto consider, the danger we are in; and examine what precedents there areon each side of the question, for my part I think the commons of Englandare not a worse precedent than the judges of England. 

Besides it must be remembered that precedents in some cases will notexcuse a judge, even where they are according to the undoubted law ofthe land, as for instance, Suppose a man says what is true, not knowing it to be true, though it belogically a truth as it is distinguished, yet it is morally false; andso, suppose a judge give judgment according to law, not knowing it to beso, as if he did not know the reason of it at that time, but bethoughthimself of a reason or precedent for it afterwards, though the judgmentbe legal and according to precedent, yet the pronouncing of it isunjust; and the judge shall be condemned in the opinions of all men: Ashappened to the Lord Chief Justice Popham a person of great learning andparts, who upon the trial of Sir Walter Raleigh; when Sir Walterobjected to reading or giving in evidence, Lord Cobham's affidavit, taken in his absence, without producing the lord face to face, the lordbeing then forthcoming: The chief justice overruled the objection, andwas of opinion it should be given in evidence against Sir Walter, andsumming up the evidence to the jury the chief justice said, "Just thenit came into his mind why the accuser should not come face to face tothe prisoner, because, &c. " Now if any judge has since found precedents, or has since picked up the opinion of lawyers, I fear he will comewithin the case I have put. 

I foresee, if ever this question happens to be debated, _you knowwhere_, gentlemen will be divided; Some will be desirous to do theircountry justice and free us from all future danger of this kind; Othersupon motives not quite so laudable, will strive to screen, and withothers private friendship will prevail: But I would recommend to yourfriends, who really love their country, to consider the severalcircumstances concurring in your lordship which probably may not in yoursuccessor: Let them suppose a person were to fill your place, from whosemanifest ignorance in the law, we may reasonably conclude, his onlymerit is an inveteracy and hatred to this country. I say how could yourbest friends excuse themselves, if in regard to your lordship theyshould suffer such a precedent to be handed down to such a manunobserved or uncensured?

_Invenit etiam aemulos infaelix nequitia_--Ambitious men have not alwaysbeen deterred by the unhappy fate of their predecessors, _Quid sifloreat vigeatque?_ But what lengths will they run if injustice andcorruption shall ride triumphant?

Had somebody received a reprimand upon his knees in a proper place, fortreating a printer's jury like men convict of perjury, forcing them tofind a special verdict, I dare to say he had not been quite so hardy asto have discharged the grand jury or treated them in the manner he did, because they had not an implicit faith in the court; nor had he darednot to receive a presentment made by the second grand jury againstWood's farthings upon pretence it was informal, which I mention becausethe worthy Drapier has mistaken the fact. 

Some of your lordship's screens I hear advise you to shew great humilityand contrition for what's past, as the only means to appease the justindignation all sorts of men have conceived against you. ----Were I wellsecured you will not recommend this letter to the next grand jury to bepresented, I could give you more _seasonable advice_, but happen as itmay I will venture to give you a little. 

Fawning and cajoling will have but little effect on those who have hadthe honour of your acquaintance these ten years past, for Caligula whoused to hide his head if he heard the thunder, would piss upon thestatues of the gods when he thought the danger over--A better expedientis this, ----

Tell men the Drapier is a Tory and a Jacobite. --That he writ "TheConduct of the Allies. "--That he writ not his letters with a design tokeep out Wood's halfpence, but to bring in the Pretender; persuade themif you can, the dispute is no longer about the power of judges overjuries, nor how much the liberty of the subject is endangered bydissolving them at pleasure, but that it is now become mere Whig andTory, a dispute between His Majesty's friends and the Jacobites, and'twere better to see a thousand grand juries discharged than the Toriescarry a question though in the right. --_Haec vulnera pro libertatepublica excepi, hunc oculum pro vobis impendi. _ Try this cant, pin acloth over your eyes, look very dismal, and cry, "I was turned out ofemployment, when the Drapier was rewarded with a Deanery, " I say, mylord, if you can once bring matters thus to bear, I have not the leastdoubt you may escape without censure. 

To your lordship's zeal and industry without doubt is owing, that thePapists and the Tories have not delivered this kingdom over to thePretender, so Caesar conquered Pompey that _Legum auctor et eversor, _and 'twas but just the liberty and laws of Rome should afterwards dependupon his will and pleasure. ----The Drapier in his letter to LordMolesworth has made a fair offer, "Secure his country from Wood'scoinage, " then condemn all he has writ and said as false and scandalous, when your lordship does as much I must confess it will be somewhatdifficult to discover the impostor. 

Thus to keep my word with your lordship, I have much against myinclinations writ this, which shall be my last upon the ungratefulsubject. --If I have leisure, and find a safe opportunity of giving it tothe printer, my next shall explain what has long duped the true Whigs ofthis kingdom. I mean _honesty in the "worst of times. "_

Though your lordship object to my last, that what I writ was taken outof Lord Coke, Lord Somers, Sir Will. Jones, or the writings of someother great men, yet I will venture to end this with the sentiments ofPhilip de Comines upon some thorough-going courtiers. 

"If a sixpenny tax is to be raised, they cry by all means it ought to bedouble. If the prince is offended with any man, they are directly forhanging him. In other instances, they maintain the same character. Above all things they advise their king to make himself terrible, asthey themselves are proud, fierce, and overbearing, in hopes to bedreaded by that means, as if authority and place were theirinheritance. "

 I am, My Lord, Your Lordship's most obedient and most humble servant. N. N. _Jan_. 4, 1724-5. 

APPENDIX V

THE PRESENTMENT OF THE GRAND JURY OF THE COUNTY OF THE CITY OFDUBLIN. [1]

Whereas several great quantities of base metal coined, commonly called_Wood's halfpence, _ have been brought into the port of Dublin, andlodged in several houses of this city, with an intention to make thempass clandestinely, among His Majesty's subjects of this kingdom;notwithstanding the addresses of both houses of parliament and theprivy-council, and the declarations of most of the corporations of thiscity against the said coin; And whereas His Majesty hath been graciouslypleased to leave his loyal subjects of this kingdom at liberty to takeor refuse the said halfpence. 

[Footnote 1: Chief Justice Whitshed, after browbeating the Grand Jurythat threw out the Bill against Harding for printing the fourthDrapier's letter, discharged it, and called another Grand Jury. Thesecond Grand Jury not only repeated the verdict of the first, but issuedthe following expression of its opinion on the matter of Wood and hispatent. [T. S. ]]

We the Grand Jury of the county of the city of Dublin, this Michaelmasterm, 1724, having entirely at heart His Majesty's interest and thewelfare of our country, and being thoroughly sensible of the greatdiscouragement which trade hath suffered by the apprehensions of thesaid coin, whereof we have already felt the dismal effects, and that thecurrency thereof will inevitably tend to the great diminution of HisMajesty's revenue, and the ruin of us and our posterity: do present allsuch persons as have attempted, or shall endeavour by fraud orotherwise, to impose the said halfpence upon us, contrary to HisMajesty's most gracious intentions, as enemies to His Majesty'sgovernment, and to the safety, peace and welfare of all His Majesty'ssubjects of this kingdom, whose affections have been so eminentlydistinguished by their zeal to his illustrious family, before his happyaccession to the throne, and by their continued loyalty ever since. 

As we do with all just gratitude acknowledge the services of all suchpatriots, as have been eminently zealous for the interest of HisMajesty, and this country, in detecting the fraudulent impositions ofthe said Wood, and preventing the passing his base coin: So we do at thesame time declare our abhorrence and detestation of all reflections onHis Majesty, and his government, and that we are ready with our livesand fortunes to defend his most Sacred Majesty against the Pretender andall His Majesty's open and secret enemies both at home and abroad: Givenunder our hands at the Grand Jury Chamber this 28th, November, 1724. [2]

George Forbes, David Tew, William Empson, Thomas How, Nathaniel Pearson, John Jones, Joseph Nuttall, James Brown, William Aston, Charles Lyndon, Stearn Tighe, Jerom Bredin, Richard Walker, John Sican, Edmond French, Anthony Brunton, John Vereilles, Thomas Gaven, Philip Pearson, Daniel Elwood, Thomas Robins, John Brunet. Richard Dawson, [Footnote 2: On August 20th, 1724, the Grand Jury, and the otherinhabitants of the Liberty of the Dean and Chapter of St. Patrick'swaited on the Dean, and read him the following Declaration, desiring himto give orders for its publication:

"The Declaration of the Grand-Jury, and the rest of the inhabitants ofthe Liberty of the Dean and Chapter of St. Patrick's, Dublin. 

"We, the Grand-Jury, and other inhabitants of the Liberty of the Deanand Chapter of St. Patrick's, Dublin, whose names are underwritten, dounanimously declare and determine, that we never will receive or pay anyof the half-pence or farthings already coined, or that shall hereafterbe coined, by one William Wood, being not obliged by law to receive thesame; because we are thoroughly convinced by the Addresses of bothHouses of Parliament, as well as by that of his Majesty's mosthonourable Privy-Council, and by the universal opinion of the wholekingdom, that the currency of the said half-pence and farthings wouldsoon deprive us of all our gold and silver, and therefore be of the mostdestructive consequence to the trade and welfare of the nation. " [T. S. ]]

APPENDIX VI

PROCLAMATION AGAINST THE DRAPIER. 

"_Oct. 27th, _ 1724. 

"A proclamation for discovering ye Author of ye Pamphlet intituled Aletter to ye whole people of Ireland, by M. B. Drapier, author of theLetter to the Shop-keepers, etc. 

£300 Reward

BY THE LORD-LIEUTENANT AND COUNCIL OF IRELAND. 

A Proclamation. 

"CONTENT:

"Whereas a wicked and malicious pamphlet, intituled A Letter to thewhole people of Ireland, by M. B. Drapier, author of the Letter to theShop-keepers, etc. , printed by John Harding, in Molesworth's Court, inFishamble Street, Dublin, in which are contained several seditious andscandalous paragraphs highly reflecting upon his Majesty and hisMinisters, tending to alienate the affections of his good subjects ofEngland and Ireland from each other, and to promote sedition among thepeople, hath been lately printed and published in this kingdom: We, theLord-Lieutenant and Council do hereby publish and declare that, in orderto discover the author of the said seditious pamphlet, we will give thenecessary orders for the payment of three hundred pounds sterling, tosuch person or persons as shall within the specified six months fromthis date hereof, discover the author of the said pamphlet, so as he beapprehended and convicted thereby. 

"Given at the council chamber in Dublin, this twenty-seventh day ofOctober, one thousand seven hundred and twenty-four. 

"(Signed) Midleton _Cancer_. Shannon; Donnerail; G. Fforbes; H. Meath;Santry; Tyrawly; Fferrars; William Conolly; Ralph Gore; WilliamWhitshed; B. Hale; Gust. Hume; Ben Parry; James Tynte; R. Tighe; T. Clutterbuck. 

"God Save the King. "

APPENDIX VII

It is very interesting and even curious to note, that the signatories tothe public expression of their attitude towards Wood and his patent, asshown by the Proclamation, should have almost all of them signed anotherdocument, in their capacities of Privy Councillors, which addressed hisMajesty _against_ Wood and the patent. So far as I can learn, MonckMason seems to have been the first historian to discover it; nor do Ifind the fact mentioned by any of Swift's later biographers. 

"It was rumoured in Swift's time, " says Monck Mason, "but not actuallyknown to him" (see Drapier's Sixth Letter), "that the Irish PrivyCouncil had addressed his Majesty against Mr. Wood's coin. Havinginspected the papers of the Council office, I shall lay before thereader the particulars of this event, which were never promulgated, probably, because they had not the desired effect, the premier [Walpole]having determined, notwithstanding all opposition or advice, topersevere in his ill-judged project. 

"On the 17th April, 1724, at a meeting of the Council, in which the Dukeof Grafton himself presided, it was ordered, that it should be referredto a committee of the whole board, or of any seven or more, 'to considerwhat was proper to be done to allay and quiet the great fears of thepeople, occasioned by their apprehensions of William Wood's copper moneybecoming current among them, ' On the 6th of May, the committee reported, that they had considered the matter referred to them, and were ofopinion, that an address should be sent to his Majesty, of which theythen presented a draught. It was again on the 19th, referred to acommittee of the whole board to prepare a letter, which was accordinglydone on the next day. --The report was as follows:

"'To the King's Most Excellent Majesty, the humble address of the LordsJustices, and Privy-Council. 

 * * * * *

"'May it please your Majesty, "'We, your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Lords Justicesand Privy Council, most humbly beg leave, at this time, to give aninstance of that duty, which, as upon all other occasions, so moreespecially upon such as are of the greatest moment and importance, wehold ourselves always bound to pay to your Majesty. 

"'Your Majesty's great council, the High Court of Parliament, being nowprorogued, we conceive ourselves bound, by the trust which your Majestyhas been pleased to repose in us, and the oaths we have taken, with allhumility to lay before your Majesty the present state of this yourkingdom, with reference to a great evil that appears to threaten it, towhich, if a speedy remedy be not applied, the unavoidable consequence, as we apprehend, will be, the ruin of multitudes of your Majesty'ssubjects, together with a great diminution of your revenue. 

"'Though the fears of your Majesty's subjects of this kingdom, inrelation to the coinage of copper half-pence and farthings, were, in agreat measure, allayed by your Majesty's most gracious resolution to doevery thing in your power for the satisfaction of your people, expressedin your Majesty's answer to the addresses of both Houses of Parliament;yet, the repeated intelligence from Great Britain, that William Wood hasthe assurance to persist in his endeavours to introduce his copperhalf-pence and farthings amongst us, has again alarmed your faithfulsubjects, to such a degree, as already to give a great check to ourinland trade. If the letters patent granted to William Wood should, inall points, be exactly complied with, the loss to be sustained by takinghis half-pence and farthings would be much greater than this poorkingdom is able to bear. But if he, or any other persons, should, forthe value of gain, be tempted to coin and import even more than doublethe quantity he by his patent is allowed to do, your people here do notsee how it is possible for your Majesty's chief governors of this yourkingdom, to detect or hinder the cheat. 

"'It is found by experience, that we have already a sufficient quantityof half-pence, to serve by way of exchange in the retailing trade, whichis the only use of such sort of money, of which, therefore, we findourselves to be in no want. 

"'And since, by the letters patent granted to the same William Wood, noman is required or commanded to take the said half-pence or farthings, but the taking them is left at liberty to those who are willing so todo; we most humbly submit it to your royal wisdom and goodness, whetherit may not be for your Majesty's service, and the great satisfaction andgood of your subjects, and very much tend to the allaying and quietingof their fears, that your Majesty should cause your royal pleasure to besignified to the Commissioners, and other officers of your Majesty'srevenue in this kingdom, that they neither receive those half-pence andfarthings, nor give countenance or encouragement to the uttering orvending of them; or that some other speedy method may be taken toprevent their becoming current amongst us. '"

APPENDIX VIII

Searching among the pamphlets of the Halliday Collection at the RoyalIrish Academy, Dublin, I came across a tract of twelve pages, printed byJohn Whaley of Dublin in 1723, with the following title:

"The Patentee's Computation of Ireland, in a Letter from the Author ofthe Whitehall Evening-Post concerning the making of Copper-Coin. As alsothe Case and Address of both Houses of Parliament together with HisMajesty's Most Gracious Answer to the House of Lords Address. "

The writer of this tract in defence of the patent maintained thefollowing propositions:

(1) That the Kingdom of Ireland wants a Copper Coin. 

(2) That the quantity of this coin will be no inconvenience to it. 

(3) That it is better than ever the Kingdom had, and as good as (in allprobability) they ever will or can have, and that the Patentee's profitis not extravagant, as commonly reported. 

(4) That the Kingdom will lose nothing by this coin. 

(5) That the public in Ireland will gain considerably by it, if theyplease. 

(6) That the Kingdom will have £100, 000 additional cash. 

As he states his arguments, they are quite reasonable. On propositionthree, if his figures are correct, he is especially convincing. Hedetails the cost of manufacture thus:

 _s. D. _Copper prepared for the coinage at his Majesty's Mint at the Tower of London, costs per pound weight 1 6

Coinage of one pound weight 3-1/2

Waste and charge of re-melting 1

Yearly payment to the Exchequer and Comptroller 1

Allowed to the purchaser for exchange, &c. 5

 Total charge 2 4-1/2

"So that the patentee, " he concludes, "makes a profit of only 1-1/2_d. _in the half crown or about 5%. "

The tract, however, is more interesting for the reprint it gives of thetwenty-eight articles stated by the people in objection to the patentand the coin. I give these articles in full:

IRELAND'S CASE HUMBLY PRESENTED TO THE HONOURABLE THE KNIGHTS, CITIZENS, AND BURGESSES IN PARLIAMENT ASSEMBLED

MOST HUMBLY SHEWETH, Whereas your Honours finding the late Grant or Letters Patents obtainedby Mr. William Wood, for making Three Hundred and Sixty Tun weight ofcopper half-pence for the Kingdom of Ireland, were to be manufactured inLondon &c. Which money is now coining in Bristol, and that the saidmoney was to weigh two shillings and sixpence in each pound weight, andthat change was to be uttered or passed for all such as were pleased totake the same in this Kingdom. 

That it's humbly conceived Your Honours on considering the followingRemarks, will find the permitting such change to pass, exceedingInjurious and Destructive to the Nation. 

First. That the same will be a means to drain this Kingdom of all itsGold and Silver, and ten, fifteen, or twenty per cent abated, will mosteffectually do the same. 

2d. That the making such money in England will give great room forcounterfeiting that coin, as well in this Kingdom, as where it is made. 

3d. That the Copper Mines of this Island which might be manufactured inthe nation, is by management shipped off to England by some persons at, or about forty shillings per tun, by others at four pounds and sixpounds per ton, which copper when smelted and refined is sold and sentback to this kingdom at two shillings and six pence per pound weight asaforesaid, which is two hundred and eighty pound sterl. Per ton. 

4th. That two shillings and sixpence per pound weight is making the saidcoin of very small value, the said coin ought not to weigh or exceed twoshillings in each pound weight as the English Halfpence are. 

5th. That all such money brought to this Nation manufactured, is to beentered at value, which value is in the Book of Rates, ten per cent dutyand excise. 

6th. That no security is given to this Nation to make such money in anyone point, the same may be found defective in either, as to baseness ofmetal, workmanship or weight, or to give gold and silver for the same, when the subject was, or may be burthened therewith. 

7th. That if such monies as aforesaid be permitted to pass in thisnation, all persons that have gold or silver by them would not parttherewith, but Brass money must be carried from House to House onTruckles, and in the county by carts and horses, with troops to guardthem. 

8th. That such money will raise the price of all commodities fromabroad, probably to three or four hundred per cent. 

9th. That linen, yarn, beef, butter, tallow, hides and all othercommodities, will raise to that degree by being bought with half-pence, and workmen paid with brass money, that commissions from abroad will notreach them, therefore such goods must lie on hands and remain a drugg. 

10th. That the excise of beer, ale, brandy, &c. , and hearth-money willbe paid in such coin, the same falling first into the hands of the poorand middling people. 

11th. That if any trouble should happen in this nation, no army could beraised with such specie, but an enemy in all appearance would beadmitted with their gold and silver, and which would drive the nationbefore them. 

12th. The Courts of Law could not subsist, for all the suits there mustbe supported and maintained with ready money. Viz. Gold and Silver. 

13th. That all the bankers must shut up their shops, no lodgment wouldbe made except Halfpence, such as would lodge their money with them, would rather draw off and cause a run on them, fearing that their specieshould be turned into the said brass and copper money. 

14th. That such bills as are drawn to the country, viz. Cork, Limerick, Waterford, Kingsale, Deny, &c. The Exchange would be instead of aquarter per cent, twenty per cent and then paid in the said Brassspecie, by means of its being brought on cars, carts, or waggons, andguards to attend the same. 

15th. That all the rent in the Kingdom would be paid in half-pence; noman would give gold or silver, when he had brass money to pay the same. 

16th. That no one can coin or manufacture such a quantity of halfpenceor farthings for this Kingdom, out of the same, but either he must beruined in the undertaking or the nation undone by his project, in takingsuch light money, by reason of ten per cent, duty, and probably thissession be made twenty or thirty per cent duty, and the exchange nine orten per cent. Ten per cent abated to circulate them. Ten per centfactorage, freight, gabberage, key-porters, &c. All which is forty percent, charged on the same. 

17th. That if the said Wood was obliged to make his light money not toexceed two shillings in the pound weight according to the English coin, he would give up such grant, for six pence in each pound weight is 25per cent. 

18th. That the said twenty-five per cent is 19, 360_l. _ sterl. On thesaid 360 ton of copper, loss to this nation, by being coined out of thisKingdom, besides 80, 690_l. _ of gold and silver sent out of the Kingdomfor brass or copper money. 

19th. That the copper mines of this Kingdom is believed to be the metalsuch copper is made of, which verifies the English saying, That Irishpeople are wild, that would part with 200, 000_l. _ sterl. Of their goldand silver, for their own copper mines, which cost them not one poundsterl. 

20th. That the said Wood's factors probably may send in fourteen yearsdouble the quantity of copper which is 720 ton, then this Kingdom loses38, 720_l. _ sterl. And parts with 161, 280_l. _ sterl. Of their gold andsilver for almost nothing. 

21st. If any great sum was to be raised by this nation, on any emergencyextraordinary, to serve his Majesty and his Kingdom how would it bepossible to do the same; copper half-pence would not stem the tide, nosilver now to be had of value, then no gold to be seen. 

22d. That England also must be a great loser by such money, by reasonthe said half-pence being from 20 to 40 grains lighter and less in valuethan their own, so that the same will not pass in that Kingdom scarcefor farthings a piece, how then shall the vast quantities of goods bepaid for, that are brought from that Kingdom here, a considerable partof this island must be broke and run away for want of silver and gold topay them their debts. 

23d. That if the said Wood should get all that money, what power wouldhe regard, and what temptation would he be subject unto on that head, heis but a man, and one almost as little known or heard of, as any onesubject the king has on this side the water. 

24th. That the vast quantity of sea-coal brought from England here, would not be had for such money; the colliers will keep both their shipsand coal at home, before they trade with such a nation, as had theirtreasure turned into brass money. 

25th. That the Army must be paid with such money, none else to be had, they would lay down their arms and do no duty, what blood and confusionthen would attend the same. 

26th. That no people out of any other Kingdom would come into thiscountry to dwell, either to plant or sow, where all their money must bebrass. 

27th. That the beautiful Quay and river of Dublin which is now lined andfilled with ships in a most delightful order, would then be scattered toother harbours, as also the new Range, there and now a building, wouldbe left, nothing but empty places all as doleful as the weeping river, deserted by her fleets and armies of merchants and traders. 

28th. That the aforesaid scheme is to be viewed and considered by aKing and Parliament, that will do themselves and their nation justice, who will with hearts and hands, stem that tide and current, as never tosuffer so dutiful and loyal a people to be ruined and undone withoutrelief. 

APPENDIX IX

DESCRIPTIONS OF THE VARIOUS SPECIMENS OF WOOD'S COINS

The following descriptions of the various varieties of Wood's coins, taken from a note in Monck Mason's "History of St. Patrick's Cathedral"(ed. 1819, pp. Xcvi-xcvii), may be interesting to the student. The twovarieties of the coins given as illustrations in this volume arereproduced from specimens in the British Museum. 

Monck Mason obtains his information from Simon's "Essay on Irish Coins, "Dublin, 1749, 4to; Snelling's Supplement to Simon issued in 1767; andthe edition of Simon's work reprinted in 1810. 

With the exception of No. II. Of this list all of Wood's coins had, onone side, "the king's head laureat, looking to the left, with thisinscription, GEORGIUS, DEI GRATIA, REX. On the reverse is the figure ofIreland, represented by a woman sitting, beside her, a harp: thedifferences consist chiefly, in variations in the attitude of thefigure, and in the date of the coin. "

No. I. 1722. --Hibernia, with both her hands on the harp, which is placedon her right side; her figure is full front, but she looks towards theright; round her this inscription, HIBERNIA, 1722. (Simon, plate 7, Numb. 160)

No. II. 1722. --Hibernia is seated as in the last, but has her headturned to the left, on which side there is a rock; round her isinscribed, HIBERNIA; in the exergue, 1722; on the obverse the usualhead, the inscription, GEORGIUS D. G. REX. (Snelling, plate 2, Numb. 24. )

No. III. 1722. --Hibernia, in profile, looking to the left, holding, inher right hand, a palm branch, resting her left on a harp; round it, HIBERNIA, 1722. (Simon, plate 7, Numb. 161. )

No. IV. 1723. --Hibernia, as in the last; round her, HIBERNIA, 1723. (Simon, plate 8, Numb. 169. )

It was some of this coin that was submitted to Sir Isaac Newton forassay. 

No. V. 1724. --Hibernia, as in the last two, differing only in the date. (Mentioned by Simon, but no engraving given. )

No, VI. 1724. --Hibernia, seated as in the three preceding; round her, HIBERNIA: in the exergue, 1724. (Snelling, plate 2, Numb. 26. )

Mason notes of this specimen: "Mr. Snelling does not specify, particularly, in what respect this coin differs from those whichprecede; his words are, 'different from any other, and very good work, especially the halfpenny, which is the finest and broadest piece of hismoney I ever saw, and belongs to Mr. Bartlet. ' They do not, however, appear to have attained to circulation in Ireland. A few might, perhaps, have been struck off by the patentee, to distribute among his own, andthe minister's friends. "

No. VII. --Mr. Snelling mentions, "another halfpenny, which has Hiberniapointing up with one hand to a sun in the top of the piece"; but of thishe has not given any engraving. 

INDEX. 

Addison, made keeper of the records of Bermingham's TowerArmstrong, Sir Thomas, granted a patent to coin farthings in IrelandArmstrong, Sir William, granted a patent to coin halfpence in Ireland

Bacon, Lord, on the Royal prerogative, quotedBerkeley, Lord, of Stratton, Master of the RollsBingham, JohnBodin, JeanBoulter, ArchbishopBrodrick, St. John, made a Privy CouncillorBrown, JohnBurlington, Earl of, Lord High Treasurer of Ireland

Carteret, Lord, attempts to injure Walpole's reputation by means of the Wood agitation made Lord Lieutenant of Ireland takes Walpole's side character of Swift's letters to his relations with WalpoleCharles I. , paid his troops with debased coinCoinage, the law with reference to _See_ Wood's CoinageCoke, Sir Edward, on the laws regarding coinageColebyConolly, William, Speaker of the Irish House of CommonsCoxe, Archdeacon, his account of the agitation in Ireland"Creed of an Irish Commoner, A"Crowley, Sir Ambrose

Dartmouth, Lord, granted a patent to coin halfpence in IrelandDavies, Sir John, his "Abridgement of Coke's Reports""Defence of the Conduct of the People of Ireland, A, " quotedDoddington, BubbDrapier, the, his account of himself proclamation againstDublin, petition of the Lord Mayor, sheriffs and citizens ofDutch, the, counterfeited debased coinage of Ireland

Elizabeth, Queen, her army paid with base coin base money sent to Ireland byEwing, George, "Defence of the Conduct of the People of Ireland" published by

Filmer, Sir RobertFinleyFrance, system of re coinage in

George I. , equestrian statue of, in DublinGrafton, Duke of, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland recalled not concerned with Wood's patent

Harding, John, arrest and prosecution ofHarley, Robert, Earl of Oxford, Swift's tribute toHolt, Sir John

Hopkins, Right Hon. Edward, secretary to the Lord Lieutenant made Master of the RevelsHopkins, John

Ireland, want of small change in patents granted for coining in relations between England and petitions for establishment of a mint in computed population of copper money not wanted in not a "depending kingdom, " English contempt for loyalty of a free country project for a bank in England's profit from the absentees of absence of faction in Charter schools founded in needed reforms in _See also_ Wood's Coinage. 

James II. , debased the coinage in Ireland

Kendal, Duchess of, sold Wood his patent for £10, 000King, Archbishop, letters to Southwell quoted letter to General George refused to condemn the Drapier letter to Molyneux on the proclamation against the Drapier's 4th letterKnox, John, his patent to coin halfpence comparison of his patent with Wood's

Legg, Colonel George. _See_ Dartmouth, Lord. Leti, SignorLindsay, Robert

Marsh; Bishop, Charter schools founded byMidleton, Chancellor, and Walpole Swift's letter to opposed to Wood's patent but signed the Proclamation against the Drapier account of"Mirror of Justice, The, "Molesworth, Viscount, letter to account ofMolyneux, WilliamMoore, Colonel Roger, patent to coin halfpence sold to

Newton, Sir Isaac, Wood's coinage assayed by

Palmerston, Lord, Chief RemembrancerPembroke, Earl of, Lord-Lieutenant of IrelandPhilips, Ambrose, secretary to Archbishop BoulterPhipps, Sir ConstantinePoyning's LawPrecedents, Swift onPrior, Thomas, his "List of the Absentees of Ireland"Privy Council, Report of the, on Wood's coinage and _see_ Letters II. And III. Privy Council, the Irish, Report of, on Wood's coinage"Proposal for the Universal Use of Irish Manufactures, A"

Rooke, Admiral Sir GeorgeRoyal Prerogative, the explained

Scotland, power of coining inScroggs, Sir William, Lord Chief JusticeScroope, Thomas, one of the assayists of Wood's coinage"Seasonable Advice to the Grand Jury, " effect ofSedley, Sir CharlesSheridan, Thomas, probably the author of "Tom Punsibus Dream"Sidney, AlgernonSomers, LordSouthwell, Edward, one of the assayists of Wood's coinage King's letters to Secretary of StateSunderland, Earl ofSwift, Jonathan, his aims in writing the Drapier's letters his letter to Midleton acclaimed the saviour of his country his sermon on "Doing Good" idolized in Ireland

Trench, W. , memorial of, with reference to the copper coinage"Tom Punsibi's Dream"Tyrone's rebellion

Walpole, Sir Robert, his conduct in the matter of Wood's patent said to have been the author of the Report of the Privy Council his Irish policy Wood's reliance on exonerated by the DrapierWhitshed, Chief Justice, dissolves the Grand Jury in the case against Harding his motto letters toWilliam, King, pewter halfpence coined byWood, William, terms of the patent granted to account of his indiscreet boasts stories of his profit considered his patent obtained clandestinely his patent compared with Knox's pamphlets published in London in favor of his reliance on Walpole his patent ended a pension given toWood's coinage, letters of the Revenue Commissioners regarding resolutions of the Irish Houses of Parliament on report of the Committee of the Privy Council on and Letters II and III. Value of refused by the merchants at the ports no one obliged to take it assay of, at the mint baseness of the revenue officers ordered to pass it popular indignation against the matter summed up end of the agitation concerning addresses to the King concerning presentment of the Grand Jury on description of the various specimens of