** Transcriber's Notes **

The printed edition from which this e-text has been produced retains thespelling and abreviations of Hakluyt's 16th-century original. In thisversion, the spelling has been retained, but the following manuscriptabbreviations have been silently expanded:

- vowels with macrons = vowel + 'n' or 'm'- q; = -que (in the Latin)- y[e] = the; y[t] = that; w[t] = with

This edition contains footnotes and two types of sidenotes. Most footnotesare added by the editor. They follow modern (19th-century) spellingconventions. Those that don't are Hakluyt's (and are not alwayssystematically marked as such by the editor). The sidenotes are Hakluyt'sown. Summarizing sidenotes are labelled [Sidenote: ] and placed before thesentence to which they apply. Sidenotes that are keyed with a symbol arelabeled [Marginal note: ] and placed at the point of the symbol, except inpoetry, where they are moved to the nearest convenient break in the text. 

** End Transcriber's Notes **

THE PRINCIPALNavigations, Voyages, Traffiques and DiscoveriesOF THE ENGLISH NATION. 

Collected byRICHARD HAKLUYT, PREACHER

ANDEdited byEDMUND GOLDSMIDT, F. R. H. S. 

NORTHERN EUROPE

VOL. I. 

EDITORS PREFACE

"This elaborate and excellent Collection, which redounds as much to theglory of the English Nation as any book that ever was published, hasalready had sufficient complaints made in its behalf against our sufferingit to become so scarce and obscure, by neglecting to _republish_ it in afair impression, with proper illustrations and especially an _Index_. Butthere may still be room left for a favourable construction of such neglect, and the hope that nothing but the casual scarcity of a work so long sinceout of print may have prevented its falling into those able hands thatmight, by such an edition, have rewarded the eminent _Examples_ preservedtherein, the _Collector_ thereof and _themselves_ according to theirdeserts. "

Thus wrote Oldys (The British Librarian, No III, March, 1737, page 137), nearly 150. Years ago, and what has been done to remove this, reproach? Thework has become so rare that even a reckless expenditure of money cannotprocure a copy [Footnote: Mr. Quantch, the eminent Bibliopole, is nowasking £42 for a copy of the 1598-1600 edition. ]

It has indeed long been felt that a handy edition of the celebrated"Collection of the Early Voyages, Travels and Discoveries of the EnglishNation, " published by Richard Hakluyt 1598, 1599, 1600, was one of thegreatest desiderata of all interested in History, Travel, or Adventure. Thelabour and cost involved have however hitherto deterred publishers fromattempting to meet the want except in the case of the very limited reprintof 1809-12. [Footnote: Of this edition 250 copies were printed on royalpaper, and 75 copies on imperial paper. ] As regards the labour involved, the following brief summary of the contents of the Second Edition will givethe reader some idea of its extent. I refer those who desire a completeanalysis to Oldys. 

Volume I. (1598) deals with Voyages to the North and North East, andcontains _One hundred and nine_ separate narratives, from Arthur'sExpedition to Norway in 517 to the celebrated Expedition to Cadiz, in thereign of good Queen Bess. Amongst the chief voyages may be mentioned:Edgar's voyage round Britain in 973; an account of the Knights ofJerusalem; Cabot's voyages; Chancellor's voyages to Russia; Elizabeth'sEmbassies, to Russia, Persia, &c. ; the Destruction of the Armada; &c. , &c. 

Volume II. (1599) treats of Voyages to the South and South East, beginningwith that of the Empress Helena to Jerusalem in 337. The chief narrativesare those of Edward the Confessor's Embassy to Constantinople; The Historyof the English Guard in that City; Richard Coeur de Lion's travels; AnthonyBeck's voyage to Tartary in 1330; The English in Algiers and Tunis (1400);Solyman's Conquest of Rhodes; Foxe's narrative of his captivity; Voyages toIndia, China, Guinea, the Canaries; the account of the Levant Company; andthe travels of Raleigh, Frobisher, Grenville, &c. It contains _One hundredand sixty-five_ separate pieces. 

Volume III. (1600) has _Two hundred and forty-three different narratives_, commencing with the fabulous Discovery of the West Indies in 1170, byMadoc, Prince of Wales. It contains the voyages of Columbus; of Cabot andhis Sons; of Davis, Smith, Frobisher, Drake, Hawkins; the Discoveries ofNewfoundland, Virginia, Florida, the Antilles, &c. ; Raleigh's voyages toGuiana; Drake's great Voyage; travels in South America, China, Japan, andall countries in the West; an account of the Empire of El Dorado, &c. 

The three volumes of the Second Edition therefore together contain _Fivehundred and seventeen_ separate narratives. When to this we add thosenarratives included in the First Edition, but omitted in the Second, allthe voyages printed by Hakluyt or at his suggestion, such as "DiversVoyages touching the Discoverie of America, " "The Conquest of TerraFlorida, " "The Historie of the West Indies, " &c. , &c. , and many of thepublications of the Hakluyt Society, some idea may be formed of themagnitude of the undertaking. I trust the notes and illustrations I haveappended may prove useful to students and ordinary readers; I can assureany who may be disposed to cavil at their brevity that many a _line_ hascost me hours of research. In conclusion, a short account of the previouseditions of Hakluyt's Voyages may be found useful. 

The _First_ Edition (London: G. Bishop and R. Newberie) 1589, was in onevolume folio. It contains, besides the Dedication to Sir Francis Walsingham(see page 3), a preface (see page 9), tables and index, 825 pages ofmatter. The map referred to in the preface was one which Hakluytsubstituted for the one engraved by Molyneux, which was not ready in timeand which was used for the Second Edition. 

The _Second_ Edition (London, G. Bishop, R. Newberie, and R, Barker), 1598, 1599, 1600, folio, 3 vols. In 2, is the basis of our present edition. Thecelebrated voyage to Cadiz (pages 607-19 of first volume) is wanting inmany copies. It was suppressed by order of Elizabeth, on the disgrace ofthe Earl of Essex. The first volume sometimes bears the date of 1598. Prefixed is an Epistle Dedicatorie, a preface, complimentary verses, &c. (twelve leaves). It contains 619 pages. Volume II. Has eight leaves ofprefatory matter, 312 pages for _Part I_. , and 204 pages for _Part II_. ForVolume III. There are also eight leaves for title, dedication, &c. , and 868pages. 

The _Third_ Edition (London, printed by G. Woodfall), 1809-12, royal 410, 5vols. , is an excellent reprint of the two early editions. It is veryscarce, a poor copy fetching £17 to £18. Since this edition, there has beenno reprint of the Collection. 

I have taken upon myself to alter the order of the different voyages. Ihave grouped together those voyages which relate to the same parts of theglobe, instead of adopting the somewhat haphazard arrangement of theoriginal edition. This, and the indices I have added to each volume, will, I hope, greatly assist the student. The maps, with the exception of thefacsimile ones, are modern; on them I have traced the presumed course ofthe journey or journeys they refer to. The illustrations I have taken froma variety of sources, which are always indicated. 

EDMUND GOLDSMID. 

EDINBURGH, _August 23rd_, 1884. 

THE PRINCIPAL

NAVIGATIONS, VOYAGES, TRAFFIQUES, AND DISCOVERIES

OF

THE ENGLISH NATION, MADE BY SEA OR OUER-LAND TO

THE REMOTE AND FARTHEST DISTANT QUARTERS OF THE EARTH, AT ANY TIME WITHIN THE COMPASSE OF THESE 1600 YERES:

DIUIDED INTO THREE SEUERALL VOLUMES, ACCORDING TO THE POSITIONS OF THEREGIONS WHEREUNTO THEY WERE DIRECTED. 

THE FIRST VOLUME CONTAINETH

The Worthy Discoueries, &c. Of the English toward the North and Northeastby Sea, AS OF

LAPLAND, SCRIKFINIA, CORELIA, THE BAIE OF S. NICOLAS, THE ISLES OFCOLGOEVE, VAIGATZ, AND NOUA ZEMBLE, TOWARD THE GREAT RIUER OB, THE MIGHTYEMPIRE OF RUSSIA, THE CASPIAN SEA, GEORGIA, ARMENIA, MEDIA, PERSIA, BOGHARIN BACTRIA, AND DIUERS KINGDOMES OF TARTARIA:

TOGETHER WITH MANY

NOTABLE MONUMENTS AND TESTIMONIES OF THE ANCIENT FORREN TRADES, AND OF THEWARRELIKE AND OTHER SHIPPING OF THIS REALME OF ENGLAND IN FORMER AGES, WHEREUNTO IS ANNEXED

A Briefe Commentary of the True State of Island and of the Northern Seasand Lands Situate that Way:

AS ALSO

The Memorable Defeat of the Spanish Huge Armada, Anno 1588. 

THE SECOND VOLUME COMPREHENDETH

The Principall Nauigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoueries of theEnglish Nation made by Sea or Ouer-land, TO

THE SOUTH AND SOUTH-EAST PARTS OF THE WORLD, AS WELL WITHIN AS WITHOUT THESTREIGHT OF GIBRALTAR AT ANY TIME WITHIN THE COMPASSE OF THESE 1600 YERES:

DIVIDED INTO TWO SEUERAL PARTS, &c. 

By Richard Hakluyt PREACHER, AND SOMETIME STUDENT OF CHRIST-CHVRCH IN OXFORD

IMPRINTED AT LONDON BY GEORGE BISHOP, RALPHNEWBERIE, AND ROBERT BARKER. 

ANNO 1599. 

DEDICATION TO THE FIRST EDITION

TO THE

RIGHT HONORABLE

SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM KNIGHT, [Footnote: Born at Chislehurst, Kent, in1536 He was educated at King's College Cambridge, where he specialtydevoted himself to the study of languages in which he became proficient. Appointed Ambassador to Paris in 1570, he distinguished himself by theextensive system of "secret police, " or spies which he established. He waspresent at the Massacre of St. Bartholomew, which did not excite in hiscold diplomatic mind the horror it created in England. On his return in1573 he became Secretary of State. Ten years later he was Ambassador toJames VI of Scotland and in 1586 he sat as one of the commissioners on thetrial of Mary, Queen of Scots. In the matter of the Rabbington Conspiracy, he is said to have "outdone the Jesuits in their own Low, and overreachedthem in their equivocation. " He died in 1590, in comparative disgrace withhis mistress. ]

PRINCIPALL SECRETARIE TO HER MAIESTIE, CHANCELLOR OF THE DUCHIE OFLANCASTER, AND ONE OF HER MAIESTIES MOST HONOURABLE PRIUIE COUNCELL. 

Right Honorable, I do remember that being a youth, and one of her Maiestiesscholars at Westminster [Footnote: We know little of Richard Hakluyt beyondwhat we can gather from his writings. He was born at Eyton, inHerefordshire in 1553; was educated, as we here learn, at WestminsterSchool and afterward, at Christ Church, Oxford, where geography was hisfavourite study; In 1584 he went to Paris as Chaplain to the EnglishEmbassy and, during his absence, was made Prebendary of Bristol. On hisreturn he published several works, Leo's "Geographical History of Africa, "translated from the Spanish, and Peter Martyr's "History of the WestIndies" In 1605 he became Prebendary of Westminster, and Rector ofWetherogset in Suffolk. He died in 1616. In compiling the present work, Hakluyt had the assistance of Sir Walter Raleigh. ] that fruitfull nurserie, it was my happe to visit the chamber of M. Richard Hakluyt, my cosin, aGentleman of the Middle Temple, well knowen vnto you, at a time when Ifound lying open vpon his boord certeine bookes of Cosmographie, with anvniuersall Mappe: he seeing me somewhat curious in the view therof, beganto instruct my ignorance, by shewing me the diuision of the earth intothree parts after the olde account, and then according to the latter, &better distribution, into more: he pointed with his wand to all the knowenSeas, Gulfs, Bayes, Straights, Capes, Riuers, Empires, Kingdomes, Dukedomes, and Territories of ech part, with declaration also of theirspeciall commodities, & particular wants, which by the benefit of traffike, & entercourse of merchants, are plentifully supplied. From the Mappe hebrought me to the Bible, and turning to the 107. Psalme, directed mee tothe 23 & 24 verses, where I read, that they which go downe to the sea inships, and occupy by the great waters, they see the works of the Lord, andhis woonders in the deepe, &c. Which words of the Prophet together with mycousins discourse (things of high and rare delight to my yong nature) tookein me so deepe an impression, that I constantly resolued, if euer I werepreferred to the Vniuersity, where better time, and more conuenient placemight be ministred for these studies, I would by Gods assistance prosecutethat knowledge and kinde of literature, the doores whereof (after a sort)were so happily opened before me. 

According to which my resolution, when, not long after, I was remoued toChrist-church in Oxford, my exercises of duety first performed, I fell tomy intended course, and by degrees read ouer whatsoeuer printed or writtendiscoueries and voyages I found extant either in the Greeke, Latine, Italian, Spanish, Portugall, French, or English languages, and, in mypublike lectures was the first, that produced and shewed both the oldeimperfectly composed, and the new lately reformed Mappes, Globes, Spheares, [Footnote: "Ortelius, in his 'Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, ' the first editionof which was in 1570, gives a list of about 150 geographicaltreatises. "--Hallam's "Literature of Europe, " c. Xvii. § 53. ] and otherinstruments of this Art for demonstration in the common schooles, to thesingular pleasure, and generall contentment of my auditory. In continuanceof time, and by reason principally of my insight in this study, I grewfamiliarly acquainted with the chiefest Captaines at sea, the greatestMerchants, and the best Manners of our nation: by which meanes hauinggotten somewhat more then common knowledge, I passed at length the narrowseas into France with sir Edward Stafford, her Maiesties carefull anddiscreet Ligier, where during my fiue yeeres abroad with him in hisdangerous and chargeable residencie in her Highnes seruice, I both heard inspeech, and read in books other nations miraculously extolled for theirdiscoueries and notable enterprises by sea, but the English of all othersfor their sluggish security, and continuall neglect of the like attemptsespecially in so long and happy a time of peace, either ignominiouslyreported, or exceedingly condemned: which singular opportunity, if someother people our neighbors had beene blessed with, their protestations areoften and vehement, they would farre otherwise haue vsed. And that thetrueth and euidence heerof may better appeare, these are the very words ofPopiliniere in his booke called L'Admiral de France, and printed at Paris. Fol. 73. Pag 1, 2. The occasion of his speech is the commendation of theRhodnais, who being (as we are) Islanders, were excellent in nauigation, whereupon he woondereth much that the English should not surpasse in thatqualitie, in this sort: Ce qui m'a fait autresfois rechercher lesoccasions, qui empeschent, que les Anglois, qui ont d'esprit, de moyens &valeur assez, pour s'aquerir vn grand honeur parmi tous les Chrestiens, nese font plus valoir sur l'element qui leur est, & doit estre plus naturelqu' à autres peuples: qui leur doiuent ceder en la structure, accommodement& police de nauires: comme i' ay veu en plusieurs endroits parmi eux. [Footnote: _Translation_ "This made me inquire into the reasons whichprevent the English, who have sufficient intelligence, means, and courageto acquire great honour amongst all Christians, from shining more on theelement which is and ought to be more natural to them than to othernations, who must needs yield to them in the building, fitting out, andmanagement of ships, as I have my self often witnessed when amongst them. "]Thus both hearing, and reading the obloquie of our nation, and finding fewor none of our owne men able to replie heerin: and further, not seeing anyman to haue care to recommend to the world, the industrious labors, andpainefull trauels of our countrey men: for stopping the mouthes of thereprochers, my selfe being the last winter returned from France with thehonorable the Lady Sheffield, for her passing good behauior highly esteemedin all the French court, determined notwithstanding all difficulties, tovndertake the burden of that worke wherin all others pretended eitherignorance, or lacke of leasure, or want of sufficient argument, whereas (tospeake truely) the huge toile, and the small profit to insue, were thechiefe causes of the refusall. I call the worke a burden, in considerationthat these voyages lay so dispersed, scattered, and hidden in seuerallhucksters hands, that I now woonder at my selfe, to see how I was able toendure the delayes, curiosity, and backwardnesse of many from whom I was toreceiue my originals: so that I haue iust cause to make that complaint ofthe maliciousnes of diuers in our time, which Plinie [Footnote: Plinius. Lib. 25. Cap. 1. Naturalis historiæ. ] made of the men of his age: At noselaborata ijs abscondere átque supprimere cupimus, & fraudare vitam etiamalienis bonis, &c. 

To harpe no longer vpon this string, & to speake a word of that iustcommendation which our nation doe indeed deserue: it can not be denied, butas in all former ages, they haue bene men full of actiuity, stirrersabroad, and searchers of the remote parts of the world, so in this mostfamous and peerlesse gouernement of her most excellent Maiesty, hersubiects through the speciall assistance, and blessing of God, in searchingthe most opposite corners and quarters of the world, and to speake plainly, in compassing the vaste globe of the earth more then once, haue excelledall the nations and people of the earth. For, which of the kings of thisland before her Maiesty, had theyr banners euer beene in the Caspian sea?which of them hath euer dealt with the Emperor of Persia, as her Maiestyhath done, and obteined for her merchants large & louing; priuileges? whoeuer saw before this regiment, an English Ligier in the stately porch ofthe Grand Signor at Constantinople? who euer found English Consuls & Agentsat Tripolis in Syria, at Aleppo, at Babylon, at Balsara, and which is more, who euer heard of Englishman at Goa before now? what English shippes didheeretofore euer anker in the mighty riuer of Plate? passe and repasse thevnpassable (in former opinion) straight of Magellan, range along the coastof Chili, Peru, and all the backside of Noua Hispania, further then anyChristian euer passed, trauers the mighty bredth of the South sea, landvpon the Luzones in despight of the enemy, enter into alliance, amity, andtraffike with the princes of the Moluccaes, & the Isle of Iaua, double thefamous Cape of Bona Speranza, ariue at the Isle of Santa Helena, & last ofal ruturne home most richly laden with the commodities of China, as thesubiects of this now florishing monarchy haue done?

Lucius Florus in the very end of his historie de gestis Romanorum recordethas a wonderfull miracle, that the Seres, (which I take to be the people ofCathay, or China) sent ambassadors to Rome, to intreate friedship, as mouedwith the fame of the maiesty of the Romane Empire. And haue not we as goodcause to admire, that the Kings of the Moluccæs and Iaua maior, hauedesired the fauour of her maiestie, and the commerce & traffike of herpeople? Is it not as strange that the borne naturalles of Iapan, and thePhilippinæs are here to be seene, agreeing with our climate, speaking ourlanguage, and informing vs of the state of their Easterne habitations? Formine owne part, I take it as a pledge of Gods further fauour both vnto vsand them: to them especially, vnto whose doors I doubt not in time shall beby vs caried the incomparable treasure of the truth of Christianity, and ofthe Gospell, while we vse and exercise common trade with their marchants. Imust confesse to haue read in the excellent history intituled Origines ofIoannes Goropius, a testimonie of king Henrie the viij, a prince of noblememory, whose intention was once, if death had not preuented him, to hauedone some singular thing in this case: whose words speaking of his dealingto that end with himselfe, he being a stranger, & his history rare, Ithought good in this place verbatim to record: Ante viginti & plus eo annosab Henrico Kneuetto Equite Anglo nomine Regis Henrici arram accepi, quaconuenerat, Regio sumptu me totam Asiam, quoad Turcorum & Persarum Regumcommendationes, & legationes admitterentur, peragraturum. Ab his enimduobus Asiæ principibus facile se impetraturum sperabat, vt non solùm tutòmihi per ipsorum fines liceret ire, sed vt commendatione etiam ipsorum adconfinia quoque daretur penetrare. Sumptus quidem non exiguus erat futurus, sed tanta erat principi cognoscendi auiditas, vt nullis pecunijs ad hociter necessarijs se diceret parsurum. O Dignum Regia Maiestate animum, O mefoelicem, si Deus non antè & Kneuettum & Regem abstulisset, quàm reuersusab hac peregrinatione fuissem, &c. [Footnote: Ioannis Goropij Becarioriginum lib. 5 pag 494. _Translation_: "More than twenty years before Ireceived from Henry Knevett, an English knight, in the name of King Henry, a retaining fee, it being agreed that I should travel at the king's expensethroughout Asia, so far as the letters of introduction or embassies of theTurkish and Persian monarchs would enable me. For he (the king) hopedeasily to obtain from these two Asiatic monarchs not only permission for meto travel through their territories, but also, by their influence, throughthe frontier states of their kingdoms. The cost was not to be light, butsuch was that prince's eagerness, after knowledge that he declared he wouldspare no expense for this journey. O mind worthy of regal dignity! O happyme if God had not called away both Knevett and the king before I hadreturned from that journey!"] But as the purpose of Dauid the king tobuilde a house and temple to God was accepted, although Salomon performedit: so I make no question, but that the zeale in this matter of theaforesaid most renowmed prince may seeme no lesse worthy (in his kinde) ofacceptation, although reserued for the person of our Salomon her gratiousMaiesty, whome I feare not to pronounce to haue receiued the same Heroicallspirit, and most honorable disposition, as an inheritance from her famousfather. 

Now wheras I haue alwayes noted your wisdome to haue had a speciall care ofthe honor of her Maiesty, the good reputation of our country, & theaduancing of nauigation, the very walles of this our Island, as the oracleis reported to haue spoken of the sea forces of Athens: [Footnote: Plutarchin the life of Themistocles. ] and whereas I acknowledge in all dutifullsort how honorably both by your letter and speech I haue bene animated inthis and other my trauels, I see my selfe bound to make presentment of thisworke to your selfe, as the fruits of your owne incouragements, & themanifestation both of my vnfained seruice to my prince and country, and ofmy particular duty to your honour: which I haue done with the lessesuspition either of not satisfying the world, or of not answering your owneexpectation, in that according to your order, it hath passed the sight, andpartly also the censure of the learned phisitian M. Doctor Iames, a manmany wayes very notably qualified. 

And thus beseeching God, the giuer of all true honor & wisdome to increaseboth these blessings in you, with continuance of health, strength, happinesse, and whatsoeuer good thing els your selfe can wish, I humblytake my leaue. 

London the 17. Of Nouember. 

Your honors most humble alwayes to be commanded

RICHARD HAKLUYT. 

PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION

RICHARD HAKLUYT TO THE FAVOURABLE READER

I haue thought it very requisite for thy further instruction and directionin this historie (Good Reader) to acquaint thee brieflie with the Methodeand order which I haue vsed in the whole course thereof: and by the wayalso to let thee vnderstand by whose friendly aide in this my trauell Ihaue bene furthered: acknowledging that ancient speach to be no lesse truethen inenious, that the offence is great, Non agnoscere per quosprofeceris, not to speake of them by whom a man in his indeuours isassisted. 

Concerning my proceeding therefore in this present worke, it hath benethis. Whatsoeuer testimonie I haue found in any author of authoritieappertaining to my argument, either stranger or naturall, I haue recordedthe same word for word, with his particular name and page of booke where itis extant. If the same were not reduced into our common language, I hauefirst expressed it in the same termes wherein it is originally writtenwhether it were a Latine, Italian, Spanish or Portugall discourse, orwhatsoeuer els, and thereunto in the next roome haue annexed thesignification and translation of the wordes in English. And to the endethat those men which were the paynefull and personall trauellers mightreape that good opinion, and iust commendation which they haue deserued, and further that euery man might answere for himselfe, iustifie hisreports, and stand accountable for his owne doings, I haue referred eueryvoyage to his Author, which both in person hath performed, and in writinghath left the same: for I am not ignorant of Ptolomies assertion, thatPeregrinationis historia, and not those wearie volumes bearing the titlesof vniuersall Cosmographie which some men that I could name haue publishedas their owne, beyng in deed most vntruly and vnprofitablie ramassed andhurled together, is that which must bring vs to the certayne and fulldiscouerie of the world. 

Moreouer, I meddle in this worke with the Nauigations onely of our ownenation: And albeit I alleage in a few places (as the matter and occasionrequired) some strangers as witnesses of the things done yet are they nonebut such as either faithfully remember, or sufficiently confirme thetrauels of our owne people: of whom (to speake trueth) I haue receiued morelight in some respects then all our owne Historians could affoord me inthis case, Bale, Foxe, and Eden onely excepted. 

And it is a thing withall principally to be considered that I stand notvpon any action perfourmed neere home, nor in any part of Europe commonlyfrequented by our shipping, as for example: Not vpon that victoriousexploit not long since atchieued in our narow Seas agaynst that monstrousSpanish army vnder the valiant and prouident conduct of the righthonourable the lord Charles Howard high Admirall of England: Not vpon thegood seruices of our two woorthie Generals in their late Portugallexpedition: Not vpon the two most fortunate attempts of our famousChieftaine Sir Frauncis Drake, the one in the Baie of Cales vpon a greatpart of the enimies chiefest shippes the other neere the Islands vpon thegreat Carrack of the East India, the first (though peraduenture not thelast) of that employment, that euer discharged Molucca spices in Englishportes: these (albeit singular and happy voyages of our renowmedcountrymen) I omit, as things distinct and without the compasse of myprescribed limites, beyng neither of remote length and spaciousnesse, neither of search and discouerie of strange coasts, the chiefe subiect ofthis my labour. [Footnote: Halkuyt afterwards, in his second edition, didnot omit these remarkable adventures. ]

Thus much in breuitie shall serue thee for the generall order. ParticularheI haue disposed and digested the whole worke into 3. Partes, or as it wereClasses, not without my reasons. In the first I haue martialled all ourvoyages of any moment that haue bene performed to the South and Southeastparts of the world, by which I chiefly meane that part of Asia which isneerest, and of the rest hithermost towards vs: For I find that the oldesttrauels as well of the ancient Britains, as of the English, were ordinarieto Iudea which is in Asia, termed by them the Holy land, principally fordeuotions sake according to the time, although I read in Ioseph Bengorion avery authenticall Hebrew author, a testimonie of the passing of 20000. Britains valiant souldiours, to the siege and fearefull sacking ofIerusalem vnder the conduct of Vespasian and Titus the Romane Emperour, athing in deed of all the rest most ancient. But of latter dayes I see ourmen haue pierced further into the East, haue passed downe the mightie riuerEuphrates, haue sayled from Balsara through the Persian gulfe to the Citieof Ormuz, and from thence to Chaul and Goa in the East India, whichpassages written by the parties themselues are herein to be read. To theseI haue added the Nauigations of the English made for the parts of Africa, and either within or without the streights of Gibraltar: within toConstantinople in Romania, to Alexandria, and Cayro in Egypt, to Tunez, toGoletta, to Malta, to Algier, and to Tripolis in Barbary: without, to SantaCruz, to Asafi, to the Citie of Marocco, to the riuer of Senega, to theIsles of Cape Verde, to Guynea, to Benyn, and round about the dreadfullCape of Bona Speranza, as farre as Goa. 

The north, and Northeasterne voyages of our nation I haue produced in thesecond place, because our accesse to those quarters of the world is laterand not so auncient as the former: and yet some of our trauailes that waybe of more antiquitie by many hundred yeeres, then those that haue benemade to the westerne coastes of America. Vnder this title thou shalt firstfinde the old northerne Nauigations of our Brittish Kings as of Arthur, ofMalgo, of Edgar Pacificus the Saxon Monarch, with that also of Nicholaus deLinna vnder the North pole: next to them in consequence, the discoueries ofthe bay of Saint Nicholas, of Colgoieue, of Pechora, of the Isles ofVaigats, of Noua Zembla, and of the Sea eastwards towardes the riuer of Ob:after this, the opening by sea of the great Dukedome and Empire of Russia, with the notable and strange iourney of Master Ienkinson to Boghar inBactria. Whereunto thou maist adde sixe of our voyages eleuen hundredverstes vp against the streame of Dwina to the towne of Vologhda thence onehundred and fourescore verstes by land to Yeraslaue standing vpon themighty riuer of Volga: there hence aboue two thousand and fiue hundredversts downe the streame to the ancient marte Towne of Astracan, and so tothe manifolde mouthes of Volga, and from thence also by ship ouer theCaspian sea into Media, and further then that also with Camels vntoGeorgia, Armenia, Hyrcania, Gillan, and the cheefest Cities of the Empireof Persia: wherein the Companie of Moscouie Marchants to the perpetualhonor of their Citie, and societie, haue performed more then any one, yeathen all the nations of Europe besides: which thing is also acknowledged bythe most learned Cosmographers and Historiographers of Christendome, withwhose honorable testimonies of the action not many for number, butsufficient for authoritie I haue concluded this second part. 

Touching the westerne Nauigations, and trauailes of ours, they succeedenaturallie in the third and last roome, for asmuch as in order and coursethose coastes, and quarters came last of all to our knowledge andexperience. Herein thou shall reade the attempt by Sea of the sonne of oneof the Princes of Northwales in saylng and searching towards the west morethen 400. Yeeres since: the offer made by Christopher Columbus thatrenowned Genouoys to the most sage Prince of noble memoire King Henrie the7. With his prompt and cheerefull acceptation thereof, and the occasionwhereupon it became fruitlesse, and at that time of no great effect to thiskingdome: then followe the letters Patentes of the foresaid noble Princegiuen to Iohn Cabot a Venetian and his 3. Sonnes, to discouer & conquer inhis name, and vnder his Banners vnknowen Regions who with that royallincouragement & contribution of the king himselfe, and some assistance incharges of English Marchants departed [Footnote: Robert Fabian] with 5. Sailes from the Port of Bristoll accompanied with 300. Englishmen, andfirst of any Christians found out that mightie and large tract of lande andSea, from the circle Arcticke as farre as Florida, as appeareth in thediscourse thereof. The triumphant reigne of King Henry the 8. Yelded someprosecution of this discouerie for the 3. Voyages performed, and the 4. Intended for all Asia by his Maiesties selfe, do approoue and confirme thesame. Then in processe of yeeres ariseth the first English trade toBrasill, the first passing of some of our nation in the ordinarie Spanishfleetes to the west Indies, and the huge Citie of Mexico in Noua Hispania. Then immediately ensue 3. Voyages made by M. Iohn Hawkins now Knight, thenEsquire, to Hispaniola, and the gulfe of Mexico: vpon which depende sixeverie excellent discourses of our men, whereof some for 15. Or 16. Wholeyeeres inhabited in New Spaine, and ranged the whole Countrie, wherein aredisclosed the cheefest secretes of the west India, which may in time turneto our no smal aduantage. The next leaues thou turnest, do yeelde thee thefirst valiant enterprise of Sir Francis Drake vpon Nombre de Dios, themules laden with treasure which he surprised, and the house called theCruzes, which his fire consumed: and therewith is ioyned an action moreventerous then happie of Iohn Oxnam of Plimmouth written, and confessed bya Spaniard, which with his companie passed ouer the streight Istme ofDarien, and building certaine pinnesses on the west shoare, was the firstEnglishman that entered the South sea. To passe ouer Master Frobisher, andhis actions which I haue also newly though briefely printed, and as it werereuiued, whatsoeuer Master Iohn Dauis hath performed in continuing thatdiscouery, which Master Frobisher began for the northwest passage, I hauefaithfully at large communicated it with thee, that so the great good hope, & singular probabilities & almost certaintie therof, which by his industryhaue risen, may be knowen generally of all men, that some may yet stillproscute so noble an action. Sir Humfrey Gilbert, that couragious Knight, and very expert in the mysteries of Nauigation amongst the rest is notforgotten: his learned reasons & arguments for the proofe of the passagebefore named, together with his last more commendable resolution thenfortunate successe, are here both to be read. The continuance of thehistorie, produceth the beginnings, and proceedings of the two EnglishColonies planted in Virginia at the charges of sir Walter Raleigh, whoseentrance vpon those newe inhabitations had bene happie, if it had ben asseruiously followed, as it was cheerefuly vndertaken. I could not omit inthis parte the two voyages made not long since to the Southwest, whereof Ithinke the Spanyard hath had some knowledge, and felt some blowes: the oneof Master Edward Fenton, and his consort Master Luke Warde: the other ofMaster Robert Withrington, and his hardie consort Master Christopher Listeras farre as 44. Degrees of southerly latitude, set out at the direction andcharge of the right honorable the Earle of Cumberland, both which in diuersrespectes may yelde both profite and pleasure to the reader, beingcarefully perused. 

For the conclusion of all, the memorable voyage of Master Thomas Candishinto the South sea, and from thence about the globe of the earth dothsatisfie mee, and I doubt not but will fully content thee: which as in timeit is later then that of Sir Franncis Drake, so in relation of thePhilippinæs, Iapan, China and the Isle of S. Helena it is more particular, and exact: and therfore the want of the first made by Sir Frauncis Drakewill be the lesse: wherein I must confesse to haue taken more thenordinarie paines, meaning to haue inserted it in this worke but being oflate (contrary to my expectation) seriously delt withall, not to anticipateor preuent another mans paines and charge in drawing all the seruices ofthat worthie Knight into one volume, I haue yeelded vnto those my freindeswhich pressed me in the matter, referring the further knowledge of hisproceedings to those intended discourses. [Footnote: This, however, heprinted privately. ]

Now for the other part of my promise, I must craue thy further patiencefriendly reader, and some longer suspence from the worke it selfe, inacquainting thee with those vertuous gentlemen and others which partly fortheir priuate affection to my selfe, but chiefely for their deuotion to thefurtherance of this my trauaile, haue yelded me their seuerall goodassistances: for I accompt him vnworthy of future fauours, that is notthankefull for former benefites. In respect of a generall incouragement inthis laborious trauaile, it were grosse ingratitude in me to forget andwilfull maliciousnes not to confesse that man, whose onely name doth carriewith it sufficient estimation and loue, and that is Master Edward Dier, ofwhom I will speake thus much in few wordes, that both my selfe and myintentions herein by his friendly meanes haue bene made knowne to those, who in sundrie particulars haue much steeded me. More specially in my firstpart, Master Richard Staper Marchant of London, hath furnished me withdiuers thinges touching the trade of Turkie, and other places in the East. Master William Burrowgh, Clarke of her Maiesties nauie and Master AnthonieIenkinson, both gentlemen of great experience, and obseruations in thenorth Regions, haue much pleasured me in the second part. In the third andlast besides myne owne extreeme trauaile in the histories of the Spanyards, my cheefest light hath bene receiued from Sir Iohn Hawkins, Sir WalterRaleigh, and my kinseman Master Richard Hakluyt of the middle Temple. 

And whereas in the course of this history often mention is made of manybeastes, birds, fishes, serpents, plants, fruits, hearbes, rootes, apparell, armour, boates, and such other rare and strange curiosities, which wise men take great pleasure to reade of, but much more contentmentto see: herein I my selfe to my singular delight haue bene as it wererauished in beholding all the premisses gathered together with no smallcost, and preserued with no litle diligence, in the excellent Cabinets ofmy very worshipfull and learned friends M. Richard Garthe, one of theClearkes of the pettie Bags, and M. William Cope Gentleman Vssier to theright Honourable and most prudent Counseller (the Seneca of our commonwealth, ) the Lord Burleigh, high Treasourer of England. 

Nowe, because peraduenture it would bee expected as necessarie, that thedescriptions of so many parts of the world would farre more easily beconceiued of the Readers, by adding Geographicall, and Hydrographicalltables thereuuto, thou art by the way to be admonished that I hauecontented my selfe with inserting into the worke one of the best generallmappes of the world onely, vntill the comming out of a very large and mostexact terrestriall Globe, collected and reformed according to the newest, secretest, and latest discoueries, both Spanish Portugall, and English, composed by M. Emmerie Mollineux of Lambeth, a rare Gentleman in hisprofession, being therein for diuers yeeres, greatly supported by the purseand liberalitie of the worshipfull marchant M. William Sanderson. [Footnote: This map it has been found impossible to reproduce in facsimile, though every effort has been made, a facsimile of Ziegler's Map of 1532 hasbeen substituted as a Frontispiece to this Volume. ]

This being the summe of those things which I thought good to admonish theeof (good Reader) it remaineth that thou take the profite and pleasure ofthe worke: which I wish to bee as great to thee, as my paines and labourhaue bene in bringing these rawe fruits vnto this ripenesse, and inreducing these loose papers into this order. Farewell. 

DEDICATION TO THE SECOND EDITION, TO THE

RIGHT HONORABLE MY SINGULAR GOOD LORD

THE LORD CHARLES HOWARD, [Footnote: He was the grandson of Thomas, second Duke of Norfolk and wasborn in 1536. He entered the army early, and distinguished himself insuppressing the rebellion of the Earls of Northumberland and Westmorland in1568 (for full particulars of which see Froude, "History of England, " volIX, p 96). He became Lord High Admiral in 1585, and rendered great servicein 1588 against the Invincible Armada. In 1596 he was created Earl ofNottingham for his Expedition against Cadiz in conjunction with the Earl ofEssex. In 1601 he suppressed the revolt of the latter and made himprisoner. He was present at Elizabeth's death in 1603, and the followingyear went as ambassador to Spain. He died in 1624, never having forfeitedin any way the confidence of his sovereign or the esteem of hiscountrymen. ]

EARLE OF NOTINGHAM, BARON OF EFFINGHAM, KNIGHT OF THE NOBLE ORDER OF THEGARTER, LORD HIGH ADMIRALL OF ENGLAND, IRELAND, AND WALES, &c, ONE OF HERMAIESTIES MOST HONOURABLE PRIVIE COUNSELL. 

Right Honourable and my very good Lord, after I had long since published inPrint many Nauigations and Discoueries of strangers in diuers languages, aswell here at London, as in the citie of Paris, during my fiue yeeres abodein France, with the woorthie Knight Sir Edward Stafford your brother inlawe, her maiesties most prudent and carefull Ambassador ligier with theFrench King: and had waded on still farther and farther in the sweet studieof the historie of Cosmographie, I began at length to conceiue, that withdiligent obseruation, some thing might be gathered which might commend ournation for their high courage and singular actiuitie in the Search andDiscouerie of the most vnknowen quarters of the world. Howbeit, seeing noman to step forth to vndertake the recording of so many memorable actions, but euery man to folow his priuate affaires: the ardent loue of my countreydeuoured all difficulties, and as it were with a sharpe goad prouoked meand thrust me forward into this most troublesome and painfull action. Andafter great charges and infinite cares after many watchings, toiles, andtrauels, and wearing out of my weake body: at length I haue collected threeseuerall Volumes of the English Nauigations Traffiques, and Discoueries, tostrange, remote, and farre distant countreys. Which worke of mine I hauenot included within the compasse of things onely done in these latterdayes, as though litle, or nothing woorthie of memorie had bene performedin former ages: but mounting aloft by the space of many hundred yeares, haue brought to light many very rare and worthy monuments, which long haueben miserably scattered in mystic corners, & retchlesly hidden in mistiedarkenesse, and were very like for the greatest part to haue bene buried inperpetual obliuion. The first Volume of this worke I haue thus for thepresent brought to light, reseruing the other two vntill the next Spring, when by Gods grace they shall come to the Presse. In the meane seasonbethinking my selfe of some munificent and bountifull Patrone, I called tomind your honourable Lordship, who both in regard of my particularobligation, and also in respect of the subiect and matter, might iustlychalenge the Patronage thereof. For first I remembered how much I wasbound, and how deeply indebted for my yongest brother Edmund Hackluyt, towhom for the space of foure whole yeares your Lordship committed thegouernment and instruction of that honorable yong noble man, your sonne &heire apparant, the lord William Howard, of whose high spirit and wonderfultowardlinesse full many a time hath he boasted vnto me. Secondly, thebounden duetie which I owe to your most deare sister the lady Sheffield, mysingular good lady & honorable, mistresse, admonished me to be mindfull ofthe renoumed familie of the Howards. Thirdly, when I found in the firstPatent graunted by Queene Marie to the Moscouie companie, that my lord yourfather being then lord high Admirall of England was one of the firstfauourers and furtherers, with his purse and countenance, of the strangeand wonderfull Discouerie of Russia, the chiefe contents of this presentVolume, then I remembred the sage saying of sweet Isocrates, That sonnesought not onely to be inheritors of their fathers substance but also oftheir commendable vertues and honours. But what speake I of your ancestorshonors (which to say the trueth are very great, and such as our Cronicleshaue notably blazoned) when as your owne Heroicall actions from time totime haue shewed themselues so admirable, as no antiquitie hath affoordedgreater, and the future times will not in haste (I thinke) performe thelike. To come to some particulars when the Emperors sister the spouse ofSpaine, with a Fleete of an 130. Sailes, stoutly and proudly passed thenarow Seas, your Lordship accompanied with ten ships onely of her MaiestiesName Roiall, enuironed their Fleet in most strange and warrelike sort, enforced them to stoope gallant, and to vaile their bonets for the Queeneof England, and made them perfectly to vnderstand that olde speach of theprince of Poets:

 Non illi imperium pelagi sæuúmmque tridentem, sed tibi sorte datum. 

[Footnote: Virgil, Æneid I _Translation_ "Not to him is given by fate theempire of the ocean and the potent trident, but to thee. "]

Yet after they had acknowledged their dutie, your lordship on her Maiestiesbehalfe conducted her safely through our English chanell, and performed allgood offices of honor and humanitie to that forren Princesse. At that timeall England beholding your most honorable cariage of your selfe in that soweightie seruice, began to cast an extraordinarie eie vpon your lordship, and deeply to conceiue that singular hope which since by your most worthie& wonderfull seruice, your L. Hath more then fully satisfied. I meane(among others) that glorious triumphant, and thrise-happy victory atchieuedagainst that huge and haultie Spanish Armada (which is notably described inthe ende of this volume) wherein being chiefe and sole Commander vnder hersacred and roiall Maiestie, your noble gouernment and worthy behauior, yourhigh wisedom, discretion and happinesse, accompanied with the heauenlyblessing of the Almightie, are shewed most euidently to haue bene such asall posteritie and succeeding ages shall neuer cease to sing and resoundyour infinite prayse and eternall commendations. As for the late renoumedexpedition and honorable voyage vnto Cadiz, the vanquishing of part of theking of Spaines Armada, the destruction of the rich West Indian Fleete, thechasing of so many braue and gallant Gallics, the miraculous winning, sacking, and burning of that almost impregnable citie of Cadiz, thesurprising of the towne of Faraon vpon the coast of Portugal, and otherrare appendances of that enterprise, because they be hereafter soiudicially set downe, by a very graue and learned Gentleman, which was aneye witnesse in all that action, I referre your good L. To his faithfullreport, wherein I trust (as much as in him lay) he hath wittingly depriuedno man of his right. Vpon these and other the like considerations, Ithought it fit and very conuenient to commend with all humilitie andreuerence this first part of our English Voiages & Discoueries vnto yourHonors fauourable censure and patronage. 

And here by the way most humbly crauing pardon, and alwayes submitting mypoore opinion to your Lordships most deep and percing insight, especiallyin this matter, as being the father and principall fauourer of the EnglishNauigation, I trust it shall not be impertinent in passing by, to point atthe meanes of breeding vp of skilfull Sea-men and Mariners in this Realms. Sithence your Lordship is not ignorant, that ships are to litle purposewithout skilfull Sea-men; and since Sea-men are not bred vp to perfectionof skill in much lesse time (as it is said) then in the time of twoprentiships; and since no kinde of men of any profession in the commonwealth passe their yeres in so great and continuall hazard of life; andsince of so many, so few grow to gray heires: how needfull it is, that byway of Lectures and such like instructions, these ought to haue a bettereducation, then hitherto they haue had; all wise men may easily iudge. WhenI call to minde, how many noble ships haue been lost, how many worthypersons haue bene drenched in the sea, and how greatly this Realme hathbene impouerished by losse of great Ordinance and other rich commoditiesthrough the ignorance of our Sea-men, I haue greatly wished there were aLecture of Nauigation read in this Citie, for the banishing of our formergrosse ignorance in Marine causes, and for the increase and generallmultiplying of the sea-knowledge in this age, wherein God hath raised sogenerall a desire in the youth of this Realme to discouer all parts of theface of the earth, to this Realme in former ages not knowen. And, that itmay appeare that this is no vaine fancie nor deuise of mine, it may pleaseyour Lordship to vnderstand, that the late Emperour Charles the fift, considering the rawnesse of his Sea-men, and the manifolde shipwracks whichthey susteyned in passing and repassing betweene Spaine and the WestIndies, with an high reach and great foresight, established not onely aPilote Maior, for the examination of such as sought to take charge of shipsin that voyage, but also founded a notable Lecture of the Art ofNauigation, which is read to this day in the Contractation house at Siuil. The readers of which Lecture haue not only carefully taught and instructedthe Spanish Mariners by word of mouth, but also haue published sundry exactand worthy treatises concerning Marine causes, for the direction andincouragement of posteritie. The learned works of three of which readers, namely of Alonso de Chauez, of Hieronymo de Chauez, and of RoderigoZamorano came long ago very happily to my hands, together with the straightand seuere examining of all such Masters as desire to take charge for theWest Indies. Which when I first read and duely considered, it seemed to meeso excellent and so exact a course as I greatly wished, that I might be sohappy as to see the like order established here with vs. This matter, as itseemeth, tooke no light impression in the royall brest of that mostrenowmed and victorious prince King Henry the eight of famous memory, whofor the increase of knowledge in his Seamen, with princely liberalitieerected three seuerall Guilds or brotherhoods, the one at Deptford herevpon the Thames, the other at Kingston vpon Hull, and the third atNewcastle vpon Tine: which last was established in the 28. Yeere of hisreigne. The chiefe motiues which induced his princely wisedome hereuntohimselfe expresseth in maner following: Vt magistri, marinarij, gubernatores, & alij officiarij nauium, iuuentutem suam in exercitationegubernationis nauium transigentes, mutilati aut aliquo alio casu inpaupertatem collapsi, aliquod releuamen ad eorum sustentationem habeant, quo non solùm illi reficiantur, verùm etiam alij iuuenes moueantur &instigentur ad eandem artem exercendam, ratione cuius, doctiores & aptioresfiant nauibus & alijs vasis nostris & aliorum quorumcúnque in Maregubernandis & manutenendis, tam pacis, quàm belli tempore, cùm opuspostulet, etc. [Footnote: _Translation_ "That masters, mariners pilots, andother officers of ships, who have passed their youth in the profession ofnavigating vessels, being mutilated, or reduced to poverty through anyother cause, might have some means of subsistence, by which not only theymay be made comfortable but by which other youths may be induced and led tothe exercise of the same profession, through which they may become more aptto and skilful in the pilotage and management at sea of ships and vesselsin times of peace or war, as is neccssary, " etc. ] To descend a littlelower, king Edward the sixth, that prince of peerelesse hope, with theaduice of his sage and prudent Counsaile, before he entered into theNortheasterne discouery, aduanced the worthy and excellent Sebastian Cabotato be grand Pilot of England, allowing him a most bountifull pension of166. Li. Vj. S. Viij. D. By the yeere during his life as appeareth in hisLetters Patents which are to be seene in the third part of my worke. And ifGod had granted him longer life, I doubt not but as he dealt most royallyin establishing that office of Pilote Maior (which not long after to thegreat hinderance of this Common wealth was miserably turned to otherpriuate vses) so his princely Maiestie would haue shewed himselfe no nigardin erecting, in imitation of Spaine, the like profitable Lecture of the Artof Nauigation. And surely when I considered of late the memorable bountieof sir Thomas Gresham, [Footnote: He was the son of Sir Richard Gresham, merchant and Lord Mayor of London, and was born in 1519. Educated atCambridge, he was placed under his uncle, Sir John Gresham, and enrolled amember of the Mercers Company. His father had been the king's agent atAntwerp, and the person who succeeded him, having mismanaged the royalaffairs, Sir Thomas was sent over in 1552. To retrieve them. This he wasmost successful in doing. Elizabeth removed him from his office, but soonrestored and knighted him. He planned and erected the Royal Exchange inLondon, in imitation of that of Antwerp, and the queen opened it in personin 1570. Having built a mansion in Bishopsgate Street, he directed by hiswill that it should be converted into habitations and lecture rooms forseven professors or lecturers on the seven liberal sciences, and theirsalaries to be paid out of the revenues of the Royal Exchange. These andother benefactions procured for him the name of the "Royal Merchant. " Hedied in 1579. Gresham College has since been converted into the GeneralExcise Office, and the lectures have been given in a room over theExchange. ] who being but a Merchant hath founded so many chargeableLectures, and some of them also which are Mathematicall, tending to theaduancement of Marine causes; I nothing doubted of your Lordshipsforwardnes in settling and establishing of this Lecture: but rather whenyour Lordship shall see the noble and rare effects thereof, you will beheartily sory that all this while it hath not bene erected. As thereforeour skill in Nauigation hath hitherto bene very much bettered and increasedvnder the Admiraltie of your Lordship; so if this one thing be addedthereunto, together with seuere and straight discipline, I doubt not butwith Gods good blessing it will shortly grow to the hiest pitch and top ofall perfection: which whensoeuer it shall come to passe, I assure my selfeit will turne to the infinite wealth and honour of our Countrey, to theprosperous and speedy discouerie of many rich lands and territories ofheathens and gentiles as yet vnknowen, to the honest employment of manythousands of our idle people, to the great comfort and reioycing of ourfriends, to the terror, daunting and confusion of our foes. To ende thismatter, let me now I beseech you speake vnto your Lordship, as in timespast the elder Scipio spake to Cornelius Scipio Africanus: Quò sis, Africane, alacrior ad tutandam Rempublicam, sic habeto: Omnibus, quipatriam conseruauerint, adiuuerint, auxerint, certum esse in coelo, acdefinitum locum, vbi beati æuo sempiterno fruantur. It remaineth therefore, that as your Lordship from time to time vnder her most gracious andexcellent Maiestie, haue shewed your selfe a valiant protectour, a carefullconseruer, and an happy enlarger of the honour and reputation of yourCountrey; so at length you may enioy those celestial blessings, which areprepared to such as tread your steps, and seeke to aspire to such diuineand heroical vertues. And euen here I surcease, wishing all temporal andspirituall blessings of the life present and that which is to come to bepowred out in most ample measure, not onely vpon your honourable Lordship, the noble and vertuous Lady your bedfellow, and those two rare iewels, yourgenerous off-springs, but also vpon all the rest wheresoeuer of that yournoble and renowmed family. From London the 7. Day of this present October1598. 

Your honours most humble alwayes to be commanded:

Richard Hakluyt Preacher. 

PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION

A preface to the Reader as touching the principall Voyagesand discourses in this first part. 

Hauing for the benefit and honour of my Countrey zealously bestowed so manyyeres, so much trauaile and cost, to bring Antiquities smothered and buriedin darke silence, to light, and to preserue certaine memorable exploits oflate yeres by our English nation atchieued, from the greedy and deuouringlawes of obliuion: to gather likewise, and as it were to incorporate intoone body the torne and scattered limmes of our ancient and late Nauigationsby Sea, our voyages by land, and traffiques of merchandise by both: andhauing (so much as in me lieth) restored ech particular member, beingbefore displaced, to their true ioynts and ligaments; I meane, by the helpeof Geographie and Chronologie (which I may call the Sunne and the Moone, the right eye and the left of all history) referred ech particular relationto the due time and place: I do this second time (friendly Reader, if notto satisfie, yet at least for the present to allay and hold in suspensethine expectation) presume to offer vnto thy view this first part of mythreefold discourse. For the bringing of which into this homely andrough-hewen shape, which here thou seest; what restlesse nights, whatpainefull dayes, what heat, what cold I haue indured; how many long &chargeable iourneys I haue trauailed; how many famous libraries I hauesearched into; what varietie of ancient and moderne writers I haue perused;what a number of old records, patents, priuleges, letters, &c. I haueredeemed from obscuritie and perishing; into how manifold acquaintance Ihaue entered; what expenses I haue not spared; and yet what faireopportunities of priuate game, preferment, and ease I haue neglected;albeit thyselfe canst hardly imagine, yet I by daily experience do finde &feele, and some of my entier friends can sufficiently testifie. Howbeit (asI told thee at the first) the honour and benefit of this common wealewherein I liue and breathe, hath made all difficulties seeme easie, allpaines and industrie pleasant and all expenses of light value and momentvnto me. 

For (to conteine myselfe onely within the bounds of this present discourseand in the midst thereof to begin) wil it not in all posteritie be as greata renowme vnto our English nation to haue bene the first discouerers of aSea beyond the North cape (neuer certainly knowen before) and of aconuenient passage into the huge Empire of Russia by the bay of S. Nicholasand the riuer of Duina; as for the Portugales to haue found a Sea beyondthe Cape of Buona Esperanza, and so consequently a passage by Sea into theEast Indies; or for the Italians and Spaniards to haue discouered vnknowenlandes so many hundred leagues Westward and Southwestward of the streits ofGibraltar, & of the pillers of Hercules? Be it granted that the renowmedPortugale Vasques de Gama trauersed the maine Ocean Southward of Africke:Did not Richard Chanceler and his mates performe the like Northward ofEurope? Suppose that Columbus that noble and high-spinted Genuois escriedvnknowen landes to the Westward of Europe and Africke: Did not the valiantEnglish knight sir Hugh Willoughby; did not the famous Pilots StephenBurrough, Arthur Pet, and Charles Iackman accoast Noua Zembia, Colgoieue, and Vaigatz to the North of Europe and Asia? Howbeit you will say perhaps, not with the like golden successe, not with such deductions of Colonies, nor attaining of conquests. True it is that our successe hath not benecorrespondent vnto theirs: yet in this our attempt the vncertaintie offinding was farre greater, and the difficultie and danger of searching wasno whit lesse. For hath not Herodotus (a man for his time, most skilfulland iudicial in Cosmographie, who writ aboue 2000. Yeeres ago) in his 4. Booke called Melpomene, signified vnto the Portugales in plaine termes;that Africa, except the small Isthmus between the Arabian gulfe and theMediterran sea, was on all sides enuironed with the Ocean? And for thefurther confirmation thereof, doth he not make mention of one Neco anÆgyptian King, who (for trials sake) sent a fleet of Phoenicians downe theRed sea, who setting forth in Autumne and sailing Southward till they hadthe Sunne at noonetide vpon their sterbourd (that is to say hauing crossedthe Æquinoctial and the Southerne tropique) after a long Nauigationdirected their course to the North and in the space of 3. Years enuironedall Africk, passing home through the Gaditan strait and arriuing in Ægypt. And doth not [Footnote: Lib. 2. Nat. Hist. Cap. 67. ] Plinie tell them thatnoble Hanno in the flourishing time and estate of Carthage sailed fromGades in Spaine to the coast of Arabia foelix, and put down his wholeiournall in writing? Doth he not make mention that in the time of AugustusCæsar the wracke of certaine Spanish ships was found floating in theArabian gulfe? And, not to be ouer tedious in alleaging of testimonies, doth not Strabo in the 2. Booke of his Geography, together with CorneliusNepos and Plinie in the place beforenamed, agree all in one, that oneEudoxus fleeing from King Lathyrus, and sailing downe the Arabian bay, sailed along, doubled the Southern point of Africk, and at length arriuedat Gades? And what should I speake of the Spaniards? Was not diuine[Footnote: In Timæo] Plato (who liued so many ages ago and plainelydescribed their West Indies vnder the name of Atlantis) was not he (I say)instead of a Cosmographer vnto them? Were not those Carthaginians mentionedby Aristotle lib. [Footnote: [Greek: peri thaumasion akousmaton]] deadmirabil. Auscult. Their forerunners? And had they not Columbus to stirrethem vp and pricke them forward vnto their Westerne discoueries; yea to betheir chiefe loads man and Pilot? Sithens therefore these two worthyNations had those bright lampes of learning (I meane the most ancient andbest Philosophers, Historiographers and Geographers) to shewe them light;and the load starre of experience (to wit those great exploits and voyageslayed vp in store and recorded) whereby to shape their course: what greatattempt might they not presume to vndertake? But alas our English nation, at the first setting foorth for their Northeasterne discouery, were eitheraltogether destitute of such cleare lights and inducements or if they hadany inkling at all it was as misty as they found the Northren seas, and soobscure and ambiguous, that it was meet rather to deterre them then to giuethem encouragement. 

But besides the foresaid vncertaintie into what dangers and difficultiesthey plunged themselues, Animus meminisse horret, I tremble to recount. Forfirst they were to expose themselues vnto the rigour of the sterne andvncouth Northren seas, and to make triall of the swelling waues andboistrous winds which there commonly do surge and blow: then were they tosaile by the ragged and perilous coast of Norway, to frequent the vnhauntedshoares of Finmark, to double the dreadfull and misty North cape, to bearewith Willoughbres land, to run along within kenning of the Countreys ofLapland and Corelia, and as it were to open and vnlocke the seuen-foldmouth of Duina. Moreouer, in their Northeasterly Nauigations, vpon the seasand by the coasts of Condora, Colgoieue, Petzora, Ioughoria, Samoedia, NouaZembla, &c. And their passing and returne through the streits of Vaigats, vnto what drifts of snow and mountaines of yce euen in Iune, Iuly, andAugust, vnto what hideous ouerfals, vncertaine currents, darke mistes andfogs, and diuers other fearefull inconueniences they were subiect and indanger of, I wish you rather to learne out of the voyages of sir HughWilloughbie, Stephen Burrough, Arthur Pet and the rest, then to expect inthis place an endlesse catalogue thereof. And here by the way I cannot buthighly commend the great industry and magnanimity of the Hollanders, whowithin these few yeeres haue discouered to 78. Yea (as themselues affirme)to 81. Degrees of Northerly latitude [Footnote: This is wrong. TheAustro-Hungarian Expedition of 1872-1874 only reached 81° in Franz JosefLand. Barentz certainly neuer penetrated beyond 77° or 78°] yet with thisprouiso; that our English nation led them the dance, brake the yce beforethem, and gaue them good leaue to light their candle at our torch[Footnote: This refers to the expeditions of Willoughby (1553), Frobisher(1576-7), Pett, Jackman (1580), and Davis (1585)]. But nowe it is high timefor vs to weigh our ancre, to hoise vp our sailes, to get cleare of theseboistrous, frosty, and misty seas, and with all speede to direct our coursefor the milde, lightsome, temperate, and warme Atlantick Ocean, ouer whichthe Spaniards and Portugales haue made so many pleasant prosperous andgolden voyages. And albeit I cannot deny, that both of them in their Eastand West Indian Nauigations haue indured many tempests, dangers, andshipwracks: yet this dare I boldly affirme; first that a great number ofthem haue satisfied their fame-thirsty and gold-thirsty mindes with thatreputation and wealth, which made all perils and misaduentures seemetolerable vnto them, and secondly, that their first attempts (which in thiscomparison I doe onely stand vpon) were no whit more difficult anddangerous, then ours to the Northeast. For admit that the way was muchlonger, yet was it neuer barred with ice, mist, or darknes, but was at allseasons of the yeere open and Nauigable; yea and that for the most partwith fortunate and fit gales of winde. Moreouer they had no forren princeto intercept or molest them, but their owne Townes, Islands and maine landsto succour them. The Spaniards had the Canary Isles: and so had thePortugales the Isles of the Acores of Porto santo, of Madera, of Cape verd, the castle of Mina, the fruitfull and profitable Isle of S. Thomas, beingall of them conueniently situated, and well fraught with commodities. Andhad they not continuall and yerely trade in some one part or other ofAfrica, for getting of slaues, for sugar, for Elephants teeth, graines, siluer, gold and other precious wares, which serued as allurements to drawthem on by little and little, and as proppes to stay them from giuing ouertheir attempts? But nowe let vs leaue them and returne home vnto ourselues. 

In this first volume (Friendly Reader) besides our NortheasterneDiscoueries by sea, and the memorable voyage of M. Christopher Hodson, andM. William Burrough, Anno 1570. To the Narue, wherein with merchants shipsonely, they tooke fiue strong and warrelike ships of the Freebooters, whichlay within the sound of Denmark of purpose to intercept our English Fleete:besides 1 all these (I say) thou maiest find here recorded, to the lastinghonor of our nation, all their long and dangerous voyages for theaduauncing of traffique by riuer and by land to all parts of the huge andwide Empire of Russia: as namely Richard Chanceler his first fortunatearriuall at Newnox, his passing vp the riuer of Dwina to the citie ofVologda for the space of 1100. Versts, and from thence to Yaruslaue, Rostoue, Peraslaue, and so to the famous citie of Mosco, being 1500. Verststrauell in all. Moreouer, here thou hast his voiage penned by himselfe(which I hold to be very authentical, & for the which I do acknowledge myselfe beholding vnto the excellent Librarie of the right honorable my lordLumley) wherein he describeth in part the state of Russia, the maners ofthe people and their religion, the magnificence of the Court, the maiestie, power, and riches of the Emperour, and the gracious entertainment ofhimselfe. But if he being the first man, and not hauing so perfectintelligence as they that came after him, doeth not fullie satisfie yourexpectation in describing the foresayd countrey and people; I then referreyou to Clement Adams his relation next following, to M. Ienkinsonsdiscourse as touching that argument to the smooth verses of M. GeorgeTurberuile, and to a learned and excellent discourse set downe pag. 536. Ofthis volume, [Footnote: Refers to _original_ edition. ] and the pagesfollowing. Vnto all which (if you please) you may adde Richard Iohnsonsstrange report of the Samoeds pag. 316. But to returne to our voyagesperformed within the bounds of Russia, I suppose (among the rest) thatdifficult iourney of Southam and Sparke, from Colmogro and S. NicholasBaie, vp the great riuer of Onega, and so by other riuers and lakes to thecitie of Nouogrod velica vpon the West frontier of Russia, to be rightwoorthy of obseruation; as likewise that of Thomas Alcock from Mosco toSmolensko, and thence to Tirwill in Polonia, pag. 339. & that also of M. Hierome Horsey from Mosco to Vobsko, and so through Liefland to Riga, thence by the chiefe townes of Prussia and Pomerland to Rostok, and so toHamburg, Breme, Emden, &c. Neither hath our nation bene contented onelythroughly to search into all parts of the Inland, and view the Northren, Southerne, and Westerne frontiers, but also by the rulers of Moscua, Occaand Volga, to visite Cazan and Astracan, the farthest Easterne andSoutheasterne bounds of that huge Empire. And yet not containing themselueswithin all that maine circumference they haue aduentured their persons, shippes, and goods, homewards and outwards, foureteene times ouer thevnknowen and dangerous Caspian sea; that valiant, wise, and personablegentleman M. Anthonie Ienkinson being their first ring-leader: who in Anno1558. Sailing from Astracan towards the East shore of the Caspian sea, andthere arriuing at the port of Mangusla, trauelled thence by Vrgence andShelisur, and by the riuers of Oxus and Ardok, 40. Dayes iourney ouerdesert and wast countreys, to Boghar a principall citie of Bactria, beingthere & by the way friendly entertained, dismissed, and safely conducted bycertaine Tartarian kings and Murses. Then haue you a second Nauigation ofhis performance to the South shore of the foresayd Caspian sea, togetherwith his landing at Derbent, his arriuall at Shabran, his proceeding vntoShamaky, the great curtesie vouchsafed on him by Obdolowcan king of Hircan, his iourney after of 30. Dayes Southward, by Yauate, Ardouil, and othertownes and cities to Casben, being as then the seate imperiall of ShaughThamas the great Sophy of Persia, with diuers other notable accidents inhis going foorth, in his abode there, and in his returne home. Immediatelyafter you haue set downe in fiue seuerall voiages the successe of M. Ienkinsons laudable and well-begun enterprise, vnder the foresayd ShaughThamas, vnder Shally Murzey the new king of Hircan, and lastly ourtraffique with Osman Basha the great Turkes lieutenant at Derbent. Moreouer, as in M. Ienkinsons trauel to Boghar the Tartars, with theirterritories, habitations, maner of liuing, apparell, food, armour, &c. Aremost liuely represented vnto you: so likewise in the sixe Persian Iournalsyou may here and there obserue the state of that countrey, of the greatShaugh and of his subiects, together with their religion, lawes, customes, & maner of gouernment, their coines, weights and measures, the distances ofplaces, the temperature of the climate and region, and the naturalcommodities and discommodities of the same. 

Furthermore in this first Volume, all the Ambassages and Negociations fromher Maiestie to the Russian Emperor, or from him vnto her Maiestie, seemedby good right to chalenge their due places of Record. As namely, first thatof M. Randolph, 1568. Then the emploiment of M. Ienkinson 1571. Thirdly, Sir Ierome Bowes his honorable commission and ambassage 1582. And last ofall the Ambassage of M. Doct. Fletcher 1588. Neither do we forget theEmperours first Ambassador Osep Napea, his arriuall in Scotland, his mosthonourable entertainment and abode in England, and his dismission intoRusseland. In the second place we doe make mention of Stephen Tuerdico, andPheodata Pogorella; thirdly, of Andrea Sauin; and lastly, of PheodorAndrewich Phisemski. And to be briefe, I haue not omitted the Commissions, Letters, Priuileges, Instructions, Obseruations, or any other Particularswhich might serue both in this age, and with all posteritie, either forpresidents in such like princely and weightie actions to bee imitated, oras woorthy monuments in no wise to bee buried in silence. Finally thatnothing should be wanting which might adde any grace or shew of perfectionvnto this discourse of Russia; I haue prefixed before the beginningthereof, the petigree and genealogie of the Russian Emperors and Dukes, gathered out of their owne Chronicles by a Polonian, containing in briefemany notable antiquities and much knowledge of those partes as likewiseabout the conclusion, I haue signified in the branch of a letter the lastEmperour Pheodor Iuanowich his death, and the inauguration of BorisPheodorowich vnto the Empire. 

But that no man should imagine that our forren trades of merchandise hauebene comprised within some few yeeres or at least wise haue not bene of anylong continuance, let vs now withdraw our selues from our affaires inRussia, and ascending somewhat higher, let vs take a sleight suruey of ourtraffiques and negotiations in former ages. First therefore the reader mayhaue recourse vnto the 137 page [Footnote: This refers to the originaledition] of this Volume & there with great delight and admiration, considerout of the iudicial Historiographer Cornelius Tacitus, that the Citie ofLondon fifteene hundred yeeres agoe in the time of Nero the Emperour wasmost famous for multitude of merchants and concourse of people. In thepages folowing he may learne out of Venerable Beda, that almost 900. Yeerespast, in the time of the Saxons, the said citie of London was multorumemporium populorum, a Mart towne for many nations. There he may behold, outof William of Malmesburie, a league concluded betweene the most renownedand victorious Germane Emperour Carolus Magnus, and the Saxon king Offa, together with the sayd Charles his patronage and protection granted vntoall English merchants which in those dayes frequented his dominions. Theremay hee plainly see in an auncient testimonie translated out of the Saxontongue, how our merchants were often woont for traffiques sake, so manyhundred yeeres since, to crosse the wide Seas and how their industry in sodoing was recompensed. Yea, there mayest thou obserue (friendly Reader)what priuileges the Danish king Canutus obtained at Rome of Pope Iohn ofConradus the Emperour, and of king Rudolphus for our English merchantsAduenturers of those times. Then if you shall thinke good to descend vntothe times and ages succeeding the conquest, there may you partly see whatour state of merchandise was in the time of king Stephen and of hispredecessor, and how the Citie of Bristol (which may seeme somewhatstrange) was then greatly resorted vnto with ships from Norway and fromIreland. There may you see the friendly league betweene king Henry thesecond, and the famous Germane Emperour Friderick Barbarossa, and thegracious authorizing of both their merchats to traffique in either of theirdominions. And what need I to put you in mind of king Iohn his fauourablesafe conduct, whereby all forren merchants were to haue the same priuilegeshere in England, which our English merchants enioied abroad in theirseuerall countreys. Or what should I signifie vnto you the entercourse ofleague and of other curtesies betweene king Henry the third, and Haquinusking of Norway; and likewise of the free trade of merchandise between theirsubiects: or tell you what fauours the citizens of Colen, of Lubek, and ofall the Hansetownes obtained of king Edward the first; or to what highendes and purposes the generall, large, and stately Charter concerning alloutlandish merchants whatsoeuer was by the same prince most graciouslypublished? You are of your owne industry sufficiently able to conceiue ofthe letters & negotiatios which passed between K. Edward the 2. & Haquinusthe Noruagian king; of our English merchants and their goods detained vponarrest at Bergen in Norway; and also of the first ordination of a Staple, or of one onely setled Mart towne for the vttering of English woolls &woollen fells instituted by the sayd K. Edward last before named. All which(Reader) being throughly considered, I referre you then to the Ambassages, Letters, Traffiques, and prohibition of Traffiques, concluding andrepealing of leagues, damages, reprisals, arrests, complaints, supplications, compositions and restitutions which happened in the time ofking Richard the 2. And king Henry the 4. Between the said kings and theirsubiects on the one partie; and Conradus de Zolner, Conradus de Iungingen, and Vlricus de Iungingen, three of the great masters of Prussia, and theirsubiects, with the common societie of the Hans-townes on the other partie. In all which discourse you may note very many memorable things; as namelyfirst the wise, discreet, and cautelous dealing of the Ambassadors andCommissioners of both parts, then the wealth of the foresaid nations, andtheir manifold and most vsuall kinds of wares vttered in those dayes, aslikewise the qualitie, burthen, and strength of their shipping, the numberof their Mariners, the maner of their combates at sea, the number and namesof the English townes which traded that way, with the particular places aswell vpon the coast of Norway, as euery where within the sound of Denmarkwhich they frequented; together with the inueterate malice and craftiecrueltie of the Hanse. And because the name, office, and dignitie of themasters generall or great Masters of Prussia would otherwise haue beenvtterly darke and vnknowen to the greater part of Readers, I haue set downeimmediatly before the first Prussian ambasasage, pagina 158 [Footnote: Thismeans, of course, page 158 of _original_ edition. ] a briefe and orderlyCatalogue of them all, containing the first originall and institution ofthemselues and of their whole knightly order and brotherhood, with theincrease of reuenues and wealth which befell them afterward in Italy andGermany and the great conquests which they atchieued vpon the infidels ofPrussia, Samogitia, Curland, Liefland, Lituania, &c. Also their decay andfinall ouerthrow, partly by the reuolt of diuers Townes and Castles vndertheir iurisdiction, and partly by the meanes of their next mightieneighbour the King of Poland. 

After all these, out of 2. Branches of 2. Ancient statutes, is partlyshewed our trade and the successe thereof with diuers forren Nations in thetime of K. Henry the sixth. 

Then followeth the true processe of English policie, I meane that excellentand pithy treatise de politia conseruatiua maris: which I cannot to anything more fitly compare, then to the Emperour of Russia his palace calledthe golden Castle, and described by Richard Chanceller page 264. [Footnote:_Ibidem_. ] of this volume: whereof albeit the outward apparance wasbut homely and no whit correspondent to the name, yet was it within sobeautified and adorned with the Emperour his maiesticall presence, with thehonourable and great assembly of his rich-attired Peers and Senatours, withan inualuable and huge masse of gold and siluer plate, & with otherprincely magnificence; that well might the eyes of the beholders bedazeled, and their cogitations astonished thereat. For indeed the exteriourhabit of this our English politician, to wit, the harsh and vnaffectedstile of his substantiall verses and the olde dialect of his wordes issuch; as the first may seeme to haue bene whistled of Pans oaten pipe, andthe second to haue proceeded from the mother of Euander; but take you offhis vtmost weed, and beholde the comelinesse, beautie, and riches which liehid within his inward sense and sentence, and you shall finde (I wisse) somuch true and sound policy, so much delightfull and pertinent history, somany liuely descriptions of the shipping and wares in his time of all thenations almost in Christendome, and such a subtile discouery of outlandishmerchants fraud, and of the sophistication of their wares, that needes youmust acknowledge, that more matter and substance could in no wise becomprised in so little a roome. [Footnote: The poem here alluded to waswritten between 1416 and 1438, as appears from the lines:

 "For Sigismond, the great Emperour Wich yet reigneth, when he was in this land With King Henryy the fifth" etc. 

Sigismund died in 1438, and visited England in 1416. ] And notwithstanding(as I said) his stile be vnpolished, and his phrases somewhat out of vse, yet, so neere as the written copies would giue me leaue, I haue mostreligiously without alteration obserued the same, thinking it farre moreconuenient that himselfe should speake, then that I should bee hisspokesman, and that the Readers should enioy his true verses, then mine orany other mans fained prose. 

Next after the conclusion of the last mentioned discourse, the Reader mayin some sort take a vieu of our state of merchandise vnder K. Edward thefourth, as likewise of the establishing of an English company in theNetherlands, and of all the discreet prouisoes, iust ordinations, &gratious priuileges conteined in the large Charter which was granted forthe same purpose. 

Now besides our voyages and trades of late yeeres to the North andNortheast regions of the world, and our ancient traffique also to thoseparts; I haue not bene vnmindefull (so farre as the histories of Englandand of other Countreys would giue me direction) to place in the fore-frontof this booke those forren conquests, exploits, and trauels of our Englishnation, which haue bene atchieued of old. Where in the first place (as I amcredibly informed out of Galfridas Monumetensis, and out of M. Lambert his[Greek: Archaionomia]) I haue published vnto the world the noble actes ofArthur and Malgo two British Kings. Then followeth in the Saxons time K. Edwin his conquest of Man and Anglesey, and the expedition of Bertus intoIreland. Next succeedeth Octher making relation of his doings, anddescribing the North Countreys, vnto his soueraigne Lord K. Ecfrid. Afterwhom Wolstans Nauigation within the Sound of Denmark is mentioned, thevoyage of the yong Princes Edmund and Edward into Sweden and Hungarie isrecorded, as likewise the mariage of Harald his daughter vnto the Russianduke Ieruslaus. Neither is that Englishman forgotten, who was forced totraueile with the cruel Tartars into their Countrey, and from thence tobeare them company into Hungary and Poland. And because those NortheasterneRegions beyond Volga, by reason of the huge deserts, the colde climate, andthe barbarous inciuilitie of the people there inhabiting, were neuer yetthroughly traueiled by any of our Nation, nor sufficiently knowen vnto vs:I haue here annexed vnto the said Englishmans traueile, the rare &memorable iournals of 2. Friers, who were some of the first Christians thattrauailed farthest that way, and brought home most particular intelligence& knowledge of all things which they had seene. These Friers were sent asAmbassadours vnto the sauage Tartars (who had as then wasted and ouerrunnea great part of Asia, and had pierced farre into Europe with fire andsword) to mitigate their fury, and to offer the glad tidings of the Gospelvnto them. The former, namely Iohannes de Plano Carpini (whose iourney, because he road sixe moneths poste directly beyond Boristhenes, did, Ithinke, both for length and difficultie farre surpasse that of Alexanderthe great, vnto the riuer of Indus) was in the yeere 1246. Sent with theauthoritie and commission of a Legate from Pope Innocentius the fourth: whopassed through more garisons of the Tartars, and wandered ouer more vast, barren, and cold deserts, then (I suppose) an army of an hundred thousandgood souldiers could haue done. The other, to wit, William de Rubricis, was1253. By the way of Constantinople, of the Euxin sea, and of TauricaChersonesus imployed in an ambassage from Lewis the French King (wagingwarre as then against the Saracens in the Holy land) vnto one Sartach agreat duke of the Tartars, which Sartach sent him forthwith vnto his fatherBaatu, and from Baatu he was conducted ouer many large territories vnto theCourt of Mangu-Can their Emperour. Both of them haue so well played theirparts, in declaring what befell them before they came at the Tartars, whata terrible and vnmanerly welcomming they had at their first arriuall, whatcold intertainment they felt in traueiling towards the great Can, and whatslender cheere they found at his Court, that they seeme no lesse worthy ofpraise then of pitie. But in describing of the Tartars Countrey, and of theRegions adiacent, in setting downe the base and sillie beginnings of thathuge and ouerspreading Empire, in registring their manifolde warres andbloody conquests, in making relation of their herds and mooueable Townes, as likewise of their food, apparell and armour, and in setting downe theirvnmercifull lawes, their fond superstitions, their bestiall liues theirvicious maners, their slauish subiection to their owne superiours, andtheir disdainfull and brutish inhumanitie vnto strangers, they deserue mostexceeding and high commendation. Howbeit if any man shall obiect that theyhaue certaine incredible relations; I answere, first that many true thingsmay to the ignorant seeme incredible. But suppose there be some particularswhich hardly will be credited; yet thus much I will boldly say for theFriers, that those particulars are but few, and that they doe not auouchthem vnder their owne names, but from the report of others. Yet fartherimagine that they did auouch them, were they not to be pardoned as well asHerodotus, Strabo, Plutarch, Plinie, Solinus, yea & a great many of our newprincipall writers, whose names you may see about the end of this Preface;euery one of which hath reported more strange things then the Friersbetween the both? Nay, there is not any history in the world (the most Holywrit excepted) whereof we are precisely bound to beleeue ech word andsyllable. Moreouer sithens these two iournals are so rare, that Mercatorand Ortelius (as their letters vnto me do testifie) were many yeeres veryinquisitiue, and could not for all that attaine vnto them; and sithens theyhaue bene of so great accompt with those two famous Cosmographers, thataccording to some fragments of them they haue described in their Mappes agreat part of those Northeastern Regions; sith also that these tworelations containe in some respect more exact history of those vnknowenparts, then all the ancient and newe writers that euer I could set mineeyes on; I thought it good if the translation should chance to swerue inought from the originals (both for the preseruation of the originalsthemselues, and the satisfying of the Reader) to put them downe word forword in that homely stile wherein they were first penned. And for these tworare iewels, as likewise for many other extraordinary courtesies, I musthere acknowledge my selfe most deepely bounded vnto the right reuerend, graue and learned Prelate, my very good lord the Bishop of Chichester, andL. High Almner vnto her Maiestie; by whose friendship and meanes I had freeaccesse vnto the right honor my L. Lumley his stately library, and waspermitted to copy out of ancient manuscripts, these two iournals and someothers also. 

After these Friers (thought not in the next place) foloweth a testimonie ofGerardus Mercator, and another of M. Dee, concerning one Nicholas de Linnaan English Franciscan Frier. 

Then succeedeth the long iourney of Henry Earle of Derbie, and afterwardking of England into Prussia & Lithuania, with a briefe remembrance of hisvaliant exploits against the Infidels there; as namely, that with the helpof certaine his Associates, he vanquished the king of Letto his armie, putthe sayd king to flight, tooke and slew diuers of his captains, aduancedhis English colours vpon the wall of Vilna, & made the citie it selfe toyeeld. Then mention is made also of Tho. Of Woodstock his trauel intoPruis, and of his returne home. And lastly, our old English father Ennius, I meane, the learned, wittie, and profound Geffrey Chaucer, vnder theperson of his knight, doeth full iudicially and like a cunningCosmographer, make report of the long voiages and woorthy exploits of ourEnglish Nobles, Knights, & Gentlemen, to the Northren, and to other partesof the world in his dayes. 

Neither haue we comprehended in this Volume, onely our Trades and Voiagesboth new and old; but also haue scattered here and there (as thecircumstance of times would giue vs leaue) certaine fragments concerningthe beginnings, antiquities, and grouth of the classical and warrelikeshipping of this Island: as namely, first of the great nauie of thatvictorious Saxon prince king Edgar, mentioned by Florentius Wigorniensis, Roger Houeden, Rainulph of Chester, Matthew of Westminster, Floreshistoriarum, & in the libel of English policie, pag. 224. And 225. Of thispresent volume. [Footnote: _Original_ edition. ] Of which Authors someaffirme the sayd fleet to haue consisted of 4800. Others of 4000. Someothers of 3600. Ships: howbeit (if I may presume to gloze vpon the text) Iverily thinke that they were not comparable, either for burthen, strength, building, or nimble stirrage vnto the ships of later times, and speciallyof this age. But howsoeuer it be, they all agree in this, that by meanes ofthe sayd huge Fleet he was a most puissant prince; yea, and some of themaffirme together with William of Malmesbury, that he was not onelysoueraigne lord of all the British seas, and of the whole Ile of Britanneit selfe, but also that he brought vnder his yoke of subiection, most ofthe Isles and some of the maine lands adiacent. And for that most of ourNauigators at this time bee (for want of trade and practise that way)either vtterly ignorant or but meanely skilfull, in the true state of theSeas, Shoulds and Islands, lying between the North part of Ireland and ofScotland, I haue for their better encouragement (if any weightie actionshall hereafter chance to drawe them into those quarters) translated intoEnglish a briefe treatise called A Chronicle of the Kings of Man. Whereinthey may behold as well the tragical and dolefull historie of those partsfor the space almost of 300. Yeeres, as also the most ordinarie andaccustomed nauigations through those very seas, and amidst thoseNorthwesterne Isles called the Hebrides, so many hundred yeeres agoe. Forthey shall there read, that euen then (when men were but rude in sea causesin regard of the great knowledge which we now haue) first Godredus Crouanwith a whole Fleet of ships throughly haunted some places in that sea;secondly, that one Ingemundus setting saile out of Norway, arriued vpon theIsle of Lewis; then, that Magnus the king of Norwau came into the same seaswith 160. Sailes, and hauing subdued the Orkney Isles in his way, passed onin like conquering maner, directing his course (as it should seeme) euenthrough the very midst, and on all sides of the Hebrides, who sailingthence to Man, conquered it also, proceeding afterward as farre asAnglesey; and lastly crossing ouer from the Isle of Man to the East part ofIreland. Yea, there they shall read of Godredus the sonne of Olauus hisvoiage to the king of Norway, of his expedition with 80. Ships againstSumerledus, of Sumerled his expedition with 53. Ships against him; ofGodred his flight and second iourney into Norway, of Sumerled his secondarriuall with 160. Shippes at Rhinfrin vpon the coast of Man, and of manyother such combates, assaults, & voyages which were performed onely vponthose seas & Islands. And for the bringing of this woorthy monument tolight, we doe owe great thanks vnto the iudiciall and famous Antiquarie MCamden. But sithens we are entred into a discourse of the ancient warrehkeshipping of this land the reader shall giue me leaue to borow oneprincipall note out of this litle historie, before I quite take my leauethereof, and that is in few words, that K. Iohn passed into Ireland with aFleet of 500. Sailes; so great were our sea-forces euen in his time. Neither did our shipping for the warres first begin to flourish with kingIohn, but long before his dayes in the reign of K. Edward the Confessor, ofWilliam the Conquerour, of William Rufus and the rest, there were diuersmen of warre which did valiant seruice at sea, and for their paines wereroially rewarded. All this and more then this you may see recorded, pag. 19. [Footnote: Of original edition. ] out of the learned Gentleman M. Lambert his Perambulation of Kent; namely, the antiquitie of the KentishCinque ports, which of the sea-townes they were, how they wereinfranchised, what gracious priuileges and high prerogatiues were by diuerskings vouchsafed vpon them, and what seruices they were tied vnto in regardthereof; to wit, how many ships, how many souldiers mariners, Garsons, andfor how many dayes each of them, and all of them were to furnish for thekings vse; and lastly what great exploits they performed vnder the conductof Hubert of Burrough, as likewise against the Welshmen, vpon 200. Frenchships, and vnder the commaund of captaine Henry Pay. Then haue you, pag. 130, [Footnote: Of original edition. ] the franke and bountifull Chartergranted by king Edward the first, vpon the foresayd Cinque portes: & nextthereunto a Roll of the mightie fleet of seuen hundred ships which K. Edward the third had with him vnto the siege of Caleis: out of which Roll(before I proceed any further) let me giue you a double obseruation. Firstthat these ships, according to the number of the mariners which were in all14151. Persons, seeme to haue bene of great burthen; and secondly, thatYarmouth an hauen towne in Northfolke (which I much wonder at) set foorthalmost twise as many ships and mariners, as either the king did at his ownecosts and charges, or as any one citie or towne in England besides. HowbeitTho. Walsingham maketh plaine and euident mention of a farre greater Fleeteof the same king; namely, of 1100. Shippes lying before Sandwich, being allof them sufficiently well furnished. Moreouer the Reader may behold, pag. 205, [Footnote: Of original edition. ] a notable testimonie of the mightieships of that valiant prince king Henry the 5. Who (when after his greatvictory at Agincourt the Frenchmen to recouer Harflew had hired certainSpanish and Italian ships and forces, & had vnited their owne strength vntothem) sent his brother Iohn Duke of Bedford to encounter them, who biddingthem battell got the victory, taking some of their ships and, sinkingothers, and putting the residue to dishonorable flight. Likewise commingthe next yeere with stronger powers, and being then also ouercome, theywere glad to conclude a perpetuall league with K. Henry: & propter eorumnaues (saieth mine Author) that is for the resistance of their ships, thesayd king caused such huge ships to be built, quales non erant in mundo, asthe like were not to be found in the whole world besides. 

But to leaue our ancient shipping, and descend vnto later times, I thinkethat neuer was any nation blessed of IEHOVAH, with a more glorious andwonderfull victory vpon the Seas, then our vanquishing of the dreadfullSpanish Armada, 1588. But why should I presume to call it our vanquishing;when as the greatest part of them escaped vs, and were onely by Godsout-stretched arme ouerwhelmed in the Seas, dashed in pieces against theRockes, and made fearefull spectacles and examples of his iudgements vntoall Christendome. An excellent discourse whereof, as likewise of thehonourable expedition vnder two of the most noble and valiant peeres ofthis Realme, I meane the renoumed Erle of Essex, and the right honorablethe lord Charles Howard, lord high Admirall of England, made 1596. Vnto thestrong citie of Cadiz, I haue set downe as a double epiphonema to concludethis my first volume withall. Both of which, albeit they ought of right tohaue bene placed among the Southerne voyages of our nation, yet partly tosatisfie the importunitie of some of my special friends, and partly, notlonger to depriue the diligent Reader of two such woorthy and long expecteddiscourses, I haue made bold to straine a litle curtesie with that methodewhich I first propounded vnto my selfe. 

And here had I almost forgotten to put the Reader in mind of that learnedand Philosophical treatise of the true state of Iseland, and soconsequently of the Northren Seas & regions lying that way, wherein a greatnumber of none of the meanest Historiographers and Cosmographers of latertimes, as namely, Munster, Gemma Frisius, Zieglerus, Krantzius, SaxoGrammaticus, Olaus Magnus, Peucerus and others, are by euident argumentsconuinced of manifold errors, that is to say, as touching the truesituation and Northerly latitude of that Island, and of the distancethereof from other places, touching the length of dayes in Sommer and ofnights in Winter, of the temperature of the land and sea, of the time andmaner of the congealing, continuance, and thawing of the Ice in those Seas, of the first Discouerie and inhabiting of that Island, of the firstplanting of Christianitie there, as likewise of the continuall flaming ofmountains, strange qualities of fountaines, of hel-mouth, and of purgatoriewhich those authors haue fondly written and imagined to be there. All whichtreatise ought to be the more acceptable, first in that it hath broughtsound trueth with it, and secondly, in that it commeth from that farreNorthren climate which most men would suppose could not affoord any one solearned a Patrone for it selfe. 

And thus (friendly Reader) thou seest the briefe summe and scope of all mylabours for the common-wealths sake, and thy sake, bestowed vpon this firstVolume: which if thou shall as thankefully accept, as I haue willingly andfreely imparted with thee, I shall bee the better encouraged speedily toacquaint thee with those rare, delightfull and profitable histories, whichI purpose (God willing) to publish concerning the Southerne and Westerneparts of the World. 

 * * * * *

[Greek: EIS APODAEMIAS BRETTANON PONAEMA RIKARDOU TOU HAKLYITOU, Hygon ho Brochthonos. 

 Ossoi gaian echousi Brotoi henos ekpephyasi hos allaela horan ethnesi charma physei. Hos de thaliplagktos metekiathen ethnea pleista, hoikoi mimnazous axiagastos ephy. Exocha Brettanoi d', alloin schisthentes erantai, idmenai allothroun phyla polysperea. Indous hesperious kai eoous, Aithiopas te kai Moschous, kai pant eschatounta genae. Touton d' oia malista, klyta, klytos Haklyutos graphen ariphradeos, mnaem aei essomenon. ]

 * * * * *

In nauales RICHARDI HAKLUYTI Commentarios. 

 Anglia magnarum foecunda puerpera rerum, siue solum spectes nobile, siue salum; Quæ quantum sumptis se nobilitauent armis, siue domi gessit prælia, siue foris; Multorum celebrant matura volumina: tantæ Insula materiem paruula laudis alit. At se in quot, qualésque, & quando effuderit oras, qua fidit ignotum peruia classis iter, Solius Hakluyti decus est, prædiuite penna ostendisse suis ciuibus ausa mari Quæcunque idcirco celeri gens Anglica naui, Oceani tristes spernere docta minas, A primi generísque & gentis origine gessit, qua via per fluctus vlla pattre potest, Siue decus laudémque secuta, vt & hostibus alas demeret, atque suis læta pararet opes: Hoc opus Hakluyti; cui debet patria multum, cui multum, patriæ quisquis amicus erit Qui re námque magis se nostra Britannta iactat, quàm quod sit præter cætera classe potens? Quam prius obsessam tenebris sic liberat, vt nunc quisque sciat quàm sit nobile classis opus. Quam si Dædalicè vtemur surgemus in altum, sin autem Icaricè, quod voret, æquor habet. RICH. MVLCASTER. 

 Eiusdem in eundem

 Qui graui primus cecinit camoena Aureum vellus, procerésque Græcos, quos sibi adiunxit comites Ianson Vectus in Argo Naue, quàm primùm secuisse fluctus prædicant salsos, sibi comparauit Inde non vnquam moritura magnæ præmia famæ Tanta si merces calamum secuta Vnicæ nauis referentis acta, Quanta Rachardum manet Hakluytum gloria? cuius Penna descripsit freta mille, mille Insulæ nostræ celeres carinas, Quæ per immensi loca peruolarunt omnia mundi Senties gratam patriam, tuæque Laudis æternùm memorem, & laboris: Quæ tua cura, calamóque totum ibit in orbem: Quam doces omni studio fouere Nauticum robur, validámque classem. Hac luet quisquis violentus Anglo vsserit hostis. 

 * * * * *

In eximium opus R. HAKLUYTI de Anglorum ad disiunctissimas regionesnauigationibus GVLIELMI CAMDENI Hexastichon. 

 Anglia quæ penitùs toto discluditur orbe, Angulus orbis erat, paruus & orbis erat. Nunc cùm sepositos alios detexent orbes, Maximus orbis honos, Orbis & orbis erit. At quid Haklute tibi monstranti hæc debeat orbis? Laus tua, crede mihi, non erit orbe minor. 

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Di Marc' Antonio Pigafeta Gentilhuomo Vicentino

 Ignota mi starei, con poco honore Sepolta nell' oscure, antiche carte, S'alcun de figli miei con spesa & arte Non hauesse hor scoperto il mio splendore

 Ramusio pria pieno d' ardente amore Manifesto le mie piu riche parte, Che son lá doue il Maragnon diparte, E doue il Negro allaga, e'l Gange scorre, Hakluyto poi senza verun risguardo Di fatica o di danno accolt' hà insieme, Ciò c' hà potuto hauer da typhi Inglesi. Onde vedrassie dove bella sguardo, E la Dwina agghiaccia, e l' Obi freme, Et altri membri miei non ben palesi. 

EXTRACT FROM OLDYS'S LIBRARIAN, 1738. (Article Hakluyt's Voyages. ) p. 137. 

Oldys (having given a list of the contents of the three volumes of Hakluyt)concludes, This summary may sufficiently intimate what a treasury of maritimeknowledge it is, wherefore we shall here take our leave of it, withreferring only to a needful observation or two:

And first, As it has been so useful to many of our authors, not only inCosmography, and Navigation, but in History, especially that of theglorious reign in which so many brave exploits were atchievcd; As it hasbeen such a LEADING STAR TO THE NAVAL HISTORIES since compiled; and savedfrom the wreck of oblivion many exemplary incidents in the lives of ourmost renowned navigators; it has therefore been unworthily omitted in theEnglish historical library. And lastly, though the first volume of thiscollection, does frequently appear, by the date, in the title page, to beprinted in 1599, the reader is not thence to conclude the said volume wasthen reprinted, but only the title page, as upon collating the books wehave observed, and further, that in the said last printed title page, thereis no mention made of the Cadiz Voyage; to omit which, might be one reasonof reprinting that page; for it being one of the most prosperous andhonourable enterprizes that ever the Earl of Essex was ingaged in, and hefalling into the Queen's unpardonable displeasure at this time, our author, Mr. Hakluyt, might probably receive command or direction, even from one ofthe patrons to whom these Voyages are dedicated, who was of the contraryfaction not only to suppress all memorial of that action in the front ofthis book, but even cancel the whole narrative thereof at the end of it, inall the copies (far the greatest part of the impression) which remainedunpublished. And in that castrated manner the volume has descended toposterity; not but if the castration was intended to have been concealedfrom us, the last leaf of the preface would have been reprinted also, withthe like omission of what is there mentioned concerning the insertion ofthis Voyage. But at last, about the middle of the late King's reign, anuncastrated copy did arise, and the said Voyage was reprinted from it, whereby many imperfect books have been made complete. 

EXTRACT FROM ZOUCH'S LIFE OF SIR PHILIP SIDNEY, page 317. 

Every reader conversant in the annals of oar Naval transactions willcheerfully acknowledge the merit of Richard Hakluyt, who devoted hisstudies to the investigation of those periods of the English history, whichregard the improvement of navigation and commerce. He had the advantage ofan academical education. He was elected Student of Christ-Church in Oxfordin 1570, and was therefore contemporary with Sidney at the University. Tohim we are principally indebted for a clear and comprehensive descriptionof those noble discoveries of the English nation made by sea or over landto the most distant quarter of the earth. His incomparable industry wasremunerated with every possible encouragement by Sir Francis Walsingham andSir Philip Sidney. To the latter, as to a most generous promoter of allingenious and useful knowledge, he inscribed his first collection ofvoyages and discoveries, printed in 1582. Thus animated and encouraged, hewas enabled to leave to posterity the fruits of his unwearied labours--aninvaluable treasure of nautical information, preserved in volumes, whicheven at this day, affix to his name a brilliancy of reputation, which aseries of ages can never efface or obscure. 

CERTEINE TESTIMONIES CONCERNINGK. ARTHUR AND HIS CONQUESTS OF THE NORTH REGIONS, TAKEN OUT OFTHE HISTORIE OF THE KINGS OF BRITAINE. WRITTEN BY GALFRIDUS MONUMETENSIS, AND NEWLY PRINTEDAT HEIDELBERGE, ANNO 1587. 

Lib 9. Cap. 10. 

Anno Christi, 517. Arthurus, secundo regni sui anno subiugatis totiusHyberniæ partibus, classem suam direxit in Islandiam, eámque debellatopopulo subiugauit. Exin diuulgato per cæteraa insulas rumore, quòd ei nullaProuincia resistere poterat, Doldauius rex Gotlandiæ, & Gunfacius rexOrcadum vltro venerunt, promissóque vectigali subiectionem fecerunt. Emensadeinde hyeme, reuersus est in Britanniam, statúmque regni in firmam pacemrenouans, moram duodecim annis ibidem fecit. 

The same in English. 

In the yere Of Christ, 517. King Arthur in the second yeere of his reigne, hauing subdued all parts of Ireland, sailed with his fleet into Island, andbrought it and the people thereof vnder his subiection. The rumourafterwards being spread thorowout all the other Islands, that no countreywas able to withstand him, Doldamus the king of Gotland, and Gunfacius theking of Orkney, came voluntarily vnto him, and yeelded him their obediencepromising to pay him tribute. The Winter being spent, he returned intoBritaine, and establishing his kingdome in perfect peace, he continuedthere for the space of twelue yeres. 

Lib 9. Cap. 12. 

Missis deinde in diuersa regna Legatis, inuitantur tam ex Gallijs quàm excollateralibus Insulis Oceani qui ad curiam venire deberent, &c. Et paulòpost: Ex collateralibus autem Insulis Guillaumurius rex Hyberniæ, Maluasiusrex Islandiæ, Doldauius rex Gotlandiæ, Gunnasius rex Orchadum, Lot rexNoruegiæ, Aschihus rex Danorum. 

The same in English. 

After that king Arthur sending his messenger into diuers kingdomes, hesummoned such as were to come to his Court, as well out of France, as outof the adiacent Islands of the sea, &c. And a little after: From thoseadiacent Islands came Guillaumarius king of Ireland, Maluasius king ofIsland, Doldauius king of Gotland, Gunnasius king of Orkney, Lot the kingof Norway, and Aschilius the king of Denmarke. 

Lib 9. Cap. 19. 

At reges cæterarum Insularam, quoniam non duxerant in morem equites habere, pedites quot quisque debebat, promittunt, ita vt ex sex Insulis, videlicet, Hyberniæ, Islandiæ, Gotlandiæ, Orcadum, Noruegiæ, atque Daciæ, sexiesviginti millia essent annumerata. 

The same in English. 

But the kings of the other Islands, because it was not their custome tobreed vp horses, promised the king as many footmen, as euery man was boundto send: so that out of the six Islands, namely of Ireland, Island, Gotland, Orkney, Norway, and Denmarke, the king had sixe score thousandsouldiers sent him. 

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A testnnome of the right and appendances of the crowne of the kingdome of Britaine, taken out of M. Lambard, his [Greek: Arkaionomia], fol 137. Pag. 2. 

Arthurus qui fuit quondam inclytissimus Rex Britonum, vir magnus fuit &animosus, & miles illustris. Parum fuit ei regnum istud, non fuit animuseius contentus regno Britanniæ. Subiugauit igitur sibi strenuè Scantiamtotam, quæ modo Norweia vocatur, & omnes insulas vltra Scantiam, scz. Islandiam, & Grenlandiam, quæ sunt de appendicijs Norweiæ, & Suechordam, &Hyberniam, & Gutlandiam, & Daciam, Semelandiam, Winlandiam, Curlandiam, Roe, Femelandiam, Wirelandiam, Flandriam, Cherelam, Lappam, & omnes aliasterras & insulas, Orientalis Oceani vsque Russiam (in Lappa scilicet posuitOrientalem metam regni Britanniæ) & multas insulas vltra Scantiam, vsquedum sub Septentrione, quæ sunt de appendicibus Scantiæ, quæ modo Norweiavocatur. Fuerunt autem ibi Christiani occultè. Arthurus autem Christianusoptimus fuit, & fecit eos baptizari, & vnum Deum per totam Norweiamvenerari, & vnam fidem Christi semper inuiolatam custodire, & suscipere. Ceperunt vniuersi proceres Norweiæ vxores suas de nobili gente Britonumtempore illo, vnde Norwegienses dicunt se exijsse de gente & sanguine regnihuius. Impetrauit enim temporibus illis Arthurus rex à domino Papa, & àCuria Romana, quod confirmata sit Norweia, in perpetuum coronæ Britanniæ inaugmentum regni huius, vocauítque illam dictus Arthurus Cameram Britanniæ. Hac verò de causa dicunt Norwegienses, se debere in regno isto cohabitare &dicunt se esse de corpore regni huius, scilicet de corona Britanniæ. Maluerunt enim manere in regno isto, quàm in terra eorum propria. Terraenim eorum arida est, & montuosa, & sterilis, & non sunt ibi segetes nisiper loca. Ista verò opulenta est, & fertilis, & crescunt hic segetes, &cætera vniuersa. Qua ex causa sæpius per vices gesta sunt bella atrocissimainter Anglos & Norwegienses, & interfecti sunt innumerabiles. Occupaueruntverò Norwegienses terras multas & insulas regni huius, quas adhuc detinentoccupatas, nec potuerunt vnquam postea penitus euelli. Tandem modòconfederati sunt nobis fide, & sacramento, & per vxores suas, quas posteaceperunt de sanguine nostro, & per affinitates, & coniugia. Ita demumconstituit, & eis concessit bonus rex Edouardus propinquus noster (qui fuitoptimus filius pacis) per commune consilium totius regni. Qua de causapossent, & debent prædicti de cætero nobiscum cohabitare, & remanere inregno, sicut coniurati fratres nostri. 

The same in English. 

Arthur which was sometimes the most renowmed king of the Britains, was amightie, and valiant man, and a famous warriour. This kingdome was toolitle for him, & his minde was not contented with it. He thereforevaliantly subdued all Scantia, which is now called Norway, and all theIslands beyond Norway, to wit, Island and Greenland, which are apperteiningvnto Norway, Sweueland, Ireland, Gotland, Denmarke, Someland, Windland, Curland, Roe, Femeland, Wireland, Flanders, Cherilland, Lapland, and allthe other lands & Islands of the East sea, euen vnto Russia (in whichLapland he placed the Easterly bounds of his Brittish Empire) and manyother Islands beyond Norway, euen vnder the North pole, which areappendances of Scantia, now called Norway. These people were wild andsauage, and had not in them the loue of God nor of their neighbors, becauseall euil commeth from the North, yet there were among them certeineChristians liuing in secret. But king Arthur was an exceeding goodChristian, and caused them to be baptized, and thorowout all Norway toworship one God, and to receiue and keepe inuiolably for euer, faith inChrist onely. At that time all the noble men of Norway tooke wiues of thenoble nation of the Britaines, whereupon the Norses say, that they aredescended of the race and blood of this kingdome. The aforesayd king Arthurobteined also in those dayes of the Pope & court of Rome, that Norwayshould be for euer annexed to the crowne of Britaine for the inlargement ofthis kingdome, and he called it the chamber of Britaine. For this cause theNorses say, that they ought to dwell with vs in this kingdome, to wit, thatthey belong to the crowne of Britaine: for they had rather dwell here thenin their owne natiue countrey, which is drie and full of mountaines, andbarren, and no graine growing there, but in certeine places. But thiscountrey of Britaine is fruitfull, wherein corne and all other good thingsdo grow and increase, for which cause many cruell battels haue beneoftentimes fought betwixt the Englishmen and the people of Norway, andinfinite numbers of people haue bene slaine, & the Norses haue possessedmany lands and Islands of this Empire, which vnto this day they doepossesse, neither could they euer afterwards be fully expelled. But now atlength they are incorporated with vs by the receiuing of our religion andsacraments, and by taking wiues of our nation, and by affinitie, andmarriages. For so the good king Edward (who was a notable mainteiner ofpeace) ordeined and granted vnto them by the generall consent of the wholekingdome, so that the people may, and ought from hencefoorth dwell andremaine in this kingdome with vs as our louing sworne brethren. 

 * * * * *

A testimonie out of the foresayd Galfridus Monumetensis concerning the conquests, of Malgo, king of England. Lib. II. Cap. 7. 

Vortipono successit Malgo, omnium ferè Britanniæ pulcherrimus, multorumtyrannoram depulsor, robustus armis, largior cæteris, & vltra modumprobitate præclarus. Hic etiam totam Insulam obtinuit, & sexcomprouinciales Oceani Insulas: Hyberniam videlicet, atque Islandiam, Gotlandiam, Orcades, Noruegiam, Daciam, adiecit dirissimis prælijspotestati suæ. 

The same in English. 

Malgo succeeded Vortiponus which was the goodliest man in person of allBritaine, a prince that expulsed many tyrants. He was strong and valiant inwarre, taller then most men that then liued, and exceeding famous for hisvertues. This king also, obteined the gouernment of the whole Island ofBritaine, and by most sharpe battailes he recouered to his Empire the sixeIslands of the Ocean sea, which before had bene made tributaries by kingArthur, namely Ireland, Island, Gotland, Orkney, Norway, and Denmarke. 

 * * * * *

The conquest of the Isles of Anglesey and Man by Edwin the Saxon king of Northumberland written in the second Booke and fift Chapter of Beda his Ecclesiasticall historie of the English nation. 

Eduinus Nordanhumbrorum gentis, id est, eius quæ ad borealem Humbrifluminis plagam inhabitat, maiore potentia cunctis qui Britanniam incolunt, Anglorum pariter & Britonum populis præfuit, præter Cantuarios tantùm, necnòn & Menauias Britonum insulas, quæ inter Hiberniam & Britanniam sitæsunt, Anglorum subiecit potestati. 

The same in English. 

Edwin king of the people Northumberland, that is to say of them whichinhabit to the North of the riuer Humber, being of greater authontie thenany other potentate in the whole Isle of Britaine, bare rule as well ouerthe English as the British nation, except onely the people of Kent: whoalso brought in subiection vnder the English, the Isles of Man andAnglesey, and the other Northwesterne Isles of the Britons, which aresituate betweene Britaine and Ireland. 

Another testimonie alledged by Beda to the same purpose. Lib 2. Cap 9. 

Anno ab incarnatione Domini sexcentesimo vicesimo quarto, gensNordanhumbrorum, hoc est, ea natio Anglorum quæ ad aquilonarem Humbrifluminis plagam habitat, cùm rege suo Eduino, verbum fidei (prædicantePaulino, cuius supra meminimus) suscepit: cui videlicèt regi in auspiciumsuscipiendæ fidei, & regni coelestis potestas & terrem creuerat imperij:ita vt (quod nemo Anglorum ante eum fecit) omnes Britanniæ fines, qua velipsorum vel Britonum Prouinciæ habitabantur, sub ditione acceperit. Quìn &Menauias insulas (sicut & supra docuimus) imperio subiugauit Anglorum. Quarum prior quæ ad austrum est, & situ amplior & frugum prouentu atquevbertate foelicior, nongentarum sexaginta familiarum mensuram, iuxtaæstimationem Anglorum, secunda trecentarum & vltrà spatium tenet. 

The Same in English. 

In the yeere from the incarnation of our Lord, sixe hundreth twentie andfoure, the people of Northumberland, to wit, those English people whichinhabit on the North side of the riuer of Humber, together with their kingEdwin, at the Christian preaching and perswasion of Paulinus abouementioned, embraced the Gospel. Vnder which king, after he had onceaccepted of the Christian faith, the power both of the heauenly & of hisearthly kingdome was inlarged; insomuch, that he (which no English king haddone before him) brought vnder his subiection all the prouinces ofBritaine, which were inhabited either by the English men themselues, or bythe Britons. Moreouer, he subdued vnto the crowne of England (as we haueaboue signified) the Hebrides, commonly called the Westerne Islands. Theprincipall wherof being more commodiously and pleasantly seated towards theSouth, and more abounding with corne then the rest, conteineth according tothe estimation of the English, roome enough for 960. Families, and thesecond for 300. And aboue. 

 * * * * *

The voyage of Bertus, generall of an armie sent into Ireland by Ecfridus king of Northumberland, in the yere of our Lord 684, out of the 4. Booke and 26. Chapter of Beda his Ecclesiasticall Hystorie. 

Anno Dominicæ incarnationis sexcentesimo octogesimo quarto, Ecfridus rexNordanhumbrorum, misso Hiberniam cùm excercitu duce Berto, vastauit miserègentem innoxiam, & nationi Anglorum semper amicissimam, ita vt nececclesijs quidem aut monasterijs manus, parceret hostilis. At insulani &quantum valuere armis arma repellebant, & inuocantes diuinæ auxilumpietatis coelitus se vindicari continuis diù imprecationibus postulabant. Et quamuis maledici regnum Dei possidere non possint, creditum tamen est, quod hi qui merito impietatis suæ maledicebantur, ocyus Domino vindice, poenas sui reatus luerent. 

The same in English. 

In the yeere of our Lord 684, Ecfrid the king of Northumberland sentcaptaine Bert into Ireland with an armie, which Bert miserably wasted thatinnocent nation being alwayes most friendly vnto the people of England, insomuch that the fury of the enemy spared neither churches normonasteries. Howbeit the Islanders to their power repelled armes witharmes, and crauing Gods aid from heauen with continuall imprecations andcurses, they pleaded for reuenge. And albeit cursed speakers can by nomeanes inherit the kingdome of God, it was thought notwithstanding, thatthey which were accursed for their impiety did not long escape thevengeance of God imminent for their offences. 

 * * * * *

The voyage of Octher made to the Northeast parts beyond Norway, reported by himselfe vnto Alfred the famous king of England, about the yere 890. 

Octher said, that the countrey wherein he dwelt was called Helgoland. Octher tolde his lord king Alfred that he dwelt furthest North of any otherNorman. [Sidenote: Fynnes live by hunting and fishing. ] He sayd that hedwelt towards the North part of the land toward the West coast: andaffirmed that the land, notwithstanding it stretcheth marueilous farretowards the North, yet it is all desert and not inhabited, vnlesse it bevery few places, here and there, where certeine Finnes dwell vpon thecoast, who liue by hunting all the Winter, and by fishing in Summer. Hesaid that vpon a certeine time he fell into a fantasie and desire to prooueand know how farre that land stretched Northward, and whether there wereany habitation of men North beyond the desert. Whereupon he tooke hisvoyage directly North along the coast, hauing vpon his steereboord alwayesthe desert land, and vpon the leereboord the maine Ocean: and continued hiscourse for the space of 3. Dayes. [Sidenote: The Place wither the whalehunters trauel. ] In which space he was come as far towards the North, ascommonly the whale hunters vse to trauell. Whence he proceeded in hiscourse still towards the North so farre as he was able to saile in other 3. Dayes. At the end whereof he perceiued that the coast turned towards theEast, or els the sea opened with a maine gulfe into the land, he knew nothow farre. Well he wist and remembred, that he was faine to stay till hehad a Westerne winde, and somewhat Northerly: and thence he sailed plaineEast along the coast still so far as he was able in the space of 4. Dayes. At the end of which time he was compelled againe to stay till he had a fullNortherly winde, forsomuch as the coast bowed thence directly towards theSouth, or at least wise the sea opened into the land he could not tell howfarre: so that he sailed thence along the coast continually full South, sofarre as he could trauaile in 5. Dayes; and at the fifth dayes end hediscouered a mightie riuer which opened very farre into the land. [Sidenote: The Riuer of Duina of likelihood. ] At the entrie of which riuerhe stayed his course, and conclusion turned back againe, for he durst notenter thereinto for feare of the inhabitants of the land; perceiuing thaton the other side of the riuer the countrey was thorowly inhabited: whichwas the first peopled land that he had found since his departure from hisowne dwelling: [Sidenote: A Desert countrey. Fynnes. ] whereas continuallythorowout all his voyage he had euermore on his steereboord, a wildernesseand desert countrey, except that in some places, he saw a few fishers, fowlers, and hunters, which were all Fynnes: and all the way vpon hisleereboord was the maine ocean. [Sidenote: Biarmia. ] The Biarmes hadinhabited and tilled their countrey indifferent well, notwithstanding hewas afrayed to go vpon shore. [Sidenote: Terfynnes. ] But the countrey ofthe Terfynnes lay all waste, and not inhabited, except it were, as we hauesayd, whereas dwelled certeine hunters, fowlers, and fishers. The Biarmestolde him a number of stories both of their owne countrey, and of thecountreys adioyning. Howbeit, he knew not, nor could affirme any thing forcerteine trueth; forsomuch as he was not vpon land, nor saw any himselfe. [Sidenote: The Fynnes and Biarmes speak one language. ] This onely heiudged, that the Fynnes and Biarmes speake but one language. [Sidenote:Horsewhales teeth commended. ] The principall purpose of his traueile thisway, was to encrease the knowledge and discouerie of these coasts andcountreyes, for the more commoditie of fishing of horsewhales, [Footnote:Or morses. ] which haue in their teeth bones of great price and excellencie:whereof he brought some at his returne vnto the king. [Sidenote: Use of themorses skins for cables. ] Their skinnes are also very good to make cablesfor shippes, and so vsed. This kinde of whale is much lesse in quantitiethen other kindes, hauing not in length or aboue seuen elles. And as forthe common kind of whales, the place of most and best hunting of them is inhis owne countrey: whereof some be 48. Elles of length, and some 50. Ofwhich sort he affirmed that he himselfe was one of the sixe, which in thespace of 3. Dayes killed threescore. He was a man of exceeding wealth insuch riches, wherein the wealth of that countrey doth consist. [Sidenote:Sixe hundreth raine Deere. ] At the same time that he came to the king, hehad of his owne breed 600. Tame Deere, of that kinde which they call RaneDeere: of the which number 6, were stall Rane Deere, a beast of greatvalue, and maruellously esteemed among the Fynnes, for that with them theycatch the wilde Rane Deere. He was among the chiefe men of his countreyone: and yet he, had but 20. Kine, and 20. Swine, and that little which hetilled, he tilled it all with horses. [Sidenote: The Fynnes trubute. ] Theirprincipall wealth consisteth in the tribute which the Fynnes pay them, which is all in skinnes of wilde beasts, feathers of birds, whale bones, and cables, and tacklings for shippes made of Whales or Seales skinnes. [Sidenote: Note. Cables of Whales and Seales skins. ] Euery man payethaccording to his abilities. The richest pay ordinarily 15. Cases ofMarterns, 5. Rane Deere skinnes, and one Beare, ten bushels of feathers, acoat of a Beares skinne, two cables threescore elles long a piece, the onemade of Whales skin, the other Seales. 

He sayd, that the countrey of Norway was very long and small. So much of itas either beareth any good pasture, or may be tilled, lieth vpon the Seacoast, which notwithstanding in some places is very rockie and stonie:[Sidenote: A description of Norway. ] and all Eastward all along against theinhabited land, lie wilde and huge hilles and mountaines, which are in someplaces inhabited by the Fynnes. The inhabited land is broadest toward theSouth & the further it stretcheth towards the North, it groweth euermoresmaller and smaller. Towards the South it is peraduenture threescore milesin bredth or broader in some places: about the middest, 30 miles or aboue, and towards the North where it is smallest, he affirmeth that it prouethnot three miles from the Sea to the mountaines. [Sidenote: The bredth ofthe mountaines. ] The mountaines be in breadth of such quantitie, as a manis able to traueile ouer in a fortnight, and in some places no more thenmay be trauailed in sixe dayes. [Sidenote: Swethland. Queeneland. ] Rightouer against this land in the other side of the mountaines, somewhattowards the South lieth Swethland, and against the same towards the North, lieth Queeneland. The Quenes sometimes passing the mountaines, inuade andspoile the Normans: and on the contrary part, the Normans likewisesometimes spoile their countrey. [Sidenote: Boats caried on mens backs. ]Among the mountaines be many and great lakes in sundry places of freshwater, into the which the Queenes vse to carie their boats vpon their backsouer lande, and thereby inuade and spoile the countrey of the Normans. These boats of theirs be very little and very light. 

 * * * * *

The voyage of Octher out of his countrey of Halgoland into the sound of Denmarke vnto a port called Hetha, which seemeth to be Wismer or Rostorke. 

Octher sayd that the countrey wherein he dwelled, was called Halgoland: andaffirmed that there was no man dwelling towards the North from him. Fromthis countrey towards the South, there is a certeine port [Marginal note:Or streight. ] [Footnote: It seemeth to be about Elsenborg--_Originalnote_. ] called Scirings hall, whither, he sayth that a man was not ableto saile in a moneths space, if he lay still by night, although he hadeuery day a full winde. [Sidenote: The description of the Sound ofDenmarke. ] And he shall saile all the way along the coast, hauing on hissteereboord, first Iutland and the Islands which lie betwixt this countrey& Iutland, still along the coast of this countrey, till he came to Sciringshall hauing it on his larboord. At Scirings hall there entreth into theland a maine gulfe of the Sea, which is so broad, that a man cannot seeouer it: [Sidenote: Gotland. ] and on the other side against the same, isGotland, and then Silland. This sea stretcheth many hundreth miles vp intothe land. [Sidenote: Vandals. ] From Scirings hall he sayd that be sailed in5. Dayes to the port which is called Hetha, which lieth betwixt thecountries of Wendles, Saxons, and Angles, whereunto it is subiect. And ashe sailed thitherward from Scirings hall, he had vpon his steereboordDenmarke, and on his leereboord the maine sea, for the space of 3. Dayes:[Sidenote: Hetha but two dayes sayling from Seland. ] and 2. Dayes before, he arriued in Hetha, [Footnote: It seemeth to be Wismer or Rostocke--_Original note_. ] he had Gotland on leerboord, and Silland. Withdiuers other Islands. In that countrey dwelt English men, before they cameinto this land. And these 2. Days he had vpon his leereboord the Islandsthat are subiect to Denmarke. 

 * * * * *

Wolstans nauigation in the East sea, from Hetha to Trusco, which is about Dantzig. 

Wolstan sayd, that he departed from Hetha, and arriued at Trusco, in thespace of 7. Dayes, and 7. Nights: during which time, his shippe kept hercourse continually vnder saile. All this voyage Wenedland [Footnote:Prussia. ] was still vpon his steerboord, and on his leerboord was Langland, Layland, Falster, and Sconie: all which countreyes are subiect to Denmarke. [Sidenote: Bargenland or Borholme. ] Vpon his leerboord also, wasBargenland, which hath a priuate king, to whom it is subiect. Hauing leftBargenland, he passed by Blekingie, Meere, Eland and Gotland, hauing themon his leerboord: all which countreys are subiect to Sweden: and Wenedlandwas all the way vpon his steerboord, vntil he came to Wixel mouth. [Sidenote: Wixel is the riuer that falleth into the sea by Dantzig. ] Wixelis a very great riuer which runneth along betwixt Witland and Wenedland. Witland is appertaining to the Easterlings, and the riuer of Wixel runnethout of Wenedland into Eastmeere, which Eastmeere is at the least 15. Milesin breadth. [Sidenote: Fuso. ] There runneth also another riuer calledIlsing from the East, and falleth into Eastmeere, out of another lake vponthe banke, whereupon is situated Fruso. So that Ilsing comming out ofEastland, [Footnote: Lithuania. ] and Wixel out of Wenedland, both falltogether into Eastmeere, and there Wixel depriueth Ilsing of his name, andrunneth thence West & North into the sea; whereof the place is calledWixelmouth. 

[Sidenote: The description of Eastland. ] Eastland is a very large land, andthere be many cities and townes withtn it, and in euery one of them is aking: whereby there is continually among them great strife and contention. There is great plentie of hony and fish. 

[Sidenote: Mares milke a chiefe drinke. ] The wealthiest men drinke commonlyMares milke, and the poore people and slaues meade. There is no ale brewedamong the Easterlings, but of mead there is plentie. 

 * * * * *

The nauigation of King Edgar, taken out of Florentius Wigoriensis, Houeden, and M. Dee his discourse of the Brittish Monarchie, pag. 54, 55, &c. 

I haue often times (sayd he) and many wayes looked into the state ofearthly kingdomes, generally the whole world ouer (as farre as it may beyet knowen to Christian men commonly) being a studie of no greatdifficultie, but rather a purpose somewhat answerable to a perfectCosmographer, to finde himselfe Cosmopolites, a citizen and member of thewhole and onely one mysticall citie vniuersall, and so consequently tomeditate of the Cosmopoliticall gouernment thereof, vnder the Kingalmightie, passing on very swiftly toward the most dreadfull and mostcomfortable terme prefixed. 

And I finde (sayd he) that if this British Monarchie would heretofore hauefollowed the aduantages which they haue had onward, they might very well, yer this, haue surpassed by iustice, and godly sort, any particularMonarchie els, that euer was on earth since mans creation, and that to allsuch purposes as to God are most acceptable, and to all perfect commonwealths, most honorable, profitable, and comfortable. 

But yet (sayd he) there is a little locke of Lady Occasion flickering inthe aire, by our hands to catch hold on, whereby we may yet once more(before all be vtterly past, and for euer) discreetly and valiantly recouerand enioy, if not all our ancient & due appurtenances to this ImperiallBrittish monarchie, yet at the least some such notable portion thereof, as(al circumstances duely and iustly appertaining to peace & amitie withforrein princes being offred & vsed) this may become the most peaceable, most rich, most puissant, & most florishing monarchie of al els (this day)in chnstendome. Peaceable, I say, euen with the most part of the selfe samerespects that good king Edgar had (being but a Saxon) and by sundry suchmeanes, as he chiefly in this Empire did put in proofe and vsetriumphantly, whereupon his sirname was Pacificus, most aptly and iustly. This peaceable king Edgar had in his minde about six hundred yeeres past, the representation of a great part of the selfe same Idæa, which from aboueonely, & by no mans deuise hath streamed downe into my imagination, beingas it becommeth a subiect carefull for the godly prosperitie of thisBritish Empire vnder our most peaceable Queene Elizabeth. 

For, Ædgaros pacificus, Regni sui prospiciens vtilitati, pariter & quieti, quatuor millia octingentas sibi robustas congregauit naues è quibus milleducentas, in plaga Angliæ Orientali, mille ducentas in Occidentali, milleducentas in Australi, mille ducentas in Septentrionali pelago constituit, vt ad defensionem regni sui, contra exteras nationes, bellorum discriminasustinerent. [Footnote: _Translation_: "Edgar the Pacific, lookingforward to the benefit and peace of his kingdom, collected Four ThousandEight Hundred powerful ships, of which he stationed One Thousand TwoHundred on the East Coast of England, One Thousand Two Hundred on the WestCoast, One Thousand Two Hundred on the South Coast, and One Thousand TwoHundred on the Northern Coast, in order to be prepared for war in defenceof his kingdom against foreign nations. "]

O wisedome imperiall, most diligently to be imitated, _videlicet, prospicere_, to foresee. O charitable kingly parent, that was touchedwith ardent zeale, for procuring the publike profite of his kingdome, yeaand also the peaceable enioying thereof. O, of an incredible masse oftreasure, a kingly portion, yet, in his coffers remayning: if then he had, (or late) before any warres, seeing no notable taxe, or contribution publikeis historically mentioned to haue bene for the charges leuied: if in peacehe himselfe flourished so wealthily: O marueilous politicall, & princelyprudencie, in time of peace to foresee, and preuent, (and that mostpuissantly, and inuinciblly) all possible malice, fraude, force, andmischiefe forrain. O most discreet liberalitie to such excellent vses, powring out his treasure so abundantly. O faithfull English people (then, )and worthy subiects, of such an Imperiall and godly Gouernour. O your true, and willing hearts, and blessed ready hands (then, ) so to impart suchabundance of victuals for those huge Names maintenance: so (I say) asneither dearth of famine, seemed (fondly) to be feared of you, for anyintolerable want likely to ensue thereby, nor prices of victuals complainedof to be vnreasonable enhaunsed by you, finding, for their great sales sogood, and rare opportunitie. 

This peaceable king Edgar, was one of the perfect Imperiall Monarches ofthis British Empire, and therefore thus his fame remaineth (for euer)recorded. 

[Sidenote: Charta Regis Henrici secundi. ] Anglici orbis Basileus, flos, &decus Ædgarus, non minus memorabilis Anglis, quàm Cyrus Persis, RomulusRomanis, Alexander Macedonibus, Arsaces Parthis, Carolus Francis, Anno vitæ37. Regni sui cùm fratre, & post 21. Idibus Iulij obijt, & apud Glasconsepelitur. [Footnote: _Translation_: "The king of the English realm, that flower (of kings) and renowned Edgar, not less famous amongst theEnglish than Cyrus amongst the Persians, Romulus amongst the Romans, Alexander amongst the Macedonians, Arsaces amongst the Parthians, Charles(the Great) amongst the Franks, in the 37th year of his age and 21st yearof his reign with his brother and alone, died on the Ides of July, and wasburied at Glastonbary. "]

O Glastonbury, Glastonbury, the treasurie of the carcases of so famous, andso many persons (_Quæ olim mater sanctorum dicta es, & ab alijs, tumulussanctorum, quam ab ipsis discipulis Domini, ædificatam fuisse venerabilishabet Antiquorum authoritas_) how lamentable is thy case nowe? howe hathhypocrisie and pride wrought thy desolation? though I omit here the namesof very many other, both excellent holy men, and mighty princes, whosecarcases are committed to thy custody, yet that Apostolike Ioseph, thattriumphant British Arthur, and nowe this peaceable and prouident Saxon kingEdgar, doe force me with a certaine sorowful reuerence, here to celebratethy memorie. 

[Sidenote: Ranulphus Cestrinis. ] This peaceable king, Edgar, (as by ancientRecordes may appeare) his Sommer progresses, and yerely chiefe pastimeswere, the sailing round about this whole Isle of Albion, garded with hisgrand name of 4000. Saile at the least, parted into 4. Equall parts ofpetie Nauies, eche one being of 1000. Ships, for so it is ancientlyrecorded. 

Idem quoque Ædgarus 4000. Naues congregauit, ex quibus omni anno, postfestum Paschale, 1000. Naues ad quamlibet Angliæ partem statuit, sic, æstate Insulam circumnauigauit: hyeme verò, iudicia in Prouincia exercuit:& hæc omnia ad sui exercitium & ad hostium fecit terrorem. [Footnote:_Translation_: "The same Edgar collected Four Thousand ships, of whicheach year, after Easter, he placed One Thousand on each side of England, and thus sailed round the Island in summer; but in winter he renderedjustice throughout the country; and he did all this for the practice of hisown navy and the terror of his enemies. "]

Could, and would that peaceable & wise king Edgar, before need, as being inpeace and quiet with all nations about him, and notwithstanding mistrustinghis possible enemies, make his pastimes so roially, politically andtriumphantly, with so many thousand ships, and at the least with ten timesso many men as ships and that yerely? and shall we being not assured ofsuch neighbors friendship as may become to vs as cruel and tyrannicallenemies as neuer king Edgar needed to dread the like, and they as many andmighty princes, as neuer king Edgar coped with the like, shall we (said he)not iudge it some part of wisdome, to imitate carefully in some litleproportion (though not with so many thousands) the prosperous pastimes ofpeaceable king Edgar, that Saxonicall Alexander? yea, prosperous pastimesthese may be iustly counted, by which he also made euident to the wholeworld, that as he wisely knew the ancient bounds and limits of this BritishEmpire, so that he could and would royally, iustly, and triumphantly enioythe same, spite of the deuil, and maugre the force of any forreinepotentate. And al that, so highly and faithfully to the glory of Godfinally intended and brought to passe, as the wisest and godliest prelatesand counsellors of those dayes (so counted of and recorded) coulde bestaduise and direct him, or perchance, but sincerely commend and duetifullyincourage him in, he being of himselfe so bent, as purposing firstinuincibly to fortifie the chiefe and vttermost walles of his IslandishMonarchie, against all forreine encombrance possible. And in thatfortification furthering and assuring to trust best his owne ouersight andiudgement, in yerely viewing the same in euery quarter thereof, and that asit were for his pastime Imperiall, also in Sommer time, to the ende thatafterward in all securitie, hee might in Winter time (_vacare_) be atconuenient leisure on land, chiefly to set foorth God's due honour andsecondly to vnderstand and diligently to listen to the causes andcomplaints of his commons. For as Mattheus Westmonasteriensis of him to hisImperiall commendation hath left vs a remembrance. 

Habebat autem præterea consuetudinem, per omnes Regni prouincias transire, vt intelligeret quomodo legum iura, & suorum statuta decretorum, aprincipibus obseruarentur, & ne pauperes à potentibus præiudicium passi, opprimerentur diligenter inuestigare solebat; in vno fortitudini, in alteroIustitia studens & Reipub. Regníque vtilitati consulens in vtroque. Hinchostibus circumquáque timor, & amor omnium erga eum excreuerat subditorum. [Footnote: _Translation_: "He had, besides the habit of travellingthrough all the provinces of the kingdom, to ascertain how the enactmentsof the law and the ordinances of his decrees were carried out by those inauthority; and he was careful that the poor who suffered injury from thosein power should have justice done them, promoting courage in one, justicein another, in both ways benefiting the Crown and State. Thus on every sidethe fear of his enemies and the love of his subiects increased. "]

Thus we see how in opportunitie, this peaceable Edgar procured to thisEmpire such prosperous securitie, that his true and faithfull subiects, allmaner of wayes (that is at home and also at sea, both outward and inward)might peaceably, safely and sccurely employ their wits and trauels for themarueilous enriching of this kingdome and pleasuring very many other, carying forth the naturall commodities of this land, abounding here aboueour necessity vses (and due store reserued) and likewise againe furnishingthe same with all necessary and not superfluous forreine commodities, fetfrom farre or foreign countreys. This was in deed (as before is recorded) akingly prouidence. Reipub. Regnique vtilitati consulens, &c. Besides withgreat vtilitie and profite publique foreseene and by his meanes enioyed, hehimselfe vsed most gladly the aduantage of that securitie, in ministring ofiustice or causing the same to be executed all his kingdome ouer notsquemishly, frowningly or skornefully shunning the ragged and tatteredsleeue of any suppliant, holding vp to him a simple soiled bill ofcomplaint or petition, and that homely contriued, or afrayde at, andtimerously hasting from the sickly pale face or feeble limmed suter, extreemely constrained so to speake for himselfe, nor parcially smootheringhis owne conscience, to fauour or mainteine the foule fault and trespassevnlawfull of any his subiects, how mightie or necessary soeuer, they (els)were, but diligently made search, least Pauperes a potentibus præiudiciumpassi, opprimerentur. 

Thus did publique securitie from forrein foe abroad, and true loue of hisowne subiects, garding him at home, and the heauenly spirit directing allhis good purposes, cause iustice and equitie in all quarters of this Albionto flourish. For which his peaceable and prosperous benefits at theeternall king his hand obteined, hee became not insolent or declined totyrannicall regiment (as some princes in other countreis haue made theirliues Comicotragical) but with all his foresaide inunicible Sea-force, aboundant wealth, triumphant peace, with securitie and Iustice ouer all hisMonarchie preuailing, his heart was continually, and most zealously bent toset foorth the glory, laude and honour of the Almightie Creator, theheauenly and euerlasting king, by such principall and princely meanes, as(then) were deemed to God most acceptable, as many monuments yet to ourdayes remaining, do of him vndoubtedly testifie: As this, for one[Footnote: Ex charta fundationis Ecclesiæ Cathedralis Wigorniæ. ]

Altitonantis Dei largiflua clementia, qui est rex Regium, Ego ÆdgarusAnglorum Basileus omniúmque Regum, Insulatum, Oceanique Britanniamcircumiacentis, cunctarúmque nationum quæ infra eam includuntur, Imperator, & Dominus, gratias ago ipsi Deo omnipotenti, Regi meo, qui meum Imperiumsic ampliauit, & exaltauit super regnum patrum meorum: qui licet Monarchiamtotius Angliæ adepti sunt a tempore Athelstani (qui primus regnum Anglorum, & omnes Nationes, quæ Britanniam incolunt, sibi Armis subegit) nullus tameneorum vltra eius fines imperium suum dilatare aggressus est. Mihi autemconcessit propitia Diuinitas, cum Anglorum Imperio, omnia regna InsularumOceani, cùm suis ferocissimis Regibus, vsque Noruegiam, maximámque partemHyberniæ, cùm sua nobilissima Ciuitate Dublinia, Anglorum regno subiugare:Duos etiam omnes, meis Imperijs colla subdere (Dei laudente gratia) coegi. Quaproptcr & ego Christi gloriam, & laudem exaltare, & eius seruitiumamplificare deuotus disposui, & per meos fideles Fautores, Dunstanum, viz. Archiepiscopum, Athelwoldum, & Oswaldum episcopos (quos mihi patresspirituales, & Consiliatores elegi) magna er parte, secundum quod disposui, effeci, &c. [Footnote: _Translation_ "By the wide-extending Grace of themighty God of Thunders, who is king of kings, I, Edgar, king of Angles andof all Kingdoms, and Islands, and of the Ocean lying around Britain, Emperor and Lord of all the nations therein contained, return thanks tothat same, all-powerful God, my king, who has thus extended my Empire andexalted me above the state of my forefathers, who, although they held swayouer all England from the days of Athelstan (who first conquered thekingdom of the Angles and all the nations which inhabit Britain) yet noneattempted to extend his empire beyond the frontiers of Athetstan's kingdom. Favouring Providence, however, has permitted me, together with the throneof England, to add thereto all the kingdoms of the Islands of the Ocean, with their warlike kings, as far as Norway, and the greater part ofIreland, with its very powerful city of Dublin, all of whom, by the help ofGod, I have compelled, to bow the neck to my power. Wherefore I desire toexalt the glory and praise of Christ, and increase His worship, and by myfaithful counsellors, viz. , Dunstan the Archbishop and Athelwold andOswald, bishops (whom I have chosen to be my spiritual Fathers andAduisers), I have in a great measure performed what I intended etc. "]

And againe this in another Monument. [Footnote: Fundatio EcclesiæCathedralis Eliensis. ]

Omnipotentis Dei, &c. Ipsius nutu & gratia suffultus, Ego Ædgarus Basileusdilectæ Insulæ Albionis, subditis nobis sceptris Scotorum, Cumbrorum, acBrytonum, & omnium circumcirca Regionum, quieta pace perfruens, studiosussollicitè de laudibus creatoris omnium occupo addendis. Ne nunc inertia, nostrísque diebus (plus æquo) seruitus eius tepescere videatur, &c. 18. Meiterreni Imperij anno, &c. Anno Incarnationis Dominicæ, 973. 

Ego Ædgarus totius Albionis Basileus hoc priuilegium (tanta roboratumauthontate) crucis. 

Thaumate confirmaui. [Footnote: _Translation_ "In the name of Almighty God, etc. Strengthened by the favour and grace of God, I, Edgar, king of thefavoured Isle of Albion having made subject to us the kingdoms of theScots, the Cumbrians, the Britons, and all regions around, in the enjoymentof quiet peace, being anxious, to increase the praise of the Creator of allthings, in order that lukewarmness may not appear to render His worshipless earnest in these our days, etc. , in the 18th year of my earthly reign, and the year of the Holy Incarnation 973. Etc. , I, Edgar, king of allAlbion, haue confirmed that privilege, etc. "]

So that by all these rehearsed Records, it is most euident that thepeaceable king Edgar, was one of those Monarchs, in whose handes (if lifehad suffised) the incredible value and priuiledge granted by God and naturevnto this British monarchie might haue bene peaceably purchased in suchsort, as the very blessing and fauour of the diuine Trinitie hath laidmeanes for our industrie to attaine to, and enioye the same by. 

And though sundry other valiant princes and kings of this land I couldrecite, which in times past haue either by intent gone about or by wise andvaliant exploit, haue meetely well prospered towards this Islandishappropriate supremacie attaining, yet neuer any other reasonable meanes wasvsed, or by humane wit, or industrie can be contriued, to al purposessufficient, but only by our sea forces preuailing, and so by our inuincibleenioying al within the sea limites of our British royaltie contained. 

To which incredible political mysterie attaining, no easier, readier orperfecter plat and introduction, is (as yet) come to my imagination then isthe present and continuall seruice of threescore good and tall warlikeships, with twentie smaller barkes, and those 80. Ships (great and smal)with 6660. Apt men furnished, and all singularly well appointed for seruiceboth on sea and land, faithfully and diligently to be done in suchcircumspect and discreet order as partly I haue in other places declared, and further (vpon good occasion offered) may declare. 

This grand name of peaceable King Edgar, of so many thousand ships, andthey furnished with an hundred thousand men at the least, with all thefinall intents of those sea forces, so inuincible, continually maintained, the order of the execution of their seruice, the godly and Imperialsuccesse thereof, are in a maner kingly lessons and propheticalincouragements to vs left, euen now to bee as prouident for publiquesecuritie as he was, to be as skilful of our sea right and royal limits, and wisely to finde our selues as able to recouer and enioy the same as hewas, who could not chuse, but with the passing and yeerely sayling aboutthis British Albion, with all the lesser Isles next adiacent round aboutit, he could not chuse I say, but by such ful and peaceable possession, find himselfe (according to right, and his hearts desire) the true andsoueraigne Monarch of all the British Ocean, enuironing any way his empireof Albion and Ireland, with the lesser Islands next adiacent: with memorialwhereof, as with one very precious iewel Imperial, hee adorned the titleand crowne of his regalitie, as with the testimonie annexed of the statesand nobles of his Empire, to commit to perpetuall memorie, the stile of hischiefe worldly dignitie, in this very tenor of words before also remembred. 

[Sidenote: Note the Queenes Maiesties royaltie ouer the British Ocean sea, round about the British Empire. ] Ego Ædgarus Anglorum Basileus, omniúmqueRegum, Insularum, Oceanique Britanniam circumiacentis, cunctarúmquenationum, quæ infra eam includuntur, Imperator, & Dominus. 

 * * * * *

The voyage of Edmund and Edward the sonnes of King Edmund Ironside into Hungarie, Anno D. 1017. Recorded by Florentius Wigorniensis pag. 391. 

[Sidenote: An. Dom. 1017. ] Dedit consilium Edricus Canuto regi, vtclitunculos Eadwardum & Eadmundum regis Eadmundi filios necaret. Sed quiamagnum dedecus sibi videbatur, vt in Anglia perimerentur, paruo elapsotempore, ad regem Suauorum occidendos misit. Qui, licèt foedus esset intereos, precibus illius nullatenùs voluit acquiescere, sed illos ad regemHungarorum Salomonem nomine misit nutriendos vitæque reseruandos. Quorumvnus scilicet Eadmundus processu temporis ibidem vitam finiuit. Eadwardusverò Agatham filiam Germani Imperatoris Henrici in matrimonium accepit, exqua Margaretam Scotorum reginam, & Christinam Sanctimonialem, & ClitonemEadgarum suscepit. [Footnote: "Pus par le conseil le duc Edric aveit il enpense de aver tue les fiz le re Edmund; cest a dire, Eduuard e Edmun. Mespur ceo ke il fust avis ke ceo eust este grant honte ali, si il les eustfet tuer en Engleterre, e pur ceo ke il se duta ausi ke se il demorassenten Engleterre ke il pensent en prendre contre lui, il les envea al rei deSueue, e ly manda ke il les meist ala mort: ki ne, voleit unkes fere sapriere mes les envea a Salomon le rei de Hungrie pur nurir. E tant com ilfurunt la, Edmund morust tost, e Eduuard prist a femme Agathe la filie leemperour Henri, de la quele il engendra Margarete, ki pus fust reyne deEscoce, e Edgar" (_Le Liuere de reis de Engleterre_, MS in Trinity College, Cambridge. )]

The same in English

Edric counselled king Kanutus to murther the young princes Edward andEdmund the sonnes of King Edmund. But because it seemed a thing verydishonourable vnto him to haue them put to death in England, hee sent them, after a short space, vnto the king of Sweden to be slaine. Who, albeitthere was a league betweene them, would in no case condescend vnto Canutushis bloody request, but sent them vnto Salomon [Footnote: An error for_Stephen_ the Holy, who married the sister of Henry II William ofMalmesbory makes Agatha the niece of Henry and daughter of Stephen. ] theking of Hungarie to be nourished and preserued aliue. The one whereofnamely Edmund in processe of time there deceased. But Edward receiued towife Agatha daughter vnto the Germane Emperour Henry of whom he begotMargaret the Queene of the Seots, and Christina a Nunne, and Clito Edgar. [Footnote: Edgar Atheling]

 * * * * *

Chronicle of the Kings of Man, taken out of M. Camdens Chorographie. 

In the yeere of our Lord 1066, Edward King of England, of famous memorydeceased, whom Harald sonne of Godwin succeeded in his kingdome, againstwhich Harald the king of Norwaie called Harald Harfager fought a battel atStamford bridge, where the English winning the fielde put all theNorwegians to flight: [Footnote: "Memes cel an Harald le rey de Norweye, frere Seint Olaf, ariva al flum de Tine a Nof Chastel ou plus de Ve granzneofs, a ki le connte Tostin, le frere le rey Harald de Engletere, vint ousa nauie, si com il aveient fet covenant en semble, e vindrunt sus aRichale (_Richmond_) e destrurent tut le pais de Euerwyk (_York_) E Kantceo out oy Harald, le rei de Engletere, tant tost se mist conntre eus ouson ost en vn liu ki hom apele Stamfordbrigge e la twa il le rey de Norweyee Tostin son frere de meine, e grant partie del ost. Mes IX. De seschivalers pus le lesserent, pur ceo ke il ne les voleit ren doner de lapreye ki il prist des Norreis. " (_Le Liuere de reis de Engleterre_ MS inTrinity College, Cambridge. )] out of which flight one Godredus surnamedCrouan (the sonne of Harald the blacke, who had before time fled out ofIsland) repaired vnto Godred sonne of Syrric who then reigned in Man andwas right friendly and honourably enterteined by him. 

[Sidenote: Fingal. ] In the very same yeere William the Conquerour subduedEngland and Godred the sonne of Syrric, king of Man, deceased, after whomsucceeded his sonne Fingal. 

In the yeere 1066. Godredus Crouan gathered a fleete of ships, and sailedvnto Man, and giuing battell vnto the people of the countrey, wasvanquished and put to flight. The second time also hauing gathered hisarmie and ships together, hee came vnto Man, fought with the inhabitants, lost the victorie, and was chaced away. Yea, the third time [Footnote: in1077] he assembled a great multitude, and comming by night vnto the portwhich is called Ramsa, [Footnote: Ramsay] hid 300. Of his men in a woodstanding vpon the side of the hill called Scacafel. The Sunne was no soonervp, but the Mannians arranged themselues and with great furie set vponGodred. And in the midst of the skirmish, the foresaid 300. Men rising outof their ambush, and comming vpon the backes of the Mannians, molested themso sore, that they were enforced to flie. But when they saw that they wereouercome and had no place of refuge to retire vnto (for the tide of the seahad filled the chanel of the riuer of Ramsa [Footnote: The riuer Colby])and seeing the enemie so fiercely pursuing them on the other side, theywhich remained, with lamentable outcries beseeched Godred to spare theirliues. Then hee being mooued with compassion, and pitying their extremecalamitie, because hee had bene of late sustained and nourished among them, sounded a retreat and forbad his souldiers to make any longer pursuit. Theday following Godred put his souldiers to their choice, whether they woulddiuide Man among themselues and inhabite it, or whether they would take thewealth of the countrey, and so returne vnto their owne home. Howbeit, itpleased them better to waste the whole Island and to enrich themselues withthe commodities thereof, and so to returne from whence they came. NoweGodred himselfe with a fewe Islanders which had remained with him, tookepossession of the South part of the Island, and vnto the remnant of theMannians he granted the North part thereof, vpon condition, that none ofthem should at any time afterward dare once to chalenge any parcell of thesaid ground by title of inheritance. Whereupon it commeth to passe, thatvnto this day the whole Island is the kings owne Fee-simple, and that allthe reuenues thereof pertaine vnto him. [Sidenote: Boats hauing not pastthree yron nailes in them] Also Godredus subdued Dublin vnto himselfe & agreat part of Lainestir. And he so tamed the Scots, that none of them durstbuild a ship or a boate, with aboue three yron nailes in it. Hee reigned16. Yeeres and died in the Island called Yle. [Footnote: Yell, a northernisland of the Shetland group, seventeen miles by seven. ] He left behindehim three sonnes, Lagman, Harald, and Olauus. Lagman being the eldestchalenged the kingdome and reigned seuen yeeres. Howbeit Harald his brotherrebelled against him a long time, but being at length taken by Lagman, heewas gelt and had his eyes put out. Afterward Lagman repenting him that hehad put out the eyes of his brother, did of his owne accord relinquish hiskingdome, and taking vpon him the badge of the crosse, he went onpilgrimage to Ierusalem, in which iourney also he died. 

In the yeere 1075. All the principall men of the Islands hauingintelligence of the death of Lagman, sent messengers vnto MurccardusO-Brien King of Irland, requesting him that hee would send somewel-disposed person of his owne kinred and blood royall, vntill Olauussonne of Godred were come to full age. The king most willingly condescendedvnto their request, and sent vnto them one Dopnald the sonne of Tade, charging and commaunding him that with all meekenesse and modestie, heeshould gouerne that kingdome, which of right belonged not vnto him. Howbeithe, after he had once attained vnto the kingdome, neglecting thecommaundement of his lord, vsurped the gouernment with great tyrannie, committing many heinous crimes, and so he reigned very disorderly for thespace of three yeeres. Then all the princes of the Islands making agenerall conspiracie, banded themselues against him, and expelled him outof their dominions. And he flying into Irland returned no more vnto them. 

In the yeere 1077. One Ingemundus was sent from the king of Norway, to takepossession of the kingdome of the Islands. And being come vnto the Islandof Leodus, [Footnote: Lewis. ] he sent messengers vnto all the princes ofthe Islands to come vnto him, commaunding them to assemble themselues, andto appoint him to be their King. In the meane season he and his companionsspent their time in robbing and rioting, rauished women and virgines, andaddicted themselues to filthy pleasures and to the lustes of the flesh. Andwhen these things, were reported vnto the princes of the Islands, who hadassembled themselues to chuse him king, being mightely incensed thereat, they made haste towards him, and comming vpon him in the night they burntthe house wherein hee was and slue both him and the rest of his company, partly with sword and partly with fire. 

In the yeere 1008. The abbey of S. Manes at Cistertrum was founded. In thesame yeere also Antiochri was taken by the Chnstians and a Comet appeared. 

Moreouer the same yeere there was a battel fought betweene the inhabitantsof Man at Santwat [Footnote: In the parish of Jurby. ] and they of the Northobtained the victory. In which battell were slaine Earle Othor andMac-Maras chieftaines of both parts. 

The same yeere Magnus king of Norway, sonne of Olauus, sonne of HaraldHarfagre, being desirous to view the corpse of S. Olauus king and Martyr, gaue commaundment that his monument should be opened. But the Bishop andthe Clergie withstanding this his attempt, the king went very boldly and byhis kingly authoritie caused the cophin to be opened. And when hee hadscene with his eyes and handled with his hands the incorrupt body of theforesaid King and Martyr, a sudden feare came vpon him and he departed withgreat haste. The night following Olauus king and Martyr appeared vnto himin a vision saying: Chuse (I say) vnto your selfe one of these two, eitherwithin 30. Dayes to lose your life with your kingdome, or else to departfrom Norway and neuer to see it againe. The King so soone as he was awakedout of sleepe, called his princes and Senatours, and expounded theforesaide vision vnto them. And they also being astonished thereat gaue himthis counsell, that with all speed he should depart out of Norway. Then hewithout any further delay caused a Nauie of 160. Ships to be prouided, andso sailed vnto the Islands of Orkney, which hee presently subdued, andpassing along through all the Islands and conquering them at length he camevnto the Isle of Man, where he was no sooner arriued, but hee went vnto theIsle of S. Patric to see the place of battell, where the inhabitants of Manhad of late fought, because many of the dead bodies were as yet vnburied. And seeing that it was a most beautifull Island, it pleased him exceedingwell, and therefore hee made choice to inhabite therein his owne selfe, andbuilt forts there which are at this day called by his owne name. He had thepeople of Galway in such awe that he constrained them to cut downe theirowne timber, and to bring it vnto his shore for the building of his fortes. Hee sailed on further vnto the Isle of Anglesey neere vnto Wales, andfinding two harles therein (either of them being called by the name ofHugo) be slue the one, and the other hee put to flight, and so subdued theIsland. But the Welshmen presented many gifts vnto him, and so bidding themfarewell he returned vnto Man. Vnto Murecard king of Irland he sent hisshooes, commaunding him that he should cary them on his shoulders, vpon thebirth-day of our Lord through the midst of his Palace, in the sight of hisEmbassadours, that thereby it might appeare vnto them that he was subiectvnto king Magnus. Which when the Irishmen heard, they toke it grieuouslyand disdeined much thereat. But the King being better aduised, I had rather(said he) not onely beare his shooes, but eate his shooes, then that kingMagnus should destroy any one prouince in Irland. Wherefore he fulfilledhis commaundement, and honourably enterteined his Embassadours. Many giftesalso he sent vnto king Magnus by them, and concluded a league. But themessengers returning vnto their lord, tolde him of the situation of Irland, of the beautie thereof, of the fruitfulnesse of the soile, and of theholesomnesse of the aire. Magnus hearing these things was fully resolued toconquer all Irland vnto himselfe. And for the same purpose he commaundedthat a Fleet should be made ready. But he taking his voyage with sixteeneships, & being desirous to view the land, when he had vndiscreetly departedfrom his Nauie, he was suddenly inuironed by the Irish, and was himselfeslaine, together with all that were with him almost. Hee was interred neerevnto the Church of S. Patric in Armagh. Hee reigned sixe yeeres. After hisdeath the Princes of the Islands sent for Olauus the sonne of GodredusCrouan, who liued in the Court of Henry King of England son vnto Williamthe Conquerour. 

In the yeere 1102. Olauus sonne of Godredus Crouan beganne his reigne andreigned fourtie yeeres. He was a peaceable man being in league with all theKings of Scotland and Irland in his time. He took to wife Affrica thedaughter of Fergusius of Galway, of whom he begat Godredus. Of hisconcubines he begat Regnaldus, Lagmannus, and Haraldus, and many daughters, whereof one married vnto Sumerledus king of Herergaidel, [Footnote:Argyll. ] which afterward occasioned the ouerthrow of the whole kingdome ofthe Islands. He begat foure sonnes by her, namely Dulgallus, Raignaldus, Engus and Olauus. 

In the yeere 1134. Olaaus gaue vnto Yuo the Abbat of Furnes a portion ofhis owne ground in Man to build an Abbey in the place which is calledRussin. [Footnote: Rushen] Also hee inriched with reuenues and indued withpriuiledges al places of religion within his islands. 

In the yere 1142. Godredus the son of Olauus sailed vnto the K. Of Norwaycalled Hinge, and doing his homage vnto him he remained with him, & was byhim honorably enterteined. The same vere the 3. Sonnes of Harald brothervnto Olauus, who were brought vp at the citie of Dublin, gathering togethera great multitude of people, and all the fugitiues and vagabonds of thekingdome resorted vnto Man, and demaunded of the said king the one halfe ofal the kingdome of the Islands. Which thing when the king heard, beingdesirous to pacifie them, he answered that he would consult about thatmatter. And a day and place being appointed, where the consultation shouldbee kept, in the meane time those miscreants conspired together, about themurthering of the King. And when the day appointed was come, both companiesassembled themselues vnto the hauen towne called Ramsa, and they sate inorder, the king with his nobilitie on the one side, and they with theirconfederates on the other side. Howbeit Regnaldus who had an intention toslay the king, stoode a-side in the midst of the house talking with one ofthe Princes of the lande. And being called to come vnto the king he turnedhimselfe about as if hee would haue saluted him, and lifting vp hisglittering axe, he chopt the kings head quite off at a blow. [Sidenote:1143. ] Nowe hauing committed this outragious villanie, within a short spacethey diuided the Island betweene themselues, and gathering an armietogether sailed vnto Galway, intending to subdue that also, howbeit thepeople of Galway assembled themselues, and with great furie encountred withthem. Then they immediately turning their backs with great confusion fledvnto Man. And as touching all the Galwedians which inhabited in the saidIsland, some of them they slue, and the residue they banished. 

In the yeere 1143. Godredus sonne of Olauus returning out of Norway wascreated king of Man, who in reuenge of his fathers death, put out the eyesof two of Haralds sonnes and slue the thirde. 

In the yeere 1144. Godredus began his reigne, and hee reigned thirtieyeeres. In the thirde yeere of his reigne the citizens of Dublin sent forhim and created him king of Dublin, against whom Murecardus king of Irlandmade warre, and encamping himselfe at the citie called Coridelis, he senthis brother Osibel with 3000. Horsemen vnto Dublin, who was slaine byGodred and the Dubliners, the rest of his company being put to flight. These things being thus finished, Godredus returned vnto Man, and began toexercise tyrannie, disinheriting certaine of his nobles, of whome onecalled Thorfinus the sonne of Oter, being mightier then the rest, went vntoSumerledus, and named Dubgal the sonne of Sumerledus, king of the Islands, and subdued many of the said Islands on his behalfe. Whereof when Godredhad intelligence by one Paulus, prouiding a Nauie, hee went to meeteSumerledus comming against him with 80. Ships: [Sidenote: 1156. ] and in theyeere 1156. Vpon the night of the feast of Epiphanie, there was aSea-battell fought, and many being slaine on both parts, the day folowingthey were pacified, and diuided the kingdome of the Islands amongthemselues, and it continued two kingdomes from that day vnto this presenttime. And this was the cause of the ruine of the monarchie of the Islands, from which time the sonnes of Sumerled inioyed the one halfe thereof. 

In the yeere 1158. Sumerled came vnto Man with 53. Ships, putting Godred toflight and wasting the Island: and Godred sailed vnto Norway to seeke foraide against Sumerled. In the yere 1164. Sumerled gathered a fleete of 160. Ships together; and arriued at Rhinfrin, [Footnote: Renfrew] intending tosubdue all Scotland vnto himselfe: howbeit, by Gods iust iudgement beingouercome by a few, together with his sonne, and an innumerable multitude ofpeople, he was slaine. The very same yere there was a battel fought atRamsa, betweene Reginald the brother of Godred, and the inhabitants of Man, but by the stratageme of a certaine Earle the Mannians were put to flight. Then began Reginald to vsurpe the kingly authoritie. Howbeit his brotherGodred, within foure dayes after comming out of Norway with a great powerof armed men, apprehended his brother Reginald, gelt him, and put out hiseyes. The same yeere deceased Malcolme the king of Scots and his brotherWilliam succeeded in the kmgdome. 

In the yeere 1166. Two Comets appeared in the moneth of August before therising of the Sunne, one to the South and another to the North. 

In the yeere 1171. Richard earle of Penbroke sailed into Irland, andsubdued Dublin with a great part of Irland. 

In the yere 1176. Iohn Curcy conquered Vlster vnto himselfe. And at thesame time also Viuianus legate from the sea of Rome came into Man, & causedking Godred to bee lawfully wedded vnto his wife Phingola, daughter ofMaclotlen son of Murkartac king of Irland, mother of Olauus, who was then3. Yeeres old. Siluanus the abbat married them, vnto whom the very sameday, king Godred gaue a portion of ground in Mirescoge, where he built aMonastery: howbeit, in processe of time, the said land with the monkes, wasgranted vnto the abbey of Russin. 

In the yere 1172. Reginaldus the son of Eacmarcat (a man descended of theblood royal) comming into Man with a great multitude of people, in theabsence of the king, at the first conflict hee put to flight certainewatchmen which kept the shoare, & slue about 30. Persons. Whereupon thevery same day the Mannians arranging themselues put him, & almost almost alhis folowers to the sword. 

In the yere 1183. O-Fogolt was vicount of Man. 

In the yere 1185. The Sunne was ecclipsed vpon the feast of S. Philip andIacob. 

In the yere 1187. Deceased Godred king of the Islands, vpon the 4. Of theIdes of Nouember, and the next sommer his body was translated vnto theisland of Hy. He left 3. Sonnes behinde him Reginaldus Olauus, and Yuarus. In his life time he ordeined his sonne Olauus to be his heire apparantbecause he onely was borne legitimate. But the Mannians, when Olauus wasscarce ten yeeres olde, sent vnto the islands for Reginald and created himking. 

In the yeere 1187. Began Reginald the sonne of Godred to reigne ouer theislands: and Murchardus a man of great power throughout all the kingdome ofthe islands was put to death. 

In the yere 1192. There was a battel fought betweene Reginald and Engus thetwo sonnes of Sumerled: but Engus obtained the victory. The same yere wasthe abbey of Russin remooued vnto Dufglas, [Footnote: Douglas] howbeitwithin foure yeeres after the monkes returned vnto Russin. 

In the yere 1203. Michæl bishop of the islands deceased at Fontanas, andNicholas succeeded in his roome. 

In the yere 1204. Hugo de Lacy inuaded Vlster with an armie and encounteredwith Iohn de Curcy, tooke him prisoner & subdued Vlster vnto himselfe. Afterward he permitted the said Iohn to goe at libertie, who comming vntoking Reginald was honourably enterteined by him, because he was his sonnein lawe, for Iohn de Curcy had taken to wife Affrica the daughter ofGodredus, which founded the abbey of _S. Mary de iugo domini_, and wasthere buried. 

In the yeere 1205. Iohn de Curcy & Reginald king of the islands inuadingVlster with a hundreth ships at the port which is called Stranfeord didnegligently besiege the castle of Rath: but Walter de Lacy comming vponthem with his armie, put them to flight, & from that time Curcy neuerrecouered his land. In the yeere 1210. Engus the son of Sumerled & his 3. Sonnes were slaine. 

[Sidenote: King Iohn passed into Irland with 500. Sailes] At the same timeIohn king of England conducted a fleet of 500. Ships into Irland, andsubdued it vnto himselfe and sending a certaine earle named Fulco, vnto theisle of Man, his souldiours almost vtterly wasted it the space of 15. Dayes, and hauing taken pledges they returned home into their ownecountrey. King Reginald and his nobles were at this time absent from Man. 

In the yere 1217. Deceased Nicolas bishop of the islands, and was buried inVlster, in the house of Benchor, whom Reginald succeeded. 

I thinke it not amisse to report somewhat more concerning the two foresaidbrethren Reginaldus and Olauus. 

Reginald gaue vnto his brother Olauus, the island called Lodhus or Lewes, which is saide to be larger then the rest of the islands, but almostdestitute of inhabitants, because it is so ful of mountaines & quarreis, being almost no where fit for tillage. Howbeit the inhabitants thereof doliue for the most part vpon hunting and fishing. Olauus therefore went totake possession of this Island, and dwelt therein leading a poore life; andwhen he saw that it would by no meanes suffice for the sustentation ofhimselfe & his folowers hee went boldly vnto his brother Reginald, who asthen remained in the islands, & spake on this wise vnto him. My brother(said he) and my lord and king you know that the kingdom of the islandspertained vnto me by right of inheritance, howbett because the Lord hadchosen you to beare the scepter, I doe not enuie that honour vnto you, neither doeth it any whit grieue me that you are exalted vnto this royalldignitie. Nowe therefore I beseech you to prouide mee some portion of landin the islands, whereby I may honestly liue. For the island of Lewis whichyou gaue me is not sufficient for my maintenance. Which his brotherReginald hearing said that he would consult about the premisses. And on themorow when Olauus was sent for to parle, Reginald comanded him to beattached, and to be caried vnto William king of Scotland and with him toremame prisoner: and Olauus remained in prison almost for the space of 7. Yeres. But at the 7. Yeres end William king of Scots deceased, andAlexander his sonne reigned in his stead. The foresaid William, before hisdeath, commanded that all prisoners should be set at libertie. Olauustherefore being at libertie came vnto Man, and immediatly with a greatcompany of nobles tooke his iourney vnto S. Iames: and his brother Reginaldcaused the said Olauus to take vnto wife, the daughter of a certaine nobleman of Kentyre, cousine german vnto his owne wife, & by name being calledLauon, and he granted vnto him the possession of Lewis. After a few dayesReginald the bishop of the Islands hauing gathered a Synod, separatedOlauus and Godred his sonne, and Lauon his wife, namely because shee wascousin german vnto his former wife. Afterward Olauus maried Scristinadaughter vnto Ferkarus earle of Rosse. 

Hereupon the wife of Reginald Queene of the Islands being incensed, sentletters vnto the Island of Sky in K. Reginald his name to her sonne Godredwilling him to take Olauus. Which comandement Godred putting in practise, &entring the isle of Lewis for the same purpose, Olauus fled in a littleskiffe vnto his father in law the earle of Rosse, & in the meane timeGodred wasted the isle of Lewis. At the very same time Pol the son of Bokevicount of Sky, being a man of power in al the islands, because he wouldnot consent vnto Godred, fled, & dwelt together with Olauus in thedominions of the earle of Rosse, & making a league with Olauus, they wentboth in a ship vnto Sky. To be short, sending certaine spies, they wereinformed that Godred remained secure with a smal company in a certaine Islecalled the isle of S. Colomba. [Footnote: Iona. ] And vniting vntothemselues their friends and acquaintance, & others that would goevoluntarily with them, in the dead of the night, hauing lanched 5. Shipsfrom the next sea-shore, which was distant about the space of 2. Furlongsfrom the foresaid Island, they enuironed the said Island on all sides. NowGodred and his company rising early in the morning, and seeing themseluesbeset with their enemies on all sides, they were vtterly astonied. Howbeitarming themselues they began stoutly to make resistance, but altogether invaine. For about 9. Of the clocke in the morning, Olauus and the foresaidvicount Pol, with al their souldiers, entred the Island, and hauing slaineall whom they found without the precincts of the Church, they apprehendedGodred, gelding him, and putting out his eyes. Vnto which action Olauusgaue not his consent, neither could he withstand it, by reason of theforenamed vicount the son of Boke. This was done in the yere of Christ1223. The next sommer folowing Olauus hauing receiued pledges from all thechiefe men of the Islands, with a fleet of 32 ships sailed vnto Man, andarriued at Rognolfwaht. [Footnote: Peel. ] [Sidenote: The Isle of Manaduanced to a kingdome] At the same time Reginald and Olauus diuided thekingdome of the Islands betweene themselues, Man being granted vntoReginald, & besides his portion the name of a king also. Olauus hauingrecieued certaine victuals of the people of Man, returned, together withhis company, vnto his owne portion of Islands. The yeere folowing Reginaldtaking vnto him Alanus lord of Galway, together with his subiects of Man, sailed vnto the Islands, that hee might take away that portion of groundfrom his brother Olauus, which he had granted vnto him, and subdue it vntohimselfe. Howbeit, by reason that the people of Man had no list to fightagainst Olauus or the Islanders, because they bare good will towards them, Reginald and Alanus lord of Galway being defeated of their purpose, returned home vnto their owne. Within a short space after Reginald, vnderpretense of going vnto the Court of his lord the king of England, receiuedan 100. Markes of the people of Man, and tooke his iourney vnto Alanus lordof Galway. Which the people of Man hearing tooke great indignation thereat, insomuch that they sent for Olauus, and appointed him to be their king. 

In the yeere 1226. Olauus recouered his inheritance, that is to say thekingdome of Man and of the Islands, which Reginald his brother had gouernedfor the space of 38. Yeeres, and he reigned two yeeres in safetie. 

In the yeere 1228. Olauus with all his nobles of Man, and the stronger partof his people, sailed vnto the Islands. A short space after Alanus lord ofGalway, Thomas earle of Athol, & king Reginald came vnto Man with a mightiearmy, and wasted all the South part of Man, spoiled the Churches, and slueall the men whom they coulde take, insomuch, that the Southpart of thesaide Island was brought almost into desolation. And then Alanus returnedwith his army into his owne land, leauing behind him bailiffes andsubstitutes in Man, which should gather vp and render vnto him the tributeof the countrey. Howbeit king Olauus came suddenly vpon them, chaced themaway and recouered his kingdome. And the Mannians which of late weredispersed and scattered abroad, began to vnite themselues, and to inhabitewithout feare. The same yeere, in the time of Winter, vpon the sudden, andin the very dead of the night came king Reginald out of Galway with fiueships, & burnt all the ships of his brother Olauus and of the nobles ofMan, at the isle of S. Patric, & concluding a peace with his brother, remained at the port of Ragnolwath 40. Dayes; in the meane while heeallured vnto himselfe all the Islanders vpon the South part of Man, whosware, that they would aduenture their liues, vntill hee had gotten the onehalfe of his kingdome: contrary wise Olauus ioyned vnto himselfe them ofthe North part, & vpon the 14. Of February in the place called Tingualla, [Footnote: Tynwald Mount. ] a field was fought betweene the two brothers, wherein Olauus got the victory, and Reginald the king was by certainesouldiers slaine without the knowledge of his brother. Also certainepirates comming to the South part of Man, wasted & spoiled it. The monkesof Russin conueyed the body of K. Reginald, vnto the abbey of S. Mary ofFournes, & there he was interred in the place, which his owne selfe hadchosen for the purpose. After these things Olauus traueiled vnto the kingof Norway, but before he was arriued there, Haco king of Norway appointed acertaine noble man named Husbac the son of Owmund to be king of the Islandsof the Hebrides & called his name Haco. Then came the said Haco with Olauus& Godred Don the son of Reginald and a multitude of Noruegians, vnto theIslands, and while they were giuing an assault vnto a castle in the Islandof Both. [Footnote: Bute. ] Haco being hit with a stone died, and was buriedin Iona. 

In the yere 1230. Came Olauus with Godredus Don and certeine Noruegiansvnto Man, and they parted the kingdome among themselues, Olauus stilreteining Man. Godred as he was going vnto the Islands, was slaine in theIsle of Lewis, & Olauus inioyed the kingdome of the islands also. 

In the yere 1237. Vpon the 12. Of the kalends of Iune, Olauus sonne ofGodred king of Man deceased in the isle of S. Patric, and was interred inthe abbey of Russin. He reigned 11. Yeres, two while his brother was aliue, and nine after his death. 

Haraldus his sonne being of the age of 14. Yeres, succeeded, and he reigned12. Yeeres. The first yere of his reigne taking his iourney vnto theislands, he appointed one Loglen his kinsman to be his deputie in Man. TheAutumne folowing Haraldus sent the three sonnes of Nel, namely Dufgaldus, Torquellus, & Molmore, and his friend Ioseph vnto Man, that they mightenter into cosultation together. Wherefore the 25. Day they assembledthemselues at Tingualla: and malice growing betweene the sonnes of Nel, andLoglen they fel to blowes and skirmished sore on both parts, Molmore, Dufgald, and the foresaid Ioseph being all slaine in the fray. The Springfolowing, king Harald came into the Isle of Man, and Loglen fleeing intoWales, was himselfe, together with Godred the sonne of Olauus his pupil, and 40. Others, drowned by shipwracke. 

In the yere 1238. Gospatricius and Gillescrist sonne of Mac-Kerthac camefrom the king of Norway vnto Man, expelling Harald out of the said island, and taking tribute on the behalfe of the Noruegian king, because the saidHarald refused to come vnto his Court. 

In the yere 1240. Gospatricius deceased and was buried in the abbey ofRussin. 

In the yere 1239. Haraldus went vnto the king of Norway who within twoyeres confirmed vnto him, his heires and successors, vnder seale, all theislands which his predecessors enioyed. 

In the yeere 1242. Haraldus returned out of Norway vnto Man and beinghonorably receiued by the inhabitants he liued in peace with the kings ofEngland and Scotland. 

In the yere 1247. Haraldus (like as his father also before him) wasknighted by the king of England, and so being rewarded with many gifts hereturned home. The same yere he was sent for by the king of Norway, and hemaried his daughter. And in the yere 1249. As he was returning home withhis wife, with Laurence the elect of Man, and with many other nobles, neerevnto the confines of Radland, he was drowned in a tempest. 

In the yere 1249. Reginald the sonne of Olauus and brother vnto Haraldbegan to reigne the day next before the nones of May: and vpon the 30. Dayof the same moneth he was slaine by Yuarus a souldier, and other of hiscomplices in the South part of a certaine medow neere vnto the Church ofthe holy Trinitie, and he was buried at the Church of S. Marie at Russin. 

The same yere Alexander king of Scots prouided a great nauie of ships thathe might conquere the islands vnto himselfe, howbeit falling into an agueat the isle of Kenwary [Footnote: Query, Kerrera. ] he deceased. 

Then Haraldus the sonne of Godred Don vsurped the name of a king ouer theislands, hee banished also all the princes of Harald the sonne of Olauusand ordeined his fugitiues to bee princes and nobles in their stead. 

In the yere 1250. Haraldus the son of Godred Don being summoned by letterswent vnto the king of Norway who deteined him in prison because he hadvniustly possessed the kingdome. The same yeere Magnus the sonne of Olauus, and Iohn the sonne of Dugalt arriued at Roghalwhat, which Iohn namedhimselfe king, but the Mannians taking it grieuously, that Magnus was notnominated, draue them from their shoare, and many of the company perishedby shipwracke. 

In the yeere 1252. Came Magnus the sonne of Olauus vnto Man, and wasordained king. The yere folowing he tooke his iourney vnto the king ofNorway & there he remained one whole yere. 

In the yeere 1254. Haco king of Norway ordeined Magnus the sonne of Olauusking of the islands, confirming them to him and to his heires, and by namevnto Harald his brother. 

In the yere 1256. Magnus tooke his iourney into England, and was by theking of England created knight. 

In the yere 1257. The Church of S. Maries of Russin was dedicated byRichard bishop of Soder. 

In the yeere 1260. Haco king of Norway came into the parts of Scotland, andwithout atchieuing ought, turning his course towards the Orcades he theredeceased at Kirwas, [Footnote: Kirkwall. The date is an error Hacosexpedition took place in 1263. He sailed from Herdle-Voer on the 5th ofJuly, and died Saturday, 15th December (_Det Norske Folks Historie_, by P. A. Munch. )] and was buried at Bergen. 

In the yeere 1265. Magnus the sonne of Olauus king of Man and of theIslands died at the castle of Russin, and was buried at the Church of St. Mary at Russin. 

In the yere 1266. The kingdome of the Islands was translated vnto Alexanderking of Scots. 

 * * * * *

That which followeth was written in a new character or letter, and of adiuers kinde from the former. 

In the yeere 1270. Vpon the seuenth day of October the Fleete of Alexanderking of Scots arriued at Roghalwath, and the next day before the sunnerising there was a battell fought betweene the Mannians and the Scots, inthe which conflict there were slaine 535. Mannians: whereupon a certaineversifier writeth to this effect:

 Fiue hundreth fourtie men are slaine: against ill haps, Yee Mannians arme your selues, for feare of afterclaps. 

In the yeere 1313. Robert king of Scots beseiged the castle of Russin, which Dingaway Dowil held against him howbeit at the last the king tookethe castle. 

In the yeere 1316. Vpon the feast of Ascension, Richard le Mandeuile andhis brethren, with diuers great personages of Irland arriued at Ramaldwath, demaunding to haue victuals and money ministred vnto them, because they hadbene spoyled by their enemies, which made continuall warre vpon them. Butwhen the whole company of the Mannians answered that they would giuenothing, they proceeded against them in warlike maner with two bands, tillthey were come vnder the side of the hill called Warthfel, in the fieldewhere Iohn Mandeuile remained, and there hauing fought a battell, the Irishouercame the people of Man, and spoiled the Island and the Abbey of Russminalso: and when they had reueled a whole moneth in the Island, lading theirships they retained home. 

 * * * * *

The mariage of the daughter of Harald, slaine by William the conquerour, vnto Ieruslaus duke of Russia, taken out of the 9. Booke of the Danish historie written by Saxo Grammaticus. An. D. 1067. 

[Sidenote: 1067. ] Haraldo cæso, filij eius duo confestim in Daniam cumsorore migrarunt. Quos Sweno, paterni illorum menti oblitus consanguineæpietatis more accepit, puellamque Ruthenorum regi Waldemaro, (qui & ipseIarislaus a suis est appellatus) nuptum dedit. Eidem postmodùm nostritemporis dux, vt sanguinis, ita & nominis hæres, ex filia nepos obuenit. Itaque hinc Britannicus, indè Eous sanguis in salutarem nostri principisortum confluens communem stirpem duaram gentium ornamentum effecit. 

The same in English. 

Harald being slaine his two sonnes with their sister sped themseluesimmediatly into Denmarke. Whom Sweno forgetting their fathers desertsreceiued in most kinde and friendly maner, and bestowed the yong damosellin mariage vpon Waldemarus king of Russia who was also called by hissubiects Iarislaus. Afterward the said Waldemarus had by his daughter anephew being duke at this present, who succeeded his predecessour both inlineal descent and in name also. Wherefore the English blood on the oneside and the Russian on the other side concurring to the ioyful birth ofour prince, caused that mutual kinred to be an ornament vnto both nations. 

 * * * * *

The state of the shipping of the Cinque ports from Edward the Confessour and William the Conquerour, and so downe to Edward the first, faithfully gathered by the learned Gentleman M. William Lambert in his Perambulation of Kent, out of the most ancient Records of England. 

[Sidenote: The antiquity of the Ports. 1070. ] I finde in the booke of thegenerall suruey of the Realme, which William the Conquerour caused to beemade in the fourth yeere of his reigne, and to be called Domesday, because(as Matthew Parise saith) it spared no man but iudged all menindifferently, as the Lord in that great day wil do, that Douer, Sandwich, and Rumney, were in the time of K. Edward the Confessour discharged almostof all maner of imposicions and burdens (which other townes did beare) inconsideration of such seruice to bee done by them vpon the sea, as in theirspecial titles shall hereafter appeare. 

Whereupon, although I might ground reasonable coniecture, that theimmunitie of the hauen Townes (which we nowe call by a certaine number, theCinque Ports) might take their beginning from the same Edward: yet for asmuch as I read in the Chartre of K. Edward the first after the conquest(which is reported in our booke of Entries) A recitall of the graunts ofsundry kings to the Fiue Ports, the same reaching no higher then to Williamthe Conquerour, I will leaue my coniecture, and leane to his Chartre:contenting my selfe to yeelde to the Conquerour, the thankes of other mensbenefits, seeing those which were benefited, were wisely contented (as thecase then stood) to like better of his confirmation (or second gift) thenof K. Edwards first graunt, and endowment. 

And to the ende that I may proceed in some maner of array, I will firstshewe, which Townes were at the beginning taken for the Fiue Ports, andwhat others be now reputed in the same number: secondly, what seruice theyought, and did in times passed: and lastly, what priuiledges they hauetherefore, and by what persons they haue bene gouerned. 

If I should iudge by the common, and rude verse, Douer, Sandwicus, Ry, Rum, Frigmare ventus, [Sidenote: Which be the Fiue Ports. ]

I must say that Douer, Sandwich, Rie, Rumney, and Winchelsey, (for that is, Frigmare ventus) be the Fiue Ports: Againe, if I should be ruled by theRolle which reciteth the Ports that send Barons to the Parliament, I mustthen adde to these, Hastings and Hyde, for they also haue their Barons aswell as the other and so should I not onely, not shew which were the firstFiue, but also (by addition of two others) increase both the number, anddoubtfulnesse. Leauing the verse therefore, for ignorance of the authourand suspition of his authoritie, and forsaking the Rolle (as not assured ofthe antiquitie) I will flee to Henry Bracton, [Sidenote: 1250. ] a man bothancient, learned, and credible, which liued vnder K. Henry the thirde andwrote (aboue three hundreth yeeres since) learnedly of the lawes of thisRealme. 

[Sidenote: Citizens were called Barons in old time. ] He (I say) in thethird booke of his worke, [Footnote: _De Legibus et ConsuetudinibusAngliæ_. ] and treatise of the Crowne taking in hand to shewe thearticles inquirable before the Iustice in Eire, (or Itinerent as we calledthem because they vsed to ride from place to place throughout the Realme, for administration of iustice) setteth forth a special fourme of writs, tobe directed seuerally to the Bailifes of Hastings, Hithe, Rumney, Douer, and Sandwich, commanding them that they should cause twentie & foure oftheir Barons (for so their Burgesses, or townesmen, and the citizens ofLondon likewise, were wont to be termed) to appeare before the KingsIustices at Shipwey in Kent (as they accustomed to do) there to enquire ofsuch points, as should be giuen in charge. [Sidenote: Contention betwteneYarmouth and the Fiue Ports. 1250. Antiquitie of Yarmouth fishing. ] Whichdone, hee addeth moreouer, that forsomuch as there was oftentimescontention betwene them of the Fiue Ports, & the inhabitants of Yarmouth inNorfolke, and Donwich in Suffolke, there should be seuerall writs directedto them also, returnable before the same Iustices at the same day andplace, reciting, that where the King had by his former writs sommoned thePleas of the Fiue Ports to bee holden at Shipwey, if any of the same towneshad cause to complaine of any (being within the liberties of the saidPorts) he should be at Shipwey to propound against him, and there toreceiue according to law and Iustice. 

Thus much I recite out of Bracton, partly to shew that Shipwey was beforeK. Edward the firsts time, the place of assembly for the Plees of the FiuePorts: partly to notifie the difference, and controuersie that long timesince was betweene these Ports, and those other townes: But purposely, andchiefly, to proue, that Hastings, and Hithe, Douer, Rumney, and Sandwich, were in Bractons time accompted the Fiue principall hauens or Ports, whichwere endowed with priuiledge, and had the same ratified by the greatChartre of England. 

Neither yet will I deny, but that soone after, Winchelsey and Rie might beadded to the number. [Sidenote: 1268. ] For I find in an old recorde, thatking Henry the third tooke into his owne hands (for the better defence ofthe Realme) the townes of Winchelsey, and Rie, which belonged before to theMonasterie of Fescampe in Normandie, and gaue therefore in exchange, theManor of Chiltham in Gloucestershire, & diuers other lands inLincolneshire. This he did, partly to conceale from the Priors Aliens theintelligence of the secret affaires of his Realme, and partly because of agreat disobedience & excesse, that was committed by the inhabitants ofWincelsey, against Prince Edward his eldest sonne. And therefore, althoughI can easily be led to thinke, that he submitted them for their correctionto the order, and gouernance of the Fiue ports, yet I stand doubtfullwhether hee made them partners of their priuiledges or no, for that hadbene a preferment, and no punishment vnto them: [Sidenote: Winchelsey firstbuilded 1277] but I suspect rather, that his sonne king Edward the first, (by whose encouragement and aide, olde Winchelsey was afterward abandoned, and the newe towne builded) was the first that apparelled them with thatpreeminence. 

By this therefore let it appeare, that Hastings, Douer, Hithe, Rumney, andSandwich, were the first Ports of priuiledge: which (because they were 5. In number) both at the first gaue, and yet continue, to all the residue, the name of Cinque Ports, although not onely Winchelsey and Rie, be (sincethat time) incorporated with them as principals, but diuers other placesalso (for the ease of their charge) be crept in, as partes, lims, andmembers of the same. 

Now therefore, somewhat shalbe said, as touching the seruices that thesePorts of duetie owe, and in deed haue done, to the Princes: whereof the one(I meane with what number of vessels, in what maner of furniture, and forhow long season, they ought to wait on the king at the Sea, vpon their ownecharges) shall partly appeare by that which we shall presently say, andpartly by that which shall followe in Sandwich, and Rumney: The other shallbee made manifest by examples, drawne out of good histories: and they bothshall be testified by the words of king Edward the first in his owneChartre. 

The booke of Domesday before remembred, chargeth Douer with twentie vesselsat the sea, whereof eche to be furnished with one and twentie men forfifteene dayes together: and saith further, that Rumney and Sandwichanswered the like seruice. But now whether this (like) ought to bevnderstoode of the like altogether, both in respect of the number andseruice, or of the (like) in respect of seruice according to the proportionof their abilite onely, I may not hereby take vpon me to determine. For onthe one side, if Rumney, Sandwich, and the residue should likewise findetwentie vessels a piece, then (as you shall anone see) the fiue Ports weresubiect to a greater charge at that time then King Edward the first laydvpon them: And on the other side if they were onely chargeable after theirproportion, then know I not how farre to burthen them, seeing the Record ofDomesday it selfe bideth them to no certeintie. And therefore leauing thisas I find it I must elsewhere make inquisition for more lightsome proofe. And first I will haue recourse to king Edward the first his Chartre, inwhich I read, that At ech time that the King passeth ouer the sea, thePorts ought to rigge vp fiftie and seuen ships, (whereof euery one to hauetwentie armed souldiers) and to mainteine them at their owne costes, by thespace of fifteene dayes together. 

And thus it stoode with the Ports for their generall charge, in the sixtyeere of his reigne, for then was this Chartre sealed. But as touching theparticular burthen of ech one, I haue seene two diuers testimonies, ofwhich the first is a note in French (bearing the countenance of a Record)and is intituled, to haue bene renued in the two and twentie yeere of theReigne of the same king, by Stephan Penchester, then Constable of DouerCastle, in which the particular charge is set downe in this maner. 

 The Port of Hastings ought to finde three ships. The lowie of Peuensey one. Buluerhithe and Petit Iahn, one. Bekesborne in Kent, seuen. Grenche at Gillingham in Kent, two men and armour, with the ships of Hastings. The towne of Rie, fiue. To it was Tenterdene annexed, in the time of King Henrie the sixt. The towne of Winchelsey, tenne. The Port of Rumney, foure. Lydde, seuen. The Port of Hythe, fiue. The Port of Douer, nineteene. The towne of Folkestone, seuen. The towne of Feuersham, seuen. The Port of Sandwich, with Stonor, Fordwich, Dale, &c. Fiue. 

These ships they ought to finde vpon fortie dayes summons, armed andarrayed at their owne charge, and in ech of them twentie men, besides theMaster of the Mariners: all which they shall likewise mainteine fiue dayestogether at their owne costs, giuing to the Maister sixe pence by the day, to the Constable sixe pence, and to ech other Mariner three pence. Andafter those fiue dayes ended, the King shall defray the charges. 

The other is a Latine Custumall of the towne of Hyde, the which although itpretend not so great antiquity as the first, yet seemeth it to me to importas much or more likelihood and credit: It standeth thus. 

These be the Fiue Ports of our soueraigne Lord the King hauing liberties, which other Ports haue not: Hasting, Romenal, Heth, Douer, Sandwich, thechiefe Townes. The seruices due by the same. 

Hasting shall finde 21. Ships, in euery ship 21. Men, and a Garcion, orBoy, which is called a Gromet. To it perteine (as the members of one towne)the Seashore in Seford, Peuenshey, Hodeney, Winchelsey, Rie, Ihame, Bekesbourne, Grenge, Northie, Bulwerheth. 

Romenal 5. Ships, in euery ship 21. Men, and a Garcion: To it perteine, asmembers thereof, Promhell, Lede, Eastwestone, Dengemareys, olde Rumney. 

Hethe 5. Ships, as Romenal before. To it perteineth the Westhethe. 

Douer 21, ships, as Hasting before. To it pertaine, Folkstane, Feuersham, and S. Margarets, not concerning the land, but for the goods and cartels. 

Sandwich 5. Ships, as Romenal and hethe. To it perteine Fordwich, Reculuer, Serre, and Dele, not for the soile, but for the goods. 

Summe of ships 57. 

Summe of the men 1187. And 57. Garcions. 

This seruice, the Barons of the Fiue Ports doe acknowledge to owe to theKing, vpon summons yerely (if it happen) by the space of 15. Dayestogether, at their owne costs and changes, accounting that for the firstday of the 15. In which they shall spread their sailes to goe towards thoseparts that the King intendeth: and to serue so long after 15. Dayes, as theKing will, at his owne pay and wages. 

Thus much out of these ancient notes, whereby your selfe may easilydiscerne the difference: but whether the one or the other, or (by reason ofsome latter dispensation) neither of these, haue place at this day, I mustreferre it to them that be priuie, and of counsell with the Ports: and soleauing this also vndecided, holde on the way, wherein I am entred. 

This duetie of attendance therefore (being deuised for the honourabletransportation, and safe conduct of the Kings owne person or his armie ouerthe narrow Seas) the Ports haue not onely most diligently euer since thattime performed, but furthermore also valiantly behaued themselues againstthe enemie from time to time, in sundrie exploits by water, as occasionhath bene proferred, or the necessitie of the Realme required. 

[Sidenote: The good seruice of the fiue ports. 1217] And amongst otherfeats not vnwoorthy perpetuall remembrance, after such time as Lewes (theeldest sonne of the French King) had entred the Realme to aide StephanLangton the Archbishop, and the Nobilitie, in the life of King Iohn, andhad sent into France for new supply of Souldiers after his death, Hubert ofBorough (then captaine of Douer) following the opinion of Themistocles inthe exposition of the oracle of the wooden walles, by the aide of the Porttownes, armed fortie tall ships, and meeting with eightie saile ofFrenchmen vpon the high seas, gaue them a most couragious encounter, inwhich he tooke some, sunke others, and discomfited the rest. 

King Henrie the third also, after that he came to riper age, had greatbenefit by the seruice of the Cinque Ports: [Sidenote: 1278. ] And kingEdward the first in his Chartre, maketh their continuall faithfull seruice(and especially their good endeuour, then lately shewed against theWelshmen) the principall cause, and motiue of that his liberall grant. 

[Sidenote: 1293. ] Furthermore, about the midst of the reigne of the sameking, an hundreth saile of the Nauie of the Ports fought at the Sea with afleet of 200. French men, all which (notwithstanding the great oddes of thenumber) they tooke, and slew, and sunke so many of the Mariners, thatFrance was thereby (for a long season after) in maner destitute, both ofSeamen, and shipping. 

[Sidenote: 1406. ] Finally, and to conclude this part, in the dayes of kingHenrie the the fourth, the name of the Fiue Ports, vnder the conduct of oneHenrie Paye, surprised one hundreth and twentie French ships, all ladenwith Salt, Iron, Oile, and no worse merchandize. 

[Sidenote: Priuiledges of the fiue ports. ] The priuiledges of these Portsbeing first granted by Edward the Confessour, and William the Conquerour, and then confirmed and increased by William Rufus, Henrie the second, Richard the first, Henrie the third, and king Edward the first be verygreat, considering either the honour and ease, or the freedome andexemption, that the inhabitants haue by reason of the same. 

Part of the great Charter granted by king Edward the first to the Barons of the Cinque portes, in the sixt yeere of his reigne 1278. For their good seruices done vnto him by sea, wherein is mention of their former ancient Charters from Edward the Confessor, William the Conqueror, William Rufus, Henry the second, king Richard the first, king Iohn, and Henry the third continued vnto them. 

Edward by the grace of God king of England, lord of Ireland, & duke ofGastcoigne, to all Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Earles, Barons, Iustices, Shirifs, Prouosts, Officers, & to all Bayliffes and true subiectsgreeting. You shall knowe that for the faithfull seruice that our Barons ofthe fiue Ports hitherto to our predecessors kings of England, & vnto vslately in our armie of Wales haue done, and for their good seruice to vsand our heires kings of England, truly to be continued in time to come, wehaue granted & by this our Charter confirmed for vs and our heires, to thesame our Barons and to their heires, all their liberties and freedomes. Sothat they shall be free from all toll, and from all custome; that is to sayfrom all lastage, tallage, passage, cariage, riuage, asponsage, and fromall wrecke, and from all their sale, carying and recarying through all ourrealme and dominion, with socke and souke, toll and theme. And that theyshall haue Infangthefe, and that they shall be wreckefree, lastagefree, andlouecopfree. [Sidenote: The fishing at great Yarmouth. ] And that they shallhaue Denne and Strande at great Yarmouth, according as it is contayned inthe ordinance by vs thereof made perpetually to bee obserued. And also thatthey are free from all shires and hundreds: so that if any person willplead against them, they shall not aunswere nor pleade otherwise then theywere wont to plead in the time of the lord, king Henrie our greatgrandfather. And that they shall haue their findelles in the sea and in theland. And that they be free of all their goods and of all theirmarchandises as our freemen. And that they haue their honours in our court, and their liberties throughout all the land wheresoeuer they shall come. And that they shall be free for euer of all their lands, which in the timeof Lord Henrie the king our father [Sidenote: Henry the third. ] theypossessed: that is to say in the 44. Yere of his reign, from all maner ofsummonces before our Iustices to any maner of pleadings, iourneying in whatshire soeuer their lands are. So that they shall not be bound to comebefore the Iustices aforesaid, except any of the same Barons doe impleadany man, or if any man be impleaded. And that they shall not pleade in anyother place, except where they ought, and where they were wont, that is tosay, at Shepeway. And they that haue their liberties and freedomes fromhencefoorth, as they and their predecessors haue had them at any timebetter, more fully and honourably in the time of the kings of England, Edward [Sidenote: Edward the confessor. ], William the first, William thesecond, Henrie the king our great grandfather, and in the times of kingRichard, and king Iohn our grandfathers, and lord king Henrie our father, by their Charters, as the same Charters which the same our Barons thereofhaue, and which we haue seene, doe reasonably testifie. And we forbid thatno man vniustly trouble them nor their marchandise vpon our forfeyture often pounds. So neuerthelesse, that when the same Barons shall fayle indoing of Iustice or in receiuing of Iustice, our Warden, and the wardens ofour heires of the Cinque Portes, which for the time shall be, their Portsand liberties may enter for to doe their full Iustice. [Sidenote: 57. Shipsof the Cinque Ports bound to serue the king 15. Dayes at their owne costs. ]So also that the sayd Barons and their heires, do vnto vs and to our heirskings of England by the yeare their full seruice of shippes at their costsby the space of fifteene dayes at our somounce, or at the somounce of ourheires. We haue granted also vnto them of our speciall grace that they haueOutfangthefe in their lands within the Ports aforesayd, in the same manerthat Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Earles and Barons, haue in their manoursin the countie of Kent. And they be not put in any Assises, Iuries, orRecognisances by reason of their forreine tenure against their will: andthat they be free of all their owne wines for which they do trauaile of ourright prise, [Footnote: Prisage--one cask in ten, on wine, was the firstcustoms-duty levied in England. ] that is to say, of one tunne before themast, and of another behind the maste. We haue granted furthermore vnto thesaid Barons for vs and our heires, that they for euer haue this liberty, that is to say, That we or our heires shall not haue the wardship ormariages of their heires by reason of their landes, which they holde withinthe liberties and Portes aforesayde, for the which they doe their seruiceaforesayd: and for the which wee and our progenitors had not the wardshipsand marriages in time past. But we our aforesayd confirmation vpon theliberties and freedomes aforesayde, and our grants following to them of ourespeciall grace, of newe haue caused to be made, sauing alwaies in althings our kingly dignitie: And sauing vnto vs and to our heires, plea ofour crowne, life and member. Wherefore we will and surely command for vsand our heires that the aforesaid Barons and their heires for euer haue allthe aforesaid liberties and freedomes, as the aforesaid Charters doreasonably testifie. And that of our especial grace they haue outfangthefein their lands within the Ports aforesaid after the manner thatArchbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Earles and Barons haue in their manours inthe county of Kent. And that they be not put in Assizes, Iuries, orrecognisances by reason of their forreine tenure against their will. Andthat they bee free of their owne wines for which they trauaile of our rightprice or custome, that is to say of one tunne of wine before the maste, andof another tunne behinde the maste. And that likewise for euer they hauethe libertie aforesayde: that is to say: That wee and our heires haue notthe worships or mariages of their heires by reason of their landes whichthey holde within the liberties and Portes aforesayd, for the which theirseruice aforesaid, and for which wee and our predecessors the wardships andmariages haue not had in times past, But our aforesayd confirmation oftheir liberties and freedomes aforesaid and other grants following to themof our especiall grace of new we haue caused to bee made. Sauing alwayesand in all things our regall dignity. And sauing vnto vs and our heires thepleas of our crowne of life and member as is aforesayd. These beingwitnesses, the reuerend father Robert of Portuens Cardinall of the holieChurch of Rome, frier William of Southhampton Prior prouincial of thefriers preachers in England, William of Valencia our vncle, Roger of thedead sea, Roger of Clifford, Master Robert Samuel deane of Sarum, MasterRobert of Scarborough the Archdeacon of East Riding, Master Robert ofSeyton, Bartholomew of Southley, Thomas of Wayland, Walter of Hoptan, Thomas of Normannel, Steuen of Pennester, Frances of Bonaua, Iohn ofLenetotes, Iohn of Metingham and others. Giuen by our hand at Westminsterthe fourteenth day of Iune, in the sixth yeare of our reigne. 

[Sidenote: Thomas Walsingham writeth that he had once 1100. Strongshippes. ] The roll of the huge fleete of Edward the third before Calice, extant in the kings wardrobe in London, whereby the wonderfull strength ofEngland by sea in those days may appeare. 

The South fleete. 

The Kings /Shippes 25. Lyme /Ships 4. \Mariners 419. \Mariners 62. London /Shippes 25. Seton /Ships 2. \Mariners 662. \Mariners 25. Aileford /Shippes 2. Sydmouth /Ships 3. \Mariners 24. \Mariners 62. Hoo /Shippes 2. Exmouth /Ships 10. \Mariners 24. \Mariners 193. Maydstone /Shippes 2. Tegmouth /Ships 7. \Mariners 51. \Mariners 120. Hope /Shippes 2. Dartmouth /Ships 31. \Mariners 59. \Mariners 757. New Hithe /Shippes 5. Portsmouth /Ships 5. \Mariners 49. \Mariners 96. Margat /Shippes 15. Plimouth /Ships 26. \Mariners 160. \Mariners 603. [1]Motue /Shippes 2. Loo /Ships 20. \Mariners 22. \Mariners 315. Feuersham /Shippes 2. Yalme /Ships 2. \Mariners 25. \Mariners 47. Sandwich /Ships 22. [2]Fowey /Ships 47. \Mariners 504. \Mariners 770. Douer /Ships 16. Bristol /Ships 22. \Mariners 336. \Mariners 608. Wight /Ships 13. Tenmouth /Ships 2. \Mariners 220. \Mariners 25. Winchelsey /Ships 21. Hasting /Ships 5. \Mariners 596. \Mariners 96. Waymouth /Ships 15. Romney /Ships 4. \Mariners 263. \Mariners 65. Rye /Ships 9. Swanrey /Ships 1. \Mariners 156. \Mariners 29. Hithe /Ships 6. Ilfercombe /Ships 6. \Mariners 122. \Mariners 79. Shoreham /Ships 20. [4]Patricke- /Ships 2. \Mariners 329. Stowe \Mariners 27. [3]Soford /Ships 5. Polerwan /Ships 1. \Mariners 80. \Mariners 60. Newmouth /Ships 2. Wadworth /Ships 1. \Mariners 18. \Mariners 14. Hamowl /Ships 7. Kardife /Ships 1. Hooke \Mariners 117. \Mariners 51. Hoke /Ships 11. Bridgwater /Ships 1. \Mariners 208. \Mariners 15. Southhapton /Ships 21. Kaermarthen /Ships 1. \Mariners 576. \Mariners 16. Lymington /Ships 9. Caileches- /Ships 1. \Mariners 159. Worth \Mariners 12. Poole /Ships 4. Mulbrooke /Ships 1. \Mariners 94. \Mariners 12. Wareham /Ships 3. Summe of the /Ships 493. \Mariners 59. South fleete \Mariners 9630. 

[Footnote 1: Or, Morne. ][Footnote 2: Or, Foy. ][Footnote 3: Or, Seford. ][Footnote 4: Or, Padstow. ]

The North fleete

Bamburgh /Ships 1. Waynefleet /Ships 2. \Mariners 9. \Mariners 49. Newcastle /Ships 17. Wrangle /Ships 1. \Mariners 314. \Mariners 8. Walrich /Ships 1. [2]Lenne /Ships 16. \Mariners 12. \Mariners 382. Hertilpoole /Ships 5. Blackney /Ships 2. \Mariners 145. \Mariners 38. Hull /Ships 16. Scarborough /Ships 1. \Mariners 466. \Mariners 19. Yorke /Ships 1. [3]Yearnmouth /Ships 43. \Mariners 9. \Mariners 1950. Or 1075. Ranenser /Ships 1. Donwich /Ships 6. \Mariners 27. \Mariners 102. Woodhouse /Ships 1. Orford /Ships 3. \Mariners 22. \Mariners 62. [1]Stokhithe /Ships 1. Goford /Ships 13. \Mariners 10. \Mariners 303. Barton /Ships 3. Herwich /Ships 14. \Mariners 30. \Mariners 283. Swinefleete /Ships 1. Ipswich /Ships 12. \Mariners 11. \Mariners 239. Saltfleet /Ships 2. Mersey /Ships 1. \Mariners 49. \Mariners 6. Grimesby /Ships 11. [4]Brightlingsey /Ships 5. \Mariners 171. \Mariners 61. Colchester /Ships 5. Boston /Ships 17. \Mariners 90. \Mariners 361. Whitbanes /Ships 1. Swinhumber /Ships 1. \Mariners 17. \Mariners 32. Malden /Ships 2. Barton /Ships 5. \Mariners 32. \Mariners 91. Derwen /Ships 1. The Summe /Ships 217. \Mariners 15. Of the North \Mariners 4521. Fleete

 The summe totall of /Ships 700. All the English fleete \Mariners 14151. 

[Footnote 1: Stockhith][Footnote 2: Or, Linne][Footnote 3: Or, Yermouth][Footnote 4: Now Brickelsey]

Estrangers their ships and mariners

Bayon /Ships 15. Flanders /Ships 14. \Mariners 439. \Mariners 133. 

Spayne /Ships 7. Gelderland /Ships 1. \Mariners 184. \Mariners 24. 

Ireland /Ships 1. \Mariners 25. 

The summe of all the Estrangers /Ships 38. \Mariners 805. 

The summe of expenses aswell of wages & prests as for the expenses of thekings houses, and for other gifts and rewards, shippes and other thingsnecessary to the parties of France and Normandie, and before Calice, duringthe siege there, as it appeareth in the accompts of William Norwel keeperof the kings Wardrobe from the 21. Day of April in the 18 yeere of thereigne of the said king vnto the foure and twentieth day of Nouember in theone and twentieth yeere of his reigne, is iii. Hondreth xxxvii. Thousandli. Ix. S. Iiii. D. 

 * * * * *

A note out of Thomas Walsmgham [Footnote: Thomas Walsingham, a native of Norfolk and Benedictine monk of St. Albans. He wrote _A History of England, from 1273 to the Death of Henry V_, and _Ypodigma Neustriæ_. His writings contain very little original information. ] touching the huge Fleete of eleuen hundred well furnished ships wherewith King Edward the third passed ouer vnto Calais in the yeere 1359. 

Anno gratiæ 1359. Iohannes Rex Franciæ sub vmbra pacis, & dolose obtulitRegi Angliæ Flandriam, Picardiam, Aquitaniam, aliasque terras quasequitauerat & vastarat: pro quibus omnibus ratificandis, idem Rex Edwardusin Franciam nuncios suos direxit: quibus omnibus Franci contradixerunt. Vnde motus Rex Angliæ, celeriter se & suos præparauit ad transfretandum, ducens secum principem Walliæ Edwardum suum primogenitum, ducem HenricimLancastriæ & ferè proceres omnes, quos comitabantur vel sequebantur poenemille currus, habuitque apud Sanwicam instructas optime vndecies centumnaues, & cum hoc apparatu ad humiliandum Francorum fastum Franciamnauigauit, relicto domino Thoma de Woodstock filio suo minore admodumparuulo Anglici regni custode, sub tutela tamen. 

The same in English. 

In the yeere of our Lord 1359. Iohn the French king craftily, and vnderpretence of peace offered vnto Edward the third king of England, Flanders, Picardie, Gascoigne, and other territories which he had spoyled and wasted, for the ratifying of which agreement the foresaid king Edward sent hisambassadors into France, but the Frenchmen gainsaied them in all theirarticles and demaunds. Whereupon the king of England being prouoked, speedily prepared himselfe and his forces to crosse the seas, carying withhim Edward Prince of Wales his heire apparant, and Henry duke of Lancasterand almost all his Nobles, with a thousand wagons and cartes attending vponthem. And the said king had at Sandwich eleuen hundred ships exceedinglywell furnished: with which preparation he passed ouer the seas, to abatethe Frenchmens arrogancie, leauing his yonger sonne Thomas of Woodstocke, being very tender of age as his vicegerent in the Realme of England, albeitnot without a protectour, &c. 

 * * * * *

The voyage of Nicholas de Lynna a Franciscan Frier, and an excellent Mathematician of Oxford, to all the Regions situate vnder the North pole, in the yeere 1360. And in the raigne of Edward the 3. King of England. 

[Sidenote: The words of Gerardus Mercator in the foote of his general Mapvpon the description of the North partes. ] Quod ad descriptionem partiumSeptentrionalium attinet, eam nos accipimus ex Itinerario Iacobi CnoyenBuscoducensis qui quædam ex rebus gestis Arthuri Britanni citat, maioremautem partem & potiora, a Sacerdote quodam apud Regem Noruegiæ, An. Dom. 1364. Didicit. Descenderat is ex illis quos Arthurus ad has habitandasinsulas miserat, & referebat, An. 1360. Minoritam quendam Anglum OxonieasemMathematicum in eas insulas venisse, ipsisque relictis ad vlteriora arteMagica profectu descripsisse omnia, & Astrolabio dimensum esse in hancsubiectam formam ferè, vti ex Iacobo collegimus, Euripos illos quatuordicebat tanto impetu ad interiorem voraginem rapi, vt naues semel ingressænullo vento retroagi possent, neque verò vnquam tantam ibi ventum esse, vtmolæ frumentariæ circumagendæ sufficiat. Simillima his habet GiraldusCambrensis (qui floruit, An. 1210. ) in libro de mirabilibus Hyberniæ, sicenim scribit. Non procul ab insulis Hebridibus, Islandia, &c. Ex parteBoreali, est maris quædam miranda vorago, in quam à remotis partibus omnesvndique fluctus marini tanquam ex condicto fluunt, & recurrunt, qui insecreta naturæ penetralia se ibi transfundentes, quasi in Abyssum vorantur. Si verò nauem hac fortè transire contigerit, tanta rapitur, & attrahiturfluctuum violentia, vt eam statim irreuocabiliter vis voracitatisabsorbeat. 

Quatuor voragines huius Oceani, a quatuor oppositis mundi partibusPhilosophi describunt, vnde & tam marinos fluctus, quàm & Æolicos flatuscausaliter peruenire nonnulli coniectant. 

The same in English. 

Touching the description of the North partes, I haue taken the same out ofthe voyage of Iames Cnoyen of Hartzeuan Buske, which alleageth certaineconquests of Arthur king of Britaine: and the most part, and chiefestthings among the rest, he learned of a certaine priest in the king ofNorwayes court, in the yeere 1364. This priest was descended from themwhich king Arthur had sent to inhabite these Islands, and he reported thatin the yeere 1360, a certaine English Frier, a Franciscan, and aMathematician of Oxford, came into those Islands, who leauing them, andpassing further by his Magicall Arte, described all those places that hesawe, and tooke the height of them with his Astrolabe, according to theforme that I (Gerard Mercator) haue set downe in my mappe, and as I hauetaken it out of the aforesaid Iames Cnoyen. Hee sayd that those foureIndraughts were drawne into an inward gulfe or whirlepoole, with so great aforce, that the ships which once entred therein, could by no meanes bedriuen backe againe, and that there is neuer in those parts so much windeblowing, as might be sufficient to driue a Corne mill. 

Giraldus Cambrensis (who florished in the yeere 1210, vnder king Iohn) inhis booke of the miracles of Ireland, hath certaine words altogether alikewith these videlicet:

[Sidenote: There is a notable whirlepoole on the coast of Norway, caledMalestrando (Mælstrom), about the latitude of 68. ] Not farre from theseIslands (namely the Hebrides, Island &c. ) towards the North there is acertaine woonderful whirlpoole of the sea, whereinto all the waues of thesea from farre haue their course and recourse, as it were without stoppe:which, there conueying themselues into the secret receptacles of nature, are swallowed vp, as it were, into a bottomlesse pit, and if it chance thatany shippe doe passe this way, it is pulled, and drawen with such aviolence of the waues, that eftsoones without remedy, the force of thewhirlepoole deuoureth the same. 

The Philosophers describe foure indranghts of this Ocean sea, in the foureopposite quarters of the world, from whence many doe coniecture that aswell the flowing of the sea, as the blasts of the winde, haue their firstoriginall. 

 * * * * *

A Testimonie of the learned Mathematician master Iohn Dee, [Footnote: Born in London in 1537. He was educated at St. John's College, Cambridge. He was a man of vast erudition, but being, in Mary's reign, suspected of devoting himself to the "black art, " a mob broke into his house and destroyed his library, museum, and mathematical instruments, said to be worth £2, 000; and he himself was cast into prison. He was in great favour with Queen Elizabeth, who is said to haue paid him a salary, employed him on secret political missions, and visited him at Mortlake. He professed to be able to raise the dead, and had a magic ball (in reality a lump of black lead), in which he pretended to read the future, and which was afterwards in Horace Walpole's collection at Strawberry Hill. In 1596. He was made Warden of Manchester College, and died in 1608. ] touching the foresaid voyage of Nicholas De Linna. 

Anno 1360. (that is to wit, in the 34. Yeere of the reigne of thetriumphant king Edward the third) a frier of Oxford, being a goodAstronomer, went in companie with others to the most Northren Islands ofthe world, and there leauing his company together, hee transited alone, andpurposely described all the Northerne Islands, with the indrawing seas: andthe record thereof at his returne he deliuered to the king of England. [Sidenote: Inuentio Fortunata. ] The name of which booke is InuentioFortunata (aliter fortunæ) qui liber incipit a gradu 54. Vsque ad polum. Which frier for sundry purposes after that did fiue times passe fromEngland thither, and home againe. 

It is to be noted, that from the hauen of Linne in Norfolke (whereof theforesaid Francisan frier tooke his name) to Island, it is not about afortnights sailing with an ordinarie winde, and hath bene of many yeeres avery common and vsuall trade: which further appeareth by the priuilegesgranted to the Fisher men of the towne of Blacknie in the said Countie ofNorfolke, by king Edward the third for their exemption and freedome fromhis ordinary seruice in respect of their trade to Island. [Sidenote: An 2. & 4. & 31. Edwardi tertij. ]

 * * * * *

The voyage of Henry Earle of Derbie, after Duke of Hereford and lastly king of England by the name of Henry the fourth, An. Dom 1340. Into Prussia and Lettowe against the infidels, recorded by Thomas of Walsingham

[Sidenote: An. Dom. 1390. ] Dominus Henricus Comes de Derbie per idem temposprofectus est in le Pruys, vbi cum adjutorio marescalli dictæ patriæ &cujusdam Regis vocati Wytot deuicit exercitum Regis de Lettowe, captisquatuor ducibus, & tribus peremptis & amplius quam trecentis, devalentioribus exercitus sapradicti pariter interemptis. Ciuitas quoquevocatur [Marginal note: Alias Vilna] Will in cujus castellum Rex de Lettowenomine Skirgalle confugerat, potenti virtute dicti Comitis maximè atquesuorum capta est. Namque qui fuerunt de familia sua primi murum ascenderant& vexillum ejus super muros, cæteris vel torpentibus vel ignorantibus, posuerunt. Captaque sunt ibi vel occisa quatuor millia plebanorum, fratreRegis de Poleyn inter cæteros ibi perempto, qui aduersarius nostri fuitObsessumque fuit castrum dictæ Ciuitatis per quinque hebdomadas: Sedpropter infirmitates, quibus vexabatur exercitus magistri de Pruys & deLifland noluerunt diutiùs expectare. Facti sunt Christiani de gente deLettowe octo. Et magister de Lifland duxit secum in suam patriam triamillia captiuorum. 

The same in English. 

About the same time L. Henry the Earle of Derbie trauailed into Prussia, where, with the helpe of the Marshall of the same Prouince, and of acertaine king called Wytot, hee vanquished the armie of the king ofLettowe, with the captiuitie of foure Lithuanian Dukes, and the slaughterof three, besides more then three hundred of the principall commonsouldiers of the sayd armie which were slaine. The Citie also which iscalled Wil or Vilna, into the castle whereof the king of Lettow namedSkirgalle fled for his sauegard, was, by the valour of the sayd Earleespecially and of his followers, surprised and taken. For certaine of thechiefe men of his familie, while others were slouthfull or at leastignorant of their intent, skaling the walles, aduanced his coloursthereupon. And there were taken and slaine foure thousand of the commonsouldiers, and amongst others was slaine the king of Poland his brother, who was our professed enemie. And the castle of the foresaid Citie wasbesieged for the space of fiue weekes: but by reason of the infirmities andinconueniences wherewith the whole armie was annoyed, the great masters ofPrussia and of Lifland would not stay any longer. There were conuerted ofthe nation of Lettowe eight persons vnto the Christian faith. And themaster of Lifland carried home with him into his countrey three thousandcaptiues. 

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The voyage of Thomas of Woodstocke Duke of Glocester into Prussia, in the yeere 1391. Written by Thomas Walsingham. 

Eodem tempore dux Glouerniæ Dominus Thomas de Woodstock [Marginal note:Filius natu minimus Edwardi 3. ], multis moerentibus, iter apparauit versùsle Pruys: quem non Loudinensium gemitus, non communis vulgi moeror retinerepoterant, quin proficisci vellet. Nam plebs communis tàm Vrbana quàmrustica metuebant quòd eo absente aliquod nouum detrimentum succresceret, quo præsente nihil tale timebant. Siquidèm in eo spes & solatium totuspatriæ reposita videbantur. Ipse verò mòx, vt fines patriæ suæ transijt, illicò aduersa agitatus fortuna, nunc hàc nunc illàc turbinibus procellosiscircumfertur; & in tantum destituitur, vt de vita etiam desperaret. [Sidenote: Reditus. ] Tandem post Daciam, post Norwagiam, post Scoticambarbariem non sine mortis pauore transcursam, peruenit Northumbriam, & adcastellum se contulit de Tinnemutha velut assylum antiquitus notum sibi:vbi per aliquot dies recreatus iter assumpsit versus manerium suum dePlashy, magnum apportans gaudium toti regno, tam de eius euasione, quàm deaduentu suo. 

The same in English. 

At the same time the Duke of Glocester Lord Thomas of Woodstock (theyongest sonne of Edward the third) to the great griefe of many, tooke hisiourney towards Prussia: whom neither the Londoners mones nor yet thelamentation of the communaltie could restraine from his intendedexpedition. For the common people both of the Citie and of the countreyfeared lest in his absence some newe calamitie might happen; which theyfeared not while he was present. For in him the whole nation seemed torepose their hope and comfort. Howbeit hauing skarce passed as yet thebounds of his owne countrey, he was immediatly by hard fortune tossed vpand downe with dangerous stormes and tempests, and was brought into suchdistresse, that he despaired euen of his owne life. At length, hauing notwithout danger of death, sailed along the coastes of Denmarke, Norway, andScotland, he returned into Northumberland, and went to the castle ofTinmouth as vnto a place of refuge knowen of olde vnto him; where, afterhee had refreshed himselfe a fewe dayes, hee tooke his iourney toward hisMannour of Plashy, bringing great ioy vnto the whole kingdome, aswell inregard of his safetie as of his returne. 

 * * * * *

The verses of Geofrey Chaucer in the knights Prologue, who liuing in the yeere 1402. [Footnote: Chaucer died 25. October, 1400, according to the inscription on his tombstone at Westminster. Urry, in his edition of Chaucer, folio, 1721, p. 534, attributes the _Epistle to Cupid_ to Thomas Occleue, Chaucer's scholar, but does not give his authority. ] (as hee writeth himselfe in his Epistle of Cupide) shewed that the English Knights after the losse of Acon, were wont in his time to trauaile into Prussia and Lettowe, and other heathen lands, to aduance the Christian faith against Infidels and miscreants, and to seeke honour by feats of armes. 

The English Knights Prologue. 

[Sidenote: Long trauaile. ] A Knight there was, and that a worthie man, that from the time that he first began to riden out, he loued Cheualrie, trouth, honour, freedome, and Curtesie. Full worthy was he in his lords warre: and thereto had hee ridden no man farre, As well in Christendome as in Heathennesse, and euer had honour for his worthinesse. 

[Sidenote: Alexandria. ] At Alisandre hee was, when it was wonne: full oft time hee had the bourd begon abouen all nations in Pruce, In Lettowe had hee riden, and in Ruce, no Christen man so oft of his degree: In Granade at the siege had he bee At Algezer[1]: and ridden in Belmarye: At Leyes [2] was hee, and also at Satalye, [3] when they were wonne: and in the great see at many a Noble armie had hee bee. At mortall battailes had he bin fifteene, And foughten for our faith at Tramissen, [4] in listes thries, and aye slayne his foe:

 This ilke worthie Knight had bin also, sometime with the lord of Palathye [5] ayenst another Heathen in Turkie. 

 Written in the lustie moneth of May in our Palace, where many a million of louers true haue habitation, The yeere of grace ioyfull and iocond, a thousand, foure hundred and second. 

[Footnote 1: Algezer in Granado. ][Footnote 2: Layas in Armenia. Froysart. Lib. 3. Cap. 40. ][Footnote 3: Satalie in the mayne of Asia neere Rhods. ][Footnote 4: Tremisen is in Barbarie. ][Footnote 5: Or, Palice. Froysart lib. 3. Cap. 40. ]

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The original proceedings and successe of the Northren domestical and forren trades and traffique of this Isle of Britain from the time of Nero the Emperour, who deceased in the yeere of our Lord 70. Vnder the Romans, Britons, Saxons, and Danes, till the conquest: and from the conquest, vntill this present time, gathered out of the most authenticall histories and records of this nation. 

 * * * * *

A testimonie out of the fourteenth Booke of the Annales of Cornelius Tacitus, proouing London to haue bene a famous Mart Towne in the reigne of Nero the Emperour, which died in the yeere of Christ 70. 

At Suetonius mira constantia medios inter hostes Londinium perrexit, cognomento quidem coloniæ non insigne, sed copia negociatorum & commeatumaxime celebre. 

The same in English. 

But Suetonius with wonderfull constancie passed through the middest of hisenemies, vnto London, which though it were not honoured with the name andtitle of a Romane Colonie, yet was it most famous for multitude ofMarchants and concourse of people. 

 * * * * *

A testimome out of Venerable Beda (which died in the yeere of our Lord 734. ) proouing London to haue bene a Citie of great traffike and Marchandize not long after the beginning of the Saxons reigne. 

Anno Domminæ incarnationis sexcentesimo quarto Augustinus BritanniarumArchiepiscopus ordinauit duos Episcopos, Mellitum videlicet & Iustum:Mellitum quidem ad prædicandum prouinciæ Orientalium Saxonum, qui Tamesifluuio dirimuntur à Cantia & ipsi Orientali Mari contigui, quorumMetropolis Londonia Ciuitas est super ripam præfati fluminis posita & ipsamultorum emporium populorum, terra marique venientium. [Footnote: BedaEcclesiasticæ historiæ Gentis Anglornm lib. 2. Cap 3. ]

The same in English. 

In the yeere of the incarnation of Chnst 604. Augustine Archbishop ofBritaine consecrated two Bishops, to wit Mellitus and Iustus. He appoyntedMellitus to preach to the East Saxons which are diuided from Kent by theriuer of Thames, and border vpon the Easterne sea, whose chiefe andMetropolitane Citie is London seated vpon the banke of the aforesaid riuer, which is also a Marte Towne of many nations, which repayre thither by seaand by land. 

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The league betweene Carolus Magnus and Offa King of Mercia concerning safe trade of the English Marchants in all the Emperours Dominion. This Offa died in the yeere of our Lord 795. 

Offa interea Carolum magnum Regem Francorum frequentibus legationibusamicum parauit: quamuis non facile quod suis artibus conduceret in Carolianimo inuenerit. Discordarunt antea, adeo vt magnis motibus vtrobiqueconcurrentibus, etiam negociatorum commeatus prohiberentur. Est EpistolaAlbini huiusce rei index, cuius partem hic apponam. 

Nescio quid de nobis venturum sit. [Sidenote: Nauigatio interdicta. ]Aliquid enim dissentionis diabolico fomento inflammante, nuper inter RegemCarolum & Regem Offam exortum est: ita vt vtrinque nauigatio interdictanegociantibus cesset. Sunt qui dicant nos pro pace in illas partesmittendos. Et nonnullis interpositis, Nunc, inquit, ex verbis Caroli foedusfirmum inter eum & Offam compactum subijciam. Carolus gratia Dei RexFrancorum, & Longobardorum, & patricius Romanorum, viro venerando & fratricharissimo Offæ Regi Mercioram salutem. Primo gratias agimus omnipotentideo, de salute animarum, de Cathocæ fidei sinceritate, quam in vestrislaudabiliter paginis reperimus exaratam. De peregrinis vero qui pro amoreDei, & salute animarum suarum beatoram Apostolorum limina desiderant adire, cum pace sine omni perturbatione vadant. Sed si aliqui, non religioniseruientes, sed lucra sectantes, inueniantur inter eos, locis opportunisstatuta soluant telonia. [Sidenote: Negociatorum Anglicanorum patrocinium. ]Negociatores quoque volumus vt ex mandato nostro patrocinium habeant inRegno nostro legitime. Et si aliquo loco iniusta affligantur oppressione, reclament ad nos vel nostros indices, & plenam videbimus iustitiam fieri. [Footnote: Malmsbur. De gestis Regum Anglorum lib. 1. Cap 4. ]

The same in English. 

In the meane season Offa by often legacies solicited Charles le maigne theking of France, to be his friend: albeit he could not easily finde kingCharles any whit enclined to further and promote his craftie attempts. [Sidenote: Traffique prohibited] Their mindes were so alienated before, that bearing hauty stomacks on both parts, euen the mutuall traffique oftheir Marchants was prohibited. The Epistle of Albmus is a sufficienttestimony of this matter part whereof I will here put downe. 

I know not (quoth he) what will become of vs. [Sidenote: Nauigationforbidden. ] For there is of late, by the instigation of the deuill, somediscord and variance sprung vp betweene king Charles and king Offa:insomuch that sailing to and fro is forbidden vnto the Marchants of boththeir dominions. Some say that we are to be sent, for the obtaining of apeace, into those partes. And againe, after a fewe lines. Nowe (quoth he)out of Charles his owne words, I will make report of the league concludedbetweene him and Offa. 

[Sidenote: A league between Carol. Mag. And K. Offa. ] Charles by the graceof God king of the Franks and Lombards and Senatour of the Romanes, vntothe reuerend and his most deare brother Offa king of the Mercians sendethgreeting. First we doe render vnto almightie God most humble thankes forthe saluation of soules, and the sinceritie of the Catholique faith, whichwe, to your great commendation, haue found signified in your letters. Astouching those pilgrimes, who for the loue of God and their owne souleshealth, are desirous to resort vnto the Churches of the holy Apostles, letthem goe in peace without all disturbance. But if any be found amongst themnot honouring religion, but following their owne gaine, they are to paytheir ordinarie customes at places conuenient. [Sidenote: Protection of theEnglish marchants] It is our pleasure also and commandement, that yourmarchants shall haue lawfull patronage and protection in our dominions. Who, if in any place they chance to be afflicted with any vniustoppression, let them make their supplication vnto vs, or vnto our Iudges, and we will see iustice executed to the full. 

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An ancient testimonie translated out of the olde Saxon lawes, containing among other things the aduancement of Marchants for their thrise crossing the wide seas, set downe by the learned Gentleman Master William Lambert pagina 500. Of his perambulation of Kent. 

It was sometime in English lawes, that the people and the lawes were inreputation: and then were the wisest of the people worship worthy, eueryone after his degree: Earle, and Churle, Thein, and vnder-Thein. And if achurle thriued so, that hee had fully fiue hides of his owne land, a Churchand a Kitchin, a Belhouse, and a gate, a seate, and a seuerall office inthe Kings hall, then was he thenceforth the Theins right worthy. And if aThein so thriued, that he serued the king, and on his message rid in hishoushold, if he then had a Thein that followed him, the which to the kingsiourney fiue hides had, and in the kings seate his Lord serued, and thrisewith his errand had gone to the king, he might afterward with his foreothhis lords part play at any great neede. And if a Thein did thriue so, thathe became an Earle; then was he afterward an Earles right worthie. And if aMarchant so thriued, that he passed thrise ouer the wide seas, of his ownecraft, he was thencefoorth a Theins right worthie. And if a scholar soprospered thorow learning that he degree had, and serued Christ, he wasthen afterward of dignitie and peace so much worthie, as thereuntobelonged, vnlesse he forfaited so, that he the vse of his degree vse hemight. 

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A testimonie of certaine priuiledges obtained for the English and Danish Merchants of Conradus the Emperour and Iohn the Bishop of Rome by Canutus the King of England in his iourney to Rome, extracted out of a letter of his written vnto the Cleargie of England. 

Sit vobis notom quia magna congregatio nobilora in ipsa solemnitatePascali, Romæ cum Domino Papa Ioanne, & imperatore Conrado erat, scilicetomnes principes gentium a monte Gargano, vsque ad istum proximum Mare: quiomnes me & honorifice suscepere, & magnificis donis honorauere. Maximeautem ab imperatore donis varijs & muneribus pretiosis honoratus sum, tamin vasis aureis & argenteis, quam in pallijs & vestibus valde pretiosis. Locutus sum igitur cum ipso imperatore, & Domino Papa, & principibus quiibi erant, de necessitatibus totius populi mei, tam Angli quam Dani, vt eisconcederetur lex æquior, & pax securior in via Romam adeundi, & ne totclausuris per viam arcerentur, & propter iniustum teloneum fatigarentur. Annuítque postulatis Imperator, & Rodulphus Rex, qui maxime ipsarumclausurarum dominatur, cunctique principes edictis firmarunt, vt hominesmei tam Mercatores, quàm alij orandi gratia viatores, absque omni anguriaclausurarum & teloneariorum, cum firma pace Romam eant & redeant. [Footnote: William of Malmsb. Lib. 2. Cap. 9. De gestis Regum Anglorum. ]

The same in English. 

You are to vnderstand, that at the feast of Easter, there was a greatcompany of Nobles with Pope Iohn and Conradus the Emperour assembled atRome, namely all the princes of the nations from mount Garganus [Footnote:Garganus a mountain of Apulia in Italy. ] vnto the West Ocean sea. Who allof them honourably interteined me, and welcomed mee with rich andmagnificent gifts: but especially the Emperour bestowed diuers costlypresents and rewards vpon mee, both in vessels or golde and siluer, andalso in cloakes and garments of great value. Wherefore I conferred with theEmperour himselfe and the Pope, and with the other Princes who were therepresent, concerning the necessities of all my subiects both Englishmen andDanes; that a more fauourable law & secure peace in their way to Rome mightbee graunted vnto them, and that they might not bee hindered by so manystops & impediments in their iourney, and weaned by reason of iniustexactions. And the Emperour condescended vnto my request, and kingRodulphus also, who hath greatest authoritie ouer the foresaid stops andstreights, and all the other princes confirmed by their Edicts, that mysubiects, as well Marchants, as others who trauailed for deuotions sake, should without all hinderance and restraint of the foresaid stops andcustomers, goe vnto Rome in peace, and returne from thence in safetie. 

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The flourishing state of Marchandise in the Citie of London in the dayes of Willielmus Malmesburiensis, which died in the yeere 1142. In the reigne of K. Stephen. 

Haud longe a Rofa quasi viginti quinque milliarijs est Londonia Ciuitasnobilis, opima ciuium diuitijs, constipata negociatorum ex omni terra, &maxime ex Germania venientium, commercijs. Vnde fit vt cum vbique in Angliacaritas victualium pro sterili prouentu messium sit, ibi necessariadistrahantur & emantur minore, quàm alibi, vel vendentium compendio, velementium dispendio. Peregrinas inuehit merces Ciuitatis finibus Tamesisfluuius famosus, qui citra vrbem ad 80. Milliaria fonticulo fusus, vltraplus 70. Nomen profert. [Footnote: Guliel. Malmesb. De gestis pont. Anglorum lib. 2. ]

The same in English. 

Not farre from Rochester, about the distance of fiue and twenty miles, standeth the Noble Citie of London, abounding with the riches of theinhabitants, [Sidenote: Germanie] and being frequented with the traffiqueof Marchants resorting thither out of all nations, and especially out ofGermanie. Whereupon it commeth to passe, that when any generall dearth ofvictuals falleth out in England, by reason of the scarcitie of corne, things necessary may there be prouided and bought with lesse gaine vnto thesellers, and with lesse hinderance and losse vnto the buyers, then in anyother place of the Realme. Outlandish wares are conueighed into the sameCitie by the famous riuer of Thames: which riuer springing out of afountaine 80. Miles beyond the Citie, is called by one and the selfe samename 70. Miles beneath it. 

 * * * * *

The aforesaid William of Malmesburie writeth of traffike in his time to Bristowe in his fourth booke de gestis pontificum Anghorum, after this maner. 

In eadem valle est vicus celeberrimus Bristow nomine, in quo est nauiumportus ab Hibernia & Norwegia & cæteris transmarinis terris venientiumreceptaculum, ne scilicet genitalibus diuitijs tam fortunata regioperegrinarum opum frauderetur commercio. 

The same in English. 

[Sidenote: Norway. ] In the same valley stands the famous Towne of Bristow, [Footnote: Bristol. ] with an Hauen belonging thereunto, which is acommodious and safe receptacle for all ships directing their course for thesame, from Ireland, Norway, and other outlandish and foren countreys:namely that a region so fortunate and blessed with the riches that naturehath vouchsafed thereupon should not bee destitute of the wealth andcommodities of other lands. 

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The league betweene Henry the second and Fredericke Barbarossa Emperour of Germanie, wherein is mention of friendly traffike betweene the Marchants of the Empire and England, confirmed in the yeere of our Lord 1157, recorded in the first Booke and seuenteenth Chapter of Radeuicus Canonicus Frisingensis, being an appendix to Otto Frisingensis. 

Ibidem tunc affuere etiam Henrici Regis Angliæ missi, varia & preciosadonaria multo lepore verborum adornata præstantes. Inter quæ papilionemvnum quantitate maximum, qualitate optimum perspeximus. Cuius siquantitatem requiris, non nisi machinis & instrumentorum genere &adminiculo leuari poterat: si qualitatem, nec materia nec opere ipsum putemaliquando ab aliquo huiusce apparatu superatum iri. Literas quoque mellitosermone plenas pariter direxerat, quarum hic tenor fuit. Præcordiali amicosuo, Frederico Dei gratia Romanorum imperatori inuictissimo, Henricus RexAngliæ, dux Normanniæ, & Aquitaniæ, & Comes Andegauensis, salutem, & verædilectionis concordiam. Excellentiæ vestræ quantas possumus referimusgrates, dominantium optime, quod nos nuncijs vestris visitare, salutareliteris, muneribus præuenire, & quod his charius amplectimur, pacis &amoris inuicem dignatus estis foedera inchoare. Exultauimus, & quodammodoanimum nobis crescere, & in maius sensimus euehi dum vestra promissio, inqua nobis spem dedistis in disponendis. Regni nostri negocijs, alacrioresnos reddidit, & promptiores. Exultauimus inquam, & tota mente magnificentiævestræ assurreximus, id vobis in sincero cordis affectu respondentes, quodquicquid ad honorem vestrum spectare nouerimus, pro posse nostro effectuimancipare parati sumus. Regnum nostrum & quicquid vbique nostræ subijciturditioni vobis exponimus & vestræ committimus potestati, vt ad vestrum nutumomnia disponantur, & in omnibus vestri fiat voluntas imperij. [Sidedote:Commercia inter Germanos & Anglos. ] Sit igitur inter nos & populos nostrosdilectionis & pacis vnitas indiuisa, commercia tuta. Ita tamen vt vobis, qui dignitate præminetis, imperandi cedat authoritas, nobis non deeritvoluntas obsequendi. Et sicut vestraa Serenitatis memoriam vestrorumexcitat in nobis munerum largitio, sic vos nostri quoque reminiscipræoptamus, mittentes quæ pulchriora penes nos erant, & vobis magisplacitura. Attendite itaque dantis affectum, non data, & eo animo quodantur accipite. De manu beati Iacobi, super qua nobis scripsistis, in oremagistri Hereberti & Guilielmi Clerici nostri verbum posuimus. Teste ThomaCancellario apud Northanton. 

The same in English. 

There were present also the same tune, the messengers of Henry [Footnote:The Second. ] king of England presenting diuers rich and precious gifts, andthat with great learning & eloquence of speech. Amongst the which we saw apauilion, most large in quantity, & most excellent in quality. For if youdesire to know the quantitie therof, it could not be erected withoutengines and a kinde of instruments, and maine force: if the qualitie, Ithinke there was neuer any furniture of the same kinde, that surpassed thesame either in stuffe or workemanship. The said king directed his lettersalso, full of sugred speeches, the tenour whereof was this that followeth. 

To his entirely beloued friend Frederick [Footnote: Son of Frederick, Dukeof Suabia, was born in 1121. And succeeded his uncle Conrad III. In 1152 asEmperor of the West. As was proved by his campaigns in Italy in 1154, 1158, and 1162, and by the justice and probity of his administration, he wasequally great as a soldier and as a ruler. He joined the Third Crusade in1189, and was drowned whilst crossing a river in Asia in June, 1190. Hismemory is still cherished amongst the peasants of Germany, who look uponhim in the same light as the Welsh on Arthur. ] by the grace of God Emperourof the Romanes most inuincible, Henry king of England, duke of Normandieand Aquitaine, Earle of Anjou wisheth health and concord of sincere amitie. We doe render vnto your highnes (most renowmed and peerelesse Prince)exceeding great thanks for that you haue so graciously vouchsafed by yourmessengers to visite vs in your letters to salute vs, with your gifts topresent vs, and (which wee doe more highly esteeme of then all the rest) tobeginne a league of peace and friendship betweene vs. We reioyced, and in amaner sensibly felt our selues to bee greatly emboldened, and our courageto encrease, whilest your promise, whereby you put vs in good comfort, didmake vs more cheerefull and resolute, in managing the affaires of ourkingdome. We reioyced (I say) & in our secret cogitations did humbleobeisance vnto your Maiestie, giuing you at this time to vnderstand fromthe sincere & vnfained affection of our heart, that whatsoeuer we shal knowto tend vnto your honour, we are, to our power most ready to put inpractise. Our kingdome, and whatsoeuer is vnder our iurisdiction we doeoffer vnto you, and commit the same vnto our highnesse, that all mattersmay be disposed according to your direction, and that your pleasure may inall things be fulfilled. Let there be therefore betweene our selues and oursubiects, an indiuisible vnitie of friendship and peace, and safe trade ofMarchandize yet so, as that vnto you (who excell in dignitie) authoritie incommanding may bee ascribed, and diligence in obeying shall not want in vs. And as the liberalitie of your rewards doeth often put vs in remembrance ofyour Maiestie euen so in like maner sending vnto your Highnesse the mostrare things in our custodie and which we thought should be most acceptablevnto you, wee doe most heartily wish that your selfe also would notaltogether bee vnmindefull of vs. Haue respect therefore not vnto thegifts, but vnto the affection of the giuer, and accept of them with thatminde, wherewith they are offered vnto you. 

Concerning the hand of S Iames, [Footnote: According to the legend, therelics of this saint were miraculously conveyed to Spain in a ship ofmarble from Jerusalem, where he was bishop. ] about which you wrote vnto vs, we haue sent you word by M Herbert, and by William the Clerke. WitnesThomas our Chancelour at Northanton. 

 * * * * *

A generall safe conduct graunted to all forreine Marchants by king Iohn in the [Marginal note: 1199] first yeere of his reigne, as appeareth in the Records of the Tower, Anno 1. Regis Ioannis. 

Ioannes Dei gratij &c. Maiori & Communitati Londinensi salutam. Sciatisvoluntatem esse nostram, quod omnes Mercatores de quicunque fuerunt terrasaluum habeant conductum ire & redire cum mercibus suis in Angliam. [Sidenote: Solitæ mercatorum consuetudines. ] Volumus etiam quod eandemhabeant pacem in Anglia, quam Mercatores de Anglia habent in terris illisvnde fuerunt egressi. Et ideo vobis præcipimus, quod hoc faciatisdenunciari in Balliua vestra, & firmiter teneri; permittentes eos ire &redire sine impedimento per debitas & rectas & solitas consuetudines inBalliua vestra. Teste Galfredo filio Petri comite Essexiæ apud Kinefard 5. Die Aprilis. 

In eadem forma scribitur vicecomiti Sudsex, Maiori & commumtati CiuitatisWinton, Balliuo de Southampton, Balliuo de Lenne, Balliuo Kent, VicecomitiNorffolciæ & Suffolciæ, Vicecomiti dorset & Sommerset, Baronibus de quinqueportubus, Vicecomiti de Southampton sire, Vicecomiti de Herttford & Essex, Vicecomiti Cornubiæ & Deuon. 

The same in English. 

Iohn by the grace of God &c. To the Maior and communaltie of London, greeting. You are to vnderstand, that it is our pleasure, that allMarchants of what nation soeuer shall haue safe conduct to passe andrepasse with their Marchandize into England. It is our will also, that theybe vouchsafed the same fauour in England, which is granted vnto the EnglishMarchants in those places from whence they come. [Sidenote: The ancientcustomes of Marchaunts. ] And therefore we giue you in charge, that youcause this to be published, and proclaimed in your bailiwicke, & firmely tobe obserued, permitting them to goe & come, without impediment, accordingto the due, right and ancient customes vsed in your said Bailiwucke. Witnesse Geofry Fitz-Peter Earle of Essex at Kinefard the 5. Day of April. 

The same forme of writing was sent to the sherife of Sudsex, to the Maiorand communaltie of the Citie of Winchester, to the Baily of Southampton, the Baily of Lenne, the Baily of Kent, the sherife of Norfolke andSuffolke, the sherife of Dorset and Sommerset, the Barons of theCinque-ports, the sherife of Souththampton shire the sherife of Hertfordand Essex the sherife of Cornewal and Deuon. 

 * * * * *

Literæ regis Henrici tertij ad Haquinum Regem Norwegiæ de pacis foedere & intercursu mercandisandi Anno 1 Henrici 3. [Marginal note: 1216. ]

Henricus Dei gratia &c. Haquino eadem gratia Regi Norwegiæ salutem. Immensas nobilitati vestræ referimus gratiarum actiones de his quæ perliteras vestris prudentem virum. Abbatem de Lisa nobis significastisvolentes & desiderantes foedus pacis & dilectionis libenter nobiscum inire& nobiscum confoederari. Bene autem placet & placebit nobis quod terrænostræ comunes sint, & Mercatores & homines qui sunt de potestate vestralibere & sine impedimento terram nostrum adire possint, & homines &Mercatores nostri similiter terri vestram. Dum tamen literas vestraspatentes super hoc nobis destinctis & nos vobis nostras transmittemus. Interim autem bene volumus & concedimus, quod Mercatores tam de terravestra quàm nostra eant veniant, & recedant per terras nostras Et si quidvestræ sederit voluntati quod facere valeamus id securè nobis significetis. Detinuimus autem adhuc Abbatem prælictum, vt de naui vestra & rebus in eacontentis pro posse nostro restitutionem fieri faceremus: per quem de statunostro & Regni nostri vos certificare curabimus & quàm citius &c. Teste meipso apud Lamhithe decimo die Octobris. 

Eodem modo scribitur S. Duci Norwegiæ ibidem & eodem die. 

The letters of King Henry the third vnto Haquinus [Footnote: Haco IV. , bastard of the able adventurer Swerro. His invasion of Scotland in 1263 forms a striking episode of medæval history. ] King of Norway concerning a treatie of peace and mutuall traffique of marchandize, &c. 

Henry by the grace of God, &c. Vnto Haquinus by the same grace King ofNorway sendeth greeting. Wee render vnto your highnesse vnspeakeable thanksfor those things which by your letters, and by your discreete subiect theAbbat of Lisa, you haue signified vnto vs, and also for that you are rightwilling and desirous to begin and to conclude betweene vs both, a league ofpeace and amitie. And wee for our part both nowe are, and hereafter shalbewell contented that both our lands be common to the ende that the Marchantsand people of your dominions may freely and without impediment resort vntoour land, and our people and Marchants may likewise haue recourse vnto yourterritories. Prouided, that for the confirmation of this matter, you sendvnto vs your letters patents, and wee will send ours also vnto you. Howbeitin the meane while wee doe will and freely graunt, that the Marchants bothof our and your lands, may goe, come, and returne to and from both ourDominions. And if there be ought in your minde, whereby we might stand youin any stead, you may boldly signifie the same vnto vs. Wee haue as yetdeteined the foresaid Abbat, that wee might, to our abilitie, causerestitution to be made for your ship, and for the things therein contained:by whome wee will certifie you of our owne estate, and of the estate of ourkingdome so soone, &c, Witnesse our selfe at Lambith the tenth of October. 

Another letter in the same forme and to the same effect was there and thensent vnto S. Duke of Norway. 

Mandatum pro Coga Regis Norwegiæ Anno 13. Henrici 3. 

Mandatum est omnibus Balliuis portuum in quos ventura est Coga de Norwegia, in qua venerint in Angliam milites Regis Norwegiæ & Mercatores Saxoniæ, quod cum prædictam Cogam in portus suos venire contigerit, saluò permittantipsam Cogam in portubus suis morari, quamdiu necesse habuerit, & liberesine impedimento inde recedere quando voluerint. Teste Rege. 

The same in English. 

A Mandate for the King of Norway his Ship called the Cog. 

Wee will and commaund all bailifes of Portes, at the which the Cog ofNorway (wherein certaine of the king of Norwaie his souldiers, and certaineMarchants of Saxonie are comming for England) shall touch, that, when theforesaid Cog shall chance to arriue at any of their Hauens, they doe permitthe said Cog safely to remaine in their said Hauens so long as neede shallrequire, and without impediment also freely to depart thence, whensoeuerthe gouernours Of the sayd ship shall thinke it expedient. Witnesse theKing. 

 * * * * *

Carta pro Mercatoribus de Colonia anno 20. Henrici 3. Confirmata per Regem Edwardum primum 8. Iulij Anno Regni 18. Prout extat in rotulo cartarum de Anno 18. Regis Edwardi primi. 

Rex Archiepiscopis &c. Salutem. Sciatis nos quietos clamasse pro nobis &hæredibus nostris dilectos nostros, Ciues de Colonia, & mercandisam suam deillis duobus solidis, [Marginal note: Antiqua consuetudo GildhallæColoniensium Londini. ] quos solebant dare de Gildhalia sua London, & deomnibus alijs consuetudinibus & demandis, quæ pertinent ad nos in London, &per totam terram nostram; & quod liberè possunt ire ad ferias, per totamterram nostram & emere & vendere in villa London & alibi, salua libertateCiuitatis nostræ London. Quare volumus & firmiter præcipimus pro nobis &hæredibus nostris quod prædicti ciues de Colonia prænommatas libertates &libera consuetudines habeant per totam terram nostram Angliæ sicutprædictum est. His testibus, venerabili patre Waltero CaerleoiensiEpiscopo, Wilhelmo de Ferarijs, Gilberto Basset, Waltero de Bello campo, Hugone Disspenser, Waltero Marescallo, Galfrido Dispenser, BartholomæoPech, Bartholomæo de Saukeuill, & alijs. Data per manum venerabilis patrisRadulphi Cicistronsis Episcopi, Cancellarij nostri apud Dauintre Octauo dieNouembris, Anno Regni nostri vicesimo. 

The same in English. 

A Charter graunted for the behalfe of the Marchants of Colen [Footnote: Cologne. ] in the twentieth yeere of Henry the third, confirmed by King Edward the first, as it is extant in the roule of Charters, in the eighteenth yeere of King Edward the first. 

The King vnto Archbishops &c. Greeting. [Sidenote: The ancient custome ofthe Coloners Gildhall in London. ] Be it knowen vnto you, that wee hauequite claimed, and for vs and our heires released our welbeloued theCitizens of Colen and their marchandize, from the payment of those twoshillings which they were wont to pay out of their Gildhall at London andfrom all other customes and demaunds, which perteine vnto vs, either inLondon, or in any other place of our Dominions and that they may safelyresort vnto Fayers throughout our whole Kingdome, and buy and sell in theCitie of London. Wherefore we will and firmely command for vs and ourheires, that the forenamed Marchants of Colen may enioy the liberties andfree priuiledges aboue-mentioned, throughout our whole kingdome of Englandas is aforesaid. Witnesses, the reuerend father Walter Bishop of Carlil, William de Ferarijs, Gilbert Basset, Walter de Beauchamp Hugh Disspenser, Walter Marescal, Geofrie Disspensser. Bartholomew Peach, Bartholomew deSaukeuill and others. Giuen by the hand of the reuerend father Ralph Bishopof Chichester and our Chauncellour at Dauintre, the eight day of Nouemberin the twentieth yeere of our reigne. 

 * * * * *

Carta Lubecensibus ad septennium concessa. Anno 41. Henrici 3. 

[Sidenote: Carta conditionalis]

Henricus dei gracia Rex Angliæ dominus Hiberniæ, dux Normaniæ, Aquitaniæ, &Comes Andegauiæ, omnibus Balliuis suis salutem. [Sidenote: Ricardus ComesCornubiaæ Rex Romanorum. ] Sciatis nos ad instantiam dilecti & fidelisfratris nostri Ricardi Comitis Cornubiæ in Regum Romanorum electi, suscepisse in protectionem & defensionem nostram & saluum & securumconductum nostrum Burgenses de Lubek in Alemania cum omnibus rebus &mercandisis quas in Regnum nostrum deferent, vel facient deferri. Et eisconcessimus, quod de omnibus rebus & mercandisis suis nihil capiatur adopus nostrum vel alterius contra voluntatem eorundem; sed libere vendant &negocientur inde in Regno prædicto, prout sibi viderint expedire. Et ideovobis mandamus, quod dictis Burgensibus vel eorum nuncijs in veniendo interram nostram cum rebus & mercandisis suis ibidem morando, & inderecedendo, nullum inferatis, aut ab alijs inferri permittatis impedimentumaut grauamen. Nec eos contra quietantiam prædictam vexetis, aut ab alijsvexari permittatis. In cuius rei testimonium has literas nostras fierafecimus patentes per septennium durantes: Dum tamen ijdem Burgenses interimbene & fideliter se habuerint erga præfatum electum fratrem nostrum. Testemeipso apud Westmonasterium vndecimo die Maij Anno Regni nostriquadragesimo primo. Hæc litera duplicata est, pro Burgensibus &mercatoribus Dacis, Brunswig, & Lubek. 

The same in English. 

The charter of Lubek granted for seuen yeeres, obtained in the one and fortieth yeere of Henry the third. 

Henry by the grace of God King of England, Lord of Ireland, Duke ofNormandie and Aquitaine, and Earle of Anjou, to all his Bailifs sendethgreeting. Know ye that at the instant request of our welbeloued and trustybrother Richard Earle of Cornewal being of late elected king of theRomanes, we haue receiued vnder our protection and defence, and vnder oursafe and secure conduct, the citizens of Lubek in Alemain, with all theirgoods and wares, which they shall bring or cause to be brought into ourkingdome. We haue also granted vnto them, that of all their goods andmerchandize, nothing shal be seized vnto the vse of our selues, or of anyother without their owne consent, but that they may freely sell andexercise traffike therewith according as they shall thinke expedient. Andtherefore we straightly command you, that neither your selues do offer, northat you permit any other to offer any impediment or moletstation vnto thesaid Burgers or vnto their messengers, either at their comming into ourland, with their goods and marchandize, in the time of their abode there, or at their departure from thence, and that yee neither molest them yourselues, nor yet suffer them by others to be molested, contrary to theaforesaid Charter. In testimonie whereof, we haue caused these our Lettersto be made Patents, during the space of seuen yeeres next following. 

Prouided, that the sayd Burghers doe in the meane time behaue themselueswell and faithfully towards our foresaid elected brother. Witnesse ourselues at Westminster the eleuenth day of March, [Footnote: _Sic_ inHakluyt. It should be _May_. ] in the one and fortieth yeere of our reigne. 

 * * * * *

This Letter was doubled, namely for the Burghers, and the Marchants of Denmarke, of Brunswig, and of Lubecke. 

Carta pro Mercatoribus Alemanniæ, qui habent domum in London, quæ Gildhalla Teutonicorum vulgariter nuncupatur. Anno 44. Henrici tertij, & Anno primo & 29. Edwardi primi renouata & confirmata. 

Ad instantiam Serenissimi principis Richardi Romanorum Regis charissimifratris nostri concedimus mercatonbus Alemanniæ, illis videlicet qui habentdomum in Ciuitate nostra London, quæ Gildhalla Teutonicorum vulganternuncupatur, quod eos vniuersos manutenebimus per totum Regnum nostrum inomnibus ijsdem libertatibus & liberis consuetudinibus, quibus ipsi nostris& [Marginal note: Nota antiquitatem. ] progenitorum nostrorum temporibus vsisunt & gauisi. Ipsosque extra huiusmodi libertates & liberas consuetudinesnon trahemus, nec trahi aliquatenus permittemus. In cuius rei testimoniumhas literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes. 

The same in English

A charter for the Marchants of Almaine, who haue an house at London commonly called [Marginal note: The Stiliard. ] the Guild hall of the Dutch, graunted in the 44. Yeere of Henry the third, renued and confirmed in the 1. & 29. Yeere of Edward the first. 

At the instant request of the most gracious Prince Richard king of theRomanes our most deare brother, wee doe graunt vnto the Marchants ofAlemain (namely vnto those that haue an house in our citie of London, commonly called the Guildhall of the Dutch Merchants) that we will, throughout our whole Realme, maintaine all and euery of them, in all thoseliberties and free customes, which both in our times, and in the times ofour progenitors, they haue vsed and enioyed. [Sidenote: Note theantiquity. ] Neither will we inforce them beyond these liberties and freecustomes, nor in any wise permit them to be inforced. In witnesse whereof, wee haue caused these our letters to be made patents. 

 * * * * *

Mandatum regis Edwardi primi de mercatoribus alienigenis. 

Mercatores extranei vendant mercimonia sua in ciuitate London &c. Infraquadraginta dies post ingressum suum, anno 3. Edwardi primi. 

The same in English. 

A mandate of king Edward the first concerning outlandish marchants. 

We will and command that outlandish marchants doe sel their wares in thecitie of London &c. Within forty dayes of their ariuall. 

 * * * * *

The great Charter granted vnto forreine marchants by king Edward the first, in the 31. Yeare of his reigne commonly called Carta mercatoria, Anno Domini 1303. 

Edwardus Dei gratia Rex Angliæ, Dommus Hiberniæ dux Aquitaniæ, Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Prioribus, Comitibus, Baronibus, Iustitiarijs, Vicecomitibus, præpositis, ministris, & omnibus balliuis &fidelibus suis salutem. Circa bonum statum omnium mercatorum subscriptorumregnorum, terrarum, & prouinciarum, videlicet Alemanniæ, Franciæ, Hispaniæ, Portugalliæ, Nauarræ, Lombardiæ, Thusciæ, Prouinciæ, Cataloniæ, ducatusnostri Aquitaniæ, Tholosaniæ, Caturluni, Flandriæ, Brabantiæ, & omniumaliarum terrarum & locorum extraneorum, quocunque nomine censeantur, venientium in regnum nostrum Angliæ & ibidem conuersantium nos præcipuacura sollicitat, qualiter sub nostro dominio tranquillitatis & plenæsecuritatis immunitas eisdem mercatoribus futuris temporibus præparetur. Vtitaque vota ipsorum reddantur ad nostra & regni nostri seruitia promptiora, ipsorum petitionibus fauorabiliter annuentes, & pro statu eorundem pleniusassecurando, in forma quæ sequitur ordinantes, pro nobis & hæredibusnostris in perpetuum subscripta dictis mercatoribus duximus concedenda. 

1. In primis videlicet quod omnes mercatores dictorum regnorum & terrarumsaluè & secure sub tuitione & protectione nostra in dictum regnum nostrumAngliæ, & vbique infra potestatem nostram alibi veniant cum mercandisissuis quibuscunque de muragio, pontagio & pannagio liberi & quieti. Quodqueinfra idem regnum & potestatem nostram in ciuitatibus, burgis, & villismercatorijs possunt mercari duntaxat in grosso tam cum indigenis seuincolis eiusdem regni & potestatis nostræ prædictæ, quàm cum alienigenis, extraneis, vel priuatis. Ita tamen quod merces, quæ vulgariter merceriævocantur, ac species, minutatim vendi possint, prout antea fieri consueuit. [Sidenote: Exceptio contra notorios regni hostes. ] Et quod omnes prædictimercatores mercandisas suas, quas ipsos ad prædictum regnum & potestatemnostram adducere, seu infra idem regnum & potestatem nostram emere, velaliàs acquirere contingerit, possint quo voluerint tam infra regnum &potestatem nostram prædictam, quàm extra ducere vel portare facere, præterquam ad terras manifestorum & notoriorum hostium regni nostri, soluendo consuetudines quas debebunt: vinis duntaxat exceptis, quæ de codemregno seu potestate nostra, postquam infra idem regnum seu potestatemnostram ducta fuerint, sine voluntate & licentia specili non liceat eiseducere quoquo modo. 

2. Item quod prædicti mercatores in ciuitatibus, burgis, & villis prædictispro voluntate sua hospitari valeant, & morari cum bonis suis ad gratiamipsorum, quorum sunt hospitia siue domus. 

3. Item quod quilibet contractus per ipsos mercatores cum quibuscunquepersonis vndecunque fuerint super quocunque genere mercandisæ initus, firmus sit & stabilis, ita quod neuter mercatorum ab illo contractu possitrecedere, vel resilire, postquam denarius Dei inter principales personascontrahentes datus fuerit & receptus. Et si forsan super contractu euismodicontentio oriatur fiat inde probatio aut inquisitio secundum vsus &consuetudines feriarum & villarum, vbi dictum contractum fieri contigerit &iniri. 

4. Item promittimus præfatis mercatoribus pro nobis & hæredibus nostris inperpetuum concedentes, quod nullam prisam vel arrestationem, seu dilationemoccasione prisæ de cætero de mercimonijs mercandisis seu alijs bonis suisper nos vel alium seu alios pro aliqua necessitate vel casu contravoluntatem ipsorum mercatorum aliquatenus faciemus, aut fieri patiemur, nisi statim soluto precio pro quo ipsi mercatores alijs eiusmodi mercimoniavendere possint, vel eis aliter satisfacto, ita quod reputent se contentos:Et quod super mercimonia, mercandisas, seu bona ipsorum per nos velministros nostros nulla appreciatio aut estimatio imponetur. 

[Sidenote: Lex mercatoria. ]5. Item volumus quod omnes balliui & ministri feriarum, ciuitatum, burgorum, & villarum mercatoriarum mercatoribus antedictis conquerentibuscoram ijs celerem iustitiam faciant de die in diem sine dilatione secundumlegem mercatoriam, de vniuersis & singulis quæ per eandem legem poteruntterminari. Et si forte inueniatur defectus in aliquo balliuorum velministrorum prædictorum, vnde ijdem mercatores vel eorum aliquis dilationisincommoda sustinuerint vel sustineant, licet mercator versus partem inprincipali recuperauerit damna sua, nihilominus balliuus vel minister aliusversus nos, prout delictum exigit puniatur. Et punitionem istam concedimusin fauorem mercatorum prædictorum pro corum iustitia maturanda. 

6. Item quod in omnibus generibus placitorum, saluo casu criminis pro quoinfligenda est poena mortis, vbi mercator implacitatus fuerit, vel aliumimplacitauent, cuiuscunque conditionis idem implacitatus extiterit, extraneus vel priuatus, in nundinis, ciuitatibus, siue Burgis, vbi fueritsufficiens copia mercatorum prædictarum terrarum, & inquisitio fieridebeat, sit medietas inquisitionis de eijsdem mercatoribus, & medietasaltera de probis & legalibus hominibus loci illius vbi placitum illud essecontigent. Et si de mercatoribus dictaram terrarum numerus non inuenientursufficiens, ponentur in inquisitione illi qui idonei inuenientur ibidem, &residij sint de alijs bonis hominibus & idoneis de locis in quibus placitumillud erit. 

7. Item volumus, ordinamus, & statuimus, quod in qualibet villa mercatoria& feria regni nostri prædicti & alibi infra potestatem nostram pondusnostrum in certo loco ponatur & ante ponderationem statera in presentiaemptoris & venditoris vacua videatur & quòd brachia sint equalia & ex tuncponderator ponderet in æquali. Et cum stateram posuerit in æquali statimamoueat manus suas, ita quod remaneat in æquali; quodque per totum regnum &potestatem nostram sit vnum pondus & vna mensura: & signo standardi nostrisignentur: Et quod quilibet possit habere stateram vnius quaternionis, &infra, vbi contra domini loci, aut libertatem per nos & antecessoresnostros concessam illud non fuerit, siue contra villarum & feriarumconsuetudinem hactenus obseruatam. 

8. Item volumus & concedimus, quod aliquis certus homo fidelis & discretusLondini residens assignetur iustitiarius mercatoribus memoratis, coram quovaleant specialiter placitare, & debita sua recuperare celeriter, siVicecomites & Maiores eis non facerent de die in diem celeris iustitiæcomplementum: Et inde fiat Commissio extra Cartam præsentem concessamercatoribus antedictis: [Sidenote: Lex mercatoria quæ?] scilicet de hisquæ sunt inter mercatores & mercatores secundum legem mercatoriamdeducenda. 

[Sidenote: Antiquæ Costumæ. ]

9. Item ordinamus & statuimus, & ordinationem illam statutúmque pro nobis &hæredibtis nostris in perpetuum volumus firmiter obseruari, quòd proquacunque libertate, quam nos vel hæredes nostri de cætero concedemus, præfati mercatores supradictas libertates vel earum aliquam non amittant. Pro prædictis autem libertatibus & liberis consuetudinibus obtinendis, &prisis nostris remittendis ijdem supradicti mercatores vniuersi & singulipro se & omnibus alijs de partibus suis nobis concorditer & vnanimiterconcesserunt, quòd de quolibet dolio vini, quod adducent vel adduci facientinfra regnum & potestatem nostram, & vnde marinarijs fretum solueretenebuntur, soluent nobis & hæredibus nostris nomine Custumæ duos solidosvltra antiquas custumas debitas & in denarijs solui consuetas nobis, autalias infra quadraginta dies, postquam extra naues ad terram posita fuerintdicta vina. Item de quolibet sacco lanarum, quem dicti mercatores, aut alijnomine ipsorum ement & è regno educent, aut emi & educi facient, soluentquadraginta denarios de incremento vltra custumam antiquam dimidiæ marcæ, quæ prius fuerat persoluta pro lasta coriorum extra regnum & potestatemnostram vehendorum dimidiam marcam supra id quòd ex antiqua custuma antesoluebatur. Et similiter de trecentis pellibus lanitis extra regnum &potestatem nostram ducendis quadraginta denarios vltra certum illud, quodde antiqua custuma fuerat prius datum. Item duos solidos de quolibetscarlato & panno tincto in grano. Item decem & octo denarios de quolibetpanno, in quo pars grani fuerit intermixta. Item duodecem denarios dequolibet panno alio sine grano. Item duodecem denarios de qualibet ærisquintalla. 

10. Cumque de præfatis mercatoribus nonnuli eorum alias excicere soleantmercandisas, vt de Aucrio ponderis, & de alijs rebus subtilibus, sicut depannis Tarsensibus, de serico, & cindallis, de seta & alijs diuersismercibus, & de equis etiam & alijs animalibus, blado & alijs rebus &mercandisis multimodis, quæ ad certam custumam facile poni non poterunt, ijdem mercatores concesserunt dare nobis & hæredibus nostris de qualibetlibra argenti estimationis seu valoris rerum & mercandisaram huiusmodi, quocunque nomine censeantur; tres denarios de libra in introitu rerum &mercandisaram ipsarum in regnum & potestatem nostram prædictam infraviginti dies postquam huiusmodi res & mercandisæ in regnum & potestatemnostram adductæ & etiam ibidem exoneratæ seu venditæ fuerint. Et similitertres denarios de qualibet libra argenti in eductione quarumcunque rerum &mercandisaram huiusmodi emptarum in regno & potestate nostris prædictisvltra custumas nobis aut alijs ante datas. Et super valore & estimationererum & mercandisarum huiusmodi de quibus tres denarij de qualibet libraargenti sicut prædicitur sunt soluendi, credatur eis per literas, quas deDominis aut socijs suis ostendere poterunt: Et si literas non habeantstetur in hac parte prædictorum mercatorum, si præsentes fuerint, velvaletorum suorum in eorandem mercatorum absentia, iuramentis. 

11. Liceat insuper socijs de societate prædictorum mercatorum infra regnum& potestatem nostram prædictas, lanas vendere alijs suis socijs, &similiter emere ab ijsdem absque custuma soluenda. Ita tamen quod dictælattæ ad tales manus non deueniant, quòd de custuma nobis debitadefraudemur. Et præterea est sciendum, quòd postquam supradicti mercatoressemel in vno loco infra regnum & potestatem nostram custumam nobisconcessam superius pro mercandisis suis in forma soluerint supradicta, &suum habeant inde warantum, siue huiusmodi mercandisæ infra regnum &potestatem nostram remaneant, siue exterius deferantur, (exceptis vinis, quæ de regno & potestate, nostris prædictis sine volnntate & licentianostra sicut prædictum est nullatenus educantur:) Volumus, ac pro nobis, achæredibus nostris concedimus, quòd nulla exactio, prisa, vel præstatio, autaliquod onus super personas mercatorum prædictorum, mercandisas seu bonaeorundem altquatenus imponatur contra formam expressam superius &concessam. His testibus veracibus principalibus, Roberto CantuariensiArchiepiscopo totius Angliæ primate, Waltero Couentriæ & Lichfildiæepiscopo, Henrico de Lacy Lincolniense, Humfredo de Bohum comiteHerfordiense, & Essexiæ & Constabulo magno Angliæ, Adomaro de Valentia, Galfrido de Gaymal, Hugone de Lespensor, [Footnote: _Sic_. ] Waltero deBello campo, senescallo hospitij nostri, Roberto de Burijs, & alijs. Datumper manum nostram apud Windesore, primo die Februarij, anno regni nostrixxxj. 

The aforesaid generall Charter in English. 

Edward by the grace of God king of England, lord of Ireland, duke ofAquitaine, to Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Earles, Barons, Iustices, Vicounts, gouernours, officers, and all bayliffes, and hisfaithfull people sendeth greeting. Wee haue speciall care for the goodestate of all marchants of the kingdomes, lands, and countries following:to wit of Almaine, France, Spaine, Portugal, Nauarre, Lombardie, Florence, Prouence, Catalonia, of our duchie of Aquitaine, Tholosa, Caturlune, [Footnote: Catalonia] Flanders, Brabant, and of all other forreinecountreis and places by what name soeuer they be called, which come intoour kingdome of England, and there remayne, that the sayd marchants mayliue in quiet and full securitie vnder our dominion in time to come. Wherefore that their hearts desires may bee more readily inclined to ourseruice and the seruice of our kingdome, wee fauourably agreeing to theirpetitions, for the fuller assuring of their estate, haue thought good tograunt to the sayd merchants for vs and our heires for euer thesepriuiledges vnder written, ordaining in forme as followeth. 

1. First, that all marchants of the sayd kingdomes and countreys may comeinto our kingdome of England, and any where else into our dominion withtheir marchandises whatsoeuer safely and securely vnder our defence andprotection without paying wharfage, pontage, or pannage. And that inCities, Boroughs, and market townes of the sayd kingdome and dominion theymay traffique onely by the great [Footnote: Wholesale. ] as well with thenaturall subiects and inhabitantes of our aforesayde kingdome and dominion, as with forreiners, straungers, or priuate persons. Yet so thatmarchandises which are commonly called mercerie wares, and spices, may besold by the small, [Footnote: Retail. ] as heretofore hath bin accustomed. [Sidenote: An exception for traficking with the known enemies of thekingdome. ] And that all the aforesaid marchants may cary or cause to becaried whither they will, aswell within our realme or dominion, as out ofthe same; sauing vnto the countreis of the manifest and knowne enemies ofour kingdome, those marchandises which they shall bring into our foresaydrealme and dominion or buy or otherwise purchase in our sayd realme anddominion paying such customes as they ought to doe: except onely wines, which it shall not be any wayes lawfull for them to cary out of our saydrealme and dominion without our speciall fauour and licence, after they beonce brought into our realme and dominion. 

2. Item that the aforesayd marchants may at their pleasure lodge & remainewith their goods in the cities, boroughs, and townes aforesaid, with thegood liking of those which are owners of their lodgings. 

3. Item that euery bargaine made by the said marchants with any maner ofpersons, of what places soeuer they be for any kind of marchadisewhatsoeuer, shalbe firme & stable so that none of both the marchants shallshrinke or giue backe from that bargaine, after that the earnest penie beonce giuen and taken betweene the principall bargayners. And ifperaduenture any strife arise about the same bargaine, the triall andinquirie thereof shall be made according to the vses and customes of thefayres and townes where it chanced that the said bargaine was made andcontracted. 

4. Item, we promise the aforesaid marchants granting for euer for vs andour heires, that from hence foorth we will not in any wise make nor causeto be made any stay or arrest, or any delay by reason of arrest of theirwares, marchandises or other goods, by our selues, or by any other orothers for any neede or accident against the will of the sayd marchants, without present payment of such a price as the marchants would haue soldthose marchandises for to other men, or without making of them othersatisfaction, so that they shall hold themselues well contented and that noprice or valuation shalbe set vpon their wares, marchandises, & goods by vsor by any officer of ours. 

5. Item, we will that all bayliffes and officers of fayres, cities, boroughs, and market townes shall doe speedie iustice from day to daywithout delay accgrdmg to the lawe of Marchants to the aforesayd marchantswhen they shall complaine before them, touching all and singuler causes, which may be determined by the same law. [Sidenote: Where is this law nowbecome?] And if default be found in any of the bayliffes or officersaforesayd, whereby the sayd marchants or any of them haue sustained, or dosustaine any damage through delay, though the marchant recouer his lossesagainst the partie principall, yet the bayliffe or other officer shall bepunished to vs ward, according to the qualitie of the default. And wee doegrant this punishment in fauour of the aforesayd marchants in regard of thehastening of their iustice. 

6. Item, that in al maner of pleas, sauing in case where punishment ofdeath is to be inflicted, where a marchant is vnpleaded, or sueth another, of what condition soeuer hee bee which is sued, whether stranger or homeborne, in fayres, cities, or boroughs, where sufficient numbers ofmarchants of the foresayd countreis are, and where the triall ought to beemade, let the one halfe of the Iurie be of the sayd marchants, and theother halfe of good and lawfull men of the place wheie the suite shall fallout to bee: and if sufficient number of marchants of the sayd countriescannot bee found, those which shall be found fit in that place shall be putvpon the Iurie, and the rest shall be chosen of good and fit men of theplaces where such suit shall chance to be. 

7. Item we will, we ordaine, and wee appoint, that in euery market towneand fayre of our realme aforesayd and elsewhere within our dominion ourweight shall bee set in some certaine place, and that before the weighingthe balance shall bee seene emptie in the presence of the buyer and of theseller, and that the skales bee equall: and that afterward the weigherweigh in the equall balance. And when hee hath set the balances euen, lethim straightway remooue his hands, so that the balance may remayne euen:And that throughout all our kingdome and dominion there be one weight andone measure, and that they be marked with the marke of our standard. Andthat euery man may haue a weight of one quarter of an hundred, and vnder, where the same hath not bin contrary to the liberty of the lord of theplace, and contrary to the libertie granted by vs and our predecessors, orcontrary to the custome of townes and fayres which hath hitherto beeneobserued. 

8. Item we will and we grant that some certaine faythfull and discreete manresident in London be appointed to doe Iustice to the aforesayd marchants, before whome they may haue their sutes decided, and may speedilie recouertheir debts, if the Shiriffes and Maior should not from day to day giuethem speedy iustice. And hereof let a Commission be made: which we grantvnto the aforesaid marchants besides this present Charter: to wit of suchthings as betweene marchant and marchant are to be decided according to thelawe of marchants. 

9. Item we ordayne and appoynt, and wee will that this ordinance andstatute shall firmely bee obserued for euer for vs and our heires, that theaforesayd marchants shal not loose the aforesayd liberties nor any of them, for any libertie whatsoeuer, which wee or our heires hereafter shall grant. And for the obtayning of the aforesayd liberties and free customes, and forremission of our arresting of their goods the aforesayd marchants all andeuery of them for themsetues and all other of their parties with oneaccorde and one consent hane granted vnto vs, that of euery tunne of wine, which they shall bring or cause to be brought into our realme and dominion, for which they shall bee bound to pay freight vnto the mariners, besidesthe olde customes which are due and were woont to bee payd vnto vs, theywill pay vnto vs and to our heires in the name of a custome two shillingsin money, either out of hande, or else within fortie dayes after the saydwines shall bee brought on land out of the shippes. Item for euery sacke ofwooll, which the sayd marchants or others in their name shall buy and carieout of the realme, or cause to bee brought and caried out, they will payforty pence aboue the old custome of halfe a marke, which was payedheretofore: And for a last of hides to bee caryed out of our realme anddominion halfe a marke aboue that which heretofore was payed by the oldecustome. And likewise for three hundreth Felles with the wooll on them tobee transported out of our realme and dominion fortie pence, aboue thatcertaine rate which before was payed by the olde custome: Also twoshillings vpon euery scarlate and euery cloth died in graine. Itemeighteene pence for euery cloth wherein any kind of graine is mingled. Itemtwelue pence vpon euery cloth dyed without graine. Item twelue pence vponeuerie quintall of copper. 

And whereas sundrie of the aforesayd marchants are woont to exercise othermarchandises, as of Hauer de pois, and other fine wares, as sarcenets, lawnes, cindalles, and silke, and diuers other marchandlses, and to sellhorses and other beastes, corne, and sundrie other things and marchandlses, which cannot easily bee reduced vnto a certaine custome: the sayd marchantshaue granted to giue vnto vs, and to our heires of euery pound of siluer ofthe estemation and value of these kinde of goods and marchandises, by whatname soeuer they be called, three pence in the pound in the bringing in ofthese goods into our realme and dominion aforesaid, within twentie dayesafter these goods and marchandlses shall be brought into our realme anddominion, and shall be there vnladen and solde. And likewise three pencevpon euery pound of siluer in the carying out of any such goods andmarchandises which are bought in our realme and dominion aforesayd abouethe customes beforetime payd vnto vs or any of our progenitors. Andtouching the value and estimation of these goods and marchandises, whereofthree pence of euery pound of siluer, as is aforesayd, is to be payd, credite shalbe giuen vnto them vpon the letters which they are able toshewe from their masters or parteners. And if they haue no letters in thisbehalfe, we will stand to the othe of the foresayd marchants if they beepresent, or in their absence to the othes of their seruants. 

Moreouer, it shall be lawfull for such as be of the company of theaforesayd marchants within our realme and dominion aforesayd, to sellwoolles to other of their company, and likewise to buy of them withoutpaying of custome. Yet so, that the said wools come not to such hands, thatwee be defrauded of the custome due vnto vs. And furthermore it is to bevnderstood, that after that the aforesaid marchants haue once payed in oneplace within our realme and dominion, the custome aboue granted vnto vs informe aforesayd for their marchandises, & haue their warrant therof, whether these marchandises remayne within our kingdome or be caried out(excepting wines, which in no wise shalbe caried forth of our realme anddominion aforesayd without our fauour & licence as is aforesayd) we wil andwe grant for vs and our heires, that no execution, attachment or loane, orany other burthen be layd vpon the persons of the aforesayd marchants, vpontheir marchandises or goods in any case contrary to the forme beforementioned and granted. The faithfull & principall witnesses of thesepresents are these Robert Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate of all England, Walter bishop of Couetrey and Lichfield, Henry Lacie of Lincolne, Humfreyde Bohume, Earle of Herford and Essex high Constable of England, Adomare ofValentia, Geofrey of Gaymal, Hugh Spenser, Walter Beauchampe Seneschall ofour house, Robert of Bures, and others. Giuen by our owne hand at Windesorethe first day of February, in the yere of our reigne xxxi. 

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De mercatoribus Angliæ in Norwegia arestatis, & eorum mercimonijs de arrestandis literæ Edwardi secundi anno sexto regni sui, Haquino regi Norwegiæ. 

Magnifico principi domino Haquino Dei gratia regi Norwegiæ illustri amicosuo charissimo Edwardus eadem Dei gratia rex Angliæ, Dom. Hiberniæ, & duxAquitaniæ salutem cum dilectione sincera. Miramur non modicum & in intimisconturbamur de grauaminibus & oppressionibus quæ subditis nostris infraregnum vestrum causa negociandi venientibus his diebus plus solito absquecausa rationabili, sicut ex graui querela didicimus, inferuntur. Nupersiquidem Willihelmus filius Laurentij de Waynfleete, Simon filius Alani deeadem, Guido filius Mathei & eorum socij mercatores nostri nobisconquerendo monstrarunt, quod cum ipsi quosdam homines & seruientes suoscum tribus nauibus suis ad partes regni vestri, ad negotiandum ibidemtransmisissent: [Sidenote: Villa de Tonnesbergh. ] & naues illæ in portuvillæ vestræ de Tonnesbergh halece & alijs bonis diuersis vsque ad magnamsummam oneratæ fuissent Et licet nautis nauium prædictarum hominibusque &sermentibus prædictis à regno vestro liberè cum nauibus & bonis prædictisad partes Angliæ redeundi vestras fieri feceritis de conductu, postmodùmtamen antequam naues illæ propter venti contrarietatem portum prædictumexire potuerunt, quidam balliui vestri naues prædictas cum hominibus &bonis omnibus tunc existentibus in eisdem, occasione mortis cuiusdammilitis nuper balliui vestri in Vikia per malefactores & piratas, dum nauesprædictæ in portu supradicto sicut præmittitur remanserunt supra mare vtdicitur interfecti, de mandato vestro vt dicebant arrestarunt, & diu subaresto huiusmodi detinebant, quousque videlicet homines & marinarijprædicti de quadraginta libris sterlingorum certo die statuto ad opusvestrum pro qualibet naui prædictarum soluendis inuiti & coacti securitateminuenissent: Et similiter de eisdem nauibus cum hominibus prædictis infraportum prædictum citra festum natiuitatis Sancti Ioannis Baptistæ proximofuturo ad standum tunc ibidem de personis & nauibus suis vestræ gratiæ seuvoluntatis arbirio reducendis tres obsides vlterius liberassent: quod ipsisvalde graue censetur & auditu mirabile auribus audientium non immeritoreputatur. Et quia contra rationem & æquitatem, omnemque iustitiam foredinoscitur, atque legem, quòd delinquentium culpæ seu demerita in personisvel rebus illorum qui criminis rei conscij vel participes, seu de huiusmodidelinquentium societate non fuerunt, aliqualiter vlciscantur, vestramamicitiam affectuose requirimus & rogamus quatenus præmissa diligentimeditatione zelo iustitiæ ponderantes, obsides prædictos iubere velitis abhostagiamento huiusmodi liberari, dictamque securitatem relaxari penitus &resolui. Scientes pro certo, quod si malefactores prædicti, qui dictummilitem vestrum vt dicitur, occiderunt, alicubi infra regnum seu potestatemnostram poterunt inueniri, de ipsis iustitiam & iudicium secundum legem &consuetudinem eiusdem regni fieri faciemus. Non enim possumus his diebusæequanimiter tolerare quod naues prædictæ seu aliæ de regno nostro, quæsemper promptæ ad nostrum seruitium esse debent, extra idem regnum adpartes remotas se diuertant sine nostra licentia speciali. Quid autem adhanc nostram instantiam faciendum decreueritis in præmissis, nobis siplaceat rescribatis per præsentium portatorem. Datæ apud Windesore decimosexto die Aprilis. 

The same in English. 

The letters of Edward the second vnto Haquinus king of Norway, concerning the English marchants arrested in Norway, and their goods to be freed from arrest. 

To the mighty Prince, lord Haquinus, by the grace of God the famous king ofNorway his most deare friend Edward by the same grace of God, king ofEngland, lord of Ireland duke of Aquitaine, greeting and sincere loue. Wemaruell not a little, and are much disquieted in our cogitations, considering the greeuances and oppressions which (as wee haue beeneinformed by pitifull complaints) are at this present more than in timespast without any reasonable cause inflicted vpon our subiects, which doevsually resort vnto your kingdome for traffiques sake. For of late oneWilliam the sonne of Laurence of Wainfleete, and one Simon the sonne ofAlan of the same towne, and Guido the sonne of Mathew and their associatesour marchants, in complayning wise declared vnto vs: [Sidenote: The towneof Tonesbergh. ] that hauing sent certaine of their factors and seruants, with three shippes into your dominions, there to exercise traffique, andthe sayd ships being laden in the hauen of your towne of Tonnesbergh, withHerrings and other commodities to a great value: and also the saidmariners, men, and seruants of the foresayd shippes, being licenced byvertue of the safe conduct which you had granted them, freely to returnefrom your kingdome vnto the parts of England with their ships and goodsaforesayd, but afterward not being able to depart out of your hauen byreason of contrary windes: certaine of your bayliffes vpon occasion of theslaughter of a knight being himselfe also of late your bayliffe of Vikia, committed by malefactors and Pirates vpon the sea, whilest the sayd shippesremained in the hauen aforesayd, did at yoar commandement (as they say)arrest, and for a long season also deteined vnder that arrest, the foresaidships, with all the men and goods that were in them: namely vntill suchtime, as the men and mariners aforesaide (beeing driuen perforce, andconstrained thereunto) should lay in sufficient securitie for the paymentof fortie pounds sterling, vpon a certain day appointed, vnto your vse foreuery of the foresaide ships and: also vntill they had moreouer deliueredthree pledges, for the bringing of the saide ships and men backe againeinto the foresaid hauen, before the feast of the natiuitie of S. Iohn theBaptist next ensuing, then and there to stand vnto your fauour andcurtesie, as touching the said persons, and those ships of theirs: whichdealing, the parties themselues take very grieuously, yea, and all othersthat heare thereof thinke it to be a strange and vnwonted course. Andbecause it is most vndoubtedly contrary to all reason, equitie, iustice, and lawe, that the faults or demerits of offenders should in any sort bepunished in such persons, or in their goods, as neither haue bene accessorynor partakers in the crime, nor haue had any society with the saideoffenders: we doe heartily intreat and request your Highnes, that weighingand pondering the matter in the balance of iustice, you would of your loueand friendship, command the foresaid pledges to be set at libertie, and thesaid securitie vtterly to bee released and acquited. And know you this fora certaintie, that if the foresaide malefactors, who (as it is reported)slewe your Knight aforesaide shall any where within our realme anddominions be found, we wil cause iustice and iudgement to bee executed vponthem, according to the Lawe and custome of our sayde Realme. For we cannotin these times conueniently and well indure, that the ships aforesaide, orany other ships of our kingdome (which ought alwayes to be in a readinessefor our seruice) should without speciall licence, depart out of our saidekingdome, vnto forreine dominions. Nowe, what you shall think good at thisour request to performe in the premisses, may it please you by the bearerof these presents to returne an answere vnto vs. Geuen at Windsore the 16. Of April. 

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Another Letter of Edward the second, to Haquinus King of Norway, in the behalfe of certaine English Marchants

Magnifico Principi Dom Haquino Dei gratia regi Norwegiæ illustri, amico suocharissimo, Edwardus eadem Dei gratia Rex Angliæ, dominus Hyberniæ, & duxAquitaniæ, salutem cum dilectione sincera. [Sidenote: Northbernæ villa. ]Querelam dilectorum Mercatorum nostrorum Thomæ de Swyn de Waynfleete, &Simonis filij Alani de eadem recepimus, continentem, Quod cùm ipsi nuperquosdam seruientes suos infrà regnum vestrum pro suis ibidem exercendismercimonijs transmisissent, Thesaurarius vester bona & mercimoniaprædictorum Thomæ & Simonis ad valenciam quadraginta librarum, quæseruientes prædicti in villa de Northberne in sua custodia habuerunt, dieSancti Michælis vltimò præterita fecit absque causa rationabili arestari, &ea adhuc taliter arestata detinet iniustè, in ipsorum Thomæ & Simonisdamnum non modicum & depauperationem manifestam. Et quia eisdemmercatoribus nostris subuenire volumus, quatenus suadente iustitiapoterimus in hac parte, vestram amicitiam requirimus cum affectu, quatenusaudita querela prædictorum Thomæ & Simonis, vel ipsorum atturnatorum superrestitutione bonorum & mercimoniorum prædictorum impendere velitis eisdemceleris iustitiæ complementum: Ita quod pro defectu exhibitionis iustitiæsuper arestatione prædicta non oporteat nos pro mercatoribus nostrisprædictis de alio remedio prouidere. Nobis autem quid ad hanc nostraminstantiam duxeritis faciendum, rescribere velitis per præsentiumportitorem. Datæ vt supra. 

The same in English. 

To the mightie Prince Lord Haquinus, by the grace of God the famous King ofNorway, his most deare friend Edward by the same grace of God king ofEngland, Lorde of Ireland, and Duke of Aquitaine, greeting and sincereloue. Wee receiued the complaint of our welbeloued Merchants Thomas de Swynof Waynfleet, and Simon the sonne of Alanus of the same towne: the contentswhereof are, that whereas of late, the saide parties sent certaine of theirseruants to traffike in your kingdome, your Treasurer vpon the feast of S. Michæl last past, without any iust or reasonable occasion, caused the goodsand merchandise of the foresaide Thomas and Simon, to the value of fortiepound, which their said seruants had vnder their custodie at the towne ofNorthberne, to be arrested, and as yet also iniurously deteineth the samevnder the same arrest, to the great damage and impouereshing of the saydThomas and Simon. And forasmuch as our desire is to succour these ourmarchants so far foorth as we can, Iustice requiring no lesse in thisbehalfe, we doe right earnestly request you, that hauing hearde thecomplaint and supplication of the foresayde Thomas and Simon, or of theirAtturneyes, you woulde of your loue and friendship, vouchsafe them speedieadministration of Iustice, about the restitution of their goods andmarchandise aforesaide: least that for want of the exhibiting of Iusticeabout the foresaid arrest, we be constrained to prouide some other remediefor our marchants aforesaid. Our request is, that you would by the bearerof these presents, returne an answere vnto vs, what you are determined todoe, at this our instant motion. Giuen as aboue. 

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A third letter of King Edward the second, to Haquinus King of Norway in the behalfe of certaine English Marchants. 

Magnifico Principi Domino Haquino Dei gratia Regi Norwegiæ illustri, amicosuo charissimo, Edwardus eadem Dei gratia Rex Angliæ, dominus Hyberniæ, &dux Aquitaniæ, salutem cum dilectione sincera. Pro mercatoribus nostrisLennæ, & partium vicinarum, quos Balliuus & Officiarij vestri ciuitatisvestræ Bergen dudum ceperunt, & stricto carceri manciparunt, quorum multivt iam intelleximus, propter alimentorum subtractionem & duritiam, acasperitatem carceris perierunt, vt ipsorum & bonorum suorum deliberationempræcipere curaretis, vestræ serenitati Regiæ nostras nuper transmisimusliteras speciales. Sed vos, retentis adhuc in carcere nostris mercatoribussicut prius, nobis per literas vestras quas audiuimus & intelleximusdiligenter, inter cætera rescripsistis, quod quidam mercatores de regnovestro de iniurijs, violentijs & arrestationibus, quibus in regno nostrohis diebus sunt vt asserunt, contra iustitiam aggrauati, multipliciterconqueruntur, adijciendo in vestris literis memoratis, quod quidaminiquitatis filij in villa Lennæ, ad piscandum vt dicebant haleciavenientes quendam militem Balliuum vestrum, in Vikia vnà cum decem alijssubditis vestris, in vestris & regni vestri negotijs existentibuscrudeliter occiderunt. Super quibus mens nostra grauatur quàmplurimum &turbatur, præsertim quum nunquam nostræ fuerit voluntatis, quod iniuriæ, violentiæ, seu arrestationes aliquæ mercatoribus, vel alijs de regno vestroper aliquos de regno & potestate nostris fierent indebitè vel iniustè: necadhuc intelligere possumus, quod mercatoribus vestris per aliquem velaliquos de subditis nostris huc vsque aliter factum fuerit: Scientes procerto quod si nobis per inquisitiones legitimas constare poterit huiusmodigrauamina subditis vestris infra regnum nostrum illata fuisse, nossufficientes emendas, & satisfactiones debitas super illis, celerísqueiustitiæ complementum fieri faciemus. Et insuper si malefactores prædicti, qui præfatum militem, & alios secum existentes, vt præmittitur, occiderunt, de regnò, seu potestate nostra sint, vel infrà idem regnum vel potestatempoterunt inueniri, de ipsis iudicium & iustitiam fieri pracipiemus, secundum Leges & consuetudines regni nostri. [Sidenote: Antiquitas comercijinter Angliam & Norwegiam. ] Et quia inter nos & vos, nostrósque & vestrossubditos hinc inde foueri desideramus mutuam concordiam & amorem; ita quodmercatores nostri & vestri mercandisas suas in nostris & vestris regnis &dominijs liberè, & absque impedimento valeant exercere, prout temporibusprogenitorum nostrorum fieri consueuit, & ex dictarum literarum vestrarumserie collegimus euidenter vos promptos esse similiter, & paratos ad omnia& singula, quæ pro vobis & vestris subditis super discordijs, contentionibus, aut grauaminibus inter nostros & vestros subditosqualitercunque suscitatis pro bono pacis & iustitiæ fuerint æquanimiterfacienda; Nos consimilia pro nobis & nostris, quantum ad nos & ad ipsosattinet, illius amore, qui pacis author fore dinoscitur, & pro quiete &commodo populi vtriusque regnorum nostrorum, quatenus ius & ratiodictitauerint, promittimus nos factoros: Vestram amicitiam requirentesobnixius & rogantes, quatenus mercatores nostros prædictos, qui adhucsuperstites relinquuntur, quos etiam tempore, quo dicta felonia committidicebatur, interclusos tenebat custodia carceralis, iubere velitis nostricontemplatione, zelóque iustitiæ ab huiusmodi custodia liberari, bona abipsis capta eis prout iustum fuerit restitui faciendo. Et vt deliberatiomercatorum nostrorum prædictorum, & bonorum suorum eò facilius concedatur, placeat vobis cum diligentia debita ponderare, quod Galfridus Drewe, &quidam alijs mercatores nostri de Lenne, quibusdam mercatoribus de regnovestro occasione eiusdem grauaminis ipsis mercatoribus vestris, ad sectamTidemanni Lippe infrà regnum nostrum, vt dicebatur, illati, centum librassterlingorum persoluerunt, sicut in quodam scripto indentato interIngelramum Lende de Thorenden, & quosdam alios mercatores vestros ex partevna, & præfatam Galfridum, & quosdam alios de regno nostro similiter exaltera confecto, vidimus contineri. Si qui verò de subditis vestris dealiquibus subditis nostris, de aliqua iniuria ipsis facta querelas in curianostra deponere voluerint, & prosequi cum effectu, ipsorum subditorumvestrorum petitiones admitti, & eis super querelis huiusmodi plenam &celerem iustitia fieri faciemus. Ita quod ijdem subditi vestri exindereputare debebunt meritò se contentos. Et interim de excessibus &grauaminibus subditis vestris infrà regnum nostrum qualitercunque illatisinquiri faciemus cum diligentia veritatem. Vestræ igitur voluntatisbeneplacitum in præmissis nobis rescribere velitis per præsentiumportitorem. Datas apud Westminster tertio die Aprilis. 

The same in English. 

To the mightie Prince king Haquinus, by the grace of God the famous king ofNorway, his most deare friend Edward by the same grace of God, king ofEngland, lord of Ireland, Duke of Aquitaine, greeting and sincere loue. Wesent of late vnto your royall maiestie our special letters, for the behalfeof our late marchants of Lenne, and of the coast adioyning (whome yourbaily and officers of the citie of Bergen lately apprehended, committingthem to close prison, many of whome, as we vnderstand, are, for want of duenourishment, and by reason of the extremitie & loathsomnesse of the prison, quite perished) that you would cause them and their goods to bee released. Howbeit, you reteining as yet our marchants in durance as before, in yourletters, which we haue diligently heard, and throughly vnderstood, haue, amongst other matters, returned this answere vnto vs, that certainemarchants of your kingdome doe make sundrie complaints of iniuries, violences and arrests, whereby they haue lately (as themselues auouch)contrary to iustice bene aggrieued and oppressed in our dominions addingmoreouer in your sayde letters, that certaine sonnes of iniquitie of thetowne of Lenne, comming, as they saide, to fish for herings cruellymurthered a certaine Knight, who was in times past your bayliffe of Vikia, together with ten others of your subiects, being imployed about theaffaires of your kingdome. In consideration whereof our minde isexceedingly and aboue measure grieued and troubled, especially sithence itas neuer any part of our intent, that any iniuries, violences, or arrestsshould vniustly be inflicted vpon any marchants, or any others of yourrealme by any of our kingdomes: neither can we as yet haue anyintelligence, that any such hard measure hath bene offered vnto any of yourmarchants, by any one or moe of our subiects: giuing you for a certaintieto vnderstand, that if vpon lawfull inquisition we shal be aduertised ofany such grieuances, which haue bene offered vnto your subiects within ourrealme, we will cause speedie iustice to be administred, and sufficientrecompence, and due satisfaction to be made in regarde thereof. Andmoreouer, if the saide malefactors, which, as it is aforesaid, slewe theforenamed Knight, and others of his companie, either be appertaining vntoour kingdome and dominion, or may at any time be found within our saidekingdome or dominion, we will command iustice and lodgement to be executedvpon them according to the lawes and customes of our realme. And forasmuchas our desire is, that mutuall concord and amitie should be mainteined andcherished between your and our subiects on both parts: so that our and yourmarchants may, in both our Realmes and dominions, freely and withoutimpediment exercise their traffique, as in the times of our progenitors ithath bene accustomed; [Sidenode: The antiquity of traffique betweeneEngland and Norway] Whereas also we euidently gathered out of the contentsof your letter, that you are in like sort readie and willing to put allthings in practise, which are by you and your subiects (for the taking awayof discords, contentions, and molestations howsoeuer occasioned, and sprungvp betweene your and our subiects) louingly to be performed: we also doepromise for our selues and our subiects so much as in vs and them lieth forhis sake who is knowen to be the author of peace, and for the benefite &tranquilitie of both our Realmes (as iustice and reason shall moue vs) todoe the like. Desiring and earnestly requesting at your hands, that of yourloue and friendship, hauing regard of vs, and consideration of iustice, youwould commaund that our foresaide marchants, who as yet remaine aliue, andwho also at the time of the saide felonie committed, were shut vp in closeprison, be deliuered out of the saide thraldome, causing their goods whichhaue bene taken from them, to bee, according vnto iustice, restored to themagain. And that the deliuerie of our foresaide marchants and goods, may bethe more easily yeelded vnto, may it please you with diligent obseruationto consider, that Gefferey Drew, and certaine other of our marchants ofLenne, vpon occasion of the greiuances offered vnto your marchants withinour Realme, (as the report goeth) at the suite of Tidman Lippe, paide vntothe same your marchants an hundreth pound sterling: euen as in a certainIndenture made betweene Ingelram Lende of Thorenden, and some other of yourmarchants on the one part, and betweene the foresaide Geffrey, and certaineof our marchants on the other part, wee sawe conteined. Moreouer, if any ofyour subiects be minded to exhibite, and effectually to prosecute theircomplaints in our Court, concerning any of our subiects, or of any iniurydone vnto them, we will cause the petitions of those your subiects to beadmitted, and also full and speedie iustice to be administred, vpon anysuch like complaints of theirs. Insomuch, that those your subiects shalthinke themselues right well and sufficiently contented therewithall. Andin the meane space we will cause diligent inquisition of the trueth to bemade, of all excesses and grieuances howsoeuer offered vnto your subiectswithin our dominions. May it please you therfore, by the bearer of thesepresents, to returne an answere vnto vs, what you are determined to doe inthe premisses. Giuen at Westminster, the third day of April. 

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De Stapula tenenda in certo loco ordinatio, Anno 13. Edwardi secundi. 

Rex collectoribus custumæ lanarum & pellium lanutarum in portu Londonsalutem. Cùm nos vicesimo die Maij anno regni nostri sexto attendentesdamna & grauamina, quæ mercatoribus de regno nostro diuersimode euenerunt, ex eo quod mercatores tam indigenæ quàm alienigenæ lanas & pelles lanutasinfra regnum & potestatem nostram ementes, & se cum eisdem lanis & pellibusad vendendum eas ad diuersa loca infra terras Brabantiæ, Flandriæ, & deArtoys eorum libito voluntatis transtulerint: [Sidenote: Maior & Communitasstapulæ. ] & volentes etiam huiusmodi damnis & grauaminibus quatenus bonomodo possemus prouidere, de consilio nostro ordinauerimus, quod mercatoresindigenæ & alienigenæ lanas & pelles huiusmodi infrà regnum & potestatemprædictam ementes, & ad terras prædictas ibidem vendendas ducere volentes, lanas illas & pelles ad certam stapulam infrà aliquam earundem terrarum, per Maiorem & Communitatem eorundem mercatorum, de regno nostro ordinandamassignari, ac prout & quando expedire viderint mutandum, & non ad alia locain terris illis ducant, seu duci faciant vllo modo: & inter cæteraconcesserimus mercatoribus de regno nostro supradicto pro nobis & hæredibusnostris, quòd ipsi Maior & consilium dictorum mercatorum, qui pro temporefuerint, quibuscunque mercatoribus indigenis seu alienigenis, qui contradictam ordinationem venerint, & modo rationabili conuicti fuerint, certaspecuniæ summas pro delictis illis imponant, & quòd illæ huiusmodi summæ debonis & mercimonijs mercatorum sic delinquentium, vbicunque ea infra regnum& potestatem prædictam inueniri contigerit, per ministros nostros ad opusnostrum leuentur: prout in Charta nostra inde confecta plenius continetur:[Sidenote: Charta anno regni sexio confecta. ] quam quidem Chartam persingulos comitatus regni nostri super costeras maris fecimus publicari, &firmiter inhiberi, ne qui mercatores indigenæ seu alienigenæ contra tenoremChartæ prædictæ sub poenis contentis in eadem venerint vllo modo: Acpostmodum dato nobis intelligi, quod quàmplures mercatores tam indigenæquàm alienigenæ, lanas & pelles lanutas infrà regnum & potestatem prædictasementes, & se cum eisdem lanis & pellibus ad vendendum eas ad alia loca indictis terris, quàm ad Stapulam iuxta concessionem nostram prædictam perMaiorem & communitatem dictorum mercatorum de regno nostro in aliquaterrarum illarum ordinatam & assignatam transtulerint in nostri contemptum, & contra Chartam ordinationis, publicationis & inhibitionis prædictarumassignauerimus quosdam fideles nostros in diuersis partibus regni adinquirendum de lanis & pellibus lanutis ad dictas terras alibi quàm adStapulam illam ductis, ita quod emendæ inde ad nos pertinentes, ad opusnostram leuentur; etiam intellexerimus, quod quasi omnes mercatores tamindigenæ quàm alienigenæ huiusmodi mercimonia in dicto regno nostroexercentes sunt culpabiles de præmissis: & quod plures inde indictati, acalij timentes inde indictari, lanas suas ac pelles lanutas sub nominibusaliorum non culpabilium faciunt aduocari, & extra regnum nostrum transmittiquibusdam alienigenis, sic culpabilibus in dictum regnum forsitan nonreuersuris, vt sic forisfacturas prædictas effugiant, & nos de emenda adnos sic pertinente illudant: quæ si permitterentur sic transire in nostridamnum non modicum redundarent. Nos volentes huiusmodi fraudibus obuiare, &nostris damnis quatenus bono modo poterimus præcauere, vobis præcipimusfirmiter iniungentes, quod à singulis mercatoribus lanas seu pelles lanutasper portum prædictum ad partes exteras ducere volentibus corporalesacramentum ad sancta Dei Euangelia recipiatis, quod ipsi lanas seu pelleslanutas sub nomine ipsius, cuius propriæ sunt, & non alterius aduocabunt, &tunc recepta ab illo cuius lanæ & pelles huiusmodi erunt, vel nomine suosufficiente securitate pro qua respondere volueritis, de respondendo &faciendo nobis id quod ad nos pertinet de lanis & pellibus lanutis peripsum ductis seu missis ad aliquam dictarum terrarum Flandriæ & Brabantiæ, & de Artoys contra formam Chartæ, proclamationis, & inhibitionissupradictarum, si ipsum super hoc conuinci contingat, lanas & pelles illaslanutas extra portum prædictum, recepta prius custuma debita de eisdem, adpartes exteras transire pemittatis. Teste Rege apud Doueram decimo octauodie Iunij, per ipsum Regem & Consilium. 

Et postmodùm per breue de priuato sigillo eodem modo mandatum estcollectoribus custumæ prædicts in portubus subscriptis: Videlicet, In portu villæ Southhampton. In portu villæ Weymouth. In portu villæ Sancti Botolphi. In portu villæ de Kingtone super Hull. In portu villæ de nouo Castro. In portu villæ de magna Iernemutha. In portu villæ de Lenne. In portu villæ de Gypwico. 

The same in English. 

An Ordinance of the Staple to bee holden at one certaine place. 

The King vnto his Collectors of custome, for wooll and woollen fels, in hisport of London, greeting. Whereas we vpon the 20. Of May, in the sixt yeereof our reigne, considering the damages and grieuances that haue diuerslyhappened vnto the marchants of our realme, vpon occasion that the marchantsboth of our owne, & of other countreis, buying vp wooll and woollen felswithin our kingdome and dominions, haue, for the better sale thereof, attheir pleasure conueyed theselues, and trasported the said wooll & felsinto sundry places within the prouinces of Brabant, Flanders and Artoys:and being desirous also, to our power, to prouide a remedie against suchdamages and inconueniences, haue ordained by our counsel, that allmarchants, both homeborne and aliens, buying vp such wools and fels, withinour kingdome and dominion aforesaid, and being desirous to transport theminto the foresaid prouinces, there to bee solde, may carrie the saide woolsand fels, or cause them to be caried to some certaine staple, within any ofthe saide Prouinces, by the Maior and Communaltie of the said marchants ofour realme, to be appointed and assigned, and when they shall thinke itexpedient, to be changed and remoued, and not vnto any other place withinthe saide Prouinces whatsoeuer: and whereas also, amongst other things, wehaue granted vnto the marchants of our foresaid realme, for vs and ourheires, that the Maior and Councel of the saide marchants for the timebeing, may impose vpon all marchants, home-borne or aliens whatsoeuer, thatshall transgresse the foresaid ordination, and shall thereof lawfully beconuicted, certaine summes of money to be paid for their offences, and thatsuch summes must by our ministers and officers, to our vse, be leuied outof the goods and wares of the marchants so offending, wheresoeuer theyshall chance to be found within our kingdome and dominions aforesaid, [Sidenote: A Charter made in the sixt yeere of his reigne. ] as in ourCharter made for the same purpose it is more plainly expressed, (whichCharter we haue caused to be published vpon the Sea-coasts, throughout allthe countreys of our realme, and a strong prohibition to be proclaimed, that no marchants, neither home-borne, nor strangers, may in any wisetransgresse the tenour of the foresaide Charter, vnder the penaltiestherein contained) and whereas afterward it beeing giuen vs to vnderstand, that diuers marchants both homeborne and aliens, bought vp such woolles andwoollen felles within our saide Realme and dominions, and conueyedthemselues with the saide wools and felles for the sale thereof vnto otherplaces within the foresaide Prouinces, besides the saide Staple, which was, according to our graunt aforesaide appointed and ordained by the Maior andcommunaltie of the said marchants of our Realme, in some one of thoseProuinces, to the contempt of our authoritie, and contrary to the Charterof the ordination, publication, and inhibition aforesaide, wee assignedcertaine of our faithfull subiects, in diuers parts of our Realme, to makeinquisition for such wools and woollen felles, as were conueyed vnto anyother place of the saide Prouinces, then vnto the Staple, so that by thesemeanes, the penalties due vnto vs might bee leuied vnto our vse: and hauingintelligence also, that in a maner all marchants both home-borne, andstrangers bartering such wares in our kingdome, are culpable of thepremisses, and that many being indicted thereupon, and others fearing tobee indicted, doe cause their wools and woollen felles to bee auouchedvnder the names of persons not culpable, and to be sent ouer vnto certainestrangers being also culpable, and not minding perhaps to return any moreinto our realme, that they may so escape the foresaid forfeitures, anddefraud vs of the penaltie, appertaining of right vnto vs, (which abuses, if they were suffered so to goe vnpunished woulde redound vnto our extreamehinderance:) and beeing likewise desirous to withstand such deceitefulldealing, and so farre forth as wee can, to preuent our owne losses, wefirmely command, and streightly charge you, that you doe receiue of eueryparticular marchant, desirous to conuey any wools, or woollen fels out ofthe foresaid port, into any forrein dominions, a corporal oath vpon Godsholy Euangelists that they shall auouch all those wools and woollen felsvnder his name vnto whom they doe properly belong, & vnder the name of noneother: and then taking sufficient security from the owner of those woolsand fels, or in his name, in regard whereof you wil vndertake towarrantize, and make good vnto vs those penalties and forfaitures whichshal vnto vs appertaine, for all wools, and woollen fels conueied or sentby any of the foresaid merchants vnto any of the said prouinces ofFlanders, Brabant, and Artoys, contrary to the Charter of the Proclamationand inhibition aboue mentioned (if they shal chance to be conuinced hereof)that first, our due custome being receiued, you doe permit the said woolsand woollen fels to passe out of the foresaid port into forrein countnes. Witnes the king at Douer the 18. Day of Iune. By the king himselfe and hisCouncell. 

And afterwarde by a Writte vnder the Kings priuie Seale there was a likecommandement giuen vnto the Collectors of the custome aforesayde in theportes vnderwritten. 

That is to say:

In the port of the Towne of:

 Weymouth. Southhampton. Saint Botulphs towne, now called Boston. Kingtone vpon Hull. Newcastle. Iernemouth magna, or Yermouth. Lenne. Gypwick or Ipswich. 

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Carta Henrici quarti Anno [Marginal note: 1404] quinto regni sui concessa mercatoribus Angliæ in partibus Prussiæ, Daciæ, Norwegiæ, Swethiæ, & Germaniæ, de gubernatore inter ipsos ibidem constituendo. 

Henricus Dei gratia Rex Angliæ & Franciæ & Dominus Hiberniæ omnibus, adquos præsentes literæ peruenerint, salutem Sciatis quod cum, vt accepimus, ob defectum boni & sani regiminis & gubernationis, diuersa damna, dissensiones, grauamina, & angustiæ inter mercatores Regni nostri Angliæ inpartibus Pruciæ, Daciæ, Noruegiæ, Hansæ, & Suethiæ commorantes sæpius antehæc tempora mota fuissent & perpetrata, ac maiora, exinde, quod absit, futuris temporibus verisimiliter euenire formidantur, nisi pro meliorigubernatione inter eosdem mercatores mutuò habenda manus nostras adiutricesapponamus: Nos damnis & periculis in hac parte imminentibus præcauere, &eosdem Mercatores & alios de dicto regno nostro ad partes prædictasventuros iuste & fideliter regi & pertractari intime desiderantes, volumus& tenore præsentium concedimus eisdem mercatoribus, quod ipsi quoties &quando eis placuerit in quodam loco competenti & honesto, vbi sibiplacuerit, se congregare & vnire, & certas personas sufficientes & idoneasin gubernatores suos in eisdem partibus inter se ad eorum libitum eligere &obtinere valeant libere & impune: Dantes vlterius & concedentes huiusmodigubernatoribus per prædictos Mercatores sic eligendis, quantum in nobisest, potestatem & authoritatem speciales, omnes & singulos mercatoresAnglicos ad partes prædictas de cætero venientes & declinantes per se velsufficientes loca sua tenentes regendi & gubernandi, ac eis & eorumcuilibet in suis causis & querelis quibuscunque inter eos in partibusprædictis motis vel mouendis plenam & celerem iusticiam faciendi &quascunque quæstiones contentiones, discordias, & debatas inter ipsosmercatores Anglicos partium prædictarum motas sue mouendas reformandi, reformationemque petendi, redigendi, sedandi, & pacificandi, & quascunquetransgressiones, damna, mesprisiones, excessus, violencias, & iniuriasmercatoribus partium prædictarum per prædictos mercatores Anglicos factasseu faciendas redigendi, reparandi, restaurandi, & emendandi, consimilesquerestitutiones, reparationes, restaurationes & emandationes de ipsismercatoribus partium prædictarum seu deputatis suis requirendi, petendi, &recipiendi: Ac de communi assensu mercatorum Anglicorum prædictorumstatuta, ordinationes, & consuetudines, prout pro meliori gubernationestatus eorundem mercatorum Anglicorum in hac parte videbitur expedire, faciendi & stabiliendi & omnes & singulos mercatores Anglicos præfatisgubernatoribus sic eligendis vel eorum loca tenentibus seu eorum alicui, aut alicui statutorum, ordinationum & consuetudinum prædictarum contrarios, rebelles, vel inobedientes iuxta quantitatem delicti sui in hac parterationabiliter puniendi. Volentes insuper omnia iusta & rationabiliastatuta, ordinationes & consuetudines per dictos gubernatores sic eligendosin forma prædicta facienda & stabilienda, nec non omnes iustas &rationabiles ordinationones per [Marginal note: Nota. ] nuper gubernatoresprædictorum mercatorum Anglicorum de communi assensu eorundem mercatorumpro huiusmodi gubernatione sua in partibus prædictis iuxta priuilegia &authoritates sibi per magistrum. Pruciæ seu alios dominos partiumprædictarum concessa, factas & stabilitas, sen per prædictos gubernatoresnunc vt præmittitur eligendos iuxta priuilegia prædicta, seu aliapriuilegia eisdem mercatoribus Anglicis per prædictos magistrum & dominosin posterum concedenda, facienda & stabilienda, rata, firma & acceptahaberi, & pro ratis firmis, & acceptis ibidem fimiter & inuiolabiterobseruari. Damus autem vniuersis & singulis mercatoribus Anghcis prædictistenere præsentium firmiter in mandatis, quod eisdem gubernatonbus siceligendis & eorum loca tenentibus in præmissis omnibus & singulis ac alijsgubernationem & regimen in hac parte qualitercunque concernentibusintendentes sint, consulentes obedientes & auxiliantes prout decet. Data inpalatio nostro Westmonasterij sub magni sigili nostri testimomo sexto dieIunij Anno regni nostri quinto. 

A Charter of King Henry the fourth graunted in the fift yeere of his reigne to the English Marchants resident in the partes of Prussia, Denmarke, Norway, Sweden, and Germanie for the chusing of gouernours among themselues. 

Henry by the grace of God king of England and of France, and lord ofIreland to all to whom these present letters may come, sendeth greeting. Know ye, that whereas, according as we are informed, through want of goodand discreete rule and gouernement, sundry damages, strifes, oppressions, and wrongs oftentimes heretofore haue bene moued and committed among theMarchants of our kingdome of England remaining in the parties of Prussia, Denmarke, Norway, the Hans steeds and Sweden, and greater hereafter, whichGod forbid, are feared to be like to fall out, vnlesse we put to ourhelping hands for the procuring of better gouernement to be maintainedamong the said Marchants: wee heartily desiring to preuent the perrils anddangers which are like to fall out in this case, and that the saydeMarchants and others which shall trauaile out of our said Realme into thepartes aforesaid may iustly and faithfully be ruled and intreated, we willand graunt by the tenour of these presents to the said Marchants, that theymay freely and without danger assemble and meete together as often andwhensoeuer they please in some conuenient and honest place where they shallthinke good, and that they may choose among themselues certaine sufficientand fit persons for their gouernours in those parts at their good liking. And furthermore we giue and graunt to the said Gouernours which are in suchsort to be chosen by the aforesaid Marchants, as much as in vs lieth, speciall power and authoritie to rule and gouerne all and singular theEnglish Marchants which hereafter shall come or repayre to the partsaforesaid by themselues or their sufficient Deputies, and to minister vntothem and euery of them in their causes and quarels whatsoeuer, which aresprung vp, or shall hereafter fall out among them in the parts aforesaidfull and speedie iustice, and to reforme all maner of questions, contentious discords, and debates moued or to be moued betweene the EnglishMarchants remayning in those parts, and to seeke reformation, to redresse, appease, and compound the same. And further to redresse, restore, repayreand satisfie all transgressions, damages, misprisions, outrages, violences, and iniuries done or to be done by the aforesaid English Marchants againstthe Marchants of those parts: And to require, demaund and receiue the likerestitutions, reparations, satisfactions and amends of the Marchants ofthose parts or of their deputies. And by the common consent of theaforesaid English Marchants to make and establish statutes, ordinances, andcustomes, as shall seeme expedient in that behalfe for the bettergouernement of the state of the said English Marchants: and to punish withreason according to the quantitie of their fault in that behalfe all andsingular the English Marchants which shall withstand, resist or disobey theaforesaid gouernours so to be chosen or their deputies, or any of them: orany of the aforesaid statutes, ordinances, or customes. Moreouer we doeratifie, confirme, and approoue, and as ratified, confirmed, and approoued, wee command firmely and inuiolably there to be obserued all iust, andreasonable statutes, ordinances, and customes which shalbe made andestablished by the said gouernors, so to be chosen, in forme aforesaid, andalso all iust and reasonable ordinances made & established by the lategouernours of the aforesaid English Marchants with the common consent ofthe sayd Marchants for this their gouernement in the parts aforesayd, according to the priuileges and authorities now granted vnto them by theMaster of Prussia, or other Lords of the partes aforesayd, or which shallbe made and established by the aforesayd gouernours now as is mentioned tobe chosen according to the aforesaid priuileges heretofore graunted, orother priuileges hereafter to bee granted to the sayde English Marchants bythe aforesayde Master and lords of the Countrey. And furthermore by thetenor of these presents we straitely commaund all and singular theaforesaid English Marchants, that they attend, aduise, obey and assist, asit becommeth them, the sayde gouernours so to bee chosen, and theirdeputies in all and singular the premisses and other things, which any waymay concerne in this behalfe their rule and gouernement. Giuen in ourPalace at Westminster vnder the testimonie of our great Seale the sixt dayof Iune in the fift yeere of our reigne. 

 * * * * *

A note touching the mighty Ships of King Henry the fift, mentioned hereafter in the treatie of keeping the sea, taken out of a Chronicle in the Trinitie Church of Winchester. 

Eodem anno quo victoria potitus est videlicet Anno Domini 1415. & regni suiAnno tertio, post bellum de Agencourt, conducti a Francis venerunt cummultis Nauibus recuperaturi Harfletum. Sed Rex Angliæ misit fratrem suumIohannem Ducem Bedfordiæ & Andegauiæ, qui pugnauit cum eis & vicit, & Nauescepit, & quasdam submersit: cæteri fugerunt cum Hispanis nauibus quivenerant cum eis Anno gratiæ 1416. Sequenti vero Anno redieruntpotentiores, & iterum deuicti perpetuam pacem cum Rege composuerunt, &propter eorum naues fecit Rex fieri naues quales non erant in mundo. De hissic conductis a Francis ita metricè scribitur. 

[Sidenote: Naues maximæ Henrici quinti. ]

 Regum belligero trito celeberrimus aruo Gallos, Hispanos, Ianos, deuicit, & Vrget, Vastat; turbantur cætera regna metu. Nauali bello bis deuicti quoque Iani. 

 * * * * *

A branch of a Statute made in the eight yeere of Henry the sixt, for the trade to Norwey, Sweueland, Denmarke, and Fynmarke. 

Item because that the kings most deare Vncle, the king of Denmarke, Norwayand Sueueland, as the same our soueraigne Lord the king of his intimationhath vnderstood, considering the manifold & great losses, perils, hurts anddamage which haue late happened as well to him and his, as to otherforaines and strangers, and also friends and speciall subiects of our saidsoueraigne Lord the king of his realme of England, by the going in, entring& passage of such forain & strange persons into his realme of Norwey &other dominions, streits, territories, iurisdictions & places subdued andsubiect to him, specially into his Isles of Fynmarke, and elsewhere, aswellin their persons as their things and goods: for eschuing of such losses, perils, hurts & damages, and that such like (which God forbid) should nothereafter happen: our said soueraigne Lord the king hath ordeined andstatuted, that all and singular strangers, as well Englishmen and otherswilling to apply by Ship and come into his realme of Norwey and otherdominions, straights, territories, iurisdictions, Isles & places aforesaidwith their ships to the intent to get or haue fish or any otherMarchandises, or goods, shall apply and come to his Towne of Northberne, where the said king of Denmarke hath specially ordained and stablished hisstaple for the concourses of strangers and specially of Englishmen, to theexercise of such Marchandises granting to the said Englishmen that theyshall there inioy in and by all things the same fauour, priuileges andprerogatiues which they of the Hans did enioy. Therefore our saidsoueraigne Lord the king willing the loue, affinitie and amities to befirmely obserued, which betwixt his said Vncle and his noble progenitors ofgood memory, their Realmes, lands, dominions, streites, territories, iurisdictions and their said places, and the same our soueraigne Lord theking & his noble progenitours of famous memory, his great men, subiects, Realmes, lands & dominions hath bene of old times hitherto continued nornothing by our said soueraigne Lord the king or his people to be attemptedor done whereby such amities by reason of any dissensions, enemities ordiscords might be broken: by the aduise of the Lords spintuall & temporall& of the comons of his said Realme of England, assembled in this presentParliament, hath ordained, prohibiting that none of his liege people norsubiects of his Realme of England by audacitie of their follie presume toenter the Realmes, lands, dominions, straits, terntones, iurisdictions &places of the said king of Denmarke against the ordinance, prohibition &interdiction of the same his Vncle aboue remembred, & in contempt of thesame, vpon paine of forfeiture of all their moueable goods & imprisonmentof their persons at the kings will. 

 * * * * *

Another branch of a statute made in the tenth yeere of the reigne of Henry the sixt concerning the state of the English Marchants in the dominions of the king of Denmarke. 

Item because that our soueraigne Lord the king at the grieuous complaint tohim made in this Parliament by the commons of his realme of England beingin this Parliament is informed that many of his faithfull liege people begreatly impouerished, vndone, & in point to be destroyed by the king ofDenmarke & his lieges, which be of the amitie of the king our soueraigneLord, because that they do daily take of his said faithfull subiects theirgoods, so that they haue taken of marchants of York and Kinston vpon Hulgoods & marchandises to the valour of v. M. Li. Within a yeere, and ofother lieges & marchants of the realme of England goods & cattals to thevalour of xx. M. Li. Wherof they haue no remedie of the said king ofDenmarke, nor of none other, forasmuch as none of them commeth within theRealme of England, nor nothing haue in the same realme of England, & thatthe goods be taken out of the same Realme: The king willing to prouideremedy for his said liege people, hath ordeined & established, that if thegoods of any of the said his lieges be or shalbe taken by the said king ofDenmarke or any of his said lieges, the keeper of the priuie seale for thetime being, shall haue power to make to the partie grieued letters ofrequest vnder the priuie seale, without any other pursuite to be made toany for restitution to be had of the goods so taken & to be taken. And ifrestitution be not made by such letters, the king our soueraigne lord bythe aduise of his counsel shal prouide to the partie grieued his couenableremedy, according as the case requireth. 

 * * * * *

Here beginneth the Prologue of the processe of the Libel of English policie, exhorting all England to keepe the sea, and namely the narrowe sea shewing what profite commeth thereof, and also what worship and saluation to England, and to all English-men. 

[Sidenote: Incipit liber de custodia Maris præsertim arcti inter Doueram &Galisiam. ]

 The true processe of English policie Of vtterward to keepe this regne in rest Of our England, that no man may deny, Ner say of sooth but it is one of the best, Is this, that who seeth South, North, East and West, Cherish Marchandise, keepe the admiraltie, That wee bee Masters of the narrowe see

 For Sigismond the great Emperour, Wich yet reigneth, when he was in this land [1] With king Henry the fift, Prince of honour Here much glory, as him thought, he found, A mightie land which had take in hand To werre in France and make mortalitie, And euer well kept round about the see. 

[Footnote 1: It is clear, from these lines, that this poem must have beenwritten between 1416, when Sigismond was in England, and 1438, when hedied. ]

[Sidenote: Videns imperator Sigismundus duas villas inter cæteras Angliescilicet Calisiam & Doueream ponens suos duos digitos super duos suosoculos ait regi: Frater custodite istas duas villas sicut duos vestrosoculos. ]

 And to the king thus hee sayd: My brother, (When hee perceiued two Townes Caleis and Douer) Of all your Townes to chuse of one and other, To keepe the sea and soone to come ouer To werre outwards and your regne to recouer: Keepe these two Townes sure, and your Maiestee As your tweyne eyne: so keepe the narrowe see. 

 For if this sea bee kept in time of werre, Who can heere passe without danger and woe Who may escape, who may mischiefe differre What Marchandie may forby bee agoe: For needs hem must take trewes euery foe: Flanders and Spaine, and other, trust to mee, Or ellis hindred all for this Narrow see. 

 Therefore I cast mee by a little writing To shew at eye this conclusion, For conscience and for mine acquiting Against God and ageyne abusion, And cowardise, and to our enemies confusion. For foure things our Noble [2] sheweth to me, King, Ship, and Swerd, and power of the see

[Foonote 2: The Noble was coined by Edward the third Anno regni 18. Quatuorconsiderantur in moneta aurea Anglica, quæ dicitur Nobile: scilicet Rex, Nauis gladius, & Mare: Quæ designant potestatem Anglicorum super Mare. Inquorum opprobrium his diebus Britones minores & Flandrenses & alij dicuntAnglicis: Tollite de vestro Nobile nauem & imponite ouem. Intendentes, quodsicut quondam à tempore Edwardi tertij Anglici erant domini Maris, modo hisdiebus sunt vecordes, victi, & ad bellandum & Mare obseruandum velut oues. ]

 Where ben our ships, where ben our swerds become: Our enemies bed for the ship set a sheepe. Alas our rule halteth, it is benome. Who dare well say that lordship should take keepe: I will assay, though mine heart ginne to weepe, To doe this werke, if wee will euer thee, For very shame to keepe about the see. 

 Shall any Prince, what so be his name, Which hath Nobles much leche ours, Bee Lord of see: and Flemings to our blame, Stop vs, take vs, and so make fade the flowers Of English state, and disteyne our honours: For cowardise alas it should so bee Therefore I ginne to write nowe of the see. 

Of the commodities of Spaine and of Flanders. 

The first Chapter

 Knowe well all men that profits in certaine Commodities called comming out of Spaine And Marchandie, who so will weete what it is, Bene Figs, Raisins, wine Bastard, and Datis, And Licoris, Siuill oyle, and graine, White Pastill Sope, and Waxe is not vayne. Yron, Wooll, Wadmolle, Gotefell, Kidfell also: For Poynt-makers full needefull bene they tweyn Saffron, Quickesiluer, which owne Spaine Marchandy, Is into Flanders shipped full craftily, Vnto Bruges as to her staple fayre: The Hauen of Scluse hir Hauen for her repayre Which is cleped Swyn tho shippes giding: Where many vessels and fayre are abiding. But these marchandes with their shippes great, And such chaffare as they bye and get By the weyes must nede take on hand By the coasts to passe of our England, Betwixt Douer and Caleis, this is no doubt. Who can well els such matter bring about?

[Sidenote: Flemish cloth made of English Wooll. ]

 And when these sayd Marchants discharged bee Of Marchandie in Flanders nere the see, Then they bee charged againe with Marchandy, That to Flanders bougeth full richly. Fine cloth of Ypre that named is better than ours, Cloth of Curtrike, [3] fine cloth of all colours, Much Fustian, and also Linen cloth. But Flemings, if yee bee not wroth, The great substance of your cloth at the full Yee wot ye make it of our English woll. 

[Footnote 3: Courtrai. ]

[Sidenote: The necessarie coniunction of Spaine and Flanders. ]

 Then may it not sinke in mannis brayne, But that it must this Marchandy of Spaine Both out and in by our costes passe: Hee that sayd nay in witte was like an asse. Wee should haue peace with the grounds tweyne Thus if this see were kept, I dare well sayne. For Spaine and Flanders is as eche other brother, And neither may well liue without other: They may not liuen to maintaine their degrees, Without our English commodities: Wolle and Tynne: for the woolle of England Susteineth the Commons Flemings I vnderstand. Then if England would her wolle restraine From Flanders, this followeth in certaine, Flanders of nede must with vs haue peace, Or els shee is destroyed without lees. Also if Flanders thus destroyed bee: Some Marchandy of Spaine will neuer ythee: For destroyed it is, and as in cheeffe The wolle of Spaine it commeth not to preeffe, But if it be costed and menged well Amongst the English wolle the greter delle. For Spanish wooll in Flaunders draped is, And euer hath bee, that men haue minde of this: And yet Wooll is one of the chiefe Marchandy That longeth to Spaine: who so will espie, It is of little value, trust vnto mee, With English wooll but if it menged bee. Thus if the sea be kept, than herken hether, If these two lands comen not together: So that the Fleete of Flanders passe nought That in the narrowe see it be not brought Into the Rochelle to fetch the famose wine, Ner into Bytonuse Bay for salt so fine, What is then Spaine? What is Flanders also? As who sayd, nought, the thrift is agoe For the little land of Flanders is But a staple to other lands ywis: And all that groweth in Flanders graine and seede May not a Moneth finde hem meate and brede. What hath then Flanders, bee Flemings lieffe or loth, But a little Mader and Flemish Cloth: By Drapering of our wooll in substance Liuen her commons, this is her gouernance, Without which they may not liue at ease. Thus must hem sterue, or with vs must haue peace. 

Of the commodities of Portugal. 

The second Chapter, The Marchandy also of Portugal By diuers lands turne into sale. Portugalers with vs haue troth in hand: Whose Marchandy commeth much into England. They ben our friends, with their commodities, And wee English passen into their countrees. Her land hath wine, Osey, Waxe, and Graine, Figges, Reysins, Hony and Cordoweyne: Dates, and Salt, Hides, and such Marchandy: And if they would to Flanders passe for by, They should not bee suffred ones ner twyes, For supporting of our cruell enemies, That is to say Flemings with her gyle: For changeable they are in little while. [Note well. ] Then I conclude by reasons many moe, If we suffred neither friend nor foe, What so enemies, and so supporting Passe for by vs in time of werring, Seth our friends will not ben in cause Of our hindring, if reson lede this clause: Then nede from Flanders peace bee to vs sought, And other lands should seeke peace, dout nought: For Flanders is Staple, as men tell mee, To all nations of Christianitie. 

The commodities of pety Britaine, [Footnote: Brittany] with her Rouers onthe sea. 

The third Chapter

[Sidenote: The Britons great Rouers and Theeues. ]

 Furthermore to write I am faine Somewhat speaking of the little Britayne. Commoditie thereof there, is and was, Salt, and wine, crest cloth and canuas. And the land of Flaunders sickerly Is the staple of their Marchandy. Wich Marchandie may not passe away But by the coast of England, this is no nay. And of this Britaine, who so trueth louis, Are the greatest rouers and the greatest theeuis, That haue bene in the sea many one yeere: That our Merchants haue bought full dere. For they haue tooke notable goods of ours, On this side see, these false pelours Called, of Saincte Malo, and ellis where: Which to their Duke none obeysance will bere: With such colours wee haue bee hindred sore. And fayned peace is called no werre herefore. Thus they haue bene in diuers coasts many Of our England, more then rehearse can I: In Norfolke coastes, and other places about, And robbed and brent and slame by many a rowte: And they haue also ransomed Towne by Towne: That into the regnes of bost haue run her sowne: Wich hath bin ruth vnto this Realme and shame: They that the sea should keepe are much to blame. For Britayne is of easie reputation; And Saincte Malo turneth hem to reprobation. 

A storie of Edward the third his ordinance for Britayne. 

[Sidenote: Historia ostendens quam ordinationem Rex Edwardus tertius fecitcontra de prædicatores marinos Brittaniæ minoris ad debellandum eos &subiugandum Britannos minores. ]

 Here bring I in a stone to mee lent, That a good Squire in time of Parliament Tooke vnto mee well written in a scrowe: That I haue commond both with high and lowe, Of which all men accorden into one, That it was done not many yeeres agone But when noble King Edward the third Reigned in grace, right thus it betyd. For hee had a maner gelosie To his Marchants and loued them hartily. He feld the weyes to rule well the see, Whereby Marchants might haue prosperitee. That for Harflew [4] Houndflew [5] did he maken; And great werre that time were vndertaken, betwixt the King and the Duke of Britayne: At last to fall to peace both were they fayne: Vpon the wich made with conuencion Our Marchants made hem readie bowne Toward Britayne to loade their Marchandie, Wening hem friends they went foorth boldly: But soone anon our Marchants were ytake, And wee spedde neuer the better for truce sake. They lost her good, her nauy and spending: But their complaint came vnto the king. Then wext he wroth, and to the Duke he sent, And complained that such harme was hent; By conuention and peace made so refused: Wich Duke sent againe, and him excused, Rehearsing that the mount of Saincte Michael, And Sainct Malo would neuer a dell Be subiect vnto his gouernance, Nor be vnder his obeysance: And so they did withouten him that deede. But when the king anon had taken heede: Hee in his herte set a iudgement, Without calling of any Parliament, Or greate tarry to take long aduise To fortifie anon he did deuise Of English Townes three, that is to say, Dertmouth, Plymouth, the third it is Fowey: And gaue hem helpe and notable puisance With insistence set them in gouernance Vpon pety Bretayne for to werre. Those good sea men would no more differre, But bete hem home and made they might not rowte, Tooke prisoners, and made them for to lowte. And efte the Duke, an ensample wise, Wrote to the king as he first did deuise, Him excusing: But our men wood With great power passed ouer the floode And werred foorth into the Dukes londe, And had ny destroyed free and bond. But than the Duke knewe that the townes three Should haue lost all his natiue Countrie, He vndertooke by suretie true not false, For mount Michael and Saincte Malo als. And other parties of the litle Brytaine, Which to obey, as sayd was, were not fayne The Duke hymselfe for all did vndertake: With all his herte a full peace did hee make: So that in all the life time of the king, Marchants had peace withouten werring:

[Footnote 4: Harfleur][Footnote 5: Honfleur]

[Sidenote: Statutum Regis Edwardi tertij pro Lombardis. ]

 He made a statute for Lombards in this land, That they should in noe wise take on hande Here to inhabite, here to chardge and dischardge But fortie dayes, no more time had they large. This good king by witte of such appreiffe Kept his Marchants and the sea from mischiefe. 

Of the commodities of Scotland and draping of her wolles in Flanders. The fourth Chapiter

 [Sidenote: Anno Domini 1436. Hen 6. 14. ]

 Moreouer of Scotland the commodities Are Felles, Hides, and of Wooll the Fleese. And all these must passe by vs away Into Flanders by England, sooth to say. And all her woolle was draped for to sell In the Townes of Poperinge and of Bell: Which my Lord of Glocester with ire For her falshed set vpon a fire. And yet they of Bell and Poperinge Could neuer drape her wool for any thing, But if they had English woll withall. Our goodly wooll which is so generall Needefull to them in Spaine and Scotland als, And other costes, this sentence is nnot false: Yee worthy Marchants I doe it vpon yow, I haue this learned ye wot well where and howe: Ye wotte the Staple of that Marchandie, Of this Scotland is Flaunders sekerly. And the Scots bene charged knowen at the eye, Out of Flanders with little Mercerie, And great plentie of Haberdashers Ware, And halfe her shippes with cart wheeles bare, And with Barrowes are laden as in substance: Thus most rude ware are in her cheuesance. So they may not forbeare this Flemish land. Therefore if wee would manly take in hand, To keepe this Sea from Flanders and from Spaine, And from Scotland, like as from pety Britaine, Wee should right soone haue peace for all her bosts, For they must needes passe by our English costs. 

Of the commodities of Pruce, and High Dutch men, and Easterlings. The fifth Chapitle. 

 Nowe goe foorth to the commodities, That commeth from Pruce in two maner degrees. For two maner people haue such vse, That is to say, High Duch men of Pruse, And Esterlings, which might not be forborne, Out of Flanders, but it were verely lorne. For they bring in the substance of the Beere, That they drinken feele too good chepe, not dere. Yee haue heard that two Flemings togider Will vndertake or they goe any whither, Or they rise once to drinke a Ferkin full, Of good Beerekin: so sore they hall and pull. Vnder the board they pissen as they sit: This commeth of couenant of a worthie wit. Without Caleis in their Butter they cakked When they fled home, and when they leysure lacked To holde their siege, they went like as a Doe: Well was that Fleming that might trusse, and goe. For feare they turned backe and hyed fast, My Lord of Glocester made hem so agast With his commimg, and sought hem in her land, And brent and slowe as he had take on hand: So that our enemies durst not bide, nor stere, They fled to mewe, they durst no more appeare, Rebuked sore for euer so shamefully, Vnto her vtter euerlasting villany. 

 Nowe Beere and Bakon bene fro Pruse ybrought Into Flanders, as loued and farre ysought: Osmond, Copper, Bow-staues, Steele, and Wexe, Peltreware and grey Pitch, Terre, Board, and flexe, And Colleyne threed, Fustian and Canuas, Card, Bukeram: of olde time thus it was. But the Flemings among these things dere, In common louen best Bakon and Beere. Also Pruse men maken her aduenture Of Plate of siluer of wedges good and sure In great plentie which they bring and bye, Out of the lands of Beame and Hungarie: Which is increase full great vnto their land, And they bene laden, I vnderstand, With wollen cloth all maner of colours By dyers crafted full diuers, that ben ours. And they aduenture full greatly vnto the Bay, for salt that is needefull withouten nay. Thus if they would not our friends bee, We might lightly stoppe hem in the see: They should not passe our streemes withouten leue, It would not be, but if we should hem greue. 

Of the commodities of the Genuoys and her great Caracks. Chap. 6. 

 The Genuois comen in sundry wies Into this land with diuers marchandises In great Caracks, arrayed withouten lacke With cloth of gold, silke, and pepper blacke They bring with them, and of crood [6] great plentee, Woll Oyle, Woad ashen, by vessel in the see, Cotton, Rochalum, and good gold of Genne. And then be charged with wolle againe I wenne, And wollen cloth of ours of colours all. And they aduenture, as ofte it doth befall, Into Flanders with such things as they bye, That is their chefe staple sekerly: And if they would be our full enemies, They should not passe our stremes with merchandise. 

[Footnote 6: Woad. ]

The comodities and nicetees of the Venetians and Florentines, with their Gallees. Chap. 7. 

 The great Galees of Venice and Florence Be well laden with things of complacence, All spicery and of grossers ware: With sweete wines all maner of chaffare, Apes, and Iapes, and marmusets tayled, Nifles and trifles that little haue auayled: And things with which they fetely blere our eye: With things not induring that we bye. For much of this chaffare that is wastable Might be forborne for dere and deceiuable. And that I wene as for infirmities In our England are such commodities Withouten helpe of any other lond Which by witte and practise both yfound: That all humors might be voyded sure, With that we gleder with our English cure: That we should haue no neede of Scamonie, Turbit, enforbe, correct Diagredie, Rubarbe, Sene, and yet they ben to needefull, But I know things al so speedefull, That growen here, as those things sayd. Let of this matter no man be dismayde; But that a man may voyde infirmitie Without degrees fet fro beyond the sea. And yet they should except be any thing It were but sugre, trust to my saying: He that trusteth not to my saying and sentence, Let him better search experience. In this matter I will not ferther prease, Who so not beleeueth, let him leaue and cease. Thus these galeys for this licking ware, And eating ware, bare hence out best chaffare. Cloth, woll, and tinne, which as I sayd before, Out of this lond worst might be forbore, For ech other land of necessitie Haue great neede to buy some of them three: And we receiue of hem into this coste Ware and chaffare that lightly wilbe loste. And would Iesus, that our Lord is wold Consider this well both yong and old: Namely old that haue experience, That might the yong exhorte to prudence; What harme, what hurt, and what hinderance Is done to vs, vnto our great grieuance, Of such lands, and of such nations: As experte men know by probations, By writings as discouered our counsailes, And false colour alwaies the countertailes Of our enimies: that doth vs hindering Vnto our goods, our Relme, and to the king: As wise men haue shewed well at eye; And all this is couloured by marchandye. 

An example of deceite

 Also they bere the gold out of this land, And sucke the thrift away out of our hand: As the Waspe souketh honie fro the bee, So minisheth our commoditee. Nor wol ye here how they in Cotteswold Were wont to borrow or they shold be sold Her woll good as for yere and yere. Of cloth and tinne they did in like manere: And in her galies ship this marchandie: Then soone at Venice of them men woll it bye. Then vtterne there the chaffare by the peise, And lightly als there they make her reise. And when the goods beene at Venice sold, Then to carie her change they this money haue, They will it profer, their subtiltie to saue, To English marchants to yeue it out by eschange To be payed againe they make not strange, At the receiuing and sight of a letter, Here in England, seeming for the better, by foure pence lesse in the noble round: That is twelue pence in the golden pound. And if wee wol haue of payment A full moneth, than must him needes assent To eight pence losse, that is shillings twaine In the English pound: as eft soone again, For two moneths twelue pence must he pay. In the English pound what is that to say, But shillings three? So that in pound fell For hurt and harme hard is with hem to dwell. And when English marchants haue content This eschange in England of assent, That these sayd Venecians haue in woone And Florentines to bere her gold soone Ouer the see into Flanders againe: And thus they liue in Flanders sooth to saine, And in London with such cheuisance, That men call vsury, to our losse and hinderance. 

Another example of deceite. 

 Now lesten well how they made vs a valeys When they borrowed at the town of Caleis As they were wont, their woll that was hem lent, For yere and yere they should make payment. And sometimes als two yere and two yeare. This was fayre [7] loue: but yet will ye heare How they to Bruges would her woll carie, And for hem take payment withouten tarie, And sell it fast for ready money in hand. For fifty pounds of money of losse they wold not wond In a thousand pound, and liue thereby Till the day of payment easily, Come againe in exchange: making Full like vsury, as men make vndertaking. Than whan this payment of a thousand pound Was well content, they should haue chaffare sound If they wold fro the Staple full, Receiue againe three thousand pound in woll. In Cotteswold also they ride about, And all England, and buy withouten doubte What them list with freedome and franchise, More then we English may gitten many wise But would God that without lenger delayes These galees were vnfraught in fortie dayes, And in fortie dayes charged againe, And that they might be put to certaine To goe to oste, as we there with hem doe. It were expedient that they did right soe, As we doe there. If the king would it: Ah what worship wold fall to English wit? What profite also to our marchandie Which wold of nede be cherished hertilie? For I would witte, why now our nauie fayleth, [Note diligently] When manie a foe vs at our doore assayleth. 

[Sidenote: A woful complaint of lacke of nauie if need come. A storie ofdestruction of Denmarke for destruction of their marchants. ]

 Now in these dayes, that if there come a nede, What nauie should we haue it is to drede. In Denmarke were full noble conquerours In time past, full worthy warriours: Which when they had their marchants destroyed, To pouerty they fell, thus were they noyed: And so they stand at mischiefe at this day. This learned I late well writon, this no nay. Therefore beware, I can no better will, If grace it woll, of other mennis perill. For if marchants were cherished to her speede, We were not likely to fayle in any neede. If they be rich, then in prosperitee Shalbe our londe, lords, and commontee, And in worship. Now thinke I on the sonne Of Marchandy Richard of Whitingdon;

[Sidenote: The prayse of Richard of Whittingdon marchant. ]

 That load sterre, and chiefe chosen floure: What hath by him our England of honour, And what profite hath bin of his riches, And yet lasteth dayly in worthines? That pen and paper may not me suffice Him to describe: so high he was of price Aboue marchants, that set him one of the best: I can no more, but God haue him in rest. 

[Footnote 7: Or, lone. ]

Now the principal matter. 

 What reason is it that we should goe to oste In their countries, & in this English coste They should not so? bat haue more liberty Then we our selues now also motte I thee. I would to gifts men should take no heede That letteth our thing publicke for to speede For this we see well euery day at eye, Gifts and fests stopen our policie. Now see that fooles ben either they or wee But euer we haue the worse in this countree. Therefore let hem vnto oste go here, Or be we free with hem in like manere In their countrees: and if it will not bee, Compell them vnto oste, and yee shall see Moch auantage, and moch profite arise, Moch more then I can write in any wise. 

Of our charge and discharge at her marts. 

 Conceiue wel here, that Englishmen at martes Be discharged, for all her craftes and artes, In Brabant of her marchandy In fourteene dayes, and ageine hastily In the same dayes fourteene acharged eft. And if they bide lenger all is bereft, Anon they should forfeit her goods all, Or marchandy: it should no better fall. And we to martis in Brabant charged beene With English cloth full good and fayre to seene: We ben againe charged with mercerie, Haburdasher ware, and with grosserie: To which marts, that English men call fayres, Ech nation oft maketh her repayres: English, and French, Lombards, Iennoyes, Catalones, thedre they take her wayes: Scots, Spaniards, Irishmen there abides, With great plenty bringing of sale hides. And I here say that we in Brabant bye, Flanders and Zeland more of marchandy In common vse then done all other nations: This haue I heard of marchants relations: And if the English ben not in the marts They ben feeble, and as nought bene her parts. For they byemore, and fro purse put out More marchandie then all the other rowte. Kept then the see, shippes should not bring ne fetch, And then the carreys wold not thidre stretch: And so those marts wold full euill thee, If we manly kept about the see. 

Of the commodities of Brabant and Zeland and Henauld and marchandy carried by land to the martes. Cap. 8. 

 Yet marchandy of Brabant and Zeland The Madre and Woad, that dyers take on hand To dyen with, Garlike and Onions, And saltfishe als for husband and commons. But they of Holland at Caleis byen our felles, And wolles our, that Englishmen hem selles. And the chaffare that Englishmen doe byen In the marts, that noe man may denien, Is not made in Brabant that cuntree: It commeth from out of Henauld, not by see, But al by land, by carts, and from France, Bourgoyne, Colem, Cameret in substance, Therefore at marts if there be a restraint, Men seyne plainely that list no fables paynt, If Englishmen be withdrawen away, Is great rebuke and losse to her affray: As though we sent into the land of France Ten thousand people, men of good puissance, To werre vnto her hindring multifarie. So ben our English marchants necessarie. If it be thus assay, and we shall witten Of men experte, by whom I haue this written. 

[Sidenote: What our marchants bye in that cost more then all other. ]

 For sayd is that this carted marchandy Draweth in value as much verily, As all the goods that come in shippes thider, Which Englishmen bye most and bring it hither. For her marts ben febel, shame to say, But Englishmen thither dresse her way. 

A conclusion of this depending of keeping of the sea. 

 Than I conclude, if neuer so much by land Were by carres brought vnto their hand, If well the sea were kept in gouernance They should by sea haue no deliuerance. Wee should hem stop, and we should hem destroy, As prisoners we should hem bring to annoy. And so we should of our cruell enimies Make our friends for feare of marchandies, If they were not suffered for to passe Into Flanders. But we be frayle as glasse And also brittle, not thought neuer abiding, But when grace shineth soone are we sliding, We will it not receiue in any wise: That maken lust, enuie, and couetise: Expone me this; and yee shall sooth it find, Bere it away, and keepe it in your mind. Then shuld worship vnto our Noble bee In feate and forme to lord and Maiestie: Liche as the seale the greatest of this land On the one side hath, as I vnderstand, A prince riding with his swerd ydraw, In the other side sitting, soth it is in saw, Betokening good rule and punishing In very deede of England by the king. And it is so God blessed mought he bee. So in likewise I would were on the see By the Noble, that swerde should haue power, And the ships on the sea about vs here. What needeth a garland which is made of Iuie Shewe a tauerne winelesse, also thriue I? If men were wise, the Frenchmen and Fleming Shuld bere no state in sea by werring. Then Hankin lyons shuld not be so bold To stoppe wine, and shippes for to hold Vnto our shame. He had be beten thence Alas, alas, why did we this offence, Fully to shend the old English fames; And the profits of England and their names: Why is this power called of couetise; With false colours cast beforn our eyes? That if good men called werriours Would take in hand for the commons succours, To purge the sea vnto our great auayle, And winne hem goods, and haue vp the sayle, And on our enimies their liues to impart, So that they might their prises well departe, As reson wold, iustice and equitie; To make land haue lordship of the sea. 

[Sidenote: Lombards are cause enough to hurt this land although there werenone other cause. False colouring of goods by Lombards. Alas for bribes &gift of good feasts & other means that stoppen our policie. This is thevery state of our time. ]

 Then shall Lombards and other fained friends Make her chalenges by colour false offends, And say their chaffare in the shippes is, And chalenge al. Looke if this be amisse. For thus may al that men haue bought to sore, Ben soone excused, and saued by false colour. Beware yee men that bere the great in hand That they destroy the policie of this land, By gifte and good, and the fine golden clothis, And silke, and other: say yee not this soth is? But if we had very experience That they take meede with prime violence, Carpets, and things of price and pleasance, Whereby stopped should be good gouernance: And if it were as yee say to mee, Than wold I say, alas cupiditie, That they that haue her liues put in drede, Shalbe soone out of winning, all for meed, And lose her costes, and brought to pouerty, That they shall neuer haue lust to goe to sea. 

An exhortation to make an ordinance against colour of maintainers and excusers of folkes goods

[Sidenote: It is a marueilous thing that so great a sicknes and hurt ofthe land may haue no remedie of so many as take heselues wise men ofgouernance. ]

 For this colour that must be sayd alofte And be declared of the great full ofte, That our seamen wol by many wise Spoile our friends in steede of our enimies: For which colour and Lombards maintenance, The king it needes to make an ordinance With his Counsayle that may not fayle, I trowe, That friends should from enimies be knowe, Our enimies taken and our friends spared: The remedy of hem must be declared. Thus may the sea be kept in no sell, For if ought be spoken, wot yee well, We haue the strokes, and enemies haue the winning: But mayntainers are parteners of the finning. We liue in lust and bide in couetise; This is our rule to maintaine marchandise, And policie that wee haue on the sea, And, but God helpe, it will no other bee. 

Of the commodities of Ireland and policie and keeping thereof and conquering of wild Irish: with an incident of Wales. Chap. 9. 

 I cast to speake of Ireland but a litle: Commodities of it I will entitle, Hides, and fish, Salmon, Hake, Herringe, Irish wooll, and linen cloth, faldinge, And marterns goode ben her marchandie, Hertes Hides, and other of Venerie. [8] Skinnes of Otter, Squirell and Irish hare, Of sheepe, lambe, and Fox, is her chaffare, Felles of Kiddes, and Conies great plentie. So that if Ireland helpe vs to keepe the sea, Because the King cleped is Rex Angliæ, And is Dominus also Hyberniæ, Old possessed by Progenitours: The Irish men haue cause like to ours Our land and hers together to defend, That no enemie should hurt ne offend, Ireland ne vs: but as one commontie Should helpe well to keepe about the sea: For they haue hauens great, and goodly bayes, Sure, wyde and deepe, of good assayes, At Waterford, and costes many one. And as men sayne in England be there none Better hauens, ships in to ride, No more sure for enemies to abide, Why speake I thus so much of Ireland? For all so much as I can vnderstand, It is fertile for things that there doe growe And multiplien, loke who lust to knowe, So large, so good, and so commodious, That to declare is strange and maruailous. 

[Footnote 8: Hunting. ]

[Sidenote: Mynes of siluer and gold in Ireland. ]

 For of siluer and golde there is the oore, Among the wilde Irish though they be poore. For they are rude can thereon no skill: So that if we had their peace and good will To myne and fine, and metal for to pure, In wilde Irish might we finde the cure, As in London saith a Iuellere, Which brought from thence golde oore to vs here, Whereof was fyned mettal good and clene, As they touch, no better could be seene. Nowe here beware and heartily take intent, As yee will answere at last iudgement, That for slought and for racheshede Yee remember with all your might to hede To keepe Ireland that it be not lost. For it is a boterasse and a post, Vnder England, and Wales another: God forbid, but ech were others brother, Of one ligeance due vnto the king. But I haue pittie in good faith of this thing That I shall say with auisement: I am aferde that Ireland will be shent: It must awey, it wol bee lost from vs, But if thou helpe, thou Iesu gracious, And giue vs grace al slought to leue beside. For much thing in my herte is hide, Which in another treatise I caste to write Made al onely for that soile and site, Of fertile Ireland, wich might not be forborne, But if England were nigh as goode as gone. God forbid that a wild Irish wirlinge Should be chosen for to bee their kinge, After her conqueste for our last puissance, And hinder vs by other lands alliance. Wise men seyn, wich felin not, ne douten, That wild Irish so much of ground haue gotten There vpon vs, as likenesse may be Like as England to sheeris two or three Of this our land is made comparable: So wild Irish haue wonne on vs vnable Yet to defend, and of none power, That our ground is there a litle corner, To all Ireland in true comparison. It needeth no more this matter to expon. Which if it bee lost, as Christ Iesu forbed, Farewel Wales, then England commeth to dred, For aliance of Scotland and of Spaine, [Sidenote: This is now to be greatly feared. ]

 And other moe, as the pety Bretaine, And so haue enemies enuiron round about. I beseech God, that some prayers deuout Mutt let the said apparance probable Thus disposed without feyned fable. But all onely for perill that I see Thus imminent, it's likely for to bee, And well I wotte, that from hence to Rome, And, as men say, in all Christendome, Is no ground ne land to Ireland liche, So large, so good, so plenteous, so riche, That to this worde Dominus doe long. Then mee semeth that right were and no wrong, To get the lande: and it were piteous To vs to lese this high name Dommus. And all this word Dominus of name Shuld haue the ground obeysant wilde and tame. That name and people togidre might accord Al the ground subiect to the Lord. And that it is possible to bee subiect, Vnto the king wel shal it bee detect, In the litle booke that I of spake. I trowe reson al this wol vndertake, And I knowe wel howe it stante, Alas fortune beginneth so to scant, Or ellis grace, that deade is gouernance. For so minisheth parties of our puissance, In that land that wee lese euery yere, More ground and more, as well as yee may here. I herd a man speake to mee full late, Which was a lord [9] of full great estate; Than expense of one yere done in France Werred on men well willed of puissance This said ground of Ireland to conquere. And yet because England might not forbere These said expenses gadred in one yeere, But in three yeeres or foure gadred vp here, Might winne Ireland to a finall conqueste, In one sole yeere to set vs all at reste. And how soone wolde this be paied ageyne: Which were it worth yerely, if wee not feyne: I wol declare, who so luste to looke, I trowe full plainely in my litle booke. But couetise, and singularitie Of owne profite, enuie, crueltie, Hath doon vs harme, and doe vs euery day, And musters made that shame is to say: Our money spent al to litle auaile, And our enimies so greatly doone preuaile, That what harme may fall and ouerthwerte I may vnneth write more for sore of herte. 

[Footnote 9: This Lorde was the Earle of Ormond that told to me thismatter, that he would vndertake it, in pain of losse of al his liuelihood. But this proffer could not be admitted. Ergo malè. ]

An exhortation to the keeping of Wales

 Beware of Wales, Christ Iesu mutt vs keepe, That it make not our childers childe to weepe, Ne vs also, so if it goe his way, By vnwarenes: seth that many a day Men haue bee ferde of her rebellion, By great tokens and ostentation: Seche the meanes with a discrete auise, And helpe that they rudely not arise For to rebell, that Christ it forbede. Looke wel aboute, for God wote yee haue neede, Vnfainingly, vnfeyning and vnfeynt, That conscience for slought you not atteynt: Kepe well that grounde for harme that may ben vsed, Or afore God mutte yee ben accused. 

Of the commodious Stockfish of Island and keeping of the Sea namely the Narrow sea, with an incident of the keeping of Caleis. Chap. 10. 

[Sidenote: The trade of Bristow to Island. ][Sidenote: The old trade of Scarborough to Island and the North. ]

 Of Island to write is litle nede, Saue of Stock fish. Yet forsooth in deed Out of Bristowe, and costes many one, Men haue practised by nedle and by stone Thider wardes within a litle while, Within twelue yere, and without perill Gon and come, as men were wont of old Of Scarborough, vnto the costes cold. And nowe so fele shippes this yeere there ware, That moch losse for vnfreyght they bare: Island might not make hem to bee fraught Vnto the Hawys: thus much harme they caught. Then here I ende of the commoditees For which neede is well to kepe the seas: Este and Weste, South and North they bee. And chiefly kepe the sharpe narrow see, Betweene Douer and Caleis: and as thus that foes passe none without good will of vs: And they abide our danger in the length, What for our costis and Caleis in our strength. 

An exhortation for the sure keeping of Caleis. 

 And for the loue of God, and of his blisse Cherish yee Caleis better then it is. See well thereto, and heare the grete complaint That true men tellen, that woll no lies paint, And as yee know that writing commeth from thence: Doe not to England for slought so great offence, But that redressed it bee for any thing: Leste a song of sorrow that wee sing. For litle wenith the foole who so might chese What harme it were good Caleis for to lese: What wo it were for all this English ground. 

[Sidenote: The ioy of Sigismund the Emperour that Caleis was English. ]

 Which wel concerned the Emperour Sigismound, That of all ioyes made it one of the moste, That Caleis was subiect vnto English coste. Him thought it was a iewel most of all, And so the same in Latine did it call. And if yee wol more of Caleis heare and knowe, I cast to write within a litle scrowe, Like as I haue done before by and by In other parteis of our policie. Loke how hard it was at the first to get; And by my counsell lightly doe not it let. For if wee lese it with shame of face Wilfully, it is for lacke of grace. Howe was Harflew [10] cried vpon, and Rone, [11] That they were likely for shought to be gone: Howe was it warned and cried on in England, I make record with this pen in my hand. It was warened plainely in Normandie, And in England, and I thereon did crie. The world was defrauded, it betyde right so. Farewell Harflew: lewdly it was a go. Nowe ware Caleis, I can say no better: My soule discharge I by this present letter. 

[Footnote 10: Harfleur, which was lost in 1449. ][Footnote 11: Rouen]

After the Chapitles of commodities, of diuers lands, sheweth the conclusion of keeping of the sea enuiron, by a storie of King Edgar and two incidents of King Edward the third, and King Henrie the fifth. Chap. 11. 

 Now see we well then that this round see To our Noble by pariformitee Vnder the ship shewed there the sayle, And our king with royal apparayle, With swerd drawen bright and extent For to chastise enimies violent; Should be lord of the sea about, To keepe enimies from within and without; To behold through Christianitee Master and lord enuiron of the see: All liuing men such a prince to dreed, Of such a regne to bee aferd indeed. Thus proue I well that it was thus of old; Which by a [*] Chronicle anon shalbe told, Right curious: but I will interprete It into English, as I did it gete: Of king Edgar: O most marueilous Prince liuing, wittie, and cheualerous: So good that none of his predecessours Was to him liche in prudence and honours. Hee was fortanate and more gracious Then other before, and more glorious: He was beneth no man in holines: Hee passed all in vertuous sweetnes. 

[Marginal note *: Dicit Chronica, quod iste Edgarus cunctis prædecessoribussuis fælicior, nulli sanctitate inferior, omnibus morum suauitatepræstantior fuerit Luxit ipse Anglis non minus memorabilis quàm CyrusPersis, Carolus Francis, Romulus verò Romanis. ]

 Of English kings was none so commendable To English men no lesse memorable: Then Cyrus was to Perse by puissance, And as great Charles was to them of France, And as to the Romanes was great Romulus, So was to England this worthy Edgarus. I may not write more of his worthines For lacke of time, ne of his holines: But to my matter I him exemplifie, Of conditions tweyne and of his policie: Within his land was one, this is no doubt, And another in the see without, That in time of Winter and of werre, When boystrous windes put see men into fere; Within his land about by all prouinces Hee passed through, perceiuing his princes, Lords, and others of the commontee, Who was oppressour, and who to pouertee Was drawen and brought, and who was clene in life, And was by mischiefe and by strife With ouer leding and extortion: And good and badde of eche condition Hee aspied: and his ministers als, Who did trought, and which of hem was fals: Howe the right and lawes of the land Were execute, and who durst take in hand To disobey his statutes and decrees, If they were well kept in all countrees: Of these he made subtile inuestigation Of his owne espie, and other men's relation. Among other was his great busines, Well to ben ware, that great men of riches, And men of might in citie nor in towne Should to the poore doe non oppression. Thus was he wont in this Winter tide, On such enforchise busily to abide. This was his labour for the publike thing, Thus was hee occupied: a passing holy King Nowe to purpose, in the Sommer faire Of lusty season, whan clered was the aire, He had redie shippes made before Great and huge, not fewe but many a store: Full three thousand and sixe hundred also Stately inough on our sea to goe. 

[Sidenote: Dicit Chronica præparauerat naues robustissimas numero triamillia sexcenta: in quibus redeunte æstate omnem insulam ad terroremextraneorum & ad suorum excitationem cum maximo apparatu circumnauigareconsueuerat. ]

 The Chronicles say, these shippes were full boysteous: Such things long to kings victorious. In Sommer tide would hee haue in wonne And in custome to be ful redie soone, With multitude of men of good array And instruments of werre of best assay. Who could hem well in any wise descriue? It were not light for eny man aliue. Thus he and his would enter shippes great Habiliments hauing and the fleete Of See werres, that ioyfull was to see Such a nauie and Lord of Maiestee, There present in person hem among To saile and rowe enuiron all along, So regal liche about the English isle; To all strangers terrours and perile. Whose fame went about in all the world stout, Vnto great fere of all that be without, And exercise to Knights and his meynee To him longing of his natall cuntree For courage of nede must haue exercise, Thus occupied for esshewin of vice This knew the king that policie espied; Winter and Somer he was thus occupied. Thus conclude I by authoritee Of Chronike, that enuiron the see Should bene our subiects vnto the King, And hee bee Lord thereof for eny thing: For great worship and for profile also To defend his land fro euery foo. That worthy king I leue, Edgar by name, And all the Chronike of his worthy fame:

[Sidenote: Dicit Chronica &c. Vt non minus quantum ei etiam in hac vitabononum operum mercedem donauerit: cum aliquando ad maximam eiusfestiuitatem, reges, comites multarúmque, prouinciarum protectoresconuenissent, &c. ]

 Saffe onely this I may not passe away, A worde of mighty strength till that I say, That graunted him God such worship here, For his merites, hee was without pere, That sometime at his great festiuitee Kings, and Erles of many a countree, And princes fele were there present, And many Lords came thider by assent. To his worship: but in a certaine day Hee bad shippes to be redie of aray: For to visit Saint Iohns Church hee list Rowing vnto the good holie Baptist, Hee assigned to Erles, Lords, and knights Many ships right goodly to sights: And for himselfe and eight kings moo Subiect to him hee made kepe one of thoo, A good shippe, and entrede into it With eight kings, and downe did they sit; And eche of them an ore tooke in hand, At ore hales, as I vnderstand, And he himselfe at the shippe behinde As steris man it became of kinde. Such another rowing I dare well say, Was not seene of Princes many a day. Lo than how hee in waters got the price, In lande, in see, that I may not suffice To tell, O right, O magnanimitee, That king Edgar had vpon the see. 

An incident of the Lord of the sea King Edward the third. 

 Of king Edward I passe and his prowes On lande, on sea yee knowe his worthines: The siege of Caleis, ye know well all the matter Round about by land, and by the water, Howe it lasted not yeeres many agoe, After the battell of Crecye was ydoe: Howe it was closed enuiron about, Olde men sawe it, which liuen, this is no doubt. 

[Sidenote: Caleis was yeelded to the English 1347. ]

 Old Knights say that the Duke of Borgoyn, Late rebuked for all his golden coyne; Of ship on see made no besieging there, For want of shippes that durst not come for feare. It was nothing besieged by the see: Thus call they it no siege for honestee. Gonnes assailed, but assault was there none, No siege, but fuge: well was he that might be gone: This maner carping haue knights ferre in age, Expert through age of this maner language. 

[Sidenote: King Edward had 700. English ships and 14151. English marinersbefore Caleis. ]

 But king Edward made a siege royall, And wanne the towne: and in especiall The sea was kept, and thereof he was Lord. Thus made he Nobles coyned of record; In whose time was no nauie on the see That might withstand his maiestie. Battell of Scluse, [12] yee may rede euery day, Howe it was done I leue and goe my way: It was so late done that yee it knowe, In comparison within a litle throwe: For which to God giue we honour and glorie, For Lord of see the king was with victorie. 

[Footnote 12: The battle of L'Ecluse. ]

Another incident of keeping of the see, in the time of the marueilous werriour and victorious Prince, King Henrie the fifth, and of his great shippes. 

[Sidenote: The great ships of Henry the fift, made at Hampton. ]

 And if I should conclude all by the King Henrie the fift, what was his purposing, Whan at Hampton he made the great dromons, Which passed other great ships of all the commons, The Trinitie, the Grace de Dieu, the holy Ghost, And other moe, which as nowe bee lost. What hope ye was the kings great intent Of thoo shippes, and what in minde hee meant? It was not ellis, but that hee cast to bee Lorde round about enuiron of the see. And when Harflew had her siege about, There came caracks horrible great and stoute In the narrow see willing to abide, To stoppe vs there with multitude of pride. 

[Sidenote: Great caracks of Genoa taken by the Duke of Bedford. ]

 My Lord of Bedford came on and had the cure, Destroyed they were by that discomfiture. 

[Sidenote: 1416. ]

 This was after the king Harflew had wonne, Whan our enemies to siege had begonne: That all was slaine or take, by true relation, To his worshippe, and of his English nation. 

[Sidenote: The French nauie thus ouerthrowen was of fiue hundred saile. ]

 There was present the kings chamberlaine At both battailes; which knoweth this in certaine; He can it tell other wise then I: Aske him, and witte; I passe foorth hastily What had this king of his magnificence, Of great courage of wisedome, and prudence? Prouision, forewitte, audacitee, Of fortitude, iustice, and agilitee, Discretion, subtile auisednesse, Attemperance, Noblesse, and worthinesse: Science, prowesse, deuotion, equitie, Of most estate, with his magnanimitie Liche to Edgar, and the saide Edward, As much of both liche hem as in regard. Where was on liue a man more victorious, And in so short time prince so marueilous? By land and sea, so well he him acquitte, To speake of him I stony in my witte Thus here I leaue the king with his noblesse, Henry the fift, with whom all my processe Of this true booke of pure policie Of sea keeping, entending victorie I leaue endly: for about in the see No prince was of better strenuitee. And if he had to this time liued here, He had bene Prince named withouten pere:

[Sidenote: The Trinitie, the Grace de Dieu, the holy Ghost]

 His great ships should haue ben put in preefe, Vnto the ende that he ment of in cheefe, For doubt it not but that he would haue bee Lord and master about the round see: And kept it sure to stoppe our enemies hence, And wonne vs good, and wisely brought it thence: That no passage should be without danger, And his licence on see to moue and sterre. 

Of vnitie, shewing of our keeping of the see: with an endly or finall processe of peace by authoritie. Chap. 12. 

[Sidenote: Exhortatio generales in custodiam totius Angliæ per diligentiamcustodiæ circutus maris circa littora eiusdem: quæ debet esse pervnanimitatem Consilariorum regis, & hominum bonæ voluntatus. ]

 Now than for loue of Christ, and of his ioy, Bring it England out of trouble and noy: Take heart and witte, and set a gouernance, Set many wits withouten variance, To one accord and vnanimitee. Put to good will for to keepe the see. First for worship and profite also, And to rebuke of eche euill willed foe. Thus shall worship and riches to vs long. Than to the Noble shall we doe no wrong, To beare that coyne in figure and in deede, To our courage, and to our enemies dreede: For which they must dresse hem to peace in haste, Or ellis their thrift to standen and to waste. As this processe hath proued by and by All by reason and expert policy; And by stories which proued well this parte: Or ellis I will my life put in ieoparte, But many londs would seche her peace for nede, The see well kept: it must be doo for drede. Thus must Flanders for nede haue vnitee And peace with vs: it will non other bee, Within short while: and ambassadours Would bene here soone to treate for their succours. 

[Sidenote: Tres sunt causæ prædictæ custodiæ scilcet, honor commodumregnum, & opprobrium inimicis. ]

 This vnitie is to God pleasance: And peace after the werres variance. The ende of battaile is peace sikerly, And power causeth peace finally. Kept than the sea about in speciall, Which of England is the towne wall. As though England were likened to a citie, And the wall enuiron were the see Kepe then the sea that is the wall of England: And than is England kept by Goddes hande; That as for any thing that is without, England were at ease withouten doubt, And thus should euery lond one with another Entercommon as brother with his brother And liue togither werrelesse in vnitie, Without rancour in very charitie, In rest and peace, to Christes great pleasance, Without strife, debate and variance. Which peace men should enserche with businesse, And knit it saddely holding in holinesse. 

[Sidenote: Ephes. 4. Solliciti sitis seruare vnitatem spiritus in vinculopacis. ]

 The Apostle seith, if ye list to see, Bee yee busie for to keepe vnitee Of the spirit in the bond of peace. Which is nedeful to all withouten lese. The Prophet biddeth vs peace for to enquire To pursue it, this is holy desire. Our Lord Iesu saith, Blessed motte they bee That maken peace; that is tranquillitee. 

[Sidenote: Matth. 5. Beati pacifici quoniam filij Dei vocabuntur. ]

 For peace makers, as Matthew writeth aright, Should be called the sonnes of God almight. God giue vs grace, the weyes for to keepe Of his precepts, and slugly not to sleepe In shame of sinne: that our verry foo Might be to vs conuers, and turned so. 

[Sidenote: Cum placuerint Domino viæ hominis eius inimicos ad pacemconuertet]

 For in the Prouerbs is a text to this purpose Plaine inough without any glose: When mens weyes please vnto our Lord, It shall conuert and bring to accord Mans enemies vnto peace verray, In vnitie, to liue to Goddis pay, With vnitie, peace, rest and charitie. Hee that was here cladde in humanitie, That came from heauen, and styed vp with our nature, Or hee ascended, he gaue to vs cure, And left with vs peace, ageyne striffe and debate, Mote giue vs peace, so well irradicate Here in this world: that after all this feste

[Sidenote: Vrbs beata Ierusalem dicta pacis visio. ]

 Wee may haue peace in the land of beheste Ierusalem, which of peace is the sight, With his brightnes of eternall light, There glorified in rest with his tuition, The Deitie to see with full fruition: Hee second person in diuinenesse is, Who vs assume, and bring vs to the blis. Amen

Here endeth the true procease of the Libel of English policie, exhorting all England to keepe the sea enuiron: shewing what profit and saluation, with worship commeth thereof to the reigne of England. 

 Goe forth Libelle, and meekely shew thy face; Appearing euer with humble countenance: And pray my Lords to take in grace, In opposaile and cherishing the aduance. To hardines if that not variance Thou hast fro trought by full experience Authors and reasons: if ought faile in substance Remit to hem that yafe thee this science; That seth it is soth in verray fayth, [Sidenote: The wise lord of Hungerfords iudgement of this booke. ]

 That the wise Lord Baron of Hungerford Hath thee ouerseene, and verely he saith That thou art true, and thus he doeth record, Next the Gospel: God wotte it was his worde, When hee thee redde all ouer in a night. Goe forth trew booke, and Christ defend thy right. 

_Explicit libellus de Politia conseruatiua maris_. 

 * * * * *

Breuis Commentarius de Islandia: quo Scriptorum de hac Insula errores deteguntur, & extraneorum quorundam conuitijs, ac calumnijs, quibus Islandis liberiùs insultare solent, occurritur: per Arngrimum Ionam Islandum. Serenissimo Principi ac Domino, domino Christiano IIII, Daniæ, Noruegiæ, Vandalorum, Gothorúmque, Regi electo: Slesuici, Holsatiæ, Stormariæ & Dithmarsiæ Duci: Comiti in Oldenburg & Delmenhorst: Domino suo clementissimo. 

Præclaram sanè apud Historicos meretur laudem, Sereniss. Princeps, Anchuriillius Midæ regis filij ausus plusquam humanus, & in patriam pietas, ferèexemplo carens, quòd ad occludendum ingentem circa Celænam Phrygiæ oppidum, terræ hiatum, quotidie homines haud exiguo numero, & quicquid in propinquoerat, absorbentem, sese vltrò obtulerit. Cum enim ab oraculo Midas pateraccepisset, non prius conclusum iri istam voraginem, quam res eòpreciosissimæ immitterentur: Anchurus existimans, nihil esse animapretiosius, sese viuum in illud profundissimum chasma præcipitem dedit:ídque tanto animi cum feruore, vt neque parentis desiderio, nequedulcissimæ coniugis amplexu vel lachrymis, ab isto proposito se retrahipassus sit. 

Nec inferiorem multò consecuti sunt gloriam Sperthius & Bulis, Lacedæmonij, qui ad auertendam potentissimi Regis Persarum Xerxis, ob occisos àLacedemonijs Darij patris legatos, vltionem, ad Regem profecti sunt, & vtlegatorum necem in se, non in patria vlcisceretur, erectis & constantibusanimis sese obtulerunt. 

Quæ verò res, Sereniss. Princeps, illos ac alios complures mouit, vt patriæflagrantes amore, nullum pro ea periculum, nullas molestias, imò ne mortemipsam recusarint, ea profectò me quoque impulit, non quidem, vt quemadmodumilli, mortem sponte oppeterem, aut me mactandum vltro offerrem, sed tamen, vt id quòd solum possem, in gratiam patriæ tentarem: Hoc est, vt scriptorumde ea errores colligerem & rumusculos vanos refellerem: Ac ita rem profectòpericulosam, & multorum forsan sinistro obnoxiam iudicio, aggrederer. 

In eo proposito me etiam Cn. Pompeij exemplum confirmauit: Quem reifrumentariaæ apud Romanos procuratorem, cum in summa Vrbis annonæcharitate, in Sicilia, Sardinia & Africa frumentum collegisset, maiorempatriæ, quàm sui, tradunt rationem habuisse. Cum enim Romam versusproperaret, & ingenti ac periculosa oborta tempestate, Naucleros trepidare, nec se ventorum aut maris sævitiæ committere velle animaduerteret, ipsenauim primus ingressus, anchoras tolli iussit, in hæc verba exclamans: Vtnauigemus vrget necessitas: vt viuamus, non vrget. Quibus virprudentissimus innuisse videtur, patriæ periclitantis maiorem habendamrationem, quàm priuatæ incolumitatis. 

Hunc ego sic imitor, (Si parua licet componere magnis, & muscam Elephanto conferre) vt collectisac comportatis ijs, quibus ad succurrendum gentis nostræ nomini ac famæ, apud extraneos, ex maleuolorum quorundam inuidia iam diu laboranti vterer;paucula hæc in lucem emittere, méque pelago huic quantumuis turbulentocommittere, lintea ventis tradere, cúmque illo exclamare non dubitem: Vtscribamus, vrget necessitas: Vt verò scriptum nostrum, cuiusuis, delicatopalato, vbíque satisfaciat, aut omnem Momi proteruiam effugiat, non vrget. Institutum meum complures probaturos spero: successum forsan non itidemomnes probabunt. Nihiiominus tamen maiorem habendam rationem patriæ, multorum hactenus opprobria & contumelias sustinentis, quàm siue laudis, siue vituperationis, ad me ipsum hinc forsan redituræ, existimabam. Quidenim causæ esse potest, cur nonnullorum odium & inuidentiam, cum hocpatriæ, benefaciendi seu gratificandi studio fortè coniunctam recusem?

Quodsi scriptorum errores liberius notare, si quorundam calumnias duriusperstringere videbor, eos tamen æquos me habiturum censores confido, quipaulò diligentius animaduertere volent, quam parùm tolerabiles sintscriptorum de nostra gente errores: quot etiam & quàm graues quorundam innos calumniæ, quibus nationem nostram varijs modis laccssiuere, & etiamnumlacessere non desistunt. Dandum etiam aliquid omnibus congenito solinatalis amori est; Dandum iusto, ob hanc patriæ illatam iniuriam, dolori. Et ego quidem, quantum fieri potuit, vbíque mihi temperaui, ac à conuitijsabstinere volui: quòd si quid videatur mollius dicendnm fuisse, id prædictaratione veniam, spero, merebitur. 

Cum igitur hæc mihi subeunda sit alea, quod omnibus scriptum aliquodedituris in more positum animaduerto, id mihi hoc tempore solicitè curandumest: Nempè vt patronum & mecænatem aliquem huic meo commentariolo quæram, sub cuius nomine & numine, tutius in vulgi manus exeat. 

Eam igitur ad rem nihil poterit contingere optatius, vestra, clementissimePrinceps Sereniss. Maiestate: Et enim nos ei, qui vitam & fortunas nostrasin suam potestatem & tutelam accepit, ei inquam, nomen quoque gentis nostræinnocenter contaminatum, curæ vt sit, supplices rogamus. 

Imò verò, Rex clementiss. Non solùm ad hanc rem, S. Maiestatis V. Clemensimplorare auxilium necessum habemus; Sed ad multa quoque alia, quæ innostra patria desiderantur, aut quæ alioqui ad huius vtilitatem & salutemcommunem spectant: quæque non per me, sed per summorum nostræ gentisviroram libellos supplices hoc tempore exponuntur, aut certè breuiexponentur. Nihil enim dubitamus quin S. V. Maiestas, Christianissimorummaiorum exemplo, etiam nostram patriam, inter reliquas imperij sui Insulas, sua cura & protectione regia dignari velit. Nam quæ nostra est ad S. Maiestatem V. Confugiendi necessitas, ea est S. Maiestatis V. In nobissubleuandis, curandis & protegendis, gloria: Et ob nutritam extremi ferèorbis Arctoi ecclesiam, in remotissimis M. V. Imperij finibus, quætranquillitatem & tuta singulari Dei beneficio halcyonia habet, præmium, acreposita in coelis immarcessibilis vitæ æternæ corona. 

Cæterum cùm illa huius loci non sint, id quod mei est propositi subiungo: &à S. Maiestate V. Ea, qua par est, amimi submissione peto, vt huic meæopellæ & studio in patriam collato, fauere, & patroni benigni esse loco, clementer dignetur. Quod superest, Sereniss. Princeps, Dom. Clementissime, Maiestatem V. Sapientiæ & prudentiæ, omniúmque adeò virtutnm heroicarumindies incrementa sumentem, ad summum imperij fastigium, summas illeregnorum, omniúmque adeò rerum humanaram dispensator, Deos opt. Max. Euehat: Euectam, omni rerum foelicissimo successu continuè beet: Beatámquehoc modo, vt summum horum regnorum ornamentum, columen, præesidium, Ecclesiæ clypeum & munimen, quàm diutissimè conseruet: Ac tandem in alteravita, in solido regni coelestis gaudio, cùm præcipuis ecclesiæ Deinutritijs, syderis instar, illustrem fulgere faciat. Faxit etiam idem Paterclementis. Vt hæc vota, quanto sæpius, in amplissimorum Maiestatis V. Regnorum & Insularem quouis angulo, quotidiè repetuntur ac ingeminantur, tantò rata magis & certiora, maneant. 

Haffniæ 1593. Mense Mart. 

S. M. V. Humiliter subiectus:

Aragrimos Ionas Islandus. 

The same in English. 

A briefe commentarie of Island: wherein the errors of such as haue written concerning this Island, are detected, and the slanders, and reproches of certaine strangers, which they haue vsed ouer-boldly against the people of Island are confuted. 

By Arngrimus Ionas, of Island. 

To the most mighty Prince and Lord, Lord Christian the 4. [Footnote: Christian IV. Was the last elective king of Denmark and Norway. Frederick III. In 1665 changed the constituion to an hereditary monarchy, vested in his own family. ] of Denmarke, Norway, and of the Vandals and Gothes, King elect: of Sleswic, Holste, Stormar, and Dithmarse Duke: Earle of Oldenburg, and Delmenhorst: His most gratious Lord. 

That heroical attempt of Anchurus, sonne of King Midas (most gratiousprince) and that pietie towards his countrey in maner peerelesse, deseruethhighly to be renowmed in histories: in that freely and couragiously heoffered his owne person, for the stopping vp of an huge gulfe of earth, about Celoena, a towne in Phrigia, which daily swallowed multitudes of menand whatsoeuer else came neere vnto it. For when his father Midas wasaduertised by the Oracle, that the said gulfe should not be shut vp, beforethings most precious were cast into it; Anchurus deeming nothing to be moreinualuable then life plunged himselfe aliue downe headlong into thatbottomless hole; and that with so great vehemencie of mind, that neither byhis fathers request nor by the allurements and teares of his most amiablewife, he suffered himselfe to be drawne backe from this his enterprise. [Footnote: It is added that Midas raised an altar to Jupiter on the spot. ]

Sperthius also and Bulis, two Lacedemonians, were not much inferiour to theformer, who to turne away the reuenge of Xerxes that most puissant King ofthe Persians, entended against the Lacedemonians, for killing theambassadors of his father Darius, hyed them vnto the sayd king and that hemight auenge the ambassadours death vpon them, not vpon their countrey, with hardy, and constant mindes presented themselues before him. 

The very same thing (most gracious prince) which moued them and many othersbeing enflamed with the loue of their countrey, to refuse for the benefitethereof, no danger, no trouble, no nor death it selfe, the same thing (Isay) hath also enforced me, not indeed to vndergoe voluntarie death, orfreely to offer my selfe vnto the slaughter, but yet to assay that which Iam able for the good of my countrey: namely, that I may gather together andrefute the errors, and vaine reports of writers, concerning the same: andso take vpon me a thing very dangerous, and perhaps subiect to the sinisteriudgement of many. 

In this purpose the example of Cneius Pompeius hath likewise confirmed me:who being chosen procurator for corne among the Romanes, and in an extremescarcetie and dearth of the citie hauing taken vp some store of grains inSicilia, Sardinia, and Africa, is reported to haue had greater regard ofhis countrey, then of himselfe. For when he made haste towards Rome, and amighty and dangerous tempest arising, he perceiued the Pilots to tremble, and to be vnwilling to commit themselues to the rigor of the stormie sea, himselfe first going on boord, and commanding the anchors to be weighed, brake foorth into these words: That we should sayle necessitie vrgeth: butthat we should liue, it vrgeth not. In which words he seemeth wisely toinferre, that greater care is to be had of our countrey lying in danger, then of our owne priuate safetie. 

This man doe I thus imitate, If small with great as equals may agree: And Flie with Elephant compared bee. 

Namely that gathering together and laying vp in store those things whichmight be applied to succour the fame and credite of our nation, hauing nowthis long time bene oppressed with strangers, through the enuie of certeinemalicious persons, I boldly aduenture to present these fewe meditations ofmine vnto the viewe of the world, and so hoysing vp sailes to commit myselfe vnto a troublesome sea, and to breake foorth into the like speecheswith him: That I should write necessitie vrgeth: but that my writings inall places should satisfie euery delicate taste, or escape all peeuishnesof carpers it vrgeth not. I doubt not but many will allow this myenterprise: the successe perhaps all men will not approue. Neuertheles, Ithought that there was greater regard to be had of my countrey, sustainingso many mens mocks and reproches, then of mine owne praise or dispraise, redounding perhaps vnto me vpon this occasion. For what cause should moueme to shunne the enuie and hate of some men, being ioyned with an endeuourto benefite and gratifie my countrey?

[Sidenote: The errors of the writers of Island intolerable. ]

But if I shall seeme somewhat too bold in censuring the errors of writers, or too seuere in reprehending the slanders of some men: yet I hope all theywill iudge indifferently of me, who shall seriously consider, howintolerable the errors of writers are, concerning our nation: how many alsoand how grieuous be the reproches of some, against vs, wherewith they hauesundry wayes prouoked our nation, and as yet will not cease to prouoke. They ought also to haue me excused in regard of that in-bred affectionrooted in the hearts of all men, towards their natiue soile, and to pardonmy iust griefe for these iniures offered vnto my countrey. And I in verydeed, so much as lay in me, haue in all places moderated my selfe, and hauebene desirous to abstaine from reproches but if any man thinke, we shouldhaue vsed more temperance in our stile, I trust, the former reason willcontent him. 

Sithens therefore, I am to vndergo the same hazard, which I see is commonlyincident to all men that publish any writings: I must now haue especiallregarde of this one thing: namely, of seeking out some patron, and Mecoenasfor this my briefe commentary, vnder whose name and protection it may moresafety passe through the hands of all men. 

But for this purpose I could not finde out, nor wish for any man more fitthen your royal Maiestie, most gratious prince For vnto him, who hathreceiued vnder his power & tuition our liues and goods, vnto him (I say)doe we make humble sute, that he would haue respect also vnto the credit ofour nation, so iniuriously disgraced. 

Yea verily (most gracious King) we are constreined to craue your Maiestiesmercifull aide, not only in this matter, but in many other things alsowhich are wanting in our countrey, or which otherwise belong to thepublique commoditie and welfare thereof which not by me, but by the letterssupplicatory of the chiefe men of our nation, are at this time declared, orwill shortly be declared. For we doubt not but that your sacred Maiesties, after the example of your Christian predecessors, will vouchsafe vnto ourcountrey also, amongst other Islands of your Maiesties dominion, yourkingly care and protection. For as the necessitie of fleeing for redressevnto your sacred Maiestie, is ours so the glory of relieuing, regarding, and protecting vs, shal wholy redound vnto your sacred Maiestie: as also, there is layd vp for you, in respect of your fostering and preseruing ofGods church, vpon the extreme northerly parts almost of the whole earth, and in the vttermost bounds of your Maiesties dominion (which by thesingular goodnes of God, enioyeth at this present tranquillitie and quietsafetie) a reward and crowne of immortall life in the heauens. 

But considering these things are not proper to this place, I wil leauethem, and returne to my purpose which I haue in hand: most humblybeseeching your S. M. That yon would of your clemencie vouchsafe to becomea fauorer, and patron vnto these my labours and studies, for the behalfe ofmy countrey. 

It now remaineth (most gracious and mercifull souereigne) for vs to makeour humble prayers vnto almighty God, that king of kings, and disposer ofall humane affaires, that it would please him of his infinite goodnes, toaduance your Maiestie (yearely growing vp in wisedome & experience, and allother heroicall vertues) to the highest pitch of souereigntie: and beingaduanced, continually to blesse yon with most prosperous successe in allyour affaires: and being blessed, long to preserue you, as the chiefornament, defence and safegarde of these kingdomes, and as the shield andfortresse of his church: and hereafter in the life to come, to make youshine glorious like a starre, amongst the principall nurcing fathers ofGods Church, in the perfect ioy of his heauenly kingdome. The same mostmercifull father likewise grant, that these praiers, the oftener they bedayly repeated and multiplied in euery corner of your Maiesties most ampleterritories & Islands, so much the more sure and certain they may remaine, Amen. At Haffnia, or Copen Hagen 1593. In the moneth of March. Y. S. M. Most humble subiect, Arngrimus Ionas, Islander. [Footnote: A celebrated Icelandic astronomer, disciple of Tycho Brahe, and coadjutor of the Bishop of Holen, died in 1649at the great age of 95. His principal works, besides his Description andHistory of Iceland, (published at Amsterdam in 1643, 4to), are _Idea VeraMagistratus_ (Copenhagen, 1689, 8vo); _Rerum Islandicarum libri tres_(Hamburg, 1630, 4to); _The Life of Gundebrand de Thorlac_, etc. He isremembered amongst the peasantry of Iceland as the only instance known inthat country of a man of ninety-one marrying a girl in her teens. ]

Benigno & pio Lectori salutem. 

In lucem exijt circa annum Christi 1561. Hamburgi foetus valdè deformis, patre quodam Germanico propola: Rhythmi videlicet Germanici, omnium quivnquam leguntur spurcissimi & mendacissimi in gentem Islandicam. Necsufficiebat sordido Typographo sordidum illum foetum semel emisisse, nisitertiùm etiam aut quartùm publicasset, quo videlicet magis innocenti gentiapud Germanos & Danos, aliósque vicinos populos summam & nunquam delendamignominiam, quantum, in ipso fuit, inureret. Tantum Typographi huius odiumfuit, & ex re illicita lucri auiditas. Et hoc in illa ciuitate, quæplurimos annos commercia sua magno suorum cùm lucro in Islandia exercuit, impunè fecit. Ioachimus Leo nomen illi est, dignus certè qui Leones pascat. 

Reperiuntur præterea multi alij scriptores, qui cum miracula naturæ, quæ inhac Insula creduntur esse plurima, & gentis Islandicæ mores ac institutadescribere se velle putant, à re ipsa & veritate prorsus aberrarunt, nautarnm fabulas plusquam aniles, & vulgi opiniones vanissimas secuti. HiScriptores etsi non tam spurca & probrosa reliquerunt, quàm sordidus isteRhythmista: multa tamen sunt in illorum scriptis, quæ illos excusare nonpossunt, aut prorsus liberare, quo minus innocentem gentem suis scriptisderidendam alijs exposuerint. Hæc animaduertens, legens, expendens, subindenouis, qui Islandorum nomen & æstimationem læderent, scriptoribus ortis, alienorum laborum suffuratoribus impudicis, qui etiam non desinunt gentemnostram nouis conspurcare mendacijs, lectorésque noua monstrorumenumeratione & descriptionibus fictis deludere, sæpe optabam esse aliquem, qui ad errata Historicorum, & aliorum iniquorum censorum responderet, quíque aliquo scripto innocentem gentem à tot conuicijs si non liberaret, certè aliquo modo apud pios & candidos Lectores defenderet. Quare hoctempore Author eram honesto studioso, _Arngrimo Ionæ_ F. Vt reuolutisscriptorum monumentis, qui de Islandia aliquid scripserunt, errores &mendacia solidis rationibus detegeret. Ille etsi primò reluctabatur, vicittamen demum admonitio, amórque communis patriæ, ita vt hunc qualemcunquecommentariolum conscriberet, non ex vanis vulgi fabulis, sed & ex sua &multorum fide dignorum experientia, comprobationibus sumptis. 

Ille verò, qui hanc rem meo est aggressus instinctu, vicissim à me suoquasi iure flagitabat, vt in has pagellas, vel tribus saltem verbispræfarer: existimans aliquid fidei vel authoritatis opusculo indeconciliatum iri. Quare vt mentem breuiter exponam: Ego quidem & honestam &necessariam quoque operam nauasse eum iudico, qui non modò scriptorumvarias sententias de rebus ignotis perpendere, & inuicem conferre, nec nonad veritatis & experientiæ censuram exigere: Sed etiam patriam à venenatisquorundam sycophantarum morsibus vindicare conatus sit. Æquum est igitur, Lector optime, vt quicquid hoc est opusculi, velut sanctissimo veritatis &patriæ amore aduersus Zoilorum proteruiam munitum & muniendum excipias. Vale. 

Gudbrandus Thorliacus EpìscopusHolensis in Islandia. Anno 1592. Iul. 29. 

[Footnote: In the _original_ edition of the description of Iceland byArngrimus, follow these lines:

¶ Authoris ad Lectorem. Imbute Lector suauis arte Palladis, Lector benigne, humane, multùm candide, Qui cuncta scis collis sacri mysteria: Has videris si fortè quando paginas Non lectione síque dedignabere, Fac, nos tuo candori vt hæc committimus Et æquitati, fronte sic non tetrica, Vultu legas nec ista quando turbido: Communis vnquam sortis haud sis immemor, Infirmitas quam nostra nobis contulit. Obnoxius nam non quis est mortalium Erroribus næuísque semper plurimis? Quod si diu multúmque cogitauens, Nostris eris conatibus paulò æquior, Tuis & isto rite pacto consules: Candore nam quo nostra arctans vtere, En te legentes rursus vtentur pari: Sic ipse semper alteri quæ feceris. Æqualitatis lege & hæc fient tibi. 

 De gente multis prædicata Islandica Authoribus quamuis probata maximis, Nostro periclo hucúsque vulgò credita, Licere nobis credimus refellere, Non vt notam scriptorum muram nomini, Nostrum sed à nota probosa vindicem: Hoc institutum iúsque fásque comprobant: Hoc nostra consuetudo léxque comprobant: Hoc digna lectu exempla denique comprobant. Ergo faue: nostris faue conatibus, Sis mitis indulgens et æquus arbiter, O lector arte imbute suauis Palladis, Lector benigne, amice, multum candide, Qui cuncta scis collis sacri mysteria. ]

The same in English. 

To the courteous and Christian reader Gudbrandus Thorlacius, Bishop of Holen in Island, wisheth health. 

There came to light about the yeare of Christ 1561, a very deformed impe, begotten by a certain Pedlar of Germany: namely a booke of German rimes ofal that euer were read the most filthy and most slanderous against thenation of Island. Neither did it suffice the base printer once to sendabroad that base brat, but he must publish it also thrise or foure timesouer: that he might thereby, what lay in him, more deepely disgrace ourinnocent nation among the Germans, & Danes, and other neighbour countries, with shamefull, and euerlasting ignominie. So great was the malice of thisprinter, & his desire so greedy to get lucre, by a thing vnlawfull. Andthis he did without controlment, euen in that citie, which these many yereshath trafficked with Island to the great gaine, and commodity of thecitizens. His name is Ioachimus Leo, a man worthy to become lions foode. 

[Sidenote: Great errors grow vpon mariners fabulous reports. ]

Moreouer, there are many other writers found, who when they would seeme todescribe the miracles of nature, which are thought to be very many in thisIsland, & the maners, & customs of the Islanders, haue altogether swaruedfrom the matter and truth it selfe, following mariners fables more triflingthan old wiues tales, & the most vain opinions of the common sort. Thesewriters, although they haue not left behind them such filthy and reprochfulstuffe as that base rimer: yet there are many things in their writings thatwil not suffer them to be excused, & altogether acquited from causing aninnocent nation to be had in derision by others. Wherefore marking, reading, & weighing these things with my selfe, & considering that theredayly spring vp new writers, which offer iniury to the fame & reputation ofthe Islanders, being such men also as do shamelesly filtch out of othermens labours, deluding their readers with feined descriptions, & a newrehearsal of monsters, I often wished that some one man would come forth, to make answere to the errors of historiographers & other vniust censurers:and by some writing, if not to free our innocent nation from so manyreproches, yet at leastwise, in some sort to defend it, among Christian &friendly readers. And for this cause I haue now procured an honest andlearned young man one Arngrimus Fitz-Ionas, to peruse the works of authors, that haue written anything concerning Island, and by sound reasons todetect their errors, & falshoods. And albeit at the first he was very loth, yet at length my friendly admonition, & the common loue of his countreypreuailed with him so farre, that he compiled this briefe commentary, taking his proofes, not out of the vaine fables of the people, but from hisowne experience, and many other mens also of sufficient credit. 

Now, he that vndertooke this matter at my procurement, did againe as itwere by his owne authority chalenge at my hands, that I should in two orthree words at least, make a preface vnto his booke; thinking it mightgaine some credit, and authority thereby. Wherfore to speake my minde in aword: for my part, I iudge hin to haue taken both honest & necessarypaines, who hath done his indeuour not onely to weigh the diuers opinionsof wrighters concerning things vnknowen, and to examine them by the censureof trueth, and experience, but also to defend his countrey from thevenemous bitings of certaine sycophants. It is thy part therefore (gentlereader) to accept this small treatise of his, being as it were guarded withthe sacred loue of truth, and of his countrey, against the peruersnes ofcarpers. Farewel. 

Anno 1592. Iulii 19. 

COMMENTARII DE ISLANDIA INITIUM. 

Quemadmodum in militia castrensi, alios nulla æqua ratione adductos, sedambitione, inuidia & auaritia motos, Martis castra sequi animaduertimus:Alios verò iustis de causis arma sumere; vt qui vel doctrinæ coelestispropagandæ aut seruandæ ergo bella mouent, vel aliquo modo lacessitiparatam vim ac iniuriam repellunt, vel saltem non lacessiti, propterobsidentem hostem metu in armis esse coguntur: Non secus Apollinimilitantes: alij animo nequaquam bono, Philosophico seu verius Christiano, ad scribendum feruntur: puta qui gloriæ cupiditate, qui liuore ac odio, quiaffectata ignorantia alios sugillant, vt ipsi potiores habeantur, nunc inpersonam, nomen ac famam alicuius, nunc in gentem totam stylum acuentes, atque impudenter quasi mentiendo, insontem nationem & populoscommaculantes: Alij verò contrà, animo ingenuo multa lucubrando inuestigant& in lucem emittunt; vt qui scientiam Theologicam & Philosophicam scriptismandarunt, quique suis vigilijs veterum monumenta nobis explicuerunt: quiquicquid in illis obscurum, imperfectum, inordinatum animaduerterunt, vsu &experientia duce illustrarunt, explerunt, ordinarunt: qui mundi historias, bona fide, æternæ memoriæ consecrarunt: qui linguarum cognitionem suisindefessis laboribus iuuerunt: denique qui aliorum in se suamue gentem velpatriam, licentiosam petulantiam reprimere, calumnias refellere, & quandamquasi vim iniustam propulsare annixi sunt. 

Et quidem ego, cui literas vix, ac ne vix quidem videre contigit, omniumqui diuinæ Palladi nomen dederunt, longè infimus (vt id ingenuè de meatenuitate confitear) facere certè non possum, quin me, in illorum aciemconferam, qui gentis suæ maculam abluere, veritatem ipsam asserere, &conuitiantium iugum detrectare studuerunt: Maiora ingenio sors denegauit:Id quoquo modo tentare compellit ipsius veritatis dignitas, & innatus amorpatriæ, quam extraneos nonnullos falsis rumoribus deformare, varijsconuitijs, magna cum voluptate proscindere, aliísque nationibus deridendampropinare comperimus. Quorum petulantiæ occurrere, & criminationes falsas, detectis simul scriptorum de hac Insula erroribus, apud bonos & cordatosviros, (Nam vulgus sui semper simile, falsi & vani tenacissimum, non estquòd sperem me ab hac inueterata opinione abducere posse) diluere hoccommentariolo decreui. 

Etsi autem Islandia multos habet, vt ætate, ita ingenio & eruditione melonge superiores, ideóque ad hanc causam patriæ suscipiendam multò magisidoneos: Ego tamen optimi & clarissimi viri, Dom. Gudbrandi Thorlacij, Episcopi Holensis, apud Islandos, sollicitationibus motus communi causæ, pro viribus, nequaquam deesse volui, tum vt æquissimæ postulationi ipsiusparerem, atque amorem & studium debitum erga patriam declararem, tum vtreliquos sympatriotas meos, in bonarum literarum scientia foeliciusversatos, atque in rerum plurimarum cognitione vlterius progresses, ad hocgentis nostræ patrocinium inuitarem: Tantum abest, vt ijs qui idemconabuntur, obstaculo esse voluerim. 

Cæterum vt ad rem redeamus, quoniam illi quicunque sunt nostræ gentisobtrectatores, testimonio scripto se vti ac niti iactitant: videndum omninoest, quidnam de Islandia, & quàm vera scriptores prodiderint, vt si fortèisti, alijs in nos dicendi aliquam occasionem dederint, patefactis ipsorumerroribus (nolo enim quid durius dicere) quàm meritò nos calumnientur, reliquis planum fiat, Porrò, quamuis vetustiorum quorundam scripta de hacInsula, ad veritatis & experientiæ normam exigere non verear: Tamen nobiseorundem alioqui sacra est memoria, reuerenda dignitas, suspiciendaeruditio, laudanda voluntas & in Rempub. Literariam studium; Nouitij verò, si qui sunt id genus scriptores, aut verius pasquilli, cum ijs longèveriora quàm scripserant, audire & nosse de Islandia licuerit, sua leuitate& ingenio malè candido, nihil nisi inuidiæ & calumniæ maculam lucrati essevidebuntur. 

[Sidenote: Commentarij duæ partes. ]

Atque vt Commentarius hic noster aliquid ordinis habeat, duo eruntpropositæ orationis capita, vnum de Insula, de incolis alterum: quantumquidem de his duobus capitibus Scriptores qui in nostris manibus versantur, annotatum reliquerunt: Quoniam vltra has metas vagari, vel plura quàm hæcipsa, & quæ huc pertinere videbuntur attingere nolo. Non enim ex professoHistoricum vel geographum sed disputatorem tantùm agimus. [Sidenote: Primæpartis tractatio. ] Itaque omissa longiore præfatione partem primam, quæ estde situ, nomine, miraculis & alijs quibusdam adiunctis Insulæ, aggrediamur. 

The same im English. 

HERE BEGINNETH THE COMMENTARY OF ISLAND. 

Euen as in war, dayly experience teacheth vs, that some vpon no iust &lawful grounds (being egged on by ambition, enuie, and couetise) areinduced to follow the armie, and on the contrary side, that others armethemselues vpon iust and necessary causes: namely such as go to battell forthe defence and propagation of the Gospel, or such as being any wayprouoked thereunto, doe withstand present violence and wrong, or at least(not being prouoked) by reason of the enemie approching are constrained tobe vp in armes right so, they that fight vnder Apolloes banner. Amongstwhom, a great part, not vpon any honest, philosophical, or indeedeChristian intention, addresse themselues to wright: especially such as fordesire of glory, for enuy and spight, or vpon malicious and affectedignorance, carpe at others: and that they may be accompted superiours, sometimes whette their stiles against the person, name and fame of this orthat particular man, sometimes inueighing against a whole countrey, and byshamelesse vntrueths disgracing innocent nations and people. Againe, othersof an ingenuous minde, doe by great industry, search and bring to lightthings profitable: namely, they that write of Diuinity, Philosophy, Historyand such like: and they who (taking vse and experience for their guides) inthe said Sciences haue brought things obscure to light, things maimed toperfection, and things confused to order: and they that haue faithfullycommended to euerlasting posteritie, the stories of the whole world: thatby their infinite labours haue aduaunced the knowledge of tongues: to beshort, that endeuour themselues to represse the insolencie, confute theslanders, and withstand the vniust violence of others, against themselues, their Nation or their Countrey:

And I for my part, hauing scarce attained the sight of good letters, andbeing the meanest of all the followers of Minerua (that I may freelyacknowledge mine owne wants) can do no lesse then become one of theirnumber, who haue applied themselues to ridde their countrey from dishonor, to auouch the trueth, and to shake off the yoke of railers & reuilers. Myestate enabled me onely to write; howbeit the excellencie of trueth and thein bred affection I beare to my countrey enforceth me to do the best I can:sithens it hath pleased some strangers by false rumours to deface, and bymanifolde reproches to iniurie my sayd countrey, making it a by word, and alanghing-stocke to all other nations. To meet with whose insolencie andfalse accusations, as also to detect the errours of certeine writersconcerning this Island, vnto good and well affected men (for the commonpeople will be alwayes like themselues, stubbornly mainteining that whichis false and foolish, neither can I hope to remooue them from thisaccustomed and stale opinion) I haue penned the treatise following. 

And albeit Island is not destitute of many excellent men, who, both in age, wit, and learning, are by many degrees my superiors, and therefore more fitto take the defence of the countrey into their hands: notwithstanding, being earnestly perswaded thereunto, by that godly & famous man GudbrandusThorlacius Bishop of Hola in Island, I thought good (to the vtmost of mineability) to be no whit wanting vnto the common cause: both that I mightobey his most reasonable request, and also that I might encourage other ofmy countreymen, who haue bene better trained vp in good learning, andindued with a greater measure of knowledge then I my selfe, to the defenceof this our nation: so farre am I from hindering any man to vndertake thelike enterprise. 

But to returne to the matter, because they (whatsoeuer they be) thatreproch and maligne our nation, make their boast that they vse thetestimonies of writers: we are seriously to consider, what things, and howtrue, writers haue reported of Island, to the end that if they haue giuen(perhaps) any occasion to others of inueying against vs, their erroursbeing layd open (for I will not speake more sharpely) all the world may seehow iustly they do reproch vs. And albeit I nothing doubt to examine someancient writers of this Island, by the rule of trueth and experience: yet(otherwise) their memory is precious in our eyes, their dignity reuerend, their learning to be had in honour, and their zeale and affection towardsthe whole common wealth of learned men, highly to be commended: but as fornouices (if there be any such writers or rather pasquilles) when they shallheare and know truer matters concerning Island, then they themselues hauewritten, they shall seeme by their inconstancie and peruerse wit to hauegained nought else but a blacke marke of enuy and reproch. 

And that this commentarie of mine may haue some order, it shall be diuidedinto two general parts: the first of the Island, the second of theinhabitants: and of these two but so farfoorth as those writers which arecome to our hands haue left recorded: because I am not determined to wanderout of these lists, or to handle more then these things and some otherwhich perteine vnto them. For I professe not my selfe an Historiographer, or Geographer, but onely a Disputer. Wherefore omitting a longer Preface, let vs come to the first part concerning the situation, the name, miracles, and certaine other adiuncts of this Iland. 

SECTIO PRIMA. 

[Sidenote: Munst. Lib. 4. Cosmograph. ] Insula Islandiæ, quæ per immensum à cæteris secreta longè sita est in Oceano, vixque à nauigantibus agnoscitur, &c. 

Et si hæc tractare, quæ ipsam terram vel illius adiuncta seu proprietatesconcernunt, ad gentem vel incolas à calumniantium morsu vindicandos parùmfaciat: tamen id nequaquam omittendum videtur. Sed de his primùm, & quidemprolixiùs aliquantò agendum est, vt perspecto, quàm vera de hac re tradantilli Islandiæ scriptores, facilè inde candidus Lector, in ijs quæ deIncolis scripta reliquerant, quæque ab illis alij, tanquam Dijsprodentibus, acceperunt, vnde sua in gentem nostram ludibria depromi aiunt, quantum fidei mereantur, iudicet. 

Primum igitur distantiam Islandiæ à reliquis terris non immensam esse, nectantam, quanta vulgò putatur, si quis insulæ longitudinem & latitudinemaliquo modo cognitam haberet, facilè demonstrari posset. Non enim id alio, quàm isto cognosci exactè posse modo existimarim, cum nulli dubium sit, quàm semper nautarum vel rectissimus, vt illis videtur, cursus aberret. Quare varias authorum de situ Islandiæ sententias subiungam, vt inde quiuisde distantia id colligat, quod maximè verisimile videbitur, donec fortèaliquando propria edoctus experientia, meam quoque sententiam si noninterponam, tamen adiungam. 

 Longit. Latitud. Munsterus Islandiam collocat sub gradibus ferè 20 68Gerardus Mercator 352 68Gemma Frisius: Medium Islandiæ: 7 0 65 30 Hersee: 7 40 60 42 Thirtes: 5 50 64 44 Nadar: 6 40 57 20 Iacobi Ziegleri:Littus Islandiæ Occident. 20 63Chos promontorium: 22 46 63Latus orientale extenditur contra Septentrionem: & finis extensionis habet 30 68Latus septentrionale contra occidentem extenditur, & finis extensionis habet 28 69Lateris Occidentalis descriptio. Heckelfel promontorium 25 67Madher promontorium 21 20 65 10Ciuitates in ea mediterraneæ suntHolen Episcopalis 28 67 50Schalholten Episcopalis 22 63 30 Reinholdus. Per Holen Islandiæ 68 Ioh. Myritius. Per Med. Islandiæ 69 Neander. Islandia tribus gradibus in circulum vsque Arcticum ab æquinoctiali excurrit, adeò ferè, vt mediam circulus ille secet, &c. 

Et si qui sunt præterea, qui vel in mappis, vel alioqui suis scriptisInsulæ situm notarunt, quorum plures sententias referre nihil attinet, cùmquò plures habeas, eò magis dissidentes reperias. Ego quamuis verisimilesconiecturas habeo, cur nullæ citatæ de Islandiæ situ sententiæ assentiar, quin potius diuersum quippiam ab ijs omnibus statuam, tamen id ipsum indubio relinquere malo, quàm quicquam non exploratum satis affirmare, donec, vt dixi, fortè aliquando non coniecturam, sed obseruationem & experientiampropriam afferre liceat. 

[Sidenote: Bidui nauigatio ab Islandia ad Noruagiam desertam. ]

Distantiam ab ostio Albis ad portum Istandiæ meridionalis Batzende, quidamscripserat esse circiter 400. Milliarium: Vnde si longitudinis differentiamad meridianum Hamburgensem supputaueris, nullam modò positarum longitudinumhabebit illo in loco Islandia. Ego ternis Hamburgensium nauigationibusdocere possum, septimo die Hamburgum ex Islandia peruentum esse. Prætereaetiam, Insulæ quæ ab ouium multitudine Færeyjar, seu rectius Faareyjardictæ sunt, bidui nauigatione, vt & littora Noruagiæ deserta distant. Quatridui verò nauigatione in Gronlandiam habitabilem, & pari ferè temporisinteruallo, ad prouinciam Noruagiæ Stad. Inter opida Nidrosiam & Bergassitam peruenitur, quemadmodum in harum nationum vetustis codicibusreperimus. 

The same in English. 

THE FIRST SECTION. 

[Sidenote: Munsterus lib. 4. Cosmographiæ] The Isle of Island being seuered from other countreys an infinite distance, standeth farre into the Ocean, and is scarse knowen vnto Sailers. 

Albeit a discourse of those things which concerne the land, and theadiuncts or properties thereof be of little moment to defend the nation orinhabitants from the biting of slanderers, yet seemeth it in no case to beomitted, but to be intreated of in the first place; that the friendlyreader perceiuing how truely those writers of Island haue reported in thisrespect, may thereby also easily iudge what credit is to be giuen vnto themin other matters which they haue left written concerning the inhabitants, and which others haue receiued from them as oracles, from whence (as theysay) they haue borrowed scoffes and taunts against our nation. 

First therefore, that the distance of Island from other countreys is notinfinite, nor indeed so great as men commonly imagine, it might easily beprouided, if one did but in some sort know the true longitude & latitude ofthe said Iland. For I am of opinion that it cannot exactly be knowen anyother way then this, whenas it is manifest how the Mariners course (be itneuer so direct, as they suppose) doth at all times swerue. In the meanewhile therfore I will set downe diuers opinions of authors, concerning thesituation of Island, that from hence euery man may gather that of thedistance which seemeth most probable, vntil perhaps my selfe being one daytaught by mine owne experience, may, if not intrude, yet at least adioin, what I shal thinke true as touching this matter. [Footnote: The realposition of Iceland is 700 miles west of Norway, 200 miles east ofGreenland, and 320 miles north-west of the Faroe Islands. It lies betweenlatitude 63° 25 and 66° 32 north and longitude 13° 30' and 24° 30' west;length east to west 280 miles; breadth 210 miles. It will be thus seen thatwhile Frisius is nearly right in his latitude, Gerard Mercator isconsiderably out. As regards the longitude, whilst Munster's estimate isconverted to the standard of Greenwich, Mercator's reckoning is fromCopenhagen or Hamburg, and Frisius has reckoned east of Reikiavik orSkallholt. ]

 Longit. Latitud. Deg min. Deg min. 

Munster placeth Island almost in 20 68Gerardus Mercator 325 68Gemma Frisius placeth the midst of Island 7 0 65 30 Hersee 7 40 60 42 Thirtes 5 50 64 44 Nadar 6 40 57 10 Iacobus ZieglerusThe West shore of Island 20 0 63 0The promontorie of Chos 22 46 63 0The East shore is extended Northward, and hath bounds of extension in 30 0 68 0The North shore is extended Westward and hath bounds of extension in 28 0 69 0The description of the West sideThe promontorie of Heckelfell 25 0 67 0The promontorie of Madher 21 20 65 10The inland cities of IslandHolen the seat of a bishop 28 0 67 50Schalholten the seat of a bishop 22 63 30 ReinholdusBy Holen in Island 68 Iohannes MiritiusBy Mid-Island 69-1/2 NeanderIsland stretcheth it selfe 3 degrees within the circle arctic from the equinoctial, insomuch that the said circle arctic doeth almost diuide it in the midst &c. 

There be others also, who either in their maps, or writings haue noted thesituation of Island: notwithstanding it is to no purpose to set downe anymore of their opinions, because the more you haue, the more contrary shallyou finde them. For my part, albeit I haue probable coniectures perswadingme not to beleeue any of the former opinions, concerning the situation ofIsland, but to dissent from them all: yet had I rather leaue the matter insuspense then affirme an vncerteinty, vntill (as I haue sayd) I may be ableperhappes one day not to gesse at the matter, but to bring forth mine owneobseruation, and experience. 

[Sidenote: Seuen dayes sailing from Island to Hamburg Island but two dayessailing distant from Faar-Islands & from the desert shores of Norway. ]

A certeine writer hath put downe the distance betweene the mouth of Elbe &Batzende in the South part of Island to be 400 leagues: from whence if youshall account the difference of longitude to the meridian of Hamburgh, Island must haue none of the forenamed longitudes in that place. I am ableto proue by three sundry voyages of certaine Hamburgers, that it is butseuen dayes sailing from Island to Hamburgh. Besides all those Islands, which by reason of the abundance of sheepe, are called Fareyiar or morerightly Faareyiar, [Footnote: Faroe Islands. ] as likewise the desert shoresof Norway, are distant from vs but two dayes sailing. We haue foure dayessailing into habitable Gronland; and almost in the same quantitie of timewe passe ouer to the prouince of Norway, called Stad, lying betweene thetownes of Nidrosia or Trondon, [Footnote: Trondheim. ] and Bergen, as wefinde in the ancient records of these nations. 

SECTIO SECUNDA. 

[Sidenote: Munsterus, Olaus magnus & reliqui. ] In hac, æstiuo solstitio, sole signum Cancri transeunte, nox nulla, brumali Solstitio proinde nullus dies. Item, Vadianus. In ea autem Insula quæ longe Supra Arcticum circulum in amplissimo Oceano sita est, Islandia hodie dicta, & terris congelati maris proxima, quas Entgronlandt vocant, menses sunt plures sine noctibus. 

Nullum esse hyemali solstitio diem, id est, tempus quo sol supra horizontemconspicitur in illo tantum Islandiæ angulo, si modò quis est, fatemur, vbipolus ad integros 67. Gradus attollitur. Holis autem, quæ est sedesEpiscopalis Borealis Islandiæ, sita etiam in angustissima & profundissimaconualle, latitudo est circiter grad. 65. 44. Min. Vt à Domino Gudbrandoeiusdem loci Episcopo accepimus, & illic diem breuissimum habemus adminimum duarum horarum, in meridionali autem Islandia longiorem, vt exartificum tabulis videre est. Vnde constat nec Islandiam vltra Arcticumcirculum positam esse, nec menses plures noctibus in æstiuo, vel diebus inbrumali solstitio carere. 

The same in English. 

THE SECOND SECTION. 

[Sidenote: Munsterus, Olaus Magnus and others. ] In this Iland, at the Summer solstitium, the Sun passing thorow the signe of Cancer, there is no night, and therefore at the Winter solstitium there is no day. Also: Vadianus. But in that Iland, which farre within the artic circle is seated in the maine Ocean, at this day called Island, and next vnto the lands of the frozen sea, which they call Engrontland, there be many moneths in the yere without nights. 

At the solstitium of winter, that there is no day (that is to say, no time, wherein the Sunne is seene aboue the horizon) we confesse to be true onelyin that angle of Island (if there be any such angle) where the pole iseleuated full 67. Degrees. But at Holen (which is the bishops seat for theNorth part of Island, and lieth in a most deepe valley) the latitude isabout 65. Degrees and 44. Minutes, as I am enformed by the reuerend father, Gudbrand, bishop of that place: and yet there, the shortest day in all theyere is at least two houres long, and in South-Island longer, as itappeareth by the tables of Mathematicians. [Sidenote: Island is not withinthe circle arctic. ] Heerehence it is manifest, first that Island is notsituate beyond the arctic circle: [Footnote: This is true, except for thevery small portion of Iceland round about Cape North. ] secondly, that inIsland there are not wanting in Summer solstitium many nights, nor inWinter solstitium many dayes. 

SECTIO TERTIA. 

[Sidenote: Musterus Saxo. ] Nomen habet à glacie quæ illi perpetuo ad Boream adheret Item. A latere Occidentali Noruagiæ Insula, quæ Glacialis dicitur, magno circumfusa Oceano repentur, obsoletæ admodum habitationis tellus, &c. Item, Hæc est Thyle, nulli veterum non celebrata. 

Nomen habet à glacie) Tria nomina consequenter sortita est Islandia. [Sidenote: Snelandia. ] Nam qui omnium primus eius inuentor fuisse crediturNaddocus genere Noruagus, cum versus insulas Farenses nauigaret tempestatevalida, ad littora Islandiæ Orientalis fortè appulit: vbi cum fuissetaliquot septimanas cum socijs commoratus, animaduertit immodicam niuiumcopiam, montium quorundam cacumina obtegentem, atque ideò à niue nomenInsulæ Snelandia indidit. Hunc secutus alter, Gardarus, fama quam deIslandia Naddocus attulerat impulsus, Insulam quæsitum abijt, reperit, &nomen de suo nomine Gardarsholme id est, Gardars Insula imposuit. Quin &plures nouam terram visendi cupido incessit: nam & post illos duos adhuctertius quidam Noruagus (Floki nomen habuit) contulit se in Islandiam, illique à glacie qua viderat ipsam cingi nomen fecit. 

Obsoletæ admodum) Ego ex istis verbis Saxonis hanc sententiam nequaquameruo, vt quidam, quòd inde ab initio habitatam esse Islandiam, seu vt verbodicam, Islandos autocthonas dicat, cum constet vix ante annos 718. Incolicoeptam. 

Hæc est Thyle) Grammatici certant & adhuc sub iudice lis est. Quam tamenfacilè dirimi posse crediderim, si quis animaduertat, circa annum Domini874. Primùm fuisse inhabitatam. Nisi quis dicere velit Thulen illum ÆgyptiRegem, quem hoc ipsi nomen dedisse putant, ad Insulam iam tum incultam &inhabitatam penetrasse. Illud verò rursus si quis neget, per me sanèlicebit, vt illud sit quaddam quasi spectaculum, dum ita in contrariasscinduntur sententias. Vnus affirmat esse Islandiam. Alter quandam insulam, vbi arbores bis in anno fructificant. Tertius vnam ex Orcadibus, siuevitimam in ditione Scoti, vt Ioannes Myritius & alij, qui nomen illiusreferunt, Thylensey, quod etiam Virgilius per suam vltimam Thylen sensissevidetur. Siquidem vltra Britannos, quo nomine Angli hodie dicti & Scotiveniunt, nullos populos statueret. Quod vel ex illo Virgilij Eclog I. Apparet:

 Et penitus toto diuisos orbe Britannos. 

Quartus vnam ex Farensibus. Quintus Telemarchiam Noruagiæ. SextusSchrichfinniam. 

Perpetuò ad Boream adhæret. ) Illud verò, Glaciem Insulæ perpetuò, vel vtpaulò post asserit Munsterus: Octo continuis mensibus adhærere: neutrumverum est. [Sidenote: Glacies Aprili aut Maio soluitur. ] Nam vt plurimum inmense Aprili aut Maio soluitur, & Occidentem versus propellitur, nec anteIanuarium aut Februarium sæpissimè etiam tardius redit. Quid? quòd plurimosannos numerare licet, quibus glaciem illam huius nationis immite flagellum, ne viderit quidem Islandia: Quod etiam hoc anno 1592. Compertum est. Vndeconstat quàm verè à Frisio scriptum sit, nauigationem ad hanc insulamtantùm quadrimestrem patere, propter glaciem & frigora, quibusintercludatur iter, Cùm Anglicæ naues quotannis nunc in Martio, nunc inAprili, quædam in Maio, Germanorum & Danorum in Maio & Iunio, plærumque adnos redeant, & harum quædam non ante Augustum iterum hinc soluunt. Superiore autem anno 1591. Quædam nauis Germanica, cupro onusta, portumIslandiæ Vopnafiord 14. Dies circiter in Nouembri occupauit, quibus lapsisinde foeliciter soluit Quare cum glacies Islandiæ, nec perpetuò, neque octomensibus adhæreat, Munsterus & Frisius manifestè falluntur. 

The same in English. 

THE THIRD SECTION. 

It is named of the ice which continually cleaueth vnto the North part thereof. [Sidenote: Munsterus Saxo] Another writeth: From the West part of Norway there lieth an Iland which is named of the ice, enuironed with an huge sea, and being a countrey of ancient habitation, &c. Zieglerus. This is Thyle [Footnote: Thule] whereof most of the ancient writers haue made mention. 

It is named of ice, &c. Island hath beene called by three names, one afteranother. [Sidenote: Island first discouered by Naddocus in a tempest. ] Forone Naddocus a Noruagian borne, who is thought to be the first Discouererof the same, as he was sailing towards the Faar-Ilands, [Footnote: FaroeIslands. ] through a violent tempest did by chance arriue at the East shoreof Island; [Sidenote: Sneland. ] where staying with his whole companycertaine weeks, he beheld abundance of snow couering the tops of themountaines, and thereupon, in regard of the snow, called this IlandSneland. [Sidenote: Gardarsholme] After him one Gardarus, being moouedthereunto by the report which Naddocus gaue out concerning Island, went toseeke the sayd Iland who when he had found it, called it after his ownename Gardars-holme, that is to say, Gardars Ile. There were more alsodesirous to visit this new land. [Sidenote: Island. ] For after the twoformer a certaine third Noruagian, called Flok, went into Island, and namedit of the ice, wherewith he saw it enuironed. 

Of ancient habitation &c. I gather not this opinion out of these wordes ofSaxo (as some men do) that Island hath bene inhabited from the beginning or(to speake in one word) that the people of Island were autochthones, thatis, earth-bred, or bred out of their owne soile like vnto trees and herbs:sithens it is euident that this Island scarse began to be inhabited nolonger agoe then about 718 yeres since. [Footnote: The Viking Naddodr issaid to have discovered Iceland in 860, and it was colonised by Ingulf, achieftain from the west coast of Norway. ]

This is Thyle, &c. Grammarians wrangle about this name, and as yet thecontrouersie is not decided. Which notwithstanding, I thinke might easilygrow to composition, if men would vnderstand that this Iland was firstinhabited about the yeere of our Lord 874. Vnlesse some man will say thatThule King of Ægypt (who, as it is thought, gaue this name thereunto)passed so farre vnto an Iland, which was at that time vntilled, anddestitute of inhabitants. Againe, if any man will denie this, he may forall me, that it may seeme to be but a dreame, while they are distractedinto so many contrary opinions. One affirmes that it is Island: another, that it is a certeine Iland, where trees beare fruit twise in a yeere: thethird, that it is one of the Orcades, or the last Iland of the Scotishdominion, as Iohannes Myritius and others, calling it by the name ofThylensey, which Virgil also seemeth to haue meant by his vltima Thyle. Ifbeyond the Britans (by which name the English men and Scots onely at thisday are called) he imagined none other nation to inhabit. Which is euidentout of that verse of Virgil in his first Eclogue:

 And Britans whole from all the world diuided. 

The fourth writeth, that it is one of the Faar-Ilands: the fift, that it isTelemark in Norway: the sixt, that it is Scrichfinnia. 

[Sidenote: The ice of Iseland sets always to the West. ] Which continuallycleaueth to the North part of the Iland. That clause that ice continuallycleaueth &c. Or as Munster affirmeth a little after, that it cleaueth forthe space of eight whole moneths, are neither of them both true, when asfor the most part the ice is thawed in the moneth of April or May, and isdriuen towards the West: neither doth it returne before Ianuarie orFebruarie, nay often times it commeth later. [Sidenote: No ice at all someyeres in Island. ] What if a man should recken vp many yeeres, wherein ice(the sharpe scourge of this our nation) hath not at all bene seene aboutIsland? which was found to be true this present yeere 1592. Heereupon it ismanifest how truely Frisius hath written that nauigation to this Ilandlieth open onely for foure moneths in a yeere, and no longer, by reason ofthe ice and colde, whereby the passage is shut vp, when as English shipseuery yere, sometimes in March, sometimes in April, and some of them inMay; the Germans and Danes, in May and Iune, doe vsually returne vnto vs, and some of them depart not againe from hence till August. [Sidenote:Nauigation open to Island from March till the midst of Nouember. ] But thelast yere, being 1591, there lay a certeine shippe of Germanie laden withCopper within the hauen of Vopnafiord in the coast of Island aboutfourteene dayes in the moneth of Nouember, which time being expired, shefortunately set saile. Wherefore, seeing that ice, neither continually, noryet eight moneths cleaueth vnto Iland, Munster and Frisius are muchdeceiued. [Footnote: The mean temperature of Iceland is said to be 40degrees. ]

SECTIO QUARTA

[Sidenote: Kranzius. Munsterus. ] Tam grandis Insula, vt populos multos contineat. Item, Zieglerus. Situs Insulæ extenditur inter austrum & boream ducentorum prope Schænorum longitudine. 

Grandis. ) Wilstenius quidam, rector Scholæ OLDENBVRGENSIS Anno 1591. Adauunculum meum in Islandia Occidentali misit breuem commentarium, quem exscriptorum rapsodijs de Islandia collegerat. Vbi sic reperimus Islandiaduplo maior Sicilia, &c. Sicilia autem secundum Munsterum 150. MilliariaGermanica in ambitu habet. [Sidenote: Magnitudo Islandiæ. ] Nostræ veròInsulæ ambitus etsi nobis non est exactè cognitus, tamen vetus & constansopinio, & apud nostrates recepta 144. Milliaria numerat per duodecimvidelicet promontoria Islandiæ insigniora, quæ singula 12. Inter semilliaribus distent, aut circiter, quæ collecta prædictam summam ostendunt. 

Populos multos. ) Gysserus quidam, circa annum Domini 1090, EpiscopusSchalholtensts in Islandia, omnes Insulæ colonos seu rusticos qui tantasfacultates possiderent, vt regi tributum soluere tenerentur (reliquispauperibus cum foeminis & promiscuo vulgo omissis) lustrari curauit, reperítque in parte Insulæ Orientali 700, meridionali 1000, Occidentali1100, Aquilonari 1200. Summa 4000. Colonorum tributa soluentium. Iam siquis experiatur, inueniet Insulam plus dimidio fuisse inhabitatam. 

The same in English. 

THE FOURTH SECTION. 

[Sidenote: Krantzius. Munsterus. ] The Iland is so great that it conteineth many people. Item Zieglerus sayth: The situation of the Iland is extended betweene the South and the North almost 200 leagues in length. 

So great, &c. One Wilstenius schoolemaster of Oldenburg, in the yere 1591, sent vnto mine Vncle in West Island, a short treatise which he had gatheredout of the fragments of sundrie writers, concerning Island. Where we foundthus written: Island is twise as great as Sicilie, &c. But Sicilie, according to Munster, hath 150. Germaine miles in compasse. [Sidenote: 144. Germaine miles in compasse. ] As for the circuit of our Iland, although itbe not exactly knowen vnto vs, yet the ancient, constant, and receiuedopinion of the inhabitants accounteth it l44 leagues; namely by the 12promontories of Iland, which are commonly knowen, being distant one fromanother 12 leagues or thereabout, which two numbers being mulitplied, produce the whole summe. [Footnote: The exact area is 39, 737 square miles. ]

Many people, &c. One Gysserus about the yere of our Lord 1090, being bishopof Schalholten in Island, caused all the husbandmen, or countreymen of theIland, who, in regard of their possessions were bound to pay tribute to theking, to be numbred (omitting the poorer sort with women, and the meanersort of the communally) and he found in the East part of Island 700, in theSouth part 1000, in the West part 1100, in the North part 1200, to thenumber of 4000. Inhabitants paying tribute. Now if any man will trie, heshall finde that more then halfe the Iland was at that time vnpeopled. [Footnote: In 1875 the population was 69, 800. ]

SECTIO QUINTA. 

[Sidenote: Munst. Frisius, Ziegler] Insula multa sui parte montosa est & inculta. Qua parte autem plana est præstat plurimum pabulo, tam læto, vt pecus depellatur à pascuis, ne ab aruina suffocetur. 

Id suffocationis periculum nullo testimomo, nec nostra nec patrumnostrorum, vel quàm longè retro numeraris, memoria confirmari potest. 

The same in English. 

THE FIFTH SECTION. 

[Sidenote: Munster. Frisius. Zieglerus. ] The Iland, most part thereof, is mountainous and vntilled But that part which is plaine doth greatly abound with fodder, which is so ranke, that they are faine to driue their cattell from the pasture, least they surfet or be choaked. 

That danger of surfetting or choaking was neuer heard tell of, in ourfathers, grandfathers, great grandfathers or any of our predecessoursdayes, be they neuer so ancient. [Footnote: In the tenth and eleventhcenturies, corn and other crops seem to have been raised in considerablequantities, but at present only small crops of potatoes, turnips, andcabbages are grown. The pastures are good, and many horses, cattle, andsheep are reared. ]

SECTIO SEXTA. 

[Sidenote: Munst. Frisius. ] Sunt in hac Insula montes elati in coelum, quorum vertices perpetua niue candent, radices sempiterno igne æstuant. Primus Occidentem versus est, qui vocatur Hecla, alter crucis, tertius Helga. Item Zieglerus. Rupes siue promontorium Hecla æstuans perpetuis ignibus. Item Saxo. In hac itidem Insula mons est, qui rupem sideream perpetuæ flagrationis æstibus imitatus, incendia sempiterna iugi flammarum eructatione continuat. 

Miracula Islandiæ Munsterus & Frisius narraturi mox in vestibulo, magno suocum incommodo impingunt. Nam quod hic de monte Hecla asserunt, etsi aliquamhabet veritatis speciem, tamen quod idem de duobus alijs montibus perpetuoigne æstuantibus dicunt, manifestè erroneum est. Illi enim in Islandia nonextant, nec quicquam, quod huic tanto scriptorum errori occasionem dederit, imaginari possumus. Facta tamen est, sed nunc demum Anno 1581. Ex montequodam australis Islandiæ, maritimo, perpetuis niuibus & glacie obductomemorabilis fumi ac flammæ eruptio, magna saxorum ac cineris copia eiecta. Cæterum ille mons longe est ab his tribus, quos authores commemorant, diuersissimus. Porro etsi hæc de montibus ignitis maximè vera narrarent, annon naturaliter ista contingerent? An ad extruendam illam, quæ mox inMunstero, Zieglero & Frisio sequitur, de orco Islandico opinionem aliquidfaciunt? Ego sanè nefas esse duco, his vel similibus naturæ miraculis ababsurda asserenda abuti, vel hæc tanquam impossibilia cum quadam impietatemirari. Quasi verò non concurrant in huiusmodi incendijs causæ ad hanc remsatis validæ. Est in horum montium radicibus materia vri aptissima, nempesulphurea & bituminosa. Accedit aër per poros ac cauernas in terræ visceraingressus, ac illum maximi incendij fomitem exsufflans vnà cum nitro, quaexsufflatione tanquam follibus quibusdam, ardentissima excitatur flamma. Habet siquidem ignis, his ita conacnientibus, quæ tria ad vrendum suntnecessaria, materiam scilicet, motum, & tandem penetrandi facultatem:Materiam quidem pinguem & humidam ideoque flammas diuturnas alentem: Motumpræstat per terræ cauernas admissus aër: Penetrandi facultatem facit ignisvis inuicta, sine respiraculo esse nescientis, & incredibili conatuviolenter erumpentis, atque ita (non secus ac in cuniculis machinisue seutormentis bellicis, globi è ferro maximi, magno cum fragore ac strepitu, àsulphure & nitro, è quibus pyrius puluis conficitur, excitato, eijciuntur)lapides & Saxa in ista voragine ignita, ceu quodam camino, collique factacum immodica arenæ & cinerum copia, exspuentis & eiaculantis, idque vtplurimum, non sine terræmotu: qui si secundum profunditatem terræ fiat, succussio à Possidoneo appellatur vel hiatus erit, vel pulsus. Hiatu terradehiscit: pulsu eleuatur intumescens, & nonunquam, vt inquit Plinius[Sidenote: Lib. 2. Cap. 20. ], motes magnas egerit: Cuiusmodi terræmotus iammentionem fecimus, maritima Islandiæ Australis Anno 1581 infestantis quíqueà Pontano his verbis scitissimè describitur. 

 Ergo incerta ferens raptim vestigia, anhelus Spiritus incursat, nunc huc, nunc percitus illuc, Explorátque abitum insistens, & singula tentat, Si qua forte queat victis erumpere claustris. Interea tremit ingentem factura ruinam Terra, suis quatiens latas cum moenibus vrbes: Dissiliunt auulsa iugis immania saxa, &c. 

Hæc addere libuit, non quòd cuiquam hæc ignota esse existimemus; sed ne nosalij ignorare credant, atque ideo ad suas fabulas, quas hinc extruunt, confugere velle. 

Cæterum video quid etiamnum admirationem non exiguam scriptoribus moueat, in his, quos ignoranter fingunt, tribus Islandiæ montibus, videlicet cumeorum basin semper ardere dicant, summitates tamen nunquam niue careant. Porrò id admirari, est præter authoritatem tantorum virorum, quibus Ætnæincendium optimè notum erat, quæ, cùm secundum Plinium hybernis temporibusniualis sit, noctibus tamen, eodem teste, semper ardet. Quare etiamsecundum illos, ille mons, cum adhac niuium copia obducitur, & tamen ardeatsordidarum animarum quoque erit receptaculum: id quod Heclæ propter niuesin summo vertice & basin æstuantem, adscribere non dubitarunt. [Sidenote:Cardanus. ] Vix autem mirum esse potest, quòd ignis montis radicibus latens, & nunquam, nisi rarissimè erumpens, excelsa montis cacumina, quæ niuibusobducuntur, non collique faciat. Nam & in Caira, altissima montis cacuminaniuibus semper candentia esse perhibentur: & in Beragua quidem similiter, sed 5000 passuum in coelum elata, quæ niuibus nunquam liberentur, cum tamenpartibus tantum decem ab æquatore distent. Vtrámque hanc prouinciam iuxtaPariam esse sitam accepimus. Quid? quod illa Teneriffæ (quæ vna, est exinsulis Canarijs, quæ & fortunatæ) pyramis, secundum Munsterum, 8 aut 9milliarium Germanicorum altitudine in aëra assurgens, atque instar Ætnæiugiter conflagrans, niues, quibus media cingitur, teste Benzone Italo, Indiæ occidentalis Historico, non resoluit. Quod ipsum in nostra Hecla quidest, quod magis miremur? Atque hæc ita breuiter de incendijs montanis. 

Nunc illud quoque castigandum arbitramur, quod hos montes in coelum vsqueattolli scribant. Habent enim nullam præ cæteris Islandiæ montibusnotabilem altitudinem. Precipuè tertius ille Helga à Munstero appellatus, nobis Helgafel. I. Sacer mons, apud monasterium eiusdem nominis, nulla suiparts tempore æstiuo nimbus obductus, nec montis excelsi, sed potius collishumilis nomen meretur, nunquam, vt initio huius sectionis dixi, de incendiosuspectus. Nec verò perpetuæ niues Heclæ, vel paucis alijs adscribidebebant: Permultos enim habet eiusmodi montes niuosos Islandia, quos omnesvel toto anno, non facilè collegerit aut connumerarit, horum prædicator &admirator Cosmographus. Quin etiam id non negligendum, quod mons Hecla nonoccidentem versus, vt à Munstero & Zieglero annotatum est, sed intermeridiem & orientem positus sit. Nec promontorium est: sed mons ferèmediterraneus. 

[Sidenote: Annales Islandiæ. ] Incendia perpetua ragi, &c. Quicunqueperpetuam flammarum cructationem Heclæ adscripserunt, toto coelo errarunt, adeò, vt quoties flammas eructarit, nostrates in annales retulerint, viz. Anno Christi 1104. 1157. 1222. 1300. 1341. 1362. & 1389. Neque enim ab illode montis incendio audire licuit, vsque ad annum 1558. Quæ vltima fuit inillo monte eruptio. Interea non nego, fieri posse, quin mons infernèlatentes intus flammas & incendia alat, quæ videlicet statis interuallis, vt hactenus annotatum est, eruperint, aut etiam forte posthac erumpant. 

The same in English. 

THE SIXTH SECTION

[Sidenote: Monsterus. Frisius. ] There be in this Iland mountaines lift vp to the skies, whose tops being white with perpetuall snowe, their roots boile with euerlasting fire. The first is towards the West, called Hecla: the other the mountaine of the crosse: and the third Helga. Item Zieglerus. The rocke or promontone of Hecla boileth with continuall fire. Item: Saxo. There is in this Iland also a mountaine, which resembling the starrie firmament, with perpetuall flashings of fire, continueth alwayes burning, by vncessant belching out of flames. 

Munster and Frisius being about to report the woonders of Island doepresently stumble, as it were, vpon the thresholde, to the greatinconuenience of them both. For that which they heere affirme of mountHecla, although it hath some shew of trueth: notwithstanding concerning theother two mountaines, that they should burne with perpetuall fire, it is amanifest errour. For there are no such mountaines to be found in Island, nor yet any thing els (so farre foorth as wee can imagine) which mightminister occasion of so great an errour vnto writers. Howbeit there wasseene (yet very lately) in the yeere 1581 out of a certaine mountaine ofSouth Island lying neere the Sea, and couered ouer with continuall snow andfrost, a marueilous eruption of smoke and fire, casting vp abundance ofstones and ashes. But this mountaine is farre from the other three, whichthe sayd authours doe mention. Howbeit, suppose that these things be truewhich they report of firie mountaines: is it possible therefore that theyshould seeme strange, or monstrous, whenas they proceed from naturallcauses? What? Doe they any whit preuaile to establish that opinionconcerning the hell of Island, which followeth next after in Munster, Ziegler, and Frisius? For my part, I thinke it no way tollerable, that menshould abuse these, and the like miracles of nature, to auouch absurdities, or, that they should with a kinde of impietie woonder at them, as atmatters impossible. As though in these kindes of inflammations, there didnot concurre causes of sufficient force for the same purpose. There is inthe rootes of these mountaines a matter most apt to be set on fire, commingso neere as it doeth to the nature of brimstone and pitch. There is ayeralso which insinuating it selfe by passages, and holes, into the verybowels of the earth, doeth puffe vp the nourishment of so huge a fire, together with Salt-peter, by which puffing (as it were with certeinebellowes) a most ardent flame is kindled. [Sidenote: Three naturall causesof firie mountaines. ] For, all these thus concurring fire hath those threethings, which necessarily make it burne, that is to say, matter, motion, and force of making passage: matter which is fattie and moyst, andtherefore nourisheth lasting flames: motion which the ayer doeth performe, being admitted into the caues of the earth: force of making passage, andthat the inuincible might of fire it selfe (which can not be withoutinspiration of ayre, and can not but breake foorth with an incrediblestrength) doeth bring to passe: and so (euen as in vndermining trenches andengines or great warrelike ordinance, huge yron bullets are cast foorthwith monstrous roaring, and cracking, by the force of kindled Brimstone, and Salt-peeter, whereof Gunne-powder is compounded) chingle and greatstones being skorched in that fiery gulfe, as it were in a furnace, together with abundance of sande and ashes, are vomitted vp and discharged, and that for the most part not without an earthquake which, if it commethfrom the depth of the earth, (being called by Possidonius, Succussio) itmust either be either an opening or a quaking. Opening causeth the earth insome places to gape, and fall a sunder. By quaking the earth is heaued vpand swelleth, and sometimes (as Plinie saith) [Sidenote: Lib. 20. Cap. 20. ]casteth out huge heaps: such an earth-quake was the same which I euen nowmentioned, which in the yere 1581 did so sore trouble the South shore ofIsland. And this kinde of earth-quake is most clearkely described byPontanus in these verses:

 The stirrng breath runnes on with stealing steppes, vrged now vp, and now enforced downe: For freedome eke tries all, it skips, it leaps, to ridde it selfe from vncouth dungeon. Then quakes the earth as it would burst anon, The earth yquakes, and walled cities quiuer. Strong quarries cracke, and stones from hilles doe shiuer. 

I thought good to adde these things, not that I suppose any man to beignorant thereof: but least other men should thinke that we are ignorant, and therefore that we will runne after their fables, which they do fromhence establish. But yet there is somewhat more in these three famedmountaines of Island, which causeth the sayd writers not a little towoonder, namely whereas they say that their foundations are alwayesburning, and yet for all that, their toppes be neuer destitute of snowe. Howbeit, it beseemeth not the authority and learning of such great clearksto marueile at this, who can not but well know the flames of mount Aetna, which (according to Plinie) being full of snowe all Winter, notwithstanding(as the same man witnesseth) it doth alwayes burne. Wherefore, if we willgiue credit vnto them, euen this mountaine also, sithens it is couered withsnowe, and yet burneth, must be a prison of vncleane soules: which thingthey haue not doubted to ascribe vnto Hecla, in regard of the frozen top, and the fine bottome. And it is no marueile that fire lurking so deepe inthe roots of a mountaine, and neuer breaking forth except it be veryseldome, should not be able continually to melt the snowe couering thetoppe of the sayd mountaine. [Sidenote: Cardanus] For in Caira (or Capira)also, the highest toppes of the mountaine are sayd continually to be whitewith snowe: and those in Veragua likewise, which are fiue miles high, andneuer without snowe, being distant notwithstanding but onely 10 degreesfrom the equinoctiall. We haue heard that either of the forsayd Prouincesstandeth neere vnto Paria. What, if in Teneriffa (which is one of theCanarie or fortunate Islands) the Pike [Footnote: The Peak. ] so called, arising into the ayre, according to Munster, eight or nine Germaine milesin height, and continually flaming like Aetna: yet (as Benzo an Italian, and Historiographer of the West Indies witnesseth) is it not able to meltthe girdle of snowe embracing the middest thereof. Which thing, what reasonhaue we more to admire in the mountaine of Hecla? And thus much brieflyconcerning firie mountaines. 

Now that also is to be amended, whereas they write that these mountainesare lifted vp euen vnto the skies. For they haue no extraordinarie heightbeyond the other mountaines of Island, but especially that third mountaine, called by Munster Helga, and by vs Helgafel, that is the holy mount, standing iust by a monastery of the same name, being couered with snowe, vpon no part thereof in Summer time, neither deserueth it the name of anhigh mountaine, but rather of an humble hillocke, neuer yet as I sayd inthe beginning of this section, so much as once suspected of burning. Neither yet ought perpetuall snowe to be ascribed to Hecla onely, or to afew others; for Island hath very many such snowy mountaines, all which theCosmographer (who hath so extolled and admired these three) should noteasily find out, and reckon vp in a whole yere. And that also is not to beomitted, that mount Hecla standeth not towards the West, as Munster andZiegler haue noted, but betweene the South and the East: neither is it anheadland, but rather a mid-land hill. 

[Sidenote: The chronicles of Island. ] Continueth alwayes burning &c. Whosoeuer they be that haue ascribed vnto Hecla perpetuall belching out offlames, they are farre besides the marke: insomuch that as often as it hathbene enflamed, our countreymen haue recorded it in their yerely Chroniclesfor a rare accident: namely in the yeeres of Christ 1104, 1157, 1222, 1300, 1341, 1362, and 1389: For from that yeere we neuer heard of the burning ofthis mountaine vntill the yeere 1558, which was the last breaking foorth offire in that mountaine. In the meane time I say not that is impossible, butthat the bottome of the hill may inwardly breed and nourish flames, whichat certaine seasons (as hath bene heretofore obserued) haue burst out, andperhaps may do the like hereafter. [Footnote: The surface of the country isvery mountainous, but there are no definite ranges, the isolated volcanicmasses being separated by elevated plateaux of greater or less size. Thewhole centre is, in fact, an almost continuous desert fringed by a belt ofpasture land, lying along the coast and running up the valleys of severalof the greater riuers. This desert is occupied partly by snow mountains andglaciers, partly by enormous lava streams, partly by undulating plains ofblack volcanic sand, shingle, and loose stones. This region is of coursewithout verdure, and entirely uninhabited. The rocks are all of igneousorigin, but of very different ages, traps, basalts, amygdaloids, tufas, ochres, and porous lavas. The number of active volcanoes is, at present, not great, but hot springs and mud volcanoes testify to the existence ofvolcanic action along a line running from the extreme south west at CapeReykjanes to the north coast near Husavik. The only recent well ascertainederuptions have been from Hecla, Aotlugja, Skaptar Vokul, and (in 1874-5)from the mountains to the south-east of Myratu Lake. The eruption ofSkaptar in 1783 is the greatest anywhere on record in respect of thequantity of lava and ashes ejected. Earthquakes are not unfrequent. Thegreatest mountain group is the Vatna or Klofa Yokul, on the south coast, amass of snow and ice covering many hundred square miles, and sending downprodigious glaciers which almost reach the sea. From one of these a torrentissues, little more than a hundred yards long, and a mile and a half broad. The line of perpetual snow ranges from 2, 000 to 3, 000 feet. The loftiestsummits of this great mountain mass have never been ascended, but thehighest point is believed to be the Orefa Yolcal, 6, 405 feet. The otherconsiderable peaks in different parts of the island are Herdubreidr (anextinct volcano), 5, 290 feet, Eyjafjalla Yokul, 5, 579 feet, Snæfels Yokul, 5, 965 feet, and Hecla, 5, 095 feet. ]

SECTIO SEPTIMA. 

[Sidenote: Frisius. Munst. ] Montis Heclæ flamma nec stuppam lucernarum luminibus aptissimam adurit, neque aqua extinguitur: Eóque impetu, quo apud nos machinis bellicis, globi eijciuntur, illinc lapides magni in aera emittuntur, ex frigoris & ignis & sulphuris commixtione. Is locus à quibusdam putatur carcer sordidarum animarum. Item Zieglerus. Is locos est carcer sordidarum animarum. 

Nec stuppam adurit. ) Vnde habeant Scriptores, non satis conijcitur. Hæcenim nostris hominibus prorsus ignota, nec hic vnquam, nisi prodidissentilli, audita fuissent. Nemo enim est apud nos tam temerariæ curiositatis, vt huius rei periculum, ardente monte, facere ansit, vel quod scire licuit, vnquam ausis fuerit. Quod tamen Munsterus asserit. Qui, inquit, naturamtanti incendij contemplari cupiunt, & ob id ad montem propius accedunt, eosvna aliqua vorago viuos absorbet &c. Quæ res, vt dixi, nostræ genti estignota prorsus. Exstat tamen liber veteri Noruagorum lingua scriptus, inquo terrarum, aquarum, ignis, aëris, &c. Miracula aliquot confusa reperias, pauca vera, plurima vana & falsa. Vnde facile apparet, à Sophis quibusdam, si dijs placet, in Papatu olim esse conscriptum: [Sidenote: SpeculumRegale. ] Speculum Regale nomen dederunt, propter vanissima mendacia, quibustotus, sed plærúmque sub religionis & pietatís prætextu (quo difficiliusest fucum agnoscere) scatet speculum minimè regale, sed Anile & Irregulare. In hoc speculo figmenta quædam de Heclæ incendio, his quæ nunc tractamusnon multum dissimilia, habentur, nullo experimento magis quàm hæcstabilita, ideóque explodenda. 

Cæterum ne audaculus videar, qui speculum illud Regale mendacij accusem;nullum verò ex his quæ minus credibilia affert, recenseam; Accipe horumpauca Lector, quæ fidem minimè mereri existimarim. 

1. De quadam Insula Hyberniæ; quæ templum & Parochiam habet: Cuius incolædecedentes non inhumantur: sed ad aggerem seu parietem coemeterij, viuoruminstar erecti, consistunt perpetuò: Nec vlli corruptioni, nec ruinæ. Obnoxij: vt posterum quiuis suos maiores ibi quærere & conspicere possit. 

2. De altera Hyberniæ Insula, vbi homines emori nequeant. 

3. De omni terrâ & omnibus arboribus Hyberniæ, quæ omnibus omninò venenisresistant, serpentes & alia venenata, vbiuis terrarum, solâ virtute &præsentia, etiam sine contactu, enecent. 

4. De tertia Hyberniæ Insula: Quòd hæc dimidia Diabolorum colonia factasit. In dimidiam vero propter templum ibidem exstructum, iuris habeantnihil, licet & pastore (vt tota Insula incolis) & sacris perpetuò careat:idque per naturam ita esse. 

5. De quarta Hyberniæ Insula, quæ in lacu quòdam satis vasto fluitet: cuiusgramina, quibusuis morbis præssentissimum remedium existant: Insula veròripam lacus statis temporibus accedat, idque vt plurimum, diebus Dominicis, vt tum quiuis facilè eam veluti nauim quandam, ingrediatur: id quod tamenpluribus simul, per fatum licere negat. Hanc vero Insulam septimo quoqueanno ripæ adnasci tradit, vt à continente non discernas: In eius autemlocum mox succedere alteram, priori, naturam, magnitudine & virtuteconsimilem: quæ vnde veniat, nesciri: idque cum quòdam quasi tonitrucontingere. 

6. De venatoribus Noruegiæ, qui lignum domare (sic enim loquitur, quantumuis impropriè: cùm ligno vt non vita, ita nec domitura competat)adeo docti sint, vt asseres 8. Vlnas longi, plantis pedum eorundemalligati, tanta eos celeritate, vel in excelsis montibus, promoueant, vtnon modò canum venaticorum, aut caprearum cursu, sed etiam auium volatusuperari nequeant: atque vnico cursu, vnico etiam hastæ ictu, nouem velplures capreas feriant. [Sidenote: Gronlandia. ] Hæc & similia, de Hybernia, Noruegia, Islandia, Gronlandia, de aquæ & aëris etiam miraculis, centonumille magister, in suum speculum collegit: Quibus, licet suis admirationem, vulgo stuporem, nobis tamen risum concitauit. 

Sed Frisium audiamus. Flamma, inquit, Montis Heclæ nec stuppam, lucernarumluminibus aptissimam, adurit, nec aqua extinguitur. Atqui inquam, ex Scholavestra Philosophica petitis rationibus hoc Paradoxon confirmari poterit. Docent enim Physici, commune esse validioribus flammis omnibus vt siccisextinguantur, alantur verò humidis: Vnde etiam fabri, aqua inspersa, ignemexcitare solent. Cùm enim, aiunt, ardentior fuerit ignis, à frigidoincitatur, & ab humido alitur, quorum vtrumque aquæ inest. Item: Aqua soletvehementes accendere ignes: Quoniam humidum ipsum quod exhalat, pinguiusredditur, nec à circumfuso fumo absumitur, sed totum ignis ipse depascitur, quò purior inde factus, ac simul collectus, à frigido alacrior inderedditur. Vnde etiam ignes artificiosi aqua minimè extinguibiles. Item:Sunt sulphure & bitumine loca abundantia, quæ sponte ardent, quorum flammaaqua minimè extinguitur. Prodidit etiam Philosophus, Aqua ali ignem. Arist. 3. De anim. Et Plin. Lib. 2. Nat. Histor. Cap. 110. Et Strabo lib. 7. InNymphæo excitè Petra flamma, que aqua accenditur. Idem, Viret æternùmcontexens fontem igneum fraxinus. Quin & repentinos ignes in aquisexistere, vt Thrasumenum lacum in agro Perusino arsisse totum, idem autorest. [Sidenote: Chronica Islandie. ] Et anno 1226, & 1236. Non procul àpromontorio Islandiæ Reykianes, flamma ex ipso mari erupit. Etiam incorporibus humanis repentinos ignes emicuisse, vt Seruio Tullio dormienti, è capite flammam exsilijsse: Et L. Martium in Hispania, interfectisScipionibus, concionem seu orationem ad milites habentem, atque ad vltionemexhortantem, conflagrasse, Valerius Antias narrat. Meminit etiam Pliniusflammæ montanæ, quæ, vt aqua accendatur, ita terra aut foeno extinguatur. Item, Alterius campestris, que frondem densi supra se nemoris non adurat. Quæ cum ita sint, mirum, homines id in solâ Heclâ mirari (ponam enim iamita esse, cum non sit tamen, quòd à quoquam scire potuerim) quòd multisaliarum terrarum partibus seu locis, tam montanis, quàm campestribus, cumea commune esset. 

Eo impetu quo apud nos globi. Sic enim Munsterus. [Sidenote: Frisius. ] Monsipse cum furit, inquit, horribilia tonitrua insonat, proijcit ingentiaSaxa, sulphur euomit, cineribus egestis, tam longè terram circumcircaoperit, vt ad vicesimum lapidem coli non possit, &c. Cæterum oportuitpotius cum Ætnâ, aut alijs montibus flammiuomis, quos mox recitabo, comparasse, cum non deesset, non modò simile, sed prope idem: Nisi fortèquòd incendia rarius ex Heclâ erumpant, quàm alijs id genus montibus. Namproxunis 34. Annis prorsus quieuit, facta videlicet vltima eruptione, An. 1558. Vt superius annotauimus. Et nihil tam magnificè dici potest de nostraHecla, quin idem, vel maius cæteris montibus flammiuomis competat, vt moxapparebit. Quòd verò sulphur eiaculetur, manifestum est commentum nulloexperimento apud nostrates cognitum. 

Is locus est carcer sordidarum animarum. Hic præfandum esse mihi video, atque veniam à Lectore petendam quòd cum initio proposuerim, de terra &incolis diuisim agere in hac prima parte tamen, quæ sunt meritò secundæpartis miscere cogar. Euenit hoc scriptorum culpa, qui Insulæ situi acmiraculis, religionis incolarum particulam hanc, de opinione infernaliscarceris, confuderunt. Quare etiam vt hunc locum attingamus, quis nonmiretur isthoc commentum ab homine cordato in Historia positum esse? Quisnon miretur, viros sapientes eò perduci, vt hæc vulgi deliramentaauscultent, nedum sequantur? Vulgus enim extraneorum & hominum colluuiesnautica (hic enim saniores omnes tam inter nautas quam reliquos excipio, )de hoc insolito naturæ miraculo audiens, ingenito stupore ad istam, decarcere animarum, imaginationem fertur: Siquidem incendio nullam substernimateriam videt, quemadmodum in domesticis focis fieri consueuit. Atque hacpersuasione vulgi fama inoleuit dum (vt ad maledicta optimè assuefactumest) vnus alteri huius montis incendum imprecatur. Quasi verò igniselementaris & materiatus ac visibilis, animas, i. Substantias spiritualescomburat. Quis deníque non miretur cur eundem carcere damnatorum, non inÆtna etiam, nihilo minus ignibus ac incendijs celebri, confingant? Atconfinxit dices, Gregorius Pontifex. Purgatorium igitur est. Sit sanè:Eadem igitur huius carceris veritas quæ & purgatorij. Sed priusquam longiusprocedamus, libet hic referre fabulam perlepidam, huius opinionisinfernalis originem & fundamentum: Nempe cuidam extraneorum naui Islandiamrelinquenti & turgidis velis citissimo cursu iter suum rectà legenti, factam obuiam alteram similiter impigro cursu, sed contra vim tempestatum, velis & remis nitentem: cuius præfectus rogatus, quinam essent? Respondissefertur: De Bischop van Bremen. Iterum rogatus quo tenderent? ait. ThomHeckelfeldt tho, Thom Heckelfeldt tho. Hæc videns Lector vereor, ne peluimpostulet dari: Est enim mendacium adeo detestandum, vt facilè nauseampariat. Abeat igitur ad Cynosarges & ranas palustres: illud enim eiusdefacimus atque illarum coax, coax. Nec verò dignum est hoc commentum, quodrideatur, nedum refutetur. Sed nolo cum insanis Papistis nugari: Quinpotius ad scriptores nostros conuertamur. 

Atque inprimis nequeo hic, clarissimi viri, D. Casparis Peuceri, illudpræterire. Est in Islandia, inquit, mons Hecla, qui immanis barathri, velinferni potius profunditate terribilis, eiulantium miserabili & lamentabiliploratu personat, vt voces plorantium circumquaque, ad interuallum magnimilliaris audiantur. Circumnolitant hunc coruorum & vulturum nigerrimaagmina, quæ nidulari ibidem ab incolis existimantur. Vulgus incolarumdescensum esse per voraginem illam ad inferos persuasum habet: Inde cumprælia committuntur alibi in quacunque parte orbis terrarum aut cædes fiuntcruentæ commoueri horrendos circumcirca tumultus & excitari clamores atqueeiulatus ingentes longâ experientiâ didicerunt. Quis verò rem tamincredibilem ad te vir doctissime perferre ausus fuit? Nec enim vultureshabet Islandia, sed genus aquilarum secundum, quod ab albicante caudâPlinius notauit & Pygarsum appellauit. Nec vlli sunt huius spectaculi apudnos testes: Nec deníque ibidem coruos aut aquilas nidificare probabile est, quæ, igni & fumo semper inimicissimo, potius à focis vel incendijsarceantur. Et nihilominus in huius rei testimonium, (vt & exauditi pervoraginem montis tumultus extranei, ) experientiam incolarum allegant, quæcertè contraria omnia testatur. Vnde verò foramen vel fenestra illamontana, per quam clamores, strepitus & tumultus apud antipodes, periæcos &antæcos factos exaudiremus? De quâ re multa essent, quæ authorem istiusmendacij interrogatum haberem, modò quid de illo nobis constaret: quivtinam veriora narrare discat, nec tam perfrictâ fronte similia, incomperta, átque, adeò incredibilia, clarissimo viro Peucero, aut alijsreferre præsumat. 

Ast verò Munsterus cum incendij tanti & tam incredilis caussas infamosissimâ Ætna inuestigare conatus sit, quam rem illic naturalem facit, hic verò præternaturalem imo infernalem faciat, an non monstri simile est?Cæterum de Æthnâ quid dico? Quin potius videamus quid de Heclæ incendioalias sentiat Munsterus. 

[Sidenote: Munsterus Cosmograph. Vniuersal. Lib. 1. Cap. 7. ] Dubium nonest, inquit, montes olim & campos arsisse in orbe terrarum: Et nostraquidem state ardent. Verbi gratia: In Islandia mons Hecla statis temporibusforas proijcit ingentia Saxa, euomit sulphur spargit cineres, tam longècircumcirca, vt terra ad vicesimum lapidem coli non possit. Vbi autemmontium incendia perpetua sunt, intelligimus nullam esse obstructionemmeatuum, per quos modò, quasi fluuium quendam, ignes, modò flammas, nuncverò fumum tantùm euomunt. Sin per temporum interualla increscunt, internismeatibus obturatis, eius viscera nihilominus ardent Superioris autem partisincendia, propter fomitis inopiam, non nihil remittunt ad tempus. Ast vbispiritus vehementior, rursus reclusis meatibus ijsdem vel alijs, ex carceremagnâ vi erumpit, cineres, arenam, sulphur, pumices, massas, quæ habentspeciem ferri, saxa, aliásque materias foras proijcit, plerúnque non sinedetrimento regionis adiacentis. Hæc Munsterus. Vbi videas quæso Lector, quomodo suo se iugulet gladio, videas inquam hic eadem de incendio Heclæ &Ætnæ opinionem & sententiam, quæ tamen lib 4. Eiusdem, admodum est dispar, vt illic ad causas infernales confugiat. 

Habet profectò Indiæ occidentalis mons quidam flammiuomus æquiores multò, quàm hic noster censores & historicos, minimè illic barathrumexædificantes: Cuius historiam, quia & breuis est, & non illepida, subijciam, ab Hieronimo Benzone Italo in Historiar noui orbis, lib. 2. Hisverbis descriptam. 

Triginta quínque, inquit, milliarium interuallo abest Legione monsflammiuomus, qui per ingentem craterem tantos sæpe flammarum globoseructat, vt noctu latissimè vltra 10000. Passuum incendia reluceant. Nonnullis fuit opinio, intus liquefactum aurum esse, perpetuam ignibusmateriam. Itáque Dominicanus quidam monachus cum eius rei periculum facerevellet, ahenum & catenam ferream fabricari curat móxque in montis iugum cumquatuor alijs Hispanis ascendens, catenam cum aheno ad centum quadragintavlnas in caminum demittit. Ibi ignis feruore, ahenum cum parte catenæliquefactum est. Monachus non leuiter iratus Legionem recurrit, fabrumincusat, quòd catenam tenuiorem multò, quàm iussisset ipse, essetfabricatus. Faber aliam multo crassiorem excudit. Monachus montem repetit:Catenam & lebetem demittit. Res priori incoepto similem exitum habuit. Nectantùm resolutus lebes euanuit, verum etiam flammæ globus repentè èprofundo exsiliens, propemodum & Fratrem & socios absumpsit. Omnes quidemadeo perculsi in vrbem reuersi sunt, vt de eo incoepto exequendo nunquamdeinceps cogitarent &c. 

O quam censura dispar? In montano Indiæ occidentalis camino auram: Islandiæverò, infernum quærunt. Sed hoc vt nimis recens, ac veteribus ignotumfortasse reijcient: Cur igitur eundem, quem in Hecla Islandiæ, animarum inChimæra carcerem, Lyciæ monte, cuius noctu diúque flamma immortalisperhibetur, non sunt imaginati scriptores? Cur no in Ephesi montibus, quostæda flammante tactos, tantum ignis concipere accepimus, vt lapides quoque& arenæ in ipsis aquis ardeant, & ex quibus accenso baculo, si quis sulcumtraxerit, riuos ignium sequi narrator à Plinio? Cur non in CophantroBactrorum monte, noctu semper conflagrante? Cur non in Hiera Insula, mediomari ardente? Cur non in Æolia, similiter in ipso mari olim dies aliquotaliquot accensa? Cur non in Babyloniorum campo, interdiu flagrante? Cur nonin Æthiopum campis, Stellarum modo, noctu semper nitentibus? Cur non inillo Liparæ tumulo, ampla & profunda voragine hiante, teste Aristotele, adquem non tutò noctu accedatur: ex quo Cymbalorum sonitus, crotalorumboatus, cum insolitis & inconditis cachinnis exaudiantur? Cur non inNeapolitanorum agro ad Puteolos? Cur non in illa superius commemorataTeneriffæ pyramide montana, instar Ætnæ, iugiter ardente, & lapides, vt exMunstero videre est, in aëra exspuente? Cur non in illo Aethiopum iugo, quod Plinius testatur, horum omnium maximo aduri incendio? Cur non deniquein Vesuuio monte, non sine insigni viciniæ clade, & C. Plinij exitialidetrimento, dum insueti incendij causas perscrutaturus venit, nubium tenusflammas cum saxis euomente, pumicum & cinerum ineffabili copiâ aërareplente, & solem meridianum per totam viciniam densissimis tenebrisintercipiente? Dicam, & dicam quod res est: Quia scilicet illis, vtpotenotioribus, fidem, etsi inferni esse incendia finxissent, minimè adhiberipræuidebant: Heclæ verò æstum, cuius rumor tardius ad eorum aures peruenit, huic commento vanissimo stabiliendo, magis inseruire putabant. Sedfacessite: Depræhensa fraus est: Desinite posthac illam de inferno Heklensiopinionem cuiquam velle persuadere. Docuit enim & nos, & alios, vobisinuitis, consimilibus incendijs, operationes suas Natura, non Infernus. Sedvideamus iam plura eiusdem farinæ vulgi mendacia, quæ Historicis &Cosmographis nostris adeò malè imposuerunt. 

The same in English. 

THE SEUENTH SECTION. 

[Sidenote: Frisius. Munsterus. ] The flame of mount Hecla will not burne towe (which is most apt for the wieke of a candle) neither is it quenched with water: and by the same force that bullets are discharged out of warlike engines with vs, from thence are great stones cast foorth into the aire, by reason of the mixture of colde, and fire, and brimstone. This place is thought of some to be the prison of vncleane soules. Item: Zieglerus. This place is the prison of vncleane soules. 

Will not burne towe. Where these writers should finde such matters, it isnot easie to coniecture. For our people are altogether ignorant of them, neither had they euer bene heard of heere among vs, if they had not broughtthem to light. For there is no man with vs so rashly and fondly curious, that dareth for his life, the hill being on fire, trie any suchconclusions, or (to our knowledge) that euer durst: which notwithstandingMunster affirmeth, saying: They that are desirous to contemplate the natureof so huge a fire, & for the same purpose approch vnto the mountaine, areby some gulfe swallowed vp aliue, &c. Which thing (as I sayd) is altogethervnknowen vnto our nation. [Sidenote: Speculum regale written in theNoruagian tongue. ] Yet there is a booke extant, written in the ancientlanguage of the Noruagians, wherein you may finde some miracles of earth, water, fire, and aire, &c. Confusedly written, few of them true, and themost part vaine and false. Whereupon it easily appeareth that it waswritten long since by some that were imagined to be great wise men in thetime of Popery. [Sidenote: Whence the fables of Island grew. ] They calledit a royall looking glasse: howbeit, in regard of the fond fables, wherewith (but for the most part vnder the shew of religion and piety, whereby it is more difficult to finde out the cousinage) it doeth all ouerswarme, it deserueth not the name of a looking glasse royall, but rather ofa popular, and olde wiues looking glasse. In this glasse there are foundcertaine figments of the burning of Hecla, not much vnlike these which wenow entreat of, nor any whit more grounded vpon experience, and for thatcause to be reiected. 

But that I may not seeme somewhat foolehardy, for accusing this royalllooking glasse of falshood (not to mention any of those things which itreporteth as lesse credible) loe heere a few things (friendly reader) whichI suppose deserue no credit at all. 

1. Of a certain Isle in Ireland, hauing a church and a parish in it, theinhabitants whereof deceasing are not buried in the earth, but like liuingmen, do continually, against some banke or wall in the Churchyard, standbolt-vpright: neither are they subiect to any corruption or downefall:insomuch that any of the posteritie, may there seeke for, and beholde theirancestors. 

2. Of another Isle of Ireland, where men are not mortall. 

3. Of all the earth and trees of Ireland, being of force to resist allpoisons, and to kill serpents, and other venimous things, in any countreywhatsoeuer, by the only vertue and presence thereof yea euen withouttouching. 

4. Of a third Isle of Ireland, that the one halfe thereof became anhabitation of deuils, but that the sayd deuils haue no iurisdiction ouerthe other halfe, by reason of a Church there built, although, as the wholeIsle is without inhabitants, so this part is continually destitute of aPastor, and of diuine seruice: and that it is so by nature. 

5. Of a fourth Isle of Ireland floating vp and downe in an huge lake, thegrasse whereof is a most present remedy for all kinde of diseases, and thatthe Iland, at certeine seasons, especially on Sundayes, commeth to thebanke of the lake, so that any man may then easily enter into it, as itwere into a shippe: which notwithstanding (sayth he) destiny will notsuffer any more then one to enter at a time. Furthermore he reporteth thatthis Island euery seuenth yere groweth fast to the banke, so that youcannot discerne it from firme land: but that into the place thereof theresucceedeth another, altogether like the former, in nature, quantitie, andvertue: which, from what place it commeth, no man can tell: and that allthis happeneth with a kinde of thundering. 

6. Of the hunters of Norway who are so expert to tame wood (for so hespeaketh very improperly, whereas vnto wood neither life nor taming can beascribed) that wooden pattens of eight elnes long being bound to the solesof their feet do cary them with so great celeritie euen vpon hiemountaines, that they cannot be outrun, either by the swiftnes of houndsand deere, or yet by the flying of birds. And that they will kill nine roesor more at one course & with one stroke of a dart. 

These and such like, concerning Ireland, Norway, Island, Gronland. Of themiracles of water, and aire, this master of fragments hath gatheredtogether into his looking glasse: whereby, although he hath made his ownefollowers woonder, and the common people to be astonished, yet hath heministred vnto vs nothing but occasion of laughter. 

But let vs heare Frisius. The flame of mount Hecla (sayth he) will notburne towe (which is most apt matter for the wicke of a candle) neither isit quenched with water. But I say that this strange opinion may beconfirmed by many reasons borrowed out of your schoole of Philosophy. Forthe natarall Philosophers doe teach, That it is common to all forcibleflames to be quenched with dry things, and nourished with moiste:whereupon, euen blacksmithes, by sprinckling on of water, vse to quickenand strengthen their fire. For (say they) when fire is more vehement, it isstirred vp by colde, and nourished by moisture, both which qualities doeconcurre in water. Item, water is wont to kindle skorching fires: becausethe moisture it selfe, which ariseth, doth proue more fattie and grosse, neither is it consumed by the smoke enclosing it, but the fire it selfefeedeth vpon the whole substance thereof, whereby being made purer, andgathering round together, it becommeth then more vehement by reason ofcolde. And therefore also wild-fires cannot be quenched with water. Item, There be places abounding with brimstone and pitch, which burne of theirowne accord, the flame wherof cannot be quenched with water. The graundPhilosopher also hath affirmed, that fire is nourished by water. Arist 3. De anim. And Plinie, in the second booke of his naturall historie cap. 110. And Strabo in his 7. Booke. In Nympheum there proceedeth a flame out of arocke, which is kindled with water. The same author sayth: The ashecontinually flourisheth, couering a burning fountaine. And moreouer thatthere are sudden fires at some times, euen vpon waters, as namely that thelake of Thrasumenus in the field of Perugi, was all on fire, as the sameStrabo witnesseth. And in the yeares 1226, and 1236, not farre from thepromontorie of Islande called Reykians, a flame of fire brake forth out ofthe sea. Yea euen vpon mens bodies sudden fires haue glittered: as namely, there sprang a flame from the head of Seruius Tullius lying a sleepe: andalso Lucius Martius in Spaine after the death of the Scipions, making anoration to his souldiers, and exhorting them to reuenge, was all in aflame, as Valerius Antias doth report. Plinie in like sort maketh mentionof a flame in a certaine mountaine, which, as it is kindled with water, sois it quenched with earth or haye: also of another field which burneth notthe leaues of shadie trees that growe directly ouer it. These things beingthus, it is strange that men should accompt that a wonder in Hecla onely(for I will graunt it to be, for disputation sake, when indeede there is nosuch matter so farre foorth as euer I could learne of any man) which iscommon to manie other parts or places in the world, both hilly and plaine, as well as to this. 

[Sidenote: Frisius. ] And by the same force that bullets, &c. Munster saiththe like also. This mountaine when it rageth, it soundeth like dreadfullthunder, casteth forth huge stones, disgorgeth brimstone and with thecinders that are blowen abroad, it couereth so much ground round about it, that no man can inhabite within 20. Miles thereof, &c. Howbeit, they oughtto haue compared it with Aetna, or with other fierie mountaines, whereof Iwill presently make mention, seeing there is to be found in them, not onelya like accident, but in a manner the very same. Vnlesse perhaps this be thedifference, that flames brake seldomer out of Hecla, then out of othermountaines of the same kinde. For it hath now rested these 34. Yeares fullout, the last fierie breach being made in the yeare 1558. As we haue beforenoted. And there can no such wonders be affirmed of our Hecla, but the sameor greater are to be ascribed vnto other burning mountaines, as it shall byand by appeare. 

But that brimstone should be sent foorth it is a meere fable, and neuerknowen vnto our nation, by any experiment. 

This place is the prison of vncleane soules. Here I am constrained to vse apreface, and to craue pardon of the Reader, because, whereas in thebeginning I propounded vnto my selfe to treat of the land, and of theinhabitants distinctly by themselues, I must of necessitie confusedlyhandle certaine matters in this first part, which do properly belong vntothe second. This is come to passe through the fault of these writers, whohaue confounded this part of the inhabitants religion concerning theopinion of hell, or of the infernall prison, with the situation & miraclesof the island. Wherfore that we may come to this matter, who can but wonderthat wise men should be growen to this point, not onely to listen after, but euen to follow and embrace the dotings of the rude people: For thecommon sort of strangers, and the offskowring of mariners (here I do exceptthem of better iudgement aswell mariners as others) hearing of this raremiracle of nature, by an inbred and naturall blockishnesse are earned tothis imagination of the prison of soules: and that because they see no woodnor any such fewell layed vpon this fire as they haue in their ownechimneys at home. And by this perswasion of the grosse multitude, thereport grew strong, especially (as they are too much accustomed to banningand cursing) while one would wish to another the firie torments of thismountaine. As though elementarie, materiall and visible fire could consumemens soules being spirituall, bodiless and inuisible substances. And to beshort, who can but woonder, why they should not faine the same prison ofdamned soules, aswell in mount Aetna, being no lesse famous for fires andinflamations then this: But you will say, that Pope Gregorie fained it soto be. Therefore it is purgatorie. I am content it should be so: then thereis the same trueth of this prison that there is of purgatorie. But before Iproceede any further I thinke it not amisse to tell a merie tale, which wasthe originall and ground of this hellish opinion: namely that a ship ofcertaine strangers departing from Island, vnder full saile, a most swiftpace, going diectly on her course, met with another ship sailing againstwinde & weather, and the force of the tempest as swiftly as themselues, whohailing them of whence they were, answere was giuen by their gouernor, DeBischop van Bremen: being the second time asked whether they were bound: heanswered, Thom Heckelfeld tho, Thom Heckelfeld tho. I am affeard lest thereader at the sight of these things should call for a bason: for it is suchan abominable lie, that it would make a man cast his gorge to heare it. Away with it therefore to fenny frogs, for we esteeme no more of it, thenof their croaking coax coax. Nay, it is so palpable that it is not worthyto be smiled at, much lesse to be refuted. But I will not trifle any longerwith the fond Papists: let vs rather come vnto our owne writers. 

And first of all I cannot here omit a saying of that most worthie manDoctor Caspar Peucer. There is in Islande (quoth he) mount Hecla, being ofas dreadfull a depth as any vaste gulfe, or as hell it selfe, whichresoundeth with lamentable, & miserable yellings, that the noise of thecryers may be heard for the space of a great league round about. Greatswarmes of vgly blacke Rauens and Vultures lie hoouering about this placewhich are thought of the inhabitantes to nestle there. The common people ofthat countrey are verily perswaded, that there is a descent downe into hellby this gulfe: and therefore when any battailes are foughten else where, inwhatsoeuer part of the whole world, or any bloudie slaughters arecommitted, they haue learned by long experience, what horrible tumults andout-cryes, what monstrous skritches are heard round about this mountaine. Who durst be so bold (most learned Sir) to bring such an incredible reportto your eares: Neither hath Island any Vultures, but that second kinde ofEagles, which Plinie noted by their white tayles, and called them Pygarsi:neither are there any with vs, that can beare witnesse of the foresaidspectacle: nor yet is it likely that Rauens and Eagles would nestle in thatplace, when as they should rather be driuen from thence by fire and smoke, being things most contrarie to their nature. And yet notwithstanding forproofe of this matter, as also of a strange tumult heard within the hollowof the mountaine, they allege the experience of the inhabitants, whichindeede testifieth all things to the contrarie. But whereabout should thathole or windowe of the mountaine be, by the which we may heare outcries, noyse and tumults done among them, who inhabite the most contrarie, distant, and remote places of the earth from vs: Concerning which thing Iwould aske the author of this fable many questions, if I might but come tothe knowledge of him: in the meane time I could wish that from hencefoorthhe would learne to tell troth, & not presume with so impudent a face toenforme excellent Peucer, or others, of such vnknowen and incrediblematters. 

But to returne to Munster, who endeuouring to search out the causes of thegreat and strange fire of that famous hill Aetna, is it not monstrous thatthe very same thing which he there maketh natural, he should here imagineto be preternaturall, yea infernal? But why do I speake of Aetna? Let vsrather consider what Munster in another place thinketh of the burning ofHecla. 

[Sidenote: Munsterus Cosmograph. Vniuersalis lib. 1. Cap. 7. ] It is withoutdoubt (saith he) that some mountaines and fields burned in old timethroughout the whole world: and in this our age do burne. As for example:mount Hecla in Island at certaine seasons casteth abroad great stones, spitteth out brimstone, and disperseth ashes, for such a distance roundabout, that the land cannot be inhabited within 20. Miles thereof. Butwhere mountaines do continually burne we vnderstand that there is nostopping of the passages, wherby they poure forth abundance of firesometime flaming, & sometime smoaking gas it were a streaming flood. But ifbetweene times the fire encreaseth, all secret passages being shut vp, theinner parts of the mountaine are notwithstanding enflamed. The fire in thevpper part, for want of matter, somewhat abateth for the time. But when amore vehement spirite (the same, or other passages being set open again)doth with great violence breake prison, it casteth forth ashes, sand, brimstone, pumistones, lumpes resembling iron, great stones, & much othermatter, not without the domage of the whole region adioyning. Thus farreMunster. Where consider (good Reader) how he cutteth his throat with hisowne sword, consider (I say) that in this place there is the very sameopinion of the burning of Hecla, & the burning of Aetna, whichnotwithstanding in his 4. Booke is very diuerse, for there he is faine torun to infernall causes. A certaine fierie mountaine of West India hathfarre more friendly censurers, & historiographers then our Hecla, who makenot an infernall gulfe therof. The History of which mountain (because it isshort & sweete) I will set downe, being written by Hieronimus Benzo anItalian, in his history of the new world, lib. 2. These be the words. "About 35. Miles distant from Leon there is a mountaine which at a greathole belcheth out such mightie balles of flames, that in the night theyshine farre and neare, aboue 100. Miles. Some were of opinion that withinit was molten gold ministring continuall matter & nourishment for the fire. Hereupon a certain Dominican Frier, determining to make trial of thematter, caused a brasse kettle, & an iron chain to be made: afterwardascending to the top of the hill with 4. Other Spaniards, he letteth downethe chaine & the kettle 140. Elnes into the fornace: there, by extremeheate of the fire, the kettle, & part of the chaine melted. The monke in arage ran back to Leon, & chid the smith, because he had made the chaine farmore slender then himselfe had commanded. The smith hammers out another ofmore substance & strength then the former. The Monke returnes to themountains, and lets downe the chaine & the cauldron; but with the likesuccesse that he had before. Neither did the caldron only vanish & meltaway: but also, vpon the sudden there came out of the depth a flame offire, which had almost consumed the Frier, & his companions. Then they allreturned so astonished, that they had small list afterward to prosecutethat attempt, &c. " What great difference is there betweene these twocensures? In a fiery hill of West India they search for gold: but in mountHecla of Island they seeke for hel. Howbeit they wil perhaps reiect this asa thing too new, & altogether vnknowen to ancient writers. Why thereforehaue not writers imagined the same prison of soules to be in Chimæra anhill in Lycia (which, by report, flameth continually day and night) that isin mount Hecla of Island? Why haue they not imagined the same to be in themountaines of Ephesus, which being touched with a burning torch, arereported to conceiue so much fire, that the very stones & sand lying in thewater are caused to burne, & from the which (a staffe being burnt vponthem, & trailed after a man on the ground) there proceede whole riuers offire, as Plinie testifieth? Why not in Cophantrus a mountaine of Bactria, alwayes burning in the night? Why not in the Isle of Hiera, flaming in themidst of the sea? Why not in Aeolia in old time likewise burning forcertaine daies in the midst of the sea? Why not in the field of Babylonburning in the day season? Why not in the fields of Aethiopia glitteringalwaies like stars in the night? Why not in the hill of Lipara opening witha wide and bottomlesse gulfe (as Aristotle beareth record) whereunto it isdangerous to approch in the night: from whence the sound of Cymbals and thenoyse of rattles, with vnwonted and vncouth laughters are heard? Why not inthe field of Naples, neare vnto Puteoli? Why not in the Pike of Teneriffabefore mentioned, like Aetna continually burning and casting vp stones intothe aier, as Munster himselfe witnesseth? Why not in that Aethiopian hill, which Plinie affirmeth to burne more then all the former? And to conclude, why not in the mountaine of Vesuuius, which (to the great damage of al thecountrey adioyning, & to the vtter destruction of Caius Plinius prying intothe causes of so strange a fire) vomiting out flames as high as the clouds, filling the aire with great abundance of pumistones, and ashes, & withpalpable darknesse intercepting the light of the sunne from al the regiontherabout? I wil speake, & yet speake no more then the truth: because indeede they foresaw, that men would yeeld no credite to those things asbeing too well knowen, though they should haue feined them to haue beenethe flames of hell: but they thought the burning of Hecla (the rumourwhereof came more slowly to their eares) to be fitter for the establishingof this fond fable. But get ye packing, your fraud is found out: leaue offfor shame hereafter to perswade any simple man, that there is a hel inmount Hecla. For nature hath taught both vs & others (maugre your opinion)to acknowledge her operations in these fire workes, not the fury of hell. But now let vs examine a few more such fables of the common people, whichhaue so vnhappily misledd our historiographers & cosmographers. 

SECTIO OCTAUA. 

[Sidenote: Frisius Zieglerus, Olauus Magn. ] Iuxta hos montes (tres prædictos Heclam, &c. ) sunt tres hiatus immanes, quorum altitudinem apud montem Heclam potissimum, ne Lynceus quidem perspicere queat: Sed apparent ipsum inspicientibus, homines primùm submersi, adhuc spiritum exhalantes, qui amicis suis, vt ad propria redeant, hortantibus, magnis suspirijs se ad montem Heclam proficisci debere respondent: Sicque subitò euanescunt. 

Ad confirmandum superius mendacium de Inferno terrestri ac visibili, commentum hoc, non minus calumniosum (etsi facilè largiar, Frisium non tamcalumniandi, quàm noua & inaudita prædicandi animo ista scripsisse) quàmfalsum ac gerris Siculis longè vanius ac detestabilius, excogitarunthomines ignaui, nec coelum ec infernum scientes. Quos scriptores isti, virialioqui præclarissimi & optimè de Repub. Literaria meriti, nimiumpræpropero iudicio secuti sunt. 

Cæterum optandum esset, nullos tanto nouitatis studio Historias scribere, vt non vereantur aniles quasuis nugas ijs inserere, atque ita aurum purumcoeno aspergere. Qui verò demum sunt homines illi submersi, in lacuinfernali natitantes, & nihilominus cum notis & amicis confabulantes? Annenobis veterem Orphea, cum sua Euridice, in Stygias relabente vndas, colloquentem, & in his extremi orbis partibus, tanquam ad Tanaim Hebrúmqueniualem, cantus exercentem lyricos, rediuiuum dabitis? Certè, etsi nolintalij futilem huiusmodi ineptiarum leuitatem ac mendacium agnoscere, agnouittamen rerum omnium haud negligens æstimator Cardanus, lib. 18. Subtil. Cuius hæc sunt verba. 

Est Hecla mons in Islandia, ardétque non aliter ac Ætna in Sicilia perinterualla, ideóque persuasione longa (vulgi) concepta, quòd ibi expienturanimaæ. Alij, ne vani sint, affingunt inania fabulæ, vt consona videantur. Quæ sunt autem illa inania? Quòd spectra comminiscuntur, se ad montemHeclam ire respondentia, ait idem. Et addit. Nec in Islandia solum, sedvbique, licet rarò, talia contingunt: Subdítque de laruâ homicidâHistoriam, quæ sic habet. Efferebatur, inquit, anno præterito, funus viriplebeij Mediolani, orientali in porta iuxta templum maius foro venali, quòdà caulium frequentia nomen caulis nostra lingua sonat. Occurrit mihi notus:Peto, vt medicorum moris est, quo morbo excesserit? Respondet ille:consuesse hunc virum hora noctis, tertia à labore redire domum: Viditlemurem nocte quadam insequentem: Quam cum effugere conaretur, ocyus citatopede abibat: Sed à spectro captus atque in terram proiectus videbatur. Exclamare nitebatur: Non poterat. Tandem, cum diu in terra cum laruavolutatus esset, inuentus à prætereuntibus quibusdam, semiuiuus domumrelatus, cum resipuisset, interrogatus, hæc quæ minus expectabantur, retulit. Ob id animam despondens, cum nec ab amicis, nec medicis, necsacerdotibus persuaderi potuisset, inania esse hæc, octo inde diebusperijt. Audiui postmodum & ab alijs, qui vicini essent illi, neminem abinimico vulneratum tam constanter de illo testatum, vt hic, quod à mortuofuisset in terram prouolutus. Cum quidam quærerent, quid ille postquam interram volutaretur ageret? Conatum, inquit, mortuum adhibitis gulæ manibus, vt eum strangularet: Nec obstitisse quicquam, nisi quòd se ipsum tuereturmanibus. Cum alij dubitarent, ne fortè hæc à viuo passus esset, interrogarentque in quo mortuum à viuo secernere potuisset? Caussamreddidit satis probabilem, dicens se tanquam cottum attrectasse, nec pondushabuisse, nisi vt premebatur. Et paulò post addit. Eadem verò ratione quain Islandia, in arenæ solitudinibus Ægypti & Æthiopiæ, Indiæque vbi Solardet, eædem imagines, eadem spectra viatores ludificare solent. HactenusCardanus. Inde tamen nemo concluseret, sicut de Islandia scriptores nostrifaciunt, in illis Ægypti and Æthiopiæ, Indiæque locis, carcerem existeredamnatorum. 

Hæc ex Cardano adscribere libuit, vt etiam extraneorum testimonia pronobis, contra figmenta tanta afferamus. Conuincit autem præsens Cardanilocus hæc duo, scilicet: nec esse Islandiæ proprias spectrorumapparitiones: (quod etiam omnes norunt, nisi eius rei ignorantiam nimisaffectent) nec illud mortuorum cum viuis, in hiatu Heclensi, colloquium, nisi ementitis hominum fabulis, quauis ampulla vani oribus, niti, quibusbeluæ vulgares, ad confirmandam de animarum cruciatibus opinionem, vsæfuerant. Et quisquam est, qui illis scriptorum hiatibus, mortuorummiraculis ad summum vsque refertis, adduci potest vt credat? Quisquam, quivanitatem tantam non cotemnat? Certè. Nam & hinc conuicia in gentem nostramrecte sumi aiunt: Nihil scilicet hac proiectius ac deterius esse vsquam, quæ intra limites Orcum habeat. Scilicet hoc commodi nobis peperitHistoricorum ad res nouas diuulgandas auiditas. Verum illa è vulgi dementianata opinio, vt stulta ac inanis, & in opprobrium nostræ gentis conficta, hactenus, vt spero, satis labefactata est. Quare iam perge Lector, vlteriushanc de secretis infernalibus Philosophiam cognoscere. 

The same in English. 

THE EIGHT SECTION. 

[Sidenote: Frisius. Zieglerus. Olaus magnus. ] Neare vnto the mountaines (the 3. Fornamed Hecla &c. ) there be three vaste holes, the depth whereof, especially at mount Hecla, cannot be discerned by any man, be he neuer so sharpe sighted: but there appeare to the beholders thereof certaine men at that instant plunged in, & as yet drawing their breath, who answere their friends (exhorting them with deepe sighs to returne home) that they must depart to mount Hecla: and with that, they suddenly vanish away. 

To confirme the former lie, of an earthly & visible hell (albeit I willeasily grant that Frisius in writing these things did not entend to reprochany, but only to blaze abroad new & incredible matters) certaine idlecompanions knowing neither hell nor heauen haue inuented this fable, nolesse reprochfull then false, and more vaine & detestable then Sicilianscoffes. Which fellowes these writers (being otherwise men of excellentparts, and to whom learning is much indebted) haue followed with an ouerhastie iudgement. 

But it were to be wished, that none would write Histories with so great adesire of setting foorth nouelties & strange things, that they feare not, in that regard to broch any fabulous & old-wiues toyes, & so to defile puregold with filthy mire. But I pray you, how might those drowned men beswimming in the infernal lake, & yet for al that, parletng with theiracquaintance & friends? What? Will you coniure, & raise vp vnto vs fromdeath to life old, Orpheus conferring with his wife Euridice (drawen backeagaine down to the Stigian flood) & in these parts of the world, as it wereby the bankes of snowey Tanais, & Hebrus descanting vpon his harpe? But invery deed although others will not acknowledge the falsbood, & vanity ofthese trifles, yet Cardane being a diligent considerer of al things in his18. Booke de subtilitate, doth acknowledge & find them out. Whose words bethese. There is Hecla a mountaine in Island, which burneth like vnto Ætnaat certain seasons, & hereupon the comon people haue conceiued an opinionthis long time, that soules are there purged: some, least they should seemeliars, heape vp more vanities to this fable, that it may appeare to beprobable, & agreeable to reason. But what be those vanities? namely, theyfeine certaine ghosts answering them, that they are going to mount Hecla;as the same Cardane saith. And further he addeth. Neither in Island only, but euery where (albeit seldome) such things come to passe. And then hetels this storie following of a man-killing spright. There was (saith he)solemnized this last yeare the funerall of a comon citizen, in the gateneare vnto the great Church, by that marketplace, which in regard of theabundace of herbs, in our tong hath the name of the herbmarket. There meetswith me one of mine acquaintance: I (according to the custome ofPhisitians) presently aske of what disease the man died? he giueth meanswere that this man vsed to come home from his labour 3. Houres withinnight: one night among the rest he espied an hobgoblin pursuing him: whichto auoid, he ran away with al speed: but being caught by the spright, hewas throwne down vpon the ground. He would faine haue made a shout, & wasnot able. At length (when the spright & he had struggled together vpon theground a good while) he was found by certain passengers, & carried homehalfe dead. And when he was come to himselfe againe, being asked what wasthe matter, he vp and tolde this strange relation. Hereupon (being vtterlydaunted, & discouraged, when neither by his friends, nor by Phisitians, norby Priests, he could be perswaded, that these things were but his owneconceits, & that there was no such matter) 8. Daies after he died. I heardalso afterward of others which were his neighbors, that no man could moreconstantly affirme himselfe to be wounded of his enemy, then this man did, that he was cast vpon the ground by a ghost. And when some demanded what hedid, after he was tumbled on the earth? The dead man (quoth he) laying hishands to my throat, went about to strangle me: neither was there anyremedy, but by defending my selfe with mine own hands. When others doubtedleast he might suffer these things of a liuing man, they asked him how hecould discerne a dead man from a liuing? To this he rendered a veryprobable reason, saying that he seemed in handling to be like Cottum, &that he had no weight, but held him down by maine force. And presentlyafter he addeth. In like manner as in Island, so in the desert sands ofÆgypt, Æthiopia, and India, where the sunne is hot, the very sameapparitions, the same sprights are wont to delude wayfaring men. Thus muchCardane. Yet from hence (I trow) no man will conclude as our writers ofIsland do, that in the places of Ægypt, Æthiopia, and India, there is aprison of damned soules. 

I thought good to write these things out of Cardane, that I may bring euenthe testimony of strangers on our sides, against such monstrous fables. This place of Cardane implieth these two things, namely that apparitions ofsprights are not proper to Island alone (which thing al men know, if theydo not maliciously feigne themselues to be ignorant). And secondly thatthat conference of the dead with the liuing in the gulfe of Hecla is notgrounded vpon any certainty, but only vpon fables coined by some idlepersons, being more vaine then any bubble, which the brutish common sorthaue vsed, to confirme their opinion of the tormenting of soules. And isthere any man so fantasticall, that wilbe induced to beleeue these gulfes, mentioned by writers, to be any where extant, although they be neuer so fulof dead mens miracles? yea doubtlesse. For from hence also they say, thatreproches are iustly vsed against our nation: namely that there is nothingin all the world more base, & worthlesse then it, which conteineth hellwithin the bounds therof. This verely is the good that we haue gotten bythose historiographers, who haue bin so greedy to publish nouelties. Butthis opinion, bred by the sottishnes of the common people hath hitherto (asI hope) bene sufficiently ouerthrowen as a thing foolish & vaine, and asbeing deuised for the vpbrayding of our nation. Wherefore, proceede(friendly Reader) and be farther instructed in this philosophy of infernallsecrets. 

SECTIO NONA. 

[Sidenote: Frisius & Munst. ] Circum verò Insulam, per septem aut octo menses fluctuat glacies, miserabilem quendam gemitum, & ab humana voce non alienum, ex collisione edens. Putant incolæ, & in monte Hecla, & in glacie loca esse, in quibus animæ suorum crucientur. 

Egregium scilicet Historiæ augmentum, de Orro Islandico in vnius montisbasin, haud sanè vastam, coacto: Et interdum (statis forsan temporibus)loca commutante. Vbi scilicet domi in foco montano delitescere piget, &exire, pelagúsque sed sine rate, tentare iuuat, seseque in glacieifrustella colligere. Audite porrò, huius secreti admiratores: En porrigamHistoricis aliud Historiæ auctarium nequaquam contemnendum. Scribantigitur, quotquot his scriptorum commentis adherent, Islandos non solùminfernum intra limites habere, sed & scientes volentes ingredi, atqueintactos eodem die egredi. Quid ita? Quia peruetus est Insulæ consuetudo, vt maritimi in hanc glaciem, ab Historicis infernalem factam, manè phocas, seu vitulos marinos captum eant, ac vesperi incolumes redeant. Additeetiam, in scrinijs & alijs vasis ab Islandis carcerem damnatorum asseruari, vt paulò post ex Frisio audiemus. 

Sed maturè prævidendum erit vobis, ne Islandi fortitudinis & constantiælaudem vestris nationibus præripiant: Quippe qui tormenta (vt historicisvestris placet) barathri sustinuisse & velint & possint, illáque sine vllograuiore damno perrumpere atque effugere valeant, quod quidem ipsum ex iamdictis efficitur: Et multos nostratium enumerare possum, qui in ipsovenationis actu longiusculè à littore digressi, glacie à Zephyrisdissipata, multa milliaria glaciei insidentes, tempestatis violentiaprofligati, & aliquot dies ac noctes continuas crudelissimi pelagifluctibus iactati, sicque (id enim, inquam, ex præsenti Historicorumproblemate consequitur) tormenta & cruciatus barathri glacialis expertisunt: Qui tandem mutata tempestate, atque à Borea spirantibus ventis, adlittora, cum hoc suo glaciali nauigio rursus adacti, incolumes domumperuenerunt: Quorum aliqui etiam hodie viuunt. Quare hoc nouitatis auidiarripiant, indeque, si placet, iustum volumen conficiant, atque adHistoriam suam apponant. Nec enim vanissima illa commenta aliter, quàmeiusmodi iocularibus excipienda & confundenda videntur. Cæterum, iocoseposito, vnde digressi sumus, reuertamur. 

Primùm igitur ex sectione secunda satis constat, glaciem, neque septem, neque octo mensibus circa ipsam Insulam fluitare: Deinde etiam, glaciemhanc, et si interdum ex collisione grandes sonitus & fragores edit, interdum propter vndarum alluuionem, raucum murmur personat, quicquam tamenhumanæ voci simile resonare aut eiulare minimè fatemur. 

Quod autem dicunt, nos & in glacie, & in monte Hecla loca statuere, inquibus animæ, nostrorum crucientur, Id verò seriò pernegamus, Deóque acDomino nostro Iesu Christo, qui nos à morte & inferno eripuit, & regnicoelestis ianuam nobis reserauit, gratias ex animo agimus, quòd nos deloco, in quem animæ nostrorum defunctorum commigrent, rectius, quàm dicuntisti Historici, instituerit. Scimus & tenemus animas piorum non inPurgatoriam Pontificiorum, aut campos Elysios, sed in sinum Abrabæ, inmanum Dei, in Paradisum coelestem, mox è corporis ergastulo transferri. Scimus & tenemus de impiorum animabus, non in montanos focos & cineres, velglaciem nostris oculis expositam, deflectere, sed in extremas mox abripitenebras, vbi est fletus & stridor dentium, vbi est frigus, vbi est ignisille, non vulgaris, sed extra nostram scientiam & subtilem disputationempositus. Vbi non modò corpora, sed animæ etiam, i. E. Substantiæspirituales, cruciantur. Huic extremo & tenebricoso carceri non Islandosviciniores, quàm Germanos, Danos, Gallos, Italos, aut quamuis aliam gentem, quoad loci situm, statuimus. Nec de huius carceris loco sitúue quicquamdisputare attinet: sufficit nobis abundè, quòd illius tenebricosum foetorem& reliqua tormenta, dante & iuuante Domino nostro Iesu Christo, cuiusprecioso sanguine redempti sumus, nonquam sumus visuri aut sensuri. Atquehic de orco Islandico disputationis colophon esto. 

The same in English. 

THE NINTH SECTION. 

[Sidenote: Frisius and Munster. ] But round about the Iland, for the space of 7. Or 8. Moneths in a yere there floateth ise, making a miserable kind of mone, and not vnlike to mans voice, by reason of the clashing together. The inhabitants are of opinion that in mount Hecla and in the ise, there are places wherein the soules of their countreymen are tormented. 

No doubt, a worthy augmentation of the history, concerning the hel ofIsland, shut vp within the botome of one mountaine, & that no great one:yea, at some times (by fits and seasons) changing places: namely, when itis weary of lurking at home by the fires side within the mountaine, itdelighteth to be ranging abroad, & to venter to sea, but without a ship, &to gather it selfe round into morsels of yce. Come forth, & giue care allye that wonder at this secret. Lo, I will afford these historiographersanother addition of history very notable. Let them write therfore, that theIslanders haue not only hel within their iurisdictction, but also that theyenter into it willingly & wittingly, & come forth againe vntouched the verysame day. How can that be? [Sidenote: Taking of Seales on the the ice. ] Whyit is an ancient custome of the Island that they which inhabite neare thesea shore do vsually go betimes in a morning to catch Seales, euen vpon thevery same ise which the historiographers make to be hel, & in the eueningreturne home safe and sound. Set downe also (if ye please) that the prisonof the damned is kept in store by the Islanders in coffers and vessels, aswe shall anon heare out of Frisius. 

But you had need wisely to foresee, lest the Islanders beguile all yourcountries of the commendation of courage & constacy: namely, as they (forso it pleaseth your writers to report) who both can and will endure thetorments of hell, & who are able to breake through & escape them, withoutany farther hurt: which thing is necessarily to be collected out of that, that hath bin before mentioned. [Sidenote: Westrerne winds disperse theice. ] And I am able to reckon vp a great many of our countnmen who in thevery act of hunting, wandring somewhat farre from the shoare (the ice beingdispersed by westerne winds) & for the space of many leagues resting vponthe ice, being chased with the violence of the tempest, & some whole daies& nights being tossed vp & downe in the waues of the raging sea, & so (forit followeth by good consequence out of this probleme of thehistoriographers) haue had experience of the torments, & paines of thishell of ice. Who at the last, the weather being changed, & the windsblowing at the North, being transported again to the shoare, in this theirship of ice, haue returned home in safety: some of which number are aliueat this day. Wherefore let such as be desirous of newes snatch vp this, &(if they please) let them frame a whole volume hereof, & adde it to theirhistory. Neither do these vaine phantasies deserue otherwise to be handled& confuted, then with such like meriments, & sportings. But to lay asideall iesting, let vs returne to the matter from whence we are digressed. [Sidenote: Ice floateth not 7. Or 8. Moneths about Island. ] First of alltherefore it is euident enough out of the second section, viz. Ice floatethnot about this Iland, neither 8. Nor 7. Moneths in a yere then, that thisice (although at some times by shuffling together it maketh monstroussoundings & cracklings, & againe at some times with the beating of thewater, it sendeth forth an hoarse kind of murmuring) doth any thing at allresound or lament, like vnto mans voice, we may in no case confesse. Butwheras they say that, both in the Isle, and in mount Hecla we appointcertaine places, wherin the soules of our countrimen are tormented, wevtterly stand to the deniall of that and we thanke God & our Lord IesusChrist from the botome of our hearts (who hath deliuered vs from death &hell, & opened vnto vs the gate of the kingdome of heaæn because he hathinstructed vs more truely, concernmg the place, whether the soules of ourdeceased countrimen depart, then these historiographers doe tell vs. Weknow and maintain that the soules of the godly are transported immediatlyout of their bodily prisons, not into the Papists purgatory, nor into theElysian fields, but into Abrahams bosome, into the hand of God, & into theheauenly paradise. We know & maintaine concerning the soules of the wicked, that they wander not into the fires & ashes of mountaines or into visibleice, but immediatly are carried away into vtter darknesse, where is weeping& gnashing of teeth, where there is colde also, & fire not comon, but farbeyond our knowledge & curious disputation. Where not onely bodies, butsoules also, that is spirituall substances are tormented. And we do alsohold, that the Islanders are no whit nearer vnto this extreame & darkeprison, in regard of the situation of place, then the Germans, Danes, Frenchmen, Italians, or any other nation whatsoeuer. Neither is it anything to the purpose, at all to dispute of the place or situation of thisdungeon. It is sufficient for vs, that (by the grace and assistance of ourLord Iesus Christ, with whose precious blood we are redeemed) we shallneuer see that vtter darknesse, nor feele the rest of the torments that bethere. Now let vs here shut vp the disputation concerning the hell ofIsland. 

SECTIO DECIMA. 

[Sidenote: Frisius, Zieglerus Saxo fere similiter. ] Quòd si quis ex hac glacie magnam partem ceperit, eámque vasi ant scrinio inclusam, quàm diligentissimè asseruarit, illa tempore glaciei, quæ circum insulam est, degelantis, euanescit, vt neque minima eius particula vel guttula aquæ reperiatur. 

Id profecto necessariò addendum fuit: Hanc scilicet glaciem, voces humanas, secundum Historicos, representatem, & damnatorom receptaculum existentem, non esse, vt reliqua in vastissima hac vniuersitate omnia, ex Elementialicuius materia conflatam. Siquidem cum corpus esse videatur, corpus tamennon sit, (quod ex Frisij paradoxo rectè deducitur) cum etiam corpora dura &solida perrumpat, non secus ac, spectra & genij: Restat igitur cum non sitelementaris naturæ, vt vel spiritualem habeat materiam, vel coelestem, velquod ipsi forsan largiantur, infernalem. Infernalem tamen esse nonassentiemur, quia ad aures nostras peruenit frigus infernale longè esseintractabilius, quam est hæc glacies, humanis manibus in scrinio reposita, nec quicquam suo contactu, vel nudatam carnem lædere valens. Nec profectòspiritualem esse dabimus; accepimus enim à Physicis, substantiasspirituales nec cerni, nec tangi, nec ijs quicquam decedere posse: quætamen omnia in hanc historicorum glaciem, quantumuis, secundum illos, hyperphysicam, cadere certum & manifestum est. Præterea & hoc verissimumest, eam calore solis resolutam, ac in superficie sua stagnantem, sitipiscatorum restinguendæ, non secus ac riuos terrestres, inseruire: Id quodsubstantiæ spirituali denegatum est. Non est igitur spiritualis, vt necinfernalis. Iam verò coelestem habere materiam, nemo audebit dicere: Neforte inde aliquis suspicetur, glaciem hanc barathrum, quod illi Historiciaffingunt, secum è coelo traxisse: Vel id coelo, quippe eiusdem materiæ cumglacie, commune esse, atque ita carcer damnatorum cum Paradiso coelestiloca commutasse, Historicorum culpa putetur. 

Quare cum glacies hæc Historica nec sit elementaris, vt ex præsenti locoFrisij optimè sequi iam toties monuimus: nec spiritualis, nec infernalis, quod vtrúmque breuibus, solidis tamen rationibns demonstrauimus: neccoelestis materiæ, quod opinari religio vetat: relinquitur omnino, vtsecnndum eosdem Historicos nulla sit, quam tamen illi tàm cum stupendaadmiratione prædicant, & nos videri ac tangi putamus. Est igitur, & nonest: Quod axioma vbi secundum idem, & ad idem, & eodem tempore, verum essepoterit, nos demum miraculis istis glacialibus credemus. Itáque iam videsLector, ad hæc refellenda nullo alio esse opus, quàm monstrari quomodosecum dissideant. Sed haud mirum, eum qui semel vulgi fabulosis rumoribusse cermisit, sæpius errare. Cuiusmodi etiam prodidit quidam de glacieihuius Sympathia, quòd videlicet molis, cuius pars esset, discessuminsequeretur, vt omnem obseruatíonis diligentiam ineuitabili fugænecessitate deciperet. Atqui sæpe idimus eiusmodi solitariam molem postabactam reliquam glaciem, nullis vectibus nullis machinis detentam, adlíttus multis septimanis consistere. Palam est igitur, illud de glaciemiraculum fundamento niti, quàm est ipsa glacies, magis lubrico. 

The same in English. 

THE TENTH SECTION. 

[Sidenote: Frisius. Zieglerus. Saxo. ] If any man shall take a great quantity of this ice, & shall keepe it neuer so warily enclosed in a coffer or vessel, it wil at that time when the ice thaweth about the Iland, vtterly vanish away, so that not the least part thereof, no nor a drop of water is to be found. 

Surely, this was of necessity to be added: namely, that this ice, whichaccording to historiographers representeth mans voice, & is the place ofthe damned, doth not as all other things in this wide world, consist of thematter of some element. For whereas it seemeth to be a body, when indeed itis no body: (which may directly be gathered out of Frisius absurd opinion)whereas also it pierceth through hard & solide bodies, no otherwise thenspirits & ghosts: therefore it remaineth, seeing it is not of an elementarynature, that it must haue either a spirituall, or a celestial, or aninfernal matter. But that it should be infernall, we can not be perswaded, because we haue heard that infernall cold is farre more vnsufferable thenthis ise, which vseth to be put into a boxe with mens hands, & is not offorce any whit to hurt euen naked flesh, by touching thereof. Nor yet willwe grant it to be spirituall: for we haue learned in naturall Philosophy, that spiritual substances can neither be seene nor felt, & cannot haue anything taken from them: all which things do notwithstanding most manifestlyagree to this ise of the Historiographers, howsoeuer according to them itbe supernatural. Besides also, it is most true, that the very same ysebeing melted with the heat of the sunne, & resolued into water, vpon thevpper part therof, standeth fishermen in as good stead to quench theirthirst, as any land-riuer would do, which thing can no way be ascribed to aspirituall substance. It is not therefore spirituall, nor yet infernall. Now none wilbe so bold to affirme, that it hath celestiall matter, leastsome man perhaps might hereupon imagine, that this ise hath brought hell(which the historiographers annexe vnto it) downe from heauen together withit selfe: or that the same thing should be common vnto heauen, being of one& the same matter with ise, & so that the prison of the damned may bethought to haue changed places with the heauenly paradise, & all by theouersight of these Historiographers. Wherfore seeing the matter of thishistoricall ise is neither elementarie (as we haue so often proued by thisplace of Frisius) neither spirituall, nor infernall, both which we haueconcluded euidently in short, yet sound and substanciall reasons: nor yetcelestiall matter, which, religion forbiddeth a man once to imagine: it isaltogether manifest, that according to the said historiographers, there isno such thing at all, which notwithstanding they blaze abroad with suchastonishing admiration, & which we thinke to be an ordinary matter commonlyseene and felt. Therefore it is, and it is not: which proposition when itshall fall out true, in the same respect, in the same part, and at the sametime, then will we giue credite to these frozen miracles. Now therefore theReader may easily iudge, that wee need none other helpe to refute thesethings, but onely to shew how they disagree one with another. But it is nomaruell that he, which hath once enclined himselfe to the fabulous reportsof the common people, should oftentimes fall into error. There was a likestrange thing inuented by another concerning the sympathy or conioining ofthis ise: namely, that it followeth the departure of that huge lumpe, whereof it is a part, so narrowly, & so swiftly, that a man by no diligencecan obserue it, by reason of the vnchangeable necessitie of following. Butwe haue oftentimes seene such a solitarie lumpe of ise remaining (after theother parts thereof were driuen away) and lying vpon the shore for manyweekes together, without any posts or engines at all to stay it. Thereforeit is plaine that these miracles of ise are grounded vpon a more slipperyfoundation then ise it selfe. 

SECTIO VNDECIMA. 

[Sidenote: Frisius. ] Non procat ab his montibus, (tribus prædictis) ad maritimas oras vergentibus, sunt quatuor fontes diuersissimæ naturæ. Vnus suo perpetuo ardore omne corpus sibi immissum raptim conuertit in saxum, manente tamen priore formâ. Alter est algoris intolrerabilis. Tertius vel melle dulcior & restinguendæ siti iucundissimus. Quartus plane exitialis, pestilens, & virulentus. 

Etiam hæc fontium topographia satis apertè monstrat, quàm ex impuro fontehas suas narrationes omnes miraculosas hauserit Geographus. Id enim dicerevidetur: Montes hos tres prædictos ferè, contiguos esse: Siquidem tribusmontibus quatuor fontes indiscrete adscribit. Alioqui si non vicinosstatuisset, vni alicui horam duos fontes adscripsisset. Sed neque hi montescontigui sunt (quippe multis milliaribus inuicem dissiti) neque iuxta hosfontes illi quatuor reperiuntur: quod, qui credere nolit, experiatur. Cæterum ad hæc confundenda sufficit, credo, ipsorum historicorumcontrarietas. Nam de duobas fontibas quidam Frisio his verbis contradicit. Erumpunt ex eodem monte (Heclâ) fontes duo, quorum alter equarumfrigiditate, alter feruore intolerabili exedit omnem elementarem vim. Hiduo sunt primi illi Frisij fontes, nisi quod hîc miraculum indurandicorpora, alteri fontium attributum, omissum sit. Atqui non simul possunt exipso monte, & iuxta montem erumpere. 

Hîc vero libenter quæsierim, quâ ratione quisquam ex Peripatecicis dicat, aliquid ipso elemento aquæ frigidius, aut igne calidius? Vnde demum, scriptores, ista frigiditas? Vnde iste feruor? Nonne è Schola vestraaccepimus aquam esse elementum frigidissimum & humidum, atque adeofngidissimum, vt ad constituendas qualitates secundas, remitti sit necesse, nec simplicem vsibus humanis inseruire? (Hæc ego nunc Physicorum oraculafundo, vera an falsa, nescio). Testis est vnus omnium, & pro omnibus, Iohannes Fernelius lib. 2. Physiologiæ, cap. 4. Sic, inquit, qualitates hæ(quatuor primæ) quatuor rerum naturis summæ obtigerunt, vt quemadmodum paroigne nihil calidius, nihilque leuius: Sic terra nihil siccius, nihilgrauius: Aquam sinceram, nullius medicamenti vis gelida euincet, vt necaërem, vllius humor. Summæ præterea sic illis insunt, vt ne minimum quidempossint augescere, remitti verò possint. Nolo huc rationes seu argumentaPhysicorum aggregare. Vnum profecto hic cauendum est, ne dum fontiummiracula prædicant scriptores, vt glaciem Islandorum, ita etiam fontescreatorum numero eximant. Nos fontium adiuncta, quæ huc scriptorespertraxerunt ordine persequemur. Primus suo perpetuo calore: Plurimæ suntin Islandia thermæ seu fontes calidi: Pauciores ardentes: quos nequecuiquam miraculo esse debere existimamus, cum huiusmodi, vt a scriptoribusdidici, passim abundet Germania, præcipuè in ijs locis, quæ non sunt proculab Alpium radicibus. Nota est fama thermarum Badensium, Gebarsuiliensium, Calbensium, in ducatu Wirtebergensi, & multarum aliarum quarum meminitFuchsius in lib. De arte medendi. Et non solum Germania, sed etiam Gallia, & longe magis omnium bonorum parens Italia, inquit Cardanus. Et Aristotelesnarrat, circa Epyrum calidas aquas scaturire, vnde locus Pyriphlegetonappellatur. Atque inquam, hæc ideo minus miranda, quod vt incendij montani, ita feruoris aquei caussas indagarint Naturæ speculatores: Aquam scilicetper terræ venas sulphureas, aut aluminosas labi, indeque non calorem solùm, sed saporem etiam & virtutes alienas concipere. Docuit hoc Aristoteleslibro de mundo. Continet, inquit, terra in se multos fontes, vt aquæ, ita &spiritus & ignis: Quidam amnium more fluunt, & vel ignescens eijciuntferrum: Nunc tepidæ aquæ erumpunt, nunc feruentissimæ, nunc temperatæ. [Sidenote: Lib 3. Nat. Quæst. ] Et Seneca: Empedocles existimabat ignibus, quos multis locis apertos tegit terra, aquam calescere, si subiecti sintsolo, per quod aquæ transitus est. Et scite de thermis Baianis Pontanus. 

 Baiano sed ne fumare in littore thermas Mirere, aut liquidis fluitare incendia venis: Vulcani fora sulphureis incensa caminis Ipsa monent, latè multùm tellure sub ima Debacchari ignem, camposque exurere opertos. Inde fluit, calidum referens ex igne vaporem, Vnda fugax, tectis feruent & balnea flammis. 

Hoc loco attingendum duxi quod tradit Saxo Grammaticus, Danorumcelebratissimus historicus, Islandiæ fontes quosdam nunc ad summumexcrescere, & exundare: Nunc adeò subsidere, vt vix fontes agnoscas. Quietsi rariores apud nos inueniuntur, adscribam tamen similes, etiam alibi ànatura productos, ne quis hic monstri quippiam imaginetur. Hos autemrecitat Plinius. In Tenedo Insula vnum, qui semper à tertia noctis hora, insextam solstitio æstiuo exundet. In agro Pitinate, trans Apenninum montem, fluuium esse, qui omnibus Solstitijs æstiuis exundet, brumali temporesiccetur. Refert etiam de fonte quodam satis largo, qui singulis horisintumeseat & residat. Nec id magis neglidendum: subire terras flumina, rursusque redire; vt Lycus in Asia, Erasinus in Argolica, Tigris inMesopotamia, quibus Cardanus addit Tanaim in Moscouia: Et quæ in Æsculapijfonte Athenis immersa sunt, in Phaletico reddi. Et Seneca scribit esseflumina, quæ in specum aliquem subterraneum demissa, ex hominum oculis sesubducunt, quæ consumi paulatim & intercidere constet: Eademque postinteruallum reuerti, recipereque & nomen & cursum priorem. Et iterumPlinius; fluuium in Atinate campo mersum, post 20 millia passuum exire. Quæomnia, & his similia, Islandiæ fontes, miraculo nullo, præ cæteris essedebere, ostendunt. 

Omne corpus immissum continuò conuertit in saxum. His duobus adiunctis, feruore nempe, seu ardore vehementissimo, & virtute indurandi corpora, primum suum fontem describit Frisius. Et fama quidem accepi, ipse non sumexpertus, existere similem fontem in Islandia, non procul à sede EpiscopaliSchalholt, apud villam nomine Haukadal. Habet simile Seneca, dicens, fontemquendam esse, qui ligna in lapides conuertat, hominumque visceraindurescere, qui aquam eius biberint: Et addit eiusmodi fontes in quibusdamItaliæ locis inueniri: quod Ouidias Ciconum flumini tribuit 15. Metamorph. 

 Flumen habent Cicones, quod potum saxea reddit Viscera, quod tactis inducit marmora rebus. 

Et Cardanus: Georgius Agricola, inquit, in Elbogano tractu iuxta oppidum àfalconibns cognominatum, integras cum corpore abietes in lapidem conuersasesse, atque quod maius est, in rimis etiam Pyritidem lapidem continere. EtDomitius Brusonius, in Sylare amne, qui radices montis eius, qui est inagro vrbis Vrsentinorum olim, nunc Contursij lambit, folia & arborum ramosin lapides transire, non fide aliorum, sed propria, vt qui incola sitregionis, (cui rei etiam Plinius astipulatur) narrat, cortices autelapidum, annos numero ostendere. Sic (si scriptoribus credimus) guttæGotici fontis sparsæ lapidescunt. Et in Vngaria, Cepusij aqua, in vrceosinfusa, lapidescit. Plinius refert etiam, vt in Ciconom flumine, & inPiceno lacu velino, lignum deiectum, lapideo cortice obduci. 

Secundus algoris intolerabitis. Quantum ad secundum fontem attinet, nullushic est quòd quisquam sciat, algoris intolerabilis, sed plurimi benefrigidi, ita vt vulgaribus riuis æstiuo sole tepescentibus, non sinevoluptate ex frigidioribus illis aquam hauriamus. Sunt & longè frigidioresfortè alibi: Nam & Cardanus in agro Corinthio è montis vertice fluentemriuum commemorat, niue frigidiorem: Et intra primum à Culma lapidem, Insanam vocatum: quæ aqua cum feruere videatur, sit tamen longefrigidissima, &c. 

Tertius vel melle dulcior. Neque id prorsus verum est. Non enim est vllusapud nos, qui vel minima ex parte cum mellis dulcedine conferri possit. Rectius igitur Saxo, qui fontes (quoniam plures sunt) in Islandia dicitinueniri Cerealem referentes liquorem, vt etiam ibidem non diuersi saporissolùm, sed diuersi etiam coloris fontes & flumina reperiuntur. 

Etsi autem tradunt Physici aquam naturaliter ex se neque saporem nequeodorem habere, tamen, vt superius attigimus, veri simile est, quod alij peraccidens vocant, eam sæpe referre qualitatem terræ, in qua generatur, & percuius venas transitum atque excursum habet: Atque hinc aquarum odores, colores, sapores, alios atque alios existere, Cuiusmodi sunt, de quibusnarrat Seneca, quorum alij famem excitant, alij bibentes inebrient, alijmemoriæ officiant, alij inuent eandem, alij vini saporem & virtutemrepræsentent: [Sidenote: Lib. De mirab. Auscultat. ] Vt ille apud Plinium inAndro Insula fons, in templo Liberi, qui Nonis Ian: vini sapore fluat. Etapud Aristotelem fons in agro Carthaginensi, qui oleum præbeat, & guttulasCedri odore representet. Item, Orcus fluuius Thessaliæ, influens in Peneum, olei instar supernatans: [Sidenote: Lib. 2. De Element. ] Cuiusmodi etiamnarrat Cardanus in Saxonia esse, iuxta Brumonis oppidum, fontem oleoperfusum: Et in Sueuia, iuxta Coenobium, cui Tergensche nomen est. Item, invalle mentis Iurassi. Causam huius rei putat esse bitumen valde pingue, quod oleum sine dubio contineat. Idem, famam esse ait, in Cardia, iuxtalocum Dascbyli, in campo albo aquam esse lacte dulciorem. Aliam quoqueiuxta pontem, qua Valdeburgum itur. Iam aquarum vini saporem referentiummeminit his verbis Propertius, 3. Lib. Elegiar. 

 En tibi per mediam bene olentia flumina Naxon, Vnde tuum pota Naxia turba merum. 

Est autem Naxus Insula vna ex Cycladibus, in mari Ægeo. Causam huiusassignat Cardanus, quod hydromel vetustate transeat in vinum. Aristotelescommemorat Siciliæ fontem, quo incolæ loco aceti vtantur. Idem saporum aquæcausam in calorem retulit, quod terra excocta mutet & præbeat saporem aquæ. 

Iam de aquæ coloribus ita Cardanus. Eadem est ratio colorum aquæ, ait, quæ& saporum: videlicet à terra originem trahere. Nam Candida est aqua, adsecundum lapidem à Glauca, Misenæ oppido: Rubea, vt in Radera Misenæfluuio, iuxta Radeburgum: Et olim in Iudæa iuxta Ioppen: Viridis, inCarpato monte, iuxta Neusolam: Cærulea aut blaua, inter Feltrium &Taruisium, & in Thermopylis etiam talem fuisse referunt: Nigerrima inAllera fluuio Saxoniæ, vbi in Visurgim se exonerat. Caussæ sunt argillæcolores, sed tenuiores. Item Aristoteles: circa Iapygiam promontorium, essefontem, qui sanguinem fundat, addens, eam maris partem suo foetorenauigantes procul arcere. Aiunt præterea in Idumæa fontem esse, qui quaterin anno colorem mutet, cum sit colore nunc viridi, nunc albo, nuncsanguineo, nunc lutulento. 

Et de aquarum odore sic Cardanus. Similis ratio differentiæ est inodoribus. Plerumque tamen aquarum odores iniucundi sunt, quòd rarò terrabene oleat. Pessimè olim foetabat in Ælide, Anigri fluminis aqua, vsque adperniciem, non solum piscium, sed etiam hominum. Iuxta Metonem in Messania, in puteo quodam optimè olens aqua hauriebatur. Hæc ideo recito, vt nullusmagis in Islandia quàm alibi, aquarum, colores, odores, sapores, miretur. 

Quartus plane exitialis. Autor est Isidoras, esse fontem quendam, cuiusaqua pota vitam extinguat: Et Plinius: Iuxta Nonarim, inquit, Arcadiæ, Styx(iuxta Cyllenem montem, ait Cardan. Sola equi vngula continebatur: referuntea sublatum Alexandrum magnum) nec odore differens, nec colore, epotaillico necat. Idem, In Beroso Taurorum colle sunt tres fontes sine remedio, sine dolore mortiferi: Et quod longè maximum est, quod Seneca stagnum essedicat, in quod prospicientes statim moriantur. Nos verò Islandi etiam huncquartum Frisij fontem, cuius etiam Saxo meminit, vt antehac semper, itidemetiam nobis hodie penitus ignotum testamur: Hocque igitur nomine, Deoimmortales gratias agimus, quòd ab eiusmodi fontibus & serpentibus, insectis venenatis, ac alijs pestiferis & contagiosis, esse nos immunesvoluerit. 

Præterea est apud prædictos fontes tanta sulphuris copia. Montes tres àMunstero & Frisio igniuomi dicti, omnes longissimo interuallo à nostrisfodinis distant. Quare cum iuxta hos montes fontibus quatuor, quostantopere miraculis celebrant, locum & situm faciant, necesse est eosfontes pari ferè interuallo à fodinis sulphureis remotos esse. Nec veròapud montem Heclam, vt Munsterus, nec apud hos Frisij fontes (quorum rumorquàm verus sit, hactenus ostensum est) sulphur effoditur: Nec patrumnostrorum memoria effossum esse arbitramur. [Sidenote: Sulpher in bore. AliIslandiæ parte. ] Neque verum est, quod de sulphuris copia tradit Munsterus, esse videlicet pene vnicum Insulæ mercimonium & vectigal. Nam cum insula inquatuor partes diuisa sit, quarta pars, nempe borealis, tantum dimidia, hocvtitur mercimonio, nec sulphuris mica in vectigal Insulæ penditur. 

The same in English. 

THE ELEUENTH SECTION. 

[Sidenote: Frisius. ] Not farre from these mountaines (the three forenamed) declining to the sea shoare, there be foure fountaines of a most contrary nature betweene themselues. The first, by reason of his continuall heat conuerteth into a stone any body cast into it, the former shape only still remaining. The second is extremely cold. The third is sweeter then honey, and most pleasant to quench thirst. The fourth is altogether deadly, pestilent, and full of ranke poison. 

Euen this description of fountaines doth sufficiently declare howe impurethat fountaine was, out of which the geographer drew all these miraculousstories. For he seemeth to affirme, that the three foresaid mountaines doealmost touch one another: for he ascribeth foure fountaines indifferentlyvnto them all. Otherwise if he had not made them stand neare together, hewould haue placed next vnto some one of these, two of the foresaidfountaines. But neither doe these mountaines touch (being distant so manyleagues a sunder), neither are there any such foure fountaines neare vntothem, which, he that wil not beleeue, let him go try. But to confute thesethings, the very contrariety of writers is sufficient. For anotherconcerning two fountaines gainsayth Frisius in these words. There do burstout of the same hill Hecla two fountames, the one whereof, by reason of thecold streames, the other with intollerable heat exceedeth al the force ofelements. These be Frisius his two first fountaines, sauing that here isomitted the miracle of hardening bodies, being by him attributed to one ofthe said fountaines. But they cannot at one time breake forth, both out ofthe mountaine it selfe, and neare vnto the mountaine. 

But here I would willingly demannd, by what reason any of the Peripatetickscan affirme, that there is some thing in nature colder then the element ofwater, or hotter then the element of fire. From whence (I pray yon, learnedwriters) proceedeth this coldnesse: From whence commeth this heate: Haue wenot learned out of your schole that water is an element most colde andsomewhat moist: and in such sort most cold, that for the making ofsecundarie qualities, it must of necessitie be remitted, & being simple, that it cannot be applyed to the vses of mankind: I do here deliuer theseOracles of the naturall Philosophers, not knowing whether they be true orfalse. M. Iohn Fernelius, lib. 2. Phys. Cap. 4. May stand for one witnesseamongst all the rest, & in stead of the all. So excessiue (satth he) bethese foure first qualities in the foure elements, that as nothing ishotter then pure fire, & nothing lighter: so nothing is drier then earth, &nothing heauier: and as for pure water, there is no qualitie of anymedicine whatsoeuer exceedeth the coldnes thereof, nor the moisture ofaire. Moreouer, the said qualities be so extreme & surpassing in them, thatthey cannot be any whit encreased, but remitted they may be. I wil notheare heape vp the reasons or arguments of the natural Philosophers. Thesewriters had need be warie of one thing, lest while they too much magnifiethe miracles of the fountains, they exempt them out of the number of thingscreated, as wel as they did the ice of the Islanders. We wil prosecute inorder the properties of these fountains set downe by the foresaid writers. [Sidenote: Many hote Baths in Island. ] The first by reason of hiscontinuall heat. There be very many Baths or hote fountains in Island, butfewer vehemently hote, which we thinke ought not to make any man wonder, when as I haue learned out of authors, that Germanie euery where aboundethwith such hote Baths, especially neere the foot of the Alpes. The hoteBaths of Baden, Gebarsuil, Calben in the dutchy of Wirtenberg and manyother be very famous: all which Fuchsius doeth mention in his booke de Artemedendi. And not onely Germanie, but also France, & beyond all the restItaly that mother of all commodities, saith Cardan. And Aristotlereporteth, that about Epyrus these hote waters doe much abound, whereuponthe place is called Pyriplegethon. [Sidenote: The causes of hote Baths. ]And I say, these things should therefore be the lesse admired, because thesearchers of nature haue as wel found out causes of the heate in waters, asof the fire in mountaines: namely, that water runneth within the earththrough certaine veines of Brimstone & Allom and from thence taketh notonely heat, but taste also & other strange qualities. Aristotle in hisbooke de Mundo hath taught this. The earth (saith he) conteineth within itfountains not only of water, but also of spirite & fire: some of themflowing like riuers, doe cast foorth red hote iron: from whence also doethflow, sometimes luke-warme water, sometimes skalding hote, and somtimestemperate. And Seneca. [Sidenote: Lib. 3. Nat. Quæst. ] Empedocles thoughtthat Baths were made hote by fire, which the earth secretly conteineth inmany places, especially if the said fire bee vnder that ground where thewater passeth. And Pontanus writeth very learnedly concerning the BaianBaths. 

 No maruell though from banke of Baian shore hote Baths, or veines of skalding licour flow: For Vulcans forge incensed euermore doeth teach vs plaine, that heart of earth below And bowels burne, and fire enraged glow. From hence the flitting flood sends smokie streames, And Baths doe boil with secret burning gleames. 

I thought good in this placel to touch that which Saxo Grammaticus the mostfamous historiographer of the Danes reporteth. That certaine fountains ofIsland do somtime encrease & flow vp to the brinke: sometimes againe theyfall so lowe that you can skarse discerne them to be fountaines. Which kindof fountaines, albeit they bee very seldome found with vs, yet I will makemention of some like vnto them, produced by nature in other countries, lestany man should think it somwhat strange. Plinie maketh a great recitall ofthese. There is one (saieth he) in the Isle of Tenedos, which at theSolstitium of sommer doth alwaies flow from the third houre of the night, till the sixt. In the field of Pitinas beyond the Apennine mountaine, thereis a riuer which in the midst of sommer alwaies encreaseth, and in winteris dried vp. He maketh mention also of a very large fountaine, which eueryhoure doeth encrease and fall. Neither is it to be omitted, that someriuers run vnder the ground, and after that fall againe into an openchanel: as Lycus in Asia, Erasinus in Argolica, Tigris in Mesopotamia, vntowhich Cardan addeth Tanais in Moscouia: and those things which were throweninto Æsculapius fountaine at Athens, were cast vp againe in Phaletico. AndSeneca writeth that there are certaine riuers which being let downe intosome caue vnder ground, are withdrawen out of sight, seeming for the timeto be vtteriy perished and taken away, and that after some distance thevery same riuers returne, enioying their former name and their course. Andagaine Plinie reporteth that there is a riuer receiued vnder ground in thefield of Atinas that issueth out twentie miles from that place. All whichexamples and the like, should teach vs that the fonutaines of Island arenot to be made greater wonders then the rest. 

Doth forthwith conuert into a stone any body cast into it. By these twoproperties, namely warmth or most vehement heat, & a vertue of hardeningbodies doth Frisius describe his first fountaine. And I haue heard reported(though I neuer had experience thereof my selfe) that there is such afountain in Island not far from the bishops seat of Schalholt, in a villagecalled Haukadal. Seneca reporteth of the like, saying: That there is acertain fountain which conuerteth wood into stone, hardening the bowels ofthose men which drinke thereof. And addeth further, that such fountains areto bee found in certaine places of Italy: which thing Ouid in the 15. Bookeof his Metamor. Ascribeth vnto the riuer of the Cicones. 

 Water drunke out of Ciconian flood fleshy bowels to flintie stone doeth change: Ought else therewith besprinckt, as earth or wood becommeth marble streight: a thing most strange. 

And Cardane. Georgius Agricola affirmeth, that in the territorie ofElbogan, about the town which is named of Falcons, that the whole bodies ofPine trees are conuerted into stone, and which is more wonderfull, thatthey containe, within certaine rifts, the stone called Pyrites, or theFlint. And Domitius Brusonius reporteth, that in the riuer of Silar(running by the foote of that mountain which standeth in the field of thecitie in old time called Vrsence, but now Contursia) leaues and boughs oftrees change into stones, & that, not vpon other mens credite, but vpon hisown experience, being borne & brought vp in that country, which thingPlinie also auoucheth, saying, that the said stones doe shew the number oftheir yeeres, by the number of their Barks, or stony husks. So (if we maygiue credite to authors) drops of the Gothes fountain being dispersedabroad, become stones. And in Hungary, the water of Cepusius being pouredinto pitchers, is conuerted to stone. And Plinie reporteth, that wood beingcast into the riuer of the Cicones, and into the Veline lake in the fieldof Pice, is enclosed in a barke of stone growing ouer it. 

[Sidenote: Riuers of Island in sommer season lukewarme. ] The second isextremely cold. As for the second fountaine, here is none to any mensknowledge so extremely cold: In deed there be very many that beeindifferently coole, insomuch that (our common riuers in the Sommer timebeing luke-warme) wee take delight to fetch water from those coole springs. It may be that there are some farre colder in other countries: for Cardanemaketh mention of a riuer (streaming from the top of an hill in the fieldof Corinth) colder then snow, and within a mile of Culma, the riuer calledInsana seeming to be very hote is most extremely cold, &c. 

The third is sweeter than honie. Neither is this altogether true. For thereis not any fountaine with vs, which may in the least respect be comparedwith the sweetnesse of honie. And therfore Saxo wrote more truly, saying, that certaine fountaines (for there be very many) yeelding taste as good asbeere, and also in the same place there are fountains & riuers not onely ofdiuers tasts, but of diuers colours. 

And albeit naturall Philosophers teach, that water naturally of it selfehath neither taste nor smel, yet it is likely (as we haue touched before, which other call per accidens) that oftentimes it representeth thequalities of that earth wherein it is engendred, and through the veineswhereof it hath passage and issue: and from hence proceed the diuers &sundry smels, colours and sauours of all waters. Of such waters doethSeneca make mention, whereof some prouoke hunger, others make men drunken, some hurt the memory, & some helpe it, & some resemble the very qualitieand taste of wine, as that fountaine which Plinie speaketh of [Sidenote: Inlib. De mirab. ] in the Isle of Andros, within the temple of Bacchus, whichin the Nones of Ianuary vsed to flow ouer with wine. And Aristotlereporteth, that in the field of Carthage there is a fountain which yeeldethoile, & certaine drops smelling like Cedar. Also Orcus a riuer of Thessalieflowing into Peneus, swimmeth aloft like oile. Cardane reporteth, thatthere is in Saxonie, neere vnto the town of Brunswic, a fountaine mixedwith oile: and another in Sueuia neere vnto the Abbey called Tergensch. Also in the valley of the mountain Iurassus. He supposeth the cause of thisthing to bee very fattie pitch, which cannot but conteine oile in it. Thesame author saieth: It is reported that in Cardia neere to the place ofDaschylus, in the white field, there is water sweeter then milke. Anotheralso neere vnto the bridge which we passe ouer going to the towne ofValdeburg. Propertius likewise in the third booke of his Elegies mentionethcertaine waters representing the sauour of wine in these words. 

 Amidst the Isle of Naxus loe, with fragrant smels and fine A freshet runs; ye Naxians goe fill cups, carouse, there's wine. 

This Naxus is one of the Islands called Cydades lying in the Ægæan sea. Cardane giueth a reason hereof, namely, because Hydromel or water-hony, inlong continuance will become wine. Aristotle nameth a fountaine in Sicilia, which the inhabitants vse in stead of vineger. The same author maketh thecause of sauours in water to be heate, because the earth being hotechangeth and giueth sauour vnto the water. 

Now concerning the colours of water so saieth Cardane. There is the samereason (saith he) of the colours of water, that there is of the sauoursthereof, for both haue their originall from the earth. For there is whitewater within two miles of Glanca a town in Misena: red water in Radera ariuer of Misena not farre from Radeburg: & in old time neere vnto Ioppa inIudea: greene water in the mountaine of Carpathus by Nensola: skie-colouredor blue water betweene the mountains of Feltrius & Taruisius: & it isreported that there was water of that colour in Thermopylis; cole-blackewater in Alera a riuer of Saxonie, at that place where it dischargeth itself into the Weser. The causes of these colours are the colours of thesoile. Also Aristotle saieth, that about the promontorie of Iapigia, thereis a fountaine which streameth blood: adding moreouer, that Mariners aredriuen farre from that place of the sea, by reason of the extreme stenchthereof. Furthermore, they say that in Idumæa there is a fountaine whichchangeth color foure times in a yeere: for somtimes it is greene, somtimewhite, somtime bloodie, & somtimes muddy coloured. 

Concerning the smels of waters, thus writeth Cardane. There is the likereason of difference in smell. But for the most part the steames of watersbee vnpleasant, because the earth doeth seldome times smel well. The waterof the riuer Anigris in Aelis stanke, to the destruction, not onely offishes, but also of men. About Meton in Messania, out of a certaine pondthere hath bene drawen most sweet smelling, and odoriferous water. I doerecite all these examples to the end that no man should make a greaterwonder at the colours, smels, and sauours of waters that be in Island, thenat those which are in other countreis. 

The fourth is altogether deadly. Isidore affirmeth, that there is acertaine fountaine whose water being drunke, extingnisheth life. And Pliniesaieth, That about Nonaris in Arcadia, the riuer of Styx (neere themountaine of Cillene, saieth Cardane: it would be contained in nothing butan horse-hoofe: and it is reported that Alexander the great was poisonedtherewithal) not differing from other water, neither in smell nor colour, being drunke, is present death. [Sidenote: The same Author saieth. ] InBerosus an hill of the people called Tauri, there are three fountains, euery one of them deadly without remedy, & yet without griefe. And (whichis the strangest thing of all the rest) Seneca maketh mention of a poole, into which whosoeuer looke, do presently die. But, as for this fourthfountaine of Frisius, which Saxo doeth likewise mention, we Islanders, asalwayes heretofore, so euen at this day do testifie, that it is vtterlyvnknowen vnto vs: [Sidenote: Island free from snakes and other venemousbeasts. ] and therefore in this regard, we render vnto God immortall thanks, because he hath vouchsafed to preserue our nation from such fountains, fromserpents and venemous wormes, & from al other pestiferous & contagiouscreatures. 

Furthermore about the foresaid mountaines there is such abundance ofbrimstone. The three mountains called by Munster and Frisius, Fieriemountains, do all of them stand an huge distance from our Mines. Wherefore, when as neere vnto these hils they haue found out a place for fourefountains, which they doe so mightily extoll for wonders, they must needshaue some Brimstone Mines also, standing a like distance from the saidfountaines. And assuredly, neither about mount Hecla, as Munster would haueit, nor by Frisius his fountaines (the report whereof how true it is, hathbene hitherto declared) is Brimstone digged vp at this day: nor I thinkeeuer was within the remembrance of our fathers. Neither is it true thatMunster reporteth concerning the abundance of Brimstone namely, that it isalmost the onely merchandize and tribute of the Iland. [Sidenote: BrimstoneMines onely in the North part of Island. ] For whereas the Iland is deuidedinto foure partes, the fourth part onely towards the North (nay, but euenthe halfe thereof) doeth vse it for merchandize, and there is not onecrumme of Brimstone paied for tribute the Iland. 

SECTIO DVODECIMA. 

[Sidenote: Munst] Piscium tanta est copia in hac Insula, vt ad altitudinem domorum sub aperto coelo vendedi exponantur. 

Sub aperto coelo. Id quidem facere vidimus mercatores extraneos, donecnaues mercibus extraneis exonerarint, incipiantque easdem rursus piscibus &reliquis nostratium mercibus onerare. An verò nostri homines id aliquandofecerint, non satis liquet. Certè copiosa illa & vetus piscium abundantiaiam desijt, Islandis & istius boni, & aliorum penuria laborareincipientibus, Domino Deo meritum impietatis nostræ flagellum, quod vtinamfitè agnoscamus, immittente. 

The same in English. 

THE TWELFTH SECTION. 

[Sidenote: Munster] There are so great store of fishes in this Iland, that they are laid foorth on piles to be sold in the open aire, as high as the tops of houses. 

In the open aire. In deed we haue seen other country merchants doe so, vntill they had vnladen their ships of outlandish wares, & filled themagaine with fishes & with other of our countrey merchandize. But whetherour men haue done the like at any time, it is not manifest. [Sidenote:Abundance of fish about island diminished. ] Certainly, that plentifull andancient abundance of fish is now decaied, and the Islanders now begin to bepinched with the want of these and other good things, the Lord laying theiust scourge of our impietie vpon vs, which I pray God we may duelyacknowledge. 

SECTIO DECIMATERTIA. 

[Sidenote: Frisius. ] Equos habent velocissimos, qui sine intermissione 30. Millaria continuo cursu conficiunt. 

Quidam in sua mappa Islandiæ, 20. Millaria comunuo cursu assequi traditcuiusdam parosciæ equos. Sed vtrumque impossibile ducimus. Nam maximæceleritatis & roboris bestias (Rangiferos appellant) scribit Munsterus nonnisi 30. Millaria 24. Horarum spacio conficere. 

The same in English. 

THE THIRTEENTH SECTION. 

[Sidenote: Frisius. ] They haue most swift horses, which wil run without ceasing a continual course for the space of 30. Leagues. 

A Certaine Cosmographer in his Map of Island reporteth concerning thehorses of one parish, that they will run 20. Leagues at once in a continuedrace. But we account both to bee impossible. For Munster writeth that thosebeasts which excell all other in swiftnesse & strength of body, calledRangiferi [Marginal note: Raine deere], cannot run aboue 36. Leagues in 24. Houres. 

SECTIO DECIMAQUARTA. 

[Sidenote: Munst. ] Cete grandia instar montium prope Islandium aliquando conspiciuntur, quæ naues euertunt, nisi tubarum sono absterreantur, aut missis in mare rotundis & vacuis vasis, quorum lusu delectantur, ludificentor. Fit aliquando, vt nautæ in dorsa cetorum, quæ Insulas esse putant, anchoras figentes. Sæpe periclitentur, vocantur autem eorum lingua Trollwal, Tuffelwalen. I. Diabolica cete. 

Instar montium: En tibi iterum, Lector, Munsteri, Telenicis Echo, et cæcum, vt dici solet, insomnium. Deformat, me Hercule, adeò mendax et absurdahyperbole historiam, idque tantò magis quantò minus est necessaria. Namquorsum attinet mentiri Historicum, si historia est rei veræ narratio?Quorsum tropicas hyperboles assumet? Quid conabitur persuadere, aut quopertrahere Lectorem, siquidem nihil nisi simplicem rerum expositionem sibiproponit?

 Pictoribus atque, Poëtis, Quodlibet audendi semper fuit æqua potestas: Non itidem Historicis. 

Dorsa cetorum, quæ insulas putant. Nata est hæc fabula, vt et reliquæ, exmendacio quodam, vt antiquo, ita ridiculo et vano, cuius ego fidemtitiuilitio non emam. Est autem tale: Missos fuisse olim Legatos cumsodalitio monastico, ab Episcopo Bremensi (Brandanus veteribus Noruagis, Crantzio, ni fallor, Alebrandus appellatur) ad fidem Papisticam, quæ tumChristiana putabatur, in Septentrione prædicandam et diuulgandam: Eosque, vbi immensum iter Septentrionem versus nauigando consumpsissent ad insulamquandam peruenisse: ibique iacta anchora descensum in Insulam fecisse, focos accendisse: (Nam verisimile est nautas in ipso mari glaciali frigorenon parum esse vexatos) et commeatum naualem ad reliquum iter expediuisse. Ast vbi bene ignibus accensis incaluerant foci, Insulam hanc submersam citoeuanuisse, nautas autem per præsentem scapham vix seruatos fuisse. Habeshuius rei fundamentum, Lector, sed quàm incredibile, ipse vides. Quid veròtandem est animi nautis, qui in mari procelloso videntes scopulum, vel, vtMunsterus, Insulam perexiguam emergere, non vitent potius omni studio, allisionem et naufragium metuentes, quàm vt in portu parum tuto quiesceretentent? Sed vbi anchora figenda? Solent enim, vt plurimum deesse nautistam immensi funes, vt in altissimo æquore anchoram demittant: Igitur indorsis cetorum, respondet Munsterus. Oportet igitur, vestigium vnci priuseffodiant. O stultos nautas, balenarum carnem, à terræ cespitibus, interfodiendum, non dignoscentes nec lubricam cetorum cutem, à terrestrisuperficie internoscentes. Digni profectò, quibuscum ipse Munsterus, nauclerus transfretaret. Equidem hoc loco, vt et superius, de miraculisIslandiæ terrestribus agens, è Tantali; vt aiunt, horto fructus colligit, id est, ea consectatur, quæ nunquam reperiuntur, nec vsquam sunt, dummiracula hinc inde conquirere, terram et pelagus verrere, ad Historiæ suæsupplementum studet: Vbi tamen nihil nisi cotnmentitia tantum venaripotest. 

Vocantur autem lingua eorum Trollwal. Ne vltra peram, Munstere: Nullamsiquidem es linguæ nostræ cognitionem adeptus: Quare meritò puderet tantumvirum, rem ignotam alios velle docere: Est enim eiusmodi incoeptumerroribus obnoxium complurimis, vt vel hoc tuo exemplo docebimus. Dum enimvis alijs autor esse, quomodo nostra lingua balenæ vel cete appellentur, detracta, per inscitiam, aspiratione, quæ pene sola vocis significationemfacit, quod minimè verum est, affers: Non enim val nostra lingua balenam, sed electionem siue delectum significat, à verbo, Eg vel . I. Eligo, veldeligo: vnde val, &c. At balena Hualur nobis vocatur: Vnde tu Trollhualurscribere debebas. Nec verò Troll Diabolum, vt tu interpretaris, sedGigantes quosdam montanos significat. Vides igitur, quomodo in totovocabulo turpiter, quod haud tamen mirum, erres. Leuis quidem illa inlinguam nostram iniuria, in vnica tantum voce: quoniam plures, haud dubiè, non noras. 

Idem alijs etiam vsu venit: Non enim probandum est, quòd quidam, dumIslandiæ descriptionem, ab Islandis acceptam, ederet, maluerit omnia, autcertè plurima promontoriorum, sinuum, montium, fontium, fluminum, tesquorum, vallium, collium, pagorum nomina desprauare (quòd nostræ linguæignaris, non sciret à nostratibus accepta satis exactè legere) atquecorrumpere, quàm prius ab ipsis Islandis, qui turn temporis, id est, Anno1585. In Academia Haffniensi vixerunt, quomodo singula legi ac scribideberent, ediscere. Ipsum certè hac natiuorum nominum et appellationumvoluntaria deprauatione, (qua factum est, vt ipsi ea legentes, paucissimanostra agnoscamus) in linguam nostram, alioqui puram et auitam penèelegantiam retinentem, non leuiter peccasse reputamus. 

Cæterum iam plurima Islandiæ miracula, quæ quidem scriptores nostriattigerunt, sic vtcunque examinauimus. Sed tamen priusquam alio diuertamur, in hac parte attingendum videtur, quod idem ille in mappa Islandiæ, quamsub suo nomine, prædicto anno edi fecerat, de duobus, præter supra dictos, fontibus Islandiæ prodidit: quorum alter lanas albas colore nigro, alternigras, albo inficiat. Quod quidem vbi acceperit, aut vnde habeat, scireequidem non possumus: Nec enim apud nostrates, nec apud extraneosscriptores, reperire licuit. Sed vndecunque est, fabula est, nec veritatismicam habet. Quamuis autem sit incredibile, Lanas nigras albo inficicolore, cum traditum sit a Plinio, Lanarum nigras nullum imbibere colorem:Tamen simile quiddam narratur à Theophrasto: Flumen esse in Macedonia, quodoues nigras, albas reddat. Et illa, cuius etiam superious memini, rapsodiaNoruagica, speculum scilicet illud Regale, hos ipsos fontes Irlandiæ, quæhodie Hybernia, non Islandiæ esse affirmat. Quod forsan Lectori imposuit, in lingua peregrina, pro R, S, legenti. 

Non maiorem fidem meretur, quod Historicus quidam habet. Esse in Islandiasaxum, quod montium prærupta non extrinseca agitatione, sed proprianatiuaque motione peruolitet: Id qui credere volet, quid incredibile ducet?Est enim commentum tam inauditum, vt nullum eius simile, fabulatos fuisseEpicuræos (qui tamen multa incredibilia excogitasse Luciano visi sunt)constet: Nisi fortè hominem qui Islandis proprio nomine Stein dicitur, sentit Historicus rupes quasdam circuisse, vel circumreptasse. Quod, etsiridiculum est in Historiam miraculosam referre, hominem scilicet moueri velambulare, tamen ad saluandam Historici fidem, simulandum: ne figmentumillud, per se satis absurdum, nec dignum quod legatur, duriusperstringamus. 

Eodem crimine tenentur, quicunque; Islandiæ, coruos albos, picas, lepores, et vultures adscripserunt: Perrarò enim vultures, cum glacie marina, sicutetiam vrsos (sed hos sæpius quam vultures) et cornicum quoddam genus, Islandis Isakrakur, aduenire obseruatum est. Picas verò et lepores, vt etcoruos albos, nunquam Islandia habuit. 

Atque hæc ferè sunt, quæ de prima commentarij nostri parte per quotidianasoocupationes, in præsentia, affere licuit. Quæ in hunc finem à me scriptasunt, (quod etiam prius testatus sum, ) vt scriptorum de terra ignotaerrores, et quorundam etiam affectata vanitas, patefierent: Neque enimeorum famæ quicquam detractum cupio: Sed quòd veritati et patriæ, operammeam consecraram, ilia, quæ hactenus dicta sunt à multis, de Insula, fidemvalde exiguam mereri, necesse habui ostendere: ac ita mihi viam adsequentia de Incolis sternere. 

Commentarij primæ partis Finis. 

The same in English. 

THE FOURETEENTH SECTION. 

[Sidenote: Munster] There be seen sometimes neere vnto Island huge Whales like vnto mountains, which ouerturne ships, vnlesse they be terrified away with the sound of trumpets, or beguiled with round and emptie vessels, which they delight to tosse vp and downe. It sometimes falleth out that Mariners thinking these Whales to be Ilands, and casting out ankers vpon their backs, are often in danger of drowning. They are called in their tongue Trollwal Tuffelwalen, that is to say, the deuilish Whale. 

Like vnto mountains. Loe here once againe (gentle Reader) Munstersfalsifying eccho, and (as the prouerbe saieth) his blind dreame. Such afalse and sencelesse ouer reaching doeth exceedingly disgrace an historie, and that by so much the more, by how much the lesse necessary it is. For towhat purpose should an Historiographer make leasings, if history be areport of plaine trueth? Why should he vse such strange surmountings? Whatis it that he would perswade, or whither would he rauish the reader, if hepropoundeth vnto himselfe nothing but the simple declaration of things:

 Poets and Painters had leaue of old, To feigne, to blaze, in all things to be bold. But not Historiographers. 

The backs of Whales which they thinke to be Ilands. This fable, like allthe rest, was bred of an old, ridiculous and vaine tale, the credite andtrueth whereof is not woorth a strawe. [Sidenote: Certain letters sent byBrandan bishop of Breme, to preach Christian faith in the North. ] And it isthis that foloweth, namely, that the bishop of Breme (called by the ancientNorwaies Brandan, and by Krantzius, if I be not deceiued, Alebrandus) inold time sent certanie Legates with a Couen of Friers to preach and publishin the North the popish faith, which was then thought to bee Christian, andwhen they had spent a long iourney in sailing towards the North, they camevnto an Iland, and there casting their anker they went a shore, and kindledfiers (for it is very likely that the Mariners were not a litle vexed withthe nipping cold which they felt at sea) and so prouided victuals for therest of their iourny. But when their fires grew very hote, this Ilandsanke, and suddenly vanished away, and the Mariners escaped drowning verynarowly with the boate that was present. This is the foundation of thematter, but how incredible it is, I appeale to the Reader. But what ailedthese Mariners, or what meant they to doe, who in a tempestuous sea, seeinga rocke before their eyes, or (as Munster saieth) a little Iland, would notrather with all diligence haue auoided it for feare of running a shore andshipwracke, then to rest in such a dangerous harbour? But in what groundshould the anker be fastened? for Mariners for the most part are destituteof such long cables, whereby they may let downe an anker to the bottom ofthe maine sea, therfore vpon the backs of Whales, saith Munster. But thenthey had need first to bore a hole for the flouke to take hold in. O sillyMariners that in digging can not discern Whales flesh from lumps of earth, nor know the slippery skin of a Whale from the vpper part of the ground:with out doubt they are woorthy to haue Munster for a Pilot. Verily in thisplace (as likewise before treating of the land-miracles of Island) hegathereth fruits as they say, out of Tantalus his garden, and foloweth hardafter those things which will neuer and no where be found, while heendeuoureth to proule here and there for miracles, perusing sea and land tostuffe vp his history where notwithstanding he cannot hunt out ought butfeigned things. 

But they are called in their language Trollwal. Go not farther then yourskil, Munster, for I take it you cannot skill of our tongue: and thereforeit may be a shame for a learned man to teach others that which he knowethnot himselfe: for such an attempt is subiect to manifold errours, as wewill shew by this your example. For while you take in hand to schooleothers, & to teach them by what name a Whale-fish is to be called in ourtongue, leauing out through ignorance the letter H, which almost alonemaketh vp the signification of the worde, you deliuer that which is nottrue: for val in our language signifieth not a Whale, but chusing or choiseof the verbe Eg vel, that is to say, I chuse, or I make choise, from whenceval is deriued, &c. But a Whale is called Hualur with vs, & therefore youought to haue written Trollhualur. Neither doeth Troll signifie the deuill, as you interprete it, but certaine Giants that liue in mountaines. You seetherefore (and no maruel) how you erre in the whole word. It is no greatiniurie to our language being in one word onely: because (doubtlesse) youknew not more then one. 

Others also do offend in the same fault, for it is not to be allowed that acertaine man being about to publish a Map of Island receiued from Islandersthemselues, had rather marre the fashion of all, or in very deed of themost names of Capes, Baies, mountaines, springs, riuers, homocks, valleis, hils & townes (because that being ignorant of our language, he was not ableto read those things aright, which he receiued from our countreymen) he hadrather (I say) depraue & corrupt them all, then learne of the Islandersthemselues, which at that time, namely in the yeere 1585, liued in thevniuersitie of Hafnia, or Copen Hagen, how euery thing ought to be read andwritten. And we esteeme him for this his wilfull marring of our natiuenames and words, (where vpon it came to passe that we reading the same, could acknowledge very few to be oure owne) that he is no slight offenderagainst our tongue, otherwise retaining the pure and the ancient propertie. 

But now we haue after some sort examined most of the myracles of Island, which our writers haue mentioned. Notwithstanding before we enter into anyfurther matter, we thinke it good in this section to touch that which thelast forenamed man (in this Map of Island, that he caused to be put forthin the foresaid yeere vnder his own name) hath giuen out concerning twoother fountains besides the former: whereof the one should die white woollblack, & the other blacke wooll white. [Sidenote: Who be the Islandishwriters?] Which thing where he receiued it, or whence he had it, we can bynomeans imagine: for it is not to be found in our own writers, nor in thewriters of other countries. But whence soeuer it be, it is but a tale, &hath not one iote of trueth in it. And although it be incredible That blackwooll may be died of a white colour, seeing it is affirmed by Plinie, thatblacke wooll (of all other) will receiue no colour: notwithstanding thereis some such thing reported by Theophrastus: namely, that there is a riuerin Macedonia which maketh blacke sheepe white. [Sidenote: Speculum regale. ]Also that Norway pamphlet called the Roiall looking-glasse, which Imentioned before, doth attribute these fountains to Ireland, which is alsocalled Hybernia, and not to Island. Which peraduenture deceiued the Reader, reading in a strange language S in stead of R. 

That likewise deserueth no better credite which another Author writeth:That there is a certaine great stone in Island which runneth vp and downethe crags and clifs of mountaines by no outward force, but by the owneproper and natural motion. Hee that will beleeue this, what will he notbeleeue? For it is such a rare deuise that the Epicures themselues (who yetseemed to Lucian to haue fained many incredible things) I am sure neuerinuented the like: vnlesse perhaps the sayd Author doeth imagine (that aman who is called of the Islanders by the proper name of Stein) shouldcompasse about, and clime vp certaine rockes: which although it beridiculous to put into a story of wonders, namely, that a man should mooueor walke, yet is it so to bee supposed to saue the credite of the Author, that we may not more seuerely condemne that fable, which is so sencelesseof it selfe and not woorthy to be read. 

[Sidenote: Vultures, beares and crows come vpon the drift Ice into Island. ]They are gulltie of the same crime also who haue found out rauens, pies[Footnote: Magpies. ], hares and vultures, all white in Island for it is welknowen that vultures come very seldome together with the Ise of the sea, vnto vs, as beares also (but they seldomer then vultures) and a certainekind of crowes called by the Islanders Isakrakur. But as for white pies, hares, and rauens Island neuer had any. [Footnote: All modern writers, however, ascribe white hares to Iceland. ]

And these in a maner be the things which, in regard of our daily busines, we were able at this present to affoord, as touching the former part of ourtreatise, which were penned by me for this purpos (as in the beginning Idid protest) that the errors of Authors concerning an vnknowen land, andthe affected vanitie also of some men might be disclosed, for I am notdesirous to diminish any mans good name: but because I consecrated these mylabours to trueth and to my countrey, I could not chuse but shew, thatthose things which hitherto haue bene reported by many concerning ourIsland deserue very litle credite: and so to addresse my selfe vnto thematters folowing concerning the Inhabitants. 

Here endeth the first part of the Commentarie. 

Commentarij de Islandia pars secunda: quæ est de incolis. 

Absolutis hactenus miraculis Islandiæ, (cum nonnullis alijs, primæ partiannexis) quæ dum scriptores, velut Agamemnonios quosdam fontes, imò, vtquiddam præter et contra omnem naturam, mirantur, nec non varièdeprædicant, minus veritati ipsi, et authoritati suæ cousulunt; monetpropositæ orationis series, vt ad alteram commentarij partem nosconferamus, quæ est de incolis: Vbi quid primùm dicam, aut vnde initiumsumom, non satis teneo. Tanta enim sunt in nos vltimos Islandos, et totquorundam ludibria, tot opprobria, tot scommata, tot dicteria, (Atque interhæc etiam nonnulla eorum, qui simplicissimam veritatem profiteri, volunt, nempe historicorum) vt si singula recensere velim, non aliud quàm

 Icariæ numerum dicere *corier* aquæ. 

Sed, vt dixi initio, non cum omnibus æquè stricto iure agemus. Nam licetKrantzius, Munsterus, Frisius, et alij, nimis audacter multa de gentenostra scripserint: Tamen suis monumentis de studijs liberalibus alioquibenè meriti, etiam apud nos eo erunt in precio, quo merentur. Verùminterea, etsi quis velit eos à calumniandi nota liberare, tamen non leueest, eos res quasdam tam absurdas, impossibiles et ridiculas proposuisse, cuiusmodi illa fuerunt, quæ hactenus exposuimus, tum impias, et atrocitatemendaciorum horrendas, cuiusmodi iam sequentur aliquot, in historiasretulisse. Ast alijs, quicunque; sunt, qui quotidianus conuicijs nationemIslandorum incessunt, responsio, quam merentur, parata esse debet: Exquorum numero, scurra ille fuit, qui rhythmis aliquot, in gentis nostræcontumeliam, Germanica lingua editis, nomen suum immortali dedecoriconsecrauit. 

Quapropter, vt instituti nostri ratio exigit, dum scriptorum de hac remonumenta persequimur, etsi quædam in eis occurrant, quæ coutumeliæ parumhabent, nos tamen plæraque excutiemus, et errores, vt hactenas, annotabimus: tum si quid veri interea attulerint, id nequaquamdissimulabimus. [Sidenote: Secundæ partis distributio. ] Ac eo modo, primùmMunsterum, Krantzium, Frisium, et si qui sunt alij, audiemus, Graculo illo, cum suis rhythmis Germanicis, dira calumnia infectis in postremum, vtdignus est, relecto locum. [Sidenote: 1. Capitis huius partis diuisio. ] Inhunc igitur modum, primùm de fide seu Religione Islandorum: Deinde deipsorum moribus, institutis seu viuendi ratione, authores isti scribunt. 

The same in English. 

Of Island the second part, concerning the Inhabitants. 

Hauing hitherto finished the miracles of Island with certaine otherparticulars belonging to the first part, the which while writers doe wonderat and diuersly extoll as it were the fountains of Agamemnon, yea, asthings besides and against all nature, they haue bene very carelesse bothof trueth it selfe, & of their owne credite. Now the course of the presentspeach doeth admonish mee to make haste vnto the other part of the treatiseconcerning the Inhabitants wherein what I should first say, or where Ishould begin, I am altogether ignorant. For there be such monstrous, and somany mocks, reproches, skoffes, and taunts of certaine men against vs pooreIslanders dwelling in the vtmost parts & the world (and amongst these also, some things of theirs who take vpon them to professe most simple trueth, namely Historiographers) insomuch, that to reckon vp the particulars werenothing els but to tell the drops of the Icarian sea. But as I said in thebeginning, we will not deale alike seuerely with all. For althoughKrantzius, Munsterus, Frisius & others haue written many things too boldlyof our nation yet hauing otherwise deserued wel of learning by theirmonuments, they shalbe still in ye same reputation with vs that they areworthy of. Howbeit in the meane time, although a man would free them fromthe marke of slanderers, yet is it no small matter that they should brochcertaine sencelesse, impossible & ridiculous things, such as those arewhich we haue hitherto laid downe as also that they should record inhistories prophane and horrible vntrueths, some of which kind shal nowimmediately be discussed. As for others, whatsoeuer they be, who vpbraidthe nation of Islanders with daily reproches, they are to haue that answerein a readinesse which such men deserue. In the number of whom, that scofferis to be accounted, who by a company of rimes published in the Germanetongue, to the disgrace of our countrey, hath brought his name intoeuerlasting ignominie. 

Wherefore as our present businesse requireth, while we are in hand with thewritings of Authors concerning this matter, although we meet with somethings containing litle reproch, notwithstanding we will examine most ofthem, noting the errors as hitherto we haue done in the meane time alsowhen they shall alleage any trueth, we will in no case dissemble it. Andafter this maner, first we will heare Munster, Krantzius and Frisius, andothers also, if there be any more, what they haue to say, reiecting thatParo and his Dutch rimes infected with fell slander, as he is woorthy vntothe last place. First therefore the sayd Authors write concerning the faithor religion of the Islanders and secondly, of their Maners, Customes, andcourse of life in maner folowing. 

SECTIO PRIMA. 

Adalbertius Metropolitanus Hamburgensis, Anno Christi 1070. Vidit ad Christum conuersos Islandos: licet ante susceptam Christi fidem, lege Naturali vuuentes, non multum à lege nostra discrepantes: itaque, pretentibus illis, ordinauit quendam virum sanctum, primum Episcopum, nomine Isleif. 

Krantzius his verbis, et Munsterus alibi, fidei seu Religionis Christianædignitatem Islandis videntur adscribere: Facerentque et se, et veritatedignum, nisi eandem alias nobis adimerent. Nam (vt de Krantzio infra)Munsterus, quæ supra prodidit, de fide nostra, seu opinione circa Infernilocum situmque, omnino est à Christiana pietate alienum: Velle scilicetscrutari arcana, quæ Deus sibi soli reseruauit, quæque voluit nostrumcaptum excedere: Non enim reperitur de hac re quicquam in literis sacris, vbi locus vel sitis inferni seu ignis æterni, Diabolo et Angelis ipsius, adeoque damnatis omnibus animabus destinati, determinetur, autcircumscribatur: Nullam inquam, infra terram, seu in ea, aut vlla aliahuius mundi parte, corporalem seu localem situm illi damnatorum carceripagina sacra assignat: quinimo, terram hanc interituram, et terram nouam etcoelos nouos, iustorum et sanctorum habitacula, creanda affirmat: Apoc. 2. 2, Petri 3, Esa. 65. Quare Christianus rerum adeò abstrusarum inquisitionemlibenter præterit: tum dogmata nullis appertis et illustribus scripturæsacras testimonijs stabilita, velut certa et vera recipere, aut alijstradere, nefas esse ducit. Deut 4. Et 12, Esa. 8. Matth, 17. 2, Timoth. 3. 

Deinde etiam pugnat acriter cum Religione Christiana, quo Munsterus &Krantzius Islandos ornant, encomium: Eos videlicet, catulos ac pueros suosæquo habere in precio. De quo infra, section. 7. Sic igitur secum dissidetMunst. Dum quos Christianos assent, inferni architectos alias facit: Item, Krantzius et Munsterus, dum quos fide Christo insertos affirmant, eosdemomni pietatis et honestatis sensu exuunt: quòd scribant filios ab his, nonmaiore cura, quàm catulos diligi. 

Sed vt ad rem: De Religione equidem nostra, quæ qualiseu fuerit, cumEthnicismus primùm fugari coepit, nihil magnificè diceret possumus:quemadmodum nec alia Septentrionis Regna vicina, vti existimo, de suisfidei initijs. Fatendum enim est, et cum serijs gemitibus deplorandum vsquead illam nunquam satis prædicatam diem, quæ nobis velut immortalitatisinitium illuxit et repurgati Euangelij doctrinam attulit, tenebras plusquamCimmerias, etiam nostris hominibus, vt reliquis Septentrionis Ecclesijs, offusas fuisse. Illud tamen piè nobis sentire liceat, apud nos, vt et invicina Noruegia (nam nolo vltra septa vagari, et de populis ignotisquicquam pronunciare) eiecta primùm Idololatria Ethnica, sinceriorem longèet simpliciorem fidem seu religionem Christianam viguisse; quippe venenoPapistico minus infectam, quam posteà, vbi auctum Romanæ sedis fermentumpestiferum, et malum contagiosum maturuit, et per totum orbem virus suumdiffudit: Nam vt posteà apparebit, multis annus antequam noua PontificiorumIdololatria vires et incrementum cepit, Islandia Christum amplexa est: etvt laudatissimi duo illi Noruegiæ Reges, quibus vt commune nomen, itacommune nominis Christi propagandi studium et professio, nihil nisi fidemin Deum Patrem, Filium, et spiritum Sanctum, sonabat. Dico autem illumOlaum Thryggonis F. Qui Anno Christi 968. Natus, Anno ætatis 27. ImperiumNoruegiæ adeptus est, et primus, vt accepimus, Noruegis Christum obtrusit:quibus imperitabat annis 5. Et huic cognominem, Olaum nuncupatum Sanctum, Haraldi F. Qui anno Christi 1013. Aut circiter, imperij habenas arctius inprimis obtinuit. Per annos fere 17. Christi doctrinam audacter tradidit. Anno Christi 1030. Ab improbis parricidis nefariè interfectus, in pagoNoruegise Stickla Stodum, pro Christi nomine cruorem fudit. 

Habuit etiam nostra patria inter multos alios quendam insignem pietatevirum; cui Nialus nomen erat, qui circa annum Christi 1000 vixit in prædioseu villa Berthors huol, sita in Parochia Islandiæ, Landenum: Quique rerumhumanarum experientia, circumspecta animi prudentia, sagacitate etconsilio, habebatur insignis. Cum enim, eius seculo, indomitis Islandiamotibus fluctuaret, incolis à nullo ferè superiore magistratu repressis, nullis se factionibus immiscuit: Plurimas cauta animi virtute ac industriacomposuit. Nunquam vim fecit, nec passus est, si vltimum tantum in vitadiem excipias. Adeò studiosè seditiones et turbas vitauit aliosque vitareaut euadere cupientes optimè iuuit. Nec quisquam eius consilio, nisi maximosuo commodo est vnquam vsus: nec quisquam ab eo, nisi cum vitæ etfortunarum penculo deflexit. Tam certum ab eo oraculum petebatur, vt valdemirandum sit, vnde homini tanta futurorum euentuum, et tam certa coniecturaet consilium esse potuerit, quanta in ipso deprehensa est. Vnde ipsiuscauta, prouidens et consilij plena sapientia, apud nostrates in prouerbiumabijt: Nials biita raden: quasi dicas, Niali consilium; vel, Niali consiliores geritur, aut succedit: cùm quid prudenter et admirando cum consiliogestum est. 

Hic cum domi suæ, à 100. Viris coniuratis ob cædem à filio ipsius, ipsotamen inscio, patratam cingeretur, et inimicis domum vndique ignisuccendentibus, sibi videret supremum fatum instare, ait tandem. Hæc quidemfato, hoc est, voluntate diuina accidunt. Cæterum spem et fiduciam inChristo sitam habeo, nos (de se et vxore loquens) licet corpus hoc nostrumcaducum, inimicorum flammis, mortalitatis corruptionem subeat, ab æternistamen flammis liberatum iri. Sicque inter has voces, et flammarum sævitiam, vitam, An. Christo 1010. Cum vxore et filio homicida, finiuit. Vox profectòfilijs Dei non indigna, animæ, cum mortis acerbitate luctantis summumsolatium arguens. 

Hæc ideo addidi, vt ostendam quà coniectura adducar ad extstimamdum moxinitio Christianismi (vt sic loquar) apud nos recepti, non fuisse tamdeceptas et errorum tenebris immersas hominum mentes, quàm nunc, paulò antehæc nostra tempora fuerunt. 

Ast verò iam postquam Dominus Deus per Lutherum, et Lutheri in vinea Dominicollegas, et pios successores, salutis doctrinam illustriorem reddidit, mentiùmque nostrarum graui veterno et densa caligine excussis, dextræ suædigito, hoc est, spiritu Sancto, (Matth. 12. Vers. 28. ) cordis nostriauriculas vellicauit, ac oculos, quibus saluificam ipsius veritatemcerneremus, nobis aperuit: Nos omnes et singuli credimus et confitemur Deumesse Spiritum, (Iohan. 4. Vers. 24. ) æternum (Esai 40. Vers. 28. ) Infinitum(Ierem. 23. Vers. 24. Psalm. 136. Vers. 7. 8. 9. ) optimum (Matth. 19. 17. )omnipotentem (Gene. 17. 1. Apocal. 1. 8. ) Vnum essentia et natura: Vnumprouidentia: vnum efficentia rerum et administratione (Deut 6. 5. Ephes. 4. 5. ) At personis diuinitatis, proprietatibusque distinctum, Patrem, Filiumet spiritum Sanctum (Matth. 28. 19. & 3. 17. ) Deum Patrem quidem, primamdiuinitatis personam, coeli terræ et omnium rerum creatorem (Gene. 1. Vers. 1. & sequent. ) Sustentatorem et gubernatorem (Psal. 115. 3. Heb. 1. 3. )Patrem Domini nostri Iesu Christi (Psalm. 2. 7. & sequent:) et nostrum pereundem Patrem (Rom. 8. 15. ) Animæ et corporis curatorem (Luc. 12. 12, ) TumIesum Christum, secundam diuinitatis personam, filium Dei patris (Iohan. 1. 18. &c. ) Vnigenitum (Iohan. 1. 29. Heb. 1. 2. ) æqualem patri (1. Paral. 17. 13. Iohan. 1. 1. ) Deum verum (Iohan. 1. 2. &c. ) ante omnia creatapræordinatum (1. Pet. 1. 20. Apocal. 13. 8. &c. ) et statim post lapsum, promissum Messiam (Gen. 3. 15. ) Sanctis Patriarchis identidem promulgatum, vt Abrahæ (Gen. 12. 3. &c. ) Isaac. (Gen. 26. 4. ) Iacob. (Gen. 28. 14. ) etpromissionibus confirmatum (Genes. 49. 9. Esa. 11. 1. 10. ) SacrificijsMosaicis (Leuit. 1. 2. &c. ) Et alijs typis præfiguratum: immolatione Isaac(Gen. 22. ) Exaltatione ænei serpentis. (Num. 21. ) Iona (Ion. 2. &c. )Prophetarum testimonio proclamatum (Esai 7. 14. &c. ) ac tandem inplenitudine temporis verè exhibitum: hominem verum (Iohan. 1. 14. &c. Paul. Galat. 4. ) mortuum pro peccatis nostris: resuscitatum propteriustificationem nostri (Rom. 4. 25. &c. ) Ascendentem in coelum (Act. 1. 9. &c. ) ac pro nobis ad dexteram patris sine intermissione interpellantem (1. Iohan, 2. 1. &c. ) per spiritum Sanctum suum qui tertia est diuinitatispersona patri et filio compar et consubstantialis. (Actor. 5. 4. ) Ecclesiamsibi verbo et Sacramentis colligentem (Matth. 16. 18. Roman. 10. 14. &c) Etad vitam æternam sanctificantem (Actor. 9. 31. &c. ) Ac tandem consummatisseculis è coelo, venturum (Actor, 1. 11. ) Iudicare viuos et mortuos (1. Thess. 4. 15. ) redditurum impijs secundum opera sua, eòsque poenis æternisadiudicaturum (Mat 13. 42. & 25. 41. ) credentes verò in nomine ipsiusæterna vita donaturum (Mat 25. 34. &c. ) Hunc, inquam, Iesum Christumredemptorem (Mat 1. 21. ) Caput (1. Corinth. 12. 27. ) et Dominum nostrum(Ephes. 4. 5. ) agnoscimus: Nosque illi nomen in sacro baptismo dare acdedisse (Actor. 2. 38. ) Et per baptismum illi insertos esse (1. Cor. 12. 13. ) apertè, ingenuè, liberè ac libenter fatemur ac contestamur: omnesquealios, quicunque aliud nomen sub coelo datum esse hominibus, per quod saluifiant, comminiscuntur, seriò detestamur, execramur et damnamus. (Actor. 4. 12. ) Verbum ipsius sanctissimum vnicam salutis normam statuimus, illudquetantummodò, omnibus humanis commentis abiectis et spretis, infallibilemfidei nostræ regulam et amussim nobis proponimus: (Galat 1. 8. Esa. 29. 13. Ezech. 20. ) Quod duplicis Testamenti, veteris et noui appellationecomplectimur. (Hebr. 8. ) traditum per Prophetas et Apostolos (Ephes. 2. 20. ) singulari et immensa Dei bonitate in hunc vsque diem semper inEcclesia conseruatum et conseruandum in posterum. (Matth. 28. Vlt. Psalm. 71. 18. 1. Cor. 11. 26. )

Deo igitur optimo maximo gratias ex animo et toto pectore agimus, quòdetiam ad nos, vastissimo interuallo à reliquo Ecclesiæ corpore diuulsos etvltimas mundi partes habitantes, lumen hoc suum, concessum, ad reuelationemgentium, et paratum ante faciem omnium populorum, olim pio Simeoni benigneostensum (Nam in Christo omnes thesauri saptentiæ reconditi) quod nunctotam nostram gentem radijs suis saluificis illuminat ac fouet, pertingerevoluerit. Hæc ita breuiter, ipsam summam perstringendo, fides nostra est, et nostra religio, quaro monstrante spirtu Sancto, et ipsius in vineaChristi ministris, bausimus: idque ex fontibus Isrælis. 

[Sidenote: Krantzius. ] Anno Domini 1070. Vidit ad Christum conuersos Islandos. 

Dubium nobis est, vtrum his verbis dicere voluerit Krantzius, Islandosprimùm Anno Domini 1070. Ad Christum esse conuersos an verò, prius quidemesse conuersos non neget, sed eo primùm anno id Adalberto innotuisse dicat. [Sidenote: Chronologiæ Islandicæ gentis antiquissimæ. ] Vtrumuis autemaffirmet, tamen fidem ipsius hoc loco suspectam reddunt annales etchronologiæ nostræ gentis antiquissimæ, quæ contrarium testantur: quibusvtrum malis, de rebus nostris proprijs et domesticis et intra nostræ insulælimites gestis credere, an verò Krantzio, aut cuius alteri in nostratiumrerum historia peregrino, sit penes tuum, candide Lector, arbitrium. Egoprofecto multis adducor vt nostris potius assentiar. Nostrates emm notatantum et fere domestica asserunt: ille peregrina et ignota. Hi suasChronologias sine aliarum omnium nationum labe, macula et sugillationecontexuerunt tantummodò, vt rebus gestis suum verum tempus seu æramassignarent; ille quædam cum re et veritate pugnantia in contumeliam gentisnostræ ignotissimæ, historiæ suæ admiscuit, vt paulò post apparebit: hiomnium episcoporum Islandiæ nomina, annos, ordinem et successum describunt:ille vnius tantùm mentionem facit, idque longè secus quàm res habet. Porròvt his fidem faciam, panca, quæ in ventustissimis nostris annalibus deIslandia ad Christum conuersa, et de Episcoporum in nostris Ecclesijssuccessione reperi, quorum etiam fides apud nos publicè recepta est, cumextraneis communicabo. [Sidenote: Vetustissmum annales. ] Quæ tametsileuiuscula, nec omnia prorsus digna quæ scribantur, scribenda tamen omninòsunt ad nostrarum rerum veritatem, aduersus Krantzium et alios asserendam:Sic igitur habent. 

[Sidenote: 874. Islandia primum inhabituta. ] Anno Christi 874. Priusquidem, vt ante commemorauimus, inuenta, sed tunc primum à Noruagis (quorumprinceps fuit Ingulphus quidam, è cuios nomine promontorium Islandiæorientalis Ingulffs hoffdi appellatitionem traxit) occupata est Islandia. Hi plures quam 400. Cum cognatis et agnatis et præterea numerosa familianominatim in annalibus nostris recensentur: nec illorum tantùm numerusdescribitur, sed quas oras, quæ littora, et quæ loca mediterranea, singulioccupauerint et incoluerint, et quomodo primi inhabitatores, fretis, sinibus, portubus, Isthmis, porthmis, promontorijs, rupibus, scopulis, montibus, collibus, vallibus, tesquis, fontibus, fluminibus, riuis, acdenique villis seu domicilijs suis nomina dederint, quorum hodiè plæraqueretinentur et in vsu sunt, apertè narratur. Itaque Noruagi occupatæ iamIslandiæ 60. Annorum spacio, aut circiter, habitabiles partes suamultitudine implent: Centum verò prope modum annis Ethnici manserunt, cipaucissimos, qui in Noruagia fortè sacro fonte abluti fuerant, excipias. [Sidenote: 974. ] Annis autem vix centum à primo ingressu elapsis, mox dereligione Christiana agi coeptum est, nempe circa annum Domini 974. Quæ resnon sine insigni rebellione plusquam 20 annis variè à multis tentata est. [Sidenote: Fredericus Saxo. ] Commemorantur autem duo Episcopi extranei, quicum alijs, in conuertenda ad fidem Christi insula, diligenter laborarint:Prior Fridericus, Saxo natione, qui anno 981. Ad Islandos venit, atquedocendi munere strenuè functus est, ac tantum fecit, vt Anno 984, sacræædes Islandis in vsu fuerint. 

Alter verò ille extraneus Episcopus siue concionator, quem Thangbrandtnuncupauere, anno 997. In Islandiam primùm venit. 

[Sidenote: Anno Dom. 1000. ] Hinc post 26, annorum disceptationem dereligione, tandem Anno 1000. In conuentu generali omnium incolarum decretumest, vniuersali eorundem consensu, vt Ethnicorum numinum cultu seposito, religionem sectarentur Christianam. 

Rursus in solenni incolarum conuentu Anno 1050. Sancitum est, vt legesseculares seu politicæ (quarum constitutiones allatas ex Noruagia quidamVlfliotus, Anno 926. Islandis communicarat) vbique cederent iuri Canonicoseu diuino. 

Anno 1056. Abit peregrè ex Islandia Isleifus quidam, in Episcopum Islandiæordinandus. 

Redit ordinatus in Islandiam, et Cathedram Schalholtensem adit Anno 1057. Moritur 1080. Ætatis 74. 4. Kalendas Iulias. 

Videbuntur forsitan hæc minuta, concisa, vilia, nec narratione satis digna, cum multis fortè quæ sequuntur: Sed nec historiam Romanam conteximus, nectam minuta erunt, quin contra Krantzij et aliorum errores conuincendos, prout nostrum est institutum, valeant. Et certè, quantum ad fidem nostrarumChronologiarum, constat Saxonem Grammaticum non parum illis tribuisse:Cuius, in præfatione suæ Danæ, hæc sunt verba. Nec Thylensium inquit, (sicenim Islandos appellat) industria silentio obliteranda: qui cum ob natiuamsoli sterilitatem, luxuriæ nutrimentis carentes, officia continuæsobrietatis exerceant, omniàque vitæ momenta ad alienoram operum notitiamconferre soleant, inopiam ingenio pensant. Cunctarum quippe nationum resgestas cognosse, memoriæque mandare, voluptatis loco reputant non minorisgloriæ iudicantes, alienas virtutes disserere, quam proprias exhibere. Quorum thesauros Historicarum rerum pignoribus refertos curiosiusconsulens, haud paruam præsentis operis partem ex eorum relationisimitatione contexui: nec arbitros habere contempsi, quos tamta vetustatisperitia callere noui. Hæc Saxo. Quare lubet Episcoporum Islandiæ Catalogumpersequi, vt ex annalibus nostris continuata diligenter, quoad eius fieripotest, omnium series, his quæ de primo Isleifo contra Krantzium attulimus, fidem faciat. 

The same in English. 

THE FIRST SECTION

[Sidenote: Krantzius in præfatione suæ Norwegiæ. ] Adalbert Metropolitane of Hamburg in the yeere of Christ 1070. Saw the Islanders concerted Christianitie: albeit, before the receiuing of Christian faith, they liued according to the lawe of nature, and did not much differ from our lawe: therefore at their humble request, he appointed a certaine holy man named Islief to be their first Bishop. 

Krantzios in these words, and Munster other where, doe seeme to attributevnto the Islanders the prerogatiue of Christian faith and they should dealeboth beseeming themselues and the trueth, if they did not in other placesdepriue vs of the same. For (to speake of Krantzras anone) that whichMunster before reported concerning our faith or opinion about the place andsituation of hell, is very farre from Christian pietie: namely to bedesirous to prie into those secrets which God hath kept close vnto himselfealone, and which his pleasure is, should exceed our capacitie: for there isnot any thing found in the holy Scriptures of this matter, where the placeand situation of hell, or of eternall fire prepared for the deuill and hisangels, and so for all damned soules, is bounded or compassed about. Theholy Bible (I say) assigneth no locall or bodily situation beneath theearth, or vpon the earth, or in any other place of this world, to thatprison of the damned: but it affirmeth that this earth shall perish, andthat a new earth, and new heauens shall be created for the habitation ofiust and holy men, Reuel. 2. 2. Pet. 3. And Esay [Footnote: Isaiah] 65. Wherefore a Christian man willingly giueth ouer to search into such hiddensecrets and he accounteth it vnlawful to receiue or deliuer vnto others, opinions (grounded vpon no plaine and manifest places of Scripture) forcertainties and trueths, Deut. 4. And 12. Esay 8. Matth. 27. 2. Tim 3. 

Further also that commendation wherewith Munster and Krantzius doe gracethe Islanders, is meerly contrary to Christian religion: namely that theymake al one reckoning of their whelps and of their children. But more ofthis matter anone in the 7. Section. So therefore Munster disagreeth withhimselfe, whereas those whom he affirmeth to be Christians, afterward, hemaketh to be master builders of hell. Also Krantzius and Munster bothtogether, when as those whom they affirme to be engraffed by faith intoChrist, they except from all sense of piety and honesty, in that they writethat their sonnes are not dearer vnto them then their whelpes. 

But to returne to the matter: In very deed we haue no great thing to sayconcerning our religion, what, or of what sort it was when Gentilisme wasfirst put to flight. No more (I thinke) haue other Northern nations neerevnto vs to say concerning the beginning of their faith. For (alas) we mustneeds confesse and bewaile with deepe sighes, that vntill that day whichshined vnto vs like the beginning of immortalitie, and brought vnto vs thepure doctrine of the gospel, our countrymen, as likewise other churches ofthe North, were ouerspred with more then Cimmerian darkenesse. But we mayiustly and religiously thinke thus muche, that among vs and our neighboursof Norway (for I will not range out of my bounds, nor affirme any thing ofvnknowen people) after heathenish idolatry was rooted out, Christian faithand religion did florish far more sincere, and simple, as being lesseinfected with the poison of poperie, at that time, then afterward, when asthe pestiferous leauen of the see of Rome being augmented, and thecontagious mischiefe growing ripe, the poison thereof was dispersed throughthe whole world: for, as it shal afterward appeare, Island embraced Christmany yeeres before the new idolatry of the papists began to preuaile, anddid sound foorth nothing but faith in God the Father, the Sonne and theholy Ghost, like vnto those two most renouned kings of Norway, who as theyhad one common name, so had they one common care and profession to aduancethe gospel of Christ. [Sidenote: The first christian king of Norway] Imeane Olaus the sonne of Thryggo, who was borne in the yere of Christ 968. Attaining to the kingdom of Norway in the 27. Yeere of his age, and was thefirst, as we haue heard, that offred Chnst vnto the Norwegians, ouer whomhee reigned fiue yeeres and another of that name called Olaus Sanctus thesonne of Harald, who in the yeere of Christ 1013. Or there about, gouernedwith more seueritie, and for the space of 17. Yeeres did boldly deliuer thedoctrine of Christ. In the yere of Chnst 1030. Being vniustlie slaine bywicked murtherers, he shed his blood for the name of Christ in a town ofNorway called Sticfla Stodum. 

[Sidenote: Nialus the first knowne professour of Christian faith inIsland. ] Our countrey also had, among many other, one man of excellentpietie whose name was Nialus, who about the yeere of Chnst 1000. Liued inthe village of Berthorshuol situate in the parish of Island calledLandehum: who also for his experience in humane affaires, for his greatwisedome and sage counsell was accompted famous. For whereas in his timeIsland was turmoiled with many fierce mutinies, the inhabitants being insubiection to no superiour magistrate, he intermedled not in any quarels, sauing that by his discreet vertue and diligence he set through and broughtto composition a great number: hee neuer did nor suffered violence, butonely vpon the last day of his life. So carefully auoyded he al seditionsand strifes: and gaue good assistance to others, who were desirous also toauoyd and escape them: neither did any man euer put in practise hiscounsel, but it turned to his especiall good: nor euer any did sweruetherefrom, but with the danger of his life and possessions. The wordes orrather the oracles that came from him were so certaine, that it waswonderful from whence any man should haue so great and so sure forecast andcounsell of things to come, as was found to be in him. Whereupon hisdiscreet and prouident wisedome, ioyned with counsell became a prouerbeamongst vs, "Nials byta raden:" That is to say, the counsel of Nialus or, the thing is done, or succeedeth by Nialus his counsel: when any businesswas atchieued prudently, and with admirable discretion. This man, when, fora slaughter committed by his sonne without his knowledge, he was in hisowne house beset with a 100. Men, who had conspired his death, and when hisenemies began on all sides to set his house on fire, seeing his endeapproch, at length he brake into these words. "Doubtlesse these thingshappen by fate, that is, by the will of God. Howbeit, I put my hope andconfidence in Christ, that we (meaning his wife and himselfe) although thisour fraile body shal vndergoe the corruption of death, in the fire of ourenemies, yet, that it shalbe deliuered from eternal flames. " And so in themidst of these voyces, and in the fury of the flames, he with his wife andthe manslayer his sonne, in the yere of Christ 1010. Ended his life. Avoyce vndoubtedly full well beseeming the sonnes of God, arguing thenotable comfort of his soule amidst the very pangs of death. 

I therefore added those things to shew by what reason I was moued to thinkethat in the very beginning of Christianitie receiued amongst vs, mens mindswere not so beguiled and ouerwhelmed in the darkenes of errors, as of late, a little before these our times they haue bene. 

[Sidenote: A summe of the Islanders Religion. ] But after the Lord God byLuther, and Luthers fellow-labourers in the vineyard of the Lord, and bygodly successours, did make the doctrine of saluation more manifest, andshaking off the heauie slothe, and thicke miste of our minds by the fingerof his right hand, that is by his holy spirit (Matth. 12. V. 28. ) didplucke the eares of our hearts, and opened our eyes that we might beholdhis sauing health: We all, and euery of vs do belieue and confesse that Godis a spirit (Iohn 4. V. 24. ) eternal (Esay. 40. V. 28. ) infinite (Iere. 23. V. 24. Psal 139. V. 7. 8. 9. ) most good (Matth. 19. V. 17. ) almighty (Gen. 17. 1. Reuel. 1. 8. ) one in being, and nature: one in prouidence, one inthe making and gouerning of all things (Deut. 6. 5. Ephe. 4. 5. ) Butdistinguished by the persons of the Godhead and their properties, theFather, the Sonne, and the holy Ghost (Matth. 28. 19. And 3. 17. ) God theFather the first person of the Godhead creator of heauen and earth, and allother things (Gen. 1. V. 1. And in those that folow) the vpholder andgouernor of all (Psa. 115. 3. Heb. 1. 3. ) Father of our Lord Iesus Christ(Psal. 2, 7. And verses following) and our Father through him (Rom. 8. 15. )keeper of our soules and bodies (Luke 12. 12. ). And that Iesus Christ thesecond person of the Godhead is the sonne of God the Father (Iohn 1. 18. &c. ) onely begotten (Iohn 1. 29. Heb. 1. 2. ) equal to his Father (1. Chro. 17. 13. Ioh. 1. 1. ) true God (Iohn 1. 2. &c. ) foreappointed before thecreation of all things (1. Pet. 1. 20, Reuel 13. 8. &c. ) and presentlyafter mans fell promised to be the Messias (Gene. 3. 15. &c. ) publishedeftsoones vnto the holy Patriaches, as vnto Abraham (Gen. 12. 3. &c. ) vntoIsaac (Gen. 26. 4. ) vnto Iacob (Gene. 28. 14. ) and confirmed by promises(Gen. 49. 9. Esa. 11. 1, 10. ) prefigured by the sacrifices of Moses (Leu. 1. 2. &c. ) and by other types, as namely by the offering of Isaac (Gen. 22. ) by the lifting vp of the brazen serpent (Num. 21. ) by Ionas (Ionas 2. &c. ) proclaimed by the testimony of the Prophets (Esa. 7. 14. ) and atlength in the fulnesse of time truely exhibited: true man (Iohn 1. 14. &c. Gal. 4. ) that he died for our sinnes, and was raised again for ouriustification (Rom. 4. 25. &c. ) Ascending into heauen (Acts 1. 9. &c. ) andmaking intercession for vs at the right hand of his Father without ceasing(1. Iohn 2. 1. &c. ) by his holy Spirit (which is the thirde person of theGodhead, coequall, and consubstantial to the Father and the Sonne, Acts. 5. 4. ) gathering the Church to himselfe by the word, and Sacraments (Matth. 16. 18. Rom. 10. 14. &c. ) and sanctifying it to eternal life, (Acts. 9. 31. &c. ) And that one day at the end of the world he will come from heauen(Acts 1. 11. ) to iudge the quicke and the dead (1. Thessal. 4. 15. ) that hewill render vnto the wicked according to their workes, and that he williudge mem to eternal paines (Matth. 13. 42. And 25. 4. ) but that he wilreward them, with eternal life, who beleeue in his Name (Matth. 25. 34. )This Iesus Christ (I say) wee acknowledge to be our Redeemer (Matth. 1. 21. ) our head (1. Corinth. 12. 27. ) and our Lord (Ephe. 4. 5. ) And that weein our holy baptisme do giue, and haue giuen our names vnto him (Acts. 2. 38. ) and that wee are engraffed into him by baptisme (1. Corin. 12. 13. )And this we do plainely, ingenuously, freely, and willingly confesse andwitnesse: And as for all others who inuent any other name in heauen giuenvnto men by which they may be saued, we doe earnestly detest, cursse, andcondemne them (Acts. 4. 12. ) We holde his most holy Word to be the onelyrule of our saluation: and that alone (al mans deuises being cast away andcontemned) we propound vnto our selues as an infallible rule, and leuel ofour faith (Galat. 1. 8. Esai 29. 13. Ezech. 20. ) which we conteine vnderthe name of the olde and newe Testament (Hebr. 8. ) deliuered by theProphets and Apostles (Ephe 2. 20) by the singular and infinite goodnesseof God, presented euer vnto this day and to be preserued here after alwayesin the Church (Matth 28. Last verse. Psal 71. 18. 1 Cor 11. 26. )

Therefore we render thankes vnto our most gratious and Almighty God fromour soule, and from our whole heart, because that euen vnto vs beingseparated an huge distance from the rest of the body of his Church, andinhabiting the farthest parts of the world, hee would that this lightgraunted for the reuelation of the Gentiles, and prepared before the faceof all people, and in olde time fauourably shewed to holy Simeon (for inChrist are all the treasures of wisedome hidden) which now doeth enlightenand cherish with the sauing beames thereof our whole nation, that hee would(I say) this light should come vnto vs. This in briefe (running ouer thevery summe) is our faith, and our Religion, which by the direction of theholy Spirt and of his Ministers in the vineyard of Christ, we haue drawenand that out of the fountaines of Isræl. 

[Sidenote: Kranzius] In the yeere of our Lord 1070. Saw the Ilanders conuerted vnto Christ, &c. 

It is doubtful vnto vs whether in these words Kranzius would haue said, that the Islanders were first conuerted vnto Christ in the yeere of ourLord 1070. Or whether he doth not deny that they were indeed beforeconuerted, but saith that it was knowne first vnto Adalbert that yeere. [Sidenote: The most ancient Chronicles of Island. ] But whethersoeuer ofthese he affirmeth: notwithstanding the yeerely records, and most auncientChronicles of our nation testifying the contrary do make his credite to besuspected in this place, vnto which records and Chronicles, whether you hadrather giue assent concerning our owne proper and domesbcal affaires, donewithin the bounds of our Island, or to Krantzaus or any other beingignorant in the story of our countrey, I appeale (friendly reader) vntoyour owne discretion. For my part I am enforced by many reasons to agreerather vnto our owne writers. For our countreymen affirme those thingsonely that be knowen, and in a maner domesticall he writeth mattersforreine and vnknowen they haue compiled their histories without thediffaming, disgracing or reprehending of any other nations, onely that theymight assigne vnto their owne acts and exploits the true time or agethereof: he hath intermedled in his historie certaine things contrary tothe trueth, and that to the vpbraiding of our nation being most vnknowenvnto him, as it shall immediatly appeare: they describe the names, yeres, order, succession of all the Bishops of Island: he mentioneth onely one, and that farre otherwise then the trueth. Furthermore that I may make goodthe credite of our Countreymen, I wil impart with strangers a fewe thingswhich I found in our most ancient records of the conuersion of Island vntoChrist, and of the succession of Bishops in our Churches. Which althoughthey be of litle moment, and not altogether worthy to be written, yet mustthey of necessitie bee set downe for the defence of the trueth of ouraffaires against Krantzius and others: thus therefore standeth thecertaintie thereof. 

[Sidenote: Island first inhabited. ] In the yeere of Christ 874. Island(being indeed discouered before that time, as is aboue mentioned) was thenfirst of all inhabited by certaine Noruagians. Their chiefetaine was oneIngulphus from whose name the East cape of Island is called Ingulffshoffdi. These planters are reckoned vp by name in our recordes more then tothe number of 400 together with those of their blood and kinred, and greatfamilies besides neither onely is their number described, but it is alsoplainely set downe, what coasts, what shores, and what inland places echeof them did occupie and inhabite, and what names the first inhabitants didgiue vnto Streights, bayes, harboroughs, necklands, creekes, capes, rockes, cragges, mountaines, hilles, valleys, homockes, springs, floods, riuers. And to be short, what names they gaue vnto their graunges or houses, whereof many at this day are reteined and vsed. Therefore the Norwayes withtheir company peopled all the habitable parts of Island now occupied bythem for the space of 60. Yeeres or thereabout but they remayned Ethnickesalmost 100. Yeres, except a very fewe which were baptised in Norwaie. Butscarce a 100. Yeres from their first entrance being past, presentlyChristian religion began to be considered vpon, namely about the yeere ofour Lord 974. Which thing aboue 20. Yeres together, was diuersly attemptedof many not without notable rebellion: amongst the rest there are mentionedtwo outlandish Bishops, who with others diligently laboured in conuertingthe Island to Christian faith: [Sidenote: Saxo, the first preacher of theChristian faith in Island. Anno Domini 981. ] the former was one Fridericusa Saxon borne, who in the yeere 981. Came into Island, and behaued himselfecouragiously in the office of preaching, and preuailed so much, that in theyeere 984. Churches were vsed in Island. 

But the other outlandish Bishop or preacher whom they called Thangbrandtcame first into Island in the yeere 997. 

[Sidenote: Anno Domini 1000. ] And then after 26. Yeeres consulting aboutReligion, at length in the yeere 1000, it was decreed in a generallassembly of all the inhabitants by their whole consent, that the worship ofheathenish Idoles being abandoned, they should embrace Christian Religion. 

Againe, in the yeere 1050, it was decreed in a solemne assembly of theinhabitants, that temporall or politique lawes (the constitutions whereofbeing brought out of Norwaie were communicated vnto the Islanders by oneVlfliot in the yeere 926. ) should euery where giue place to the Canon ordiuine Lawe. 

In the yere 1056. One Isleif went beyond the seas out of Island to beconsecrated bishop of Island. 

He came home consecrated into Island, and entred into the bishopricke ofScalholt in the yeere 1057. He died 1080. In the yeere of his age 74. The4. Of the Kalends of Iuly. 

These things perhaps wil seeme trifling, short and base, not sufficientlyworthy to be mentioned, together with many other matters which follow: butneither doe wee compile the Romane history, neither yet shall these thingsbe so trifling, but that they may be of sufficient force to conuince theerrours of Krantzius and others, according to our purpose. [Sidenote: Anotable testimonie of Saxo concerning the Islanders. ] And vndoubtedly astouching the trueth of our histories, it is euident that Saxo Grammaticusattributeth very much vnto them: whose words in his preface of Denmarke bethese: Neither is the diligence of the Thylenses (for so he callethIslanders) to be smothered in silence: who when as by reason of the natiuebarrennes of their soile, wanting nourishments of riot, they do exercisethe duties of continuall sobrietie, and vse to bestow all the time of theirlife in the knowledge of other men's exploits they supply their want bytheir wit. For they esteeme it a pleasure to know and commit vnto memorythe famous acts of other nations, reckoning it no lesse praiseworthy todiscourse of other mens vertues, then to practise their owne. Whosetreasures replenished with the monuments of historical matters, I morecuriously searching into, haue compiled no smal part of this present workeby following of their relation neither despised I to haue those men for myiudges, whom I knew to be skilful in so great knowledge of antiquitie. Thusfarre Saxo. 

Wherefore I thinke it not amisse to proceede in the recitall of the Bishopsof Island, that the order and descent of them all, being so farre foorth asis possible, diligently put together out of our yeerely records, may makegood that which we haue alledged against Krantzius concerning Isleif thefirst Bishop of Island. 

CATALOGUS CHRONOLOGICUS EPISCOPORUM ISLANDIÆ. 

Anno Episcopi SchalholtensesChristi I. Isleif. 1056 Ordinatur peregrè. 1057 Redit et Schalholtensem cathedram adit1080 Anno ætat 74. Moritur 4. Kalend. Iul. 

 II. Gysserus. 1082 Ordinatur peregrè, 1083 Redit in Islandiam cum Episopatu. 1118 Moritur 5. Kalend. Maias qui fuit dies Martis. 

 III. Thorlacus Runolphi. F. Annoætatis Ordinatur eodem anno, quo prædecessor. 32: Gysserus vita excessit, sed tamen ante illius obitum 30. Die1133 Moritur. 

 IV. Magnus1134 Ordinatur. 1148 Postridiè festi omnium Sanctorum in villa sacerdotali Hittardal comuiuans, coenaculo fulmine percusso, cum viris 70. Flammis absumptus est. 

 V. Klaingus. 1151 Eligitur. 1152 Cathedram adit. 1176 Moritur. 

 VI. Thorlacus. Eligitur biennio ante obit, prædecessoris1178 Ordinatur. 1193 Moritur. 

 VII. Paulus. 1195 Ordinatur. 1211 Moritur. 

 VIII. Magnus. 1216 Ordinatur. 

 IX. Siguardus. 1239 Cathedram adit. 1268 Moritur. 

 X. Arnerus. 1269 Cathedram adit. 1298 Moritur. 

 XI. Arnerus Helgonis F. 1304 Ordinatur. 1305 Cathedram adit. 1309 In Noruagiam abit ligna à rege Noruagiæ petiturus, quibus templum Schalholtense reædificaretur, quod eodem anno fulmine tactum conflagrarat. 1310 Redit ex intinere. 1320 Moritur. 

 XII. Ionas Haldorus. 1321 Eligitur. 1322 Ordinatur Kal. Augusti. 1323 Cathedram adit. 1338 Moritur. 

 XIII. Ionas Indridi F. Roruages1339 Cathedram adit. 1341 Moritur. 

 XIV. Ionas Siguardi F. 1343 Cathedram adit. 1348 Moritur pridiè Diui Magni. 

 XV. Gyrthus. 1349 Ordinatus Asloiæ Noruagorum, ab Episcopo Asloensi Salomone. 1356 Abiens peregrè fluctibus vitam finit. 

 XVI. Thorarinnus. 1362 Cathedram adit. 1364 Moritur. 

 XVII. Oddgeirus. 1366 Cathedram adit. 

1381 Moritur in assumpt. Beatæ virginis, in portu Noruagiæ Burgensi, è mercium aceruo in imum nauis delapsus. Sepultus Bergis in æde Saluatoris. 

 XVIII. Michaël Danus. 1385 Cathedral adit. 1388 Resignat profectus in Daniam. 

 XIX. Wilhelmus Danus. 1394 Cathedram adit. Moritur. 

 XX. Arnerus. Hic cognomento fuit Milldur. I. Liberalis. Gessit vna pæfecturam Islandiæ tertius: Episcopatum Schalholtens. & vice Episcopatum Holensem. 1420 Obijt. 

 XXI. Ionas Gerichso. 

1432 Suecus siue cognomento siue natione præest Ecclesiæ Schalholtensi: ac posteà ob quædam nimis audacter tentata, à quodam Thorualdo de Modruvallum (vt fama est) captus, & aligato ad collum saxo in amne Schalholtensi, qui à ponte nomen habet, viuus submersus & strangulatus est. 

 XXII. Gosuinus. 1445 Præest Ecclesiæ Schalholtensi. 

 XXIII. Sueno. 1472 Dictus sapiens præest. 

 XXIV. Magnus Riolphi F. 1489 Præest. 

 XXV. Stephanus. 1494 Cathedram adit. Deinde Godtschalco episcopo Holensi, qui crudelis nomen meritus esse videtur, Synchronos similem cum illo clementiæ & iusticiæ laudem reportauit. 1519 Moritur: aut circiter. 

 XXVI. Augmundus. Eligitur anno obitus Stephani1522 Cathedram adit. Hoc episcopo, prefectus regius cum comitibus aliquot Scalhotiam inuitatus, in ipso conuiuio à coniuram quibusdam interfectus est, eò quòd impiè passim in incolas & bona ipsorum grassatus esset. Augmundus vcro tanquam istius cædis author, quanquam se iuramento purgarat in Daniam transuectus, Obijt. 

 XXVII. Gysserus. 1540 Eligitur viuente Augmundo1541 Cathedram adit, Papisticarum traditionum abrogator circa coniugium1544 sacerdotum: Eius nuptiæ Schalholtiæ celebratæ. 

 XXVIII. Martinus. 1547 Præest, & sequentibus. 

 XXIX. Gislaus Ionas. 

 Hic statim, Augmundo episcopo, coepit iuuenis veræ pietatis & purioris doctrinæ Euangelicæ studio, & amore flagrare, eandemque pastor ecclesiæ Sclardalemsis diligenter propagare, qua ratione Pontificiorum odium adeò in se deriuauit, vt illorum insidijs ac rabiei cedere coactus, Hamburgum se contulerit, vnde Haffniam Danorum profectus, in coepto veræ Theologiæ studio strenuè pergens, in multorum, præcipuè verò in summa D. D. Petri Palladu tum temporis Episcopi, familiaritate et gratia viuebat. 1556 Postea, inde in patriam reuerso, Martinus sponte cessit. 

1587 Moritur et hic 31. Annos plus minus Euangelium Iesu Christi professus: nec tantum viua voce, sed et quocunque demum potuit modo, docendo, dicendo, scribendo, re et consilio Ecclesiam Dei iuuit et promouit. 

 XXX. Otto Knerus Vir grauis, pius et eruditus. 1588 Electus abit patria. 1589 Ordinatur. Redit et cathedram adit, susceptique muneris labores aggreditur. 

 * * * * *

Anno Episcopi Holenses. Christi

 I. Ionas Augmundi F. Isleifi discipulus. 1106 Ordinatur peregrè: anno ætat. 64. Cognomentum illi, sanctus: curus memoriæ dies 3. Martij, apud Islandos est antiquitùs dicatus. 1121 Moritur 11. Kalend. Maias. 

 II. Ketillus siue Catullus. 1122 Ordinatur. 1145 Moritur. 

 III. Biorno. 1147 Ordinatus venit in Islandiam. 1162 Moritur. 

 IV. Brandus. 1163 Ordinatur. 1165 Cathedram adit. 1201 Moritur. 

 V. Gudmundus, cognomento Bonus. 1203 Eligitur et ordinatur. 1237 Moritur. 

 VI. Botolphus. 1239 Redit ordinatus. 1246 Moritur. 

 VII. Henricus. 1247 Cathedram adit. 1260 Moritur. 

 VIII. Brandus. 1262 Abbas peregrè abit. 1263 Cathedram adit. 1264 Moritur. 

 IX. Iorundus. 1267 Cathedram adit. 1313 Moritur. 

 X. Audunnus. 1314 Cathedram adit. 1322 Moritur. 

 XI. Laurentius. 1324 Eligitur & ordinatur. 1331 Moritur Idib. April. 

 XII. Egillus. 1332 Cathedram adit. 1341 Moritur. 

 XIII. Ormus. 1343 Cathedram adit. 1355 Moritur in festo omnium Sanctorum. 

 XIV. Ionas Erici F. _cognomento_ Skalle

1358 Cathedram Holensem aditurus venit in Islandiam. Hic Ionas, olim inGrondlandiæ Episcopatum Gronlandis ordinatus, à Pontifice RomanoEpiscopus impetrauit, vt liceret sibi Episcopatum Holensem adire, qui1356 tunc temporis vacabat. Vnde cum confirmationem huius dignitatis ac munerus, à Pontifice acceptam, veniens non proferret, apud Presbyteros dioecesis Holensis, suspectæ fidet esse coepit. Quare abijsdem in Noruagiam relegæus est, vt ea res arbitrio Regis componeretur. Rege igitur ipsius partibus fauente Cathedram Holensem obitnuit. 1391 Moritur. 

 XV. Petrus. Ordinatur, quo anno prædecessor rebus mortalium exemptus est. 1392 Cathedram adit Holensem. Moritur. 

 XVI. Ionas Wilhelmus. 1432 Anglus, siue genere, siue cognomine, præfuit Ecclcsiæ Holensi. 

 XVII. Godschalcus. 1457 Moritur. 

 XVIII. Olaus Rogwaldi F. 

1458 Prædicti Godschalchi ex sorore nepos, vterque Noruagus, eligitur. 1497 Moritur. 

 XIX. Godschalcus. De mortus Olai nepos ex fratre, et ille Noruagus, eligitur eodem anno quo patruus decessit. 

1500 Cathedram adit, ac per totos 20. Annos multos ex subditis duriter exercuisse fertur. Anno 1520. Cum inter pocula et voluptates conuiuales versaretur audirétque obijsse Ionam Sigismundum, quem cum vxore et liberis multos annos crudelissimè vexauerat, in subitum morbum repentè incidit, et sic paulò post, eam, qua in tota vita in miseros subditos vsus est vim cum miserabili morte commutauit. 

 XX. Ionas Aræsonius. 1525 Cathedram adit: etiam hic papisticarum superstitionum vltimus et acerrimus assertor. Qui, cum Gyssero et Martino episcopus Schalhotiæ acriter resisteret, à pientiss. Rege Christiano1548 tertio iubetur sub poena exilij protinus in Daniam aduentare. 1550 Sed hoc neglecto, captum Martinum Schalholtiæ Episcopum custodiæ mandauit. Tandem et ipse à viro quodam magni nominis, quem prius vt fertur, lacessiuerat, captus, ac Schalholtiam adductus, ibidem cum filijs duobus, authoritate regij præfecti, capitis1551 supplicio affectus est. In cuius vltionem, non multò post præfectus ille regius, cum socijs aliquot, à quibusdam sicarijs, decollatorum olim famulis, nefarie occisus est. 

 XXI. Olaus Bialterus. 1552 Abit patria. 1553 Cathderam adit. Hic primus sincerioris doctrinæ apud Holenses amorem in multorum animis, etiam adhuc prædecessoris sui collega, accendit: Deinde eandem doctrinam Episcopus apertius docuit et propugnauit. 1568 Moritur. 

 XXII. Gudbrandus Thorlacius. Ille non modò suæ ætatis, sed et posterntatis ornamentum. Qui præterquam quod inchoatum opus à prædecessore Olao sibi relictum ducente S. S. Optimè ad eam, quam dedit Deus perfectionem, deduxit, (dico labores et diligentiam in asserenda veritate Euangelica, et papisticis superstitionibus abrogandis) etiam in hac patria sua officinam Typographicam primus Islandorum aperuit. Cui idcirco patria inter libros complures in linguam vernaculam translatos, etiam sacrosancta Biblia, elegantissimis typis Islandica lingua in officna ipsius excusa, in æternum debebit. Hic inquam Episcopus præsens, officium suscepturus. 1570 Abijt. 1571 Redit Cathedram Holensem ingreditur. 

The same in English. 

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF THE BlSHOPS OF ISLAND. 

The Bishops of Schalholt. In the yeere of Christ I. Isleif. Consecrated beyond the seas. 1056Returneth and entereth the Bishops sea of Schalholt. 1057Dieth in the yere of his age 74. The 4. Of the 1080 Kalends of Iuly. 

 II. Gysserus. Consecrated beyond the sea. 1082Returneth into Island with his Bishopricke. 1083Dieth the 5. Of the Kal. Of May being tuesday. 1118

 III. Thorlacus sonne of Runulphus. Consecrated the same yeere, wherein his predecessor. In the year Gysserus deceased, but yet 30. Dayes before of his age 32 his death. Dieth. 1133

 IV. Magnus. Consecrated. 1134On the morrowe after the feast of all Saints, in his 1148 parish towne of Hiitardal, the house being striken with lightning, hee, and 70. Men with him were consumed with fire. 

 V. Klaingus. Chosen. 1151Entreth the see. 1152Dieth. 1176

 VI. Thorlacus. Chosen two yeres before the death of his predecessour. Consecrated. 1178Dieth. 1193

 VII. Paulus. Consecrated. 1195Dieth. 1211

 VIII. Magnus. Consecrated. 1216

 IX. Siguardus. Entreth his see. 1239Dieth. 1268

 X. Arnerus. Entreth his see. 1269Dieth. 1298

 XI. Arnerus sonne of Helgo. Consecrated. 1304Entreth the see. 1305Saileth into Norwaie, to craue timber of the king of Norway, 1309 wherewith the Church of Schalholt might be reedified, which the same yere being toucht with lightning, was burnt downe. 

Returneth home. 1310Dieth. 1320

 XII. Ionas HaldorusElected. 1321Consecrated the first of August. 1322Entreth his see. 1323Dieth. 1338

 XIII. Ionas, sonne of Indred, a Noruagian borne. Entreth his see. 1339Dieth. 1341

 XIV. Ionas sonne of Siguardus. Entreth his see. 1343Dieth on S. Magnus euen. 1348

 XV. Gyrthus. Consecrated at Aslo in Norway by Salomon bishop of Aslo. 1349Going beyond the seas he was drowned. 1356

 XVI. Thorarinnus. Entreth his see. 1362Dieth. 1364

 XVII. Oddgeirus. Entreth his see. 1366Dieth vpon the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin, in the port of 1381 Bergen in Norway, falling downe from a packe of wares into the botome of the ship. He was buried at Bergen in the Church of our Sauiour. 

 XVIII. Michael a Dane. Entreth his see. 1385Resigneth, and saileth into Denmarke. 1388

 XIX. William a Dane. Entereth the Bishopricke. 1394Dieth. 

 XX. Arnerus. Arnerus sirnamed Mildur, that is to say Liberall. He was at one time Lord President of all Island, bishop of Schalholt, and vicebishop of Holen. He died. 1420

 XXI. Ionas Gerichson. Sueden either sirnamed or borne is made Bishop ouer the Church of 1432 Schalholt and afterward for certaine bolde attempts being taken by one Thorualdus de Modruuollum (as it is reported) and a great stone being bound to his necke, hee was cast aliue into the riuer of Schalholt, (which taketh name of the bridge) and was there strangled. 

 XXII. Goswinus. Bishop of Schalholt. 1445

 XXIII. Sueno. Called the wise, bishop of Schalholt. 1472

 XXIV. Magnus sonne of Riolphus. Bishop &c. 1489

 XXV. Stephen. 

Entreth the See. Then (liuing at one time with Godschalchus bishop 1494 of Holen, who seemed worthy to be sirnamed cruel) he had the same commendations for mercy and iustice, that Godschalchus had. He died: or thereabout. 1519

 XXVI. Augmundus. 

Chosen in the yeere wherein Stephen deceased. Entreth the see. 1522While he was Bishop, the kings Lieutenant with some of his followers being inuited to Schalholt, in the time of the banquet was slaine by certaine conspirators because hee had in all places wickedly wasted the inhabitants and their goods. But Augmundus as the authour of that murther (although he purged himselfe with an othe) being transported into Denmarke there ended his life. 

 XXVII. Gysserus. Elected, Augmundus yet liuing. 1540Entred the see. 1541He was the abolisher of Popish traditions about Priests marriages: his owne marriage being solemnized at Schalholt. 1544

 XXVIII. Martinus. Bishop &c. And the yeeres following. 1547

 XXIX. Gislaus Ionas. This man presently, in the time of bishop Augmund began in his youth to be enflamed with the loue of true pietie, & of the pure doctrine of the Gospel, & being pastour of the Church of Selardal, diligently to aduance the same, by which meanes he did so procure vnto himselfe the hatred of Papists, as being constreined to giue place vnto their craft & crueltie, he departed ouer to Hamburg, from whence comming to Copen Hagen in Denmarke & painefully proceeding in his former study of diuintie, he liued in the familiaritie, and fauour of many, but specially of D. D. Peter Palladius: who was at that time bishop there. Afterward returning into his countrey, Martine gaue place 1556 vnto him of his owne accord. This man died also, hauing for the 1587 space of 31. Years or there abouts, professed the Gospel of Iesus Christ: neither did he helpe & further the Church of God by the sound of his voice much, but by all other meanes to the vtmost of his abilities, by teaching, preaching, writing, by his wealth & his counsel. 

 XXX. Otto Knerus. A graue, godly, and learned man. Being Chosen he departeth his 1588 country. Hee is consecrated returneth, and entreth the sea, 1589 endeuouring himselfe in the labours of his function. 

 * * * * *

The Bishops of Holen In the yeere of Christ

 I. Ionas sonne of Augrnundus. Isleif his disciple. 1106Consecrated beyonde the seas in the yeere of his age 64, his surname was Sanctus, vnto whose memorie the 3. Of March was by the inhabitants in old time dedicated. Dieth the 11. Of the Kalends of May. 1121

 II. Ketillus or Catullus. Consecrated. 1121Dieth. 1145

 III. Biorno. Being consecrated came into Island. 1147Dieth. 1162

 IV. Brandus. Consecrated 1163Entreth his Episcopall see. 1165Dieth. 1201

 V. Gudmundus sirnamed Bonus. Elected and consecrated. 1203Dieth. 1237

 VI. Botolphus. Returneth consecrated. 1239Dieth. 1246

 VII. Henricus. Entreth the see. 1247Dieth. 1260

 VIII. Brandus an Abbat. Goeth beyond the seas. 1262Entreth the Bishopricke. 1263Dieth. 1264

 IX. Iorundus. Entreth his see. 1267Dieth. 1313

 X. Audunnus. Entreth his see. 1314Dieth. 1322

 XI. Laurentinus. Elected and consecrated. 1324Dieth in the Ides of April 1331

 XII. Egillus. Entreth his see. 1332Dieth. 1341

 XIII. Ormus. Entreth his see. 1343Dieth vpon the feast of all Saints. 1355

 XIV. Ionas Sonne of Ericus, sirnamed Skalle. 

Being to enter his sea of Holen came into Island. This Ionas 1358 being before time consecrated bishop of Gronland, obteined A Bishop licence of the bishop of Rome to enter the See of Holen, which Gronland was at that time vacant. Whereupon comming and not bringing 1356 with him the confirmation of this dignitie and function, receiued from the Pope hee began to be suspected among the priests of the diocesse of Holen. Wherefore he was sent backe by them into Norway that the matter might bee set through by the iudgement of the king. The king therefore fauouring his part, he obteined the bishopricke of Holen. He dieth. 1391

 XV. Peter. Consecrated the same yeere wherein his predecessour departed out of this present life. Entreth the see of Holen. 1392Dieth

 XVI. Ionas Wilhelmus. An Englishman Bishop ofEnglish, either borne or sirnamed. Island. Entred the see. 1432

 XVII. Godschalcus. Died. 1457

 XVIII. Olaus. 

Son of Rogwaldus nephew to the forenamed Godschalcus by the sisters side, both of them being Norwayes. He was established. 1458He died. 1497

 XIX. Godschalcus. 

The nephewe of Olaus deceased, by the brothers side: also hee being a Noruagian was elected the same yeere wherein his vncle deceased. He entreth the see. And for the space of 20. Whole yeres is 1500 reported cruelly to haue entreated many of the subiects. In the yeere 1520. When he was in the midst of his cups, and banquetting dishes, and heard that Ionas Sigismundus was departed out of this life (whom with his wife and children, he had for many yeres most cruelly oppressed) he presently fell into a sudden disease, and so not long after changed that violence for miserable death, which in his whole life he had vsed against his distressed subiects. 

 XX. Ionas Aræsonius. Entreth the see. 1525This man was the last and most earnest mainteiner of Popish superstitions. Who stoutely withstanding Gysserus and Martinus bishops of Schalholt, was commanded by the most religious king Christian the 3. Vnder paine of banishment to come with all speed into Denmarke. But neglecting the king's commaundement, hee tooke Martine bishop of Schalholt, and committed him to ward. At length he himselfe also being taken by a man of great name (whom before that time, it is saide, he had prouoked) and being brought to Schalholt, was, together with his two sonnes, by the authoritie of the kings Lieutenant beheaded. In reuenge 1551 whereof not long after, the saide Lieu-tenant with some of his company, was villanously slaine by certaine roysters, which were once seruants to the parties beheaded. 

 XXI. Olaus Walterus. Departed his countrey. 1552Entreth the see. 1553

This man (being as yet in the life time of his predecessour fellow-labourer with him) was the first that kindled the loue of sincere doctrine at Holen in the hearts of many: and then being bishop did openly teache and defend the said doctrine. He died. 1568

 XXII. Gudbrandus Thorlacius. The ornament, not onely of his age, but of posteritie also who besides that, by the direction of the holy spirit, he hath most notably brought the worke begunne, and left vnto him by his predecessour Olaus to that perfection which it hath pleased God to vouchsafe: (namely his labours and diligence in maintayning the trueth of the Gospel, and in abolishing of Popish superstitions) euen in this his countrey hee is the first that hath established a Printing house. For which cause his countrey (besides, for many other books translated into our mother tongue) shalbe eternally bounded vnto him, that the sacred Bible also, by his meanes, is fairely printed in the language of Island. (I say) being at this present, Hee Bishop, when he was about to take his charge:Departed his countrey. 1570Returned and entred the see of Holen. 1571

Circa hæc igitur tempora mentibus nostris è coelo redditta lux est, etregni coelestis ianua per sinceriorem doctrinæ Christianæ expositionemreserata. Nam et Schola triuialis in vtraque sede Episcopali, laudatissimiRegis Daniæ Christiani tertij munificentia et pietate, circa annum 1553. Fundata est: ac subinde patris Christianissimi eximiam pietatem imitantefilio, Diuo Friderico secundo rege nostro sanctissimo, Anno 1588. Adcoelestem patriam euocato, aucta et promota: quæ etiam hodiè, clementissimiregis et principis nostri, Christiani 4. Fauore et nutu viget floretque: inqua iuuentus nostræ Insulæ, artium dicendi et sacræ Theologiæ rudimentisimbuta, ad scientiam et veram pietatem formatur, vt hinc ministriEcclesiarum petantur. 

Peruenimus tandem ad hodiernum vsque diem in Episcoporum Islandiæ catalogo:quo prædicti viri clarissimi Dom. Gudbrandus Thorlacius, et Dom. OttoEnerus ille Holis, hic Schalholtiæ Ecclesiarum sunt antistites: quorumvtrumque, vt Deus opt. Max. Ecclesiæ suæ saluum et superstitem, proptergloriam nominis sui sanctissimi, diu conseruare velit, omnes seriò etardentibus votis flagitamus. 

The same in English. 

In these times therefore light is restored vnto our soules from heauen, andthe gate of the kingdome of heauen is opened vnto vs by the sincerepreaching of Christian doctrine. For in either of the Bishops seats thereis a free schoole founded by the liberality and pietie of that mostrenoumed King of Denmarke Christian the third: and afterward the sonnefollowing the godly steppes of his most Christian father, the said Freeschooles by Lord Friderick the second, our most religious King, beingcalled vp to his heauenly countrey in the yeare 1588, haue beene encreasedand furthered: which at this day also doe prosper and flourish by thefauour and authoritie of the most gracious King and our Prince, Christianthe fourth, wherein the youth of our Islande being instructed in therudiments of liberall artes, and sacred diuinitie, are trained vp toknowledge and true godlinesse, that from hence ministers of Churches mayproceede. 

We are come at length in the register of the Bishops of Island downe tothis present day, wherein the forenamed excellent men GudbrandusThorlacius, and Otto Enerus, the one at Holen, and the other at Schalholtare Bishops of our Cathedrall Churches both of which men, that it wouldplease God long to preserue vnto his Church in health and life, for theglorie of his most holy name, we all doe earnestly and with feruent prayersbeseech him. 

SECTIO SECVNDA. 

[Sidenote: Must. Krantz. Frisius. ] Specus habitant plerùmque, aut ad montium latera in excauatis mansiunculis. Et mox: Templa habent multa et domos ex ossibus piscium et balenarum constructas. Item: Multi etiam ad pellendam frigoris asperitatem in cauernis latitant, quemadmodum Africani ad solis æstum vitandum. Item Munsterus. Multi in Islandia hodie costis et ossibus balenarum, domos suas construunt, &c. 

Hic membrum secundum initium sumit, de incolarum viuendi ratione etmoribus. Et primùm, quibus vtantur, edificijs seu domibus: nempè secundumMunsterum, Krantzium, Frisium, &c. Specubus et montium cauernis. Quamuisautem in splendidis ædificijs, alijsque id genus mundani ornatus pretiosisrebus parum inest, quod ad verè beatam vitam conferre queat, tamen nec hîcveritatem tacere possumus: dicimúsque omnino Cosmographos et Historicos inerrore etiam hîc versari. Etenim, cuiusmodi gentis publica domicilia essescribunt, ea sunt tantùm in paucis locis, tum magalia, vt opilionum, tumpiscatorum casæ et receptacula, eo tantum anni tempore quo piscaturæ operamdare, aut propter gregem excubare opus habent. [Sidenote: Negotiatio cumNoruagis desijt. Sylua fluctibus maris delatæ. ] At ipsas domus, seu ipsahominum domicilia, antiquitus quidem satis magnificè et sumptuosè, quoadhuius terræ fert conditio, ligno, cespite et saxis habuerunt Islandiconstructa, vsque ad illud tempus, quo illis cum Noruagis, qui lignasufficiebant, negociatio, et mercium commutatio esse desijt, quæ indepaulatim collabi incipiunt: Cum nec syluas ædificijs aptas habeamus, necfluctuum maris beneficio iam vt olim ad littora, quod minima ex partesufficiat, adferatur: Nec mercatores extranei inopiæ nostræ succurrant. Vnde plurima rura ignobiliora ab antiqua illa integritate multumdeclinarunt, et iam quædam collapsa sunt, quædam ruinam minantur. Nihilominus multa sunt prædia, multæ villæ, quas haud facile recensuero, quarum ædificia veterem illam excellentiam imitantur, et quarum domus suntmaximæ, et latæ et longæ, tum plærúmque benè altæ. Vt exempli gratia. Prædia seu villæ, quæ cubilia habent plusquam 50. Cubitos longa, 10. Lata, alta 20. Tum reliquas domus, vt coenaculum, hypocaustum, penuarium &c. Huicsua proportione respondentes. Possum multa nostratium ædificia ampla etvasta, nec in speciem deformia, nec ob artis structuram et sumptuosamfirmitudinem, seu robur, contemnenda cum aliquot delubris, siue sacrisædibus, solis lignis, antiqua et operosa grauitate et pulchritudineextructis commemorare: Cuiusmodi est templum Cathedrale Holense atriumhabens, cuius columnæ vtrinque quinque vlnas 14. Altæ, 5. Circiter crassæ:tum trabes ac tigna, et reliquum culmen, huic substructioniproportionaliter respondens. Ligna ad hoc ipsum atrium Anno 1584. Horrendatempestate collapsum, clementissimus Rex noster D. Fridericus cuius nobissacratissima est memoria, Anno 1588. Benignissimè largitus est. Ipsum veròtemplum atrium suum omni quantitate manifeste excedit: tum templi intimapars quæ chorus appellari solet, et templi meditullio, et atrio magnitudinenonnihil cedit. Erat autem hoc longè maius olim, vt accepi Schalholtense, quod iam bis concrematum, ad inferiorem magnitudinem redactum est. Prætereàaliquot alia templa nostræ Insulæ horum antiquam magnificentiam imitantialicet non æquintia. Sed hic nequaquam res exigere videtur, vt inprolixiorem eius rei descriptionem euager. Vt enim Domus et edificia nostranihil depredicamus: ita eorundem nos nihil pudet, quòd contenti paupertatenostra Christo gratias immortales agamus, qui à nobis vili tecto nondedignatur recipi, quòdque templa et domus nostras quas Munsterus Krantziuset Frisius piscium et balenarum ossibus non verè dicunt extructas, nonaspernetur magis, quàm illa extraneorum culmina marmorea, parietesvermiculatos pauimenta tesselata reliquùmque id genus ornamenti. 

The same in English. 

THE SECOND SECTION. 

[Sidenote: Munsterus. Krantzius. Frisius. ] They inhabite for the most part in caues, or hollowe places within the sides of mountaines. And againe, They haue many houses and Churches built with the bones of fishes, and Whales. Againe. Many of them also to auoide the extremitie of colde, doe keepe themselues close in their caues, euen as the people of Africa doe to auoyde the heate of the sunne. Also Munster sayth: Many in Island at this day build their houses with the ribbes and bones of Whales. 

Here the second member taketh his beginning concerning the course of life, and the manners of the inhabitants. And first of all what buildings orhouses they doe vse namely according to Munster, Krantinus, Frisius &c. Holes and caues of mountaines. But although in gorgeous buildings, and suchother worldly braueries there is very little helpe to the attayning of alife truely happie: notwithstanding, wee can not in this place conceale thetruth and we plainly affirme that Cosmographers and Historiographers alsodoe erre in this point. For such habitations as they write to be commonvnto the whole nation, are but in verie fewe places, and are eithersheepe-cots for shepheards, or cottages and receptacles for fishermen atthat time of the yeere onely when they goe a fishing, and the others standein neede to watch their flocke. [Sidenote: Traffike with the people ofNorway ceaseth. ] But for their houses themselues, and the verie dwellingplaces of men, the Islanders haue had them built from auncient time statelyand sumptuously enough, according to the condition of the Countrey, withtimber, stones, and turfes, vntill such time as traffike and exchange ofwares beganne to cease betweene them and the Noruagians, who were wont tosupply them with timber, and for that cause nowe our houses beginne todecay whenas neither we haue woods of conuenient for building, [Sidenote:Drift wood not so plentifull now as in times past] nor yet there are nowe adayes, as there were in olde time, trees cast vpon our shores by thebenefite of the sea, which may in any sort relieue vs: neither doeoutlandish Merchants succour our neccessities; whereupon many of ourmeanest countrey villages are much decayed from their auncicnt integritie, some whereof be fallen to the ground, and others bee very ruinous. Notwithstanding there be many farmes and villages which I cannot easilyreckon vp, the buildings whereof doe resemble that auncient excellencie, the houses being verie large both in breadth and length, and for the mostpart in height also As for example farmes or granges which conteinechambers in them, more than fiftie cubites in length, tenne in breadth, andtwentie in height. And so other roomes, as a parler, a stoue, a butterie, &c. Answering in proportion vnto the former. I could here name many of ourcountrey buildings both large and wide neither ilfauoured in shewe, norbase in regarde of their workemanship and costly firmenesse or strength, with certaine Churches also, or religious houses, built of timber onely, according to auncient and artificiall seemelinesse and beautie: as theCathedrall Church of Holen hauing a bodie the fiue pillars whereof on bothsides be foure elnes high, and about fiue elnes thicke, as also beames andweather-bourdes, and the rest of the roofe proportionally answering to thislower building. Our most gracious King Lord Frederick, whose memory is mostsacred vnto vs, in the yere 1588. Did most liberally bestowe timber for thereedifying of this body being cast downe in the yere 1584. By an horribletempest. But the Church it selfe doth manifestlie exceed the body thereofin all quantity: also the inner part of the Church, which is commonlycalled the quier is somwhat lesse, both then the middle part of the Church, and also then the bodie. 

The Church of Schalholt was farre greater as I haue heard in olde time, then this our Cathedrall, which hauing now beene twise burnt, is brought toa lesser scantling. Likewise there be some other Churches of our Island, although not matching, yet resembling the auncient magnificence of these. But here the matter seemeth not to require that I shoulde runne into a longdescription of these things. For as wee doe not greatly extoll our housesand buildings, so are we nothing ashamed of them, because being contentwith our pouertie, we render vnto Christ immortall prayse who despiseth notto be receiued of vs vnder a base roofe, and contemneth not our temples andhouses (which Munster, Krantzius, and Frisius doe not truely affirme to bebuilt of fishes and Whales bones) more then the marble vaults, the paintedwalles, the square pauements, and such like ornamentes of Churches andhouses in other countries. 

SECTIO TERTIA. 

[Sidenote: Munsterus Krantzius. ] Commum tecto, victu, statu, (hic Krantzius habet, strato) gaudent cum iumentis. Item: Solo pastu pecorum et nunc captura piscium victitant. 

Hæc sunt et sequentia, quæ Krantzius suo Munstero præmansa, in os ingessit, adeò vt Munstero non opus fuent ea vel semel masticare, quod ex collationevtriusque patet. Munsterus enim hæc opprobria, vt ex Krantzij in suamNoruegiam præfatione hausta deglutierat, ita eadem cruda lib. 4. Cosmographiæ capit. 8. In gentem nostram euomit. Quæ hactenus fuerunt, etsisatis grauia sunt, tolerabiliora tamen erant. Hoc verò commentummalignissimum, et quæ sequentur, non facilè est sine stomacho præterire. Nostrum igitur est, etiam hîc veritatem asserere, et mendacium in Authoriscaput retorquere. 

Tecto: Primùm igitur quod de commum tecto (vti etiam de victu et statu) cumiumentis dicunt, falsum et erroneum clamamus, teste non modò re ipsa, siquis id hodiè perquirere volet: Sed etiam multorum extraneorum, qui aliquotapud nos annos egerant, et veritati plus quam gentem nostram calumniandiaffectui tribuunt, experientia; qui ipsi domos et habitationes nostrasviderunt, et norunt in singulis prædijs seu villis, multas esse distinctasdomus: nempe in abiectissimis et vilissimis 7. Vel 8. In maioribus, nuncdecem, nunc 20. In maximis, nunc 40, nunc 50; quæ vt plurimùm, et tecto etparietibus distinctæ, vni possessori vel domino, rarò duobus aut tribus, rarissimè pluribus inseruiunt, ac vsibus quotidianis et domesticissufficiunt. Vnde facilè intelligis, Lector, quàm verè eodem tecto cumiumentis vtantur Islandi, cum singuli rustici in hac domuum varietate, peculiaria bouilia, ouilia, equitia, agnilia, debitis interuallis dissitahabeant, quæ serui, quoties opus est, petunt, vnde rursus habitationemsubinde repetunt. 

Quòd autem quidam in mappa Islandiæ de prouinca Skagefiord annotauit, subeodem tecto homines, canes, sues et oues, viuere, partim falsum, partimminimè mirandum est. De ouibus quidem, vt iam dictum est, et præcipuèsuibus (cum illa prouincia sues non habeat) falsum: De canibus haud mirum, cum illis nec regum aulæ caruerint nec hodiè careant, vt nimis omnibus estnotum. Sed de canibus paulò post Sect 7. Huius. 

Victu. An iumentorum pabula possint commodè victus appellatione contineri, meritò dubitauerim. Cùm Doletus, Ciceronis interpretem agens, dicat:Victum, inquit, cum iureconsultis, ita exponemus, vt victus verbocontineantur, quæ esui, potui, cultuique corporis, quæque ad viuendumhomini sunt necessana. Et Vlpianus, de verborum significat. Ijsdem verbisvictum definit. Hoc loco verò Authores illi, etiam iumentorum pabula, victum appellant. 

Cæterum videamus quomodo hîc eluceat veritatis et candoris præstantia. Iumenta non habemus præterquam equos et boues: His gramina et foenum (nisivbi foeni inopia obrepit) pabulum, aqua potum præbet. At hi ipsi scriptoresfatentur, Islandos piscibus, butyro, carnibus, tum bubulis, tum ouillis, etiam frumento, licet pauco et aduentitio viuere. Non igitur cibum habentcum brutis communem, quod tamen ijdem his verbis asserunt. Communi victugaudent cum iumentis: Quod quid sit Munstero, ipse paulò superius haudobscurè docuit. Islandia, innquit, populos multos continet, solo pecorumpastu, et nunc captura piscium victitantes. Quid autem est pecorum pastus, aliud, quàm pecorum cibus? ait Doletus: nisi Munsterus fortè pecorumpasium, ipsa pecora ad pastum hominum mactata appellet: cui, vt existimo, vsus Romanorum refragatur, qui, vt homines vesci, ita pecora pasci docuit:hominúmque victum pecorum autem, pastum et pabulum vocari iussit. An veròexistimem tam dementes fuisse Munsterum et Krantzium vt senserint Islandosgraminibus et foeno viuere? Quo miseriæ Nabuchodonozor, diuinæ vltionisiugum subiens redactus est Dani 4. 30. Facilè dabimus multa, quibushomines, non modò nostrates, sed vestrates quoque vescuntur, iumenta etpecora fortè non reijcere, si familiari pabulo destituantur. Vt equifrumento et panibus hordeaceis pascuntur: ijdem lac (quemadmodum etiamvituli et agni) et cereuisiam, si offeratur bibunt, et quidem auidè. Sed etcanes quævis fercula et cibaria deuorant. An idcircò quisquam dicet, homines communi victu cum canibus et iumentis gaudere?

Iam quæcunque famis grassantis tempore contigere pro vniuersali gentisalicuius consuetudine in historiam referri non debent. Vt non licet nobisde extraneis scribere huius aut illius terræ populos canum murium autfelium vsu victitare solitos, etsi fortè fame siue obsidione, siue alioquiannonas charitate inualescente immissa, id factitarint. 

Potum autem interdum esse multis cum iumentis communem non magnoperècontraibimus: nempè aquam limpidissimam, naturalem ilium potum omnibusanimantibus à Deo creatum quem etiam ex parte, medicinæ consulti comendant, imò nec patres Hebræi nec ipse Seruator noster fastidiebat. 

Ad amictum verò quod attinet, (Nam et amictum victus vocabulocomprehendimus) nequaquam hic cum iumentis communis est. Illa enim pilis etvillis natura (quod Munsterum et Krantzium nouisse iurarim) vestiuit:homines, alioqui nudi, pannis corpus induere necesse habent. Hæc indumenta, quæ quidem Islandia suppeditat, ex lanis ouium conficiuntur. Sed noncogitaram ideò recte dici, amictum esse nobis cum ouibus communem siueeundem. Vtuntur etiam extranei pannis ex ouilla lana confectis, licetartificio subtiliore. Sed de indumentis nihil: Stultum enim est, ex eolaudem vel superbam æstimationem quærere quod naturæ nostræ infirmitatemarguit. 

Statu. Restat ille status quem cum brutis habere communem dicimur. Quiqualis aut cuiusmodi sit, aut eum esse velint nostri scriptores, certè nonfacilè assequor. Status inquit Doletus est vel corporis, vel causarum velordinis et conditionis. Certè alium esse statum nostri corporis quàmiumentorum (nam præter duos pedes etiam manus habemus et corpore ac vultusursum erecto incedimus) alium item ordinem et conditionem nostram ducimus. Illi boni viri si id de se aut alijs cognitum habent fateantur. Nos hæc tamvana et in Deum creatorem nostrum tam contemptibilia irridemus, necprolixiore tractatu dignamur. 

[Sidenote: Occasi harum fabularum. ] Cæterum quia nostrum est nec amoripatriæ, nec vlli rei tantum tribuere, quin plus semper et vbique veritatilargiamur: Dicam quid sit quod huic infami scriptorum conuicio occasionemfortè dederit. 

Sunt in vicinia Schalholtiæ, ad littus Islandie australe paroechiolæ tres, inter duos rapidissimos amnes Thiorsaa et Olffwis Aa interceptæ; quæ etsyluis et cespitibus consueto gentis ad focos alendos fomite ferèdestituuntur. In istis paroechijs habitantes et si qui sint vicini, quamuisplures eorum, vt de omnibus rebus ad rem familiarem pertinentibus, itaetiam de his, quæ ad focos et balnea opus habent, sibi opportunèprospiciunt: Tamen sunt inter eos quidam sed infirma tantum sortis coloni, qui quoniam estis rebus domi destituantur, nec aliunde petere eas valeantin culinis foeno ad coquendos cibos vtuntur: Ast vbi hyemis niuosæ sævitiahorrida ingruit, coloni isti miseri ad suum bouile refugiunt illic scilicetexstructis tabulatis interidiù operas domesticas exercentes, à bobus, cumfocos habere nequeant, calorem mutuantur, quemadmodum mihi ab alijsnarratum est. Sicque illi tantùm qui sanè paucissimi sunt, communi cumbobus tecto in bruma vti quidem non gaudent, sed coguntur. Verùm victum etstatum longè alium habent, de qua re hactenus. Hæc est in istisParoechiolis quorundam sors et inopia, quorum conditio idcirco etiam apudnos fabula vulgi effecta est, quamuis non satis iustè. Vbi quo iure totigenti tribuatur, quod vix ac ne vix quidem de istis paucis colonis verùmest, libentur quæsierim? Tædet de his pluribus agere: Tantum quia mihi cumTheologis res est illud Saiomonis ijs reponam. [Sidenote: Prouerb 14. ] Quicalummatur egenum, deridet factorem eius. 

Equidem quia gens hæc nostra pauper et egena est et fuit, ad veluti quidammendicus inter diuites, tot extraneorum probra et scommata tulit. Sedvideant cui exprobrent. Certè, si aliud nihil nobis cum illis commune est, tamen omnes ex ijsdem constamus elementis, et vnus et idem omnium Pater, Deus. 

The same in English. 

THE THIRD SECTION. 

[Sidenote: Krantzius Munsterus. ] They and their cattell vse all one house, all one food or victuals, one state (here Krantzius hath it lodging. ) Also. They liue onely by feeding of cattell, and sometimes by taking of fishes. 

Those be the things together with those that followe, which Krantzius hathchamped, and put into Munsters mouth, so that Munster shall not neede somuch as once to chewe them, which may appeare by comparing them bothtogether. For Munster, as hee swallowed these reproches, taking them out ofKrantzius his preface vpon Norway, so he casteth vp the verie same morselsvndigested and rawe against our nation, in his fourth booke of Cosmographiecap. 8. Those things which haue beene hitherto, although they hauesufficiently grieued vs yet will we let them seeme more tollerable: butthis most malitious deuise, and those which follow we cannot easily brooke. It is our part therefore in this place also to auouch the trueth, and toturne the leasing vpon the authors owne head. 

House, &c. First, that which they say concerning the same common house (asalso liuing, and state) with our cattell, we plainely affirme to be falseand erronious, not onely the truth it selfe being our witnesse, if any manwould make triall, but also the experience of manie strangers, that haueliued some yeeres amongst vs, and haue more minde to speake the trueth thento reuile our nation: who haue seene our house and habitations with theirowne eyes, and knewe that in euery particular farme or graunge there weremany seuerall roomes namely, in those that were most simple and base, seuenor eight: In others which were greater, sometimes tenne, and sometimestwentie. In the greatest sometimes fortie, and sometimes fiftie. Which forthe most part being seuered, both by roofes and walles, doe serue for thedayly and household affaires of one owner or master, seldome of two orthree, but almost neuer of more: whereupon the Reader may easily iudge, howe true it is that the Islanders and their cattell haue all one house tolie in, when euery husbandman in this varietie of roomes hath seuerall oxestalles, sheepe-cotes, stables lambes-cots separated in different spacesone from another, which the seruants goe vnto so oft as neede requireth, and from thence returne backe to the dwelling houses. 

But whereas one noted in his Mappe of Island, concerning the prouince ofSkagefiord, that vnder the same roofe, men, dogges swine and sheepe liuealtogether, it is partly false, and partly no maruell: for sheepe, as ithath been sayde, and especially for swine (when as that prouince hath noswine at alt) it is vtterly false: for dogges it is no maruell, when is notkings courts were euer, or at this day are destitute of them, as it is wellknowen to all men. But as touching dogges afterward in the seuenth section. 

Victuals, &c. Whither beasts meate may fitly be termed by the name ofVictus, a man may lustly doubt: When Doletus interpreting a peece ofTullie, saith: As for Victus (sayth he) wee will so expound it with theCiuilians, namely that we comprehend vnder the word of Victus all thingsnecessarie for the life of man as meate, drinke, attire of the bodie, &c. And Vlpianus de verborum significatione defineth Victus in the very samewords. But in this place the saide authors call beaste meate by the name ofVictus. 

But let vs see what trueth and plaine dealing is to be found in these men. We haue no labouring cattel besides horses and oxen: these haue grasse andhay (except where haye is wanting) for their fodder, and water to drinke. Now, the very same writers confesse, that the Islanders liue by fish, butter, flesh both beefe and mutton, and corne also, though it bee scarce, and brought out of other countries. Therefore they haue not the same foodewith brute beasts, which notwithstanding the sayde writers affirme in thesewordes: They and their cattel vse all one victuals or food. What Munstersmeaning is in this clause, he himselfe a little before hath plainelytaught. 

Island (saith he) conteineth many people liuing onely with the food ofcattell, and sometimes by taking of fishes. But what else is the food ofcattell, but the meat of cattell, saith Doletus? Vnlesse perhaps Munstercalleth the food of cattell, cattell themselues slaine for the foode ofmen: whom, as I thinke, the vse of the latine tongue doth gaine say, whichhath taught vs that as men doe eate, so beasts do feede, and hath termedthe victuals of men, and the food or fodder of cattell. But may I thinkethat Munster and Krantzius were so mad as to imagine that the Islandersliue vpon grasse and hay: To this passe of miserie was Nabuchodonozorbrought vndergoing the yoke of Gods vengeance Daniel 4. Vers. 30. We willeasily graunt that beasts and cattell will not perhaps refuse many things, which men not onely of our countrey but of yours also eate, if the saidebeasts be destitute of their vsuall food: as horses are fedde with corneand barley loaues: they will drinke milke also (like vnto calues andlambes) and ale if it be proffered them, and that greedily. And dogges inlike manner will deuour any deinty dishes whatsoeuer. May any man thereforesay that men vse the same common victuals with dogges and horses?

Now, whatsoeuer things haue happened in the time of grieuous famine oughtnot to be recorded in historie for the generall custome of any countrey. Asit is not lawfull for vs to write concerning other nations, that the peopleof this or that countrie, doe vsually liue by eating of dogs, mise, cats, although perhaps in the time of famine or seige or dearth of corne, theyhaue often bene constrained so to doe. 

But that the same drinke is sometimes common to many men with beasts wewill not greatly gainesay: namely most pure water, that naturall drinkecreated by God for all liuing creatures: which also in some respectPhisicians doe commende, yea, neither the Patriarkes themselues, nor oursauiour Christ despised it. 

As touching apparell (for we comprehend apparell also vnder the name ofVictus) it is no wise common to vs with beasts. For nature hath clad themwith hairs and bristles (as I dare say Munster and Krantzius cannot beignorant) men, being otherwise naked stande in neede of clothes to couertheir bodies. But I had not thought it might therefore haue properly beenesayde that sheepe and we haue all one apparell. Men of other countries alsoweare cloth of sheepes wooll, although it be more finely wrought. But nomore concerning the attire of the bodie. For it is a meere folly to seekefor praise, and ambitious reputation by that, which argueth the infirmitieof our nature. 

State, &c. Now, it remaineth that we should speake of that state, which weare sayd to haue common with beasts; but of what kinde or maner it shouldbe, or our writers would haue it to be I cannot easily discerne. State(sayth Doletus) is either of the body, or of causes, or of order andcondition. Doubtlesse, that there is another state of our bodies then ofbeasts (for besides our two feet, we haue hands also, and go with ourbodies, and countenances lift vpright) and that we be of another order andcondition from them, we are verily perswaded. As for these good fellowes, if they know any such matter by themselues or others, let them disclose it. We doe altogether scorne these, being so vaine things, and breeding sogreat contempt against the Maiesty of God our creator, neither do wevouchsafe them any larger discourse. 

But because it is our duty not so highly to regard either the loue of ourcountrey, or of any other thing whatsoeuer, but that we may be ready at alltimes and in all places, to giue trueth the preheminence: I will say in aword what that was which perhaps might minister occasion to this infamousreproch of writers. 

There be neere vnto Schalholt, vpon the South shore of Island three smallparishes standing betweene two most swift riuers Thiorsaa and Olffwis Aa, being in a maner destitute both of wood and turfe, which is the accustomedfewell of the countrey. And although most of the inhabitants of theseparishes and some of their neighbours, as they doe in time of yeere prouideall things necessary for householde, so especially those things whichbelong to fires and bathes: notwithstanding there be certaine among them ofthe basest sort of people, who because they want those things at home, andare not able to prouide them from other places, are constrained to vsestraw for the dressing of their meat. But when the sharpe rigor of snowyWinter commeth on, these poore people betake them to their oxe stalles, andthere setting vp sheds, and doing their necessary businesse in the daytime, when they are not able to make fires, they borrow heat from theiroxen, as it hath beene reported to mee by others: And so they onely beingverie fewe in number, doe not willingly enioye, but are constrayned to vsethe same common house with their oxen. But for their liuelihoode and stateit is farre otherwise with them then with their oxen, of which thing I haueentreated before. This is the lot, & pouertie of certaine men in thosepettie parishes, the condition whereof is therefore made a common bywordeof the people amongst vs, though somewhat iniuriously. Where I wouldwillingly demaund with what honestie men can impute that vnto the wholenation, which is hard and skantly true of these fewe poore men? I am wearieto stay any longer in this matter: onely, because I haue to doe withDiuines, let that of Salomon suffice, Prouerbs 17, verse 5. Hee thatmocketh the poore, reprocheth him that made him. 

And in very deede, because this our nation is nowe, and heretofore hathbeen poore and needie, and as it were a begger amongest many rich men, ithath susteined so many taunts and scoffes of strangers. But let them takeheede whom they vpbraide. Verely if there were nothing else common vnto vswith them, yet we both consist of the same elements, and haue all onefather and God. 

SECTIO QUARTA. 

[Sidenote: Krantzius Munster] In simplicitate sancta vitam agunt, cum nihil amplius quærant quàm natura concedit. Beata gens, cuius paupertati nullus inuidet. Sed mercatores Anglici et Dani quiescere gentem non sinunt, qui ob piscaturam vehendam terram illam frequentantes cum mercibus omnigenis vitia quoque nostra inuexerunt. Nam et fruges aquæ miscere in potum didicerunt, et simplicis aquæ haustus oderunt. Nunc aurum et argentum cum nostris admirantur. 

Simplicitate. Equidem sanctæ simphcitatis laudem nobis attribui, meritògaudemus: Sed id dolemus, quòd reperiatur etiam apud nos iustitiæ ac legumingens deprauatio, ac magna anarchia, quam multorum scelerum myriadesconsequuntur, quod pij et boni omnes quotidiè deplorant. Id mali autemnequaquam supremi Magistratus, hoc est, Regis nostri clementissimi, sedverius nostra culpa accidit: qui hæc quæ clàm ipso præposterè geruntur etquæ in inferiore magistratu desiderantur, ad maiestatem ipsius nondeferimus. 

Mercatores. Mercatores porrò, non solùm Angli et Dani, sed maximè Germani, vt nunc, ita olim terram nostram, non ob piscaturam sed pisces euehendosfrequentantes, nequaquam artem illam, miscendarum frugum aquæ, Islandosdocuerunt. Quippe ipsi Noruagi primi, quòd nobis constet, terræ nostræincolæ; à quibus oriundi sunt Islandi, artem illam, sicut etiam aureosargenteósque nummos, secum ex Noruegia attulerunt; vt initio non fueritminor argenti et auri vsus apud nos, quàm est hodiè. 

Et quidem ante Danorum, Germanorum, Anglorumue frequentes ad nosnauigationes, terra nostra multò, quàm nunc, senescentis mundi incommoda, coelo solóque persentiens, fertilior, in delectis simis quibúsque locis, Cereris munera produxit. 

The same in English. 

THE FOURTH SECTION. 

[Sidenote: Krantzius. Munster. ] They leade their liues in holy simplicitie, not seeking any more then nature doeth afforde. A happie Nation, whose pouertie no man doth enuie. But the English and Danish merchants suffer not the nation to be at rest, who frequenting that countrey to transport fishing, haue conueighed thither our vices, together with their manifolde wares. For nowe, they haue learned to brew their water with corne, and beginne to despise, and loath the drinking of faire water. Now they couet golde and siluer like vnto our men. 

Simplicitie, &c. I am exceedingly glad, that the commendation of holysimplicitie is giuen vnto vs. But it grieueth vs that there is found sogreat a decay of iustice, and good lawes, and so great want of gouernementamongst vs, which is the cause of many thousande haynous offences which allhonest and godly men doe continually bewayle. This inconuenience doth nothappen through the negligence of the highest Magistrate, that is of ourmost gracious King, but rather by our owne fault, who doe not present thesethinges vnto his Maiestie, which are disorderly committed without hisknowledge, and which are wanting in the inferiour Magistrate. 

Merchants. Moreouer, Merchants, not onely of England and Denmarke, butespecially of Germanie, as at this time, so heretofore frequenting ourcountrey, not to transport fishing, but fishes, taught not Islanders thearte of brewing corne with water. For the Noruagians themselues, the first, to our knowledge, that inhabited this Island, from whom ye Islanders arelineally descended, brought with them out of Norway that arte, as alsogolde and siluer coine, so that in old time there was no lesse vse ofsiluer and golde with vs, then there is at this day. 

[Sidenote: Corne of old time growing on Island. ] And it is certaine thatbefore the often nauigations of Danes, Germans, and English men vnto vs, our land was much more fertile then nowe it is (feeling the inconueniencesof the aged and decayed worlde, both from heauen and earth) and broughtfoorth, in certaine choyse places, corne in abundance. 

SECTIO QUINTA. 

[Sidenote: Munsterus. Krantzius. ] Rex Daniæ qui et Noruagiæ quotannis præfectum immittit genti. 

Anno Domino 846. Natus est Haraldus Harfagre (quod auricomum velpulchricomum dixeris) Qui deinde Anno 858, Rex Noruagiæ designatus, vbiætas viresque iustum incrementum acceperunt, formam imperij Noruagicimutauit. Nam antea in minutas prouincias diuisum (quas Fylki vocabant, etqui his præerant regulos, Fylkis Konga) ad Monarchiam armis potentibusredegit. Id cum et genere et potentia valentes aliquot regni incolæ ægrèferrent, patria exulare, quàm ipsius Tyrannidis iugum non detrectaremaluerunt. Vnde hi in Islandiam, antea quidem à quibusdam visam etinuentam, at desertam tamen, colonias, dicto Superius Anno 874. Transtulerunt: Atque sic genti nostræ originem præbentes, se Islandosnuncuparunt, quod nomen hodiè posteri retinent. Vixerunt itaque Islandidiu, nullius imperium agnoscentes, annis scilicet 386. Plus minus. Etquamuis Rex Noruagiæ Haquinus ille conatus, qui omnium regum Noruagiædiutissimè, nempe plusquam 66. Annos imperium gerebat, sæpè per legatostentarat tributarios sibi facere Islandos, constanter tamen semperrestiterunt, donec tandem circa annum Domini 1260. Homagium ipsipræstarent. [Sidenote: Margareta. ] Atque postea semper in data fidepersistentes, et regibus Noruagiæ parentes, translato per Margaretam, Daniæ, Sueciæ, et Noruagiæ reginam, Noruagorum imperio, ad Danos, vnà cumreliquis imperij Noruagici Insulis, Serenissimum Daniæ regem; Dominum etRegem suum hodiè salutant. 

The same in English. 

THE FIFTH SECTION. 

[Sidenote: Munsterus. Krantzius. ] The King of Denmarke and Norway sendeth euery yeere a Lieutenant into the Countrey. 

In the yeere of our Lord eight hundred fortie and sixe Harold Harfagre(which is to say, golden haires or faire lockes) was borne. Who afterwardin the yeere eight hundred fiftie and eight, being chosen king of Norway, when he was growen to age, and full strength, chaunged the forme of theNoruagian gouernment. For whereas before it was diuided into pettieProuinces (which they called Fylki, and the pettie kings that gouernedthem, fylkis konga) he reduced it by force of armes vnto a Monarchie. [Sidenote: The occasion of the first inhabiting of Island by the people ofNorway. ] But when some inhabitants of the countrie, being mightie, anddescended of good parentages, could not well brooke this hard dealing, theychose rather to be banished their countrey, then not to shake off the yokeof tyranny. Whereupon, they in the yeere aboue named eight hundred seuentieand foure, transported colonies into Island being before discouered by somemen and found out, but vnpeopled as yet: And so being the first founders ofour nation, they called themselues Islanders, which name their posteritiereteineth vnto this day. And therefore the Islanders liued a long time, namely, three hundred eightie and sixe yeeres, more or lesse, acknowledgingno submission to any other Nation. [Sidenote: Haquinus coronatus. ] Andalthough Haquinus that crowned King of Norway who reigned longest of anyNoruagian king, namely, about sixtie sixe yeares, did oftentimes attempt byAmbassadours to make the Islanders become tributaries vnto him, notwithstanding at all times they constantly withstoode him, till at lengthabout the yeere of our Lord 1260. They performed homage vnto him. Andafterward continued alwayes in their promised loyaltie, being subiects tothe king of Norway. But now at this day, since the Empire of the Noruagianswas translated by Margaret Queene of Denmarke, Suedeland, and Norway vntothe Danes, they doe honour as their soueraigne Lord and King the mostgracious king of Denmarke. 

SEXIO SEXTA. 

[Sidenote: Krantzius Munsterus] Omnia eos communia sunt, præter vxores. 

Hoc loco præmittit Krantzius talem Ironiam. 

Multa insignia in moribus illorum, &c. Porrò etiam hic fidem vestram eleuatingenium, ad asserendum res incompertas nimis procliue, cupidinemnouitatis, et nominis ac famaæ, imò veritatis curam preposteram arguit, omnium et rerum personarúmque et temporum experientia: O scriptoressuspiciendi. 

Testes sunt leges politicæ, quibus inde ab initio cum Noruagis vsi sunteisdem Islandi: De Rege et subditis: De foro, et his quæ in forensemdisceptationem cadere possunt: De hæreditatibus: adoptionibus, nuptijs, furto, rapinis, mutuo contractibus et cæteris: Quæ omnia, quorsum illis, quebus res omnes sunt communes? Testes sunt, tot de bonis mobilibus etimmobilibus contentiones, turbæ et certamina, in foris ac iudicijsIslandorum: Testes sunt Reges nunc Daniæ et olim Noruagiæ, qui tot libellissupplicibus Islandorum, ad componendas istas de possessionibuscontrouersias, olim et nunc interpellati sæpè fuerant. Testis contraseipsum Krantzius, cuius verba distinction. I. Huius, hæc fuerunt. Antesusceptam Christi fidem (Islandi) lege naturali viuentes parum à legenostra discrepabant, &c. Si lege naturæ, certè lege illa iustitiæ, quætribuit vnicuique suum: Si lege iustitiæ, certè proprietatum et dominiorumdistinctiones in nostra gente locum habuisse oportet: Quanquam autem inhanc ipsam legem etiam in Ecclesia, et quidem satis atrocitur, sæpèdelinquitur tamen et Ecclesia et Ethnici iustissimam et optimam esse semperfassi sunt. 

The same in English. 

THE SIXTH SECTION. 

[Sidenote: Krantzius. Munsterus. ] All things are common among them except their wiues. 

Here Krantzius in the first place beginneth with such a gybe There be manynotable things in their manners, &c. Moreouer, your wit being too hastie inaffirming things vnknowen, doth here also diminish your credite. Theexperience as well of all things as of persons and times proueth your ouergreedie desire of noueltie, of fame and vaine glorie, and argueth yourgreat negligence in maintaining the truth. O worthy writers. 

But whether the aforesayde things bee true or no, wee call the lawes of ourCountrey to witnesse, which the Islanders from the beginning haue vsed allone with the Norwayes: of the King and his subiects: of the seate ofiustice, and of law cases which come to be decided there, of inheritances:of adoptions, marriages, theft, extortions, lending, bargaines, and therest: all which, to what purpose should they be enioyned vnto them withwhom all things are common? We call to witnesse so many broyls andcontentions in our courts, and places of iudgement in Island concerninggoods mooueable, and immooueable: we call to witnesse our kings now ofDenmarke, aforetime of Norway, who by so many billes of supplication out ofIsland in old time, and of late haue beene often interrupted, for thesetting through of controuersies concerning possessions. Wee call Krantziushimselfe to witnesse against himselfe, whose words in the first sectionwere these: Before the receiuing of Christian faith the Islanders liuingaccording to the lawe of nature did not much differ from our lawe &c. If bythe lawe of nature, then doubtlesse by that lawe of iustice, which giuethto euery man his owne: If by the lawe of iustice, then certainelydistinctions of properties and possessions must needes haue taken place inour Nation: and although this very lawe is often transgressed, and thathaynously euen in the Church: notwithstanding both the Church, and alsoheathen men doe acknowledge it to be most iust and good. 

SECTIO SEPTIMA. 

Catulos suos et pueros æquo habent in precio: Nisi quod à pauperioribus facilius impetrabis filium quàm catulum, &c. 

Quamuis principio huius commentarioli censuerim, Munsterum et alios magninominis viros, in ijs, quæ de Islandia scripta reliquerunt, esse à calumnænota liberandos: num tamen id hîc, etiam à candidissimo et maxime sinceroquocunque fieri possit, non satis video. Quid enim mouit tantos viros, vtNautarum maleuolas nugas et mendacia secuti, tam atroci et contumeliosoopprobrio gentem nostram diffamarent, commacularentque? Nihil profectò, nisi secura ridendi et contemnendi gentem pauperem et ignotam, licentia, etsi quæ sunt huic vicia confinia. 

Cæterum nôrint omnes non tam Islandis, quàm ipsis Authoribus, incommodarehoc mendacium. Cum enim illud, et plurima etiam alia in historiam suamaccumulant, efficiunt vnà, vt alibi quoque suspectæ fidei habeantur. Illudque quod ait Aristoteles lucrantur, vt cum vera dixerint, illis sinesuspitione non credatur. 

Sed age Lector, subsiste paulisper, mecùmque grauitatem et sapientiamtantorum virorum expende: Ne tantum Islandiæ Elogium intactum prætereamus. Docuerunt hactenus Krantzius et Munsterus: Islandos esse Christianos. Item:Islandos ante susceptam Christi fidem lege naturali vixisse. Item: Islandosvixisse lege quadam non multum à lege Germanorum discrepante. Item: Vixisseeos in sancta simplicitate. Adesdum igitur Lector, et quas Christianismi, Legis naturalis, legis Germanorum, santæ simplicitatis notas Authores illirequirant, et in Islandis monstrent ac depingant, perpende. Vna fuit supra, quòd infernum siue carcerem damnatorum montis Heclæ voragine et radicibuscircumscribant Islandi: de quo vide Sect. I. Huius: et sect. 7. Prior. Part. Altera nota, quòd, cum Anabaptistis, proprietatum et dominiorumdistinctiones tollant: de quo Sect. Præced. Tertia eàque longeexcellentissima hæc est: illi præclari affectus naturales, amor, cura, etanimus tam pius et paternus Islandorum in liberos, quòd videlicit eiusdemprecij sint apud illos canes et filij, aut hi etiam viltoris. Siccine nobisMunstere et Krantzi. Legem Christi, naturæ, Germanorum, et sanctamsimplicitatem depingitis: O picturam præclaram et excellentem, quamuis nonprorsus Apellæam: O Inuentum acutum et admirandum, si benè authenticum: Oscientiam plusquàm humanam, etsi non prorsus diuinam. 

Nos verò Islandi, quamuis vltimi et gelidum conclusi ad Arcton, longè aliasChristianismi notas requirimis. Nam et præceptum Dei habemus, vt quilibetproximum diligat velut seipsum. Iam nemo est, puto, qui seipsum non plusdiligat, aut pluris faciat, quàm canem. Quod si tantus esse debet proximicuiuslibet fauor, tanta æstimatio, tantus amor, quantus quæso erit inliberos? Quorum arctissimum amorem, præterquam quod ipsa parens naturanobis firmissimè conciliauit, etiam Lex diuina curam summam in enutriendohabere iussit (Exo. 12. 24. Ephe. 6, 4. ) vt scilicet sint in sanctoconiugio, Ecclesiæ quædam seminaria, omnis pietatis et honestatisexercitia: Prout vates ille pulcherrimè cecinit. 

 Vult Ecclesiolam quamlibet esse domum. 

 Item: Coniugium humanæ quædam est Academia vitæ. 

Vt iam satis constet, apud Christianos longè pluris faciendos et curandosfilios, quàm canes: Et, si qui non aliter curent, Christianos non esse. 

Sed et hic in prolem dulcissimam affectus naturalis in Ethnicis etiam satisapertè conspicitur: vt si quos hoc penitùs exueris, eosdem etiam hominesesse negaueris. Monstrant id matres Carthaginenses, cum tertio bello Punicoadolescentes quique lectissimi obsides in Siciliam mitterentur, quos illæfletu et lamentatione miserabili ad naues comitatæ, et ex his quædam àfilioram compleximus ægrè diuulsæ, cum ventis pandi vela cernerent, nauesque è portu egredi, dolore stimulante, in subiectos fluctusdissiluere: Sabellico authore. Monstrat Ægeus, qui nauem filij Thesei, cumvelis atri coloris, ex Creta redeuntem cerneret, perijsse filium ratus, vitam in proximis vndis finiuit. Sabellic. Lib. 3. Cap. 4. MonstratGordianus senior, Africæ proconsul, qui similiter, ob rumores de mortefilij, vitam suspendio clausit. Campofulgos. Lib. 5. Cap. 7. Monstrant idemIocasta Creontis filia, Auctolia Sinonis F. Anius Tuscorum Rex, Orodes RexParthorum, et alij numero innumero. De quibus vide stat. Lib. 2. Plutarchum, et alios, &c. Huc illud. Amor descendit, &c. Adeò, vt videasnon minus esse homini proprium, sobolem intimè diligere, et summo amoreprosequi, quàm aut volare; vt si iam aliquando homines esse Islandos, nedumChristianos scriptores nostri fassi sint, hunc amorem et affectum in filiosijsdem, quantumuis inuiti et repugnantes, adscribant: sin minus, non modòhominis titulum et dignitatem illis detrahant, sed etiam infrà bruta etquasuis bestias, quæ ipsæ, stimulante natura, maximo prolis suæ etarctissimo amore tenentur, deprimant. 

Non addam contra hoc impudens mendacium exempla etiam nostratium satisillustria: Tacebo leges nostras plagiarias ipsis Islandis antiquiores, quippe a Noruagis acceptas, quæ exstant in codice legum nostrarum, tituloMannhelge: cap. 5. Si quis hominem liberum (quemuis nedum filium) extraneisvendat, &c. 

Iam verò si quis eò fortunæ deueniat, vt proprium filium, siue incolæ, siueextranei alicuius potestati, vel fame vel extrema quacunque vrgentenecessitate, aut periculo, permittat, ne familicum *media deficientemaspicere cogatur, canem verò in proprias dapes reseruet, Is minimè dicendusest filium æquo aut inferiore loco habere quàm canem, siue id faciant, Islandi, siue extranei quilibet. 

Offenderant fortè Germanorum vel Danorum nautæ apud nos mendicos quosdam, liberis onustos, quorum hîc maximus est numerus, qui iocando, vt sunt nugisscurrilibus addicti, dixerint: Da mihi aut vende hoc vel illud: Cumquerogarint extranei: Quid tu mihi vicissim? Responderint mendici. Habeoliberos 10. Vel 14. Dabo ex eis vnum vel plures, &c. Solet enim istamendicorum colluuies istiusmodi scurriles dialogismos cum extraneisinstituere. Quod si tum quispiam bonus vir, misertus stoliditatis et inopiæmendicorum, vno illos filio leuauerit, eique propter Deum in alijs terris, aliquo tandem modo benè prospexerit, num mendicus, qui alioqui cum filio, fame et paupertate moriturus, filium miserenti permittit et committit, filium istum suum minoris facit quàm canem? Præstitum est à multis tamIslandis quàm extraneis huiusmodi beneuolentiæ et commiserationis opus: exquibus fuit vir nobilissimus Accilius Iulius à serenissimo rege Daniæ olimmissus ad Islandos, Anno Domini 1552. Qui vt audiui, 15. Pueros pauperculosassumpsit et secum in Daniam auexit: Vbi postea ipsius beneficio singulossuo vitæ generi addictos, in viros bonos et frugi euasisse, mihi narratumest. 

Quid si quis in extrema constitutus angustia, filium non modò vendat; sedsi emptorem non habet, ipse mactet et comedat? Nota sunt huius rei exempla:Parentum videlicet inuitiæ crudelitatis in filios, stimulante non odio velastorgia, sed ineuitabili necessitate compellente. Num quis inde vniuersalegentis alicuius conuicium exstruxerit? Legimus, in obsidione Samariæ matresduas filios suos mactasse, et coctos comedisse: 4. Reg. C. 6. Legimus inobsidione Ierosolymitana, quam flebilis fuerit vox miserrimæ matris, filiummisellum iam mactaturæ. Infans, ait, (referam enim Eusebij verba de hac re, etsi notissima, vt miseræ matris affectus appareat, ) miselle et infelix, cuinam in hoc belli. Famis, et seditionis tumultu, te commodè reseruem? SiRomanorum subijciamur imperio, illic seruitutis iugo pressi, vitaminfoeliciter exigemus. Sed seruitutum credo fames anteuertet. Acceditfactiosorum prædonum turba, his vtrisque miserijs toleratu multò asperior. Age igitur mi gnate, sis matri cibus, sis prædonibus furia, sis communihominum vitæ fabula, quæ res vna ad Iudæorum calamitates deesse videtur. Quæ cum dixisset, natum trucidat, assatumque dimidium mox comedit, dimidiumreseruat &c. Eusebius libro 3. Capite 6. Iam quis est, qui non credatmisserrimam hanc matrem filium hunc suum, domini alicuius, si seobtulisset, apud quem credidisset seruatum iri, aut emptoris possessionifuisse permissuram? Nota est fames, Calagurium, Hispaniæ vrbem, olim àCneio Pompeio obsessam opprimens (Val. Libro septimo cap. 7. ) cuiusciuibus, vxores et liberi in vsum estremæ dapis conuersi sunt, quosprofectò; pro cibarijs et alijs dapibus haud inuiti vendidissent. Nota estquoque fames, quæ Anno Domini 851. (Vincent. Libro 25. Cap. 36. ) Germaniamattriuit, vt etiam pater filium suum deuorare voluerit. Notum etiam est, post mortem Henrici septimi Imperat fame per triennium continuata, quomodoparentes liberos, vel liberi parentes deuorarint, et præcipuè quidem inPolonia et Bohemia. Et ne exempla tantùm antiqua petamus, accepimus tantamannonæ sæuitiam, Anno 1586. Et 1587. In Hungaria grassatam fuisse, vtquidam alimentorum inopia adacti immanissimo Christianorum hosti propriosliberos vendiderint, et in perpetuum seruitutis iugum manciparint: quidamparuulos suos, quos vlterius tolerare non sustinebant, crudeli misericordiain Danubium proiecisse, et, suffocasse dicantur. Sed, num hæc et similiaexempla quempiam eò insaniæ adigent, vt dicat hanc vel illam nationem, liberos in escam propriam mactare *consuettisse, Turcis libenter vendere, aut aquis submergere et suffocare solitam esse? Non opinor. Sic neque, quòdmendici apud Islandos, extrema vrgente necessitate, cuius durissimi suntmorsus, filios suos libenter amittant, toti genti, et quidem probri loco, communiter adscribendum est à quoquam, nisi apud eundem omnis pudor, candor, humanitas, veritas exulent. 

Cæterum optarim ego, parcius Islandis canum curam exprobrare illos populos, quorum matronæ, et præcipuè nobiles, canes in maximis delicijs habent, vteos vel in plateis, ne dicam in sacris concionibus, sinum gestent, quemmorem in peregrinis quibusdam, quos Romæ catulos simiarum et canum ingremio circumferre Cæsar conspexit, hac quæstione reprehendit, dumquæreret: Numquid apud ipsos mulieres liberos non parerent? Monens errareeos, qui à natura inditos sibi affectus, quibus in amorem hominum acpræcipuè sobolis incitarentur, in bestias transferunt, quarum deliciarumvoluptas Islandorum gentem, nunquam cepit aut habuit. Quare iam Munstere etKrantzi, alias nobis Christianitatis, (vt sic dicam) legis naturæ, legisitem Germanorum, et sanctæ simplicitatis notas qusente. 

The same in English. 

THE SEVENTH SECTION. 

They make all one reckoning of their whelpes, and of their children: except that of the poorer sort you shall easier obtaine their sonne then their shalke. 

Although in the beginning of this Treatise I thought that Munster and othermen of great name in those things which they haue left written concerningIslande, were not to bee charged with slander, yet whether that fauour mayhere be shewed by any man whatsoeuer (be he neuer so fauourable, and neuerso sincere) I doe not sufficiently conceiue. For what should moue suchgreat men, following the despightful lyes, and fables of mariners, todefame and staine our nation with so horrible and so shamefull a reproch?Surely nothing else but a carelesse licentiousnesse to deride and contemnea poore and vnknowen Nation, and such other like vices. 

But, be it knowen to all men that this vntrueth doth not so much hurt tothe Islanders, as to the authors themselues. For in heaping vp this, and agreat number of others into their Histories, they cause their credite inother places also to be suspected: And hereby they gaine thus muche (asAristotle sayth) that when they speake trueth no man will beleeue themwithout suspition. 

But attend a while (Reader) and consider with me the grauitie and wisedomeof these great Clarkes: that we may not let passe such a notablecommendation of Island. Krantzius and Munster haue hitherto taught, thatthe Islanders are Christians. Also: that before receiuing of Christianfaith they liued according to the lawe of Nature. Also: that the Islandersliued after a law not much differing from the lawe of the Germanes. Also, that they liued in holy simplicitie. 

Attend I say (good Reader) and consider, what markes of Christianitie, ofthe lawe of nature, of the Germanes law, of holy simplicitie, these authorsrequire, and what markes they shew and describe in the Islanders. There wasone of the sayd markes before: namely, that the Islanders doe place hell orthe prison of the damned, within the gulfe and bottome of mount Hecla:concerning which, reade the first section of this part, and the seuenthsection of the former. The seconde marke is, that with the Anabaptists theytake away distinctions of properties and possessions: in the section nextgoing before. The third and most excellent is this: those singular andnatural affections, that loue and tender care, and that fatherly and godlyminde of the Islanders towards their children, namely, that they make thesame accompt of them, or lesse then they doe of their dogges. What? WillMunster and Krantzius after this fashion picture out vnto vs the lawe ofChrist, the lawe of nature, the lawe of the Germanes, and holy simplicitie?O rare and excellent picture, though not altogether matching the skill ofApelles: O sharpe and wonderfull inuention, if authenticall: O knowledgemore then humane, though not at all diuine. 

But wee Islanders (albeit the farthest of all nations and inhabiting afrozen clime) require farre other notes of Christianitie. For we haue thecommaundement of God, that euery man should loue his neighbour as himselfe. Nowe there is none (I suppose) that doeth not loue or esteeme more ofhimselfe then of his dogge. And if there ought to bee so great fauour, sogreat estimation, so great loue vnto our neighbour, then how greataffection doe we owe vnto our children? The most neare and inseparable loueof whom, besides that nature hath most friendly setled in our mindes, theloue of God also commaundeth vs to haue speciall regard in trayning them vp(Exod 12. 24. Ephes. 6. 4. ) namely that there may be in holy marriagecertaine seminaries of Gods Church, and exercises of all pietie andhonestie according to the excellent saying of the Poet--

 God will haue each family, A little Church to be, Also, Of humane life or mans societie, A Schole or College is holy matrimonie

That it may be manifest, that among Christians their sonnes are more to beaccompted of and regarded, then their dogges: and if any doe no otherwiseesteeme of them, that they are no Christians. 

But this naturall affection towarde our most deare of-spring is plainelyseene in the heathen themselues: that whomsoeuer you totally depriue ofthis, you denie them also to bee men. The mothers of Carthage testifie thisto be true, when as in the third Punic warre the most choyse and gallantyoung men in all the Citie were sent as pledges into Sicilia, whom theyfollowed vnto the shippes with most miserable weeping and lamentation, andsome of them being with griefe separated from their deare sonnes, when theysawe the saules hoysed, and the shippes departing out of the hauen, forvery anguish cast themselues headlong into the water: as Sabellicuswitnesseth. Egæus doth testifie this, who when he sawe the shippe of hissonne Theseus, returning out of Creete with blacke sayles, thinking thathis sonne had perished, ended his life in the next waters: Sabell lib. 3. Cap 4. Gordianus the elder, Proconsul of Affrica, doth testifie this, wholikewise, vpon rumours of the death of his sonne, hanged himselfe. Campofullib 5. Cap. 7. Also, Iocasta the daughter of Creon, Auctolia daughter ofSimon, Anius King of the Thuscans, Orodes King of the Parthians, and aninfinite number of others. Concerning whom reade Plutarch stat. Lib. 2. Andother authors, &c. To these may be added that sentence, Loue descendeth, &c. So that you see, it is no lesse proper to a man entirely to loue hischildren, then for a bird to flie: that if our writers at any time haueconfessed the Islanders to be men (muche lesse to be Christians, ) theymust, will they nill they, ascribe vnto them this loue and affectiontowardes their children: if not, they doe not onely take from them thetitle and dignitie of men, but also they debase them vnder euery brutebeast, which euen by the instinct of nature are bound with exceeding greatloue, and tender affection towards their young ones. 

I will not adde against this shamelesse vntruth most notable examples ofour owen countreymen: I will omit our lawes of man-stealing, more ancientthen the Islanders themselues, being receiued from the Noruagians, and areextant in our booke of lawes vnder the title Manhelge cap. 5, Whosoeuerselleth a free man (any man much more a sonne) vnto strangers, &c. 

Now if any man be driuen to that hard fortune, that he must needs commithis own sonne into the hands of some inhabitant or stranger, being vrgedthereunto by famine, or any other extreame necessity, that he may not beconstrained to see him hunger-starued for want of sustenance, but keepethhis dogge still for his owne eating, this man is not to be sayd, that heesteemeth equally or more basely of his sonne then of his dogge: whetherIslanders or any other countreymen do the same. 

[Sidenote: The occasion of this slander. ] The Germane or the Danishmariners might perhaps find amongst vs certaine beggars laden with children(for we haue here a great number of them) who in iesting maner, for theyare much giuen to trifling talke, might saye: Giue me this, or sell methat: and when the stranger should aske, What will you giue me for it? thebeggar might answere: I haue ten or foureteene children, I will giue yousome one or more of them, &c. For this rabble of beggars vseth thus fondlyto prate with strangers. Now if there be any well-disposed man, who pityingthe need and folly of these beggers, releaseth them of one sonne, and dothfor Gods sake by some meanes prouide for him in another countrey: doth thebegger therefore (who together with his sonne being ready to die for hungerand pouerty, yeeldeth and committeth his sonne into the hands of amercifull man) make lesse account of his sonne then of his dogge? Suchworks of loue and mercie haue bene performed by many, as well Islandersthemselues as strangers: one of which number was that honourable manAccilius Iulius, being sent by the most gracious King of Denmarke intoIsland in the yere of our Lord 1552, who, as I haue heard, tooke, andcarried with him into Denmarke fiftene poore boyes: where afterward it wasreported vnto me, that, by his good meanes euery one of them being bound toa seuerall trade, proued good and thriftie men. 

What if some man be driuen to that passe, that he doth not onely sell hissonne but not finding a chapman, his owne selfe killeth and eateth him?Examples of this kinde be common, namely of the vnwilling and forcedcruelty of parents towards their children, not being pricked on throughhate, or want of naturall affection, but being compelled thereunto byvrgent necessity. Shall any man hereupon ground a generall reproch againsta whole nation? We reade that in the siege of Samaria, two mothers slewtheir sonnes, and eat them sodden: 4. King, chap. 6. We reade in the siegeof Ierusalem, how lamentable the voice of that distressed mother was, beingabout to kill her tender childe: My sweete babe, sayth she (for I willreport Eusebius owne words, concerning this matter, though very common, that the affection of a mother may appeare) borne to miserie and mishap, for whom should I conueniently reserue thee in this tumult of famine, ofwarre, and sedition? If we be subdued to the gouernment of the Romans, weshall weare out our vnhappy dayes vnder the yoke of slauery. But I thinkefamine will preuent captiuity. Besides, there is a rout of seditious rebelsmuch more intollerable then either of the former miseries. Come ontherefore, my sonne, be thou meat vnto thy mother, a fury to these rebels, and a byword in the common life of men, which one thing onely is wanting tomake vp the calamities of the Iewes. These sayings being ended, she killethher sonne, roasting and eating one halfe, and reseruing the other, &c. Eusebius lib 3. Cap. 6. Now, what man will not beleeue that this vnhappymother would full gladly haue passed ouer this her sonne into thepossession of some master or chapman, if she could haue happened vpon anysuch, with whom she thought he might haue beene preserued: That famine iswell knowen which oppressed Calagurium, a city of Spaine, when in olde timeCneius Pompeius layed siege thereunto (Valerius lib. 7. Cap. 7. ) thecitizens whereof conuerted their wiues and children into meat for thesatisfying of their extreame hunger, whom doubtlesse they would with alltheir heartes haue solde for other victuals. That famine also is wellknowen which in the yere of our Lord 851. (Vincent lib. 35. Cap 26. )afflicted Germany, insomuch that the father was glad to deuoure his ownesonne. It was well knowen after the death of the Emperour Henry theseuenth, in a famine continuing three whole yeres, how the parents woulddeuoure their children, and the children their parents, and that especiallyin Polonia and Bohemia. And that we may not onely allege ancient examples:it is reported that there was such a grieuous dearth of corne in the yeeres1586, and 1587, thorowout Hungary, that some being compelled for want offood were faine to sell their children vnto the most bloudy and barbarousenemy of Christians, and so to enthrall them to the perpetuall yoke ofTurkish slauery: and some are sayd to haue taken their children, whom theycould no longer sustaine, and with cruell mercy to haue cast them intoDanubius, and drowned them. But should these stories and the like make anyman so mad as to affirme that this or that nation accustometh to kill theirchildren for their owne food, and to sell them willingly vnto the Turks, orto drowne and strangle them willingly in the water? I cannot thinke it. Soneither (because beggers in Island being enforced through extreame andbiting necessitie, do willingly part with their sonnes) is this customegenerally to be imputed vnto the whole nation, and that by way of disgrace, by any man, except it be such an one who hath taken his leaue of allmodesty, plaine dealing, humanity, and trueth. 

But I could wish that the loue of dogges in Islanders might be moresparingly reprehended by those people, whose matrons, and specially theirnoble women, take so great delight in dogs, that they carry them in theirbosomes thorow the open streetes. I will not say in Churches: which feshionCæsar blamed in certaine strangers, whom he sawe at Rome carrying aboutyoong apes and whelpes in their armes, asking them this question: Whetherwomen in their countrey brought foorth children or no? signifying heereby, that they do greatly offend who bestow vpon beasts these naturallaffections, wherewith they should be inuited to the loue of mankinde, andspecially of their owne ofspring, which strange pleasure neuer ouertooke, nor possessed the nation of the Islanders. Wherefore now (Munster andKrantzius) you must finde vs out other marks of Christianity, of the law ofnature, of the Germans law, and of holy simplicity. 

SECTIO OCTAVA. 

[Sidenote: Krantzius Munsterus] Episcopum suum colunt pro Rege ad cuius nutum respicit totus populus. Quicquid ex lege, scripturis, et ex consuetudine aliarum gentium constituit, quàm sancte obseruant. 

Fuit equidem initio ferè ad repurgatam Euangelij doctrinam maxima Episcopiobseruantia; sed nunquam tanta vt exteris legibus aut consuetudini cederentnostræ leges politicæ, ex nutu Episcopi. Nec tempore Alberti Krantzij, multò minus Munsteri (quorum ille 1517, hic 1552. Post partum salutiferumdecessit) Episcopi Islandorum regiam obtinuerunt authoritatem, cùm scilicetmulti ex ijs, qui diuitijs paulò plus valebant aduersus ipsos consurgerenon dubitarint; quæ res apud nostrates liquido constat. Intenm tamenEpiscopi, anathematis fulmine terribiles, alios in suam potestatemredegerunt, alios furibunda sæuitia id temporis persecuti sunt. 

Porrò etsi tum fuit magna, imò maxima Episcopi obseruantia, tamen nuncdispulsis tenebris Papisticis, alia ratione homines Satan aggreditur, eorùmque mentes contemptus libertate et refractaria contumacia, aduersusDeum et sacrum ministerium, etiam hîc armare non negligit. 

The same in English. 

THE EIGHTH SECTION. 

[Sidenote: Krantzius, Munsterus] They honour their Bishop as their King vnto whose command all the whole people haue respect. Whatsoeuer he prescribeth out of the law, the scriptures, or the customes of other nations, they do full holily obserue. 

There was indeed at the beginning, about the time of the reformation ofreligion, great reuerence had vnto the bishop; but neuer so great, that ourpolitique lawes at the bishops command should giue place to outlandishlawes and customes. Neither in the time of Albertus Krantzius, much lesseof Munster (of which two the first deceased in the yere of our Lord 1517, and the second 1552) the bishops of Island had the authonty of kings, whenas many of the country which were of the richer sort, would not doubt torebell against them; which thing is too well knowen in our countrey. Yet inthe meane time, the bishops being terrible with their authority ofexcommunication, reduced some vnder their subiection, and others at thattime they cruelly persecuted. 

Moreouer, albeit at that time the bishop was had in great, yea, inexceeding great reuerence, yet now adayes, the darkenesse of popery beingdispelled, the deuill assaulteth men after another sort, and euen hereamongst vs, he is not slacke to arme their minds with contempt, andperuerse stubburnnesse against God, and his holy ministery. 

SECTIO NONA. 

[Sidenote: Munster. ] Illic victitant plerumque piscibus, propter magnam penuriam frumenti, quod aliunde à maritimis ciuitatibus infertur: & qui inde cum magno lucro pisces exportant. Item Munsterus. Illic piscibus induratis vtuntur loco panis qui illic non crescit. 

Vide Lector, quàm Munsterum iuuet, eadem oberrare chorda: vt cum de genteignota nihil scribere possit, quod coloris aliquid habeat, vel falsaafferre, vel eadem sæpius repetere, sicque cramben eandem recoqueresustineat: Dixerat enim paulò ante, Islandos piscibus viuere. Verba ipsiussuperiùs etiam recitata, hæc sunt. Islandia populos continet multos, solopecorum pastu et nunc captura piscium victitantes, etc. Et vt cæteratranseam in quibus leue quiddam notari poterat: Illud sanè, panem inIslandia non crescere, perquam verùm est. Quod etiam illi cum Germaniacommune esse crediderim, quòd videlicet nec illic panis crescat, nisi fortèin Munsteri, agro, vbi etiam acetum naturale optimè crescit. Sed hæc, troporum indulgentia, scilicet, salua erunt. Ad conicia autem, quæ ex victuIslandorum petunt extranei, infrà paucis respondebitur, Sect. 15. 

The same in English. 

THE NINTH SECTION. 

[Sidenote: Munsterus. ] They liue there for the most part vpon fishes, because of their great want of corne, which is brought in from the port townes of other countreys: who cary home fishes from thence with great gaine. Also Munster sayth, they do there vse stockefish in stead of bread, which groweth not in that countrey. 

Consider (friendly reader) how Munster is delighted to harpe vpon onestring, that when he can write nothing of an vnknowen nation which may caryany shew with it, he is faine either to bring in falshood, or often torepeat the same things, and so to become tedious vnto his reader: for hesayd a little before, that the Islanders liue vpon fish. His words abouerecited were these: Island conteineth many people liuing onely with thefood of cattell, and sometimes by taking of fishes. And that I may omit therest in which some trifle might be noted whereas he sayeth that breadgroweth not in Island: it is most true: which I thinke is common therewithto Germany also, because bread groweth not there neither, except it be inMunsters field where naturall vineger also doth marueillously encrease. Butthese toyes, by the liberty of rethoricke forsooth, shall be out of danger. Howbeit, vnto these reproches, which strangers do gather from the meats anddrinks of the Islanders, we will hereafter briefly answere, Sect. 15. 

SECTIO DECIMA. 

[Sidenote: Munster. Krantzius. ] Incolæ res maiorum et sui temporis celebrant cantibus et insculpunt scopulis, atque promontorijs, vt nulla, nisi cum naturæ iniuria, intercidant apud posteritatem. 

[Sidenote: Frisius. ] Citharædi, et qui testudine ludunt, apud eos reperiuntur quàm plurimi, qui prædulci modulamine et volucres et pisces irretiant et capiant. 

[Sidenote: Veterum gesta apud Islandes conseruata. ] Quin veterum gestaaliquot cantibus et poematibus nostratium, vt et soluta oratione, apud nosconseruentur, non negamus. Quòd verò à nobis aut maioribus nostris eademscopulis vel promontorijs insculpta sunt, eam non licet nobis, vt nequeillam tantam Citharædorum, aues aut pieces demulcentium, laudem accipere. Statuimus enim animi esse generosi ac veracis, vt crimina falsa refellere, ita laudem immeritam sibi haud vendicare, nec, etsi quis tribuat, agnoscere. 

The same in English. 

THE TENTH SECTION. 

[Sidenote: Munsterus. Krantzius. ] The inhabitants do celebrate the actes of their ancestours, and of their times, with songs, and they graue them in rocks and promontories, that they may not decay with posterity, but onely by the defect of nature. 

[Sidenote: Frisius. ] There be diuers found amongst them that be minstrels, and can play vpon the lute, who with their delectable musicke ensnare and take both fowles and fishes. 

[Sidenote: The Islanders preserue in writing the acts of their ancestors. ]We denie not but that some woorthy actes of our forefathers be reserued inthe songs and poemes of our countreymen, as also in prose: but that thesame things haue beene engrauen by vs, or by our ancestors in rocks orpromontories, we may in no case acknowledge that praise be due vnto vs, noryet the other of minstrels, and taking of birds and fishes. For we holde itto be part of an honest and ingenuous mind, as to refute false crimes, sonot to challenge vndeserued praise vnto himselfe, nor to accept it beingoffered. 

SECTIO VNDECIMA. 

Sed cum scriptoribus iam dictis, viris alioqui spectatæ eruditionis etpreclari nominis, qui tamen hæc ita inconsideratè scriptis suisinterseruerunt, actionis finis esto. 

 Etiam magna mei pars est exhaosta laboris:

Sed restat tamen fætus ille vipereus Germanicus, quem idcircò anonymumsecundo partu mater edi voluit, vt venenatis aculeis nomen Islandorum tantòliberiùs pungeret. 

Porrò licet aduersus hanc bestiam in arenam descendere non dubitem, omnibustamen constate volo, quonam hoc animo faciam, videlicet, non vt cum illiuspestifera virulentia, conuicijs aut maledicentia certem (Nam vt est intriuiali paroemia, Hoc scio pro certo, quod si cum stercore certo, Vinco, seu vincor, semper ego maculor:)

Sed vt bonis et cordatis omnibus, etiam extraneis, satisfaciam quimaledicentiam istam Germanicam lecturi vel audituri sunt, aut olimaudierint, ne et hi nos meritò calumniam tantam sustinere credant: Tumetiam vt alios qui istis virulentis rhythmis Germanicis, in gentis nostræopprobrium vtuntur, et inde dicteria et comumeliosas subsannationes addespiciendos Islandos petunt, ab ilia mordendi licentia in posterum, sifieri possit, abducamus. 

Ergò, ne longis ambagibus Lectori fastidium oratio nostra pariat, ad eanarranda accedam, quæ maledicus ille Gennanus in suum pasquillum congessit:Quem etiam sua de Islandis carmina Encomiastica recitantem in his pagellisintroducerem, nisi præuiderem foetum ilium probrosum, tot et tam varijsmaledictis turgidum, omnibus bonis nauseam mouere posse, ac sua spurcitieab ijs legendis absterrere. 

Referam igitur præcipua, (ijs scilicet omissis quæ cum alijs communiahabet, atque hactenus ventilata sunt) sed, quàm ille, longe mitius; ne, vtdixi, linguæ ipsius obscoena petulantia, aures bonæ et eruditæ offendantur:Qui ipsum videre aut audire volet, quærat apud propolas. Nobis inquam, nonest in animo putida ipsius calumnia et conuiciorum sentina, has chartasinquinare. [Sidenote: 1. Obiectio seu conuicium. ] Primùm igitur obijcitGermanicus hic noster, si Dijs placet, Historicus: Multos ex pastoribusIslandiæ toto biennio sacram concionem ad populum nullam habere: Vt inpriore editione, huius pasquilli legitur, quod tamen posterior editioeiusdem refutat: Dicens, eosdem pastores in integro anno tantum quinquiesconcionari solitos: quæ duo quàm ritè sibi consentiant, videas bone Lector, cum constet Authorem mox à prima editione vix vidisse Islandiam. Itascilicet plerúmque mendacium mendacio proditur, iuxta illud: Verum veròconsentit; Falsum nec vero nec falso. 

Sed com nostrum non sit veritatem vspiam dissimulare, nos haud negandumducimus conciones sacras circa id tempus, quo iste Sycophanta in Islandiavixit, nempe anno 1554. Aut circiter multò fuisse rariores, quàm sunthodiè, tum scilicet tenebris Papisticis vix dum discussis. Quod etiam dePsalmis Dauidicis à vulgo Latinè demurmuratis, vt idem nostratibusexprobrat, intelligere est: Papistæ enim totam spem salutis in sua Missacollocantes, de concione aut doctrina parum fuere solliciti. Postquam veròcaligine illa exempti sumus, aliter se rem habere, Deo imprimis gratiasagimus: Licet quorundam pastorum nostrorum tardam stupiditatem, segnitiemet curam præposteram non possimus omni modo excusare. Quod vtrum in nullossuorum popularium etiam competat, aliæ quoque nationes viderint. 

The same in English. 

THE ELEVENTH SECTION. 

But now, let this be the end of our controuersie with the authoursaforesayd, being otherwise men of excellent learning, and of great renoume, who notwithstanding so inconsiderately haue entermedled these things intheir writings. And now the better part of my labour is finished. 

But yet there remaynes that viperous German brood, the mother whereof wouldhaue come to light, as it were at a second birth, without name, that itmight so much the more freely wound the fame of the Islanders with venomoussting. 

Moreouer, although I be not afrayd to encounter with this beast, yet wouldI haue all men to know with what minde I vndertake this enterprise, namely, not that I meane to contend with his pestiferous rancour, by reproches, andrailing speeches (for as it is in the common prouerbe:

 I know, that if I striue with dung most vile, How ere it be, my selfe I shall defile);

but that I may satisfie all honest and well affected men, euen strangersthemselues, who shall hereafter reade or heare, or haue heretofore heardthat Germane pasquill, least they also should thinke that we woorthilysustaine so monstrous a disgrace: and also that I may from henceforth, ifit be possible, restraine others (who vse those venomous Germaine rimes tothe vpbrading of our nation, and from hence borrow their scoffes, andreproachfull taunts to the debasing of vs Iselanders) from that libertie ofbackbiting. 

Therefore, that I may not be tedious to the reader with long circumstances, I will come to the rehearsing of those things which that railing Germanehath heaped vp in his leud pasquill: whom also I could bring in, repeatinghis friendly verses of the Ilanders, within the compasse of this my booke, but that I doe foresee that the sayd slanderous libell being stuffed withso many and diuers reproches, might breed offence to all honest men, anddeterre them from reading it, with the filthinesse thereof. 

I will therefore repeat the principall matters (omitting those things whichhe hath common with others, or, that heretofore haue been examined) butfarre more modestly then he, least (as I sayd) I cause good and learnedmens cares to tingle at his leud and vnseemely rimes: that they aredesirous to see or heare him let them enquire at the Stationers. It is nopart of our meaning (I say) to defile these papers with his stinkingslanders, or with the filthy sinke of his reproches. 

[Sidenote: The first obiection or reproch. ] First therefore, this ourgoodly Germaine Historiographer obiecteth that there be many Pastours inIsland, which preach not to their people once in two yeres, as it is readin the former edition of this pasquill, which notwithstanding the latteredition doth refute: saying that the sayd Pastours vse to preach but fiuetimes in an whole yeere which two, how well they agree together, let thereader be iudge, seeing it is manifest that the authour himselfe, presentlyafter the first edition, had scarse seene Island. So oftentimes one hebetrayeth another, according to that saying: Trueth agreeth vnto trueth;but falshood agreeth neither to trueth nor to falshood. 

But sith it is our part not to dissemble the trueth in any place, we willnot denie that holy sermons, about the time wherein this sycophant liued inIsland, namely in the yere 1554, were seldomer in vse then they are at thisday, namely, the darkenesse of popery being scarsely at that timedispelled. Which also is to be vnderstood concerning the Psalmes of Dauidmumbled by the common people in Latine, as he casteth vs in the teeth: forthe Papists grounding all the hope of their saluation in the Masse, didlittle regard the sermon or doctrine. But after we were freed from thatmist, it hath bene (God be thanked) farre otherwise with vs: although wecannot altogether excuse the dulnesse, slouth, and preposterous care ofcerteine of our Pastours. Which, whether it agreeth to any of theircountreymen or no, let other nations iudge. 

SECTIO DUODECIMA. 

[Sidenote: 2. Conuitium] Secundò calumniatur vitilitigator: Adulteria et scortationes non modò publica esse et frequentia scelera inter Islandos: sed ab ijs pro scelere ne haberi quidem. 

Etsi autem foedissimæ istæ turpitudines etiam in nostra repub. Non prorsusinusitatæ sunt: tamen cum omnibus constet in alijs quoque nationibus longèetiam frequentiores esse, cum ibi quoque populi frequentia maior: immeritòet malignè hoc nomine magis Islandos, quàm populos et gentes reliquas, quarum, vt dixi, nomen etiam plus nostratibus hoc crimine malè audit, notauit. 

Et licet ex animo optarim longè minus ad scelera, et turpitudines in nostrapatria conniueri, quàm passim hîc fieri videmus: tamen etiam innata illamordendi libidine, hoc veterator in præsenti conuitio attexuit: videlicet, quòd scelera ista ab Islandis pro scelere non habeantur. Nam in quâ demumrepub. Id impudens ille asserere audet? Illane; quæ in legem codicis ll. Titulo Mannhelge: cap. 28. Iurauit; quæ statuit, vt iterum adulterium quicum coniuge alterius commiserit, confiscatis suis bonis, capite etiampectatur? Illane, quæ pro adulterio, à famulo cum vxore domini commisso, non ita dudum 80. Thalerorum mulctam irrogauit? Illane, quæ eundem, si adstatutum tempus non soluerit vel vades dederit, in exilium proscribendumdecreuit? Illane: cuius leges politicæ, quemuis in adulterio cum vxore, àviro legitime deprehensum, si euaserit, homicidij mulctam expendere iubent?Illane, cuius itidem leges politicæ, in complexu matris, filiæ aut sororis, à filio, patre, vel fratre deprehensum, vitam suam midio eius, quod quis sieundem insontem interfecisset, expendere teneretur, redimere iubent?Illane, cuius leges politicæ adultorium sceleris infandi nomine notarunt etdamnarunt? Et in eo tertiò deprehensum, capite plectendum seuerè mandant?

Cernis igitur, Lector benigne, quàm iniurium habeamus notarium, dicentem:Adulterium et scortationes in Islandia peccati aut sceleris nomen nonmereri. Nam licet politici quidam hoc vel illud scelus impunitum omittant, non debet tota gens, non leges, non boni et pij omnes, eo nomine in iusvocari, aut male audire. 

The same in English. 

THE TWELFTH SECTION. 

[Sidenote: The second reproach. ] Secondly, the trifler shamefully reporteth, that adulteries and whoredomes are not onely publique, and common vices amongst Islanders: but that they are not accounted by them for vices. 

Although indeed these most filthy abominations, euen in our common wealth, be not altogether vnusuall: notwithstanding, since al men know that theyare farre more common in other nations, where be greater multitudes ofpeople, he did vndeseruedly, and maliciously note the Islanders rather withthis reproch, then other people and nations, who are more infamous withthis crime then our countreymen. 

And albeit I wish with all mine heart that vices and enormities were muchlesse wincked at in our countrey, then we see they are, yet notwithstandingthis iugler by reason of his naturall inclination to backbiting, hath addedthis in his last reproch: namely that these vices by the Iselanders are notaccounted for vice. For, in what common wealth dare the impudent companionaffirme this to be true? What? in that common wealth which hath sworne toobserue the law contained in our statute booke vnder the title of Manhelgechap 28, whereby it is enacted, that whosoeuer committeth adultery withanother man's wife the second time, his goods being confiscate, he shall bepunished with death? Or in that common wealth, which not long since hathinflicted the penalty of 80 dollers vpon a seruant committing adultery withhis masters wife? Or in that common wealth which hath decreed that if hedoth not pay, nor lay in sureties at the day appointed he shalbe banishedthe country? Or in that common wealth the politike lawes whereof doestreightly command that whosoeuer be according to law found in adulterywith another man's wife, by her husband, if he escape, he shall vndergoethe punishment of manslaughter? Or in that common wealth, the politikelawes whereof do also enioyne a man that is taken in carnall copulationwith the mother, daughter, or sister, by the sonne, father, or brother, toredeeme his life with the one halfe of that which he oaght to haue payed, if he had shed the innocent bloud of the sayd party? Or in that commonwealth the pollitike lawes whereof haue noted and condemned adultery vnderthe name of a most heinous offence? And do straightly command that he whichis taken the third time in that beastly act shalbe punished with death?

You see therefore (friendly readers) what an iniurious Notary we haue, affirming that adultery and whoredome in Island deserueth not the name ofsinne and wickednesse for although some officers let slip this or that vicevnpunished, yet ought not the whole nation, nor the lawes, nor all good andgodly men, in that regard, to be accused or euill spoken of. 

SECTIO DECIMATERTIA. 

[Sidenote: 3. Conuitium] Tertium conuicium est, quo fraudis et perfidiæerga Germanos Islandis notam inurit. Fuit autem proculdubio famosi huiuslibelli author, cerdo et propola circumforaneus, multòsque Ilandiæ angulos, sordidæ mercaturæ gratia, ostintim adierat: quod ipse de se in præclarisilli suis rythmis testatur, maximam Islandiæ partem sibi peragratam esse. Vnde cum ipse mala fide cum mulus egerit (plerumque enim fraus et mendaciaconiunguntur, et mendacem se fuisse, hac ingenij sui experientia satisprobauit) etiam fortè à se deceptorum fraudem est expertus. Hinc illa intotam gentem criminatio extitit: Dissimulato intereà, qua fide quidamGermanorum, quibus annua est nauigatio ad Islandos, cum nostris hominibusagant. Ea autem querela, cum non alios conuiciari, sed aliorum in gentemnostram immerita conuncia monstrare instituerim, consultò supersedeo. 

The same in English. 

THE THIRTEENTH SECTION. 

[Sidenote: The third reproach] The third reproch is, whereby he doth brand the Islanders with the marke of deceit and trechery toward the Germans. 

Doubtles the author of this libell was some vagabond huckster or pedler, and had gone particularly into many corners of Island to vtter his trumperywares, which he also testifieth of himselfe in his worthy rimes, that hehad trauailed thorow the greatest part of Island, whereupon when he hadplayed the cousining mate with others (for often times deceit and lying areioyned together, and he hath sufficiently proued himselfe to be a liar, bythis triall of his wit) peraduenture himselfe was beguiled by them whom hebefore time had defrauded. 

From hence proceedeth this slander, against our whole Nation: dissemblingin the meane time with what honestie certaine Germans, making yerelyvoyages into Island, deale with our men. But seeing by this complaint Ihaue not determined to reproch others, but to lay open the vndeseruedreproches of others against oar nation, I do here of purpose surcease. 

SECTIO DECIMAQUARTA. 

[Sidenote: 4. 5. 6. & 7. Conuitia. ] Quarto: negat in conuituijs quemquam discumbentium à mensa surgere: sed matres familias singulis conuiuis quoties opus fuerit matellas porrigere. Prætereà variam conuiuiorum edendi bibendíque rusticitatem notat. 

Cubandi et prandendi ritus obijcit: quod decem plus minus in eodem lecto promiscuè viri cum foeminis pernoctent, inque lecto cibum capiant: atque interea se non nisi aleæ aut latrunculorum ludo exerceant. 

Sexto. Calumniatur eosdem faciem et os vrina proluere. 

Septimo. Nuptiarum, sponsalium, natalitiorum celebritatem et funerum ritus contemptuosè extenuat. 

Hæc et huiusmodi plurima in gentem insontem, imò de se et suis optimèmeritam, impurus calumniator euomit. Quæ quidem eius generis sunt, vt illide his respondere prorsus dedignemur. Nam vt demus (quod tamen non damus)aliquid huiusmodi apud homines sordidos, et ex ipsa vulgi colluuie infimos, quibuscum longè sæpius, quàm bonus et honestis conuersabatur, animaduertisse præclarum hunc notarium Gemanicum (vixerat enim, vt eiusrhythmi testantur, diutiuscule in locis maritimis Islandiæ, quo ferèpromiscuum vulgus, tempore piscaturæ annuatim confluit, et tam extraneorumnautarum, quàm sua nequitia corruptum, sæpius inhonestè mores et vtaminstituit) Tamen manifestiorem etiam hoc loco iniuriam nobis facit, vniusnebulonis et desperati Sycophantæ turpitudine, totam gentem (vt ferè solentetiam alij) aspergendo, quàm vt refutatione vlla indigeat. Cuius rei etiamipsi extranei in nostra Insula non parum versati, locupletissimi testesesse possunt. 

Possem multas eius farinæ foeditates, rusticitates et obscoenitates etiamin ipsius natione deprehensas colligere. Sed odi facundiam caninam, nec inaliorum opprobrium disertum esse iuuat: nec tam tenet esse volo, vtverbulis transuerberer. Id tantum viderint boni et pij omnes, cuius sitanimi, pessima quæque ab vno aut altera designata, toti genti obijcere. Siquis Germaniæ aut alterius nationes vrbes et pagos omnes peragret, etscelera ac mores pessimos, furta, homicidia, parricidia, scortationes, adulteria, incestus luxuriem, rapinas et reliquas impietates etobscoenitates in vnum coactas, omnibus Germanis, aut alioqui alteri cuiuistoti nationi communes esse asserat, atque hæc omnia insigniter mentiendo, exaggeret, ísne optimæ rei studiosus habebitur?

Sed quid mirum, licet verbero, et, vt propriè notem, porcus impurus, iste, inquam, Rhythmista, naturam et ingenium suum eiusmodi loidoria prodiderit?

Notum est enim porcos, cum hortos amænissimos intrarint, nec lilium necrosas aut flores alioqui pulcherrimos et suauissimos decerpere: Sed rostroin coenum prono, quicquid est luti et stercoris volutare, vertere etinuertere, donec impurissima, hoc est, suo genio apprimè congruentiaeruant, vbi demum solida voluptate pascuntur. 

Ad istum igitur modum hic porcus Rythmista, optima, et quæ in nostra Repub. Laudabilia esse possunt, sicco pede præterit, pessima quæque atque ea, velà nullo, vel admodum paucis designata, hoc est, suæ naturæ, et ingenioaptissima, vt se esse, qui dicitur, re ipsa probaret, corrasit; vndeposthac porci nomen ex moribus et ingenio ipsius factum, sortitor. 

The same in English. 

THE FOURTEENTH SECTION. 

[Sidenote: The 4. 5. 6. & 7. Reproches. ] Fourthly, he sayth that in bankets none of the ghests vse to rise from the table: but that the good wife of the house reacheth to euery one a chamber pot, so oft as need requireth. Moreouer, he noteth much vnmanerliness of eating and drinking at bankets. 

Fiftly, he obiecteth customes of lying in bed, and of dining: namely that ten persons, more or lesse, men and women be altogether in the same bed, and that they eat their meat lying in bed: and that in the meane time they do nothing but play at dice or at tables. 

Sixtly, he reporteth that they wash their hands or their faces in pisse. 

Seuenthly, he despightfully abaseth our solemnizings of marriages, spousals, birth-dayes, and our customes at burials. 

These, and a number of such like reproches hath this impure slanderer, spued foorth against an innocent nation, yea and that nation which hathdeserued right well of him and his countrimen. Which are of the same kindwith these, in so much that we altogether disdeigne to make answere vntothem. For, that we may graunt (which notwithstanding we will in no caseyeelde vnto) that this worthy Germane notarie obserued some such matteramong base companions, and the very of-scouring of the common people, withwhom he was much more conuersant than with good and honest persons (for hehad liued, as his rimes testifie, somewhat long vpon the coast of Island, whither a confused rout of the meanest common people, in fishing time doyerely resort, who being naught aswell through their owne leudnesse, as bythe wicked behauiour of outlandish mariners, often times doe leade a baddeand dishonest life) notwithstanding we are in this place more manifestlywronged through the knauery of this one varlet, and desperate sycophant byhis defaming of the whole nation (as others also vsually do) then that itshould neede any refutation at all. Of which thing strangers themselues, who are not a little conuersant in our Iland, may be most sufficientwitnesses. 

I could also gather together many such filthy, vnmannerly, and baudiefashions noted by others euen in his own countrey. But I detest this doggedeloquence, neither take I any pleasure to be witty in the disgracing ofothers: and yet I will not shew my selfe such a milke-soppe as to bedaunted with light words. Onely, let all honest and good men consider, whatdisposition it argueth, for one to obiect against a whole nation certainemisdemeanours committed by some one or other particular man. If any manshould trauell thorowout all the cities and townes of Germanie or any othernation, and heaping together the offences, and most leud maners, therobberies, manslaughters, murthers, whoredomes, adulteries, incests, riots, extortions, and other prophane, and filthy actes, should affirme them to becommon to all Germans, or otherwise to any other whole nation, and shouldexaggerate all these things with notorious lies, is he to be accounted onethat spends his time in a good argument? But what maruaile is it, though avarlet, and, that I may giue him his true title, a filthy hogge, that imer(I say) hath bewrayed his nature and disposition in reproches? For it iswell knowen that swine, when they enter into most pleasant gardens, do notplucke lilies or roses, or any other most beautifull aud sweet flowers; butthrusting their snouts into the ground, doe tumble and tosse vp and downewhatsoeuer durt and dung they can finde, vntill they haue rooted vp mostvncleane things, namely such as are best agreeable to their nature, wherewith they greedily glut themselues: Euen so this hoggish Rimer lightlypasseth ouer the best and most commendable things of our Common wealth, butas for the woorst, and those which haue been committed by none, or by veryfew, namely, such things as best fit his humour and disposition (that hemight indeed show himselfe to be the same which we haue termed him) thosethings (I say) hath he scraped vp together: whereupon hereafter by myconsent, for his maners and disposition let him enioy the name of a swine. 

SECTIO DECIMAQUINTA. 

[Sidenote: 9. Conuitium. ] Nonum conuicium hic recensebimus, quod à victu, ac præcipuè cibo potu Islandorum maledicus ille porcus, non vno aut paucisverbis, sed prolixa inuectiua petiuit: Nempe quòd cibis vtantur vetustis, et insulsis, idque sine panis vsu: Tum etiam quòd varia et incognitaextraneis piscium genera illis sint esui, et aquam ac serum lactis in potummisceant. Quæ omnia venenatus hic pasquillus diserta contumelia, etingeniosa calumnia, pulchrè amplificauit. 

Cæterum etsi ilium prolixiore responsione non dignemur: tamen propteralios, qui hodie hanc rem partim mirantur, partim haud leuiter nostræ gentiobijciunt, pauca hoc loco addenda videbantur. 

Primùm igitur totam hanc gentem bipartitò secabimus: In mendicos, et hosqui et se et cum alijs etiam mendicos alunt. Mendicorum, et eorum qui adhos proximè accedunt, omnia cibaria recensere aut examinare haud facileest, nec quod illos edere, aut edisse, extrema aliquando coegit necessitas, reliquæ genti cibariorum genera aut numerum præscribere fas est. Nam et desuffocatis quidem non comedendis legem habemus inter canones, quorumseruantissima videri voluit antiquitas. 

Deinde etiam tempora distinguemus, vt nihil minim sit grassante annonæsæuitia, multa à multis ad explendam famem adhiberi aut adhibita fuisse, quæ alias vix canes pascant. Vt nuperrimè de Parisiensibus accepimus, Anno1590, arctissima Henrici 4. Nauarræi obsidione pressis, et famemSaguntinam, vt P. Lindebergius loquitur, perpessis; eos non modò equinam, sed morticinam quoque carnem ex mortuorum ossibus in mortario contusisfarinæ pugillo vno aut altero misto, confectam, in suas dapes conuertisse, et de alijs quoque populis notum est, qui simili vrgente inopia, etiammurium, felium et canum esu victi tarint. Sic etiam Islandis aliquando vsuvenit (quanquam a canina, munum et felium, vt et humana carne hactenus, nobis quantum constat, abstinuerint) licet non ab hoste obsessis: Nam cùmad victum necessaria ex terra marique petant, et ab extraneis nihilcommeatus, aut parum admodum aquehatur, quoties terræ, marisque munera DEVSpræcluserit, horrendam annonæ caritatem ingruere et ingruisse, et dira famevexare incolas, necesse est. Vnde fit, vt illos qui in diem viuere solitifuerint, nec præcedentium annorum superantes commeatus habuerint, extrematentasse, quoties egestas vrserit, credibile. Cæterum, vtrum hæc respublico et perpetuo opprobrio magis apud Islandos, quàm alias nationes, occasionem meritò præbere debeat, candidis et bonis animis iudi candumrelinquo. 

Porrò quod de gentis nostræ proprijs et consuetis alimentis multi obijceresolent, potissimum de carne, piscibus, butyro, absque sale inueteratis, Item de lacticinijs, frumenti inopia, potu aquæ, &c. Et reliquis: id nos inplurimis Islandiæ locis (nam sunt multi quoque nostratium, qui Danorum etGermanorum more, quantum quidem castis et temperatis animis admediocritatem sufficere debet, licet magna condimentorum varietate, vt etipsis Pharmacopolijs, destituimur, mensam instruere et frugaliter viueresustineant) ita se habere haud multis refragabimur, videlicet prædictavictus genera, passim sine salis condimento vsitata esse. Et insuperaddemus, hæc ipsa cibaria, quæ extranei quidam vel nominare horrent, ipsostamen extraneos apud nos, non sine voluptate, manducare solitos. [Sidenote:Ratio conseruandos cibos sine sale. ] Nam etsi frumenti aut farris penènihil vulgò habeamus, nec sal, gulæ irritamentum, ad cibaria condienda, omnibus suppetit: docuit tamen Deus opt. Max. Etiam nostros hominesrationem tractandi et conseruandi, quæ ad vitam sustentandam spectant, vtappareat, Deum in alendis Islandis non esse ad panem vel salem alligatum. Quòd verò sua omnia extranei iucundiora et salubriora clamant; negamustamen satis causæ esse, cur nostra nobis exprobrent: Nec nos DEVM gulænostræ debitorem reputamus; quin potius toto pectore gratias agimus, quodsine opiparis illis delicijs et lautitijs, quæ tam iucundæ et salubresputantur, etiam nostræ gentis hominibus, annos et ætatem bonam, tumvaletudinem etiam firmissimam, robur ac vires validas (quæ omnia statimusboni et conuenientis alimenti, [Greek: kai tes euchrasias] esse indicia)concedere dignetur, cum ingenio etiam non prorsus tam crasso ac sterili, quàm huic nostro aëri et alimentis assignare Philosophi videntur, quod relibentius, quàm verbis multi fortasse nostratium comprobare poterant. 

 Ni nos (vt inquit ille) paupertas inuidia deprimeret. 

Sed hic vulgi iudicium, vt in alijs sæpè, etiam eos qui sapere volunt (iamomnes bonos et cordatos excipio) nimis apertè decipit: Videlicet hoc ipso, quòd omnia, quæ illorum vsus non admittit, aut quæ non viderunt, autexperti sunt antea, continuò damnent. Veluti, si quis, qui mare nunquamvidit, mare mediterraneum esse aliquod, non possit adduci vt credat: Sicilli sensu suæ experientiæ omnia metiuntur, vt nihil sit bonum, nihilconductibile, nisi quo illi soli viuunt: At profectò nos, eò dementiæ nonprocessimus, vt eos qui locustis vescuntur, quod tum de alijs, tum Æthiopiæquibusdam populis, ideo (autore Diodoro) Acridophagis appellatis, et Indiæ, gente, cui Mandrorum nomen Clytharcus et Magestanes dederunt, testeAgatarchide, didicimus; aut ranis, aut cancris mannis, aut squillis gibbis, quæ res hodiè nota est, vulgi propterea ludibrijs exponere præsumamus, aquibus tamen edulijs, in totum nostra consuetudo abhorret. 

The same in English. 

THE FIFTEENTH SECTION. 

[Sidenote: The ninth reproch. ] Wee will heere rehearse the ninth reproch, which that slanderous hogge hath drawen from the maner of liuing, andspecially from the meat and drinke of the Islanders, and that not in one ora few wordes, but in a large inuectiue: namely, that they eate olde andvnsauoury meates, and that, without the vse of bread. Also that they eatediuers kinds of fishes which are vnknowen to strangers: and that theymingle water and whey together for drinke. All which this venemouspasquill, with eloquent railing and wittie slaunder hath set out at thefull. 

And albeit we doe scarse vouchsafe to stand longer about answering of him, yet in regard of others, who at this day partly woonder at the matter, andpartly obiect it to our nation, we thought good to adde some few things inthis place. 

First therefore we will diuide this our nation into two parts: intobeggers, and those that susteine both themselues, and amongst others, beggers also. As touching all kinds of meats wherewith beggers and otherpoore men satisfie their hunger, it is no easie matter to rehearse andexamine them; neither, because extreame necessity hath at some timescompelled them to eate this or that, therefore it is meet to prescribecerteine kindes and number of meats to the rest of the nation. For we hauealso a law among the canons apostolicall, which forbiddeth to eat thingsstrangled: in the obseruing of which canons, antiquity hath seemed to bevery deuout. 

Moreouer, we will make a distinction of times also, that it may seeme nostrange accident in the time of famine, though many things are, and hauebene vsed by a great number of men to satisfie their hunger, which at othertimes are scarse meat for dogges. As very lately in the yeere 1590 we heardconcerning the citizens of Paris, being enuironed with the most streitesiege of Henrie the fourth, King of Nauarre, suffering (as PetrusLindebergius speaketh) the famine of Saguntum; insomuch that they did notonely eate their horses, but also taking the flesh of dead men, and beatingtheir bones to powder in a morter, they mingle therewith a bandfull or twoof meale, esteeming it dainties. And it is well knowen also of othernations who in the like vrgent necessities haue liued by eating of mise, cats and dogs. In like maner sometimes are we Islanders constrained to doe, not being besieged by our enemies (although hitherto we haue abstained frommans flesh, yea, and to our knowledge, from dogs, mise, and cats) forwhereas we prouide things necessary for food out of the land and sea, andno sustenance, or very little is brought vnto vs by strangers: so often asGod withholdeth his gifts of land and sea, then must follow and ensue adreadfull scarsity of victuals, whereupon the inhabitants are sometimesvexed with grieuous famine. And therefore it is likely that they amongst vswhich vsed to liue from hand to mouth, and had not some prouision of formeryeeres remaining, haue beene driuen to great extremities, so often as needhath enforced them thereunto. But whether this thing ought woorthily tominister occasion to a publike and perpetuall reproch against theIslanders, more then other nations, I referre it to the iudgement ofindifferent and honest mindes. 

Moreouer, whereas diuers vse to obiect concerning the proper and accustomedfare of our country, especially of flesh, fish, butter being long time keptwithout salt, also concerning white-meats, want of corne, drinking ofwater, and such like: in most places of Island (for there be many of ourcountrimen also, who, after the maner of the Danes and Germans so farrefoorth as ought in a meane to suffice chast and temperate minds, althoughwe haue not any great variety of sauce, being destitute of Apothecariesshops, are of ability to furnish their table, and to liue moderately) weconfesse it to be euen so: [Sidenote: Want of salt in Island. ] namely thatthe foresaid kind of victuals are vsed in most places without the seasoningof salt. And I wil further adde, that the very same meats, which certainestrangers abhorre so much as to name, yet strangers themselues, when theyare among vs do vse to eat them with delight. [Sidenote: The Islandersmeanes of preseruing their meates without salt. ] For albeit for the mostpart we haue no corne, nor meale, nor yet salt the prouocation of gluttony, for the seasoning of our victuals, is common to vs all, yet notwithstandingalmighty God of his goodnesse hath taught our men also the wauy how theyshould handle, and keepe in store those things which belong to thesustentation of life, to the end it may appeare, that God in nourishing andsusteining of vs Islanders, is not tyed to bread and salt. 

But whereas strangers boast that all their victuals are more pleasant andwholesome: yet we denie that to be a sufficient reason, why they shouldvpbraid vs in regard of ours: neither do we thinke God to be a debter vntoour deinty mouthes: but rather we giue him thanks with our whole hearts, that he vouchsafeth without this delicate and nice fare, which is esteemedto be so pleasant and wholesome, to grant euen vnto the men of our countreymany yeeres, and a good age as also constant health, and flourishingstrength of body; all which we account to be signes of wholesome andconuenient nourishment and of a perfect constitution. Besides, our wits arenot altogether so grosse and barren, as the philosophers seeme to assignevnto this our aier, and these nourishments, which perhaps many of ourcountreymen could much rather verifie in deeds then in words, if (as thePoet sayth) enuious pouerty did not holde vs downe. 

But here the iudgement of the common people, as often in other matters, doth too plainly deceiue (I except all good and well experienced men) someof them which would seeme to be wise, namely, that whatsoeuer their vsedoth admit, or that they haue not seene, nor had trial of beforetime, theypresently condemne. As for example, he that neuer saw the sea will not bepersuaded that there is a mediterrane sea; so doe they measure all thingsby their owne experience and conceit, as though there were nothing good andprofitable, but that onely wherewith they mainteine their liues. But we arenot growen to that pitch of folly, that because we haue heard of certainepeople of Aethiopia, which are fed with locusts, being therefore called byDiodorus, Acridophagi, and of a certaine nation of India also, whomClitarchus and Megasthenes haue named Mandri, as Agatarchides witnesseth, or of others that liue vpon frogs or sea-crabs, or round shrimps, whichthing is at this day commonly knowen, that (I say) we should thereforepresume to make them a laughing stocke to the common people, because we arenot accustomed to such sustenance. 

SECTIO DECIMASEXTA. 

[Sidenote: 10. Conuicium. ] Decimo. Hospitalitatem nostris hominibusinhumanissimus porcus obijcit. Marsupium inquit, non cirumferunt, nechospitiari aut conuiuari gratis pudor est. Nam si quis aliquid haberet, quod cum alijs communicaret, id faceret sane in primis ac libenter. Hisquoque annectamus, quod templa, seu sacras ædiculas domi propriæ à multisIslandorum extructas velut pudendum quiddam commemorat: quodque eas primùmomnium de manè oraturi petant, nec à quoquam prius interpellari patiantur. Hæc ille velut insigne quoddam dedecus in Islandis notauit. 

Scilicet, quia nihil cum Amaricino, sui:

Nec porci diuina vnquam amarunt: quod sanè metuo ne nimis verè de hocconuiciatore dicatur, id quod vel ex his vltimis duabus obiectionibusconstare poterit. 

Verùm enimuerò cùm ipse suarum virtutum sit testis locupletissimus, nosLectorem eius rei cupidum ad ipsius hoc opus Poëticum remittimus, quod isde Islandia composuit, et nos tam aliquot proximis distinctionibusexaminauimus: cuius maledicentiæ et foeditatis nos hic pro ipso puduit;ita, vt quæ is Satyrica, at quid Satyrica? Sathanica, inquam, mordacitateet maledicentia in nostram gentem scribere non erubuit, nos tamen referrepigeat: Tanta eius est et tam abominanda petulantia, tam atrox calumnia. DEVS BONE: Hoc conuiciorum plaustrum (paucissima namque attigimus: Noluienim laterem lauare, et stulto, vt inquit ille sapientissimus, secundumstultitiam suam respondere, cum in ipsius Rhythmis verbum non sit quodconuicio careat) qui viderit, nonne iudicabit pasquilli istius autoremhominem fuisse pessimum, imò fæcem hominum, cum virtutis ac veritatiscontemptorem, sine pietate, sine humanitate?

Sed hîc meritò dubitauerim, peiusne horum conuiciorum autor de Islandismeritus sit, an verò Typographus ille Ioachimus Leo (et quicunque suntalij, qui in suis editionibus, nec suum nec vrbis suæ nomen profiteri ausisunt) qui illa iam bis, si non sæpius Typis suis Hamburgi euulgauit. Hoccine impunè fieri sinitis, ô senatus populusque Hamburgensis? Hanccinestatuistis gratiam deberi Islandiæ, quæ vrbi vestræ iam plurimos annos, exportatis affatim nostratium quibusuis commodis, pecudum, pecorumquecarnibus butyro et piscium copia quotannis, penè immodica, quædam quasicella penuaria fuit? [Sidenote: Vrbes Angliæ commercia olim in Islandiaexcercentes. ] Sensere huius Insulæ commoda etiam Hollandiæ olim et Angliævrbes aliquot: Præterea Danis, Bremensibus, et Lubecensibus cum Islandiscommercia diu fuerunt. Sed a nullis vnquam tale encomium, talem gratiamreportarunt, qualis hæc est Gregoriana calumnia: In vestrâ, vestrâ inquamvrbe, nata, edita, iterata, si non tertiata: quæ alias nationes, quibusIslandia vix, ac ne vix quidem, nomine tenus, alioqui innotuerat, ad huiusgentis opprobrium et contemptum armauit: quam à ciue vestro acceptaminiuriam, iam 30. Annos, et plus eò, Islandia sustinet. Sed etiam, insciomagistratu, eiusmodi multa sæpè fiunt: Neque; enim dubitamus, quin viriboni eiusmodi scripta famosa indignè ferant, et ne edantur, diligentercaueant: cum tales editiones pugnent cum iure naturali: Ne alteri facias, quod tibi factum non velis: Et Cæsareo, de libellis famosis: in quoirrogatur poena grauissima ijs, qui tales libellos componunt, scribunt, proferunt, emi vendiue curant, aut non statim repertos discerpunt. 

Cæterum iam tandem receptui canamus: Nosque ad te, Islandia parenscarissima, quàm nec paupertas, nec frigora, nec id genus incommoda alia, quamdiu Chnsto hospitia cupidè et libenter exhibere non desistis, inuisamfecient conuertamus: Vbi te primùm ad id quod modò diximus, nempè serium etardens studium ac amorem DEI, et diuinæ scientiæ, nobis in Christopatefactæ, totis viribus hortamur: vt vni huic cuncta posthabeas, doctrinæet verbi cupiditate flagres: Sacrum ministerium et ministros, non parumcures, non contemnas aut odio prosequeris: sed reuerearis, foueas, ames. Contra facientes, pro impijs et profanis habeas: vt omnia ad pietatis ethonestatis præscriptum geras, in vita priuata et communi, vt huic status etordines Ecclesiastici et Politici, in vniversum obtemperent: In vtroquevitæ genere ab illi amussi seu norma æqui et boni dependeas, et cæteros quipertinacia ac impietate ab ea deflectunt, auersens, quos æquum est poeniscondignis affici, id quod magistratur curæ futurum non diffidimus. Inpritmis verò nullos nisi spectatæ fidei et probitatis viros, quique adistas virtutes, reliquas huc pertinentes coniungant, ad gubernaculaadmittas, qua ratione reliquis incommodis ritè occurritur Res ista enim, siprobe curetur, vt videlicet, qui munus publicum gerunt, ex bonis omnibusoptimi quique deligantur, improbi et huic rei inepti, procul indearceantur, subditorum conditio, longè erit optatissima: vita et mores tantòmagis laudabiles sequentur: pietas et honestas tantò erunt illustriores. Atverò si secus fiat. Si Pastores Ecclesiarum suo muneri, vel vita veldoctrina non respondeant, si ad administrationem politicam promiscuèadmittantur, quicunque eò propria leuitate, ambitione vel auaritia etcontentione honoris, ruunt: si ijdem criminum aut improbitatis, velsuspecti vel conuicti sint, aut suspectorum et conuictorum protectores, velijsdem illicite indulgentes, quis tuus quæso demum futurus est status? quæfacies? quæ conditio? Certe longe omnium miserrima. Nec enim alio pactocitius ad ruinam et interitum tuum appropinquabis, quàm si istis teregendam commiseris, qui quod in ijs est, licet sint et ipsi ex tuis, iugulum tuum, propter emolumenta priuata, et odia latentia, quotidiè peterecontendunt/ Quamobrem (ne ista pluribus agam) quanti intersit, vt hæc probècurentur, facile, ô Patria, intelligis. 

Sed dum hæc tuis auribus à me occinuntur, utinam gemitus meos altissimos, qui sub hac ad te Apostrophe latent, Serenis simæ Regiæ Maiestatis auresexaudiant, apud quam ego pro te ita deploro damna publica, quæ ea de causaexoriuntur maximè, quòd patria nostra à regia sede, et conspectu, tantòinteruallo sit remota, vt multi propterea tantò sibi maiorem sumantlicentiam, et impunitatem securius promittant. Cæterum ista numiniiustissimo, quod æquis omnia oculis aspicit, committenda ducimus. 

Reliquum est, ô patria, vt studium in te nostrum, eo quo speramus animo i. Comi et benigno, suscipias: quod quamuis minimè tale est, quale optaremus, tamen cum VELLE SIT INSTAR OMNIVM, nolui idcirco desistere, quod pro tuonomine, tua dignitate, tua innocentia pugnare me satis strenuè diffiderem. Quin potius, quicquid id est si modò quicquam est et quantulumcunquetandem, quod ad tui patrocinium pro mea tenui parte afterre possem, nequaquam supprimendum putaui nec enim illos laudare soleo, Qui, quod desperent inuicti membra Glyconis, Nodosa nolunt corpus prohibere Chiragra. 

Me sanè, si hæc commentatiuncula non erit tibi aut mihi dedecori, operænequaquam poenitebit. Quod si ad laudem vel aliquale patrocinium tuialiquid faciat, operam perdidisse haud videbor. Sin verò alios alumnos, meos conterraneos, arte et industria superiores, ad causam tuam, vel nunc, vel in posterum suscipiendam, hoc conatu tenello excitauero, quid est curoperæ precium non fecisse dicar? quibus scribentibus, licet mea fama inobscuro futura est, tamen præstantia illorum, qui nomini officient meo, meconsolabor: Nam etsi famæ et nominis cura surnma esse debett maior tamenpatriæ; cuius dignitate salua et incolumni, nos quoque saluos et incolumesreputabimus. 

Scripsi Holis Hialtædalensium in Islandia, Æræ Christianæ Anno 1592. 17. Kalendas Maias. 

The same in English. 

THE SIXTEENTH SECTION. 

[Sidenote: The tenth reproch. ] Tenthly, that vnciuill beast casteth our menin the teeth with their good hospitality. They do not (sayth he) carryabout money with them in their purses, neither is it any shame to beenterteined in a strange place, and to haue meat and drinke bestowed offree cost. For if they had any thing which they might impart with others, they would very gladly. Moreouer, he maketh mention of certeine churches orholy chappels (as of a base thing) which many of the Islanders haue builtin their owne houses: and that first of all in the morning, they hauerecourse thither, to make their prayers, neither do they suffer any manbefore they haue done their deuotion to interrupt them. These be the thingswhich he hath set downe as some notable disgrace vnto the Islanders. And nomaruell:

 For filthy swine detest all cleanly ones, And hogs vncleane regarde not precious stones. 

Which I feare, least it may be too truely affirmed of this slanderer, as itis manifest out of these two last obiections. 

Howbeit, sithens he himselfe is a most sufficient witnesse of his ownevertues, we will referre the reader, who is desirous to know more of himvnto his booke of rimes against Island, which we haue now examined in ourformer sections at whose railing and filthy speeches we haue bene ashamedon his behalfe: insomuch that those things which he with satyrical, satyrical? nay sathanicall biting and reuiling of our nation, hath notblushed to write, are irksome for vs to repeat: so great and abominable ishis insolency and his reproches so heinous. Good God! whosoeuer shall viewthis cartlode of slanders (for we haue mentioned the least part thereof, because I was loth to lose my labour, or, as the wise man sayth, to answerea foole according to his foolishnesse, whereas in his rimes there is notone word without a reproch) will he not iudge the authour of this pasquillto haue bene a most lewde man, yea the very drosse of mankinde, withoutpietie, without humanitie?

But here I haue iust occasion to doubt whether the authour of thesereuilings hath bene the more iniurious to Islanders, or the Printer thereofIoachimus Leo (and whatsoeuer else they be who in their editions dareneither professe their own name, nor the name of their Citie) which Leohath nowe twise, if not oftener, published the saide pamphlet at Hamburg. Doe you suffer this to goe vnpunished, O ye counsell and commons ofHamburg? What? [Sidenote: The commodities of Island. ] Haue you determinedto gratifie Island in this sort, which these many yeeres, by reason of youraboundant traffique with vs, and your transporting home of all ourcommodities, of our beeues and muttons, and of an incredible deale ofbutter and fishes, hath bene vnto your Citie in stead of a storehouse. [Sidenote: The ancient traffique of England with Island. ] In times pastalso, certaine Cities of England and of Holland haue reaped the commoditiesof this Isle. Moreouer, there hath bene ancient traffique of Denmarke, Breme, and Lubeck with the Islanders. But they neuer gained by any of theirchapmen such commendations, and such thanks, as are contained in thislibell: It hath in your, in your Citie (I say) bene bred, brought foorth, iterated, if not the thirde time published: which I hath armed other peoplevnto whom the name of Island was otherwise scarce knowne, to the disdaineand contempt of this our Nation: and this iniurie offered by a Citizen ofyours, hath Island susteined these 30. Yeeres and more, and doeth as yetsusteine. But many such accidents often come to passe without the knowledgeof the magistrate, neither do we doubt but that good men are grieued atsuch infamous libels, and do take diligent heed that they be not published:for such editions are contrary to the lawe of nature: Doe not that toanother which thou wouldest not haue done vnto thy selfe: [Sidenote: Lawesagainst libels. ] and to the laws Emperial of infamous libels: wherein isenioyned a most grieuous penaltie vnto those who inuent, write, ytter, orcause such libels to be bought or sold, or do not presently vpon thefinding thereof teare them in pieces. 

But now time bids vs to sound a retreat: and to returne home vnto thee, Island (our most deare mother) whom neither pouertie, nor colde, nor anyother such inconueniences shall make ircksome vnto vs, so long as thouceasest not to giue heartie and willing entertainment vnto Christ: where, first we doe earnestly exhort thee to the serious and ardent affection, andloue of God, and of the heauenly knowledge reueiled vnto vs in Christ: thatthou wouldest preferre this before all things, being enflamed with desireof doctrine, and of the worde: that thou wouldest not lightly esteeme, contemne or hate the holy ministerie and ministers, but reuerence, cherishand loue them. Accompting those that practise the contrary as wicked andprophane: and managing all thine affaires both priuate and publique, according to the prescript rule of pietie and honestie, that vnto this, thystates and orders Ecclesiasticall and politique may in all things beconformed; and so in either kinde of life relying thy selfe vpon thatleuell and line of equitie and iustice, and auoyding others, who vponstubbernesse and impietie swerue therefrom. That thou wouldest also inflictiust punishments vpon offenders: All which we doubt not but the Magistratewill haue respect vnto. But especially that thou admittest none to beMagistrates, but men of approued fidelitie and honestie, and such as mayadioyne vnto these vertues others hereto belonging, by which meanesinconueniences may fitly be preuented. For if this matter be well handled, namely that they which are the best of all good men be chosen to bearepublicke authoritie, wicked and vnfit men being altogether reiected; thecondition of the subiects shalbe most prosperous: the hues and maners ofall men shal proue by so much the more commendable; godlinesse also andhonestie shal become the more glorious. But on the contrary, if pastours ofChurches be not answerable to their function, either in life or doctrine;if all men without respect or difference be admitted to the gouernment ofthe common wealth, who aspire thereunto by their owne rashnesse, ambition, or auarice, and desire of honour, yea though they be suspected or conuictedof crimes and dishonestie, or be protectours or vniust fauourers of suchpersons as are suspected and conuicted; then what will be thy state, ohIsland? What wil be thy outward show or condition? Doubtlesse mostmiserable. Neither shalt thou by any other meanes more suddenly approch tothy ruine and destruction, then if thou committest thy selfe to thegouernment of such men, who to the vttermost of their power, although theybe of thine owne brood, dayly seeke thine ouerthrow for their owne priuateaduantage and secret malice. Wherefore (to be short) let these be toaduertise my deare Countrey, how behouefull it is that the mattersaforesaid be put in practise. 

But whilest I am speaking these things vnto thee (my Countrey) oh that mydeepe and dolefull sighes, which lie hid in the former speach, might piercethe eares of our Kings most excellent Maiestie, before whom, on thy behalfeI doe bewaile the publique miseries, which in this respect especially doearise, because wee are so farre distant from the seate and royall presenceof our King, that many therefore take more libertie, and promise moresecuritie of offending vnto themselues. But we will commit all thesematters to the most iust Judge of heauen and earth who beholdeth all thingsin equitie. 

Nowe it remaineth (my beloued Countrey) that thou wouldest take in goodpart these my labours employed in thy seruice, and accept them with thatfauourable and courteous minde which I haue expected. And although they benot of such worth as I could wish, yet sith a willing minde is worth all, Iwould not therefore giue ouer because I mistrusted my selfe as oneinsufficient to contend for thine innocencie, for thy reputation, and thinehonour, my deare Countrey. But rather whatsoeuer it be (if it be ought) andhow mickle soeuer which for my slender abilitie I was able to afford in thydefence, I thought good not to suppresse it: for I esteeme not those menworthy of commendation, who despairing

 To ouergrow the limmes of Lyco stoute, Neglect to cure their bodies of the goute:

And in very deed, it doeth no whit repent me of my labour, if this littletreatise shall tend neither to thine, nor to mine owne disgrace. But if itshall any thing auaile to thine honour or defence, I will thinke mytrauaile right well bestowed. Yea, if by this my slender attempt, I may butonely excite other of thy children, and my natiue Countreymen, being farremy superiours both in learning and industrie to take thy cause in hand, either nowe or hereafter what reason is there why any man should say thatit is not worth my labour? Nowe, if they addresse themselues to write, howsoeuer my fame shalbe obscured, yet wil I comfort my selfe with theirexcellencie, who are like to impaire my credite: for albeit a man ought tohaue speciall regard of his name and fame, yet he is to haue more of hisCountrey, whose dignitie being safe and sound, we also must needes esteemeour selues to be in safetie. 

Written at Holen Hialtedale in Island, the yeere of our Lord 1592. The 17. Of the Kalends of May. 

 * * * * *

A letter written by the graue and learned Gudbrandus Thorlacius Bishop of Holen in Island, concerning the ancient state of Island and Gronland, &c. 

Reuerendissimo viro, eruditione et virtute conspicuo, D. Hugoni Branham, Ecclesiæ Hareuicensis in Anglia pastori vigilantissimo, fratri et symmystæ obseruando. 

Mirabar equidem (vt conijcis, reuerende domine pastor) primo literarumtuarum intuitu, ignotum me, ab ignoto, scriptis salutari. Cæterùm, cumvlterius progrederer, comperi me, si non aliter, certè nomine tenùs, tibi(quæ tua est humanitas) innotuisse: Simúlque quòd te nominis Islandorumstudiosum experirer, ex animo gauisus sum. Vnde etiam faciam, vt tuapietas, tuúmque nomen, de Euangelio Iesu Christi nobis congratulantis, dèque gente nostra tàm benignè támque honorificè sentientis, et scribentisapud nos ignotum esse desinat. 

[Sidenote: Commentarius breuis de Islandia: per Arngrimum Ionam Islandumeditus, 1593. ] Quòd verò ad antiquitatis monimenta attinet, quæ hic extarecreduntur, nihil sanè est (præter illa, quorum in Commentario isto deIslandia, quem vidisse te scribis, fit mentio) de hac nostra insula lectuscriptuuà dignum, quod cum humanitate tua communicem. De vicinis itidemterris pauca, præter historiam Regum Noruegiæ, seu veriùs eiusdem historiæfragmenta; quæ alijs alitèr descripta sunt: sunt tamen talia, quæ Krantziusnon attigerit, aut eorum certè pauca. De vicina quoque Gronlandia, idveterum opinione habemus, eam magno circuitu ab extrema Noruegia, vbiBiarmlandia [Marginal note: Biarmia. ] nuncupatur, et à qua haud vastointeruallo sita sit, circum quasi Islandiam exporrigi. Illic nostratesaliquando commercia exetcuisse, et eam terram tempore Pontificiorum suosEpiscopos habuisse annales nostri testantur. Cætera nobis incognita. [Sidenote: Gronlandia olim suos habuit Episcopos. ] At hodie fama est, vestris Brittannis (quos ego propè maris dominos appellarim) quotannis cssein Gronlandia negotmiones de qua re, si me certiorem feceris, non eritiniucundum. Euam velim quæcunque noua erunt de rebus vestratium autvicinorum regnorum, ea non omittas. 

Vale foeliciter (reuerende Dom. Pastor) Deo musis, et commissio gregi quàmdiuttssime superstes, Amen. Ex Islindij in festo visitationis D. Mariæ Anni1595. 

Human. Tuæ studiosus Gudbrandus Thorlacius Episcopus Holensis in Islandia. 

The same in English. 

To the reuerend, learned, and vertuous, Master Hugh Branham minister of the Church of Harewich in England, his brother and felow pastour, &c. 

I much marueiled (euen as you your selfe, reuerend sir coniectured that Iwould) at the first sight of your letters, that being a stranger I shouldbe saluted in writing by one altogether vnknown vnto mee. Howbeit, readinga little further I found my selfe, if not otherwise, yet by name at least(which procedeth of your courtesie) knowne vnto you: And also, for that Isawe you desirous of the credite and honest report of vs Islanders, Igreatly reioyced. Wherefore I my selfe will be a meane, that your vertueand good name (because you congratulate with vs for the gospel of Christhere published, and doe thinke and write so louingly and honourably of ournation) may sease hereafter to be vnknown amongst vs. 

[Sidenote: This is the brief Commentarie of Ionas Arngrimus immediatlygoing before. ] As touching the monuments of antiquitie which are herethought to be extant, there is, in very deede nothing (except thoseparticulars, whereof mention is made in the Commentary of Island which youwrite vnto me that you haue seene) worthy to be read or written, which Imay communicate with you. And as concerning our neighbor Countreys we hauelitle to shewe, besides the history of the Kings of Norway, (or rather somefragments of the same history) which others haue otherwise described:howbeit they are all in a maner such things as Crantzius neuer mentioned:vnlesse it be some fewe relations. Moreouer, as touching Grondland, weholde this from the opinion of our ancestours, that, from the extreeme partof Norway, which is called Biarmlandia [Marginal note: Biarmia. ] and fromwhence the saide Gronland is not farre distant, it fetcheth about theNorthren coast of Island with an huge circuit in maner of an halfe Moone. [Sidenote: Gronland in old time had Christian Bishops. ] Our Chronicleslikewise doe testifue that our owne countreymen in times past resortedthither for traffique, and also that the very same countrey of Gronland hadcertaine Bishops in the dayes of Poperie. More then this we cannot auouch. But now it is reported that your Englishmen (whom I may almost call thelordes of the Ocean sea) make yeerely voyages vnto Gronland: concerningwhich matter if you please to giue me further aduertisement, you shall doeme an especial fauour. Moreouer, whatsoeuer newes you heare concerning thethe affaires of England or of other Countreys thereabout, I pray you makevs acquainted therewith. Thus (reuerend sir) wishing you long life, for theseruice of God, for the increase of learning, and the benefit of the peoplecommitted to your charge, I bid you farewel. From Island vpon the feast ofthe visitation of the blessed Virgine Mary, Anno Dom. 1595. 

Yours Gudbrandus Thorlacius Bishop of Hola in Island. 

INDEX. 

_Where the same Document is given in Latin and English the reference isto the English Version. _

NB--The large print indicates that the _whole_ section refers to thesubject mentioned. 

ADAMS, Clement, mentionedAFFRICA, daughter of Fergus of Galway, marries OlavusAFRICA, a peninsula --Circumnavigated --Portuguese trade withAGATHA marries Edward AthelingAGINCOURT, battle ofALCOCK, Thomas his voyageALEPPO, Elizabeths communications withALEXANDER (the Great), mentionedALEXANDRIA (Egypt), mentionedALFRED mentionedALGESIRAS or Algezar, mentionedALGIERS, English atAMERICA, discoveredANGLES, mentionedANGLESEY, conquered --CONQUEST OF BY EDMUNDANTIOCH, takenAQUITAINE, mentionedARABIA, Felix, mentionedARABIAN Gulf, mentionedARDOK (River), visited by JenkinsonARDOVIL, mentionedARGYLE, mentionedARISTOTLE, quotedARMADA, The GreatARMENIA, English inARSACES, mentionedARTHUR, King, mentioned --THE CONQUESTS OF --Buried at Glastonbury --Alluded to (_ note_)ASAFI, English atASCHILIUS, King, submits to ArthurASTRAKHAN, English atATHELSTAN, mentionedATHELWOLD, Bishop, mentioned (_note_)ATLANTIS, mentionedAUGUSTINE, Archbishop of BritainAUGUSTUS, mentionedAUSTRO HUNGARIAN ARCTIC EXPEDITION, mentioned (_note_)AZORES, mentioned

BAATU, mentionedBABYLON, Elizabeth's communications withBALE, mentionedBALSARA, Elizabeth's communications withBALTIC, mentioned --DescribedBARBAROSSA Frederick, HIS TREATY WITH HENRY II --Biographical Notice (_note_)BARENTZ, mentioned (_note_)BARGENLAND (_see Borhalme_)BEDE, Venerable, quoted --HIS ACCOUNT OF THE CONQUEST OF ANGLESEY AND MAN --THE VOYAGE OF BERTUS --HIS TESTIMONY TO THE IMPORTANCE OF LONDON VNDER THE SAXONSBEDFORD, John, Duke of, defeats the French --Defeats GenoeseBENGORION, Joseph, quotedBENIN, English inBERGEN, mentionedBERTUS, mentioned --Account of his voyage into IrelandBIARMIA described --MentionedBLEKINGIE, mentionedBOATS, limited to three iron nailsBOKHARA or Boghar, mentioned --Visited by JenkinsonBONA SPERANZA (Cape of), Englishmen doubleBORHOLME, mentionedBORIS, Emperor, mentionedBORISTHENES, mentionedBOSTON (Lincolnshire), mentionedBOWES, Jerome, mentionedBRABANT, mentionedBRACTON, Henry, quotedBRAZIL, first English trade toBREMEN, mentionedBRISTOL, mentioned --Its trade with Norway and IrelandBRITTANY, mentionedBRUNSWICK, mentionedBURLEIGH, Lord, mentionedBURROUGH, Hubert defeats the WelshBURROUGH, Stephen, mentionedBURROUGH, William, assists Hakluyt --His voyageBUTE, mentioned

CABOT, John, patent granted by Henry VII. ToCABOT, Sebastian, created Grand PilotCADIZ, Expedition to, mentionedCAIRO, mentionedCALAIS, mentionedCAMDEN, eulogised --His eulogy of Hakluyt. --His CHRONICLES OF THE KINGS OF MANCANARY ISLES, mentionedCANDISH, Thomas, mentionedCANUTE obtains privileges at Rome --MentionedCAPE VERDE Islands, English inCARDANUS, quotedCARPINI, Joannes de Piano, his journeyCASBEN, mentionedCASPIAN (Sea), mentioned --Visited fourteen timesCATALONIA, mentionedCAZAN, mentionedCHANCELLOR, Richard, doubles North Cape --Arrives in RussiaCHARLEMAGNE, concludes treaty with Offa --MentionedCHARLES V. Founds lecture on navigationCHAUCER, Geoffrey, mentioned --QuotedCHAUEZ, Alonso de, quotedCHAUEZ, Hieronymo de, quotedCHAUL, Englishmen atCHERRILLAND, mentionedCHESTER, Rainulf de, quotedCHILI, Englishmen inCHINA, traffic with --Sends Embassy to Rome --MentionedCHRISTIAN IV, dedication of Commentary on Iceland toCHRISTINA, daughter of Edward AthelingCINQUE (Ports), mentioned --HISTORY OF, FROM EDWARD THE CONFESSOR TO EDWARD I. CNOYEN, James, quotedCOG, The, mentionedCOLBY, (River), mentionedCOLGOIEVE (Gulf of), mentionedCOLMOGRO, mentionedCOLOGNE, mentionedCOLUMBUS, Christopher, mentioned --Discovers AmericaCOMETSCOMMERCE, HISTORY OFCONDORA, visitedCONRAD, Emperor, confers privileges on CanuteCONSTANTINOPLE, mentionedCOPE, William, his collection of curiositiesCORELIA, coastedCORNWALL, Richard, Earl of, King of the RomansCOURCY, John de, conquers Ulster --Taken prisoner --Invades ManCOURLAND, mentionedCROUAlN, Godred, mentionedCRUZES burnt by DrakeCUMBERLAND, Earl of, sends Expedition to South WestCYRUS, mentioned

DANTZIG, mentionedDARIEN, (Isthmus of), crossed by OxnamDAVIS, John, mentionedDEAL, mentionedDEDICATION To First Edition --To Second EditionDEE, Doctor, mentioned --His Testimony Touching Nicholas de Lenna --Biographical noticeDENMARK, submits to Arthur --Conquered by Malgo --MentionedDENMARK (Sound of), [_See Baltic_]DEPTFORD, Guild of Navigation founded atDERBENT, visited by Jenkinson --MentionedDERBY, Henry, Earl of, his journeyDIODURUS, quotedDOLDAVIUS, King, submits to ArthurDONALD, usurps kingdom of ManDOOMSDAY Book, quotedDOUGLAS (Man), mentionedDOVER, one of Cinque Ports --MentionedDRAKE Sir Francis, mentionedDUBLIN, mentioned --Taken by Gadred CronanDUGALD, son of Sumerled, becomes King of ManDWINA (River), English on --Mentioned --Visited --Description ofDYER or Dier, Edward, assists Hakluyt

EASTERLINGS, mentionedEASTLAND (_See Lithunia_)EASTMEERE, mentionedEST(Sea) (_See Baltic_)ECFRID, mentioned --Sends army into IrelandEDEN, Richard, mentionedEDGAR, Atheling, mentionedEDGAR, King, mentioned --His navigation --Surnamed Pacificus--Buried atGlastonburyEDMUND, Prince, mentioned --His Voyage into HungaryEDRIC, mentionedEDWARD, Atheling, mentioned --His voyage into HungaryEDWARD the Conftssor, mentionedEDWRD I, confers privileges on Cologne, Lubeck, and Hanse Towns --Grants the Great Charter --Grants Charter to Cinque PortsEDWARD II, corresponds with Haco --Decree of StapleEDWARD III, his fleet against CalaisEDWARD IV, trade underKDWARD VI, names Sebastian Cabot, Grand Pilot of EnglandEDWIN, King, conquers Man and AngleseyELAND, mentionedELIZABETH, Queen, portraitELSENBORG, mentionedELY, Foundation Charter of CathedralEMDEN, mentionedENNIUS, Father, mentionedEPISTLE to Cupid, quoted --Its authorshipESSEX, Earl of, his expedition against Cadiz --Geoffrey Fitz-Peter, Earl ofEUDOXUS, mentionedEUPHRATES (River), Englishmen onEUROPE, Map of NorthernEUXINE (Sea), mentioned

FABIAN, Robert, quotedFALSTER, mentionedFARAON, taken by HowardFAROE Islands, mentionedFAVERSHAM, mentionedFEMELAND, mentionedFENTON, Edward, mentionedFERNELIUS, John, quotedFINGAL, King of ManFINMARK, visited --MentionedFINONS, described --Pay tribute to BiarmesFLANDERS, mentionedFLETCHER, Doctor, mentionedFLORENCE, mentionedFLORES Historiarum, quotedFLORIDA, discovered by CabotFLORUS, Lucius, quotedFOLKESTONE, mentionedFONTANAS, mentionedFOX, mentionedFRANCE, mentionedFRANZ-JOSEF Land, discoveredFREDERICK SAXO, mentionedFREDERIC III, changes constitution of NorwayFRISIUS, mentioned --ConfutedFROBISHER, mentionedFRUSO, mentioned

GADES (_see Gibraltar_)GALWY, subdued by MagnusGAMA, Vasco de, doubles Cape of Good HopeGARGANUS (Mount), mentionedGARTH or Garthe, Richard, his collection of curiositiesGENOA, mentionedGERMANY, a Charter for Merchants of --MentionedGEORGIA, English inGIBRALTAR (Straits of), mentionedGILBERT, Sir Humphrey, mentionedGILLAN (Persia), English inGIRALDUS CAMBRIENSIS, quotedGLASTONBURY, Invocation toGOA, Englishmen atGODRED, his voyage to Norway --MentionedGODRED, son of Olavus --MurderedGODRED. (_See Cronan_)GOLETTA, English atGOROPIUS, Joannes, quotedGOSPATRICIUS, usurps ManGOTHLAND, submits to Arthur --Mentioned --Conquered by MalgoGRANADA, mentionedGREENLAND, mentionedGRESHAM COLLEGE, foundedGRESHAM, Sir John, mentionedGRESHAM, Sir Richard, mentionedGRESHAM, Sir Thomas, founds lectures --Biographical sketch (_note_. )GUILLAUMURIUS, King, sends Ambassadors to ArthurGUINEA, English inGUNFACIUS, King, submits to Arthur

HACO takes possession of the IslandsHACO HUSBAC invades the IslandsHACO IV. , his treaties with Henry III. --HIS CORRESPONDENCE WITH HENRY III. --His expedition to ScotlandHAINAULT, mentionedHAKLUYT, Edmund, tutor to Lord William HowardHAKLUYT, Richard, of Middle Temple --Assists his cousinHAKLUYT, Richard, preacher, biographical notice --Greek eulogy of --Latin eulogy by Richard Mukaster --Anonymous eulogy --Latin eulogy by Camden --Italian eulogy by M. A. Pigafeta --Eulogy by Oldys --Eulogy by ZouchHAMBURG, mentionedHANNO, mentionedHANSE towns, treat with Edward I. --With Henry IV. HARFLEUR, mentionedHAROLD, daughter of, marries JeruslausHAROLD Harfager, mentionedHAROLD, son of Godred CrouanHAROLD, son of Godwin, mentionedHAROLD, son of Olave, King of Man, mentioned --Regains his kingdomHAROLD (the Black), mentionedHASTINGS, mentionedHAWKINS, Sir John, his voyage --Assists HakluytHEBRIDES, mentioned --Conquered by EdwinHECLA, mentionedHELGAFEL (Mount) mentionedHELIGOLAND, mentionedHENRY, Emperor of Germany, mentionedHENRY II. , his treaty with Frederick Barbarossa --His charter quoted --MentionedHENRY III, his treaties with Haco --His CORRESPONDENCE WITH HACO --His PRIVILEGES TO LUBECKHENRY IV his treaties with the Great Masters of Prussia His CHARTER TO ENGLISH MERCHANTSHENRY V, mentioned --His FLEETHENRY VI, trade underHENRY VII, offer made by Columbus toHENRY VIII employs Knevett --Supports explorations --Founds Guilds of NavigationHERDLE-VOER, mentionedHERODOTUS, quoted --MentionedHETHA, mentionedHINGE, King of NorwayHIREAN, mentionedHISPANIA, Nova, Englishmen inHISPANIOLA, visited by HawkinsHODSON, Christopher, mentionedHORSEY, HIEROME, his journeyHOVEDEN, Roger de, mentionedHOWARD, Lord Charles, mentioned --Dedication of Second Edition to --Biographical notice --Accompanies EssexHOWARD, Lord William, mentionedHUGO, Earls, taken and slainHUMBER (River), mentionedHUNGARY, mentionedHUNGERFORD, Earl of, mentionedHY, Isle of, mentionedHYRCAMlA, English inHYTHE, mentioned

ICELAND, true state of --Conquered by Arthur --Sends Ambassadors --Mentioned --Conquered by Malgo --A COMMENTARY OF, BY ARNGRIMUS JONAS --Map of --Longitude and latitude --Mean Temperature --Size --Barrenness --Mountains and volcanoes --Volcanic eruptions --Gysers --Brimstone mines --Abundance of fish --Reindeer --Fauna --Conversion to Christianity --Oldest chronicles --Bishops of Schalholt --Bishops of Holen --The houses are built of fishes' bones --Men and beasts all live in one house --The habits of the inhabitants --Their morals --A yearly governor sent from Denmark --Community of property --Their want of love for their children --The status of the bishops --Food --Ancient trade with EnglandICELANDIC clergy, defendedIERUSLAUS. (_See Jeruslaus_)ILSING, mentionedINDIAN (Ocean), discovered by PortugueseINDIES (West) first visited by Englishmen --Mentioned --Described by PlatoINDUS (River), mentionedINGEMUNDUS lands in Lewes --Sent to ManINGULPH colonizes IcelandINNOCENTIUS IV, mentionedIONA, mentionedIOUGHORIA, mentionedIPSWICH, mentionedIRELAND, invaded by Bertus --Invaded by Magnus --Conquered by John --By Arthur --Sends Ambassadors --Mentioned --Conquered by MalgoISOCRATES, quotedIUNGINGEN, Conrad de, mentionedIUNGINGEN, Ulrich de, mentioned

JACKMAN, Charles, mentionedJAMES, Doctor, assists HakluytJAPAN, mentionedJAPANESE in EnglandJAVA, treaties withJENKINSON, Anthony, mentioned --Assists Hakluyt --His narrativeJERUSALEM, Britains at Siege ofJERUSLAUS, marries Harold's daughterJOHN, King, confers privileges on foreigners --ConquersIreland --MentionedJOHN, Pope, confers privileges on CanuteJOHNSON, Richard, mentionedJONAS, Arngrimus, HIS COMMENTARIE OF ICELAND --Biographical noticeJOSEPH of Arimathea, buried at GlastonburyJUSTUS, BishopJUTLAND, mentioned

KENT, mentionedKERWARY, Isle of, mentionedKINGSTON-UPON-HULL, Guild of Navigation founded at --MentionedKIRKWALL, Haco buried atKNEVETT, Sir Henry, Agent for Henry VIIIKRANTZIUS, mentioned --Confuted

LACY, Hugo de, invades UlsterLACY, Walter de, defeats De CourcyLAGMAN, mentionedLAMBERT'S [Greek: Archaionomia] quoted --His Perambulations ofKent quoted --The History of the Cinque PortsLANGLAND, mentionedLAPLAND coasted --MentionedLATHYRUS, mentionedLAYLAND, mentionedLEINSTER, mentionedLEO, Joachim, criticisedLETTO, King of, conqueredLEWES, Isle of, conquered --MentionedLIBEL, Law of, in IcelandLIEFLAND, visited by Horsey --MentionedLINNA, Nicholas de, mentioned --ACCOUNT OF HISVOYAGES TO THE NORTHLISTER, Christopher, mentionedLITHUANIA, mentioned --DescribedLIVERE DE REIS DE ENGLETERRE, MS. , quotedLOGLEN, Deputy in ManLOMBARDS, mentionedLOMBARDY, mentionedLONDON, famous for Commerce --Its importanceunder the Saxons --Under StephenLOT, King, submits to ArthurLUMLEY, Lord, his LibraryLUZONES, Englishmen landing onLYNN (Norfolk), mentionedMACMARRAS, slainMADEIRA, mentionedMæLSTROM, describedMAGELLAN, Straits of, Englishmen passing throughMAGNUS, King of Norway --Opens coffin of St OlaveMALCOLM, King of Scotland, diesMALGO, mentioned --THE CONQUESTS OFMALMESBURY, William of, quoted --His ACCOUNT OF THE TREATY BETWEEN CHARLEMAGNE AND OFFA --HIS ACCOUNT OF LONDON UNDER STEPHENMALTA, English atMALVASIUS, King, sends Ambassadors to ArthurMAN, Isle of, conquered --Chronicles of, mentioned --CONQUEST OF, BY EDWIN --CHRONICLE OF THE KINGS OF --Transferred to ScotlandMANCHESTER, mentionedMANGUCAN, Emperor of TartaryMANGUSLA, mentionedMARE'S MilkMARGARET of Scotland, mentionedMARY, Queen, grants patent to Muscovy CompanyMEDIA, English inMEDITERRANEAN, mentionedMEERE, mentionedMELLITUS, Bishop of East SaxonsMERCATOR, mentioned --QuotedMERCHANTS, raised in rank for thrice crossing the sea --Ancient customs of --Arrested by HacoMEXICO, English inMEXICO, Gulf of, visited by HawkinsMICHæL, Bishop of the IslesMOLLINEUX, his map mentionedMOLUCCAS, Treaties with --Sir Francis Drake visitsMONMOUTH, Geoffrey de, quoted --His ACCOUNT OF ARTHUR --HIS ACCOUNT OF MALGOMOROCCO, English inMORSESMOSCOW, English atMOSKOWA (River), mentionedMULCASTER, Richard, Eulogy of Hakluyts CollectionMUNCH, P. A. , quotedMUNSTER, mentioned --ConfutedMUSCOVY Company, mentioned --Receives patent from Queen Mary

NADDODR, mentionedNAVARRE, mentionedNAVIGATION, Lecture on, suggested --Founded by Charles V. NECO, King of Egypt, mentionedNEPOS, Cornelius, mentionedNERO, mentionedNETHERLANDS Company formedNEWCASTLE-UPON TYNE, Guild of Navigation founded at --MentionedNIALUS, mentionedNICHOLAS, Bishop of the IslesNOBLE (coin)NOMBRE DE BIOS, visited by DrakeNORTHBERN, mentionedNORTH CAPE, doubledNORTHUMBERLAND, mentionedNORTH WEST PASSAGENORWAY, mentioned --Submits to Arthur --Conquered by Malgo --DescribedNOVA ZEMBLA, mentionedNOVGOROD, mentioned

OBDOLOWCAN, King of Hircan, mentionedOBI (River), mentionedO'BRIEN, Murecardus, King of Ireland --Forced to carryshoes of MagnusOCCA (River), mentionedOCCLEVE, Thomas, THE EPISTLE OF CUPID attributed toOCTHER, mentioned --His VOYAGE TO THE NORTH EAST --HIS VOVAGE INTO THE SOUND Of DENMARKOFFA, TREATY WITH CHARLEMAGNEO'FOGOLT, Viscount of ManOLAVE, mentioned --His coffin opened --Appears to MagnusOLAVUS MAGNUS, mentioned --ConfutedOLAVUS, son of Godred Crouan --King of Man --Detailed biographyOLDYS, quotedONEGA (River) mentionedORKNEYS, conquered by Magnus --Submit to Arthur --Conquered by Malgo --MentionedORMOND, Earl of, mentionedORMUZ, Englishmen atORTELIUS, quoted --MentionedOSEP NAPEA, Russian AmbassadorOSMAN, Basha, mentionedOSWALD, Bishop, mentionedOTHOR, Earl, slainOTTO Frisingensas, quotedOVID, quotedOXNAM, John, crosses Isthmus of DarienOXUS (River), visited by Jenkinson

PACIFIC, first visited by EnglishPAGORELLA, Pheodata, Russian AmbassadorPAULINUS, converts NorthumbriansPAY, Henry, defeats the FrenchPECHORA (Gulf), mentionedPEEL (Man), mentionedPEMBROKE, Richard, Earl of, invades IrelandPEROSLAF, English atPERSIA, Elizabeth's communications withPERSIAN GULF, Englishmen onPERU, Englishmen inPETT, Arthur, mentionedPETZORA. (_See Pechora_). PEUCER, Casper, mentioned --QuotedPEVENSEY, mentionedPHOENICIANS, circumnavigate AfricaPHEODOR, Emperor of RussiaPHILLIPPINES, inhabitants at, in England --MentionedPHISEMSKI, Pheodor, Russian AmbassadorPIGAFETTA, Marco Antonio, his eulogy of HakluytPLATE (River), Englishmen atPLATO, quotedPLINY, quoted --MentionedPLUTARCH, quoted --MentionedPOLAND, mentionedPOLICY, THE PROCESS OF THE LIBEL OF --Eulogised --QuotedPOLITIA, (_See Policy_)POMERANIA, mentionedPOMERLAND, (_See Pomtrenia_)PONTANUS, quotedPOPILINIERE, quotedPORTO SANTO, mentionedPORTUGAL, mentionedPREFACE, Editors --To first edition, To second editionPRISAGEPROPERTIUS, quotedPROUENCE, mentionedPRUSSIA, mentioned --Grand Masters ofPTOLOMY, quoted

QUENELAND, mentioned

RADEVIEUS Frisingensis, quotedRALEIGH, Sir Walter, assists in compiling this Collection --Plants colonies in VirginiaRAMSEY (Man), taken by Godred Crouan --Conspiracy at --Battle ofRANDOLPH, Ambassador to RussiaREGINALD, Bishop of the IslesREGINALD, Son of Eacmarcat, invades ManREGINALD, Son of Olavus, usurps Kingdom of Man --King of Man --Detailed biogragraphyREIN-DEERRHINFRIN, or RENFREW, mentionedRICHARD, Bishop of SodorRICHARD II, his treaties with the Great Masters of PrussiaRICHMOND (Yorkshire), mentionedRIGA, visited by HorseyROCHESTER, mentionedROE, mentioncdROGNOLPWAHT (_See Peel_)ROMNEYROMULUS, mentionedROSTOFF, English atROSTOK, visited by Horsey --MentionedROYAL Exchange, foundedRUBRIEIS, William de, his journeyRUDULPH, King, confers pnvileges on CanuteRUSHEN or Russin, Abbey of, founded --Grant of land to --Removed to DouglasRUSSIA, mentioned, 11, 17, 24RYE

SAINT DUNSTAN, mentionedSAINT HELENA, English at --MentionedSAINT JAMES, Legend ofSAINT LOUIS, mentionedSAINT MARY'S, Abbey of, foundedSAINT NICHOLAS (Bay), mentionedSAINT PATRICK (Armagh), burial place of MagnusSAINT PATRICK, Isle of, taken by MagnusSAINT THOMAS, Isle of, mentionedSALOMON, a mistake for _Stephen_, King of HungarySALT, scarcity of, in IcelandSAMOEDIA, mentionedSAMOGITIA, mentionedSANDERSON, William, mentionedSANDWICH, mentionedSANTA CRUZ, English atSANTWAT (Man), battle ofSARTACH, Duke of TartarySAXO GRAMMATIEUS, mentioned --HIS ACCOUNT OF THEMARRIAGE OF HAROLD'S DAUGHTER TO JERUSLAUS --ConfutedSAXONS, cross the seas --MentionedSCACAFELL (Man)SCARBOROUGH, mentionedSCIPIO AFRICANUS, mentionedSCIPIO (the Elder), quotedSCIRINGS HALI, mentionedSCONIE, mentionedSCOTLAND, mentionedSEALS, Capture of, in IcelandSEMELAND, mentionedSENECCA, quotedSENEGAL, English inSEVILLE, Lecture on Navigation atSHAHRAM, visited by JenkinsonSHALLY MURZEY, mentionedSHAMAKY, visited by JenkinsonSHEFFIELD, Lady, mentionedSHELISUR, mentionedSIDNEY, Sir Philip, fellow-student of HakluytSIGISMUND, EmperorSILLAND, mentionedSMOLENSK, visited by AlcockSOLIMUS, mentionedSOUTHAM, mentionedSOUTHAMPTON, mentionedSPAIN, mentionedSPARKE, mentionedSTAFFORD, Sir Edward, mentionedSTAMFORD BRIDGE, Battle ofSTAPER, Richard, assists HakluytSTAPLE ordained for woolSTEPHEN, trade underSTEPHEN the HolySTILYARD, the, mentionedSTRABO, quoted --MentionedSUETONIUS, mentionedSUEZ, Isthmus of, mentionedSUMERLED, his wars with Godred --Marries his daughter --His sons quarrelSUN, eclipsedSWEDEN, mentionedSWERRO, mentionedSYRRIE, mentioned

TACITUS, quotedTARTARS take an Englishman prisoner --Visited by two friarsTAURICA CHERSONESUS, mentionedTENERIFFE, mentionedTHAMAS, Shah, mumonedTHEOPHRASTUS, quotedTHORLACIUS GUDBRANDUS, Introduction to Arngrinus Jonas's Commentary on Iceland --A LETTER TO THE REV HUGH BRANCHAINTHULE, identical with IcelandTINGUALLA, (_See Tynwald Mount_)TIRIVIL, mentionedTITUS, mentionedTONESBERG, mentionedTOSTI mentionedTOULOUSE, mentionedTRIPOLIS, Elizabeth's communications withTRUSCO, mentionedTUERDICO, Stephen, Russian AmbassadorTUNIS, English atTURBEVILLE, George, mentionedTURKEY, Elizabeths communications with --MentionedTYCHO BRAHE, mentionedTYNE (River)TYNEMOUTH CASTLE, mentionedTYNWALD MOUNT, Battle of

URGENCE, mentionedURRY, quoted, VAIGATZ, Isles of, mentionedVANDALS, mentionedVENICE, mentionedVESPASIAN, mentionedVESUVIUS, mentionedVIRGIL, quotedVIRGINIA, English colonies inVIVIANUS, marries Godred to RhingolaVOBSKO, visited by HorseyVOLGA, English on theVOLOGDA, English atVORTIPORIUS, mentioned

WALES, Princce of, voyage to North WestWALPOLE, Horace mentionedWALSINGHAM, Sir Francis, portrait --Dedication to Biographical Notice --MentionedWALSINGHAM, Thomas quoted --HIS ROLE OF THE FLEET OF EDWARD III --Biographical Notice --THE VOYAGE OF HENRY, EARL OF DERBY --VOYAGE OF THOMAS OF WOODSTOCKWARD, Luke, mentionedWENFDLAND, (_See Prussia_)WESTMINSTER ABBEY mentionedWESTMINSTER, Matthew of quotedWEXEL or WIXEL (River) mentionedWEXELMOUTH or WIXELMOUTHWEYMOUTH, mentionedWHALES, Hunting of --In IcelandWHITTINGTON, RichardWILLIAM I, mentionedWILLIAM II, mentionedWILNA, takenWILLOUGHBY, Sir Hugh, mentionedWlLLOLGHBY'S LAND, visitedWINCHELSEAWINDLAND, mentionedWIRELND, mentionedWISMER, mentionedWITHRINGTON, Robert, mentionedWITLAND, mentionedWOLSIAN, HIS NAVIGATION --MentionedWOODSTOCK, Thomas of, his journeyWOOL, Staple forWORCESTER, Foundation Charter of Cathedral quotedWORCESTER, Florence of, quoted --HIS ACCOUNT OF THE VOYAGE OF THE SONS OF EDMUND IRONSIDE

YARMOUTH, mentionedYAVATE, mentionedYELL or YLE (Island), mentionedYENO, Abbot of FurnessYEROSLAV, English atYORK, taken by Harold and Tosti

ZAMORANO, Rodengo, mentionedZEELAND, mentionedZIEGLER, J. , mentioned --Confuted --Map of Northern Europe from his _Schndta_ZOLNER, Conrad de, mentionedZOUCH'S eulogy of Hakluyt

LIST OF PLATES AND MAPS

1. MAP OF NORTHERN EUROPE FROM J. ZIEGLER's _Schodia_, 15322. PORTRAIT Of QUEEN ELIZABETH after WHITE--_Facsimile_3. PORTRAIT OF SIR FRANCIS WALSIGHAM, after VIRTUE4. MAP OF ICELAND

TABLE OF CONTENTS

I. Editor's PrefaceII. Facsimile Title-PageIII. Dedication to First EditionIV. Preface to First EditionV. Dedication to Second EditionVI. Preface to Second EditionVII. [Greek: Eis Apodaemias Brettanon ponaema Richardon tou Haklitou]VIII. In Nauales Richardi Hakluyti Commentarios, R. MulcasterIX. Ejusdem in eundemX. In eximium opus R. Hakluyti Gulielmi Camdeni HexastichonXI. Marco Antonio Pigafeta ad HakluytumXII. Extract from Oldys's Librarian, 1738. XIII. Extract from Zouch's Life of Sir Philip Sidney

1. The Conquests of Arthur, from Geoffrey of Monmouth

2. A Testimonie of the Right and Appendances of the Crowne of the Kingdome of Britaine, taken out of Mr. Lambard, his [Greek: Archaionomia]

3. A Testimonie concerning the Conquests of Malgo, King of England, from Geofrrey of Monmouth

4. The Conquest of the Isles of Anglesey and Man, by Edwin, King of Northumberland, from Bede's Ecclesiastical History

5. Another Testimonie by Bede to the same purpose

6. The Voyage of Bertus, Generall of an Armie sent into Ireland by Ecfridus, King of Northumberland, from Bede's Ecclesiastical History

7. The Voyage of Octher, made to the North-East parts beyond Norway, reported by himselfe unto Alfred

8. The Voyage of Octher out of his countrey of Halgoland into the Sound of Denmarke

9. Wolstan's Navigation in the East Sea (Baltic), from Hetha to Trusco, which is about Dantzig

10. The Navigation of King Edgar, from Florence of Worcester, Hoveden, and Dr. Dee

11. The Voyage of Edmund and Edward, the Sonnes of King Edmund Ironside, into Hungarie, from Florence of Worcester

12. A Chronicle of the Kings of Man from Camden's Chorographia

13. The Marriage of the Daughter of Harold to Jeruslaus, Duke of Russia, from Saxo Grammaticus

14. The State of the Shipping of the Cinque Ports from Edward the Confessour and William the Conqueror, and so downe to Edward I. , from Lambert's Perambulations of Kent

 15. The roll of the huge Fleete of Edward III. Before Calice, from Thomas Walsingham

 16. The Voyage of Nicholas de Linna, a Franciscan Frier, and an excellent Mathetician, of Oxford, to all the regions situate under the North Pole, in the yeere 1360

 17. A Testimonie of the learned Mathematician Master John Dee, touching the foresaid Voyage of Nicholas de Linna

 18. The Voyage of Henry, Earle of Derbie, after Duke of Hereford, and lastly King of England, by the name of Henry IV. , into Prussia and Lettowe, against the Infidels, from Thomas of Walsmgham

 19. The Voyage of Thomas of Woodstocke, Duke of Gloucester, into Prussia, written by Thomas Walsingham

 20. The verses of Geoffrey Chaucer, showing that the English Knights were wont in his time to travaile into Prussia and other heathen lands

The original proceedings and successe of the northren, domestical, and forren trades and traffiques of this Isle of Britain, from the time of Nero the Emperor, who deceased in the yeere of our Lord 70, under the Romans, Britons, Saxons, and Danes, till the Conquest; and from the Conquest untill this present time, gathered out of the most authenticall histories and records of this Nation, viz. :

 21. A Testimonie out of Cornelius Tacitus, proving London to have bene a famous Mart Town in the Reigne of Nero the Enperour

 22. A Testimome out of Venerable Beda, proving London to have bene a citie of great Trafficke, not long after the beginning of the Saxons Reigne

 23. The League betweene Carolus Magnus and Offa, concerning safe trade of English Merchants

 24. An ancient Testimonie as to the rank of Merchants, from Lambert's Perambulation of Kent

 25. A Testimonie of certaine privileges obtained for English and Danish Merchants, of Conrad the Emperor, and John, Bishop of Rome, by Canutus the Kinmg, extracted out of a Letter of his

 26. The flourishing state of the citie of London, in the Reigne of King Stephen, from William of Malmsbury

 27. The Traffike of Bristow with Norway and Ireland, from William of Malmsbury

 28. The League betwecne Henry II. , and Frederick Barbarossa, from Radevicus and Otto Frisingenses

 29. A generall safe-conduct granted to all forreine Marchants by King John, from the Records of the Tower

 30. The Letters of King Henry III. , unto Haquinus, King of Norway, concerning a Treaty of Peace

 31. A Mandate for the King of Norway, his ship called The Cog

 31. A charter granted to the Merchants of Colen, by Edward I. 

 33. The Charter of Lubeck, graunted by Henry III. 

 34. A Charter for the Marchants of Almaine, graunted by Edward I. 

 35. A Mandate of King Edward I. , concerning outlandish Marchants

 36. The Great Charter granted unto forreine Marchants by Edward I. 

 37. The Letters of Edward II. , unto Haquinus, King of Norway, concerning the English Marchants arrested in Germany

 38. An Ordinance of the Staple to be holden at one certaine place

 39. A Charter of King Henry IV. , to English Merchants resident in Prussia, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, and Germany

 40. A note touching the mighty ships of King Henry V. , from a Chronicle in the Trinity Church of Winchester

 41. A branch of a Statute made in the Reigne of Henry VI. , for the trade to Norway, Sweden, Denmark, and Finmark

 42. Another branch of a Statute made in the Reigne of Henry VI. , concerning the English Marchants in Denmark

43. The Process or the Libel of English Policie, exhorting all England to Keepe the Sea

44. A brief Commentarie of Island: wherein the errors of such as have written concerning this island are detected, and the Slanders and Reproches of certaine strangers, which they have used over boldly against the People of Island are confuted by Arngrimus Ionas

 BOOK I. 

 SECTION 1. 

 The Isle of Island, being severed from other countries, an infinite distance standeth farre into the ocean, etc. 

 SECTION 2. 

 In this Island at the Summer Solstitum there is no night, etc. 

 SECTION 3. 

 It is named of the ice, which continually cleaveth unto the north part thereof. 

 SECTION 4. 

 The Island is so great that it containeth many people, etc. 

 SECTION 5. 

 The Island, the most part thereof, is mountainous and untilled. 

 SECTION 6. 

 There be in this Island mountaines lift up to the skies, whose tops being white with perpetual snowe, their roots boile with everlasting fire, etc. 

 SECTION 7. 

 The flame of Mount Hecla will not burne towe, neither is it quenched with water. .. . This place is thought by some to be the prison of uncleane soules, etc. 

 SECTION 8. 

 Neare unto the mountaines there be three vast holes, the depth thereof cannot be discerned by any man; but there appeare to the beholders thereof certaine men at that instant plunged in, who answere their friends, exhorting them, with deepe sighs, to returne home, and, with that, they suddenly vanish away

 SECTION 9. 

 But round about the Island there floateth ice. The inhabitants are of opinion that in Mount Hecla and in the ice there are places wherein the soules of their countrymen are tormented, SECTION 10. 

 If any man shall take a great quantity of this ice, and shall keepe it never so warily in a coffer or vessel, it wil, at the time when the ice thaweth about the Island, utterly vanish away, etc. 

 SECTION 11. 

 Not far from the Mountains there be four fountaines of a most contrary nature betweene themselves. The first converteth into a stoen any body cast into it. The second is extremely cold. The third is sweeter than honey. The fourth is altogether deadly, etc. 

 SECTION 12. 

 There are so great store of Fishes in this Island that they are laid forth on piles to be sold in the open air, as high as the tops of houses

 SECTION 13. 

 They have most swift horses, which will run without ceasing a continual course, for the space of thirty leagues

 SECTION 14. 

 There be seen neare unto Island huge whales. .. . It sometimes falleth out that Mariners thinking these whales to be Islands, and casting out upon their backs, are often in danger of drowning, etc. 

 BOOK II. 

 Introduction

 SECTION 1. 

 Adalbert, Metropolitanate of Hamburg, saw the Islanders converted unto Christianity. .. . At their humble request he appointed a certaine holy man named Islief to be thsir first Bishop

Chronology of the Bishops of Schalholt

Chronology of the Bishops of Holen

 SECTION 2. 

 They inhabit caves. .. . And have many houses built with the bones of fishes, etc. 

 SECTION 3. 

 They and their cattell use all one house, etc. 

 SECTION 4. 

 The customs of the inhabitants

 SECTION 5. 

 The King of Denmarke and Norway sendeth every year a Lieutenant into the country

 SECTION 6. 

 All things are common among them, except their wives

 SECTION 7. 

 They make all one reckoning of their whelpes and of their children, etc. 

 SECTION 8. 

 They honour their Bishop as their King, etc. 

 SECTION 9. 

 They live there for the most part upon fishes, etc. 

 SECTION 10. 

 The inhabitants do celebrate the acts of their ancestors. .. . With songs, and they grave them in rocks. .. . There be divers found among them that be minstrels, etc. 

 SECTION 11. 

 Joachim Leo and his slanders on Iceland, SECTION 12. 

 Adulteries and Whoredoms arc not only public and common vices. .. . But are not accounted by them for vices

 SECTION 13. 

 The treachery of the inhabitants

 SECTION 14. 

 The good wife of the house reacheth to every one a Chamber-pot. .. . At Banquets. .. . Ten persons, men and women, lie together in one bed, etc. , SECTION 15. 

 The food of the inhabitants

 SECTION 16. 

 The simple manners of the inhabitants, and their Commerce, etc. 

45. A Letter written by Gudbrandus Thorlacius, Bishop of Holen in Island, concerning the Ancient State of Island and Gronland, Index

List of Plates and Maps

Table of Contents

END OF VOL. 1