THE PREHISTORIC WORLD

or, VANISHED RACES. 

By E. A. Allen

Author of "The Golden Gems of Life. "

Nashville: Central Publishing House, 1885. 

Copyright By Ferguson, Allen, And Rader, 1885. 

Each of the following well-known Scholars reviewed one or more Chapters, and made valuable suggestions:

C. C. ABBOTT, M. D. , Author of "Primitive Industry. "

Prof. F. W. PUTNAM, Curator of Peabody Museum of Archaeology andEthnology, Harvard University. 

A. F. BANDELIER, Explorer for Archaeological Institute of America, author of "Archaeological Tour in Mexico. "

Prof. CHARLES RAU, Curator of Archaeological Department of SmithsonianInstitution. 

ALEXANDER WINCHELL, LL. D. , Professor of Geology and Paleontology, University of Michigan. 

CYRUS THOMAS, PH. D. , Of the Bureau of Ethnology. 

G. F. WRIGHT, Of the United States Geological Survey, Professor inTheological Seminary, Oberlin, Ohio. 

PREFACE

In this volume the author has sought to lay before the reader adescription of life and times lying beyond the light of history. This isindeed an extensive subject, and calls for some explanation, both as tothe general design of the work and what steps have been taken to securecorrect information. 

History is a word of varied import. In general, when we talk abouthistory, we mean those accounts of past events, times, and circumstancesof which we have written records. Not necessarily meaning alphabeticalwriting, because hieroglyphic records have furnished much true history. Hieroglyphic writing, which long preceded alphabetical writing, isitself a comparatively recent art. In no country do we find any recordscarrying us further back than a few thousand years before the Christianera. We have every reason to believe that the historical part of man'slife on the globe is but an insignificant part of the whole. Thishistoric period is not the same in all countries. It varies from a fewcenturies in our own country to a few thousands of years in Orientallands. In no country is there a hard and fast line separating thehistoric period from the prehistoric. In the dim perspective of yearsthe light gradually fades away, the mist grows thicker and thickerbefore us, and we at last find ourselves face to face with the unknownpast. 

This extensive period of time is not, however, utterly lost to us. Wehave simply to gather our information in some other way. Enthusiasticexplorers, digging beneath the ashes of Vesuvius, have brought to lightthe remains of an entombed city. Of this city we indeed have historicrecords, but even if all such records had long since disappeared, wewould gather much information as to the nationality of the inhabitants, their customs, and manners, by a simple inspection of the relicsthemselves. Everywhere over the earth, entombed beneath the feet of theliving, or crumbling on the surface, are the few relics of a past farantedating the relics of Pompeii. They are the proofs positive that somepeople inhabited the land in far away times. 

Our object is to gather together the conclusions of the scientificworld as to primitive man. We wish to see how far back in the geologicalhistory of the globe we can find evidence of man's existence, and wedesire to learn his surroundings and the manner of his life. There canbe no more important field than for us to thus learn of the past. Toread the story of primitive man, to walk with him the earth in ages longago, with him to wage war on the huge animals of a previous epoch, torecede with him before the relentless march of the ice of the GlacialAge, to watch his advance in culture, to investigate whether there areany races of men now living which are the direct descendants of thisprimeval man. 

The author makes no claims to original investigations. He trusts, however, it will not be considered impertinent for a mere loiterer inthe vestibule of the temple of science to attempt to lay before othersthe results of the investigations of our eminent scholars. He hasendeavored faithfully to perform this task. As far as possible technicallanguage has been avoided. This is because he has written not for thedistinctively scientific men, but rather for the farmer, the mechanic, and the man of business. Constant references are made to the authoritiesconsulted. The reader his a right to know who vouches for the statementsmade in the text. 

The pleasantest part of an author's duty is to return thanks forassistance. After the manuscript was prepared with what care couldbe bestowed on it, it was determined to submit it to some of our bestAmerican scholars for criticism. Accordingly, each of the gentlemennamed on the title page were requested to review one or more chapters. As far as possible, each one was asked to review that chapter orchapters for which, either by reason of the position they held, or theinterest they were known to take in such subjects, they would by commonassent be acknowledged as eminently fitted to sit in judgment. Injustice to them, it should be stated that they were not expectedto concern themselves with the literary merits or demerits of themanuscript, but to criticise the scientific statements made therein. Toeach and all of these gentlemen the author would acknowledge his deepobligations. 

We are indebted to Rev. J. P. MacLean, the well-known archaeologist, both for many valuable suggestions, and for the use of wood-cuts onpages 60, 138 and 396. We are also under obligation to Rev. S. D. Peet, editor of the _American Antiquarian, _ for cuts illustrative ofthe effigy mounds of Wisconsin. The officials of the SmithsonianInstitution, and the Bureau of Ethnology have our thanks for many cuts, for which credit is given them throughout the work. 

Finally, the author wishes to say that it was the intention to makethis work the joint production of the author and his partner, Mr. S. C. Ferguson, but before any progress was made it was deemed advisable tochange the programme. While the literary work has all been performed bythe author, the many details necessarily connected with the publicationof a book were attended to by Mr. Ferguson. 

E. A. ALLEN. 

Cincinnati, _January_ 1, 1885. 

CONTENTS

Chapter I. INTRODUCTION. 

Difficulties of the subject--Lesson to be learned--The pursuit ofknowledge--Recent advances--Prehistoric past of the Old World--Of theNew--Of Mexico and the South--The Isles of the Pacific--Similar natureof the relics--The wonders of the present age--History of popularopinion on this subject--The teachings of the Bible--Nature ofthe evidence of man's antiquity--The steps leading up to thisbelief--Geology--Astronomy--Unfolding of life--Nature of our inquiry. 

Chapter II. EARLY GEOLOGICAL PERIODS. 

Necessity of a general acquaintance with the outlines of Geology--Atime in which no life was possible on the globe--Length of thisperiod--History of life commences at the close of this period--On theformation of rocks--The record imperfect--The three great periods inanimal life on the globe--Paleozoic Age--Animal and vegetable life ofthis period--Ideal scenes in this period--The Mesozoic Age--Animal andvegetable life of this period--Advance noted--Abundance of reptilianlife--First appearance of birds--Nature's methods of work--the CenozoicAge Geological outline--Sketch of the Eocene Age--Of the MioceneAge--What is sufficient proof of the presence of man--Discussion onthe Thenay flints--The Pliocene Age--Animal and vegetable life ofthis age--Was man present during this age?--Discussion of thissubject--Summing up of the evidence--Conclusion. 

Chapter III. MEN OF THE RIVER DRIFT. 

Beginning of the Glacial Age--Interglacial Age--Man living in Europeduring this age--Map of Europe--Proof of former elevation of land--Theanimals living in Europe during this age--Conclusions drawn from thesedifferent animals--The vegetation of this period--Different climaticconditions of Europe during the Glacial Age--Proofs of the GlacialAge--Extent of Glacial Ice--Evidence of warm Interglacial Age--Theprimitive state of man--Early English civilization--Views ofHorace--Primitive man destitute of metals--Order in which differentmaterials were used by man for weapons--Evidence from the RiverSomme--History of Boucher De Perthes's investigations. Discussion of thesubject--Antiquity of these remains--Improvement during the PaleolithicAge--Description of the flint implements--Other countries where theseimplements are found--What race of men were these tribes--The Canstadtrace--Mr. Dawkins's views--When did they first appear in Europe? Theauthorities on this question--Conclusion. 

Chapter IV. CAVE-MEN. 

Other sources of information--History of cave explorations--Theformation of caves--Exploration in Kent's Cavern--Evidence of twodifferent races--The higher culture of the later race--Evidence ofprolonged time--Exploration of Robin Hood Cave--Explorations in Valleyof the River Meuse--M. Dupont's conclusions--Explorations in the Valleyof the Dordogne--The station at Schussenreid--Cave-men not found southof the Alps--Habitations of the Cave-men--Cave-men werehunters--methods of cooking--Destitute of the potter's art--Theirweapons--Clothing--Their skill in drawing--Evidence of a government--Ofa religious belief--Race of the Cave-men--Distinct from the Men of theDrift--Probable connection with the Eskimos. 

Chapter V. ANTIQUITY OF THE PALEOLITHIC AGE. 

Interest in the Antiquity of man--Connected with the Glacial Age--Thesubject difficult--Proofs of a Glacial Age--State of Greenlandto-day--The Terminal Moraine--Appearance of the NorthAtlantic--Interglacial Age--Causes of the Glacial Age--Croll'sTheory--Geographical causes--The two theories not antagonistic--The dateof the Glacial Age--Probable length of the Paleolithic Age--Time Sincethe close of the Glacial Age--Summary of results. 

Chapter VI. THE NEOLITHIC AGE IN EUROPE. 

Close of the first cycle--Neolithic culture connected with thepresent--No links between the two ages--Long lapse of time betweenthe two ages--Swiss lake villages--This form of villages widelyscattered--Irish cranogs--Fortified villages--Implements and weapons ofNeolithic times--Possessed of pottery--Neolithic agriculture--Possessedof domestic animals--Danish shell-heaps--Importance of flint--The artof navigation--Neolithic clothing--Their mode of burial--The question ofrace--Possible remnants--Connection with the Turanian race--Arrival ofthe Celts. 

Chapter VII. THE BRONZE AGE IN EUROPE. 

Races of Men, like Individuals--Gradual change of Neolithic Age tothat of Bronze--The Aryan family--First Aryans Neolithic--Origin ofBronze--How Great discoveries are made--Gold the first metal--Copperabundant--No Copper Age--The discovery of Tin--Explanation of anAlloy--Bronze, wherever found, the same composition--What is meantby the Bronze Age--Knowledge in other directions--Gradual Growth ofCulture--Three Centers of Bronze production--Habitations duringthe Bronze Age--The Bronze Ax--Implements of Bronze--Personalornaments--Ornaments not always made of Bronze--Advance in Arts ofliving--Advance in Agriculture--Warlike Weapons--How they workedBronze--Advance in Government--Trade in the Bronze Age--Religion of theBronze Age--Symbolical figures--Temples of the Bronze Age--Stonehenge. 

Chapter VIII. THE IRON AGE IN EUROPE. Bronze not the bestmetal--Difficulties attending the discovery of Iron--Probable steps inthis discovery--Where this discovery was first made--Known in AncientEgypt--How this knowledge would spread--Iron would not drive outBronze--The primitive Iron-worker--The advance in government--Potteryand ornaments of the Iron Age--Weapons of early Iron Age--Thebattle-field of Tilfenau--Trade of early Iron Age--Invention ofMoney--Invention of Alphabetic Writing--Invasion of the GermanicTribes--The cause of the Dark Ages--Connection of these threeages--Necessity of believing in an Extended Past--Attempts to determinethe same--Tiniere Delta--Lake Bienne--British Fen-lands--Maximum andMinimum Data--Mr. Geikie's conclusions--The Isolation of the paleolithicAge. 

Chapter IX. EARLY MAN IN AMERICA. 

Conflicting accounts of the American Aborigines--Recentdiscoveries--Climate of California in Tertiary Times--Geologicalchanges near its close--Description of Table Mountain--Results of thediscoveries there--The Calaveras skull--Other relics--Discussion of thequestion--Early Californians Neolithic--Explanation of this--Date ofthe Pliocene Age--Other discoveries bearing on the Antiquity of man--Dr. Koch's discovery--Discoveries in the Loess of Nebraska--In GreeneCounty, Ill. --In Georgia--Difficulties in detecting a Paleolithic Agein this country--Dr. Abbott's discoveries--Paleolithic Implements of theDelaware--Age of the deposits--The race of Paleolithic man--Ancestors ofthe Eskimos--Comparison of Paleolithic Age in this country with that inEurope--Eskimos one of the oldest races in the World. 

Chapter X. THE MOUND BUILDERS. 

Meaning of "Mound Builders"--Location of Mound Building tribes--AllMounds not the work of men--Altar Mounds--Objects found on theAltars--Altar Mounds possibly burial Mounds--Burial Mounds--Moundsnot the only Cemeteries of these tribes--Terraced Mounds--CahokiaMound--Historical notice of a group of Mounds--The Etowalgroup--Signal Mounds--Effigy Mounds--How they represented differentanimals--Explanation of the Effigy Mounds--Effigy Mounds in otherlocalities--Inclosures of the Scioto Valley--At Newark, Ohio--AtMarietta, Ohio--Graded Ways--Fortified Inclosures--Ft. Ancient, Ohio--Inclosures of Northern Ohio--Works of unknown import--AncientCanals in Missouri--Implements and Weapons of Stone--Their knowledge ofCopper--Ancient mining--Ornamental pipes--Their knowledge of pottery--OfAgriculture--Government and Religion--Hard to distinguish them from theIndians. 

Chapter XI. THE PUEBLO COUNTRY. 

Description of the Pueblo Country--Historical outline--Description ofZuni--Definition of a Pueblo--Old Zuni--Inscription Rock--Pueblo ofJemez--Historical notice of Pecos--Description of the Moqui tribes--TheEstufa--Description of the San Juan country--Aztec Springs--In theCanyon of the McElmo--The Ruins on the Rio Mancos--On HovenweepCreek--Description of a Cliff-house--Cliff Town--Cave Houses--Ruinson the San Juan--Cave Town--The Significance of Cliff-houses--Moquitraditions--Ruins in Northern New Mexico--Ruins in the ChacoCanyon--Pueblo Bonito--Ruins in South-western Arizona--The RioVerde Valley--Casa Grande--Ruins on the Gila--Culture of the PuebloTribes--Their Pottery--Superiority of the Ancient pottery--Conclusion. 

Chapter XII. THE PREHISTORIC AMERICANS. 

Different views on this Subject--Modern System of Government--AncientSystem of Government--Tribal Government universal in NorthAmerica--The Indians not Wandering Nomads--Indian houses Communal incharacter--Indian Methods of Defense--Mandan Villages--Indians sometimeserected Mounds--Probable Government of the Mound Builders--Traditionsof the Mound Builders among the Iroquois--Among the Delawares--Probablefate of the Mound Builders--The Natchez Indians possibly a remnant ofthe Mound Builders--Their early Traditions--Lines of resemblancebetween the Pueblo Tribes and the Mound Builders--The origin ofthe Indians--America Inhabited by the Indians from a very earlytime--Classification of the Indian Tribes--Antiquity of the IndianTribes. 

Chapter XIII. THE NAHUA TRIBES. 

Early Spanish discoveries in Mexico--The Nahua tribes defined--Climateof Mexico--The Valley of Anahuac--Ruins at Tezcuco--The Hill ofTezcocingo--Ruins at Teotihuacan--Ancient Tulla--Ruins in theProvince of Querataro--Casa Grandes in Chihuahua--Ancient remains inSinaloa--Fortified Hill of Quemada--The Pyramid of Cholula--FortifiedHill at Xochicalco--Its probable use--Ruins at Monte Alban--Ancientremains at Mitla--Mr. Bandelier's investigations--Traditions in regardto Mitla--Ruins along the Panuco River--Ruins in Vera Cruz--Pyramid ofPapantla--Tusapan--Character of Nahua Ruins. 

Chapter XIV. THE MAYA TRIBES. 

The geographical location of the Maya tribes--Descriptionof Copan--Statue at Copan--Altar at Copan--Ruins atQuiriga--Patinamit--Utatlan--Description of Palenque--The Palaceat Palenque--The Temple of the Three Inscriptions--Temple of theBeau-relief--Temple of the Cross--Temple of the Sun--Maler's Templeof the Cross--Significance of the Palenque crosses--Statueat Palenque--Other ruins in Tobasco and Chiapas--Ruins inYucatan--Uxmal--The Governor's House--The Nunnery--Room inNunnery--The Sculptured Facades--Temple atUxmal--Kabah--Zayi--Labna--Labphak--Chichen-Itza--The Nunnery--TheCastillo--The Gymnasium--M. Le Plongon's researches--The tradition ofthe Three Brothers--Chaac-Mal--Antiquity of Chichen-Itza. 

Chapter XV. THE CULTURE OF THE CIVILIZED TRIBES. 

Different views on this question--Reasons for the same--Theirarchitecture--Different styles of houses--The communal house--Theteepan--The teocalli--State of society indicated by thisarchitecture--The gens among the Mexicans--The phratry among theMexicans--The tribe--The powers and duties of the council--The headchiefs of the tribe--The duties of the "Chief-of-men"--The mistakeof the Spaniards--The Confederacy--The idea of property among theMexicans--The ownership of land--Their laws--Enforcement of thelaws--Outline of the growth of the Mexicans in power--Their tributesystem--How collected--Their system of trade--Slight knowledgeof metallurgy--Religion--Quetzalcohuatl--Huitzilopochtli--Mexicanpriesthood--Human sacrifice--The system of Numeration--The calendarsystem--The Calendar Stone--Picture-writing--Landa Alphabet--Historicaloutline. 

Chapter XVI. ANCIENT PERU. 

First knowledge of Peru--Expeditions of Pizarro--Geography of Peru--Buta small part of it inhabitable--The tribes of ancient Peru--Howclassified--Sources of our knowledge of Peru--Garcillaso De LaVega--Origin of Peruvian civilization--The Bolson ofCuzco--Historical outline--Their culture--Divided into phratries andgentes--Government--Efforts to unite the various tribes--Their systemof colonies--The roads of the Incas--The ruins of Chimu--The arts of theChimu people--The manufacture of Pottery--Excavation at Ancon--Ruinsin the Huatica Valley--The construction of a Huaca--The ruinsat Pachacamac--The Valley of the Canete--The ChinchaIslands--Tiahuanuco--Carved gateway--The Island ofTiticaca--Chulpas--Aboriginal Cuzco--Temple of the Sun--TheFortress--General remarks. 

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

 1. Pyramids and Sphinx. 2. Paleozoic Forest. 3. The Pterodactyl. 4. Ichthyosauri. 5. The Labyrinthodon. 6. The Paleotherium. 7. Miocene Mammals. 8. Cut Bones of a Whale. 9. Mastodon. 10. Map of Europe. 11. Scratched Stone. 12. Interglacial Bed. 13. Paleolithic Flints. 14. Flint Implements. 15. Section of Gravel-pit. 16. Paleolithic Flint, England. 17. Flint Flakes. 18. Spear-head Type. 19. Hatchet Type. 20. Neanderthal Man. 21. Gailenreuth. 22. Spear-head, Lower Breccia, Kent's Cavern. 23. Spear-head, Cave-earth, Kent's Cavern. 24. Flake, Cave-earth, Kent's Cavern. 25. Harpoon, Pin, Awl, and Needle, Kent's Cavern. 26. Robin Hood Cave. 27. Horse incised on Piece of Rib. 28. Bone Implements, Cresswell Crags. 29. Bone Implements, Dordogne Caves. 30. Rock Shelter, Bruniquel. 31. Whale and Seal incised on Bone. 32. Cave-bear incised on Slate. 33. Glove incised on Bear's Tooth. 34. Reindeer grazing. 35. Group of Reindeers. 36. Man, and other Animals. 37. Fish incised on Bear's Tooth. 38. Ibex. 39. Mammoth, La Madeline Cave, France. 40. Reindeer carved on Dagger Handle. 41. Flower on Reindeer's Horn. 42. Ornamented Reindeer Horn, use unknown. 43. Eskimo Art. 44. The Mammoth. 45. Antarctic Ice-sheet. 46. Earth's Orbit. 47. Lake Village. 48. Foundation Lake Village. 49. Irish Cranogs. 50. Fortified Camp, Cissbury. 51. Neolithic Axes. 52. Neolithic Weapons. 53. Ax in Sheath. 54. Hafted Hatchet in Sheath. 55. Sheath with two Hatchets. 56. Chisels in Sheath. 57. Horn Hoe. 58. Miner's Pick. 59. Polishing Stone. 60. Neolithic Boat-making. 61. Neolithic Cloth. 62. Spindle Whorl. 63. Weaver's Comb. 64. Chambered Burial Mound. 65. Dolmen, England. 66. Dolmen, France. 67. Dolmen once covered with Earth. 68. Menhir. 69. Stone Circle, England. 70. Chambered Tomb, France. 71. Bronze Axes, first Form. 72. Bronze Axes, second Form. 73. Bronze Axes, third Form. 74. Chisel. 75. Hammer. 76. Bronze Knives. 77. Crescent, use unknown. 78. Bracelet. 79. Hair-pin. 80. Bronze Pendants. 81. Necklace and Beads. 82. Ornamental Designs. 83. Bronze Sickle. 84. Clay Vessel and Support. 85. Bronze Weapons. 86. Mold. 87. Burial Mound. 88. Avebury Restored. 89. Stonehenge Restored. 90. Ancient Tower, Scotland. 91. Ornaments. 92. Gold Ornament. 93. Swords. 94. Ornamental Sword-sheath. 95. Lance-head and Javelin. 96. Shields. 97. Gallic Coins. 98. Imaginary Section of Table Mountain. 99. Calaveras Skull. 100. Implement found in Loess. 101. Spear-shaped Paleolithic Implement. 102. Paleolithic Implement, Argillite. 103. Stone Implement. 104. Mound Prairie. 105. Mound and Circle. 106. Altar Mound. 107. Plan and Section of Altar. 108. Burial Mounds. 109. Burial Mounds. 110. Grave Creek Mound. 111. Cross-section St. Louis Mound. 112. Terraced Mound. 113. Elevated Square, Marietta. 114. Cahokia Mound. 115. Temple Mound inclosed in a Circle. 116. Etowah Mound, Georgia. 117. Hill Mounds. 118. Miamisburg Mound. 119. Effigy Mounds. 120. Elephant Mound. 121. Emblematic Mounds. 122. Grazing Elks--Fox in the distance. 123. Eagle Mound. 124. Hawks and Buffaloes. 125. Goose and Duck. 126. Turtle. 127. Salamander and Muskrat. 128. Man-shaped Mound. 129. Emblematic Mound Inclosure. 130. Bird Mound surrounded by a Stone Circle. 131. The Big Serpent Mound. 132. The Alligator Mound. 133. High Bank Works. 134. Square and Circle Embankment. 135. Square inscribed in a Circle. 136. Circle and Ditch. 137. Mound Builders' Works, Newark, Ohio. 138. Eagle Mound. 139. Gateway of Octagon. 140. Observatory Mound. 141. Works at Marietta, Ohio. 142. Graded Way, Piketon, Ohio. 143. Fortified Hill, Hamilton, Ohio. 144. Fort Ancient, Ohio. 145. Fortified Headland. 146. Inclosure, Northern Ohio. 147. Square Inclosure, Northern Ohio. 148. Sacrificial Pentagon. 149. Festival Circle. 150. Crescent Works. 151. Triangular Works. 152. Arrow Points. 153. Ax found in a Mound. 154. Weapons of Stone from Tennessee. 155. Copper Ax. 156. Copper Bracelets. 157. Ancient Mine, Michigan. 158. Sculptured Face. 159. Face of a Female. 160. Beaver. 161. Otter. 162. Birds on Pipes. 163. Group of Clay Vessels. 164. Bowls with Human Faces. 165. Water Cooler. 166. Pottery Vessels. 167. Agricultural Implements. 168. Idols. 169. Map of the Pueblo Country. 170. Zuni. 171. Ground Plan. 172. End View. 173. Old Zuni. 174. Inscription Rock. 175. Wolpi. 176. Watch Tower. 177. Ruins at Aztec Springs. 178. Ruins in the McElmo Canyon. 179. Tower on the Rio Mancos 180. Ruins in the Havenweep Canyon. 181. Two-storied House in the Mancos Canyon. 182. View of the Cliff in which the House is Situated. 183. Plan of the House. 184. Doorway of the House. 185. Room of the House. 186. Cliff Town, Rio Mancos. 187. Caves Used as Houses, Rio Mancos. 188. Ruins in the San Juan Canyon. 189. Cave Town. 190. Battle Rock, McElmo Canyon. 191. Restoration of Pueblo Bonito. 192. Plan of Pueblo Bonito. 193. Different Styles of Masonry. 194. Room in Pueblo Bonito. 195. Casa Grandes, on the Gila. 196. Indented and Corrugated Ware. 197. Painted Ware. 198. Long House of the Iroquois. 199. Stockaded Onondaga Village. 200. Pomelock. 201. Mandan Village. 202. Ruins near the La Platte, Valley of the San Juan. 203. Stone Mask, found in Tennessee. 204. Map of Mexico. 205. Bas-relief Tezcuco. 206. Montezuma's Bath. 207. Aqueduct, Tezcocingo. 208. Teotihuacan. 209. Casas Grandes. 210. Quemada. 211. Pyramid of Cholula. 212. Xochicalco. 213. Enlarged View of the Ruins. 214. Wall at Mitla. 215. Ornamentation at Mitla. 216. Hall at Mitla. 217. Papantla. 218. Tusapan. 219. Map of Central America. 220. Ruins of Copan. 221. Statue, Copan. 222. Statue, Copan. 223. Hieroglyphics, Top of Altar. 224. Bas-relief, East Side of Altar. 225. Portrait, Copan. 220. Plan of Palenque. 227. General View of Palace, Palenque. 228. Cross-section of Palace, Palenque. 229. Trefoil Arch. 230. Entrance to Principal Court. 231. Stone Tablet. 232. Palace, Palenque. 233. Ruined Temple of the Three Tablets. 234. Elevation Temple of the Three Tablets. 235. The Beau-relief. 236. Temple of the Cross. 237. Tablet of the Cross. 238. The Sun. 239. Maler's Cross. 240. Statue, Palenque. 241. Bas-relief, on the left hand of the Altar of the Cross. 242. Plan of Uxmal. 243. The Governor's House, Uxmal. 244. Two-headed Monument, Uxmal. 245. End View. 246. Ground Plan. 247. Figure Over the Doorway. 248. Ornament Over the Doorway. 249. Elephant's Trunk. 250. Plan of Nunnery. 251. Room in Nunnery. 252. Facade, Southern Building. 253. Facade, Eastern Building. 254. Serpent Facade, Western Building. 255. Temple, Uxmal. 256. Arch, Kabah. 257. Zayi. 258. Plan of Zayi. 259. Gateway at Labna. 260. Castillo, Chichen-Itza. 261. Gymnasium at Chichen-Itza. 262. Ring. 263. Building at end of Gymnasium. 264. Painted Stucco Work. 265. Queen Consulting the H-men. 266. Chaac-Mol. 267. Bearded Itza. 268. Arizona Ruin. 269. Tribute Sheet. 270. Yucatan Axes. 271. Carpenter's Ax. 272. Mexican Carpenter. 273. Copper Tool. 274. Huitzilopochtli. 275. Mexican Numeration Signs. 276. Maya and Mexican Day Signs. 277. Maya Months. 278. Calendar Stone. 279. Sign of Rain. 280. Sign of a Cycle. 281. Indian Picture-writing. 282. Chapultepec. 283. Amen. 284. Historical Sheet. 285. Chilapi Tribute. 286. Child-training. 287. Migration Chart. 288. Landa Alphabet. 289. Maya T. 290. Maya Picture-writing. 291. Hieroglyphics, Tablet of the Cross. 292. Map of Peru. 293. Fortress, Huatica Valley. 294. Ruins at Pachacamac. 295. Relics from Guano Deposits. 296. Burial Towers. 297. Palace. 298. Section of Palace Walls. 299. Ornamentation on Walls. 300 Adobe Ornament. 301 Gold and Silver Vases. 302. Bronze Knives and Tweezers. 303. Water-jar. 304. Water-jars from Ancon. 305. Cloth Found in Grave. 306. Wall in Huatica Valley. 307. Burial Mound, or Huaca. 308. Fortress Mound. 309. Temple Wall. 310. Fortress, Huatica Valley. 311. General View of Pachacamac. 312. View of the Temple. 313. Relics from Graves at Pachacamac. 314. Relics found Buried in Guano Deposits. 315. Prehistoric Pottery-ware. 316. Silver Cylinder-head. 317. Terrace Wall, Tiahuanuco. 318. Method of Joining Stones, Tiahuanuco. 319. Gateway, Tiahuacuno. 320. Ruins on the Island of Titicaca. 321. Ruins, Island of Coati. 322. Burial Tower. 323. Terrace Wall at Cuzco. 324. Temple of the Sun. 325. Fortress Wall. 326. Section Fortress Wall. 327. Quippos. 

 ENGRAVINGS

 1. Cliff Houses, Rio Mancos Canyon. 2. Engraved Title Page. 3. Paleozoic Forest. 4. Rock Shelter at Bruniquel. 5. Antarctic Ice Sheet. 6. Lake Village, Switzerland. 7. Pueblo of Zuny. 8. Cliff-town, Rio Mancos. 9. Restoration of Pueblo Bonito. 10. Painted Pueblo Pottery. 11. Pyramid of Cholula. 12. Copan Statue. 13. General View of Palace. 14. Bas-relief on the left-hand of the Altar of the Cross. 15. Plan of Uxmal. 16. The Governor's House, Uxmal. 17. Room in Nunnery. 18. Zayi. 19. Castillo, Chichen-Itza. 20. Tribute Sheet. 21. Huitzilopochtli. 22. Calendar Stone. 23. Historical Sheet. 24. Pachacamac. 

THE PREHISTORIC WORLD

 Thou unrelenting Past! Strong are the barriers round thy dark domain-- And fetters, sure and fast, Hold all that enter thy unbreathing reign. 

 Far in thy realm, withdrawn, Old empires sit in sullenness and gloom; And glorious ages, gone, Lie deep within the shadow of thy womb. 

 Full many a mighty name Lurks in thy depths, unuttered, unrevered: With thee are silent fame, Forgotten arts, and wisdom disappeared. 

 W. C. BRYANT

Chapter I

INTRODUCTION. 

Difficulties of the subject--Lesson to be learned--The pursuit ofknowledge--Recent Advances--Prehistoric past of the Old World--Of theNew--Of Mexico and the South--The Isles of the Pacific--Similar natureof the relics--The wonders of the present age--History of popularOpinion on this subject--The teachings of the Bible--Nature ofthe evidence of man's antiquity--Geology--Astronomy--Unfolding oflife--Nature of our inquiry. 

Who can read the book of the past? Who can tell us the story ofCreation's morn? It is, not written in history, neither does it livein tradition. There is mystery here; but it is hid by the darkness ofbygone ages. There is a true history here, but we have not learnedwell the alphabet used. Here are doubtless wondrous scenes; but ourstand-point is removed by time so vast, the mist of years is so thickbefore us, that only the ruder outlines can be determined. The delicatetracery, the body of the picture, are hidden from our eye. The questionas to the antiquity and primitive history of man, is full of interest inproportion as the solution is beset with difficulties. We question thepast; but only here and there a response is heard. Surely bold is he whowould attempt, from the few data at hand, to reconstruct the history oftimes and people so far removed. We quickly become convinced that manycenturies, and tens of centuries, have rolled away since man's firstappearance on the earth. We become impressed with the fact, "thatmultitudes of people have moved over the surface of the Earth, and sunkinto the night of oblivion, without leaving a trace of their existence:without a memorial through which we might have at least learned theirnames. "

To think of ourselves, is to imagine for our own nation an immortality. We are so great, so strong, surely nothing can move us. Let us learnhumility from the past: and when, here and there, we come upon somereminder of a vanished people, trace the proofs of a teeming populationin ancient times, and recover somewhat of a history, as true andtouching as any that poets sing, let us recognize the fact, that nationsas well as individuals pass away and are forgotten. 

The past guards its secret well. To learn of it we must seek new methodsof inquiry. Discouraged by the difficulties in the way, many havesupposed it hidden from the present by a veil which only thickens astime passes. In the remains of prehistoric times they have failed torecognize the pages of history. They saw only monuments of ancient skilland perseverance: interesting sketches, not historical portraits. Somewriters have held that we must give up the story of the past, "whetherfact or chronology, doctrine or mythology--whether in Europe, Asia, Africa, or America--at Thebes, or Palenque--on Lycian shore, orSalisbury plain--lost is lost and gone is gone for evermore. " Such isthe lament of a gifted writer, amongst the first to ponder over themysteries of the past. At the present day, with better means at hand, a more hopeful view is taken. But here a caution is necessary; for, inattempting to reconstruct the history of primitive times, such is theinterest which it inspires, that many allow imagination to usurp theplace of research, and write in terms too glowing for history. 

The human mind is sleepless in the pursuit of knowledge. It is everseeking new fields of conquest. It must advance: with it, standingstill is the precursor of defeat. If necessary it invents new methodsof attack, and rests not until it gains its objective point, ordemonstrates the hopelessness of its quest. The world needs but beinformed that on a given point knowledge is dim and uncertain, whenthere are found earnest minds applying to the solution of the mysteryall the energies of their natures. All the resources of science arebrought to bear; every department of knowledge is made to contribute ofits store: and soon a mass of facts is established and a new science isadded to the department of human knowledge. 

Thus, with our knowledge of prehistoric times, what so seemingly vain asto attempt to roll back the flight of time, and learn the conditionof primeval man? All the light of ancient history makes but littleimpression on the night of time. By its aid we can but dimly see theoutlines of the fortieth century back; beyond is gloom soon lost innight. But a few short years ago, men did not think it possible to gainfurther information. With the materials at hand this could not bedone. The triumph of the intellect was simply delayed, not hopelesslyrepulsed. Geology was but just beginning to make good its claim to aplace among the sciences. This unfolded to man the physical historyof the world as read from the rocks, and deals with times so vast andprofound that we speak no longer of years, but of ages. And with theaid of Geology grand secrets were wrung from the past, and new light wasthrown on the manners and customs of primitive man. Thus the foundationfor still another science was laid, called Archaeology, or the scienceof Human Antiquities. These two sister sciences are the keys by whoseaid we have not only acquired much information of a past that seemed ahopeless enigma--but, as Columbus on the waste of waters could perceivetraces of land as yet invisible, so can the present seekers afterknowledge trace the signs of a satisfactory solution of many of thegreat questions relating to the origin and history of the vanished racesof mankind. 

In whatever land we commence our investigations, we quickly comeupon the evidences of an ancient life long antedating all historicalinformation. Ancient Egypt has been a fruitful theme for theantiquarians pen. The traveler has moralized over the ruins of her pastgreatness, and many pointed illustrations of national growth and decayhave been drawn from her history. 

Here was the seat of an ancient civilization, which was in the zenithof its power many centuries before Christ. The changes that have passedover the earth since that time are far more wonderful than any ascribedto the wand of the magician. Nations have come and gone, and the land ofthe Pharaohs has become an inheritance for strangers; new sciences haveenriched human life, and the fair structure of modern civilization hasarisen on the ruins of the past. Many centuries, with their burdenof human hopes and fears, have sped away into the past, since"Hundred-gated Thebes" sheltered her teeming population, where now arebut a mournful group of ruins. Yet to-day, far below the remorselesssands of her desert, we find the rude flint-flakes that require us tocarry back the time of man's first appearance in Egypt to a past soremote that her stately ruins become a thing of yesterday in comparisonto them. 

In the New World, mysterious mounds and gigantic earth-works arrest ourattention. Here we find deserted mines, and there we can trace the sitesof ancient camps and fortifications. The Indians of the prairies seemto be intruders on a fairer civilization. We find here evidences of ateeming population. In the presence of their imposing ruins, we can notthink that nomadic savages built them. They give evidences rather of apeople having fixed habitations and seem to imply the possession of ahigher civilization than that of the Indians. These questions demandsolution; but how shall we solve the problem? Save here and there adeserted camp, or a burial mound, containing perhaps articles of use oradornment, all traces have vanished. Their earth-works and mounds arebeing rapidly leveled by the plow of modern times, and the scholar ofthe future can only learn from books of their mysterious builders. InMexico, and farther south, we find the ruins of great cities. To thestudent of antiquity, these far surpass in interest the ruined citiesof the Nile or Euphrates valley. Babylon of old, with its walls, towers, and pleasure resorts, was indeed wonderful. In our own land cities, ifnot as ancient, yet fallen in more picturesque ruin, reward the laborsof the explorer. Uxmal, Copan, and Palenque, invite our attention. Hereare hieroglyphics in abundance, but no Rosetta Stone supplies the key bywhose aid a Champollion can unravel the mystery. 

The luxuriant vegetative growth of the tropics, with its fierce storms, is every year hastening the obliteration of these ruins, and we mustimprove the time well, if we would learn from them what they have to sayof the past. 

The isles of the Pacific give evidence that, long before the dawn ofauthentic history, man lived there. Indeed, as the islands which gemthat ocean, from their configuration and position, seem to be but theelevated plateaus and mountain peaks of a continent that has gone downbeneath the blue wave of the Pacific, so, throughout Polynesia can betraced the fragmentary remains of a civilization, the greater portion ofwhich has been completely buried by the waters of oblivion, leaving onlyhere and there a trace to reconstruct, if we can, the entire structure. 

The earliest remains of man are very similar in all lands. They consistof weapons of war and of the chase, implements of domestic use, andarticles of personal adornment. Few and simple as they are, they arecapable of imparting useful information as to early times. By their aidwe become eye-witnesses of the daily life of primitive man. We learnthat though lacking in almost every thing we consider essential forcomfort and happiness, yet they were actuated by much the same hopes andfears as the men of the present age. The great burden of life was thesame then as now. There was the same round of daily labor made necessaryby the same ceaseless struggle for existence. Rude forts and warlikeimplements show there was the same encroachment of the strong on theweak as now. 

This is a wonderful age in many respects. In none, however, morewonderful than in the wide-spread diffusion of knowledge. The ordinarypeople now understand more of nature's secrets than the wise men of old. They are to-day interested in researches that a former generation wouldhave relegated to the scholar and the man of leisure. No department ofknowledge is retained for the researches of a favored few. The farmer, the mechanic, and the man of business are alike interested in aknowledge of prehistoric times. The rude implements of the past appealto the curiosity of all. We arise from a study of the past with clearerideas of man's destiny. Impressed with the great advancement in man'scondition from the rude savagery of the drift, to the enlightenedcivilization of to-day, what may we not hope the advancement will beduring the countless ages we believe a beneficent Providence has instore for his creature, man?

A history of the popular opinion of the antiquity of man is not only ofinterest, but should teach a lesson to all who think others are wrongbecause not holding the same views as they do. Hardly fifty years havepassed since scientific men began to attribute to the human race anantiquity more remote than that assigned them by history and tradition. At first these views met with general opposition, much as did the theoryof the present system of astronomy when it was first proclaimed. Welaugh now at the ignorant fear's and prejudices used to combat both. 

It was claimed that the Bible taught that man had lived on the globescarcely six thousand years. The Bible is the book to which theAnglo-Saxon mind clings with the greatest reverence. The memories ofchildhood are associated with its pages, and its very appearance recallsthe prayers of long ago. It is not strange then that the Christianworld guards with jealous care against any thing which may be thought toweaken the force of its statements. 

But it is human nature to go to extremes: and, when we give our supportto one way of thinking, we find it difficult to be patient with those ofthe contrary opinion. 

Now, the researches of some of the most eminent men and learned divineshave amply shown, that there are no data given in the Scriptures onwhich to base an estimate as to the antiquity of man. Happily theChristian mind no longer shrinks from the conclusions reached by thescientist: and, indeed, it is the contemplation of the stupendousperiods of Geological times, and the infinite greatness of the works ofCreation as disclosed by Astronomy, with the extreme lowness of man'sfirst condition as made evident by Archaeology, that lend new force tothe words, "What is man, that thou art mindful of him!"

The evidences on which we predicate an extreme antiquity for man arenecessarily cumulative. It is not from one source alone that we obtaininformation, but from many. Eminent men in nearly every department ofknowledge have lent their aid to the elucidation of this subject. It canonly be understood by those who will fairly weigh the facts that moderndiscoveries have unrolled before their eyes. There are many who have notdone this, and are consequently unable to project their mental visionso far back into the very night of time, as is now demanded for thebeginning of man's first appearance on the earth. And, indeed, soenormously has this period been extended--so far back does it requireus to go--that even the most enlightened investigator may well recoil indismay when he first perceives the almost infinite lapse of years thatare required by his calculation since the creation of man. 

At this day the scholar must be ready to explain the steps by which hereaches his conclusions. Not necessarily explaining the minutiae of hisjourney hither, but the main outlines of his course. This seems to callfor a slight outline of Geology. The animal and vegetable tribes whichhave come and gone upon the earth, following each other like the shadowsof passing clouds on a Summer's day, have left their remains in therocks which at that time were forming. A close investigation of theseremains shows that they form the record book of nature, wherein we arepermitted to read somewhat of her secrets. This had long been a sealedbook to man; but science, as we have seen, constantly extending herdomain, at length taught him the alphabet. 

And the Geologist now unfolds the past age of our world with a varietyof detail, and a certainty of conclusion well calculated to inspire uswith grateful admiration. 

It is no longer a question that many ages must have rolled away, duringwhich our world was totally unfit for life of any kind, either animal orvegetable. 

The nebular theory of Laplace, as modified by the modern astronomers, sosatisfactorily explains many of the phenomena of the solar system, thatit takes rank almost as a demonstrated fact. According to the termsof this theory, our Earth, now so dependent on the sun for light andwarmth, was itself a glowing orb, and as a bright star radiated itslight and heat into space. Grand conception, and probably true. It isnow useless to speculate as to how many cycles of almost infinite yearshad begun and ended, before Earth's fading fires gave notice that theymust soon expire in night. 

The stages through which the Earth passed in turn await the sun, savethat there is no further beneficent luminary to give him light and heat:when time shall have quenched his fiery glow, death and night shallreign supreme, where now is life and light. 

Time is long, and nature never hurries. She builds for infinite years, and recks not the time of building. The human mind is far too feebleto comprehend the duration of time that sped away and was gone ere theslowly falling temperature of the Earth admitted the formation ofa crust over her surface. When that came, the first great scene wasclosed. The star had expired, the planet rolled in her annual coursearound the still glowing central sun. Now came the formative age of theworld, when the great continents were outlined. 

The atmosphere gradually freed itself from its weight of water-vapor, the rains descended, and the ocean took form and contour. We areconcerned only with the outlines of Geology, not with its details. Itis full of the most interesting facts, but is foreign to our presentpurpose. We will only say, there is a marked progression in the scaleand importance of life forms. 

The lower forms of animals appear first to be followed in time by thehigher. It is true that some forms have survived through all the changesof Geological time to the present: yet, speaking generally, some formsof life are peculiar to each age, and the general phase of animal lifeis different with each period. They thus form epochs in the history ofthe world as read from the rocks, and though the beginning and ending ofeach age may blend by insensible gradations with that of the precedingand following, yet, taken as a whole, we observe in each suchsingularities of form and structure as to give name to each particularage. 

In the fullness of time man appears; and it is our pleasant task totrace the evidence of his primitive state, his growth in culture, andhis advancement made before the dawn of history. Our inquiry, then, isas to his prehistoric state. We use this term in the same sense as Dr. Wilson uses it: that is, to express the whole period disclosed to us bymeans of archaeological evidence, as distinguished from what is knownthrough historical records. We can not doubt but that this includes byfar the largest portion of man's existence. The time embraced withinhistorical records, though different in different portions of the world, is but a brief period in comparison to the duration of time since hefirst went forth to possess the Earth. If we can make plain to ourreaders that man has lived in the world an extremely long time, goingback indeed to a former Geological age--that his first state was verylow and rude--that he has risen to his present high estate by meansof his own exertions continued through long ages--and from this forma prophecy of a golden age to come in the yet distant future, we shallfeel that we have not written in vain. 

Illustration of The Sphinx. ------------

REFERENCES

 (1) Von Hellwald: "Smithsonian Report, " 1866. (2) Palgrave, (3) Lubbock: "Prehistoric Times, " p. 2. 

Chapter II

EARLY GEOLOGICAL PERIODS. 

Necessity of a general acquaintance with the outlines of Geology--Atime in which there was no life possible on the globe--Length of thisperiod--On the formation of rocks--The record imperfect--The three greatperiods in animal life on the globe--Paleozoic age--Animal and vegetablelife of this period--The Mesozoic age--Animal and vegetable life of thisperiod--Advance noted--Abundance of reptilian life--First appearanceof birds--Nature's methods of work--The Cenozoic age--Geologicaloutline--Sketch of the Eocene age--Of the Miocene age--What issufficient proof of the presence of man--Discussion of the Thenayflints--The Pliocene age--Animal and vegetable life of this age--Wasman living during this age?--Discussion of this subject--Summing up theevidence--Conclusion. 

For a clear understanding of questions relating to early man, a moreor less extensive acquaintance with Geology is required. This is byno means a difficult task to accomplish. What so interesting as tounderstand at least the outlines of the history of life on the globe?To see how, following a definite plan, the vast continents have grown totheir present size and form; to see how animal and vegetable life haveevolved successively higher and higher forms; to see where in thiswondrous drama of creation, this strange unfolding of life, the firstfaint, indecisive traces of man's presence are to be found; to learnwhat great changes in climate, in Geogony, and in life, had occurredbefore man's appearance, let us pass in brief review the history ofearly geological periods. 

As we have already stated, there must have been a very long period oftime during which no life was possible on the globe. Of this era we knowbut little; for we find no strata of rocks of an earlier date than weknow life, in its simplest forms, to have existed. Still we are notless confident of the existence of this era, and the mind can dimlycomprehend the scene, when a nearly shoreless ocean surged around theglobe. 

As to the extent of time during which there was no life, we haveno means of determining. That it was almost infinitely long is madeapparent by the researches of eminent scholars on the cooling of lava. Toward the close of this extended period of time faint traces of lifeappear. Not life as we are apt to think of it. No nodding flowerswere kissed by the sunshine of this early time. The earliest forms offlowerless plants, such as sea-weeds, and in dry places possibly lichenscovering the rocks, were the highest forms of vegetable life. Animallife, if present, for the fact is denied by some, occurs in the verylowest form, merely structureless bodies, with no especial organs ofsense, or nutrition: and their motion consisting simply in protrudingand withdrawing hair-like processes. Such was the beginning of life. This vast period of time, which includes the beginning, is known amonggeologists as Archean time. 

From the close of this age, the history of life properly commences. Itmight be well to explain the means which the geologist uses to interpretthe history of the globe. It is now understood that the forces of naturehave always produced the same results as they do now. From the veryearliest time to the present, rocks have been forming. There, whereconditions were favorable, great beds of limestone, formed from shellsand corals, ground up by the action of the sea--in other places, massive beds of sandstone or of sand, afterward consolidated intosandstone--were depositing. On the land surface, in places, great bedsof vegetable _debris_ were being converted into coal. Now we can easilysee how the remains of organic bodies, growing at the time of theformation of these beds, should be preserved in a fossil form. Limestonerocks are thickly studded in places with all sorts of marine formations. Coal fields reveal wonders of early vegetative growth. From sandstonerocks, and shaly beds, we learn strange stories of animal life at thetime they were forming. From a careful study of these remains togetherwith the formation in which they occur, not only in one locality but allover the earth, geologists have gradually unfolded the history oflife on the globe. It is admitted that, at best, our knowledge in thatdirection is fragmentary. This arises from errors in observation as wellas that fossil formations are rare, or at least localities where theyare known to exist are but few. So our knowledge of the past is as if wewere examining some record from which pages, chapters, and even volumes, have been extracted. 

Illustration of Paleozoic Forest---------------

In consequence of this imperfect record we can not, as yet, trace agradual successive growth from the low forms of animal and plant, life, that characterized the closing period of Archean time, to the highlyorganized types of the present. The record suddenly ceases and whenwe again pick up the thread we are surrounded by more advanced types, higher forms of life. Though we may hope that future discoveries will domuch toward completing the records, we can not hope that they will everreally be perfected. So, from our present stand-point, the history oflife on the globe falls naturally into three great divisions. Thisis no more than we might expect, when we reflect that nature's lawsare universal in their action, and that the world, as a whole, has beensubjected to the same set of changes. 

The period following on after Archean time is called, by geologists, Paleozoic time. 

During the long course of time embraced in this age, the forms of lifepresent wide differences from those of existing time. 

This period produced the great beds of coal we use to-day. But thevegetation of the coal period would present strange features to oureyes. The vegetation commenced with the lowest orders of flowerlessplants, such as sea-weeds; but, before it was brought to a close, therewas a wonderful variety and richness of plants of the flowerless orCryptogamic division. In some of the warmest portions of the globe, we have to-day tree-ferns growing four or five feet high. During theclosing part of the Paleozoic time, there were growing all over thetemperate zone great tree-ferns thirty feet or so in height. Somevarieties of rushes in our marshes, a foot or two in height, hadrepresentatives in the marshes of the coal period standing thirty feethigh, and having woody trunks. Near the close of the Paleozoictime, vegetation assumed a higher form of life. Flowering plants arerepresented. Pines were growing in the coal measures. 

In animal life a similar advance is noted. The class of animals havingno backbone, or invertebrate animals, were largely represented. But, toward the close of the Paleozoic time, we meet with representatives ofthe backbone family. The waters swarmed with fishes. Besides these, there were amphibians; and reptiles in the closing portions. 

Illustration of The Pterodactyl. --------------

Thus we see what a great advance was made in life during this period. The forms of life during the early stages of this age were inferior inthis, also, that they were all water species. But, before it closes, we have a rich and varied terrestrial vegetation, and also air-breathinganimals. The class Mammalia, to which man belongs, had no representativeon the earth during the extended Paleozoic time. 

We can easily see, from the foregoing, how appropriately this period hasbeen named that of old life forms. In imagination we can recall a sceneof this old age. The air is sultry and full of vapors. The soil seemshot and steaming. This is a veritable forest, but we see none of thebeautiful flowers which we associate with tropical vegetation to-day. Inthe branches of the graceful tree-ferns, we will look in vain for birds. They were yet far in the future. Neither were there any of the higherorders of animals present. Not a single representative of the greatclass of mammals enlivened the depths of the forest. There were fishesin the waters, but not the fishes of to-day. Some true reptiles andamphibians disported themselves in swampy jungles, but they wereunimportant. Almost the only sound to break the stillness, was the humof marsh-loving insects, the whistling of the wind, and the roar ofthe tempests, which we may well believe raged with the more than tropicseverity of the present. 

The time at last came for the dawning of a new era. Vast changes hadbeen taking place in the geography of both continents. The region to thesouth-west of the Green Mountains was upturned. The Alleghany Mountainswere formed, and the region east of the Mississippi River became part ofthe stable land of the continent. In Europe, nearly as great changesoccurred. The conditions of life must have been greatly modified bythese geographical changes. The life-forms bear testimony to thischanged condition. Old forms die away, and are succeeded by thoseapproaching more nearly our own times. The name of this period is theMesozoic time, or the period of middle life forms. It is instructiveto notice the steady advance in the type of life, both animal andvegetable. The abundant flowerless vegetation of the coal formation ofthe preceding epoch dwindles away. But the flowering trees increase innumber and importance until, in the closing period of Mesozoic time, wehave trees with deciduous leaves. A great many of our forest trees hadrepresentatives in the forests of that epoch. 

Illustration of Ichthyosauri. -----------

Palms and species like the big tree of California were growing side byside with species akin to our own common trees. But in the animalworld there were many strange forms. This was the age of reptiles. Theydomineered on the land, in the air, and in the sea. On the land therestalked huge reptiles fifty and sixty feet long, and, when standingerect, at least thirty feet high. Some of these huge creatureswere carnivorous, living on other animals. Others fed on the foliage oftrees. In the air, huge reptilian bats, veritable flying dragons witha spread of wings from ten to twenty feet, disported themselves. In the sea there swam great reptilian whales, seals, and walruses. There was a marvelous abundance of reptilian life. At the present day, there are not more than six species of reptiles in the whole worldhaving a length of over fifteen feet, and not more than eighteenspecies exceeding ten feet in length. But from one limited locality, representing but one era of this age in England, there have beendiscovered four or five species of carnivorous reptiles twenty to fiftyfeet long, ten or twelve species of crocodiles, lizards, and swimmingreptiles from ten to sixty feet long--besides multitudes of great flyingreptiles and turtles. Doubtless similar scenes of animal life wereeverywhere represented. 

Illustration of The Labyrinthodon. --------

Birds made their first appearance during the Mesozoic time, and here weobtain a clear view of nature's methods of work. There is no longer adoubt but that the first birds were simply modified reptiles. The firstbird had a long jointed tail, and a bill well supplied with formidableteeth. It was during this period that the first representative ofthe class Mammalia, to which man belongs, appears. It is in therocks of this era that we meet with remains of marsupials, the order towhich opossums belong. This is the lowest of the Mammalian class. To theclass Mammalia belong the most highly organized animals. They have beenthe ruling animals since the close of Mesozoic time. We must now watchtheir development with especial care. For this brief review, as far asit has gone, has shown a steady and gradual progress in life forms, thelower invariably preceding the higher. We therefore feel that it will bevain to seek for any trace of man until we find undoubted proofs of theexistence of all the forms of animals below him. The last great divisionof time is called Cenozoic. This means new life forms. In this age, the forms of life are much nearer our own. As it was some time duringthis epoch when man makes his appearance, we deem it best to go intomore detail, and give the subdivisions of this period. It has been amplysufficient to give simply the outlines of the other periods. In order tofix more clearly the sequence of life, we will give an outline showingthe periods we have reviewed, and also the subdivisions of the Cenozoictime, which we are now to examine with more care. 

OUTLINE. 

LIFE. Archaean Time. The Beginning: Includes the long lapse of time whenthe globe could not support life, but towards its close faint traces oflife, both animal and vegetable appeared. 

Paleozoic Time. The Period of Old Life Forms: Forests of flowerlesstrees; but pines grew in the coal measures. Animal life largelyinvertebrate; but amphibians and reptiles among the vertebrate appear atthe close. 

Mesozoic Time. The Period of Middle Life Forms: Flowering treesincreasing in number and importance. Deciduous trees make theirappearance. Animal life largely reptilian. The class Mammaliarepresented by marsupials. 

Cenozoic Time. Tertiary, or Age of Mammals: Eocene, Miocene, Pliocene. Quarternary, or Age of Man: Glacial or Pleistocene, Recent. 

At the close of the Mesozoic time, great elevations of land took placein both America and Europe, especially in the northern portions. This could not fail to have a great effect on life, both animal andvegetable. 

During the Eocene, or first division of the Tertiary Age, we have simplyto note the steady progress of life. There were forests of species ofoaks, poplars, maples, hickories, and other common trees, and othersnow found only in tropical regions. Palm trees were growing in the upperMissouri region of the United States. And England was decidedly aland of Palms, as no less than thirteen species are known to have beengrowing there. Cypresses, yews, and pines graced the scene. Ourspecial interest centers, however, in the mammals of this epoch. 

Illustration of The Paleotherium. --------

In the preceding epoch marsupials only were represented. But in bedsof the middle and closing portions of the Eocene period we meet with asudden increase of Mammalian life. Whale-like animals were especiallyabundant in the seas; and on our Western plains were animals like thetapirs of India, and rhinoceros-like animals as large as elephantsbut having no trunks, and diminutive little animals not larger thanfoxes, from which have come our horses. Europe also had a variedMammalian fauna. There were numerous hog-like animals. Animals, like thetapirs of tropical Asia and America, wandered in the forests and onthe banks of the rivers. Herds of horse-like animals, about the size ofShetland ponies, fed on the meadows. Animals that chew the cud werepresent, or at least had near representatives. 

Among the flesh-eating animals were creatures resembling foxes, wolverines, and hyenas. This shows what a great advance had beenmade. But, besides all these, we are here presented with representativesof the order of Quadrumana, or four-handed animals. Several genera oflemurs are found in both America and Europe. 

Now the Quadrumana are the order below man. Therefore it seems that inthe Eocene period, all the forms of life _below_ man are represented. The time seems to be at hand when we can look, with some confidence, for traces of the presence of man himself. We must therefore be morecautious in our investigations. 

The epoch following on after the Eocene is designated as the Miocene. We must remember that, though recent in a geological sense, yet it isimmensely remote when measured by the standard of years. We must inquireinto all the surroundings of this far away time. The geographicalfeatures must have been widely different from the present. 

In the first place, the elevation of land to the north must havebeen sufficient to have connected the land areas of the NorthernHemisphere--North America, with Asia and Greenland; and this lattercountry must have been united with Iceland, and, through the BritishIslands, with Europe. But, to compensate for this land mass to thenorth, large portions of Central and Southern Europe were beneath thewaves. The proof of this extended mass of land is to be found in thewide distribution of similar animals and plants in the Miocene time. All the chief botanists are agreed that the north Polar region wasthe center from which plants peculiar to the Eocene and Miocene epochsspread into both Europe and America. We may mention that the famousbig trees of California are simply remnants of a wide-spread growth ofthese trees in Miocene times. They can be found in a fossil state atvarious places in British America, in Greenland, and in Europe. They aresupposed to have originated somewhere in the north, and spread by theseland connections we have mentioned into both Europe and America. Butthis is not the only tree that grew in the Miocene forests of bothcontinents. The magnolia, tulip-tree, and swamp cypress are otherinstances. Eleven species, growing in the Rocky Mountain regionsin Rocene times, found their way to Europe in the Miocene times, driving before them the plants of a tropical growth that had hithertoflourished in England. Now this implies land connection between the twocontinents. Furthermore, animals both large and small are found commonto the two countries. The climate over what is now the NorthTemperate Zone, and even further. North, must have been delightful. There is ample testimony to this effect in the rich vegetative remainsover wide areas. 

In Spitzbergen, within twelve degrees of the pole, where now a dwarfwillow and a few herbaceous plants form the only vegetation, andthe ground is most of the time covered with snow and ice, there weregrowing, in Miocene times, no less than ninety-five species of trees, including yews, hazels, elders, beech, elms, and others. But it isin the Miocene forests of the continent of Europe where we meet withevidence of a singularly mild climate. 

There were at least eleven species of palms growing in Switzerland; andone variety of them grew as far north as Northern Germany. 

We can not give a list of all the species. On the one hand, there wereelms, willows, poplars, oaks, and beeches, thus far similar to theforest growth of temperate regions. Mingled with these were forests oftrees like the tulip-tree, swamp cypress, and liquid amber or sweet gumof the southern part of the United States--plants whose home is in thewarm and moist regions of the earth. But there were also representativesof the tropical regions--such as fig-trees, cinnamon-trees, andcamphor-trees: these are found growing now in tropical countries. Fruit-trees of the cherry, plum, and almond species were also to beseen. Prof. Heer points out how all this should convince us that a largepart of Europe, in the Miocene Age, possessed a climate not unlike thatof the Madeira or Canary Islands to-day. He calls especial attention tothe fact that these trees were nearly all of evergreen species, and thata severe winter would destroy them. He finds one hundred and thirty-onespecies of the Temperate Zone--species that can stand a moderate amountof cold, but not very hot and dry climates. He finds eighty-five speciesof tropical plants that could not possibly live where the Winters aresevere. Mingled with these were nearly three hundred species whosenatural home is in the warm, temperate portions of the earth. The onlyway you can explain this motley assemblage of trees is, to suppose thatin what is now Europe was a climate free from extremes, allowing thetrees to put forth flowers and fruits all the year round. "Remindingus, " says Prof. Heer, "of those fortunate zones where Nature never goesto rest. "

Illustration of Miocene Mammals. -----------

Let us now inquire as to the animals that roamed through these greatforests we have been describing. The Miocene period extended over along lapse of time, and considerable change took place among the animalsbelonging to the different parts of this age. We will only give ageneral outline for the whole period. The marsupials lingered along intothe early stages of this period, and then disappeared from Europe. Therhinoceros were present in the early stages, and continued through theentire age. We meet in this period animals of the elephant kind, twospecies, the mastodon and deinotherium. Antelopes and gazelles wanderedin vast troops over the plains of Hungary, Spain, and Southern France. Carnivorous animals resembling tigers and hyenas found abundance ofanimal food. Herds of horse-like animals fed on the rich herbage of themeadows. The birds were largely represented. In the woods were to beseen flocks of gayly feathered paroquets and trogons. On the plainssecretary-birds hunted the serpents and reptiles, which furnished themfood--and eagles were on the watch for their prey. Cranes waded in therivers for fish. Geese, herons, and pheasants must have been abundant. 

Our main interest centers in the order Quadrumana. We must remember thatthis order appeared in the Eocene. Several species were present in theMiocene. They wandered in the forests of France, Switzerland, Germany, and Italy, and doubtless found abundant food in the figs andbread-fruit, walnuts, almonds, dates, and other nuts growing there. One of the most important is regarded as belonging to the same genus asthe Gibbons. This is the genus which has been sometimes regardedas making a nearer approach to man than any other monkey. Others, however, consider it as belonging to an extinct family. In additionto this species there were at least three other species: thus there wasno absence of simian life in the Miocene. 

From the sketch we have thus far drawn of the Miocene Age, it seems tohave been a very favorable one in every respect. One writer affirms, that "the world never experienced a more beautiful period. " And indeedit seems as if the facts bear out this statement. A genial, temperateclimate was the rule, even to high northern latitudes. We need not doubtbut that there were grassy plains, wooded slopes, and rolling rivers. Was man present to take advantage of all these favorable surroundings?Did he wander through the evergreen forests, and hunt the deer, antelope, and hogs--the hipparions, and mastodons, and deinotheres--thenso numerous? We know of no inherent improbability of his existenceat that time. An ape belonging to a highly organized genus was thenliving in Europe. Every condition considered necessary for the primevalGarden of Eden was then satisfied. Let us stop for a minute and examinethe nature of the evidence considered sufficient to prove the presenceof man during any of the past geological ages. 

Should we be so fortunate as to find portions of the bones of the humanskeleton in a geological formation in such positions that they couldnot possibly have been introduced there since the deposition of thecontaining bed, it would of course prove that man was at least as oldas the formation itself. But it happens that human remains in beds ofa previous geological age are very rare. Indeed, human remains informations of the Pleistocene Age, during which we have ampletestimony, as we shall see, of the presence of man, are very rare. Thecases in which there can be no doubt can be reckoned on the fingers. Theexplanation of this state of things is not at all difficult, for it isonly under very rare circumstances that portions of the bones of animalseven larger than man are preserved to us in geological strata. Vastnumbers die and vanish away without leaving a trace behind them forevery fragmentary bone we recover. In the case of man we must rememberthat, in previous eras, he was present in very small numbers; that, owing to his intelligence, he would not be as liable to be drowned andswept away, and so mingle his remains with beds of river detritusthen forming, as were animals. Mr. Lyell has made some remarks on thedraining of the Haarlem Lake by the government of Holland in 1853, whichshows that even favorable circumstances do not always preserve remainsfor future inspection. Though called a lake, this body of water was anarm of the sea, covering about forty-five thousand acres. The populationwhich had lived on the shores of the lake was between thirty and fortythousand souls. "There had been many a shipwreck, and many a naval fighton those waters, and hundreds of Dutch and Spanish soldiers and sailorshad met there with a watery grave, " yet not a solitary portion of thehuman skeleton was to be found in its bed. Thus we see that, in themajority of cases, we must rely on other evidence than the presence ofhuman bones to prove the existence of man in the geological periods ofthe past. In the case of the Haarlem Lake again, there was found thewreck of one or two vessels, and some ancient armor. So, had it been adisputed point whether man was a denizen of this planet at the time whenthe area in question was covered by water, it would have been settledbeyond a doubt by these relics of his industry, even though portions ofthe human frame itself were entirely wanting. And, in reality, proofsof this nature are just as satisfactory as it would be to discover humanbones. If, on a desert island, we find arrow-heads, javelins, a placewhere there had been a fire, split bones, and other _debris_ of a feast, we are as much justified in asserting that man had been there, as wewould be had we seen him with our own eyes. In the same manner, ifwe detect in any strata of the past any undoubted products of humanindustry--such as weapons, or implements and ornaments--in suchposition that we know they could not have been deposited there since theformation of the bed itself, we have no hesitancy in asserting thatman himself is of the same antiquity as the strata containing theimplements. In the great majority of cases, this is the only kind ofevidence possible to advance. 

It is now well known that the first stage in the culture of any people, is what is called the Stone Age. That is to say, their weapons andimplements were made from stone, or at least the majority of them were. We will discuss on another page this point, and also the grounds leadingus to infer that many of the extremely rude forms are really the work ofman. 

Let us now return to the Miocene Age, in which we are to seek for thepresence of man. In 1867 a French geologist, by the name of Bourgeois, who had been searching some beds of the Miocene Age, near Thenay, France, found a number of flints of such a peculiar shape, that heconcluded they could only be explained by supposing that man formedthem. In this case there is to question as to the age of the stratumcontaining the flints. All geologists are agreed that it is of theMiocene Age. The question then is, whether the flints were artificiallycut or not. On this question there has been a great division of opinion, and we can not do better than to examine and see where the Principalscientific men stand on this point. 

In 1872, at the scientific congress in Brussels, this question wasreferred to a committee composed of the most competent men from thedifferent countries of Europe. We are sorry to say that, after athorough consideration of them, the judges were unable to agree. Someaccepted them, others rejected them, and still others wereundecided. Some of the latter have since become convinced by recentdiscoveries. 

Since this discovery, similar specimens have been described as havingbeen found in Portugal, and from another locality in France. Some men ofthe highest authority accept these flints as proving the presence of manin Miocene times. This is supported by such men as Quatrefages, Hamy, Mortillet, and Capellini. These are all known to be competent andcareful geologists. Another class does not think the evidence strongenough to declare these flints of human origin, and so do not think itproved that man lived in Europe in Miocene times; but do believe that wewill eventually find proofs of his existence during that era in thewarm and tropical regions of the globe. This is the view of such men asLubbock, Evans, Huxley, and Winchell. Still others say that, during thevast lapse of years since Miocene times, all the species of landmammals then alive have perished--their place being taken by otherspecies--and therefore it is incredible that man, the most highlyspecialized of all animals, should have survived. And hence, ifthese Thenay flints are really artificial in their origin, it is morereasonable to suppose they were cut by one of the higher apes, thenliving in France, than by man. This is the view of Prof. Dawkins andProf. Gaudry. As to the last view, it is surely but reasonable tosuppose, with Quatrefages, that the superior intelligence of manwould serve to protect him from the operation of causes that wouldeffect the extinction of lower animals. Hence, unless some evidencebe produced to show that species of apes are known to make rude stoneimplements, or some evidence that they did this in past ages, we mustbelieve, with Geikie and others, that these flints prove that Mioceneman lived in France, unless indeed we refuse to believe that they areartificial. 

It also seems to us that those who hold to the view that man was livingin other parts of the world, as Asia, during the Miocene Age, oughtreadily to admit that a few wandering bands might penetrate intoEurope. The climate was tropical, there was an abundance of animallife, and, if man was living anywhere, it is very reasonable to supposethat, at some epoch during the course of the Miocene Age, he would havefound his way to Europe, unless shut off by the sea. It thereforeseems to us that the presence of those cut flints is conclusive of thepresence of man in Europe during the Miocene Age. At the same time wecan not affirm that this is the conclusion of the scientific world. Theyseem to have heeded the remark of Quatrefages, that "in such a matterthere is no great urgency, " and are waiting for further discoveries. 

Thus far in our review we have noticed the steady progress in the formsof life. In the Miocene Age we have seen all the types of life below manpresent, and some indications of the presence of man himself. We mustnow learn what we can of the Pliocene Age, the last division of theTertiary Age. 

The Pliocene Age need not detain us long. Considerable changes in thegeography of both Europe and America were going forward during theMiocene Age, and the result was quite a change in climate. There wasa steady elevation of the Pacific coast region of America, and, as aconsequences a period of great volcanic outbursts in California andOregon. At the same time the bridge connecting Asia and America wassevered. In Europe the Mediterranean area was elevated; but the landconnecting Greenland with Europe sank, allowing the cold waters of theArctic to communicate with both the North Sea and the Atlantic--Englandat that time forming part of the great peninsula extending north andwest from Europe. The climate during the Pliocene Age was coolerthan that of the Miocene. This is marked in the vegetation of thatperiod. The palms and the cinnamon trees, which in Miocene times grew inGermany, flourished no farther north than Italy during the Pliocene. 

Count DeSaporta, who made special researches in the flora of thisperiod, found the remains of a forest growth buried under lava on theside of a mountain in Cantal France, at an elevation of about fourthousand feet above the level of the sea. This consisted principallyof pines. This shows that probably all Northern Europe was coveredwith somber forests of pine. In the same section he found, buried undervolcanic ash, a vegetation consisting mostly of deciduous trees--maples, alders, poplars, willows, elms, and ashes. As this was growing at theheight Of about twenty-three hundred feet in Cantal France, it probablyrepresents the vegetation of Britain and Northern Germany. Finally, thevegetation of Central and Southern France, as well as Northern Italy, was intermediate in character between the luxuriant evergreen forestsof the Miocene Age and that now growing there. The tropical character ofthe vegetation was evidently passing away. The climate over a large partof Europe was now temperate, though probably warmer than at present. 

In the Mammalia we have to notice the disappearance of some species, andthe arrival and spread of some others. The apes living as far north asGermany in the Miocene Age were restricted to Southern France and Italyin the Pliocene, and, at its close, vanished altogether from Europe. The first living species of mammals is found in the remains of thehippopotamus that frequented the rivers of Pliocene times. The mastodonof Miocene times was still to be seen, but along with it was a speciesof true elephants. The hipparion survived into this epoch, but the horsealso makes its appearance. Great quantities of deer roamed over theland; and, as might be expected where they were so abundant, thecarnivorous animals allied to the bears and wolves, panthers, linxes, and tigers, were also to be found. "At night, " says Mr. Dawkins, "thePliocene forests of Central France echoed with the weird laughter of thehyena. "

The gradual lowering of the climate is also shown by the remains of themollusks deposited in beds of marine or sea formation during differenteras of this age. It is found that the earlier the bed, the moresouthern mollusks are found in it. This shows us that, all through thePliocene Age, the waters of the seas surrounding England were graduallygrowing cooler, thus compelling the retreat of those mollusks fittedonly for a warm climate, and allowing a gradual increase in thosespecies fitted for cold or northern latitudes. We also find, in depositsmade near the close of Pliocene times, numbers of stone which showall evidence of having been borne thither by means of ice. So we mayconclude that rafts of ice came floating down the North Sea during theclosing period of the Pliocene Age. Still, during the entire lengthof the Pliocene Age, Europe certainly offered an inviting home for man. Not only were the higher orders of animals present, but at least oneliving species was known. We find more proofs of his presence, butwhether they are sufficient to convince us that man really lived duringthat epoch is to be seen. 

Prof. Whitney has brought to the attention of the scientific worldwhat he considers ample evidence of the presence of Pliocene man inCalifornia. We reserve this for discussion in another place. We willonly remark, at present, that the evidence in this case is regardedas sufficient by some of the best of American Scholars. We simplymention them here, so that they may be borne in mind when we see whatevidence Europe has to offer on this point. In 1863, M. Desnoyers, ofFrance, discovered, in a stratum which he considered Pliocene, somebones of elephants and other animals cut and scratched in such a mannerthat he considered the cuts to be the work of man. As showing howcautious geologists are of accepting such conclusions, we mention thiscase. There was found in the same bed the remains of an extinct beaver. The question was at once raised, whether rodents by gnawing these bonescould not have produced the cuts in question. Sir Charles Lyell, byactual experiments in the Zoological Gardens in London, soon showed thatthis was probably the fact. Yet Sir John Lubbock thinks it quitelikely some of them were of human origin. Subsequently, however, M. Bourgeois discovered in the same bed worked flints, about the humanorigin of which there seems to be no doubt; but a more careful studyof the formation in which they occur has raised questions as to its age. Though usually held to be Pliocene, some careful observers consider itto be of a later age. Geologists can not be accused of rashly acceptingstatements as to the antiquity of man. 

In 1867 there was discovered, in Northern Italy, a human skull in arailway cutting at a depth of nearly fifty feet. This stratum containsremains of several Pliocene animals. This is held to prove the existenceof Pliocene man by several eminent observers, amongst others Prof. Cocchi, of Italy, and Forsyth Major. But in this case Mr. Dawkinscontends that it was not found under such conditions as render itcertain that the stratum had been undisturbed, and so does not proveto a certainty that it was of the same age as the stratum. AndMr. Geikie thinks that the stratum itself is of a later age than thePliocene. It is but right that geologists should thus carefully scanall the evidence produced. 

Illustration of Cut on Bones of a Whale from PlioceneDeposit. --------------------------------

In 1876 Prof. Capellini discovered, in a Pliocene deposit in Italy, thebones of a whale, which were so marked with cuts and incisions that hethought the only explanation was to say they had been cut by men. Inthis case there is no dispute as to the age of the stratum. Neitheris there much doubt but that the cuts are the work of man. It is quitetrue that Mr. Evans has suggested that they may be the work of fishes. In this he is followed by Prof. Winchell. But there appears to belittle ground for such belief, because the cuts are all on the outsidefaces of rib-bones, and the outer faces of the backbones. From theposition occupied by the remaining portions of the skeleton, Prof. Capellini is sure that the animal had run aground, and, in thatcondition, was discovered and killed by men, who then, by means of flintknives, cut away such portions of food as they wished. It must have beenlying on its left side, since the cuts were all made on bones of theright. It is not probable that fishes would have been apt to choosethe outside faces of the ribs on the right side for their meals. Thesecut bones have been carefully examined by many competent men, who haveagreed with Capellini that they are the work of men. Mr. Dawkinsthinks the cuts were artificial, but he says, "It is not, however, tomy mind satisfactorily shown that these were obtained from undisturbedstrata. " Now these bones have been found in several localities, always in Pliocene deposits, which formed the shores of the Pliocenesea. Knowing how carefully geologists inquire into all thesurroundings of a find, surely, if Capellini and others are thecompetent men they are admitted to be, they would have informed us longago if they were not found in undisturbed strata. 

Mr. Dawkins also objects because fragments of pottery were found in thestrata. "Pottery, " says he, "was unknown in the Pleistocene Age, and therefore is unlikely to have been found in the Pliocene. " Mr. Geikie says this objection is founded on a mistake, as Prof. Capellinitold him the pottery was found lying on the surface, and was never fora moment imagined by him as belonging to the same age as the cutbones. There is also the objection, that, inasmuch as all themammals then alive except one have perished, it is more than likelythat, had man been in existence then, he too would have disappeared. 

We considered this point fully when speculating as to the presenceof man in the Miocene: so we have nothing further to offer. We might, however, suggest that, if the hippopotamus amongst mammals could surviveall the changing time since the Pliocene, as it has done, it seems nomore than fair to admit equal power of endurance to the human species. The position then of the scientific world as to the Pliocene Age of manis, on the whole, more decided in its favor than for the Miocene Age. Quite a number of eminent scholars, whose conclusions are worthy of allrespect, unhesitatingly affirm the existence of Pliocene man in Europe. Others are not quite ready to admit his existence in Europe, but dothink he was in existence elsewhere. Still others, with all due respectfor the discoveries of Capellini, think it more prudent to await furtherdiscoveries. The reader, who has followed us through this brief outlineof the past, can join which of the classes he will, and be sure offinding himself in good company. 

This completes our review of past geological ages. With the terminationof the Pliocene Age we find ourselves on firmer ground. We only wish tocall attention once more to the gradual unfolding of life. We see thatthe rule has been that everywhere the lower forms of life precede thehigher. In the plant world flowerless plants precede the flowering ones. The coal we burn to-day is mainly the remains of the wonderful growthof the flowerless vegetation of the Paleozoic Ace. When flowering plantsappear, it is the lower forms of them at first. 

It was long ages before trees with deciduous leaves appeared. The growthof animal life is equally instructive. First invertebrate life, thenthe lowest forms of vertebrate life. The fishes are followed byamphibians--then reptiles, then birds. The first mammal to appear wasthe lowest organized of all--the marsupials. And we have seen the suddenincrease of mammalian life in Tertiary times. We notice, in all thedivisions of life, a beginning, a culmination, and a decline. There hasnever been such a growth of flowerless plants as in the Paleozoic, andflowering plants probably culminated in the Miocene. The same rule holdsgood for the animal world also. As man is the most highly organized ofall the animals, we can not hope to find any evidence of his presenceuntil we find proofs of the presence of all the lower types of life. Ofcourse future discoveries may change our knowledge when the series iscomplete; but, from our present stand-point, he could not have livedbefore the Miocene Age, and we have seen how faint and indecisive arethe proofs of his presence even then. But should it finally be proved, beyond all dispute, that man did live in the Miocene Age, we mustobserve that this is but a small portion, but a minute fraction, of thegreat lapse of time since life appeared on the globe. We are a creationof but yesterday, even granting all that the most enthusiastic believerin the antiquity of man can claim. 

Illustration of The Mastodon. -------------

REFERENCES

 (1) The manuscript of this chapter was submitted to Prof. Winchell, of the University of Michigan, for criticism. (2) Dana's "Manual of Geology, " p. 146. (3) Ibid. P. 147. (4) Nicholson's "Manual of Zoology, " p. 59. (5) Dana's "Manual of Geology, " p. 74. (6) Nicholson's "Manual of Zoology, " p. 42. (7) Dana's "Manual of Geology, " p. 323. (8) Nicholson's "Zoology, " p. 402. (9) Dana's "Geology, " p. 302. (10) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " p. 6. (11) Dana's "Geology, " p. 382. (12) Haywood's, Heer's, "Primeval World of Switzerland. " (13) Dana's "Man. Geology, " p. 395. (14) Nicholson's "Man. Zoology, " p. 42. (15) Marsh: "American Assoc. Rep. , " 1877. (16) Marsh: "American Assoc. Rep. , " 1877. (17) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " p. 6. (18) Nicholson's "Manual of Zoology, " pp. 419 and 504. (19) When we talk of first appearance, we mean the discovery of remains. All who believe in the doctrine of evolution, know that the class Mammalia must have appeared early in Paleozoic times. Thus, Mr. Wallace says, "Bats and whales--strange modifications of mammals--appear perfectly well developed in the Eocene. What countless ages back must we go for the origin of these groups--the whales from some ancestral carnivorous animal, the bats from the insectivora!" and even then we have to seek for the common origin of these groups at far earlier periods. "So that, on the lowest estimate, we must place the origin of the Mammalia very far back in Paleozoic times. " ("Island Life, " p. 201. ) (20) This word is also spelled Kainozoic, and Cainozoic. We follow Dana, p. 140. (21) Dana, "Manual of Geology, " p. 488. (22) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " p. 28. (23) Many of these animal forms were common during the early Eocene. (Winchell. ) (24) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " p. 29. (25) Dana, "Geology, " p. 517. (26) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " p. 32. (27) Marsh. "American Assoc. Rep. , " 1877. (28) Haywood's Heer's "Primeval World of Switzerland, " p. 296. (29) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " p. 20. (30) Ibid. , p. 43. (31) Dana's "Manual of Geology, " p. 498. (32) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " p. 42. (33) Dana's "Manual of Geology, " p. 514. (34) Haywood's Heer's "Primeval World of Switzerland, " p. 334. (35) Haywood's Heer's "Primeval World of Switzerland. " (36) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " pp. 57 and 64. (37) Ibid. , p. 57: also, Haywood's Heer's "Primeval World of Switzerland. " (38) Nicholson's "Manual of Zoology, " p. 605. (39) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " p. 58. (40) Ibid. 58. (41) McLean: "Mastodon, Mammoth, and Man, " p. 67. (42) Dawkins's "Early Man in Europe, " p. 66. (43) See "Outline, " p. 41. (44) Lyell's "Antiquity of Man, " p. 193. (45) Quatrefages's "Human Species, " p. 151. (46) Prof. Winchell says: "Quatrefages does not now consider the proof decisive (_Hommes Fossiles et Hommes Sauvages, _ Paris, 1884, p. 95). " He cites, as agreeing with him, MM. Cotteau, Evans, "and, I believe, most of the members who have not publicly pronounced themselves. " (47) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " p. 67. (48) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " p. 68. (49) "Human Species, " p. 152. (50) Prof. Winchell remarks that, though some savage races might have been living in tropical lands during the Miocene, still the oldest skull and jaws obtainable in Europe are of a higher type than these. (51) Dana's "Manual of Geology, " p. 523. (52) Marsh: "American Assoc. Rep. , " 1877. (53) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " p. 73. (54) Ibid. , p. 78. (55) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " p. 77. (56) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " p. 76. (57) Winchell's "Pre-Adamites, " Whitney's "Auriferous Gravels of California, " Marsh's "Address before American Assoc. , " 1879. (58) "Antiquity of Man, " p. 234. (59) "Prehistoric Times, " p. 433. (60) Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe, " p. 343. (61) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain. " (62) Ibid. (63) "Prehistoric Europe, " p. 318. (64) Quatrefages's "Hum. Species, " p. 150; Geikie's "Prehistoric Eur. , " p. 345. (65) "Pre-Adamites. " (66) Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe, " p. 344. (67) Ibid. (68) "Early Man in Britain, " p. 92. (69) Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe, " p. 344. (70) Same as Glacial. See "Outline, " p. 41. (71) "Early Man in Britain, " p. 92. (72) "Prehistoric Europe, " p. 345, note 2. 

Chapter III

MEN OF THE RIVER DRIFT. 

Beginning of the Glacial Age--Inter-glacial Age--Man living in Europeduring this age--Map of Europe--Proof of former elevation of land--Theanimals living in Europe during this age--Conclusions drawn from thesedifferent animals--The vegetation of this period--Different climaticconditions of Europe during the Glacial Age--Proofs of a GlacialAge--Extent of the Glacial Ice--Evidence of warm Inter-glacialAge--The primitive state of man--Early English civilization--Views ofHorace--Primitive man destitute of metals--Order in which differentmaterials were used by man for weapons--Evidence, from the RiverSomme--History of Boucher de Perthes's investigations--Discussion ofthe subject--Antiquity of these remains--Improvement during PaleolithicAge--Description of the flint implements--Other countries where theseimplements are found--What race of men were these tribes--The Canstadtrace--Mr. Dawkins's views--When did they first appear in Europe--Theauthorities on this question--Conclusion. 

 The Tertiary Age, with its wonderful wealth of animal and plantlife, gradually drew to its close. In our "Outline" we have named theperiod that next ensued the Glacial Age. This was sufficiently exactfor our purpose then, but we must remember this is the name fora long series of years. During this period great changes in climateoccurred. At its commencement, a genial temperate climate prevailedthroughout Europe; and this, as we know, was preceded, during theMiocene Age, by a warm tropical one. This succession, then, shows usthat, for some reason or other, the climate had been gradually growingcolder. This change went forward uninterruptedly. Doubtless verygradually, from century to century, the seasons grew more and moresevere, until, finally, the Summer's sun no longer cleared the mountainsof the Winter's snow. This was the beginning of the Glacial Age proper. 

The best authorities also suppose that the reign of snow and ice wasbroken by at least one return (possibly more) of genial climate, when animals and plants from the south again visited the countries ofNorthern Europe--only, however, to be once more driven forth by a returnof arctic cold. But finally, before the increasing warmth of a genialClimate, the glaciers vanished, not to return again, and the Glacial Agebecame merged in that of the present. 

It is no longer a question that man lived in Europe during the largestportion of this age, if not from the beginning. It is necessary, then, to come to a clear understanding of the successive stages of this entireage, and to trace the wonderful cycles of climate--the strange mutationof heat and cold, which must have exerted a powerful influence on thelife, both animal and vegetable, of the period--and see when we firstfind decisive proofs of man's presence, and learn what we can of hiscondition. 

The map of Europe, at the close of Pliocene times and the commencementof the Glacial Age, is of interest to us in several ways. From this itwill be seen that it was considerably more elevated than at the present. As this is no fancy sketch, but is based on facts, it is well to outlinethem. Without the aid of man, land animals can not possibly pass fromthe mainland of a continent to an island lying some distance off theshore. But it is well known that animals like the rhinoceros, andseveral others, wandered as well over the surface of the British Islandsas on the adjacent coast of Europe. We are therefore compelled toassume, that at that time the English Channel and the Irish Sea were notin existence. This necessitates an elevation of at least four hundredfeet, which would also lay bare a large portion of the North Sea. In proof of this latter statement is the fact, that, at a distance fromland in the North Sea, fishermen at the present day frequently dredge upbones and teeth of animals that then roamed in Europe. 

Map of Europe------------------

While there is no necessity for supposing an elevation greater than thatrequired to lay bare a passage for animals back and forth, yet soundingsundertaken by the British government have established the fact, that theocean deepens very gradually away from the shores of the main-land untila depth of six hundred feet is reached, when the shore falls away verysuddenly. This is supposed to be the sea-coast of that time. The EnglishChannel would then have existed as the valley of the Seine, and theRhine have prolonged its flow over the present bed of the North Sea. As the land stood at this height through a large portion of the GlacialAge, it is not at all unreasonable to suppose that primitive tribeshunted back and forth along these valleys, and so doubtless manyconvincing proofs of their presence at that early day lie buriedunderneath the waves of the sea. In like manner, at the south, we knowthat elephants, lions, and hyenas passed freely from Africa to Spain, Italy, and the Island of Crete, and, consequently, the MediterraneanSea must have been bridged in one or two places at least. 

The change from Pliocene times to early Glacial was so gradual thatquite a number of animals lived on from one to the other, and, as wehave already stated, one of these species has even survived to our owntimes. 

But we note the arrival in Europe of a great number of new animals, andthe diversity of species seems at first an inexplicable riddle. The key, however, is to be found in the great climatic changes, which we havealready mentioned as occurring during this age. On the one hand, we findsuch animals as the musk-sheep, reindeer, and arctic fox, animals whosenatural home is in high northern latitudes, where snow and ice prevailmost of the year. Yet during this age they lived in Southern Franceand Italy, which must then have had a far different climate than that atpresent. 

Were we to confine our attention to these alone we would be convincedthat the climate of Europe at that time was arctic in its severity. Butside by side with the remains of these animals are found others whichimply an altogether different climate. The hippopotamus, now frequentingthe rivers of Africa, during that period roamed as far north asYorkshire, England. This animal could not live in a country wherethe cold was severe enough to form ice on the rivers. The remains ofa number of other animals are found whose natural home is in the warmregions of the earth. These two groups of animals, one from thenorth and one from the south, show how varied was the climate of Europeduring the Glacial Age. 

In addition to these, there was also a large number of animals whosehome is in the temperate regions of the earth--animals that thrive inneither extremes of heat and cold. This includes a great many animalsof the deer kind, several varieties of bears and horses; in fact, themajority of those with which we are acquainted. 

Now, what conclusion follows from this assemblage of animals? Manytheories have been put forward in explanation. It has been suggestedthat Europe at that time had a climate not unlike that of some portionsof the earth at present; that is, a long and severe Winter was followedby a short but warm Summer. During the Winter reindeer and othernorthern animals would press from the north in search of food, but wouldretire on the approach of Spring, when their feeding grounds wouldin turn be occupied by bisons and animals of a southern habitat. Inconfirmation of this view it is pointed out that a vast collection ofbones, from the bottom of a sink-hole or pond in Derbyshire, England, conclusively show that in the summer-time it was visited by bisons withtheir calves, and in Winter by reindeer. This theory is open toa great many objections. As is well known, some animals make quiteextensive migrations annually, but we can scarcely believe that heavy, unwieldy animals like the hippopotamus, were then such industrioustravelers as to wander every year from Italy to Northern England andreturn. But the very ground on which this theory rests, that ofstrongly contrasted summers and winters, could not be true of Europe orthe western portions of it, owing to the presence of the Atlantic Ocean, and the influence which it inevitably exerts on the climate. We see, then, that the presence of these different animals can be explainedonly by supposing great secular changes in climate. Let us see if we canstrengthen this view by an appeal to the vegetation of this period. 

We have seen how important a guide as to climate were the remains of thevegetation of the early times. We therefore turn with more confidence tosuch discoveries as will tell us of the flora of this age. But there aremany reasons why remains of plant growth should be few. As we shall soonlearn, this was a period of flooded rivers; and in the gravels and loamsthus formed is found our principal source of information as to the lifeof the age. But such a rush of waters would form gravelly banks or greatbeds of loam, and would sweep any plants which might be washed into itsfloods far out to sea; or if by chance they should become buried in suchgravel beds, the action of water would speedily cause the decay of thetender portions, such as leaves, bark, and soft wood, in which case noprofitable investigation could be made. Occasionally, however, aroundthe shores of old lakes, vegetable beds have been buried, and we knowthat some mineral springs deposit a sort of protecting sediment on everything with which they come in contact. By such means, at rare intervals, leaves, seeds, and fruits have been sealed up for future inspection, andfrom a careful study of all such instances much valuable information hasbeen obtained. At one place in the valley of the Seine was discovered, under a bed of tufa, the remains of a forest growth. It is not doubtedthat the deposit belongs to the Glacial Age. 

Yet the forest growth reminds us of that prevalent during the MioceneAge. The fig-tree, canary, laurel, and box-tree grew in profusion. Theseare all southern forms. One severe winter would kill them all, and evenhard frosts would prevent the ripening of their fruits. 

Neither were the Summers hot and dry. This is shown by the presence ofnumerous plants which can not thrive in hot and dry localities, but livein the shady woods of Northern France and Germany. The evidence of thisforest growth surely presents us an inviting picture of Europe during aportion of the Glacial Age. 

We are not without evidence, also, of a much more severe climate. In alignite bed (a species of coal) found in nearly the same latitude as theforest growth just mentioned, we detect the presence of trees that growonly in cold northern climates, such as birch, mountain pine, larch, andspruce. And in some peat-bogs of Southern Europe belonging to thisage are found willows now growing only in Spitzbergen, and somespecies of mosses that only thrive far to the north. It is quite evidentthat this deposit testifies to an altogether different climate from thatindicated by the deposit before mentioned. No theory of migration canexplain this assemblage of plants, unless it be migration taking placevery slowly, in consequence of an equally slow change of climate. 

From what we have just learned of the animals and plants living inEurope during this age, we can frame some conception of the differentclimatic conditions of Europe. On the one hand, we have a country witha mild and genial climate. Trees of a warm latitude were then growing asfar north as Paris, and we may well suppose Europe to have abounded inshady forests and grassy plains, through which flowed large rivers. Itwas just such a country as that in which elephants and southern animalswould flourish, while vast herds of deer and bovine animals wanderedover the entire length and breadth of the land. Where animal life wasso abundant there were sure to be carnivorous animals also, and lions, hyenas, tigers, and other animals added to the variety of animal life. 

This, however, is but one side of the picture. The other presents uswith a very different scene; instead of an abundant forest growth, theland supported only dwarf birch, arctic willows, and stunted mosses. Arctic animals, such as musk-sheep and reindeer, lived all the yeararound in Southern France. The woolly mammoth lived in Spain and Italy. In short, the climate and conditions of life were vastly different inthe two stages. 

We must now turn our attention to the proofs of glaciers in Europe, thephenomena from which this age derives its name. Descriptions of Alpineglaciers are common enough, but as glaciers and the Glacial Age have agreat deal to do with the antiquity of man, we can not do better thanto learn what we can of their formation, and their wonderful extensionduring this period. The school-boy knows that by pressure he gives hissnowball nearly the hardness of ice. He could make it really ice if hepossessed sufficient strength. The fact is, then, that snow under theinfluence of pressure passes into the form of ice. In some cases naturedoes this on a large scale. Where mountains are sufficiently elevatedto raise their heads above the snow line we know they are white all theyear around with snow. What is not blown away, evaporated, or, as anavalanche, precipitated to lower heights, must accumulate from year toyear. But the weight pressing on the lower portions of this snow-fieldmust soon be considerable, and at length become so great, that thesnow changes to the form of ice. But as ice it is no longer fixed andimmovable. We need not stop to explain just how this ice-field moves, but the fact is that, though moving very slowly, it acts like a liquidbody. It will steal away over any incline however small, down whichwater would flow. Like a river it fills the valleys leading down fromthe mountains. But, of course, the lower down it flows the higher thetemperature it meets, and it will sooner or later reach a point where itwill melt as fast as it advances. This stream of ice flowing down fromsnow-clad mountains is called a glacier. Those we are best acquaintedwith are but puny things compared with those of the polar regions, where in one case a great river of ice sixty miles wide, flowing from anunknown distance, some thousands of feet in depth (or height), pours outinto the sea. 

We at once perceive that such a mass of ice could not pour down a valleywithout leaving unmistakable signs of its passage. The sides of themountains would be deeply scarred and smoothed. Projecting knobswould be worn away. The surface of the valley, exposed to the enormousgrinding power of the moving ice, would be crushed, pulverized, anddragged along with it. Pieces of stone, like that here represented, would form part of this moving _debris, _ and as they were crowded alongthey would now and then grate over another piece of stone more firmlyseated, and so their surface would be deeply scratched in the directionof their greatest length. There is always more or less water circulatingunder the Alpine glaciers, and the streams that flow from them arealways very muddy, containing, as they do, quantities of crushed rock, sand, and clay. 

Illustration of Scratched Stone---------

If, for any reason, this earthy matter was not washed out it would forma bed of hard clay, in places packed with these striated stones. Suchbeds of clay are known as "till" or bowlder clay. 

This is descriptive, though in a very general way, of the glaciers asthey exist to-day. Geologists have long been aware of the fact that theyhave convincing proofs of the former presence of glaciers in NorthernEurope, where now the climate is mild. The mountains of Scotland andWales show as distinct traces of glaciers as do those of the Alps. Itis not necessary, in this hasty sketch, to enumerate the many groundson which this conclusion rests. It is sufficient to state that by theunited labors of many investigators in that field we are in possessionof many conclusions relating to the great glaciers of this agewhich almost surpass belief; and yet they are the results of carefuldeductions. The former presence of this ice sheet itself is shown in amost conclusive manner by the bowlder clay formed underneath thegreat glacier, containing abundant examples of stone showing by theirscratched surface that they have been ground along underneath theglacier. The rocks on the sides of the mountains are scratched exactlyas are those in the Alps. By observing how high up on the mountains thestriae are, we know the thickness of the ice-sheet; and the direction inwhich it moved is shown in several ways. 

Briefly, then, the geologist assures us that when the cold of theGlacial Age was at its maximum glaciers streamed down from all themountains of Scotland, Wales, and Northern England; that the ice wasthick enough to overtop all the smaller hills, and on the plains itunited in one great sea of ice some thousands of feet in thickness, thatit stretched as far south as the latitude of London, England. But thatto the west the ice streamed out across, the Irish Sea, the islandsto the west of Scotland, and ended far out into what is now theAtlantic. But these glaciers, vast as they were, were very smallcompared with the glaciers that streamed out from the mountainsof Norway and Sweden. These great glaciers invaded England to thesouth-west, beat back the glacier ice of Scotland from the floor of theNorth Sea, overran Denmark, and spread their mantle of bowlder clay farsouth into Germany. 

While such was the condition of things to the north, the glaciers ofthe Alps were many times greater than at present. All the valleyswere filled with glacier ice, and they spread far out on the plains ofSouthern Germany and westward into France. The mountains of SouthernFrance and the Pyrenees also supported their separate system ofglaciers. Ice also descended from the mountains of Asia Minor and NorthAfrica. In America we meet with traces of glaciers on a vast scale;but we can not pause to describe them here. 

It need not surprise us, therefore, to learn of reindeer and musk-sheepfeeding on stunted herbage in what now constitutes Southern France. Whena continuous mantle of snow and ice cloaked all Northern Europe, itis not at all surprising to find evidence of an extremely cold climateprevailing throughout its southern borders. We thus see how one piece ofevidence fits into another, and therefore we may, with some confidence, endeavor to find proofs of more genial conditions when the snow and icedisappeared, and a more luxuriant vegetation possessed the land, andanimals accustomed to warm and even tropical countries roamed overa large extent of European territory. In Switzerland it was long agopointed out that after the ancient glaciers had for a long time occupiedthe low grounds of that country they, for some cause, retreated tothe mountain valleys, and allowed streams and rivers to work over the_debris_ left behind them. At Wetzikon most interesting conclusions havebeen drawn. We there learn that, after the retreat of the glaciers, a lake occupied the place, which in course of time became filled withpeat, and that subsequently the peat was transformed into lignite. Tojudge from the remains of animals and plants, the climate must have beenat least as warm as that at present; and this condition of things musthave prevailed over a period of some thousands of years to explain thethick deposits of peat, from which originated the lignites. 

But we also know that this period came to an end, and that once morethe ice descended. This is shown by the fact that directly overlying thelignite beds are alternating layers of sand and gravel, and, restingon these, glacier-born bowlders. The same conclusion follows from thediscoveries made at many other places. 

In Scotland it is well known that the bowlder clay contains every nowand then scattered patches of peat and beds of soil either depositedin lakes or rivers. The only explanation that can be given for theirpresence is that they represent old land surfaces; that is, when theland was freed from ice, and vegetation had again clothed it in a mantleof green. In this cut is shown one of these beds. Both above and beloware the beds of bowlder clay. The peat in the centre varies from an inchto a foot and a half in thickness, and contains many fragments of wood, sticks, roots, etc. ; and of animals, numerous beetles were found, onekind of which frequents only places where deer and ruminant animalsabound. 

Diagram of Interglacial Bed------------

From a large number of such discoveries it is conclusively shown that, after all, Scotland was smothered under one enormous glacier, a changeof climate occurred, and the ice melted away. Then Scotland enjoyed aclimate capable of nourishing sufficient vegetation to induce mammoths, Irish deer, horses, and great oxen to occupy the land. But the upperbowlder clay no less conclusively shows that once more the climatebecame cold, and ice overflowed all the lowlands and buried under a newaccumulation of bowlder clay such parts of the old land surface as itdid not erode. Substantially the same set of changes are observed inEnglish and German geology. 

Having thus given an outline of the climatic changes which took placein Europe during the Glacial Age, and the grounds on which these strangeconclusions rest, we must now turn our attention to the appearance ofman. 

The uncertainties which hung over his presence in the earlier periods, spoken of in the former chapter, do not apply to the proofs of hispresence during this age, though it is far from settled at whatparticular portion of the Glacial Age he came into Europe. We mustremember we are to investigate the past, and to awaken an interestin the history of a people who trod this earth in ages long ago. Theevidence on which we establish a history of the early tribes of Europeis necessarily fragmentary, but still a portion here and a piecethere are found to form one whole, and enable us to form quite a vividconception of manners and times now very far remote. 

It is not claimed that we have surmounted every difficulty--on thecontrary, there is yet much to be deciphered; but, in some respects, weare now better acquainted with these shadowy tribes of early times thanwith those whose history has been recorded by the historian's facilepen. He has given us a record of blood. He acquaints us with the marchof vast armies, tells us of pillaged cities, and gives us the names ofa long roll of titled kings; but, unfortunately, we know little of thehome life, the occupation, or of those little things which make up theculture of a people. But the knowledge of primitive tribes, gatheredfrom the scanty remains of their implements, from a thorough explorationof their cavern homes, has made us acquainted with much of their homelife and surroundings: and we are not entirely ignorant as to suchtopics as their trade, government, and religion. We must not forgetthat this is a knowledge of tribes and peoples who lived here in timesimmeasurably ancient as compared with those in existence at the verydawn of history. 

We must try and form a mental picture of what was probably the primitivestate of man; and a little judicious reasoning from known facts willdo much for us in this direction. Some writers have contended that thefirst condition of man was that of pleasing innocence, combined with ahigh degree of enlightenment, which, owing to the wickedness of mankind, he gradually lost. This ideal picture, however consonant with ourwishes, must not only give way before the mass of information now at ourcommand, but has really no foundation in reason; "or, at any rate, ifthis primitive condition of innocence and enlightenment ever existed, itmust have disappeared at a period preceding the present archaeologicalinvestigations. " Nothing is plainer than that our presentcivilization has been developed from barbarism, as that was fromsavagism. We need go back but a few centuries in the history ofany nation, before we find them emerging from a state of barbarism. Theenergy and intelligence of the Anglo-Saxon has spread his language tothe four corners of the globe; he has converted the wilderness intofruitful fields, and reared cities in desert lands: yet his historystrikingly illustrates our point. A century back, and we are already ina strange land. The prominent points of present civilization were yetunthought of. No bands of iron united distant cities; no nerves ofwire flashed electric speech. The wealth of that day could not buy manyarticles conducive of comfort, such as now grace the homes of thepoor. The contrast is still more apparent when we recall another ofthe countless centuries of the past. England, with Europe, was but justawakening to modern life. Printing had but just been invented. Greatdiscoveries had been made, and mankind was but just beginning thosefirst feeble efforts which were to bring to us our modern comforts. Buta millennium of years ago, and the foundation of English civilizationhad but just been laid by the union of the rude Germanic tribes of theSaxons and the Angles. Similar results attend the ultimate analysisof any civilization. It was but yesterday that wandering hordes, boundtogether by the loose cohesion of tribal organization, and possessingbut the germ of modern enlightenment, held sway in what is now thefairest portion of the world: and we, the descendants of these rudepeople, must reflect that the end is not yet--that the onward marchof progress is one of ever hastening steps--and that, in all humanprobability, the sun of a thousand years hence will shine on a peoplewhose civilization will be as superior to ours as the light of dayexceeds the mellow glow of a moon-lit night. 

If such are the changes of but a few centuries, what must we notconsider the changes to have been during the countless ages that havesped away since man first appeared on the scene! The early Greek andRoman writers were much nearer right when they considered primitive manto have been but a slight degree removed from the brute world. Horacethus expresses himself: "When animals first crept forth from the newlyformed earth, a dumb and filthy herd, they fought for acorns and lurkingplaces--with their nails, and with fists--then with clubs--and at lastwith arms, which, taught by experience, they had forged. They theninvented names for things, and words to express their thoughts; afterwhich they began to desist from war, to fortify cities, and enact laws. "The learning of modern times leads to much the same conclusion. 

It is evident that primitive man must have been destitute of metals; forit requires a great deal of knowledge and experience to extract metalsfrom their ores. In the eyes of savages, the various metallic ores aresimply so many varieties of stone--much less valuable for his purposesthan flint, or some other varieties. We know it to be historically true, that a great many nations have been discovered utterly destitute of anyknowledge of metals. 

When we reflect how much of our present enlightenment is due to theuse of metals, we can readily see that their discovery marks a mostimportant epoch in the history of man. There is, then, every reason tosuppose that stone was a most important article for primitive man. Itwas the material with which he fought his battle for existence, and weneed not be surprised that its use extended through an enormously longperiod of time. Not only was primitive man thus low down in the scale, but of necessity his progress must have been very slow. 

The time during which men were utterly destitute of a knowledge ofmetals, far exceeds the interval that has elapsed since that importantdiscovery. Scholars divide the stone age into two parts. In thefirst, the stone implements, are very few, of simple shapes, and in themain formed of but one variety of stone--generally flint~-and theywere never polished. In the second division, we meet with a great manydifferent implements, each adapted to a different purpose. Differentvarieties of stone were employed, and they also made use of bone, shell, and wood, which were often beautifully polished. 

From what we have learned of the development of primitive society, itwill not surprise us to learn that the first division of the age ofstone comprises a vastly greater portion of time, and is far moreancient, than the second. We will give an outline showing the orderof use of different materials; but it is here necessary to remark thatBronze was the first metal that man learned to use, and Iron the second. 

ORDER IN WHICH DIFFERENT MATERIALS WERE USED FOR WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTSBY PRIMITIVE MAN. Age of Stone. Rough, or Old Stone Age--Paleolithic. Polished or New Stone Age--Neolithic. Age of Metals. Bronze Age. Iron Age. 

In this outline the words Paleolithic and Neolithic are the scientificterms for the two divisions of the Stone Age, and will be so used inthese pages. 

The only races of men that we could expect to find in Europe during theGlacial Age would be Paleolithic tribes, and it is equally manifest thatwe must find traces of them in beds of this age, or in association withanimals that are characteristic of this age, or else we can not assertthe existence of man at this time. The valley of the river Somme, in Northern France, has become classical ground to the student ofArchaeology, since it was there that such investigations as we have justmentioned were first and most abundantly made. It is now well known thatthe surface features of a country--that is, its hills and dales, itsuplands and lowlands--are mainly due to the erosive power of runningwater. Our rivers have dug for themselves broad valleys, underminedand carried away hills, and in general carved the surface of a country, until the present appearance is the result. It must be confessed thatwhen we perceive the slow apparent change from year to year, and fromthat attempt to estimate the time required to produce the effects we seebefore us, we are apt to shrink from the lapse of time demanded for itsaccomplishment. Let us not forget that "Time is long, " and that causes, however trifling, work stupendous results in the course of ages. 

Picture of Paleolithic Flints. --------

But a river which is thus digging down its channel in one place, deposits the materials so dug away at other and lower levels, as bedsof sand and gravel. In the course of time, as the river gradually lowersits channel, it will leave behind, at varying heights along its banks, scattered patches of such beds. Wherever we find them, no matter how farremoved, or how high above the present river, we are sure that at sometime the river flowed at that height; and standing there, we may try andimagine how different the country must have looked before the presentdeep valley was eroded. 

In the case of the river Somme, we have a wide and deep valley, a largepart of which has been excavated in chalk rock, through which the rivernow winds its way in a sinuous course to the English Channel. Yet wefeel sure that at some time in the past it was a mighty stream, and thatits waters surged along over a bed at least two hundred feet higher thannow. In proof of this fact we still find, at different places alongthe chalky bluff, stretches of old gravel banks, laid down there by theriver, "reaching sometimes as high as two hundred feet above the presentwater level, although their usual elevation does not exceed fortyfeet. "

The history of the investigation of the ancient gravel beds of the Sommeis briefly this: More than one instance had been noted of the finding offlint implements, apparently the work of men, in association with bonesof various animals, such as hyenas, mammoths, musk-sheep, and others, which, as we have just seen, lived in Europe during the Glacial Age. Ina number of cases such finds had been made in caves. But for a long timeno one attributed any especial value to these discoveries, and variouswere the explanations given to account for such commingling. A Frenchgeologist, by the name of Boucher DePerthes, had noted the occurrenceof similar flint implements, and bones of these extinct animals, in agravel pit on the banks of the Somme, near Abbeville, France. He wasconvinced that they proved the existence of man at the time theseancient animals lived in Europe. But no one paid any attention to hisopinions on this subject, and a collection of these implements, whichhe took to Paris in 1839, was scarcely noticed by the scientific world. They were certainly very rude, and presented but indistinct traces ofchipping, and perhaps it is not strange that he failed to convince anyone of their importance. He therefore determined to make a thorough andsystematic exploration of these beds at Abbeville. In 1847 he publishedhis great work on this subject, giving over sixteen hundred cuts of thevarious articles he had found, claiming that they were proof positive ofthe presence of man when the gravels were depositing. 

Picture of Flint Implements, so-called. ------

Now there are several questions to be answered before the conclusionsof the French geologist can be accepted. In the first place, are theseso-called flint implements of human workmanship? From our illustrations, we see that they are of an oval shape, tending to a cutting edge allaround, and generally more or less pointed at one end. The testimony ofall competent persons who have examined them is, that however rude theymay be, they were undoubtedly fashioned by man. Dr. C. C. Abbott hasmade some remarks on implements found in another locality, equallyapplicable to the ones in question. He says: "We find, on comparing aspecimen of these chipped stones with an accidentally fractured pebble, that the chipped surfaces of the former all tend toward the productionof a cutting edge, and there is no portion of the stone detached whichdoes not add to the availability of the supposed implement as such;while in the case of a pebble that has been accidentally broken, thereis necessarily all absence of design in the fracturing. "

Like the watch found on the moor, they show such manifest evidence ofdesign, that we can not doubt that they were produced by the hand ofman. But it is not enough to know that they are artificial, we must alsoknow that they are of the same age as the beds in which they are found. 

Section of Gravel Pit. -----------

This cut represents a section of a gravel pit at St. Acheul, on theSomme. The implements are nearly always found in the lowest strata, which is a bed of gravel from ten to fourteen feet thick. Overlying thisare beds of marl, loam, and surface soil, comprising in all a depthof fourteen feet. It has been suggested that the implements arecomparatively recent, and have sunk down from above by their own weight, or perhaps have been buried in artificial excavations. The beds arehowever too compact to admit of any supposition that they may have beensunk there; and if buried in any excavation, evident traces of suchexcavation would have remained. We can account for their presence therein no other way than, that when the river rolled along at that highelevation, and deposited great beds of sand, these implements weresomeway lost in its waters, and became buried in the gravel deposits. 

Finally, we have to consider the age of the deposits. This is a questionthat can be answered only by geologists, and we may be sure that morethan ordinary attention has been bestowed upon them. The remains ofmany animals characteristic of the Glacial Age were found in the bedsat Abbeville. These include those of the elephants, rhinoceros, hyenas, cave-bear, and cave-lion. 

In the formation of these gravel beds, ice has undoubtedly played quitean important part. Bowlders that could have got there only by the aidof ice, are found in several localities. Evidence gathered from a greatmany different sources all establish the fact that these gravels dateas far back as the close of the Glacial Age at least, and there are somereasons for supposing them to be interglacial. 

We can easily see that the melting away of the immense glaciers that wehave been describing would produce vast floods in the rivers, and it isperhaps owing to the presence of such swollen rivers that are due thegreat beds of surface soil, called loam or loess, found in all the rivervalleys of France and Germany. These deposits frequently overlie thegravel beds. They are then of a later date than the beds in whichare found such convincing proofs of the presence of man, and if theythemselves date from the close of the Glacial Age, it is no longer aquestion whether the gravel beds themselves belong to that age. Thus wesee that we can no longer escape the conclusions of Boucher DePerthes. The discovery of rudely worked flints in the drift of the Somme Riverthus establishes the fact that some time during the Glacial Age, man ina Paleolithic state lived in France. 

Geological terms convey to us no definite ideas as to the lapse of time, and we have an instinctive desire to substitute for them some term ofyears. In most cases this is impossible, as we have no means to measurethe flight of past time, nor are we yet prepared to discuss the questionof time, since to do so we must learn a great deal more about the causeof the Glacial Age. We might, however, cite statements which can notfail to impress us with the fact that a great extent of time has passed. 

In the case of the river Somme we have a valley in some places a mile ormore in width, and about two hundred feet in depth. This has mostly beenexcavated in chalk rock. Taking our present large rivers as a basis, itwould require from one to two hundred thousand years for the Somme toperform this work. It will not do, however, to take the presentaction of our rivers as a guide, since we have every reason to supposethis work went forward much more rapidly in past times. But we can notescape the conclusion that it demands a very long time indeed to explainit. The valley has remained in its present shape long enough to admitthe formation of great beds of peat in some portions. Peat is formed bythe decomposition of vegetable growth. Its growth is in all cases slow, depending entirely upon local circumstances. European scholars who havemade peat formation a special study assure us that to form such immensebeds as occur near Abbeville, several thousand years are required, evenunder the most favorable conditions. 

Yet we would be scarcely willing to rest such important conclusions asthe foregoing on the researches of one individual, or in one locality. As already stated, DePerthes made his discoveries public in 1847. Yetthey were so opposed to all that had been believed previously, that butfew took the pains to investigate for themselves. In 1853, Dr. Rigollot, of Amiens, who had been skeptical as to DePerthes, commenced to lookfor himself in the gravel beds at St. Acheul, about nine miles belowAbbeville. As might be expected, he was soon convinced. 

Picture of Paleolithic Flint, England. ------

It may be said that the scientific world formally accepted the newtheory when such English scientists as Evans, Falconer, Lyell, andPrestwich reported in its favor. Since that time, many discoveriesof ancient implements have been made at various places in France andEngland under circumstances similar to those in the valley of the Somme. In England they have been found along almost all the rivers in thesouthern and south-eastern part. One class of discoveries there givesus new ideas as to the extent of time that has passed since they weredeposited. That is where they occur in gravel beds having no connectionwith the present system of rivers. In one case the gravel forms ahill fifteen feet high, situated in the midst of a swampy district, surrounded on all sides by low, flat surfaces. Several such instancescould be given; but, in all such cases, we can not doubt that, somewherenear, there once rolled the waters of an ancient river, that man oncehunted along its banks, and that, owing to some natural cause, thewaters forsook their ancient bed--and that since then, in the slowcourse of ages, the action of running water has removed so much of thesurface of the land near there, that we can not guess at its ancientconfiguration: we only know, from scattered patches of gravel, that weare standing on the banks of an ancient water-course. 

One instance, illustrative of the great change that has come over thesurface features of the country, demanding for their accomplishment agreat lapse of time, is furnished by the Isle of Wight. That island isnow separated from the mainland by a narrow channel, called the SouthHampton Water, or the Solent Sea. 

It is now known that this is nothing but an old river channel, inwhich the sea has usurped the place of the river. The coast is ariver embankment, with the usual accompaniments of gravel beds, flintimplements, and fresh water shells. On the shores of the island we findthe opposite bank of the old river. A very great change must have takenplace in the surface features before the sea could have rolled in andcut off the Isle of Wight from the mainland. 

In speaking of the length of time demanded for this change, Dr. Evanssays: "Who can fully understand how immeasurably remote was the epochwhen what is now that vast bay was high and dry land, and a long rangeof chalk downs, six hundred feet above the sea, bounded the horizon onthe South? And yet that must have been the sight that met the eye ofprimitive man who frequented the banks of that ancient river, whichburied their handiwork in gravels that now cap the cliffs--and of thecourse of which so strange and indubitable a memorial subsists in whathas now become the Solent Sea?"

The illustrations scattered through this essay are representations ofthe stone implements found in the drift of European rivers. During allthe long course of time supposed to be covered by the Paleolithic Age, there are but very few evidences of any improvement, as far as we canjudge from the implements themselves. This is in itself a melancholyproof of the low condition of man. He had made so little advance inthe scale of wisdom, he possessed so little knowledge, he was so much acreature of instinct, that, during the thousands of years demandedfor this age, he made no appreciable progress. The advance of the lastcentury was many times greater than that of the entire Paleolithic Age. A blow struck on one end of a piece of flint will, owing to the peculiarcleavage of flint, split off pieces called flakes. This is the simplestform of implement used by man. It is impossible to say with certaintyhow they were used; but, from the evidence observed on them, they wereprobably used as scrapers. The men of that day doubtless knew somesimple method of preparing clothing from the skins of the animals theyhad killed, and probably many of these sharp-rimmed flakes were used toassist in this primitive process of tanning. 

Illustration of Flint Flakes. --------

When the piece of flint itself was chipped into form, it was one whoseshape would indicate a spear-head or hatchet. We present illustrationsof each. Forms intermediate between these two are found. Some have sucha thick heavy base that it is believed they were used in the hand, andhad no handle or haft. 

Others, with a cutting edge all round, may have been provided with ahandle. M. Mortillet, of France, who has had excellent opportunities ofstudying this question very thoroughly, thinks that the hatchet was theonly type of implement they possessed, and that it was used for everyconceivable purpose--but that their weapon was a club, all traces ofwhich have, of course, long since vanished away. 

Illustrations of Spear Head Type and Hatchet Type. ------

These few implements imply that their possessors were savages like thenative Australians. In this stage of culture, man lived by hunting, andhad not yet learned to till the ground, or to seek the materials out ofwhich his implements were made by mining. Re merely fashioned the stoneswhich happened to be within reach in the shallows of rivers as they werewanted, throwing them away after they had been used. In this manner thelarge numbers which have been met with in certain spots may be accountedfor. Man at this time appears before us as a nomad hunter, poorlyequipped for the struggle of life, without knowledge of metals, andignorant of the art of grinding his stone tools to a sharp edge. Of course we can not hope to learn much of their social condition otherthan that just set forth. 

DePerthes found some flints which show evidence of their human origin, and yet it would be very difficult to say what was their use. He thinksthey may have a religious significance, and has set forth a greatvariety of eloquent surmises respecting them. It only need be said thatsuch theorizing is worse than useless. That while it is very probablethese tribes had some system of belief, yet there is no good reason forsupposing these flints had any connection with it. It has been supposed, from another series of wrought flints, that the men of this epoch werepossessed of some sentiments of art, as pieces have been found thoughtto represent the forms of animals, men's faces, birds, and fishes; butas very few have been able to detect such resemblances, it is safe tosay they do not exist. 

As the love of adornment is almost as old as human nature itself, wemay not be surprised to find traces of its sway then. Dr. Rigollot foundlittle bunches of shells with holes through either end. The suppositionis that these were used as beads; which is not at all strange, considering how instinctively savage men delight in such ornaments. These ancient hunters made use of beads partially prepared by nature. 

Europe is not the only country where the remains of this savage race arefound. They are found in the countries bordering the Mediterranean inNorthern Africa, and in Egypt. In this latter country they are doubtlesslargely buried under the immense deposits of Nile mud; yet in 1878Professor Haynes discovered in Upper Egypt scrapers and hatchets, pronounced by archaeologists to be exactly similar to those of the riverSomme. We are not informed as to their geological age, but there canbe no question that they are much older than any monument of Egyptiancivilization hitherto known. 

Paleolithic implements have also been found in Palestine and in India. In the latter country the beds are so situated that they present thesame _indicia, _ of age as do those of the Somme Valley. A great portionof the formation has been removed, and deep valleys cut in them byrunning water. They have also been found in at least one localityin the United States; that is in the glacial gravel of the valley of theDelaware at Trenton, New Jersey. We must not confound these remainswith those of the Indian tribes found scattered over a large extentof surface. Those at Trenton also are not only in all respects, exceptmaterials, similar to those of the Somme, but are found imbedded in aformation of gravel that was deposited at least as far back as the closeof the Glacial Age, thus requiring the passage of the same longseries of years since they were used, as do the implements of Europeanrivers. We must also bear in mind that no country has been socarefully explored for these implements as has Europe, and that the verycountry, Asia, where, for many reasons, we might hope to find not onlyunequivocal proofs of man's presence but from our discoveries be ableto clear up many dark points, as to the race, origin, and fate of theseprimitive tribes, is yet almost a sealed book. 

But the scattered discoveries we have instanced show us that the peoplewhose implements have been described in this chapter were very widelydispersed over the earth, and everything indicates that they were farremoved from us in time. The similarity in type of implements showsthat, wherever found, they were the same people, in the same low savagestate of culture--"Alike in the somber forests of oak and pine in GreatBritain, and when surrounded by the luxuriant vegetation of the Indianjungle. "

We have yet two important points to consider. The first is, what race ofmen were these river tribes? and second, when did they arrive in Europe?Did they precede the glacial cold? did they make their appearance duringa warm interglacial period? or was it not until the final retreat of theglaciers that they first wandered into Europe? These questions arefar from settled; yet they have been the object of a great amount ofpainstaking research. 

To determine the first point, it is necessary that anatomists haveskeletons of the men of this age, to make a careful study of them. Butfor a great many reasons, portions of the human skeleton are very rarelyfound in such circumstances that we are sure they date back to thePaleolithic Age, and especially is this true of the men of the RiverDrift. In a few instances fragmentary portions have been found. 

M. Quatrefages, of France, who is certainly a very high authority onthese points, thinks that the hunter tribes of the River Drift belongedto the Canstadt race--"so named from the village of Canstadt, inGermany, near which a fossil skull was discovered in 1700, and whichappears to be closely allied to the Neanderthal skull, discovered nearDusseldorf in 1857, and about which so much has been written. "Quatrefages supposes that this type of man is still to be foundin certain Australian tribes. These are not mere guesses, but areconclusions drawn from careful study by eminent European scholars. 

It is well known that a competent naturalist needs but a single fossilbone to describe the animal itself, and tell us its habits. So alsoanthropologists need but fragments of the human skeleton, especiallyof the skull, to describe characteristics of the race to which theindividual belonged. 

Illustration of Neanderthal Man. -----------

This cut, though an ideal restoration, is a restoration made inaccordance with the results of careful study of fragmentary skulls foundin various localities in Europe. The head and the face present a savageaspect; the body harmonized with the head; the height was not more thanfive feet and a half; yet the bones are very thick in proportionto their length, and were evidently supplied with a powerful set ofmuscles, since the little protuberances and depressions where themuscles are attached are remarkably well developed. Huxley andQuatrefages have both pointed out that representatives of this race areto be found among some Australian tribes. "Among the races of thisgreat island there is one, distributed particularly in the province ofVictoria, in the neighborhood of Port Western, which reproduces in aremarkable manner, the characters of the Canstadt race. " Not theleast interesting result of this discovery is the similarity of weaponsand implements. "With Mr. Lartet, we see in the obsidian lances ofNew Caledonia the flint heads of the lower alluvium of the Somme. Thehatchet of certain Australians reminds us, as it did Sir Charles Lyell, of the Abbeville hatchet. "

Yet some hesitate about accepting these interesting inferences, thinkingthat the portions of the human skeleton thus far recovered, which arebeyond a doubt referable to this period, are too fragmentary to basesuch important conclusions upon. This is the view of Boyd Dawkins, who thinks "we can not refer them to any branch of the human race nowalive. " "We are without a clew, " continues he, "to the ethnology ofthe River Drift man, who most probably is as completely extinct asthe woolly rhinoceros or the cave bear. " Future discoveries willprobably settle this point. 

It is yet a much disputed point to what particular portion of theGlacial Age we can trace the appearance of man. We can profitably notethe tendency of scientific thought in this direction. But a shorttime has elapsed since a few scholars here and there began to urge anantiquity for man extending back beyond the commonly accepted period ofsix thousand years. Though it is now well known and admitted that thereare no good grounds for this estimate, yet such was its hold, such itssway over scientific as well as popular thought, that an appeal to thischronology was deemed sufficient answer to the discoveries of DePerthes, Schmerling, and others. It was but yesterday that this popular beliefwas overthrown and due weight given the discoveries of careful explorersin many branches, and the antiquity of man referred, on indisputablegrounds, to a point of time at least as far back as the close of thepreceding geological age. 

It seems as if here a halt had been called, and all possible objectionsare urged against a further extension of time. It is, of course, well tobe careful in this matter, and to accept only such results as inevitablyfollow from well authenticated discoveries. But it also seems to usthere is no longer any doubt that man dates back to the beginning ofthat long extended time we have named the Glacial Age. 

In the first place, we must recall the animals that suddenly made theirappearance in Europe at the beginning of this age. Though there were anumber of species, since become extinct, the majority of animal formswere those still living. 

These are the animals with which man has always been associated. Thereis therefore no longer any reason to suppose the evolution of animallife had not reached that stage where man was to appear. We need onlyrecall how strongly this point was urged in reference to the precedinggeological epoch, to see its important bearings here. Mr. Boyd Dawkinshas shown that the great majority of animals which invaded Europe at thecommencement of this age, can be traced to Northern and Central Asia, whence, owing to climatic changes, they migrated into Europe. 

Inasmuch as man seems to have been intimately associated with theseanimals, it seems to us very likely that he came with them fromtheir home in Asia. We think the tendency of modern discoveries isto establish the fact that man arrived in Europe along with the greatinvasion of species now living. 

Turning now to the authorities, we find this to be the accepted theoryof many of those competent to form an opinion. 

In England Mr. Geikie has strongly urged the theory that the Glacial Ageincludes not only periods of great cold, but also epochs of exceptionalmildness; and he strongly argues that all the evidence of the RiverDrift tribes can be referred to these warm interglacial epochs; in otherwords, that they were living in Europe during the Glacial Age. 

In answer to this it has been stated that the relics of River Drifttribes in Southern England overlie bowlder clay, and must therefore belater in origin than the Glacial Age. 

But, Mr. Geikie and others have shown that the ice of the last greatcold did not overflow Southern England, so that this evidence, rightly read, was really an argument in favor of their interglacialage. The committee appointed by the British Association to explorethe Victoria Cave, near Settle, urge this point very strongly in theirfinal report of 1878. To this report Mr. Dawkins, a member of thecommittee, records his dissent, but in his last great work he freelyadmits that man was living in England during the Glacial Age, if he didnot, in fact, precede it. 

Mr. Skertchley, of the British coast survey, in 1879, announcedthe discovery in East Anglia of Paleolithic, implements underlying thebowlder clay of that section. Mr. Geikie justly regards this as a mostimportant discovery. 

Finally Mr. Dawkins, in his address as President of the Anthropologicalsection of the British Association, in 1882, goes over the entireground. After alluding to the discovery of paleolithic implements inEgypt, India, and America, he continues: "The identity of implementsof the River Drift hunter proves that he was in the same rude state ofcivilization, if it can be called civilization, in the Old and the NewWorld, when the hand of the geological clock struck the same hour. It isnot a little strange that this mode of life should have been the same inthe forests of the North, and south of the Mediterranean, in Palestine, in the tropical forests of India, and on the western shores of theAtlantic. " This, however, is not taken as proving the identity of race, but as proving that in this morning-time of man's existence he hadnowhere advanced beyond a low state of savagism. Mr. Dawkins thencontinues: "It must be inferred from his wide-spread range that he musthave inhabited the earth for a long time, and that his dispersal tookplace before the Glacial epoch in Europe and America. I therefore feelinclined to view the River Drift hunter as having invaded Europe inpreglacial times, along with other living species which then appeared. "He also points out that the evidence is that he lived in Europe duringall the changes of that prolonged period known as the Glacial Age. 

Sir John Lubbock also records his assent to these views. He says onthis point: "It is, I think, more than probable that the advent of theGlacial Period found man already in possession of Europe. "

In our own country Prof. Powell says: "It is now an established factthat man was widely scattered over the earth at least as early as thebeginning of the Quaternary period, and perhaps in Pliocene times. "

This completes our investigation of the men of the River Drift. We seehow, by researches of careful scholars, our knowledge of the past hasbeen enlarged. Though there are many points which are as yet hidden indarkness, we are enabled to form quite a clear mental picture of thisearly race. Out of the darkness which still enshrouds the continentof Asia we see these bands of savages wandering forth; some to Europe, Africa, and the west; others to America and the east. 

This was at a time when slowly falling temperature but dimly prophesieda reign of arctic cold, still far in the future. This race does notseem to have had much capacity for advancement, since ages came and wentleaving him in the same low state. During the climax of glacial cold hedoubtless sought the southern coasts of Europe along with the temperatespecies of animals. But whenever the climatic conditions were suchthat these animals could find subsistence as far north as Englandhe accompanied them there, and so his remains are found constantlyassociated with theirs throughout Europe. Though doubtless very low inthe scale, and at the very foot of the ladder of human progress, weare acquainted with no facts connecting them with the higher ordersof animals. If such exists, we must search for them further back ingeological time. The men of the River Drift were distinctively humanbeings, and as such possessed those qualities which, developingthroughout the countless ages that have elapsed, have advanced man tohis present high position. 

REFERENCES

 (1) This chapter was submitted to Prof. G. F. Wright, of Oberlin, for criticism. (2) Lyell's "Antiquity of Man;" Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe, " p. 332. (3) It is, however, applicable to only a portion of the Quaternary, or Post-tertiary period. (Wright. ) (4) Chapter II. (5) Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe, " p. 339. (6) Dawkins's "Cave Hunting, " p. 365. (7) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " p. 112. (8) Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe, " p. 337. (9) The majority of the Pliocene animals disappeared from Europe at the close of the period in question. This includes such animals as the mastodon, hipparion, and many kinds of deer (Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe, " p. 334). The following animals survived into the Glacial Age, and some even into Inter-glacial periods: African hippopotamus (still living), saber-toothed lion, bear of Auvergne, big-nosed rhinoceros, Etruskan rhinoceros, Sedgwick's deer, deer of Polignac, Southern elephant. ("Prehistoric Europe, " p. 95. ) (10) The northern animals include the following: Alpine hare, musk-sheep, glutton, reindeer, arctic fox, lemming, tailless hare, marmot, spermophile, ibex, snowy vole, chamois. (Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe, " p. 32. ) (11) Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe, " p. 28. (12) The following animals are given as southern species: Hippopotamus, African elephant, spotted hyena, striped hyena, serval, caffer cat, lion, leopard. In addition to the above there were also four or five species of elephants and three species of rhinoceros, which have since become extinct. (Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe, " p. 32. ) (13) It is scarcely necessary to give a list of these animals. Prof. Dawkins enumerates thirty-three species. The following are some of the most important: Urus, bison, horse, stag, roe, beaver, rabbit, otter, weasel, martin, wildcat, fox, wolf, wild boar, brown bear, grizzly bear. (Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe, " p, 32. ) (14) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " p. 191. (15) Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times, " p. 316. (16) Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe, " p. 87. (17) Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe, " p. 50. (18) Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe, " p. 54. (19) Ibid. , p. 55. (20) Kane's "Arctic Exploration, " Vol. I, p. 225. (21) Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe, " p. 180. (22) Wallace's "Island Life, " p. 104. (23) Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe, " p. 189. (24) Ibid. , p. 192, _et seq. _ (25) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain. " (26) For fuller information on this topic see James Geikie's "The Great Ice Age;" also, by the same author, "Prehistoric Europe. " In Appendix "B" of this latter work the author gives a map of Europe at the climax of the Glacial Age, showing the great extension of the glaciers. This map embodies the results of the labors of a great many eminent scholars. See also Croll's "Climate and Time;" also Wallace's "Island Life, " pp. 102-202. We are not aware that the statements as set forth above are seriously questioned by any geologist of note. Some consider it quite possible that the bowlder clays of Southern England and Central Germany were deposited during a period of submergence from melting icebergs. (Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " p. 116. ) But even this demands vast glaciers to the north of this supposed submergence to produce the icebergs. The weight of authority, however, is in favor of the glaciers. (Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe, " p. 175. ) (27) Haywood's Heer's "Primeval World of Switzerland, " p. 200. (28) "Prehistoric Europe, " p. 261. It is no longer a question that there was at least one mild period separating two periods of cold in Europe. See Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times, " p. 316; Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " pp. 115-120; Lyell's "Antiquity of Man, " pp. 282-285. , Dana's "Manual of Geology, " first edition, p. 561; Haywood's Heer's "Primeval World of Switzerland, " Vol. II, p. 203; Wallace's "Island Life, " p. 114; Croll's "Climate and Time. " Mr. Geikie, in his works, "The Great Ice Age" and "Prehistoric Europe, " maintains there were several warm interglacial epochs. (29) Wright. (30) Morgan's "Ancient Society, " p. 29. (31) Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe, " p. 365. Morgan's "Ancient Society, " p. 39. (32) Rau's "Early Man in Europe, " p. 14. (33) "Primitive Industry, " p. 485. (34) Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times, " 384. (35) Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe, " chap. Ix. Most geologists suppose there was a general depression of the region below the sea level, or so as to form inland lakes, and that the loess was thus deposited, as perhaps it is depositing at the present time in the lakes of Switzerland. (Wright. ) (36) Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times, " p. 423. (37) Evans's "Ancient Stone Implements, " p. 621. (38) _Pop. Science Monthly, _ Oct. , 1883. (39) Dawkins's "Ear. Man in Brit. , " p. 163. (40) Wright's "Studies in Science and Religion, " p. 278. See also British Association Report, 1882, p. 602. (41) Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times, " p. 356. (42) Abbott's "Primitive Industry. " (43) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " p. 172. (44) Wright. (45) Quatrefages's "Human Species, " p. 307. (46) "Human Species, " p. 305. (47) Ibid. , p. 307. (48) Quatrefage's "Human Species, " p. 306. (49) "Early Man in Britain, " p. 173. (50) Ibid. , p. 233. (51) We do not give any estimate in years as to this antiquity in this chapter. (52) We must remember that this age is also variously called the Quaternary, Pleistocene, and Post Tertiary. We do not now refer to the evidence of man's existence in the Miocene and Pliocene, treated of in the preceding chapter. (53) Mr. Dawkins finds that fifty-five out of seventy-seven species are yet living. "Early Man in Britain, " p, 109. (54) "Early Man in Britain, " p. 110. (55) Those who reject the proofs of the existence of man in Pliocene times because the evolution of life had not then reached a stage where we could hope to find man, are here confronted with a difficulty. If Mr. Dawkins be right (as stated above) then the various animals in question must have been living in Asia during the preceding Pliocene Age. There is no reason to suppose man was not associated with them, since he belongs to the same stage of evolution (Le Conte's "Elements of Geology, " p. 568), and though, owing to climatic and geographical causes, the animals themselves might have been confined to Asia, there is surely no good reason why man may not, in small bands, and at various times, have wandered into Europe. (56) "Prehistoric Europe, " "The Great Ice Age. " (57) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " p. 170. (58) "Prehistoric Europe, " p. 268. (59) Ibid. , 360. (60) British Assoc. Rep. , 1878. (61) "Early Man in Britain, " pp. 137, 141, and 169, with note. (62) British Assoc. Rep. , 1879. (63) Prehistoric Europe, p. 263. (64) British Assoc. Rep. , 1882. (65) Preface to Kains-Jackson's "Our Ancient Monuments. " (66) "First Annual Report, Bureau of Ethnology, " p. 73. 

Chapter IV

CAVE-MEN. 

Other sources of Information--History of Cave Exploration--The formationof Caves--Exploration in Kent's Cavern--Evidence of two differentraces--The higher culture of the later race--Evidence of prolongedtime--Exploration of Robin Hood Cave--Explorations in Valley of theRiver Meuse--M. Dupont's conclusions--Explorations in the Valley of theDordogne--The Station at Schussenreid--Cavemen not found south of theAlps--Habitations of the Cave-men--Cave-men were Hunters--Methods ofCooking--Destitute of the Potter's art--Their Weapons--Clothing--Theirskill in Drawing--Evidence of a Government--Of Religious belief--Raceof the Cave-men--Distinct from the men of the Drift--Probable Connectionwith the Eskimos. 

We have been delving, among the sands of ancient river bottoms for aproof of man's existence in far remote times. Slight and unsatisfactoryas they may be to some, they are the materials with which we reconstructa wondrous story of life and times removed from us by many a cycle ofyears. 

Men have frequently resorted to the caverns of the earth for protection. In places we find caves that served this purpose during the PaleolithicAge. The men of the Drift, however, do not appear to have used them, save as temporary places of refuge, perhaps as a protection from bandsof savage enemies, or from unusually inclement weather. But yet mostsurprising results have attended the exploration of caves in England, France, and Belgium. We find in those gloomy places that the men ofthe Drift were not the only tribes of men inhabiting Europe during theGlacial Age. In fact, living at later date than the Drift tribes, butstill belonging to the Paleolithic Age, were tribes of people who appearto have utilized caverns and grottoes as places of permanent resort, and, judging from their remains, they had made considerable advance inthe arts of living as compared with the tribes of the Drift. 

But before pointing out the grounds upon which these conclusions rest, it may be well to give a slight review of the history of cave research. The dread and awe which kept people away from caves during the MiddleAges preserved their contents for later discoverers. In the seventeenthcentury, some adventurous spirits began to search in them for what theycalled Unicorn horns, which were deemed a most efficacious remedy forvarious diseases. This search served the good purpose of bringing tolight various fossil bones of animals, and calling the attention ofscientific men to the same. 

The cave of Gailenreuth, in Bavaria, was explored by Dr. Goldfussin 1810. He came to the conclusion that the bones of bears and otherextinct animals were proofs of the former presence of the animalsthemselves. Dr. Buckland, a celebrated English writer, visited the cavein 1816, and became much interested in the work; so much so that whenKirkdale Cavern, in England, was discovered in 1821, he at once repairedto the spot and made a careful exploration. The results satisfied himthat hyenas and other extinct animals had once lived in England. Hefollowed up his explorations in a number of cases, and published a workon this subject in 1822, which marks the commencement of a new era incave research. 

In 1825 Kent's Cavern, near Torquay, was discovered, and Rev. J. McEnrymade partial explorations in it. He discovered flint implements andperceived they might be a proof of the presence of man with theseextinct animals. Dr. Buckland had not found these relics, or else hadpassed them by as of no importance, for he refused to entertain thetheory that man and the extinct animals had been contemporaneous. Explorations made in France in 1827-8 had furnished such strong evidenceon this point that it was deemed established by some scholars, but beingopposed to the prevailing belief, nothing came of it. 

Illustration of Gailenreuth. ---------

In 1829 Schmerling commenced his investigations in the caves ofthe valley of the Meuse. For years he continued his work under manydifficulties. Sir Charles Lyell tells us he was let down day after dayto the opening of the Engis Cave by a rope tied to a tree. Arrivingthere he crawled on all fours through a narrow passage way to theenlarged chamber, where, standing in mud and water, he superintended theinvestigations. He examined over forty of those caves, and published hisresults in 1833. He clearly showed that man must have been living alongwith various animals now extinct in Belgium. But, as before remarked, itwas deemed sufficient answer to this careful explorer to point out thathis results were opposed to the accepted chronology, and so theywere passed by. When the time at last came, and their true worth wasrecognized, Schmerling himself had passed away. 

We have already seen what great results followed the exploration ofDePerthes in the river gravels. When it had been clearly establishedthat man and extinct animals hid coexisted in Europe, the results ofcave explorations were eagerly recalled, and governments vied with royalsocieties and private individuals in continuing the researches. Theresults are that a rich store of facts has been gathered from thosegloomy resorts, illustrative of the later stages of Paleolithic art. 

A word as to the formation of caves, grottoes, caverns, and rockshelters. These vary greatly in size, some being so small as to furnishprotection to but few individuals; others, especially caves, so largethat whole tribes might have found a place of resort within theirchambers. They are found in all limestone countries. The formation ofcaves is now recognized as due to natural causes acting slowly throughmany years. Limestone rock is very hard and durable, but chemistryteaches us that water charged with carbonic acid gas will readilydissolve it. Rain-water falling from the clouds is sure to come incontact with masses of decaying vegetable matter, which we know isconstantly giving off quantities of this gas. Laden with this the watersinks into the ground, and, if it comes in contact with limestone, readily washes some of it away in solution. But beds of limestone rockare noted for containing great fissures through which subterraneanwaters penetrate far into the ground. We can readily see how thispercolating water would dissolve and wear away the surface of therocks along such a fissure, and in process of time we would have thephenomenon of a stream of water flowing under ground. 

Owing to a great many causes--such, for instance, as the meeting ofanother fissure--we would expect that portions of this underground waywould become enlarged to spacious halls. In some such a way as this itis now understood that all caves have originated. 

Owing to many natural causes the river may, after a while, cease toflow, leaving enlarged portions of its channel behind as a successionof chambers in a cave. But water would still come trickling in fromthe tops and sides, and be continuously dripping to the floor, whereit speedily evaporates. When such is the case it leaves behind it thelimestone it held in solution. So, in process of time, if the depositionis undisturbed, there will be formed over the floor of the cave a moreor less continuous layer of limestone matter known as stalagmite. Thesame formations on the top and sides of the cave are called stalactites. In places where the drip is continuous the stalactite gradually assumesthe shape of an immense icicle; while the stalagmite on the floor ofthe cave, underneath the drip, rises in a columnar mass to meet thedescending stalactite. A union of these is not uncommon, and, we havepillars and columns presenting the strange, fantastic appearance onwhich tourists delight to dwell in their notes of travel. 

While these accumulations are in all cases very slow, still we cannot measure the time since it commenced by the rate of present growth, because this rate varies greatly at different times and places evenin the same cave. And we must also remark that this complete seriesof changes only occur in a few localities, the majority of caves beinginsignificant in size. 

From what has been said as to the formation of caves, we would expectthem to occur in river valleys, and this is the case, though in someinstances there have been such immense changes in the surface level ofthe country that we can now find no trace of rivers near them. This isexactly similar to some gravel deposits, which, as we have seen, are occasionally found where is now no running water. The most notedcaverns, however, are found high up on the banks of existing rivers. Wecan not doubt that the rivers were the cause of the caves. But havingexcavated their beds below the level of the then existing caves, theyceased to flow in them, and left them to be occupied by savage animalsand the scarcely less savage men. But at times, swollen by floods, theriver would again assert its supremacy and roll its waters through itsold channels. 

These floods would not only tear up and rearrange whatever _debris_had already accumulated, but would introduce quantities of sediment andanimal remains. In some such a manner as is here pointed out (thoughexactly how geologists are not agreed) caves were invaded, after beinglong occupied by men or animals, by floods of water. In many cases theevidence would seem to indicate that after such a visitation by waterthe cave and its water-rolled and water-arranged contents were left tosilence, visited by neither man nor beast. In such instances stalagmiticcoverings would gradually form over the confused _debris, _ and in someplaces acquire a thickness of several feet. In some instances severalsuch floors are found one above the other, pointing to a prolongedperiod of usage, and then a quiet stage, in which the drip of fallingwater alone broke the silence, and nature sealed up another chapter ofcave biography beneath the layer of stalagmite. 

One of the most important caves of England is Kent's Cavern, beforementioned. This cave was carefully explored under the direction of acommittee appointed by the British Association, and to show the care andthoroughness of the work we need only state that this work occupied thegreater portion of sixteen years, and hence the results obtained maybe regarded as, in a general way, illustrative of the life of the cavedwellers. "This cave is about a mile east of Torquay harbor, and is ofa sinuous character, running deeply into a hill of Devonian limestone, about half a mile distant from the sea. In places it expands into largechambers, to which various distinctive names have been given. "

Let us see what general results have been reached by this committee. The investigation disclosed several different beds of stalagmite, caveearth, and breccia. The lowest layer is a breccia. The matrix is sandof a reddish color, containing many pieces of rock known as red-grit andsome pieces of quartz. This implies the presence of running water, whichat times washed in pieces of red-grit. The surface features must havebeen quite different from the present, since now this rock does not formany part of the hill into which this cave opens. And this change indrainage took place before this lowest layer was completed, since notonly bears, but men, commenced to visit the cave. The presence of bearsis shown by numerous bones, and that of man by his implements. 

Illustration of Spear-head--Lower Breccia, Kent's Cavern. ---

We must notice that all the implements found in the breccia are similarto those of the Drift, being rudely formed and massive. No doubt theseare the remains of Drift men, who, for some cause or other, temporarilyvisited the cave, perhaps contending with the cave bear for itspossession. But a time at length arrived when for some reason neitheranimals nor man visited the cave. The slow accumulation of stalagmitewent forward until in some places it had obtained a thickness of twelvefeet. Freely admitting that we can not determine the length of timedemanded for this deposition, yet none can doubt that it requires a verylong time indeed. Says Mr. Geikie: "How many centuries rolled past whilethat old pavement was slowly accreting, no one can say; but that itrepresents a lapse of ages compared to which the time embraced byall tradition and written history is but as a few months, who that iscompetent to form an opinion can doubt?" But after this long period ofquiet, from some source great torrents of water came rolling through thecave. We know this to be so, because in places it broke up this layer ofstalagmite and washed it away, as well as large portions of the brecciabelow, and after the floods had ceased, occasionally inundations stillthrew down layers of mud and silt. This accumulation is known as caveearth, and is the layer containing the numerous remains of the Cave-men. Here the explorers were not only struck with the large number ofimplements, but at once noticed that they were of a higher form andbetter made. Instead of the rude and massive implements of the Drifttribes, we have more delicate forms chipped all around. And we alsomeet with those that from their form may have been used as the heads ofspears or arrows. Flakes were also utilized for various pur implements, weapons, and ornaments of bone--a step in advance of Driftculture. They had "harpoons for spearing fish, eyed needles or bodkinsfor stitching skins together, awls perhaps to facilitate the passage ofthe slender needle through the tough, thick hides; pins for fasteningthe skins they wore, and perforated badgers' teeth for necklaces orbracelets. " Nothing of this kind has yet been shown as belonging tothe men of the Drift. 

Illustrations of Spear-head and Flake-----------

The bones of a large number of animals are also found in the cave earth. The most abundant is the hyena, and no doubt they dragged in a greatmany others; but the agency of man is equally apparent, as the boneshave often been split for the extraction of marrow. Besides bones of thehyena, we have also those of the lion, tiger, bear, and reindeer. 

Illustration of Harpoons, Pin, Awl, and Needle--Kent's Cavern. 

With these animals man, from time to time, disputed possession of thecave. At one place on the surface of the cave earth is found whatis known as the "black band. " This is nothing more or less than thefire-place of these old tribes. Here we find fragments of partiallyconsumed wood, bones showing the action of fire--in short, every thingindicating a prolonged occupancy by man. 

No one can doubt but that this deposit of cave earth itself requiresa prolonged time for its accumulation. But this period, howeverprolonged, at length comes to an end. From some cause, both animals andman again abandoned the cave. Another vast cycle of years rolls away--atime expressed in thousands of years--during which nature again spreadover the entombed remains a layer of stalagmite, in some places equal inthickness to the first formation. Above this layer we come to a bed ofmold containing remains of the later Stone Age, of the Bronze, and evenof the Iron Age. Below the first layer of stalagmite--the completedbiography of Paleolithic times; above, the unfinished book of thepresent. Such are the eloquent results obtained by the thoroughexploration of one cave. The results of all the other explorations, ina general way, confirm these. Mr. Dawkins explored a group of caverns inDerbyshire, England. These caverns and fissures are situated in whatis known as Cresswell Crags, the precipitous sides of a ravine throughwhich flows a stream of water dividing the counties of Derby andNottingham. 

This cut represents the different strata in Robin Hood cave. It will beseen that, at one place, the stalactite has united with the stalagmitebelow. It is not necessary to go into the details of this exploration. All the relics of man found in _d, c, _ and the lower portions of _b, _are the rude and massive forms peculiar to the River Drift tribes. Butthe relics found in the breccia _a, _ and the upper portion of the caveearth _b, _ denote a sudden advance in culture. The rude tools of thelower strata are replaced by more highly finished ones of flint. 

Illustration of Robin Hood Cave. -----------

The most important discovery was that of a small fragment of rib, withits polished surface ornamented with the incised figure of a horse. The peculiar value of this discovery is, that it serves to connectthe Cave-men of England with those of the continent who, as we shallafterward see, excelled in artistic work of this kind. 

In another cave of this series, in association with similar flints, werefound the following bone implements. We can only conjecture the use ofthe notched bone. The pieces of reindeer horn, terminating in a scoop, may have served as a spoon to extract marrow. 

Illustration of Horse Incised on Piece of Rib. ------

We must not fail to notice that the more highly finished relics of theCave-men are found in strata overlying those of the River Drift; and, inthe case of Kent's Cavern, these two sets of implements are separated bya layer of stalagmite requiring a very prolonged time for its formation. This would imply that the Cave-men came into England long after thetribes of the River Drift; and, judging from the relics themselves, they must have been a distinct people. We must recall how completely theclimate and animals in England varied during the Glacial Age. We havealso seen how closely connected the River Drift tribes were with theanimals of the warm temperate regions. Coming at a later date, totallydistinct from them in culture are those Cave-men--perhaps they may proveto be associated with the Arctic animals. But, before speculating onthis point, we must learn the results attending the exploration ofthe caves of Belgium, France, and other countries on the continent ofEurope. 

Illustration of Bone Implements--Cresswell Crags. -----------

In the valley of the river Meuse (Belgium), and its tributaries, havebeen found a number of caves and rock-shelters. It was in the caves ofthe Meuse that Schmerling made his explorations. When the real valueof his work was recognized, the Belgian government had a thoroughexploration made by M. Dupont, director of the Royal Museum in Brussels. This gentleman scientifically examined forty-three of these resorts. Hisopinions, therefore, are deserving of great weight; but, unfortunately, they are not accepted by all. These caves vary greatly in size--manybeing mere rock-shelters. From their position, we are at once struckwith the prolonged period of time necessary to explain their formation. They are found at very different heights along the river's bank. In onecase two caves are so situated that the river must have sunk its bednearly two hundred feet between the time of their formation. 

M. Dupont thinks the evidence very clearly points to the presence of twodistinct stages in cave life--one of which he calls the Mammoth period, and the other, which is more recent, the Reindeer. It is, however, knownthat the mammoth lived all through the Reindeer epoch, if not tolater times; so the names bestowed on these periods do not seem veryappropriate. We can readily see, however, that, while the names mightbe wrong, the two periods might be reality. In many cases, the same cavecontained remains of both stages, separated by layers of cave earth, and it is noticed that, in such cases, those of the Reindeer stage areinvariably of a later date. In general terms, M. Dupont finds that theimplements of the Mammoth period are of a rude make, consisting of apoor kind of flint, and poorly finished. But, in beds of the Reindeerepoch, the flint implements consist, principally, of well-shapedblades and flakes--with numerous bodkins, or awls--javelins, orarrow-heads--besides articles of bone and horn such as harpoons, andteeth of various animals drilled as if suspended for ornaments. Theirworkmanship indicates decidedly more skill than that of the implementsobtained from the lower levels. But the most remarkable finds of theReindeer epoch consist of portions of reindeer horn, showing etchingsor engravings which have been traced by some sharp point, no doubt by aflint implement. One small bit of horn has been cut or scraped so as topresent the rude outline of a human figure. 

So far the evidence seems to bear out the same conclusions as do thoseof the British caves, though it also shows that the men of the Driftinhabited caves quite extensively. We must remember, however, that thegreatest wealth of cave relics belongs to the so-called Cave-men, but that savage tribes have always resorted to caves as a place foroccasional habitation. 

It is in France that we find the greatest wealth of relics of Cave-men. Sir John Lubbock has left us a description of the valley of the Vezere, where these caverns occur. The Vezere is a small tributary of theDordogne. "The rivers of the Dordogne run in deep valleys cut throughcalcareous strata: and while the sides of the valley in chalk districtsare generally sloping, in this case, owing probably to the hardnessof the rock, they are frequently vertical. Small caves and grottoesfrequently occur: besides which, as the different strata possess unequalpower of resistance against atmospheric influence, the face of the rockis, as it were, scooped out in many places, and thus 'rock-shelters'are produced. In very ancient times these caves and rock-shelters wereinhabited by men, who have left behind them abundant evidence of theirpresence. 

"But as civilization advanced, man, no longer content with the naturalbut inconvenient abode thus offered to him, excavated chambers forhimself, and in places the whole face of the rock is honey-combed withdoors and windows, leading into suits of rooms, often in tiers oneover the other, so as to suggest the idea of a French Petra. Down to acomparatively recent period, as, for instance, in the troublous timesof the Middle Ages, many of these, no doubt, served as very efficientfortifications, and even now some of them are in use as store-houses, and for other purposes, as, for instance, at Brantome, where there is anold chapel cut in solid rock. 

"Apart from the scientific interest, it was impossible not to enjoy thebeauty of the scene which passed before our eyes, as we dropped down theVezere. As the river visited sometimes one side of the valley, sometimesthe other, so we had at one moment rich meadow lands on each side, orfound ourselves close to the perpendicular and almost overhanging cliff. Here and there we came upon some picturesque old castle, and though thetrees were not in full leaf, the rocks were, in many places, greenwith box and ivy and evergreen oak, which harmonized well with the richyellow brown of the stone itself. "

Thus it will be seen this valley has been a favorite resort for peopleat widely different times, and amongst others, the cave dwellers ofthe Paleolithic Age. As in the caves of Belgium, some of them are at aconsiderable height above the stream, while others are but little abovethe present flood line. Mr. Dawkins refers us to the results of theexploration of a French scientist in one of the grottoes of thissection, which seem to be exactly similar to the results obtained fromthe caves of Cresswell Crags and Kent's Cavern. The implements obtainedfrom the two lower strata are rough choppers and rude flakes of jasperand other simple forms. Above these beds was a stratum of black earth, underneath a sheet of stalagmite. Here were found implements of a farhigher type: those of flints, consisting of flakes, saws, and scrapers, with finely chipped heads and arrow-heads, and awls and arrow-heads ofbone and antler. Now these results can only be interpreted as werethose in the English caverns. The lower and ruder implements belong tothe men of the Drift; the later and more polished ones to the Cave-men. 

Illustration of Bone Implements, Dordogne Caves. -------------

Most of the relics obtained from these caverns belong to the Cave-menproper. However, the implements from one of them, known as Le Moustier, are of a rude type, and may belong to those of the Drift. But most ofthem are of superior make and finish. These specimens are all from cavesin this vicinity. 

We have seen that the men of the Drift were very widely scattered overthe earth. We find, however, that the Cave-men had a much more limitedrange. Dr. Fraas has shown their presence in Germany. At Schussenreid, in Bavaria, was found an open air station of these people. It wasevidently a camping-ground, one of the few places where proofs of theirpresence have been discovered outside of caves. Here we found the usual_debris, _ consisting of broken bones, charcoal, blackened hearth-stone, and implements of flint and horn. We must stop a minute to notice a bitof unexpected proof as to the severity of climate then prevailing inEurope. This deposit was covered up with sand, and on this sand werethe remains of moss, sufficiently perfect to determine the kind. We areassured that it is composed of species now found only in Alpine regions, near or above the snow-line, and in such northern countries as Greenlandand Spitzbergen. Dr. Fraas also proved their presence in severalcaves in Suabia. One known as the Hohlefels Cave was very rich in theserelics. They have been found in Switzerland, as at Thayengen; but arenot found south of the Alps or the Pyrenees. Men, indeed, inhabitedcaves in Italy, but they did not use the implements characteristic ofthe Cave-men. Mr. Dawkins points out that this range correspondsvery nearly to that of the northern group of animals, thus differingwidely from the men of the River Drift. In this connection we mustnotice that the reindeer is the animal whose remains are most commonlymet with in the _debris_ they have left in the caves. This animal surelytestifies to a cold climate. We are thus justified in concluding thatthe Cave-men are associated with the Arctic group of animals. 

We must now turn our attention to the culture of the Cave-men. We mustreflect that long ages, with great changes of climate and life, bothanimal and vegetable, have rolled away since the remains of these earlyraces were sealed by the stalagmite formation in caves. The relics attheir best are but scanty memorials of a people long since passed, andwe can not expect, can not hope, to recover more than a generaloutline. But this will be found full of interest, for it is a pictureof Paleolithic life and times existing in Europe long ages before thepyramids of Egypt were uplifted. 

With respect to habitations, we have already seen that he took up hisabode in caves, at least where they were suitable. According to theirdepth and the light penetrating them, he either occupied the wholeextent of them, or established himself in the outlet only. About thecenter of the cave some slabs of stone, selected from the hardest rocksuch as sandstone or slate, were bedded down in the ground, and formedthe hearth for cooking his food. But in no country are such resortssufficiently numerous to shelter a large population; besides, they, aregenerally at some distance from the fertile plains, where game wouldbe most abundant. In such cases they doubtless constructed rude huts ofboughs, skins, or other materials. Such an out-door settlement was thestation at Solutre, France, where has been found an immense number ofbones of horses, reindeers, also, though in less abundance, those ofelephants, aurochs, and great lions. 

Where no cave presented itself, these people made for themselvesconvenient sheltering places under the cover of some great overhangingrock. In various places in France such resorts have been discovered. Thename of "rock shelters" has been given to such resorts. In such places, where we may suppose they built rude huts, are found rich deposits ofthe bones of mammals, birds, and fishes, as well implements of bone andhorn. 

We have frequently referred to the presence of hearths, showing thatthey used fire. Like other rude races, it is probable that they obtainedfire by the friction of one piece of wood upon another. M. Dupont foundin one of the Belgium caves a piece of iron pyrites, from which, with aflint, sparks could be struck. 

Speculations have been indulged as to the probable condition of manbefore he obtained a knowledge of fire. If the acquisition of fire beregarded as one of the results of human endeavor, it must surely beclassed as one of the most valuable discoveries which mankind has made. We do not believe, however, that we shall ever discover relics of racesor tribes of men so low in the scale as to be ignorant of the use offire. Even some of the flints which M. Bourgeois would refer to theMiocene Age show evidence of its action. 

Full-page picture of Rock Shelter at Bruniquel. -----------

The men of the Caves supported life by hunting. But a very small partof their food supplies could have been drawn from the vegetable kingdom. When the climate was so severe that Alpine mosses grew at Schussenreid, acorns and like nuts would be about all they could procure from thatsource. The animals hunted by the Cave-men were principally reindeer, horses, bisons, and, occasionally mammoths and woolly rhinoceros. Butthey were not very choice in this matter, as they readily accepted asfood any animal they could obtain by force or cunning. Wolves and foxeswere not rejected, and in one cave large numbers of the bones of thecommon water rat were obtained. We know what animals were used as food, because we find their bones split for the purpose of procuring themarrow they contained. This was evidently to them a nutritious articleof diet, since they were careful to open all the bones containing it, and bones so split are frequently the only means of detecting the formerpresence of man in some bone caves. 

We must not forget that at that time the shore of the Atlantic Ocean, during a large part of the Paleolithic Age, was situated much fartherwest than it is now, and so in all probability many refuse heaps arenow underneath the waves. From certain drawings that are found in someFrench caves, we know they were used for hunting both seals and whales. 

We can not doubt that the capture of a whale afforded as much enjoymentto them as it does to a tribe of Eskimos now. Bones of birds and fishesare found in many instances. The salmon appears to have been a favoriteamong fishes. Among the birds are found some species now only living incold countries, such as the snowy owl, willow grouse, and flamingo. Thisis but another proof that the climate of Europe was then very cold. 

Illustration of Whale and Seal, Incised on Bone. ------------

The Cave-men were not afraid to attack animals greatly superior tothem in strength. In the Hohlefels Cave in Germany were found greatquantities of the broken and split bones of cave bears, an animal verysimilar to the grizzly, and probably its equal in strength. The reindeerwas the main reliance of these tribes. Its bones are found in greatabundance, and it doubtless was to them all it is to the Lapps of Europeto-day, except, of course, that it was not domesticated. 

Though fire would naturally suggest some rude method of cooking, we canscarcely find a trace of such operations, and it has been a matter ofconjecture how they proceeded. Sir John Lubbock thinks they boiledtheir food, and in the absence of pottery used wooden or skin vessels, bringing the water to a boiling point by means of stones heated redhot and thrown into the water. He points out the presence of peculiarlyshaped stones found in some caves, which he thinks were used for thispurpose. It is not supposed they had any articles of pottery duringthis epoch. This is quite an important point, because a knowledge ofpottery marks an important epoch in the culture of a people. 

Illustration of Cave Bear, Incised on Slate. -----------------

A people possessed of this knowledge have passed from Savagism into thelower status of Barbarism. A piece of pottery is as little liableto destruction as a piece of bone, and so, had those people possessedpottery, there is no reason why pieces of it should not be found inevery refuse heap, and amongst the _debris_ of all caves. But such isnot the case; no fragments of pottery have yet been found which can bereferred with confidence to the epoch of the Cave-men. 

Some speculations have been indulged in as to whether the men of thisage were cannibals or not. It need occasion no surprise if they were, since ancient writers assert that even during historical times thispractice prevailed in Europe. Though not definitely proven thereare many facts difficult of explanation, except on this supposition. However, it may well be that this, after all, only amounted to thecustom of eating parts of an enemy killed in battle, as certain modernsavages do that we would not call cannibals. 

It is not necessary to speak at much length of the methods of hunting. They had bows and arrows, daggers of reindeer horn, spears tipped withflint or bone, and harpoons. Besides, they made a formidable club of thelower jaw-bone of the cave-bear with its canine tooth still left in itsplace. Fishing with nets is not supposed to have been known, Harpooningwas probably their favorite way. M. G. DeMortillet thinks they fished asfollows: They fastened a cord to the middle of a small splinter of bone. This was then baited, and when swallowed by the fish, was very certainto get caught in the body. 

We know that rude tribes of to-day have many means of snaring animals. Doubtless similar scenes were enacted on their primeval hunting-grounds. French books contain illustrations of the men of this period drivinggame over precipitous sides. They had no dogs to assist them in thehunt, and though reindeer were around them in great abundance, it is notsupposed that they thought of domesticating them. 

Man is the only animal which seeks to protect his body from theSummer's heat or the cold of Winter by the use of clothing. We are, unfortunately, not able to present many details of the dress of manduring the early Stone Age. We are, however, quite certain that when theclimate was severe enough to permit such animals as the musk-sheepand the reindeer to inhabit South-western Europe, man must have beenprovided with an abundance of warm clothing, though doubtless rudelymade and fashioned. Many reindeer horns found in France are cut andhacked at the base in such a way as to indicate that it was done whenremoving the skins. We also know that the rudest of savage tribes arenever at a loss for some process of tanning hides and rendering them fitfor use. From the immense number and variety of scrapers found amongthe cave _debris. _ we are sure the preparation of clothing occupied noinconsiderable portion of their time. We also find numerous awls andsplinters of flint and bone, which they doubtless used in exactly thesame manner as similar tools are used by the Lapps to-day in Europe, that is, to pierce holes in the hides, through which to pass their rudeneedle and thread. The needles are made of reindeer horn, and they werenot only smoothly polished, but the eyes are of such a minute size, andwithal so regularly made, that many at first could not believe they weredrilled by the use of flint alone. This, however, has been shown tobe the case by actual experiments. The thread employed was reindeertendons, for bones of these animals are found cut just where they wouldhe cut in removing these tendons. This cut shows that they protectedtheir hands by means of long gloves of three or four fingers. 

Illustration of Glove, Incised on Bear's Tooth. -----------

We have thus far been considering those arts which pertain more directlyto living. We have presented some sketches found engraved on piecesof bone. We first noticed this among the relics found in one of theCreswell caves in England. It was also noticed in Belgium. It was amongthe Cave-men of Southern France that this artistic trait became highlydeveloped. Among the reindeer hunters of the Dordogne were artists of nomean ability. We must pause a minute and mark the bearing of this tastefor art. We have seen many reasons for supposing the men of the cavesmuch farther advanced in the scale of culture than those of the Drift, but we have also seen that we can not rank them higher than the highestgrade of savages. 

Sir John Lubbock thus speaks of them: "In considering the probablecondition of these ancient Cave-men, we must give them full credit fortheir love of art, such as it was; while, on the other hand, the want ofmetal, of polished flint implements, and even of pottery, the ignoranceof agriculture, and the apparent absence of all domestic animals, including even the dog, certainly imply a very low state ofcivilization. "

They were certainly not as far advanced in civilization as the nextrace we will describe, yet the Neolithic people had no such skill aswas possessed by the cave-men. This need not surprise us, because "anartistic feeling is not always the offspring of civilization, it israther a gift of nature. It may manifest its existence in the mostbarbarous ages, and may make its influence more deeply felt in nationswhich are behind in respect to general progress than in others which aremore deeply advanced in civilization. "

Illustration of Reindeer Grazing. -------------

In regard to the objects themselves, a glance at the illustrations showus that they are quite faithful sketches of the animals at that timecommon. As might be expected, sketches of the reindeer are numerous. This cut is regarded as the highest example of Paleolithic art, sketchedon a piece of horn and found in Switzerland. The animal is grazing, andthe grass on which it feeds is seen below. We have on a piece ofslate the outlines of a group of reindeer, generally considered asrepresenting a fight, though it may mean a hunt, and that the hunter hassucceeded in killing a portion of the herd. Some, as we see, are on theground. 

Illustration of a Group of Reindeers. ---------

Illustration of Man and Other Animals. --------

It would be exceedingly interesting could we but find well executedsketches of the men of this period, but, unfortunately, with one or twoexceptions, no representations, however rude, have yet been discoveredof the human form. Perhaps an explanation of this fact may be found inthe well-known reluctance of savage tribes to have any engravings takenof themselves, and we can well imagine that if any one was known to makedrawings of human beings he would be regarded with suspicious distrust, and it would hardly be a safe accomplishment to possess. One verycurious group represents a man, long and lean, standing between twohorses' heads, and by the side of a long serpent or fish, having theappearance of an eel. On the reverse side of this piece of horn wererepresented the heads of two aurochs or bisons. Mr. Dawkins thinks thisalso represents a hunting sketch, and that the man is in the act ofstriking one of the horses with a spear. 

Illustration of Fish, Incised on Bear's Tooth. ------------

Illustration of Ibex. ------------------

On, a fragment of spear-head found in France several human hands wereengraved, but having only four fingers each. On this point Mr. Lartetassures us that some savage tribes still depict the hand without thethumb. Representations of birds and reptiles are very rare;fishes are more common. On a piece of reindeer's horn was found thisrepresentation of the head and chest of an ibex. Of special interest tous is a representation of a mammoth found engraved on a piece of mammothtusk in one of the Dordogne caves. We have no doubt that the artist whoengraved it was perfectly familiar with the animal itself. 

Illustration of Mammoth--La Madeline Cave, France. ----------

Their artistic skill was not confined to the execution of drawings. Theyfrequently carved pieces of reindeer horn into various animal forms. Ournext cut shows us a dagger, the handle of which is carved to imitate areindeer. It will be seen how the artist has adapted the position ofthe animal to the necessities of the case. Flowers are veryseldom represented; but one implement from France has a very nicerepresentation of some flowering plant engraved on it. 

Take it all in all, the possession of this artistic instinct iscertainly remarkable--the more so when we remember the rudeness of hissurroundings, and the few and simple means at his command for work. "Asplinter of flint was his sole graving tool; a piece of reindeer horn, or a flake of slate or ivory, was the only plate on which primitive mancould stamp his reproduction of animated nature. "

Illustration of Reindeer Carved on Dagger Handle. -------

Some speculations have been indulged in as to whether we have any tracesof a government amongst the Paleolithic people. That they had some chiefor leader is more than probable. In the caves of France we find a numberof fragments of reindeer horn. Generally speaking, they show evidence ofa good deal of care in making them. They are carved and ornamented withsketches of various animals, and invariably have one or more holes boredin the base. The idea has been quite freely advanced, that these areemblems of authority. And some have pointed out, that, though theyare too light for use as weapons, yet, their "frequent occurrence, and uniformity of type, show that they possess a conventionalsignificance. " Mr. Geikie says that these conjectures "are mereguess-work. " And Mr. Dawkins points out that they are very similarin design and ornament with an implement of the Eskimos known as an"arrow-straightener. "

Whatever may be our conclusions in regard to these ornamented pieces ofreindeer horn, we can not doubt but that their social instincts foundexpression in some sort of alliance for the common good. This is shownby several facts: such, for instance, as the evidence of trade or barterbetween localities considerable distances apart. The inhabitants ofBelgium must have gone to what is now Southern France to procure theflint they used. They also procured, from the same source, fossilsea-shells, which they valued highly. We also notice the fact, thatcertain localities appear to have been used as the place of manufacturefor certain articles, to the exclusion of others. In other words, theprimitive people appear to have learned the great utility of a divisionof labor. One of the caves in Belgium appears to have been used as aplace to make flint implements. Over twenty thousand articles of flintwere found in this cave. In France, while in one cave the implementswere all of the spear-head type, in a neighboring cave horn was almostthe only article used in the manufacture of implements. We must not, however, form an exalted idea of their trade--it was simply barterin a rude state of society. 

Illustration of Flowers on Reindeer's Horn. --------

Various opinions have been held as to whether we have any trace ofa religious belief. Theoretically speaking, they had some sort of areligion, though doubtless very vague and indistinct; for we know ofno nation as far advanced as they were destitute of it. It has beenpointed out, that the bones of some animals, as the horse, were veryrare, and their absence explained as the result of superstitiousreasons. It has also been conjectured that some of the perforated bonesand teeth of animals found in various deposits were amulets worn forreligious purposes; and some have gone so far as to infer, that theornamentations on some of these so-called amulets represent the sun, and that, consequently, sun-worship prevailed among the Cave-men. While these various conjectures are, of course, possible, it is equallycertain they are all "mere guess-work. "

Illustration of Ornamented Reindeer Horn---------------

Early explorers describe with considerable degree of confidence themanner of burial among the Cave-men, and inferred from the remains foundburied with the bodies that they had some notion of a life beyond thegrave--and, accordingly, placed near the body food and drink to supporthim on his journey, weapons wherewith to defend himself, and hisfavorite implements, so that, arrived at the land of spirits, hewould be well provided for. These result are not borne out by laterinvestigations. The instance mentioned most prominently, that of theburial cave at Aurignac, France, has been shown to have no bearing onthe question, as every thing indicates that the burials were of a muchlater date. 

We have yet a most important question before us--one that is stillengaging the attention of scientific men in Europe. That is the questionof race. Who were these early tribes? Are they in any way connected withthe men of the Drift? Have we any representations of them now livingupon the earth? On these questions there is quite a diversity ofopinion. In various caves in France and Belgium, skulls and other bonesof the human skeleton have been found. These have been studied withcare by the best scholars in Europe; and B. Carfares has set forth theresults in his various works, in which he connects them, not only withthe men of the River Drift, but with the race of men that inhabitedEurope during the succeeding Neolithic Age, and, indeed, with men nowliving in France and Belgium. 

There is no question as to the correctness of these inferences--the onlyone is, whether the skulls and fragmentary skeletons are really remainsof the Cave-men. This must be made perfectly clear and unquestionedbefore we are to accept them. Mr. Darkens reviews the various caseswhere skeletons have been found in caves. He points out that, inevery instance, very serious doubts can be raised as to whether they arereally remains of the Cave-men or not. 

Until these objections are met, we do not see how the opinion ofB. Carfares (above) can be accepted. But if these instances are notaccepted, then, in all other instances where there is no doubt, theremains are in such a fragmentary condition that no conclusion canbe made from them. So as far as remains of the human skeleton areconcerned, we can form no conclusions as to the race to which theCave-men belonged. 

We have already noted, that the Cave-men came into Europe much laterthan the men of the Drift, and that their range was very limited, corresponding, in fact, with that of the northern group of animals. Whenthe cold of the Glacial Age passed away, the musk-sheep, reindeer, andother animals, were driven out of Europe. They are found now only inhigh northern latitudes, such as Greenland. Mr. Darkens thinks thatthere, also, are to be found the Cave-men of the Paleolithic Age, nowknown as the Eskimos. Though not accepted by all authorities, yet someof our best scholars find much to commend in this theory. 

We have undoubted proofs that, in America, the Eskimos formerly livedmuch farther south. And Dr. Abbot thinks the Paleolithic implementsdiscovered in New Jersey, bearing such striking resemblance to those ofEurope, are undoubtedly their work. Therefore, there is no absurdityin asserting that they once lived in Western Europe; the more so, when we reflect that the climate, the animals--in fact, all theirsurroundings--must have been similar to those of their present habitats. 

When we come to examine the customs and habits of these Eskimos, weare at once struck with their resemblance to what we have seen was theprobable state of life among the Cave-men. At Solute, for instance, wehave vast refuse heaps of bones of animals. We find similar heaps aroundthe rude huts of the Eskimos to-day. Captain Parry describes one asfollows: "In every direction round the huts were lying innumerablebones of walruses and seals, together with skulls of dogs, bears, andfoxes. "

Other points of comparison strike us when reading Sir John Lubbock'saccount of their habits and customs. For instance: "Their food, ifcooked at all, is broiled or boiled; their vessels, being of stone orwood, can not, indeed, be put on the fires, but heated stones are thrownin until the water becomes hot enough and the food is cooked. " "Theirfood consists principally of reindeer, musk-ox, walrus, seals, birds, and salmon. They will, however, eat any kind of animal food. They arevery fond of fat and marrow, to get at which they pound the bones witha stone. " "The clothes of the Eskimos are made from the skins of thereindeer, seals, and birds, sewn together with sinews. For needles theyuse the bones of either birds or fishes. " "The Eskimos have also a greatnatural ability for drawing. In many cases they have made rude maps forour officers, which have turned out to be substantially correct. Many oftheir bone implements are covered with sketches. "

Illustration of Eskimo Art. -----------

In this cut we have a bone drill on which are sketched reindeer, geese, a braider or flat-bottomed boat, a tent around which various articlesof clothing are hung up to dry, a woman apparently engaged in thepreparation of food, and a hunting scene. 

Now, we know that savage tribes, widely separated by time and space, will, after all, under the pressure of common necessities, invent muchthe same implements and live much the same life. But still, where everything seems to coincide, the climate, the animals, the mode of lifeproved the same, and especially when both are seen possessed of acommon artistic skill, together with the known fact that in the WesternContinent the Eskimos did formerly live much farther south; there issurely a strong case made out, and therefore the probabilities are thatthe Eskimos are the representatives of the Cave-men of Europe. Andyet we must be cautious on this point; or rather we remember that thephrase, "predecessors of the Eskimos, " does not imply that they werein all respects like them. An examination of the rude sketches of theCave-men left by themselves seems to indicate that the whole body wascovered with hair. "The hunter in the Antler from Duluth Cave has along, pointed beard, and a high crest of hair on the poll utterly unlikethe Eskimo type. The figures are also those of a slim and long-jointedman. "

This completes our review of the Paleolithic people, and it only remainsto present some general conclusions. The Glacial or Pleistocene Ageis seen to have been of immense duration, and characterized by greatchanges in climate. We have found that two races of men occupied Europeduring this time. The men of the River Drift are the most ancient. 

We have seen that they can be traced over wide-extended areas. They seemto have invaded Europe, along with the great invasion of animals fromAsia, constituting the temperate group of animals; and with thoseanimals they probably shifted back and forth, as the cold of the GlacialAge increased or waned. These people seem to have completely vanished. At a later date, when the cold of the Glacial Age was once more severe, associated with animals now living only in high northern latitudes, camethe Cave-men, whose discussion has formed the subject of this chapter. 

It will be seen how much we owe to patient investigators. The resultsare, indeed, bewildering. They make us acquainted with a people the veryexistence of whom was not known a few years back. Though the whole lifeof those ancient races seemed hopelessly lost in the night of time, thegloom is irradiated by the light of modern science, which lays beforeour astonished vision the remains of arts and industries of theprimitive tribes that occupied Europe during the morning-time of humanlife. 

REFERENCES

 (1) The manuscript of this chapter was submitted to Prof. B. B. Wright, of Overlain, for criticism. (2) On the formation of caves consult Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe, " p. 71; also Evans's "Ancient Stone Implements, " p. 429. (3) Evans's "Ancient Stone Implements, " b. 445. (4) Pronounced Bret'-cha, a rock composed of fragments of older rock, united by a cement. (5) Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe, " p. 92. (6) Pengelly, quoted by Geikie, "Prehistoric Europe, " p. 93. (7) Evans's "Ancient Stone Implements, " p. 462. (8) Evans's "Ancient Stone Implements, " p. 463. (9) Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe, " p. 102. (10) Mr. Dawkins ("Early Man in Britain, " p. 203) does not consider M. Dupont justified in dividing the remains found in the caverns of Belgium into two epochs. He considers them to be the remains of the same people, some tribes being, perhaps, farther advanced than others. Mr. Dawkins is, of course, high authority, but we think his argument could also be applied to prove there was no real difference between the men of the River Drift and the so-called Cave-men. This, in fact, is the opinion of many, including Mr. Evans, who is exceptionally well qualified to judge of these remains. We think, however, in view of the evidence adduced by Mr. Pengelly, Mr. Geikie, Mr. Dawkins, and others, few will venture to doubt that there is a wide difference between the men of the River Drift and those of the Caves. (11) "Prehistoric Times, " p. 330. (12) "Early Man in Britain, " p. 198. (13) French writers make four divisions of these caves, according to the degree of finish, which the specimens show. Mr. Dawkins does not think the difference in the implements sufficient to justify this view. With the possible exception of Le Moustier, as stated above, we think his view correct, which is also the opinion of Mr. Evans. ("Ancient Stone Implements, " p. 439. ) (14) Rau's "Early Man in Europe, " p. 88. (15) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " p. 205. (16) Ibid. , p. (17) It is, however, thought that the station was used as a camping-ground by very different people, at widely different times. (18) Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times, " p. 434. (19) "Prehistoric Times, " p. 335. (20) Morgan's "Ancient Society, " p. 12. (21) Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times, " p. 338. J. C. Southall, in his valuable work, "Recent Origin of Man, " p. 195, _et seq. , _ argues that pottery was known at this time, and cites instances where it is stated to have been found. This is the opinion of Figuier also. ("Primitive Man, " p. 54. ) But Mr. Dawkins points out that these pieces of pottery are clearly of a Neolithic style, and does not think it proven that they are of Paleolithic age. Mr. Geikie also denies that there is any proof that they were acquainted with the potter's art. ("Prehistoric Europe, " p. 18. ) So the highest place in the scale of civilization we can assign these people to is that of Upper Savageism. (22) Rau's "Early Man in Europe, " p. 79; (23) Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe, " p. 22. (24) Figuier's "Primitive Man, " p. 90. (25) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " p. 210. (26) "Prehistoric Times, " p. 341. (27) Figuier's "Primitive Man, " p. 105. (28) Figuier's "Primitive Man, " p. 111. (29) Figuier's "Primitive Man, " p. 105. (30) Figuier's "Primitive Man, " p. 102. (31) Rau's "Early Man in Europe, " p. 73. (32) "Prehistoric Europe, " p. 18. (33) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " p. 237. (34) Figuier's "Primitive Man, " p. 117. (35) Ibid. , p. 118. (36) Ibid. , pp. 94 and 95. (37) This, as Sir John Lubbock points out, depends on our meaning of the word "religion. " ("Prehistoric Times, " p. 589. ) (38) "The principal instance are Cro-Magnon, Frontal, and Furforz, in Belgium; Aurignac, Bruniquel, and Mentone, in France. " "Cave-Hunting, " chap. Vii. (39) "Contributions to N. A. Ethnology, " vol. I, p. 102; "U. S. Geographical Survey West of the 100th Meridian, " vol. Vii, p. 12; Abbott's "Primitive Industry, " p. 517. (40) "Primitive Industry, " 518. (41) Quoted by Lubbock, "Prehistoric Times, " p. 507. (42) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " p. 242. (43) Prof. Grant Allen, _Popular Science Monthly, _ November, 1882, p. 99. 

Chapter V

ANTIQUITY OF THE PALEOLITHIC AGE. 

Interest in the Antiquity of man--Connected with the Glacial Age--TheSubject Difficult--Proofs of a Glacial Age--State of Greenlandto-day--The Terminal Moraine--Appearance of the NorthAtlantic--Interglacial Age--Causes of the Glacial Age--Croll'sTheory--Geographical causes--The two theories not Antagonistic--The dateof the Glacial Age--Probable length of the Paleolithic Age--Time sincethe close of the Glacial Age--Summary of results. 

As we have already remarked, geological periods give us no insight as tothe actual passage of years. To say that man lived in the Glacial Age, and that we have some faint traces of his presence in still earlierperiods, after all conveys to our minds only vague ideas of a far-awaytime. The more a geologist studies the structure of the earth, the moreimpressed is he with the magnitude of the time that must have passedsince "The Beginning. " At present, however, there are no means known ofaccurately measuring the time that has passed. It is just as wellthat it is so, since, were it known, the human mind would be utterlyincapable of comprehending it. But as to the antiquity of man, it is butnatural that we should seek more particularly to solve the problem andexpress our answer in some term of years. 

Now, we have seen that the question of the antiquity of man isintimately connected with that of the Glacial Age. That is to say, therelics of man as far as we know them in Europe, are found under suchcircumstances that we feel confident they are not far removed from theperiod of cold. For it will be found that those conservative scholarswho do not think that man preceded the Glacial Age, or inhabited Europeduring the long course of years included in that period, do think hecame into Europe as soon as it passed away. So, in any case, if wecan determine the date of the Glacial Age, we shall have made a mostimportant step in advance in solving the problem of the antiquity of manhimself. So it seems to us best to go over the subject of the GlacialAge again, and see what conclusions some of our best thinkers have cometo as to its cause, when it occurred, and other matters in relation toit. 

It is best to state frankly at the outset that this topic is one of thegreat battle-grounds of science to-day, and that there are as yet butfew points well settled in regard to it. One needs but attempt to readthe literature on this subject to become quickly impressed with thenecessity of making haste slowly in forming any conclusions. He mustinvoke the aid of the astronomer, geologist, physical-geographer, and physicist. Yet we must not suppose that questions relating tothe Glacial Age are so abstruse that they are of interest only to thescholar. On the contrary, all ought to be interested in them. They openup one of the most wonderful chapters in the history of the world. They recall from the past a picture of ice-bound coasts and countriesgroaning under icy loads, where now are harbors enlivened by thecommerce of the world, or ripening fields attesting the vivifyinginfluence of a genial sun. Let us, therefore, follow after the leadersin thought. When we come to where they can not agree we can at least seewhat both sides have to say. 

Somewhat at the risk of repetition, we will try and impress on ourreaders a sense of the reality and severity of the Glacial Age. There isdanger in regarding this as simply a convenient theory that geologistshave originated to explain some puzzling facts, that it is not verywell founded, and is liable to give way any day to some more ingeniousexplanation. On the contrary, this whole matter has been worked out byvery careful scholars. There is, perhaps, no great conclusion in anyscience which rests upon a surer foundation than this, and if we are tobe guided by our reason at all in deducting the unknown from the known, the past from the present, we can not refuse our assent to the realityof the Glacial Age of the Northern Hemisphere in all its more importantfeatures. At the present day glaciers do exist in several places onthe earth. They are found in the Alps and the mountains of Norway, andthe Caucasus, in Europe. The Himalaya mountains support immense glaciersin Asia; and in America a few still linger in the more inaccessibleheights of the Sierra Nevada. It is from a study of these glaciers, mainly however, those of the Alps, that geologists have been enabled toexplain the true meaning of certain formations they find in both Europeand America, that go by the name of drift. 

When in an Alpine valley we come upon a glacier, filling it from side toside, there will be noticed upon both sides a long train of rock, drift, and other _debris_ that have fallen down upon its surface from themountain sides. If two of these ice-rivers unite to form one glacier, two of these trains will then be borne along in the middle of theresulting glacier. As this glacier continues down the valley, it atlength reaches a point where a further advance is rendered impossibleby the increased temperature melting the ice as fast as it advances. Atthis point the train of rocks and dirt are dumped, and of course formgreat mounds, called moraines. The glacier at times shrinks back on itsrocky bed and allows explorers to examine it. 

In such cases they find the rocks smoothed and polished, but here andthere marked with long grooves and striae. These points are learned froman examination of existing glaciers. Further down the valley, wherenow the glaciers never extend, are seen very distinctly the same signs. There are the same moraines, striated rocks, and bowlders that haveevidently traveled from their home up the valley. The only explanationpossible in this case is that once the glaciers extended to that pointin the valley. 

It required a person who was perfectly familiar with the behavior ofAlpine glaciers, and knew exactly what marks they left behind in theirpassage, to point out the proofs of their former presence in NorthernEurope and America, where it seems almost impossible to believe theyexisted. Such a man was Louis Agassiz, the eminent naturalist. Born andeducated in Switzerland, he spent nine years in researches among theglaciers of the mountains of his native country. He proved the formerwide extension of the glaciers of Switzerland. With these results beforethem, geologists were not long in showing that there had once beenglacial ice over a large part of Europe and North America. 

The proofs in this case are almost exactly the same as those used toshow that the ancient glaciers of Switzerland were once larger than now. But as the great glaciers of the glacial age were many times larger thanany thing we know of at the present day, there were of course differentresults produced. 

For instance, the water circulating under Alpine glaciers is enabledto wash out and carry away the mass of pulverized rock and dirt groundalong underneath the ice. But when the glaciers covered such an enormousextent of country as they did in the Glacial Age, the water could notsweep away this detritus, and so great beds of gravel, sand, and claywould be formed over a large extent of country. But to go over theentire ground would require volumes; it is sufficient to give theresults. 

The interior of Greenland to-day is covered by one vast sea of ice. Explorers have traversed its surface for many miles; not a plant, orstone, or patch of earth is to be seen. In the Winter it is a snow-sweptwaste. In the Summer streams of ice-cold water flow over its surface, penetrating here and there by crevasses to unknown depths. This greatglacier is some twelve hundred miles long, by four hundred in width. Vast as it is, it is utterly insignificant as compared with the greatcontinental glacier that geologists assure us once held in its grasp thelarger portion of North America. 

The conclusions of some of our best scholars on this subject are soopposed to all that we would think possible, according to the presentclimate and surroundings, that they seem at first incredible, and yetthey have been worked out with such care that there is no doubt of thesubstantial truth of the results. 

The terminal moraine of the great glacier has been carefully tracedthrough several States. We now know that one vast sea of ice covered theeastern part of North America, down to about the thirty-ninth parallelof latitude. We have every reason to think that the great glacier, extending many miles out in the Atlantic, terminated in a great sea ofice, rising several hundred feet perpendicularly above the surface ofthe water. Long Island marks the southern extension of this glacier. From there its temporal moraine has been traced west, across New Jerseyand Pennsylvania, diagonally across Ohio, crossing the river nearCincinnati, and thence west across Indiana and Illinois. West of theMississippi it bears off to the north-west, and finally passes intoBritish America. 

All of North America, to the north and northeast of this line, musthave been covered by one vast sea of ice. Doubtless, as in Greenlandto-day, there was no hill or patch of earth to be seen, simply onegreat field of ice. The ice was thick enough to cover from sight Mt. Washington, in New Hampshire, and must have been at least a mile thickover a large portion of this area, and even at its southern border itmust in places have been from two hundred to two thousand feet thick. This, as we have seen, is a picture very similar to what must have beenpresented by Europe at this time. 

Illustration of Antarctic Ice Sheet. -----------------

The Northern Atlantic Ocean must have presented a dreary aspect. Itsshores were walls of ice, from which ever and anon great masses sailedaway as icebergs. These are startling conclusions. Yet, in the SouthernHemisphere to-day is to be seen nearly the same state of things. It iswell-known that all the lands around the South Pole are covered by alayer of ice of enormous thickness. Sir J. A. Ross, in attempting toreach high southern latitudes, while yet one thousand four hundred milesfrom the pole, found his further progress impeded by a perpendicularwall of ice one hundred and eighty feet thick. He sailed along thatbarrier four hundred and fifty miles, and then gave up the attempt. Onlyat one point in all that distance did the ice wall sink low enough toallow of its upper surface being seen from the mast-head. He describesthe upper surface as an immense plain shining like frosted silver, and stretching away as far as eye could reach into the illimitabledistance. 

The foregoing makes plain to us one phase of the Glacial Age. Though itmay not be quite clear what this has to do with the antiquity of man, yet we will see, in the sequel, that it has considerable. As to theperiods of mild climate that are thought by some to have broken up thereign of cold, we do not feel that we can say any thing in addition towhat has been said in a former chapter. 

We might, however, say, that the sequences of mild and cold climateare not as well made out in America as they seem to be in Europe; or atleast our geologists are more cautious as to accepting the evidence assufficient. And yet such evidences are not wanting: as in Europe, at various places, are found layers of land surfaces with remains ofanimals and plants, but both above and below such surface soil are foundbeds of bowlder clay. These offer undeniable evidence that animals andplants occupied the land during temperate inter-glacial epochs, precededand followed by an Arctic climate, and ice-sheets like those nowcovering the interior of Greenland, and the Antarctic Continent. 

We have thus, though somewhat at length, gone over the evidence asto the reality and severity of the Glacial Age. It was during thecontinuance of such climate that Paleolithic man arrived in Europe, though it was not perhaps until its close. We must not lose sight of thefact that our principal object at present is to determine, if we can, adate for either the beginning or ending of this extraordinary season ofcold, and thereby achieve an important step in determining the antiquityof man. 

A moment's consideration will show us that a period of cold sufficientto produce over a large portion of the Northern Hemisphere theresults we have just set forth must have a cause that is strangeand far-reaching. It can not be some local cause, affecting but onecontinent, since the effect produced is observed as well in Europe as inAmerica. 

Every year we pass through considerable changes in climate. The fourseasons of the year seem to be but an annual repetition, on a very smallscale of course, of the great changes in the climate of the earththat culminated in the Glacial Age; though we do not mean to say, thatperiods of glacial cold come and go with the regularity of our Winter. The changes in the seasons of the year are caused by the earth'sposition in its orbit, and its annual revolution around the sun. It maybe that the cause of the Glacial Age itself is of a similar nature; inwhich case it is an astronomical problem, and we ought, by calculation, to determine, with considerable accuracy, dates for the beginning andending of this epoch. 

Nothing is clearer than that great fluctuations of climate have occurredin the past. Many theories have been put forth in explanation. It hasbeen suggested that it was caused by loss of heat from the earth itself. That the earth was once a ball of incandescent matter, like the sun, and has since cooled down, is of course admitted. More than that, thisprocess still continues; and the time must come when the earth, havingyielded up its internal heat, will cease to be an inhabitable globe. Butthe climate of the surface of the earth is not dependent upon the heatof the interior. This now depends "according to the proportion of heatreceived either directly or indirectly from the sun; and so it must havebeen during all the ages of which any records have come down to us. "Some have supposed that the sun, traveling as it does through space, carrying the earth and the other planets with him, might, in the courseof ages, pass through portions of space either warmer or colder thanthat in which it now moves. When we come to a warm region of space, agenial climate would prevail over the earth; but, when we struck a coldbelt, eternal Winter would mantle a large part of the globe with snowand ice. This, of course, is simply guess-work. No less than sevendistinct causes have been urged; most of them either purely conjectural, like the last, or manifestly incompetent to produce the great resultswhich we have seen must be accounted for. But, amongst these, two causeshave been advanced--the one astronomical, the other geographical; and, to the one or the other, the majority of scholars have given theirconsent. 

It will be no harm to see what can be said in favor of both theories. So, we will ask the reader's attention, as it is our earnest desire tomake as plain as possible a question that has so much to do with ourpresent inquiry. In the course of our investigations, we can not fail tocatch glimpses of wonderful changes in far away times; and can not helpseeing what labor is involved in the solution of all questions relatingto the same. 

The earth revolves around the sun in an orbit called an ellipse. Thisis not a fixed form, but slowly varies from year to year. It is nowgradually becoming circular. It will, however, not become an exactcircle. Astronomers assure us that, after a long lapse of time, it willcommence to elongate as an ellipse again. Thus, it will continuallychange from an ellipse to an approximate circle, and back again. Inscientific language, the eccentricity of, the earth's orbit is said toincrease and decrease. 

Illustration of Earth's Orbit. --------------------

In common language we would state that the shape of the path of theearth around the sun was sometimes much more elongated and ellipticalthan at others. The line drawn through the longest part of an ellipseis called the major axis. Now the sun does not occupy the center of thisline, but is placed to one side of it; or, in other words, occupies onefocus of the ellipse. It will thus be seen that the earth, at one timeduring its yearly journey, is considerably nearer to the sun thanat others. The point where it approaches nearest the sun is called_Perihelion, _ and the point where it reaches the greatest distance fromthe sun is called its _Aphelion. _ It will be readily seen that the moreelliptical its orbit becomes the greater will be the difference betweenthe perihelion and aphelion distance of the sun. At present the earthis about three millions of miles nearer the sun in perihelion than inaphelion. But we must remember the orbit of the earth is now nearlycircular. There have been times in the past when the difference wasabout thirteen millions of miles. We must not forget to add, that thechange in the shape of the earth's orbit is not a regular increase anddecrease between well-known extremes. It is caused by the attraction ofthe other planets. It has been calculated at intervals of ten thousandyears for the last million years. In this way it has been found that"the intervals between connective turning points are very unequal inlength, and the actual maximum and minimum values of the eccentricityare themselves variable. In this way it comes about that some periodsof high eccentricity have lasted much longer than others, and that theorbit has been more elliptical at some epochs of high eccentricity thanat others. " We have just seen that the earth is nearer the sun atone time of the year than at another. At present the earth passes itsperihelion point in the Winter of the Northern Hemisphere, and itsaphelion point in the Summer. We will for the present suppose that italways reaches the points at the same season of the year. Let us see ifthe diminished distance from the sun in Winter has any thing to do withthe climate. 

If so, this effect will be greatly magnified during a period of higheccentricity, such as the earth has certainly passed through in thepast. We will state first, that the more elliptical the orbit becomes, the longer Summer we have, and the shorter Winter. Astronomically, Spring begins the 20th of March, and Fall the 22d of September. Bycounting the days between the epochs it will be found that the Springand Summer part of the year is seven days longer than the Fall andWinter part. But if the earth's orbit becomes as highly eccentrical asin the past, this difference would be thirty-six days. 

This would give us a long Spring and Summer, but a short Fall andWinter. This in itself would make a great difference. We must beer inmind, however, that at such a time as we are here considering, the earthwould be ten millions of miles nearer the sun in Winter than at present. It would certainly then receive more heat in a given time during Winterthan at present. Mr. Croll estimates that whereas the difference inheat received during a given time is now one-fifteenth, at the timewe are considering it would be one-fifth. Hence we see that at such atime the Winter would not only be much shorter than now, but at the sametime would be much milder. 

These are not all the results that would follow an increase ofeccentricity. The climate of Europe and North America is largelymodified by those great ocean currents--the Gulf Stream and the Japancurrent. Owing to causes we will not here consider, these currentswould be greatly increased at such a time. As a result of these combinedcauses, Mr. Croll estimates that during a period of high eccentricitythe difference between Winter and Summer in the Northern Hemispherewould be practically obliterate. The Winter would not only be short, but very mild, and but little snow would form, while the sun of the longSummers, though not shining as intense as at present, would not have tomelt off a great layer of snow and ice, but the ground became quicklyheated, and so warmed the air. Hence, if Mr. Croll be correct, a periodof high eccentricity would certainly produce a climate in the NorthernHemisphere such as characterized many of the mild interglacial epochs aslong as the earth passed its perihelion point in Winter. 

We have so far only considered the Northern Hemisphere. As every oneknows, while we have Winter, the Southern Hemisphere has Summer. Soat the very time we would enjoy the mild short Winters, the SouthernHemisphere would be doomed to experience Winters of greatly increasedlength and severity. As a consequence, immense fields of snow would beformed, which, by pressure, would be changed to ice, and creep away asa desolating glacier. It is quite true that the short Summer sun wouldshine with increased warmth, but owing to many causes it would not availto free the land from snow and ice. 

As Mr. Geikie points out, "An increased amount of evaporation wouldcertainly take place, but the moisture-laden air would be chilled bycoming into contact with the vast sheets of snow, and hence the vaporwould condense into thick fogs and cloud the sky. In this way the sun'srays would be, to a large extent, cut off, and unable to reach theearth, and consequently the Winter's snow would not be all melted away. "Hence it follows that at the very time the Northern Hemisphere wouldenjoy a mild interglacial climate, universal Spring, so to speak, theSouthern Hemisphere would be encased in the ice and snow of an eternalWinter. 

But the earth has not always reached its perihelion point during theWinter season of the Northern Hemisphere. Owing to causes that we neednot here consider, the earth reaches its perihelion point about twentyminutes earlier each year, so if it now passes its perihelion in Winterof the Northern Hemisphere, in about ten thousand years from now it willreach it in Summer, and in twenty-one thousand, years it will again beat perihelion in Winter. But see what important consequences follow fromthis. If during a period of high eccentricity we are in the enjoyment ofshort mild Winters and long pleasant Summers, in ten thousand years thiswould certainly be changed. Our Summer season would become short andheated; our Winters long and intensely cold. Year by year it would belater in the season before the sun could free the land from snow, andat length in deep ravines and on hill-tops the snow would linger throughthe brief Summer, and the mild interglacial age will have passed away, and again the Northern Hemisphere will be visited by snow and ice of atruly. Glacial Age. If, therefore, a period of high eccentricity laststhrough the many thousand years, we must expect more than one return ofglacial cold interspersed by mild interglacial climates. 

We have tried in these last few pages to give a clear statement of whatis known as Croll's theory of the Glacial Age. There is no question butwhat the earth does thus vary in its position with regard to the sun, and beyond a doubt this must produce some effect on the climate, andwe can truthfully state that the more the complicated question of theclimate of the earth is studied, the more grounds do scholars find foraffirming that indirectly this effect must have been very great. And yetwe can not say that this theory is accepted as a satisfactory one evenby the majority of scholars. Many of those who do not reject it thinkit not proven. Therefore, before interrogating the astronomer as to thedata of the Glacial Age, according to the terms of this theory, let ussee what other causes are, adduced; then we can more readily acceptor reject the conclusions as to the antiquity of man which this theorywould necessitate us to adopt. 

The only other cause to which we can assign the glacial cold, that isconsidered with any favor by geologists, is geographical; that is tosay, depending on the distribution of land and water. Glaciers depend onthe amount of snow-fall. In any country where the amount of snow-fallis so great that it is not all evaporated or melted by the Summer's sun, and consequently increases from year to year, glaciers must soon appear, and these icy rivers would ere-long, flow away to lower levels. If wesuppose, with Sir Charles Lyell, that the lands of the globe were all tobe gathered around the equator, and the waters were gathered around thepoles, it is manifest that there would be no such a thing as extremes oftemperature, and it is, perhaps, doubtful whether ice would form, evenin polar areas. At any rate, no glaciers could be formed, as therewould be no land on which snow could gather in great quantities. 

If, however, we reverse this picture, and conceive of the land gatheredin a compact mass around the poles, shutting out the water, but considerthe equatorial region of the earth to be occupied by the waters of theocean, we would manifestly have a very different scene. From the oceanmoisture-laden winds would flow over the polar lands. The snowfall wouldnecessarily be great. In short, we can not doubt but what all the landof the earth would be covered with glaciers. 

Although these last conceptions are purely hypothetical, they will servethe good purpose of showing the great influence that the geographicaldistribution of land and water have on the climate of a country. Of onething, however, geologists have become more and more impressed of lateyears. That is, that continents and oceans have always had the samerelative position as now; that is to say, the continents have followed adefinite plan in their development. The very first part of North Americato appear above the waters of the primal sea clearly outlined theshape of the future continent. Mr. Dana assures us that our continentdeveloped with almost the regularity of a flower. Prof. Hitchcock alsopoints out that the surface area of the very first period outlined theshape of the continent. "The work of later geological periods seemsto have been the filling up of the bays and sounds between the greatislands, elevating the consolidated mass into a continental area. "So it is not at all probable that the lands of the globe were evergrouped, as we have here supposed them. 

This last statement is liable, however, to leave us under a wrongimpression; for although, as a whole, continental areas have beenpermanent, yet in detail they have been subject to wonderful andrepeated changes. "Every square mile of their surface has been againand again under water, sometimes a few hundred feet deep--sometimes, perhaps, several thousand. Lakes and inland seas have been formed andbeen filled up with sediment, and been subsequently raised into hills, or even mountains. Arms of the sea have existed, crossing the continentin various directions, and thus completely isolating the dividedportions for varying intervals. Seas have become changed into desertsand deserts into seas. "

It has been shown beyond all question that North-western Europe owesits present mild climate to the influence of the Gulf Stream. Oceancurrents, then, are a most important element in determining the climateof a country. If we would take the case of our hypothetical polarcontinent again, and, instead of presenting a continuous coast line, imagine it penetrated by long straits and fiords, possessing numerousbays, large inland seas, and in general allowing a free communicationwith the ocean, we are very sure the effect would be widely different. 

Under these circumstances, says Mr. Geikie, the "much wider extent ofsea being exposed to the blaze of the tropical sun, the temperature ofthe ocean in equatorial regions would rise above what it is at present. This warm water, sweeping in broad currents, would enter the polarfiords and seas, and everywhere, beating the air, would cause warm, moist winds to blow athwart the land to a much greater extent than theydo at present; and these winds thus distributing warmth and moisture, might render even the high latitude of North Greenland habitableby civilized man. " So we see that it is necessary to look for suchgeographical changes as will interfere with the movements of marinecurrents. 

Now, it is easy to see that comparatively small geographical changeswould not only greatly interfere with these currents, but might evencause them to entirely change their course. An elevation of the northernpart of North America, no greater in amount than is supposed to havetaken place at the commencement of the Glacial Age, would bring thewide area of the banks of Newfoundland far above the water, causing theAmerican coast to stretch out in an immense curve to a point more thansix hundred miles east of Halifax, and this would divert much of theGulf Stream straight across to the coast of Spain. 

Such an elevation certainly took place, and if continued westward, Behring's Strait would also have been closed. It is to such northernelevations, shutting out the warm ocean currents, that a great manygeologists look for a sufficient explanation of the glacial cold. 

Prof. Dana says: "Increase in the extent and height of high latitudelands may well stand as one cause of the Glacial Age. " Then hepoints out how the rising of the land of Northern Canada and adjacentterritory, which almost certainly took place, "all a sequel to themajestic uplift of the Tertiary, would have made a glacial period forNorth America, whatever the position of the ecliptic, or whatever theeccentricity of the earth's orbit, though more readily, of course, ifother circumstances favored it. "

It may occur to some that if high northern lands be all that isnecessary for a period of cold, we ought to have had it in the MioceneAge, when there was a continuous land connection between the lands ofhigh polar areas and both Europe and America, since we know that anabundant vegetation spread from there, as a center, to both thesecountries. But at that epoch circumstances were different. The greatNorth Temperate lands were in a "comparatively fragmentary and insularcondition. " There were great inland seas in both Europe and Asia, through which powerful currents would have flowed from the Indian Oceanto Arctic regions. 

Somewhat similar conditions prevailed in North America. The western partwas in an insular condition. A great sea extended over this part of thecountry, joining the Arctic probably on the north, through which heatedwater would pour into the polar sea. And so, instead of a GlacialAge, we find evidence of a mild and genial climate, with an abundantvegetation. 

We thus see that there are two theories as to the cause of the GlacialAge presented for our consideration. Both of them have received thesanction of scholars eminent for their scientific attainments. Oninspection we see they are not antagonistic theories. They may bothbe true for that matter, and all would admit that whatever effect theywould produce singly would be greatly enhanced if acting together. Indeed, there are very good reasons for supposing both must have actedin unison. 

There seem to be very good reasons for not believing that theeccentricity of the earth's orbit, acting alone, produced the glacialcold. If that were the case, then whenever the eccentricity was greatwe should have a Glacial Age. Now, at some period of time during thelong-extended Tertiary Age we are certain the eccentricity of theearth's orbit became very great, much more so, in fact, than that whichis supposed to have produced the cold of the Quaternary Age. But we areequally certain there was no glacial epoch during this age. Whatother explanation can we give for its non-appearance except thatgeographical conditions were not favorable?

But, on the other hand, there are certain features connected with thephenomena of the Glacial Age that seem very difficult of explanation, if we suppose that geographical changes alone produced them. We mustremember that evidences of the former presence of glaciers are foundwidely scattered over the earth. We shall, therefore, have to assume anelevation not only for America and Europe, but extend it over into Asia, and take in the Lebanon Mountains, for they also show distinct tracesof glaciers. And this movement of elevation must also have affected theSouthern Hemisphere, the evidence being equally plain that at the samecomparatively late date glaciers crushed over Southern Africa and SouthAmerica. This is seen to prove too much. Again, how can we explainthe fact that some time during the Glacial Age we had a submergence, theland standing several hundred feet lower than now, but still remainedcovered with ice, and over the submerged part there sailed icebergs andice-rafts, freighted with their usual _debris_? That such was the stateof things in Europe we are assured by some very good authorities. 

Neither do geographical causes afford an adequate explanation of thosechanges of temperature that surely took place during the Glacial Age. These last considerations show us how difficult it is to believe thatgeographical causes could have produced the Glacial Age. 

We are assured that all through the geological ages the continents hadbeen increasing in size and compactness, and that just at the close ofthe Tertiary Age they received a considerable addition of land to thenorth. The astronomer also informs us that at a comparatively recentepoch the eccentricity of the earth's orbit became very great. Theconditions being favorable, it is not strange that a Glacial Agesupervened. 

We have been to considerable length in thus explaining the positionof the scientific world in regard to the cause of the Glacial Age. Ourreason for so doing is that this age is, we think, so connected withthe Paleolithic Age of man, that it seems advisable to have a clearunderstanding in regard to it. What we have to say is neither new nororiginal. It is simply an earnest endeavor to represent clearly theconclusions of some of our best scholars on this subject, and we havetried to give to each theory its due weight. Our conclusions may bewrong, but, if so, we have the consolation of erring in very goodcompany. 

We have now gone over the ground and are ready to see what dates can begiven. Though the numbers we use seem to be very large indeed, theyare so only in comparison with our brief span of life. They areinsignificant as compared with the extent of time that has surely rolledby since life appeared on the globe. Let us, therefore, not be dismayedat the figures the astronomer sets before us. 

About two hundred and fifty thousand years ago the earth's path aroundthe sun was much the same as that of the present. No great changes inclimate were liable to take place at that time. During the next fiftythousand years the eccentricity steadily increased. Towards the endof that time all that was necessary to produce a glacial epoch in theNorthern Hemisphere was favorable geographical causes, and that ourearth should reach its point nearest the sun in Summer. This it musthave done when about half that time had elapsed. 

We can in imagination see what a slow deterioration of climate tookplace. Thousands of years would come and go before the change would bedecisive. But a time must have at length arrived when the vegetationcovering the ground was such as was suited only for high northernlatitudes. The animals suited for warm and temperate regions must havewandered farther south; others from the north had arrived to take theirplace. We can see how well this agrees with the changes of climate atthe close of the Pliocene Age. The snows of the commencing Glacial Agewould soon begin to fall, finally the sun would not melt them off of thehigh lands, and mountain peaks, and so a Glacial Age would be usheredin. 

We have referred to the fact that the earth reaches its perihelion pointa little earlier each year, and, as a consequence, we would have periodsof mild climate alternating the cold. This extended period of time, equal to twenty-one thousand of our ordinary years, has been named theGreat Year of our globe. Mr. Wallace has pointed out some very goodreasons for thinking Mr. Croll's theory must be modified on thispoint. He thinks that when once a Glacial Age was fairly fastened ona hemisphere, it would retain its grasp as long as the eccentricityremained high, but whenever the Summer of the Great Year came to thathemisphere, it would melt back the glacial ice for some distance, butthis area would be recovered by the ice when the Winter of the GreatYear supervened. These effects would be different when the eccentricityitself became low. Then we would expect the glacial conditions to vanishentirely when the Summer of a Great Year comes on. 

As we have made the theoretical part of this chapter already too long, we must hurry on. We can only say that this view is founded on the factthat when a country was covered with snow and ice, it had so to speak, a great amount of cold stored up in it, so much, in fact, that it wouldnot be removed by the sun of a new geological Summer. This ought to beacceptable to such geologists as are willing to admit the advance andretreat of the great glacier, but yet doubt the fact of the interglacialmild climate. 

But now to return to the question of time about two hundred and twentythousand years ago. Then the Northern Hemisphere, according to thistheory, was in the grasp of a Glacial Age. According to Mr. Wallace, as long as the eccentricity remained high, there could be no greatamelioration of climate, except along the southern border of the icesheet, which might, for causes named, vary some distance during theGreat Year. Two hundred thousand years ago the eccentricity, then veryhigh, reached a turning point. It then steadily, though gradually, diminished for fifty thousand years; at that time the eccentricitywas so small, though considerably larger than at present, that it isdoubtful if it was of any service in producing a change of climate. At that time, also, the Northern Hemisphere was passing through theSummer season of the Great Year. We ought, therefore, to have had a mildinterglacial season. Except in high northern latitudes the ice shouldhave disappeared. This change we would expect to find more marked inEurope than in America. 

We need only recall how strong are the evidences on this point. Nearlyall European writers admit at least one such mild interval, and thoughnot wanting evidence of such a period in America, our geologists aremuch less confident of its occurrence. 

But from that point the eccentricity again increased. So when the longflight of years again brought secular Winter to the Northern Hemisphere, the glaciers would speedily appear, and as eccentricity was again high, they would again hold the country in their grasp. Fifty thousand yearslater, or one hundred thousand years ago, it passed its turning pointagain; eighty thousand years ago, it became so small that it probablyceased to effect the climate. Since then it has not been very large. Twenty-five thousand years ago it was less than it is now, but it isagain growing smaller. According to this theory, then, the Glacial Agecommenced about two hundred and twenty thousand years ago. It continued, with one interruption of mild climate, for one hundred and fortythousand years, and finally passed away eighty thousand years ago. 

What shall we say to these results? If true, what a wonderful antiquityis here unfolded for the human race, and what a wonderful lapse of timeis included in what is known as the Paleolithic Age! How strikinglydoes it impress upon our minds the slow development of man! Is suchan antiquity for man in itself absurd? We know no reason for such aconclusion. Our most eminent scholars nowhere set a limit to the timeof man's first appearance. It is true, many of them do not think theevidence strong enough to affirm such an antiquity, but there are nobounds given beyond which we may not pass. 

Without investigation some might reject the idea that man could havelived on the earth one hundred thousand years in a state of Savagism. If endowed with the attributes of humanity, it may seem to them that hewould long before that time have achieved civilization. Such personsdo not consider the lowliness of his first condition and the extremeslowness with which progress must have gone forward. On this point thegeologists and the sociologists agree. Says Mr. Geikie: "The timewhich has elapsed from the close of the Paleolithic Age, even up to thepresent day, can not for a moment compare with the aeons during whichthe men of the old stone period occupied Europe. " And on this subjectMr. Morgan says: "It is a conclusion of deep importance in ethnologythat the experience of mankind in Savagery was longer in duration thanall their subsequent experience, and that the period of Civilizationcovers but a fragment of the life of the race. " The time itself, which seems to us so long, is but a brief space as compared with theages nature has manifestly required to work out some of the results wesee before us every day. We are sure, but few of our scholars think thistoo liberal an estimate. All endeavor to impress on our minds that theGlacial Age is an expression covering a very long period of time. 

As to the time that has elapsed since the close of the Glacial Age thereis some dispute, and it may be that we will be forced to the conclusionthat the close of the Glacial Age was but a few thousand years ago. Mr. Wallace assures us, however, that the time mentioned agrees well "withphysical evidence of the time that has elapsed since the cold has passedaway. "

Difficulties are, however, urged by other writers. We can see at oncethat as quick as the glaciers are removed the denuding forces of nature, which are constantly at work, would begin to rearrange the _debris_ leftbehind on the surface, and in the course of a few thousand years musteffect great changes. Now, in some cases the amount of such change is sosmall that geologists are reluctant to believe a vast lapse of timehas occurred since the glaciers withdrew. Mr. Geikie tells us of somemoraines in Scotland that they are so fresh and beautiful "that it isdifficult to believe they can date back to a period so vastly removed asthe Ice Age is believed to be. " In our own country this same sort ofevidence is brought forward, and we are given some special calculationsgoing to show that the disappearance of the glaciers was a comparativelyrecent thing. 

It will be seen that these conclusions are somewhat opposed to theresults previously arrived at. In explanation Mr. Geikie thinks thecases spoken of in Scotland were not the moraines of the great glaciers, but of a local glacier of a far later date. He thinks that the climate, while not severe enough to produce the enormous glaciers of early times, was severe enough to produce local glaciers still in Scotland. Itis possible that a similar explanation may be given for the evidenceadduced in the United States. We can only state that, according tothe difference in climate between the eastern and western sides of theAtlantic Ocean, when the climate was severe enough to produce localglaciers in Scotland, it would produce the same effect over a large partof eastern United States down to the latitude of New York City. Andwhile it is true there would not be as much difference in climate on thetwo sides of the Atlantic in Glacial times as at present, since the GulfStream, on which such difference depends would then have less force, still it was not entirely lacking, and the difference must have beenconsiderable. 

Prof. Hitchcock has made a suggestion that whereas we know a period ofseveral months elapses after the sun crosses the equator before Summerfairly comes on, so it is but reasonable to suppose that a proportionatelength of time would go by after the eccentricity of the earth'sorbit became small, before the Glacial Age would really pass away. Heaccordingly suggests it may have been only about forty thousand yearssince the glaciers disappeared. 

At the close of the Glacial Age Paleolithic man vanished from Europe. This, therefore, brings us to the conclusion of our researches into whatis probably the most mysterious chapter of man's existence on the earth. 

It may not come amiss to briefly notice the main points thus far madein our investigation of the past. As to the epoch of man's firstappearance, we found he could not be expected to appear until all theanimals lower than he had made their appearance. This is so because theCreator of all has apparently chosen that method of procedure in thedevelopment of life on the globe. According to our present knowledge, man might have been living in the Miocene Age, and with a higher degreeof probability in the Pliocene. But we can not say that the evidenceadduced in favor of his existence at these early times is satisfactoryto the majority of our best thinkers. All agree that he was livingin Europe at the close of the Glacial Age, and we think the evidencesufficient to show that he preceded the glaciers, and that as a rudesavage he lived in Europe throughout the long extended portion of timeknown as the Glacial Age. 

We also found evidence of either two distinct races of men inhabitingEurope in the Paleolithic Age, or else tribes of the same race, widelydifferent in time and in culture. The one people known as the men of theRiver Drift apparently invaded Europe from Asia, along with the speciesof temperate animals now living there. This people seem to have beenwidely scattered over the earth. The race has probably vanished away, though certain Australian tribes may be descendants of them. They weredoubtless very low in the scale of humanity, having apparently neverreached a higher state than that of Lower Savagism. The second race ofmen inhabiting Europe during the Paleolithic Age were the Cave-dwellers. They seem to have been allied to the Eskimos of the North. They wereevidently further advanced than the Drift men, but were still savages. 

The Paleolithic Age in Europe seems to have terminated with the GlacialAge. But we are not to suppose it came to an end all over the earth atthat time. On the contrary, some tribes of men never passed beyond thatstage. When the light of civilization fell upon them they were still inthe culture of the old Stone Age. We are to notice that in such casesthe tribes thus discovered were very low in the scale. The probable datafor the Paleolithic Age have formed the subject of this chapter. Whileclaiming in support of them the opinions of some eminent scholars, wefreely admit that it is not a settled question, but open to very graveobjections, especially the date of the close of the Glacial Age, whichseems to have been comparatively recent, at least in America. We think, however, that these objections will yet be harmonized with the generalresults. Neither is this claimed to be an exhaustive presentation of thematter. It is an outline only--the better to enable us to understand themystery connected with the data of Paleolithic man. 

In these few chapters we have been dealing with people, manners, aridtimes, of which the world fifty years ago was ignorant. Many littlediscoveries, at first apparently disconnected, are suddenly brought intonew relation, and behold, ages ago, when the great continents were butjust completed, races of men, with the stamp of humanity upon them, areseen filling the earth. With them were many great animals long sincepassed away. The age of animals was at an end. That of man had justbegun. 

The child requires the schooling of adversity and trial to make acomplete man of himself, and it is even so with races of men. Whocan doubt that struggling up from dense ignorance, contending againstadverse circumstances, compelled to wage war against fierce animals, sustaining life in the midst of the low temperature which had loadedthe Northern Hemisphere with snow and ice, had much to do in developingthose qualities which rendered civilization possible. 

As to the antiquity of man disclosed in these chapters, the onlyquestion that need concern us is whether it is true or not. Evidencetending to prove its substantial accuracy should be as acceptable asthat disproving it. No great principle is here at stake. The truth ofDivine Revelation is in no wise concerned. There is nothing in its truthor falsity which should in any way affect man's belief in an overrulingProvidence, or in an immortality beyond the grave, or which shouldrender any less desirable a life of purity and honor. On the contrary, we think one of the greatest causes of thanksgiving mortals have is thepossession of intellectual powers, which enable us to here and therecatch a glimpse of the greatness of God's universe, which the astronomerat times unfolds to us; or, to dimly comprehend the flight of time since"The Beginning, " which the geologist finds necessary to account for thestupendous results wrought by slow-acting causes. 

It seems to us eminently fitting that God should place man here, granting to him a capacity for improvement, but bestowing on him no giftor accomplishment, which by exertion and experience he could acquire;for labor is, and ever has been, the price of material good. So we seehow necessary it is that a very extended time be given us to account forman's present advancement. Supposing an angel of light was to come tothe aid of our feeble understanding, and unroll before us the pages ofthe past, a past of which, with all our endeavors, we as yet know butlittle. Can we doubt that, from such a review, we would arise withhigher ideas of man's worth? Our sense of the depths from which hehas ascended is equated only by our appreciation of the future openingbefore him. Individually we shall soon have passed away. Our nation maydisappear. But we believe our race has yet but fairly started in itsline of progress; time only is wanted. We can but think that that viewwhich limits man to an existence extending over but a few thousand yearsof the past, is a belittling one. Rather let us think of him as existingfrom a past separated from us by these many thousand years; winning hispresent position by the exercise of God-given powers. 

REFERENCES

 (1) The manuscript of this chapter was submitted to Prof. G. F. Wright, of Oberlin, for criticism. (2) Wallace's "Island Life, " p. 113. (3) Nordenskiold's "American Journal of Science, " vol. 110, p. 58. (4) Wright's "Studies in Science and Religion, " p. 307, where a map of this moraine is given. (5) There is, however, a small area in the south-west part of Wisconsin where, for some reason, the ice passed by. (6) Dane's "Manual of Geology, " p. 538. (7) Wright's "Studies in Science and Religion, " p. 308. (8) "Men of the Drift, " p. 71. (9) Geikie's "Great Ice Age, " p. 93. (10) "Men of the River Drift. " (11) Abbott's "Primitive Industry, " p. 545; Quoted from "Geology of Minnesota. " Report, 1877, p. 37. (12) Geikie's "Great Ice Age, " p. 97. (13) The astronomical theory, which we will first examine, was first enunciated by Mr. Croll, following a suggestion of the astronomer Adhemer. Mr. Croll's views were set forth in many able papers, and finally gathered into a volume entitled "Climate and Time in their Geological Relation. " The ablest defense of these views is that by Mr. James Geikie, in his works "The Great Ice Age, " and "Prehistoric Europe. " (14) Geikie's "Great Ice Age, " p. 114. (15) Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times, " p. 420, Table 4. (16) Ibid. , Table 5. (17) Geikie's "Great Ice Age, " p. 123. (18) Wallace's "Island Life, " p. 143. (19) Ibid. , p. 124. (20) "Geology of New Hampshire, " Vol. II, p. 5. (21) Wallace's "Island Life, " p. 99. (22) Geikie's "Great Ice Age, " p. 103. (23) Wallace's "Island Life, " p. 149. Hitchcock's "Geology of New Hampshire, " Vol. II, p. 7, gives a map showing what immense areas in that section would be raised to the surface by a raise of three hundred feet. (24) _American Journal of Science, _ 1871, p. 329. (25) Wallace's "Island Life, " p. 184. (26) Wallace's "Island Life, " p. 182. (27) Ibid. , p. 157 and note. Prof. Wright thinks this statement doubtful. He refers to the date of the Glacial Age in the Southern Hemisphere. (28) Wallace's "Island Life, " p. 200; Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " p. 119; Geikie's "Great Ice Age, " p. 256; Quatrefages's "Human Species, " p. 288. (29) For these results, see McFarland's Calculations in "American Journal of Science, " 1880, p. 105. (30) "Island Life, " p. 153. (31) See chart, p. 124, Wallace's "Island Life. " (32) "Ancient Society, " p. 39. (33) "Island Life, " p. 201. (34) "Prehistoric Europe, " p. 312. (35) On this point consult Wright's "Studies in Science and Religion, " pp. 232-347; also Prof. Lewis in "Primitive Industry, " pp. 547-551. (36) "Prehistoric Europe, " p. 560. (37) See any isothermal map. (38) Wallace's "Island Life, " p. 154, note. (39) "Geology of New Hampshire, " Vol. III, p. 327, referred to in Wright's "Studies in Science and Religion, " p. 327. 

Chapter VI

THE NEOLITHIC AGE IN EUROPE. 

Close of the first cycle--Neolithic culture connected with thepresent--No links between the two ages--Long lapse of time betweenthe two ages--Swiss lake villages--This form of villages widelyscattered--Irish cranogs--Fortified villages--Implements and weapons ofNeolithic times--Possessed of pottery--Neolithic agriculture--Possessedof domestic animals--Danish shell-heaps--Importance of flint--The art ofnavigation--Neolithic clothing--Their modes of burial--The question ofrace--Possible remnants--Connection with the Turanian race--Arrival ofthe Celts. 

In the preceding chapters we have sought to learn what we could of thePaleolithic Age. We have seen what strange people and animals occupiedthe land, and have caught some glimpses of a past that has beenrecovered to us out of the very night of time. From under the ashes ofVesuvius archaeologists have brought to light an ancient city. We gazeon it with great interest, for we there see illustrated the state ofsociety two thousand years ago. But other cities of that time are stillin existence, and not only by the aid of tradition and song, but fromthe pages of history, we can learn of the civilization of the Romanpeople at the time of the destruction of Pompei; so that, in this case, our knowledge of the past is not confined to one source of information. But no voice of history or tradition, or of existing institutions, speaks to us of the Paleolithic Age. Of that remote time, the morningtime of human life, we learn only from the labors of geologists andarchaeologists. We are virtually dealing with a past geological age. The long term of years thus defined drew to its close amidst scenesof almost Arctic sterility. In all probability, glaciers reflected thesun's rays from all the considerable hills and mountains of Central andNorthern Europe, though forming, perhaps, but a remnant of the greatglaciers of the Ice Age. The neighboring seas must have been whitened bythe glistening sails of numerous icebergs. Such was the closing scene ofPaleolithic life. 

The first great cycle of human life, as far as we know it now, wasconcluded in Europe. We do not mean to say that it terminated all overthe world. In other regions it survived to far later times. But, inEurope, Paleolithic animals and men had worked out their mission, and wehave now to record the arrival and spread of a new race, bringing withthem domestic animals, a knowledge of rude husbandry, and many simplearts and industries of which their Paleolithic predecessors wereignorant. 

We recall, that the men of the Paleolithic Age seemed incapable ofadvancement; or their progress was so slow that we scarcely noticeit. But we can trace the lines of advancement from the Neolithic cultureto that of the present. We have, however, to deal with people and timesfar removed from the light of history. 

We have before us, then, a new culture and a new people. On the one handis Paleolithic man, with his rude stone implements, merely chipped intoshape--surrounded by many animals which have since vanished from thetheater of life--inhabiting a country which, at its close at least, was more like Greenland of to-day than England or France. The scenecompletely changes, when the misty curtain of the past again rises andallows us to continue our investigations into primitive times. 

We would naturally expect to find everywhere, connecting links betweenthese two ages--the culture of the one gradually changing into theculture of the other. This, however, is not the case. The lineof demarkation between the ages is everywhere plainly drawn; and, furthermore, we are learning that a very long time elapsed between thedeparture, or disappearance, of the Paleolithic tribes, and the arrivalof their Neolithic successors. This is shown in a great many ways, andwe will notice some of them. We learn that Neolithic man occasionallyused caves as a place of habitation. In such cases there is nearlyalways a thick layer of stalagmite between the strata containing thePaleolithic implements and the Neolithic strata--though this stalagmiteis unmistakable evidence of the lapse of many years, we can notdetermine how many, as we do not know the rate of formation. 

This lapse of time is shown very plainly when we come to consider thechanges wrought in the surface features of the country by the action ofrunning water. We know that rain, running water, and frost, constitutingwhat we call denuding forces, are constantly at work changing thesurface of a country. We know that, in general, this change is slow. Butgreat changes have been wrought between these two ages. 

In the British Islands, we know that the rivers had time to verymaterially change the surface features of the land. The important riversof Scotland had carved out channels one hundred feet deep in places; andalong their courses, especially near their mouths, had plowed out andremoved great quantities of glacial material--forming broad flats whichbecame densely wooded before Neolithic man made his appearance on thescene. In some cases the entire surface of the land had been removed, leaving only knolls and hills of the old land surface. Examples ofthis occur on the east coast of England, and in what is known as theFen-lands. The final retreat of the glaciers must have left the countrycovered with _debris. _ After this had been largely denuded, the countrybecame densely wooded. It was not until these changes had taken place, that Neolithic man wandered into Europe. 

But still another ground exists for claiming a long interval betweenthese two ages, namely, the great changes that took place in the animalworld of Europe during these two epochs. Many different species ofanimals characteristic of the Paleolithic Age vanished as completelyfrom Europe as the rude tribes that hunted them, before the appearanceof Neolithic tribes. But little change in the fauna of England has takenplace in the last two thousand years. So it is obvious that the greatchange above-mentioned demands many centuries for its accomplishment. Huge animals of the elephant kind, such as the mammoth, no longercrashed through the underbrush, or wallowed in the lakes. The roars oflions and tigers, that haunted the caves of early Europe, were nolonger heard. In short, there had disappeared forever from Europe thedistinctly southern animals that diversified the fauna of Paleolithictimes. Even the Arctic animals were banished to northern latitudes, ormountain heights. 

We have dwelt to some length on the proofs of a long-extended timebetween these two ages. The more we reflect on these instances the moreimpressed are we with a sense of duration vast and profound, in whichthe great forests and grassy plains of Europe supported herds of wildanimals all unvexed by the presence of man. We will only mention onemore point and then pass on. 

We have seen that the highest rank we can assign to Paleolithic manin the scale of civilization is Upper Savagism. But when Neolithic manappeared, he was in the middle status of Barbarism. The time, therefore, between the disappearance of Paleolithic man and the arrival ofNeolithic man was long enough to enable primitive man to pass one entireethnical period, that of Lower Barbarism. But this requires a very longperiod of time, probably several times as long as the entire series ofyears since Civilization first appeared, which is supposed to be in theneighborhood of five thousand years ago. 

We must now turn our attention to Neolithic man himself and learn whatwe can of his culture, and discover, if possible, what race it was thatspread over Europe after it had been for so long a time an uninhabitablecountry. A few remarks by way of introduction will not be consideredamiss. 

We are learning that tribal organization, implying communism in living, is characteristic of prehistoric people. Tribal organization sufficedto advance man to the very confines of civilization. We have no doubtbut that this was the state of society amongst the Neolithic people. Butthis implies living in communities or villages. We need not picture toourselves a country dotted with houses, the abodes of single families;such did not exist, but here and there were fortified villages. 

Still another consequence follows from this tribal state of society. There was no such thing as a strong central government. Each tribeobeyed its own chief, and a state of war nearly always existed betweendifferent tribes. Such we know was the state of things among the Indiantribes of America. Travelers tell us that it is so to-day in Africa. Each tribe stood ready to defend itself or to make war on its neighbors. One great point, therefore, in constructing a village, was to secure aplace that could be easily defended. 

Bearing these principles in mind, let us see what we can learn of theirhabitations. Owing to a protracted drouth, the water in the Swiss lakeswas unusually low in the Winter of 1854, and the inhabitants of Meilen, on the Lake Zurich, took advantage of this state of affairs to throw upembankments some distance out from the old shore, and thus gain a stripof land along the coast. In carrying out this design, they found in themud at the bottom of the lake a number of piles, some thrown down andothers upright, fragments of rough pottery, bone and stone instruments, and various other relics. 

Dr. Keller, president of the Zurich Antiquarian Society, was apprised ofthis discovery, and proceeded at once to examine the collection made andthe place of discovery. He was not long in determining the prehistoricnature of the relics, and the true intent of the pile remains. He provedthem to be supports for platforms, on which were erected rude dwellings, the platforms being above the surface of the water, and at some distancefrom the shore, with which they were connected by a narrow bridge. 

Illustration of Lake Village, Switzerland. -------------

This was the first of a series of many interesting discoveries fromwhich we have learned many facts as to Neolithic, times. The out we haveintroduced is an ideal restoration of one of these Swiss lake villages. It needs but a glance to show how admirably placed it was for purposesof defense. Unless an enemy was provided with boats, the only way ofapproach was over the bridge. But the very fact that they resorted tolakes, where at the expense of great labor they erected their villages, is a striking illustration of the insecurity of the times. 

This discovery once made, it is surprising what numbers of these ancientlake villages have been discovered. Switzerland abounds in largeand small lakes, and in former times they must have been still morenumerous, but in the course of years they have become filled up, and nowexist only as peat bogs. But we now know that during the Neolithic Agethe country was quite thickly inhabited, and these lakes were the sitesof villages. Over two hundred have been found in Switzerland alone. Fishermen had known of the existence of these piles long before theirmeaning was understood. Lake Geneva is one of the most famous of theSwiss lakes. Though in the main it is deep, yet around the shore thereis a fringe of shallow water. 

It was in this shallow belt that the villages were built. The sites oftwenty-four settlements are known. We are told that on "calm days, whenthe surface of the water is unruffled, the piles are plainly visible. Few of them now project more than two feet from the bottom, eaten awayby the incessant action of the water. Lying among them are objects ofbone, horn, pottery, and frequently even of bronze. So fresh are they, and so unaltered, they look as if they were only things of yesterday, and it seems hard to believe that they can have remained there forcenturies. "

A lake settlement represents an immense amount of work for a peopledestitute of metallic tools. After settling on the locality, the firststep would be to obtain the timbers. The piles were generally composedof the trunks of small-sized trees at that time flourishing inSwitzerland. But to cut down a tree with a stone hatchet is no slightundertaking. They probably used fire to help them. After the tree wasfelled it had to be cut off again at the right length, the brancheslopped off, and one end rudely sharpened. It was then taken to the placeand driven into the mud of the lake bottom. For this purpose they usedheavy wooden mallets. It has been estimated that one of the settlementson Lake Constance required forty thousand piles in its construction. 

The platform which rested on these piles was elevated several feet abovethe surface of the water, so as to allow for the swash of the waves. Itwas composed of branches and trunks of trees banded together, the wholecovered with clay. Sometimes they split the trees with wedges so asto make thick slabs. In some instances wooden pegs were used to fastenportions of the platform to the pilework. 

As to the houses which were erected on these platforms, though they haveutterly vanished, yet from a few remains we can judge something as tothe mode of construction. They seem to have been formed of trunks oftrees placed upright, one by the side of the other, and bound togetherby interwoven branches. This was then covered on both sides with two orthree inches of clay. A plaster of clay and gravel formed the floor, and a few slabs of sandstone did duty for a fire-place. The roof was ofbark, straw, or rushes. There does not seem to have been much of a planused in laying out a settlement. As population increased other pileswere added, and thus the village gradually extended. No one villagewould be likely to contain a great number of inhabitants. Calculationsbased on the area of one of the largest settlements in Lake Geneva, gives as a result a population of thirteen hundred, but manifestlynothing definite is known. 

This brief description gives us an idea of a method of constructingvillages which, as we shall soon see, extended all over Europe, thoughvaried somewhat in detail. The condition of the remains indicate thatthese settlements were often destroyed by fire. At such times quantitiesof arms, implements, and household industries would have been lost inthe water, and so preserved for our inspection. 

This mode of building found such favor among the early inhabitantsof Europe that it continued in use through the Neolithic Age, thatof Bronze, and even into the age of Iron. Passages here and there inancient histories evidently refer to them. Though they have long sincepassed away in Switzerland, the Spaniards found them in Mexico, and theyare still to be seen in some of the isles of the Pacific. Rememberingthis, we need not be surprised if we find in one small lake settlementsbelonging to widely different ages. Here one of the Stone Age, there oneof the Bronze, or even a confused mingling of what seems to be severalages in one settlement. 

There is scarcely a country in Europe that does not contain examples oflake villages. From their wide distribution we infer that a commonrace spread over the land. We will now mention some differences inconstruction discovered at some places, where, from the rocky nature ofthe bed of the lake, it was impossible to drive piles so as to form afirm foundation. They sometimes packed quantities of stone aroundthe piles to serve as supports in a manner as here indicated. "In allprobability the stones used were conveyed to the required spot by meansof canoes, made of hollowed out trunks of trees. Several of these canoesmay still be seen at the bottom of Lake Bienne, and one, indeed, ladenwith pebbles, which leads us to think it must have foundered with itscargo. "

Illustration of Foundation, Lake Village. ------------

In some cases these heaps of stone and sticks rise to the surface of thewater or even above it, the piles in such cases serving more to hold themass together than as a support to the platform on which the huts wereerected. This mode of construction could only be employed in smalllakes. This makes in reality an artificial island, and seems to havebeen the favorite method of procedure in the British Islands. In Irelandand Scotland immense numbers of these structures are known. They arecalled crannogs. This cut represents a section of one in Ireland. Thoughthey date back to the Neolithic Age, yet they so exactly meet the wantsof a rude people that they were occupied down to historic times. 

Illustration of Irish Crannog. ---------------

The advantage of forming settlements where they could only be approachedon one side were so great that other places than lakes were resortedto. Peat-bogs furnished nearly as secure a place of retreat as do lakes. These have been well studied in Northern Italy. They do not present manynew features. They were constructed like the lake villages, only theywere surrounded by a marsh, and not by a lake. In some of the Irish bogsthey first covered the surface of the bog with a layer of hazel bushes, and that by a layer of sand, and thus secured a firm surface. Inthis case the villages were still further defended by a breastwork ofrough spars, about five feet high. One of the houses of this group wasfound still in position, though it had been completely buried in peat. No metal had been used in its construction. The timbers had been cutwith a stone ax, and the explorer was even so fortunate as to find anax, which exactly fitted many of the cuts observed on the timbers. 

But we are not to suppose that lakes and bogs afforded the only sites ofvillages. They are found scattered all over the surface of the country, and, as we shall soon see, they show the same painstaking care to securestrong, easily defended positions. They have been generally spoken ofas forts, to which the inhabitants resorted only in times of danger. Wethink, however, they were locations of villages, the customary placesof abode. For this is in strict accordance with what we find to be theearly condition of savage life in every part of the world. 

Traces of these settlements on the main-land have been mostlyobliterated by the cultivation of the soil during the many yearsthat have elapsed since their Neolithic founders occupied them. InSwitzerland the location of five of these villages are known. In allinstances they occupied places very difficult of approach--generallyprecipitous sides on all but one or two. On the accessible sidesramparts defended them. The relics obtained are in all respects similarto those from the lake villages. 

Illustration of Fortified Camp, Cissbury. ------------

Fortified inclosures have been described in Belgium. We are told, "Theyare generally established on points overhanging valleys, on a mass ofrocks forming a kind of headland, which is united to the rest of thecountry by a narrow neck of land. A wide ditch was dug across thisnarrow tongue of land, and the whole camp was surrounded by a thickwall of stone, simply piled one upon another, without either mortar orcement. " "One of these walls, when described, was ten feet thick, andthe same in height. " These intrenched positions were so well chosen thatmost of them continued to be occupied during the ages which followed. The Romans occasionally utilized them for their camps. Over the wholeinclosure of these ancient camps worked flints and remains of potteryhave been found. These fortified places have been well studied inthe south of England. 

What is known as the South-Downs in Sussex is a range of hills of ageneral height of seven hundred feet. This section is about five mileswide and fifty miles long. Four rivers flow through these downs to thesea. In olden times their lower courses must have been deep inlets ofthe sea, thus dividing those hills into five groups, each separatedfrom the other by a wide extent of water and marsh land. To the northof these hills was a vast expanse of densely wooded country. It is notstrange, then, to find traces of numerous settlements among these hills. As the surface soil is very thin, old embankments can still be traced. The cut given is a representation of Cissbury, one of the largestof these camps. It incloses nearly sixty acres. The rampart variesaccording to the slope of the hill. Where the ascent was at all easy itwas made double. Fortified camps are very numerous throughout the hillcountry. They vary, of course, in size, but the situation was alwayswell chosen. 

As for the buildings themselves, or huts of the Neolithic people, weknow but little. They were probably built much the same as the housesin the lake settlements. We meet with some strange modifications inEngland. Frequently within these ramparts we find circular pits ordepressions in the ground. They are regarded as vestiges of habitations, and they must have been mainly under ground. "They occur singly andin groups, and are carried down to a depth of from seven to ten feetthrough the superficial gravel into the chalk, each pit, or cluster ofpits, having a circular shaft for an entrance. At the bottom they varyfrom five to seven feet in diameter, and gradually narrow to two anda half or three feet in diameter in the upper part. The floors were ofchalk, sometimes raised in the center, and the roof had been formed ofinterlaced sticks, coated with clay imperfectly burned. "

In the north of Scotland, instead of putting them under ground, theybuilt them on the natural surface, and then built a mound over them all. In appearance this was scarcely distinguishable from a mound, but ondigging in we discover a series of large chambers, built generally withstones of considerable size, and converging toward the center, wherean opening appears to have been left for light and ventilation. In someinstances the mound was omitted, and we have simply a cluster ofjoining huts, with dry, thick walls. These have been appropriately named"Bee-hive Houses. "

We can form a very good idea of Neolithic Europe from what we havelearned as to their habitations. A well-wooded country, aboundingin lakes and marshes, quite thickly settled, but by a savage people, divided into many tribes, independent of and hostile to each other. The lakes were fringed with their peculiar settlements; they are to benoticed in the marshes, and on commanding heights are still others. Thepeople were largely hunters and fishers, but, as we shall soon see, theypractised a rude husbandry and had a few domestic animals. Such wasthe condition of Europe long before the Greek and Latin tribes lit thebeacon fires of civilization in the south. 

It is evident that the builders of the lake settlements and thefortified villages were an intelligent and industrious people, thoughtheir scale in civilization was yet low. Their various implementsof bone, horn, and stone display considerable advance over the rudearticles of the Drift. 

Illustration of Neolithic Axes. --------------------

One of the most important implements was the ax. The Paleolithichatchet, we remember, was rude, massive, and only roughly chipped intoshape, and was intended to be held in the hand. The Neolithic ax was amuch better made one, and was furnished with a handle. They were enabledto accomplish a great deal with such axes. "Before it, aided by fire, the trees of the forest fell to make room for the tiller of the ground, and by its sharp edge wood became useful for the manufacture of variousarticles and implements indispensable for the advancement of mankindin culture. " These axes vary in size and finish. As a general thingthey are ground to a sharp, smooth edge, but not always, nor were theyalways furnished with a handle. 

Some axes are found with a hole bored in them, through which to passa handle. These perforated axes are found in considerable numbers, andsome have denied that they could be produced without the aid of metal. It is almost self-evident that the perforated axes are later in datethan the solid ones, and probably many of them are no earlier in timethan the Age of Metals. There is, however, nothing to show that allbelong to so late a time. Besides, experiments have amply shown thateven the hardest kind of flint can be drilled without the aid ofmetals. 

Warlike implements are, of course, quite common. Many of the axes foundare probably war axes. Then besides we have arrowheads, spears, and daggers. These are considered to be "marvels of skill in flintchipping. " Stone was used for a great many other purposes, such asscrapers, sling-stones, hammers, saws, and so on. Flint was generallythe kind of stone used. Our civilization owes a great deal to thisvariety of stone. It is not only hard, but its cleavage is such that itwas of the greatest use to primitive man. In a general way the Neolithicstone implements are seen to be better adapted to the object in viewthan the Paleolithic specimens. They are also generally polished. 

Wood was largely used in their common household implements. But it isonly in exceptional cases that it has been preserved to us. Theyhave been recovered, however, in peat-bogs and in the remains of lakesettlements. These wooden utensils consist of bowls, ladles, knives, tubs, etc. They used fire to hollow them out, and the blows of the flinthatchet used to remove the charred portions, are still to be observed insome specimens. 

Illustration of Neolithic Weapons. --------------

The Neolithic people had learned how to manufacture pottery, though notof a very superior quality. It is all hand-made: so the potter's wheelhad not yet been introduced. The material is clay mixed with gravel orpounded shells. Very often they ornamented their clay vessels with linesand dots. The bowls or jars were evidently suspended by cords, for thebottom was made too rounding for them to stand erect. Besides, we findthe holes for the cords, and in some places handles. 

Illustrations of Ax in Sheath, and Hafted Hatchet in Sheath. --

No notice of Neolithic tools would be complete without mentioning theuse made of horn and bone. One peculiar use for which they employed hornwas as a socket for holding other implements. Thus this figure showsus an ax in a socket of horn. The middle of the socket is generallyperforated with a round or oval hole, intended to receive a handle ofoak, birch, or some other kind of wood adapted for such a use. The cutbelow represents a hatchet of this kind. A number of these sockets havebeen found, which were provided at the end opposite to the stone hatchetwith a strong and pointed tooth. These are boars' tusks, firmly buriedin the stag's horn. These instruments, therefore, fulfilled doublepurposes: they cut or crushed with one end and pierced with the other. Sockets are also found which are not only provided with the boars'tusks, but are hollowed out at each end, so as to hold two flinthatchets at once, as is seen in our next figure. Chisels and gougeswere also sometimes placed in bone handles. Portions of horn probablyat times did duty as hoes. We give a representation of such animplement. We must now seek some information as to how the men ofthe Neolithic Age supported life. 

Illustration of Sheath, with two Hatchets. ---------Illustrations ofChisels in Sheath, and Horn Hoe. ---------

From the remains of fish at all the lake settlements it is evident theyformed no inconsiderable portion of their food. Fishing nets and hookshave been discovered. They were successful hunters as well. But the menof this age were no longer dependent on the chase for a livelihood. Wehave mentioned several times that they were acquainted with agriculture. This implies a great advance over the primitive hunters of the earlyStone Age. 

On the shores of the lakes which furnished them with a place ofhabitation they raised many of our present species of grain. Owing to acause of which we have already spoken--that is, destruction of the lakesettlements by fire--the carbonized remains of these cereals have beenpreserved to us. There were four varieties of wheat raised, none exactlylike our common wheat. In addition to this they raised barley andmillet, several varieties of each. Nor were the fruits neglected. Applesand pears were dried and laid away for use in the Winter. Seeds of thecommon berries were found in abundance, showing that these primitivepeople were fully alive to their value. 

From this it follows that the Neolithic people were not only tillersof the soil, but horticulturists as well. According to Dr. Keller, thevegetable kingdom furnished their principal supply of food. Hazelnuts, beechnuts, and chestnuts were found in such quantities as to show theyhad been gathered for use. Neither hemp, oats, nor rye were known. Notonly do we find the remains of the grains, fruits, seeds, etc. , fromwhich the above conclusions are drawn, but, farther than this, piecesof bread have been found in a carbonized state, and thus as effectuallypreserved as the bread of a far later date found in the ovens ofPompeii. According to Figuier, the peasant classes of Tuscany now bakebread, after merely bruising the grain, by pouring the batter on glowingstones and then covering it with ashes. As this ancient prehistoricbread is of similar shape, it was probably baked in an equally primitivefashion. 

Aside from the natural interest we feel in these evidences as to ancientindustry, a study of the remains of plants cultivated by the Neolithicpeople reveals to us two curious and suggestive facts. It has been foundthat the wild plants then growing in Switzerland are in allrespects like the wild plants now growing there. But the cultivatedplants--wheat, millet, etc. --differ from all existing varieties, andinvariably have smaller seeds or fruits. This shows us that man hasevidently been able to effect considerable change by cultivation, in thecommon grains, during the course of the many centuries which separatethe Neolithic times from our own age. But if this rate of change beadopted as a measure of time, what shall we say is to the antiquitydemanded to explain the origin of cultivated grain from the wild grassesof their first form?

We learn, in the second place, that the cultivated plants are allimmigrants from the south-east--their native home being in South-easternEurope and Asia Minor. We shall afterward see that this is true of thedomestic animals also. There can be but one explanation for this. Theancient inhabitants of Europe must have come from that direction, andbrought with them the plants they had cultivated in their easternhomes, and the animals they had reduced to their service. The traces ofagriculture thus found in Switzerland are by no means confined to thatcountry. In other countries of Europe, such as England and France, wealso find proofs that men cultivated the earth. In localities wherewe do not find the grain itself, we find their rude mills, or mealingstones, which as plainly indicate a knowledge of the agricultural art asthe presence of the cereals themselves. 

As we have stated, Neolithic man in Europe possessed domestic animals. He was not only a cultivator of the soil, but he was a herdsman as well;and he kept herds of oxen, sheep, and goats. Droves of hogs fattened onthe nuts of the forest, and the dog associated with man in keepingand protecting these domestic animals. We know that the Swiss Lakeinhabitants built little stalls by the sides of their houses, in whichthey kept their cattle at night. But these domestic animals were notdescendants of the wild animals that roamed the forests of Europe. Like the plants, they are immigrants from the south-east. Our bestauthorities consider they were brought into Europe by the invadingNeolithic tribes. 

The knowledge of husbandry, though rude, and the possession of domesticanimals, though of a few species only, strikingly indicate the advanceover the Paleolithic tribes. They also had fixed places of living. This culture spread all over Europe. That it was substantially the sameeverywhere there is no doubt. Certain refuse heaps in Denmark, Scotland, and indeed in all the sea-coast countries, have been thought to supporta different conclusion. Those of Denmark have been very carefullystudied, and so we will refer to them. All along the Baltic coast, butespecially in Denmark, have been discovered great numbers of mounds, which were found to consist "almost entirely of shells, especially ofthe oyster, broken bones of animals, remains of birds and fishes, and, lastly, some wrought flints. " The first supposition in regard to thoseshell-heaps was that they were of marine formation, accumulated beneaththe sea, and elevated to the surface along with the gradual rise of theland. But they are now known to be nothing more or less than the sitesof ancient settlements. The location of the rude cabins can still betraced. The ancient hearths are still in place. "Tribes once existedhere who subsisted on the products of hunting and fishing, and threw outaround their cabins the remains of their meals, consisting especiallyof the _debris_ of shell-fish. " These heaps gradually accumulatedaround their rude dwellings, and now constitute the refuse heaps inquestion. 

The careful investigation of their contents has failed to disclose anyevidence of a knowledge of agriculture, and the only domestic animalfound is the dog. The implements are altogether of stone and horn. Notrace of metal has yet been obtained. As a rule, they are rudely madeand finished. Though of the Neolithic type, they are not polished exceptin a few instances. The principal interest turns on the question ofage of these refuse heaps. Some think they were accumulated at the verybeginning of the Neolithic Age--that these tribes preceded by many yearsthe men of the Swiss Lakes. Others think they were tribes of the samegreat people, living at the same time. On such a point as this, onlythose who have carefully studied the deposits are entitled to speak. 

Some few facts stand out quite prominently. The size of the moundsindicate long-continued residence--showing that these people hadpermanent places of abode. As they are not confined to Denmark, butare found generally throughout Europe, it would seem to imply that theNeolithic people preferred to live as fishers and hunters wherever thesurroundings were such that they could by these means obtain an abundantsupply of food. Some shell-heaps in Scotland were still forming at thecommencement of the Bronze Age; and Mr. Geikie, on geological grounds, assigns the shell-heaps of Denmark to a late epoch of the Stone Age. 

It seems to us quite natural that isolated tribes, living where gamewas abundant, and where fishing met with a rich reward, should turnin disgust from the agricultural life of their brother tribes, and, resuming the life of mere hunters and fishers, speedily lose somewhatof their hardly won culture--for civilization is the product of labor. Whenever a people from necessity or choice abandon one form of labor foranother demanding less skill to triumph over nature, a retrogression inculture is inevitable. 

From what we have stated as to the use of flint we can readily see thatit was a valuable material. Sections where it was found in abundancewould as certainly become thickly populated as the iron and gold regionsof our own day. In Paleolithic times the supply of flint was mostlyobtained from the surface and in the gravel of rivers. In Neolithictimes men had learned to mine for flint. Flint occurs in nodules in thechalk. Near Brandon, England, was discovered a series of these workings. They consist of shafts connected together by galleries. These pits varyin size from twenty to sixty feet in diameter, and in some cases wereas much as thirty feet deep. From the bottom of these shafts they wouldexcavate as far as they dared to the sides. They made no use of timbersto support the roof, and so these side excavations were not of greatextent. In these old workings the miners sometimes left behind themtheir tools. The principal one was a pick made of deer's horn, as ishere represented. Besides these, they had chisels of bone and antler. The marks of stone hatchets on the sides of the gallery are visible. 

Illustration of Miner's Pick. ---------------

In one instance the roof had caved in, evidently during the night, andon clearing out the gallery near the end where the roof stood firm, there were found the implements of the workmen, just as they were leftat the close of the day's work; and in one place on the pick, coveredwith chalk dust, was still to be seen the marks of the workman's hand. How many years, crowded with strange scenes, have swept over Englandsince that chalky impression was made! The surface of the earth is apalimpsest, on which each stage of culture has been written over thefaint, almost obliterated, records of the past. Not only the living man, who has left there the impression of his hand has passed away, but alsohis people and his culture. And now it is only here and there that wecatch a faint tracing underlying our later civilization, by which wereconstruct the history of these far-away times. 

Nothing would be more natural than that where flint was found inabundance a regular manufactory of implements would be established. Suchwas the case at Cissbury, which we have already mentioned as one of theearly British towns. Mines had been dug within the walls inclosing thetown. The surface of the ground near the old mines at this place isliterally covered by splinters of flint in every stage of manufacture, "from the nodule of flint fresh out of the chalk, spoilt by an unluckyblow, to the article nearly finished and accidentally broken. " Herethe flint was mined and chipped into rudimentary shape, but carried awayto be perfected and polished. 

A very important place in Neolithic manufactures was noticed near Tours, France. Here was an abundant supply of flint, and very easily obtained, and the evidence is conclusive that here existed real manufactories. Ofone stretch of ground, having an area of twelve or fourteen acres, weare told: "It is impossible to walk a single step without treadingon some of these objects. " Here we find "hatchets in all stages ofmanufacture, from the roughest attempt up to a perfectly polishedweapon. We find, also, long flakes or flint-knives cleft off with asingle blow with astonishing skill. "

But in all these objects there is a defect; so it is concluded thatthese specimens were refuse thrown aside in the process of manufacture. As at Cissbury, very few polished flints are found, so we may concludethe majority of weapons were carried elsewhere for completion. But someweapons were completed here. In the neighborhood have been found thestones used as polishers. This cut shows us one used in polishing theaxes. The workmen would take one of the rough-hewn instruments, and, rubbing it back and forth on such a stone as this, gradually produced asmooth surface and a sharpened edge. 

Illustration of Polishing Stone. ------------

We have suggested that our civilization owes a great deal to flint. Ifwe will consider the surroundings of their manufacturing sites, wewill see the force of this remark. It must have taxed to the utmost thepowers of these primitive men to sink the shafts and run the galleriesto secure a supply of this valuable stone. In short, they had to inventthe art of quarrying and working mines. This would lead to the divisionof labor, for while one body of men would become experts as miners, others would become skillful in chipping out the implements, and stillothers would do the finishing and polishing. A system of barter or tradewould also arise, for the workmen at the mines and factories would haveto depend on others for food and clothing, and in payment for thesame would furnish them implements. As localities where flint couldbe obtained in suitable quantities are but few, we can see how tradebetween widely scattered tribes would arise. This kind of traffic isshown to have extended over wide distances in Neolithic times. Forinstance, there was been found scattered over Europe axes made ofvarieties of stone known as nephrite and jade. They were highly valuedby primitive tribes, being very hard and of a beautiful greencolor. They are thought to have been employed in the observance ofsuperstitious rites. But quarries of these varieties of stone do notoccur in Europe. An immense amount of labor has been expended in findingtheir native home. This is now known to be in Asia. Manufactured inAsia, axes of these materials may have drifted into Europe and finallyarrived in England. 

Illustration of Neolithic Boat-making. --------

Trade between different tribes must have been greatly facilitated bymeans of canoes, which Neolithic man knew well how to make. The art ofnavigation was probably well advanced. The canoes were formed of thetrunks of large trees. In most cases they were hollowed out by means ofthe ax and fire combined. Sometimes the ends were partially rounded orpointed, but often cut nearly square across--rather a difficult shape topropel fast or to guide properly. These ancient boats have been found innearly all the principal rivers of Europe, and in many cases, no doubt, come down to much later date than the Neolithic Age. From the remainsof fish found in their refuse heaps we are confident that in some such ashaped boat as this they trusted themselves far out at sea. They servedto transport them from the shores of Europe to England, and at a laterdate to Ireland. 

Illustration of Neolithic Cloth. ----------

The clothing of the men of the Neolithic Age doubtless consisted largelyof the prepared skins of the animals, and some fragments of leather havebeen found in the lake settlements. But a very important step in advancewas the invention of spinning and weaving, both of which processes wereknown at this time. The cloth which is here represented is formed oftwists of interwoven flax, of rough workmanship, it is true, but nonethe less remarkable, considering the epoch in which it was manufactured. Balls of thread and twine have also been found. This cut is aspindle-whorl. These have been discovered very often. They were madesometimes of stone and at other times of pottery and bone. The threadswere made of flax, and the combs which were used for pushing the threadsof the warp into the weft show that it was woven into linen on some kindof a loom. Several figures of the loom have been given, but we have nocertainty of their correctness. 

Illustrations of Spindle-whorl and Weaver's Comb. -------

Let us now see if we can gather anything as to the religious beliefof Neolithic man. On this point we can at best only indulge in vagueconjectures. Yet some light seems thrown on this difficult subject byexamination of the burial mounds. This introduces us to a subject ofmuch interest which, in our hurried review, we can but glance at. 

Scattered over Europe are found numbers of mysterious monuments ofthe past. Some of them we have mentioned already as the embankmentssurrounding ancient villages. But aside from these are other monuments, such as burial mounds, rude dolmens, and great standing stones, sometimes arranged in circles, sometimes in rows, and sometimes standingsingly. Many of these remains may be of a far later date than theNeolithic Age, still it is extremely difficult to draw a dividing linebetween the monuments of different ages. 

Illustration of Chambered Burial Mound, Denmark. ----

Illustration of Dolmen, England. --------------------

Burial mounds are found everywhere, many in Europe going back to theNeolithic Age, though some are of a very recent construction. TheEgyptian Pyramids are burial mounds on the grandest scale. The first cutrepresents a Danish Tumulus, or burial mound, of this Age. The openingslead to the center of the mound, where they connect with chambers inwhich the bodies were formerly placed. There are, of course, variousmodifications of this tumulus. Often the gallery was omitted, a rudechamber was erected, and a mound reared over it. Sometimes, indeed, nochamber was made, but simply a mound placed over the body. 

Illustration of Dolmen, France. ------------

Illustration of Dolmen, once Covered with Earth. -----

There have been found in England a great many stones arranged as in thepreceding cut, though generally not built with such regularity as isthere represented. They are named Dolmens, a word meaning stone tables. They were more generally made of rough stones, rudely arranged. This cutrepresents one found in France. In early times these were supposed tohave been rude altars used by the mysterious Druids in celebrating theirrites. They are now known to be the tombs of the Neolithic Age. Theyare, in fact, the chambers above mentioned. The mound of earth has sincedisappeared and left its chamber standing exposed to the air. Traces ofthe old passage way are still met. Whether all Dolmens were once coveredwith earth or not, is not yet known. In the majority of cases theyprobably were. In the last cut portions of stone are still buried in theearth. We are told that in India the people in some places still erectDolmens similar to those of Neolithic times. 

Illustration of Menhir. -------------

Illustration of Stone Circle, England. -------

Aside from the tombs themselves, there are other arrangements of greatstones which must have once possessed great significance to theirbuilders, but their meaning is now lost. Of this nature are the blocksof rough stone set up in the ground generally in the vicinity of tombs. These are the standing stones, or menhirs, which, as we have stated, arearranged in various forms. When arranged in circles, they are generallyregarded as tombs. When placed in long parallel rows, as at Carnac, in France, we are not sure of their meaning. We are told that the Hilltribes of India to this day erect combinations of gigantic stones intoall the shapes we have here described. 

The peculiar shape of the burial mounds, with a passage way conductingus to an interior chamber, or series of chambers, probably arose fromthe belief entertained by many savage people, that the dead continue tolive an existence much like that when alive, and consequently the samesurroundings were deemed necessary for their comfort. So the tomb wasmade similar to the house of the living. The ordinary Winter huts of theLaplander are very similar in shape and size to the burial tumuli, andamongst some people, as the inhabitants of New Zealand, the house itselfis made the grave. It was closed up and painted red, and afterwardconsidered sacred. 

Illustration of Chambered Tomb, France. --------

So it may quite well be that the Neolithic inhabitants of Denmark, "unable to imagine a future altogether different from the present, or aworld quite unlike our own, showed their respect and affection for thedead by burying with them those things which in life they had valuedmost; with women, their ornaments, with warriors, their weapons. They buried the house with its owner, and the grave was literallythe dwelling of the dead. When a great man died he was placed on hisfavorite seat, food and drink was arranged before him, his weaponswere placed by his side, his house was closed, and the door covered up, sometimes, however, to be opened again when his wife or children joinedhim in the land of spirits. "

That they believed in a life beyond the grave is shown by the objectsthey buried with the individuals. These are implements of various kinds, flakes, arrow-heads, scrapers, celts, and pottery, doubtless intendedto be of service to the deceased. We know this to be a very commonproceeding amongst all barbarous people. In some cases it would appearas if they realized that the material things themselves could be of noservice to the departed, but imagined that in some vague way the spiritsof things might be of service to the spirits of men, and so they wouldpurposely break the flints and throw the fragments into the grave. Sometimes they may have buried only models of the objects they wished togive to the dead, imagining that in this way the spirits of the objectsrepresented would accompany and be of service to the spirits of thedeparted. To this day the Eskimos bury small models of boats, spears, etc. , rather than the objects themselves. The ancient Etruscans buriedjewelry, but made it so thin and fragile that it could not have been ofservice to the living. In China this is carried still further, and papercuttings or drawings of horses, money, etc. , are burned at the grave. 

These remarks may explain the absence of remains so often noticed inNeolithic burials in England. But other evidence can be given to showthis belief in future life. The mounds were of course often erected overnoted chiefs, and we are not without evidence that he was not allowedto go unattended into the other world. It has been noted that oftenskeletons have been met with having the skull, cleft, and in one case, at least, all but one presented that appearance. It is but reasonable tosuppose that these skeletons were those of captives or slaves sacrificedto be the attendants of the chief in the spirit world. Funeral feastswere also held in honor of the dead. Thus we may gather from burialmounds something of the religious belief of their occupants. 

It is not improbable that ancestor worship, or the worship of the dead, was part of their faith, so that the mounds became temples. On thispoint we are told "it is impossible not to believe then that the peoplewho made these great, and in some cases elaborately constructed, tombswould continue ever after to regard them as in some sort consecrated tothe great chiefs who were buried under them. Each tribe would have itsown specially sacred tombs, and perhaps we may here see a germ of thatancestor-worship which may be traced in every variety of religionsbelief. "

We now approach a difficult part of our inquiry, but, at the same time, one that possesses for us a great interest. Who were these people intowhose culture we have been inquiring? While laying the foundation of ourpresent civilization, though being the fountain head from whence manyof the arts and industries, which now make our existence comfortable andhappy, take their feeble origin, gradually developing and expandingas the time rolls on, have they themselves, as a race, vanished in themighty past, or are their descendants still to be found in Europe? Whowere they? Whence and when? Difficult problems, but we have read to butlittle purpose if we have not already learned that earnest observersneed but the slightest clue to enable them to trace out brilliantresults. 

In the first place, are there any grounds for supposing the Neolithicpeople to be the descendants of those who hunted the reindeer alongthe Vezere? This view has its supporters. M. Quatrefages, a very ablescholar indeed, maintains that the Neolithic people were the same raceas those who inhabited the caves and found shelter in the rock grottoesof France. This, to others, does not seem credible. We must recallthe long lapse of time that it is apparent has elapsed between the twoages. We have seen how different were the two cultures; as Mr. Geikieremarks, "So great, indeed, is the difference between the conditions oflife that obtained in the two ages of Stone, that we can hardly doubtthat the two people came of different stocks. " The Neolithic peoplebrought with them domestic animals and plants whose native home is inWestern Asia. We can hardly account for this fact, if we suppose them tobe the descendants of Paleolithic tribes in France. 

Abandoning, therefore, any attempt to trace lines of connection betweenthe people of the two ages, let us carefully study all the factsconnected with the Neolithic people and their culture, to see if we cansolve the problem by so doing. We have noticed that substantially thesame stage of culture existed throughout Europe from Switzerland to theBritish Islands. This points to the presence of a common race during atleast a portion of the time. But if there was a common race living inEurope they would certainly possess common physical features. As a racethey may have been tall in stature, or medium, or short, and portions ofthe human skeleton would show a uniformity in this regard. 

Now one of the means that scientists use to determine the races ofmen is a comparison of skulls, measured in a systematic manner. Theobjection has been made that no reliance can be placed on these results, because at the present day skulls of all sorts of shapes and sizes canbe obtained among people of the same nationality. But these objectionswould not apply to people of prehistoric times. Their surroundings wouldbe simple and natural--not artificial and complex, as in modern times. In our times people of different nationality are constantly coming incontact, and intermarriage results; but in prehistoric times thiswas not liable to occur, and so the comparative purity of blood wouldcertainly produce a much greater uniformity of physical features. 

From a very careful examination of a great number of burial mounds inGreat Britain, it has been ascertained that in all of those that dateback to Neolithic times, and contain portions of human skeletons, thebones are always those of individuals small in stature, the averageheight being about five and a half feet. The skulls are of that varietyknown as long skulls. From this we can at once form a mental picture ofthe Neolithic inhabitants of Britain. No less important conclusions havebeen deduced from the study of burial mounds on the continent. We meetwith remains of these same small-sized people. "They have left tracesof their presence in numerous interments in chambered tombs and caves inBelgium and France, as well as in Spain and Gibraltar. We may thereforeconclude that at one period in the Neolithic Age the population ofEurope, west of the Rhine and north of the Alps, was uniform in physiqueand consisted of the same small people as the Neolithic inhabitants ofBritain and Ireland. "

We must now inquire whether there are any people living in Europe whichmight have descended from the original stock. We are in the position ofthose who, from a few broken down arches, a ruined tower and dismantledwall, would seek to form a mental picture of the stately building thatonce stood there. If we can here and there discover, by the lightof history or exploration, some races or tribes that, owing to theirgeographical position, have escaped the fate that befell the great bodyof their countrymen, we may perhaps replace our mental picture by onefounded on reality. Nor need we be in doubt where to seek for suchscattered remnants of people. Successful invaders always appropriateto their own use the fertile lowlands and the fruitful portions of thecountry of their helpless foes. But a weak people have often, inthe rocky fastnesses of their land, made a successful stand. So, todetermine the race, we will examine the people living in such regions, and see if there are any that physically conform to what is alreadyknown of the Neolithic people, and so entitled to claim a relationshipby descent. 

Both slopes of Pyrenees Mountains, between France and Spain, have beenoccupied from time immemorial by a peculiar race of people known asthe Basque. Secure in their mountain homes, they have resisted foreigncivilization, and retained their national characteristics as well astheir liberties, though they have been nominally vassals to many powers, from the early Carthaginians to the later French and Spanish. From themany invasions they have undergone the Basque language and people are byno meals uniform. But Dr. Broca, one of the most learned anthropologistsin Europe, has shown that the original Basques were dark in complexion, with black hair and eyes. In addition to this, the efforts of someof the most eminent scholars in Europe, who have made numerousexaminations of skulls and skeletons obtained from ancient Basquecemeteries, have conclusively shown that in all physical features theBasques agree with men of Neolithic times. 

The Basques do not belong to the great division of the human familyknown as Aryans, to which the English-speaking races, as well as thenations of Europe generally, belong. They belong to a far older divisionof the human family--the Turanian--and were doubtless in possessionof Europe long before the Indo-European nations commenced their westwardmigrations from Central Asia. They are described as being brave, industrious, and frugal, with patriarchal manners and habits. Theyscorn authority, except what emanates from themselves, and have but fewnobility. They are impetuous, merry, and hospitable, fond of music anddancing. Of their warfare we are told they are "not distinguishedin open warfare, but unconquerable in guerrilla warfare, and famed fordefense of walled cities. " Such are the Basques of to-day, and manyof these traits of character, we doubt not, were the same amongst theNeolithic people. 

Mr. Dawkins also thinks that two tribes, living in Northern Italy, in the very earliest historical times, are other remnants of the samepeople. One of these were the Ligurians. Investigations and traditionsshow that some time before the dawn of history they had been drivenout of the pleasant parts of Southern France, but had made a successfulstand in the mountain regions of Northern Italy. They, like the Basques, were strong, active, and warlike. They were small in stature, swarthy infeatures, and long-headed. To the south of these were the Etruscans. But little is known of them, though the evidence is that long beforethe Christian Era they were a powerful people. In physical features theyresembled those already described. Their sculpture exhibits only short, sturdy figures, with large heads and thick arms. Another possibleremnant of these people existed at the very dawn of history in themountainous regions of Wales. They were known as Silures. But havesince become absorbed in the surrounding population. In civilization andphysical features they agree with the remnants already described. 

In the north of Russia are found the Finns. Their origin and migrationsare alike unknown. One thing is certain, they belong to the Turanianfamily, and so are probably allied to the Basques and Etruscans. It ispossible that they also are but a sorry remnant of the once wide-spreadNeolithic people. Driven out of the fairer portions of Europe, they hivefound an asylum in their present bleak surroundings. Like the peoplealready described, they are short in stature, and dark visaged. 

The tribes we have thus briefly mentioned are regarded by some asrepresentatives of the Neolithic people. Prof. Winchell, speaking of thewide-spread extension of the Turanian race, assures us, that "history, tradition, linguistics, and ethnology conspire to fortify theconclusions that, in prehistoric times, all Europe was overspread by theMongoloid (Turanian) race, of which remnants have survived to our owntimes in the persons of the Basques, Finns, Esths, Lapps, and somesmaller tribes. " Researches into the surroundings of these people, combined with what we have already learned as to the culture, customs, and manners of the Neolithic people in the preceding pages, throw nolittle light on this age. The darkness of oblivion seems dispelled bythe light of science, and we behold before us the Europe of Neolithictimes, thickly inhabited by a race of people, small in stature, darkvisaged, and oval-faced--fond of war and the chase, yet having a rudesystem of agriculture. The picture seems complete; and we have now onlyto raise some inquiries as to the great stock of people to which theybelonged, and conjecture as to the date of their arrival in Europe. 

We are now learning that far back in the past, when mankind wasyet young in the world, the great Turanian family held a commandingposition. They seem to have dispersed widely over the earth. Theirmigrations began long before that of the Aryan and Semitic people. When tribes of these later people began their wanderings, they found aTuranian people inhabiting the country wherever they went. Long beforethe times of Abraham, the fertile plains of Chaldea were the home ofpowerful tribes of this family. Egypt, and the fertile Nile Valley, the home of ancient civilization, was their possession at a time longpreceding the rise of the Pharaohs. Their Asiatic origin is corroboratedby what we have learned of their domestic animals and cereals, which weknow to be also from Asia, or the south-east. These Turanian tribes, atsome far remote time, must have appeared in Asia Minor. Urged onwardby the pressure of increasing population, they passed into Europe andNorthern Africa. Their progress was, doubtless, slow; but they graduallyfilled Europe. The English Channel must have presented no inconsiderablebarrier, and it was after Europe had been populated for a long time thatthey ventured to brave its passage in their rude canoes. 

The Neolithic culture, which we have treated of in reference to Europeonly, is seen to have been of Turanian origin. From its Asiatic home itspread over the entire world--to the islands of the Pacific, and evenAmerica. The road that leads from barbarism to civilization is long anddifficult, and it is not strange that but one or two families of menwere able to attain that end by their own unaided effort. TheTuranian Family, which probably advanced man from savagism intobarbarism, seems to have at that stage exhausted its energies. This isbut an illustration of the fact that a race, like an individual, has aperiod of growth, a maturity of healthful powers, and an old age of slowdecadence. After thus dispersing over the world, carrying with themthe culture of the Neolithic Age, they seem to have halted in theirprogress. It remained for a new people, starting, perhaps, from the samestate of culture, but with new energies, to discover and employ metalsin the construction of tools and implements. This gave them so greata command over nature that civilization became possible. But whateverconsiderable advance the Turanian races were able to make beyond theNeolithic culture was by reason of intercourse with these later people. Where completely isolated from them, as in the New World, they remained, for the most part, in the Neolithic culture. 

We have hitherto spoken as if there was but one race in Europe duringNeolithic times. In the main this is true; yet, near the close of thistime, a different race arrived in Europe. That this is so, is provedby the same line of evidence used to determine the Neolithic people. Weshall have much to say of them hereafter. They were the vanguard of thegreat Aryan race. This calls for some explanation. It has been foundthat the principal languages of Europe and South-western Asia havecertain common characteristics; so much so that we are justified, evencompelled, to assume that the nations speaking these languages, such forinstance as the Teutonic, Sclavic, Italic, Greek, Persian, Hindoostanee, and others, are descendants from a common ancestor. These people arecalled, collectively, Aryans. They were the ones who drove the Turaniansout of the fairest portions of Europe. Though they appeared at a latedate, they have filled the most important places in history, and thecivilization of the world to-day is Aryan. 

Now we must again form a mental picture of Neolithic Europe--after ithad been for a long time in the possession of the Turanian tribes, the first band of Aryan invaders make their appearance. They must haveappeared somewhere near the south-eastern confines of Europe, but theypressed forward to the western portion. They firmly seated themselves inthe western and central parts of Europe, driving out the Turanian tribeswho had so long possessed the land. They were themselves still in theNeolithic stage of culture. But they probably did not long antedatethe knowledge of metals. Mr. Dawkins thinks that it caught up withthem before they arrived in Britain, and that they are the ones whointroduced bronze into that island. The Aryan tribe, who thus made theirappearance in Europe, are identified as the Celts of history. 

The Neolithic Age thus drew to its close, but not all at once. Itdisappeared first in the southern portion of Europe--from Greece andItaly; but it lingered to a far later date in the north: among thescattered tribes of Turanian people it would still assert its sway. Evenafter metals were introduced, the cheapness and abundance of stone wouldcause it to be used, among the poorer people at least. But finally thisculture gives way to a higher one in Europe--though it still survived inportions of Asia, the Isles of the Pacific, and in America. We can butreflect on the difference between the two ages of stone. The former endsamidst Arctic scenes--and, in the darkness that ensues, ages pass beforewe again detect the presence of man. The Neolithic closes gradually, everywhere giving way to a higher culture. We must not forget that ourpresent civilization owes much to our far away Neolithic ancestors. Whenwe reflect on the difficulties that had to be overcome before animalscould be profitably held in a domestic state, or cultivation of theearth made profitable, we almost wonder that they succeeded in eitherdirection. Aside from these, we turn to them for the origin of trade, navigation, and mining. No inconsiderable part of the battle ofcivilization had thus been won. 

REFERENCES

 (1) The manuscript of this chapter was submitted to Prof. Chas. Rau, of the Smithsonian Institution, for criticism. (2) The Cave-men were, undoubtedly, considerably in advance of the Men of the Drift. If we regard the two as but one race of men, then the statement is not true. We have, however, given our reasons for considering the Cave-men as a different race. Hence the statement made above. (3) Consult Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe, " chapters on "British Post-glacial and Recent Deposits. " (4) Lions still lived in Greece at the time of Herodotus. See "Polymnia, " vii, 125, etc. (5) This last argument is drawn from Mr. Morgan's work. It is well to state that his divisions are very far from being accepted by all authorities. (6) Morgan's "Ancient Society. " (7) Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times, " p. 189. (8) Figuier's "Primitive Man, " p. 223. (9) On lake settlements, consult Keller's "Lake Dwellings;" Rau's "Early Man in Europe, " chap. V; Sir John Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times, " chap. Vi; Figuier's "Primitive Man, " p. 218, _et seq. _ (10) Figuier's "Primitive Man, " p. 222. (11) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " p. 270. (12) Keller's "Lake Dwellings. " Translated by Lee. (13) Figuier's "Primitive Man, " p. 153. (14) General Lane Fox's "Hill Forts of Sussex, " Archaeology, vol. Xvii. (15) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " p. 267. (16) Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times, " p. 56. (17) Mr. Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " p. 274. (18) Smithsonian Report, 1868. (19) Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times, " p. 103. (20) Figuier's "Primitive Man, " pp. 161-166. (21) "Primitive Man, " p. 171. (22) Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times, " p. 219. (23) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " p. 268. (24) These heaps are generally called "kjokken-moddings"--meaning kitchen refuse. (25) One mound is spoken of as being one thousand feet long, two to three hundred feet wide, and ten feet high. (26) On Danish Shell Mounds, consult Keary's "Dawn of History, " p. 369, _et seq. _; Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times, " chap. Vii; Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe, " pp. 365-9; Figuier's "Primitive Man, " pp. 129-134; Rau's "Early Man in Europe, " pp. 108-113; Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " pp. 309-305. (27) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " p. 279. (28) Figuier's "Primitive Man, " pp. 147-150 and 154: Another very important place was the Island of Rugen, in the Baltic Sea. Rau's "Early Man in Europe, " p. 137. (29) "Proceedings American Antiq. Society, April, 1881, " p. 286. (30) Figuier's "Primitive Man, " p. 262. (31) See remarks of Prof. Rau on this subject ("Early Man in Europe, " pp. 128-9 and note. ) Mr. Dawkins thinks it "probable also that the art of weaving woolen cloth was known, although, from its perishable nature, no trace of it has been handed down to us. " ("Early Man in Britain, " p. 275. ) (32) Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times, " p. 132. (33) Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times, " p. 130. (34) On this subject consult Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times, " chap. V. ; Keary's "Dawn of History, " p. 363-6; Geikie's "Prehistoric Europe, " p. 375; Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " p. 284-9; Ferguson's "Rude Stone Monuments;" Figuier's "Primitive Man, " chap. Iii. ; Rau's "Early Man in Europe, " p. 139; "Archaeology, " Vol. XLII. (35) "Human Species", p. 335. (36) "Prehistoric Europe, " p. 547. (37) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " p. 310, note 3. (38) Ibid. , p. 314. (39) Thurman, Virchow, Huxley, and others. (40) Mr. Dawkins is inclined to view them as a remnant of the Neolithic people. Whether our scholars will ultimately accept his views, remains to be seen. (41) Brace's "Races of the Old World, " p. 82, (42) Am. Encyclopedia, Art. Basque. (43) Brace's "Races of the Old World, " p. 82. (44) Brace's "Races of the Old World, " p. 82. (45) "Pre-Adamites, " p. 150. (46) It is unnecessary to caution the reader, that, after all, our knowledge of "prehistory" is vague. Prof. Virchow, who is eminent authority on these points, thinks it not yet possible to identify the prehistoric people of Europe; and good authorities hold that the Turanian tribes just named are the remnants of Paleolithic tribes, instead of Neolithic. (47) Morgan's "Ancient Society, " p. 39. (48) The exceptions to this statement are the higher classes of sedentary Indians, of which we shall treat in future pages. 

Chapter VII

THE BRONZE AGE IN EUROPE. 

Races of Men, like Individuals--Gradual change of Neolithic Age tothat of Bronze--The Aryan family--First Aryans Neolithic--Origin ofBronze--How Great discoveries are made--Gold the first metal--CopperAbundant--No Copper Age--The discovery of Tin--Explanation of anAlloy--Bronze, wherever found, the same Composition--What is meantby the Bronze Age--Knowledge in other Directions--Gradual Growth ofCulture--Three Centers of Bronze Production--Habitations duringthe Bronze Age--The Bronze Ax--Implements of Bronze--Personalornaments--Ornaments not always made of Bronze--Advance in Arts ofliving--Advance in Agriculture--Warlike Weapons--How they workedBronze--Advance in Government--Trade in the Bronze Age--Religion of theBronze Age--Symbolical figures--Temples of the Bronze Age--Stonehenge. 

It is with races of men as with individuals, the progressive growthof youth soon reaches its limit and maturity of power. While it bringsgreater strength, it has not the buoyancy of early years, so the mannerof life becomes fixed, and onward progress stops. They can then onlyhope to hold on the even tenor of their way, happy if increasing yearsdo not bring again their childhood state. The Neolithic people enteredEurope early in the youth of the race which spread their civilizationover the globe, but the race to which they belonged appear to havereached their zenith of development long ages ago, since which time, whatever higher culture they have reached has been a gift to them byother people. Their energies became exhausted, and for a long series ofyears Europe was filled by the camps, lake villages and fortified placesof Neolithic times. 

As to the absolute length of time during which they inhabited Europe, wehave no data to determine. Relatively, their sojourn, however long, was but a short time compared to the duration of the old Stone Age. Itpresents no such evidence of lapse of ages as can be observed in theolder deposits, yet we may be sure that it was for no inconsiderableperiod. 

The Paleolithic Age was apparently terminated in Europe by the coldof the last glacial epoch. No such natural course put an end to theNeolithic Age, but as the strong have an advantage over the weak, theyoung over the old, so does a race young, undeveloped, or in the earlymaturity of its powers, have an advantage over the older and more fixedcivilization with which it comes in contact. To understand the causeswhich introduced into Europe the Bronze Age, we must refer to the Aryanrace and to Asia. 

We have in the preceding chapter briefly mentioned the Aryan race. Theyhave so much to do with the higher culture of the Metallic Ages, that itseems not out of place to refer once more to their origin. Theevidence goes to show that the ancient Aryans inhabited some portion ofSouth-western Asia. As a race or family, they appear to have been oneof the latest developed. Yet a record of their progress is a record ofcivilization. 

Unless we reflect, we are liable to be misled by the expression, recentdevelopment. The Hindoos, one of the latest members of this family, werein India several thousand years before Christ. But however far backwe trace them, we find them in possession of metals. Aside from this, we know that before the different Aryan tribes had commenced theirmigration (with the exception, however, of the Celts), while they formedbut one mass of people, they worked some of the metals. They couldhave acquired this knowledge only after the passage of many years, whenthey were ignorant of it. This bespeaks a profound antiquity for theAryan family. 

As we have seen, Europe, while yet inhabited by Neolithic people, wasinvaded by a branch of the Aryans. We do not know the date of thisinvasion, yet it must have been an early date, since the Celts separatedfrom the Aryans before the use of metals. The Aryans have ever beennoted as an aggressive people, and under different names have, in moderntimes, carried victorious arms in all quarters of the globe. Thisis equally characteristic of the primitive Aryans. Though it is notapparent that they possessed any higher culture than the people whoalready inhabited Europe, yet they everywhere triumphed over them andpossessed themselves of the fairest portion of the Neolithic domain, driving the primitive inhabitants to those mountainous regions wheretheir descendants are found to-day. 

It is not probable that the Aryan invaders waged exterminating waragainst the Neolithic tribes. The evidence shows that there wasconsiderable mingling of the two races. It has been suggested, however, that the Neolithic people who were not driven away were reduced toslavery. However that may be, the remains of the two people are foundside by side in chambered tombs and sepulchral caverns, showing thatthey dwelt together in the same area. As before remarked, the Aryaninvaders are identified as the Celts. That it was relatively late in theNeolithic Age when they made their appearance, is shown by the fact thatthey had only reached the English Channel when a knowledge of bronzecaught up with them. 

We must now endeavor to learn the origin of bronze. The impulsiveenergies of this newer race found vent not only in conquest over theneighboring tribes, but it is extremely probable that they are the oneswho first compelled nature to yield up her metallic stores to be ofservice to man. If the knowledge of fire was the starting point of humanadvancement, surely the knowledge of metals, their useful properties, and how to extract them from their ores, may lay claim to being thestarting point of our present enlightenment. We have but to glancearound us to see how many of our daily comforts are dependent on the useof metals. Should we, by any mischance, become deprived of the use ofiron, or of the useful alloys, bronze and brass, our civilization wouldbe in great danger of reverting to Savagism. Man, destitute of metals, can do but little to improve his surroundings; but grant him these, andvictory over his environment is secured. 

We can not retrace the exact steps of this beautiful discovery; we arenot sure to what family it is to be ascribed. Perhaps not to any onealone. Nature may have taken her children by the hand, and kindlyguided their feeble steps in the line of experiments leading up to thisknowledge, and, finally, one family, more fortunate than the others, succeeded in the attempt. All great discoveries have been approachedin different directions, by different people. No sooner is it made thanthis fact appears, and people widely separated by time and place arefound to be on the verge of the same great truth. It was probably so atthe discovery of metallurgy. 

The Turanian tribes, who had so long inhabited Europe, were suddenlyconfronted by the victorious hosts of the Celts, the vanguard of theAryans, the precursors of a higher culture. The movements of theseprimitive people could not fail to have a great effect on the humanmind. It would become alert, keen, and active. Such was the state ofancient society when a knowledge of bronze was introduced--a discoverywhich consigned stone, hitherto the substance most commonly made use ofto advance human interests, to a subordinate position, and opened up forman the exhaustless mineral stores of nature. 

It is suggested by some that gold was the first metallic substanceemployed. Its glittering particles would attract the attention ofprimitive man, and little articles of ornament were early manufacturedfrom it. To be sure, the supply was very limited; but what there waswould serve the useful purpose of imparting to men some idea of metallicsubstances. Portions of it falling in the fire might have suggestedthe idea of smelting and of molding--might, at least, have lead toexperiments in that line. The supply of gold existing in a nativestate is so small, that no use could have been made of it except forornaments. 

Iron, we know, is the most abundant mineral. But it is very rare in anative state, and its ores have nothing distinguishing about them, and so it is not strange that another metal received the attention ofprimitive man. That metal was probably copper. It is often found in apure state in nature. In the Michigan mines of our own country, massesof pure copper many tons in weight have been discovered. No suchrich deposits are found in the Old World; but considerable quantities ofnative copper were obtained, and it was by no means a rare metal. Copperpossesses several qualities that would attract attention. It is quitemalleable; that is, it can be easily hammered into shape. We can imaginethe surprise of the old stone-workers at finding a stone that, insteadof breaking or splitting, could be hammered into shape. By accident, orotherwise it would be learned, in time, that it could be melted. Thiswould lead to the idea of molding. 

If the above process were followed out, there would be a real Copper Agepreceding that of Bronze: no trace of such an age has yet been detectedin Europe. "But there is, however, every reason for believing, that, insome parts of the world, the use of native copper must have continuedfor a lengthened period before it was discovered that the addition of asmall portion of tin not only rendered it more fusible, but added to itselasticity and hardness. " The absence of a Copper Age in Europe wouldimply that the art of manufacturing bronze was discovered in some otherlocality. 

Copper by itself is so soft that it would not be of much use to man, except the experience they would gain of melting and molding. In our owncountry the aboriginal inhabitants were well acquainted with copper, and even knew how to mold it. Yet, except as just pointed out, it is notprobable that it exerted any marked influence on their development. In the old world supplies of native copper are limited, andrecourse must be had to the ores of copper. Now these ores, such ascopper-pyrites, are nearly always of a bright color, and as such wouldattract the attention of primitive man. They might suspect that thesebright colored ores contained copper from finding similarly colored oresin connection with native copper, in fact passing from one form to theother. But it requires no little skill to reduce the ores of copper;and, when obtained, for reasons just pointed out, it would not be ofgreat utility. But primitive man was thus cautiously and experimentallyfeeling his way to a knowledge of metallurgy. 

All the evidence obtainable goes to show that tin was known as early ascopper, or at least soon after. Its ores though not striking onaccount of their color, are on account of their great weight. It iscomparatively easy to reduce it from its ores. It is quite widelydistributed over the earth. It often occurs in the gravels of rivers, where, as we have already mentioned, primitive men must have, at avery early date, sought for gold. Owing to their weight, the gravelof tin-stone would remain behind with the gold when it was washed. "Inprocess of time its real nature might have been revealed by accident;and, before the eye of the astonished beholder, the dull stone, flunginto the fire, became transfigured into the glittering metal. "

When two metals come together in a molten state, they often form, nota mixture of the two, part copper and part tin, for example, but anew compound, different from either, called an alloy. Copper is, soto speak, a sociable metal, and readily unites with many differentmetals--amongst others with tin, when it forms bronze, the article thatmarks a new state in the history of primitive culture. It seems to usstrange that an alloy, a combination of two different metals, shouldhave been the first used by man, and not a simple metal like iron. Such, however, is the fact of the case; and we have tried to point out theprobable steps which led up to the invention of bronze. We can scarcelycomprehend the difficulties which attended the labors of the primitivemetal-workers. There were no books containing the wisdom of many, fromwhich the investigator could draw his stores of knowledge. And the onlyway that knowledge could be disseminated was by word of mouth. 

Now, when one man makes an important step in a discovery, hundreds ofearnest workers, some, perhaps, in distant places, are quickly madeaware of the fact, and extend its scope, or point out its imperfections, and thus hasten on the desired end. Then, each individual, or community, must, of necessity, have commenced at the beginning, and the discoveriesmade would hardly be perpetuated in the memory of others. There wereso many obstacles to be overcome before a knowledge of bronze could beacquired, in the then existing state of human knowledge, that it mustever remain a source of wonder to us, at the present day, that it wasinvented at all. 

We may picture to ourselves the ancient copper-worker, after numerousexperiments, guided by some good genius, finally hitting on some processby which, from his mass of ore, he extracted a nearly pure piece ofcopper. Having learned how to reduce these ores, there are many ways inwhich it might have been found that a mixture of the two metals wouldform a new compound of greatly increased value. 

It must have taken a long course of experiments to determine whatproportions of each metal to use to make the best bronze. It isinteresting to know that these early workers had learned the proportionsof each to use, not varying a great deal from the results of modernresearch--that is, from ten to twelve per cent of tin. Bronze relics, no matter where obtained, whether in the Old or the New World, donot widely depart from this standard, and such instances as do wouldprobably denote that the supply of tin became short. This uniformity ofcomposition would imply that the art of making bronze was discovered inone place, from which it gradually spread over the globe. 

This fact is a key to the culture of the Bronze Age. Widely separatedcommunities, destitute of a knowledge of metals, would instinctivelymake use of stone. In this case uniformity of type would not implycommunity of knowledge. But a knowledge of metals is altogetherdifferent. It is wonder enough that one community should have hit onthe invention of bronze. The chance would be against its independentdiscovery in widely separated areas. They would be more apt to chanceon the production of some other metal. Thus; tribes in the interior ofAfrica are said to have passed direct from the Stone to the Iron Age, aknowledge of bronze not having been carried to them. 

We are thus able to form a true conception of the Bronze Age. It didnot prevail over the world at the same time. Indeed, as we shallsubsequently see, there is every reason to suppose it spread veryslowly, and that it still lingered in Central and Northern Europe longafter its use had been abandoned for that of iron in the South. Neither, when it was first introduced, did it put a stop to the use of stone. It was necessarily costly, and on its first appearance in a country, brought hither by trade, could only be afforded by rich and powerfulchiefs and warriors. As time advanced, and they learned to make itcheaper, and each country took up its separate manufacture, it wouldgradually supersede stone. But bronze was never cheap enough to driveout the use of stone altogether. This only occurred when the art ofworking iron was discovered. 

We shall learn that the knowledge of bronze, while a very importantand distinguishing phase of culture of the Bronze Age, was not its onlycharacteristic. It was distinguished by the arrival and spread of theAryan races, by a great extension of commerce, by more refinements inthe comforts of life, by the increasing strength of government, which inafter ages flowered out in the mighty nations of antiquity, and renderedhistoric, civilization possible. 

Some facts stand out with great prominence. The origin of this cultureis lost in the very night of time. We may be sure that it goes back to aprofound antiquity, and that it extended over a long series of years. 

It is evident there was no great and sudden change from the culture ofthe Stone Age to that of Bronze. It was as if the darkness of night hadgiven place to the roseate light of dawn, to be shortly followed by thefull day of historic times. It was probably introduced by trade. Thearticles introduced in this way would consist of simple implements, weapons, and ornaments. Following after the trade would be found thesmelter with his tools, and, where the conditions were favorable, localmanufactories would be set up. But this home industry would not preventimportation of more pretentious articles from abroad. This would accountfor the rich collections of shields, swords, and golden cups found inDenmark that betray an Etruscan origin. 

Investigations of recent scholars show that the bronze of the earlyBronze Age came from Asia Minor. Subsequently there were three greatcenters of bronze production, each having certain styles. These werethe Russian on the east, the Scandinavian on the north, and theMediterranean on the south. If this view be correct, bronze must havebeen in use in the South of Europe long before it was in the North. This view of the introduction of bronze is, we think, that of the bestscholars in Europe. Others, however, think bronze was brought in by theinvasion of the Aryan tribes. Mr. Keary says: "The men of the BronzeAge were a new race, sallying out of the east to dispossess the olderinhabitants, and if, in some places, the Bronze men and the Stone menseem to have gone on for a time side by side, the general characteristicof the change is that of a sudden break. " We have shown that it wascarried to England by an invasion, and it was, perhaps, so introducedinto Denmark, but in other countries of Europe by trade. 

Let us now see what change in the home life, in the culture of thepeople, would be brought about by the use of bronze. We must reflectthat we are not to deal with some new race, but with the same race thatinhabited Europe at the close of Neolithic times. The people who hadtriumphed over nature with their implements of stone were now put inpossession of weapons and implements of greatly increased efficiency. The results could not fail to advance their culture. We would not expectany great change in the houses. They would, however, be much betterbuilt. The metallic tools were certainly a long ways ahead of the beststone implements. With the aid of metallic axes, knives, saws, gouges, and chisels, their cabins could be increased in size and appearance. They still built settlements over the lakes, but the Bronze Agesettlements were more substantially built, and placed farther out fromshore. Fortified places were still numerous; the remains of thousandsof them of this age have been found in Ireland. But the forests werecleared, wild animals disappeared, society became more settled, and wemay be sure that an increasing number of little hamlets were scatteredover the country. 

Caves were resorted to during this epoch only in times of danger. One atHeathbury Burn, in England, contained portions of the skeletons oftwo individuals, surrounded by many articles of bronze and a mould forcasting bronze axes. It is not difficult to read the story. In some timeof sudden danger workers in bronze fled hither with their stores, butowing to some cause were unable to escape the death from which they werefleeing, and their bodies with their mineral stores, were lost tosight until the modern explorer made them a subject of scientificspeculations. 

Illustration of Bronze Axes--First Form. -----------

The most important implement was the ax. Our civilization has originatedfrom many small things. It is difficult to overestimate the importanceof the ax in advancing civilization. The stone axes, easily blunted andbroken, could have made but little impression on the vast forests ofpine, oak, and beech, covering the greater part of Britain and thecontinent in the Neolithic Age. Clearings necessary for pasture andagriculture must unquestionably, then, have been produced principallyby the aid of fire. Under the edge of the bronze ax clearings would berapidly produced, pasture and arable land would begin to spread over thesurface of the country; with the disappearance of the forests the wildanimals would become scarce, hunting would cease to be so important, agriculture would improve, and a higher culture inevitably follow. "Whenfirst the sound of the woodman's ax was heard in the forests of thenorth, the victory of man over his natural environments was secured, andthe forest and morass became his forever. "

The bronze ax was used for a great variety of purposes, not only as anax, but as chisel, hoe, etc. As might be expected, the oldest axes weresimply modeled after the stone ones. The preceding cut represents thesesimple forms. 

They were inserted into the handle much the same as they did the stoneaxes. It never occurred to these ancient workers to cast the axes with ahole in them for the handle. 

Illustration of Bronze Axes--Second Form. ------Illustration of BronzeAxes--Third Form. --------

The above cut represents the second form of the ax. The trouble with thefirst was that much usage would inevitably split the handle. To remedythis, a stop or ridge was raised across the celt, and the metal and thewood were made to fit into one another. The small figure illustratesthis method of hafting. It would be quite natural to bend the sides ofthis second form around, and thus would arise a third form in which thehandle was let into a socket, of which we also give a cut. As a generalthing, bronze axes were plain, but they were sometimes ornamented withridges, dots, and lines. 

In addition to axes, they of course had many other implements of bronze. Chisels were made much the same as at present, except that the handlefitted into a socket. A few hammers have been discovered in the Swisslake villages. Bronze knives of different styles and sizes were quitenumerous. The workmanship on them is generally skillful. They were, asa rule, fitted into a handle of bone, horn, or wood, and the blade wasnearly always carved. In some cases the knives also ended in a socketinto which the handle fitted. 

Illustrations of Chisel, Hammer and Bronze Knives. -------

In matters of personal ornament, the men and women of the Bronze Agewere as willing to make use of artificial helps as their descendantsto-day, and no doubt fashion was quite as arbitrary in her rule then asnow. Among some savage nations the dressing of the hair--especially ofthe men--is carried to a very elaborate pitch. In this respect, some of the dandies of the Bronze Age certainly excelled. They evidentlybuilt up on their heads a great pyramid of hair; in some cases largeenough to allow of the use of hair-pins two feet long. Of course such astructure as this was intended to last a life-time. So careful werethey of this head-dress that they used a crescent-shaped pillow ofearthenware, so that it might not be disturbed when they slept. Dr. Keller, who first described these crescent-shaped articles, thought theywere religious emblems of the moon. He may be right, as the matter isnot yet decided, but some think they were the pillows in question. Atfirst thought this would seem absurd, but when we learn of the habits ofthe natives of Abyssinia and other savage races, we cease to wonder. 

Illustrations of Crescent, Bracelet, and Hair-pin. --------

In speaking of the ornaments of the Bronze Age, a caution is necessary, because ornaments of bronze may belong to any age. Bracelets andrings have been quite numerous. The bracelets vary much in shape, are decidedly artistic in workmanship, and often set off with carveddesigns. Some of this shape are composed of a single ring of varyingwidth, the ends of which almost meet and terminate by a semicircularclasp; others are a combination of straight or twisted wires ingeniouslyjoined to one another. "Some of these ornaments remain even up to thepresent day in a perfect state of preservation. In an urn from one ofthe lake settlements six specimens were discovered, the designs of whichappeared quite as clearly as if they had only just been engraved. "

We are called on to notice one important point in reference to thesebracelets and rings. That is, they are so small they could scarcely beworn nowadays; a fact leading us to infer that the people must have beenof small size. It has also been noticed that the handles of the swordsare smaller than would be convenient for soldiers now. Some ornaments ofbronze were worn as pendants. For this purpose they were provided with acircular hole, and were probably worn suspended around the neck. 

Illustration of Bronze Pendants. -------

Ornaments were not always of bronze. Necklaces were sometimes made ofamber, and gold beads were quite common. We give a cut of both. Theyare from burial mounds of this age in England. We remember theornamentations on implements in the Paleolithic Age was by engravinganimal forms. In the Neolithic Age they seem to have cared very littlefor ornamenting. During the Bronze Age the ornamentation was of a simplebut pleasing and uniform style. It consisted of simple geometricalpatterns, combination of circles, dots, and straight lines. In this nextfigure we have given the principal designs found in France. 

Illustration of Necklace and Beads. ---------

In the arts of living an increase in culture is noticeable. We haveseen that in Neolithic times they were acquainted with the use of thedistaff. In the Bronze Age they manufactured woolen cloth. We have butfew specimens of this cloth, because it is under only very exceptionalcircumstances that woolen fabrics can be preserved for any great lengthof time. From examinations of burial mounds of this period, it wouldappear that the better class of people were clad in linen and woolen. Probably the use of the skins of animals for dress purposes was mostlydiscontinued during this age. Woolen cloaks of this period have beenfound in Denmark, though probably dating from near the close. 

Illustration of Ornamental Designs. ---------------

In agriculture we detect only such advances as improved implements wouldsuggest. They used the sickle in gathering in the harvest. We find noimplements which we are sure were used for agricultural purposes. Yetthey must have had some means of preparing the ground for the cereals. The day of wild animals was gone. In the lake settlements of this agethe domestic animals outnumbered the wild species. 

Illustration of Bronze Sickle. -----------

During this age the horse was used for riding and driving, and oxen wereused for plowing. 

The proof of this fact is certain sketches found in Denmark. But the useof bronze in that country continued after iron had been introduced inthe south of Europe. Pottery was more carefully made--though the wheelfor turning it was not yet introduced. The shapes were varied andelegant; sometimes, instead of having a flat base, they came to a pointbelow--in which case they had to be placed in a support before theycould stand upright. Nearly all the pottery bears the ornamentationpeculiar to the Bronze Age--that is, straight lines, dots, etc. 

Illustration of Clay Vessel and Support. -----------

During this age, the inhabitants were as much given to war and conquestas any rudely civilized people: we, therefore, meet with remains oftheir weapons. The principal ones were swords, daggers, spear-heads, and arrows. The swords are always more or less leaf-like in shape, double-edged, sharp-pointed, and intended more for stabbing andthrusting, rather than cutting. No hand guards were used. 

Illustration of Bronze Weapons. -----------------

Sometimes the handles were fastened to the swords by means of rivets;and, at other times, the handle was plaited with wood or bone. They areof different lengths, intermediate between the sword and the dagger. Itis doubtful whether they made use of shields. 

Bronze shields are, indeed, found; but, from the ornaments and othercircumstances they are generally considered to belong to the Iron Age:for we shall subsequently learn that the introduction of iron did notprevent the continued use of bronze. The bow was well known; and thismust have necessitated the use of arrows. Some bronze arrows have beenfound; but a flint arrow is nearly as serviceable as bronze, and muchcheaper, so we may be sure they were more common. They also employedspears and javelins, and the bronze heads of these weapons are found invarious places. The invading Celt found many camps and fortified placesalready in existence, and continued them in use after the originaloccupant had been driven away. 

Illustration of Mold. ---------------

As we have spent some time in learning the different objectsmanufactured out of bronze, it may be of interest to learn somewhat oftheir methods of working bronze. We have already stated how the amateurworker in bronze would follow on after the trader--and so the objectsof bronze would be made in all the countries of Europe. Molds have beenfound in various places. This is a mold for casting the axes having asocket in which to put the handle. It was found in the cave at HeathburyBurn, already mentioned. None of the bronze objects were forged out, asa smith forges out objects of iron--they were cast. In the absenceof steel, it would be almost impossible to cut bronze; hence it wasnecessary to make the casting as nearly perfect as possible. Sometimesthe molds were cut out of stone, as in the figure just given. The moldsthemselves were, in this case, difficult to make; besides, they couldscarcely be made so perfect as not to leave a little ridge, where thetwo halves of the mold came together, which, as just explained, owing tothe absence of steel, it would be very difficult to remove. In processof time they discovered an easier way of making the molds, that employedat the present day--that is, by the use of sand. The ridge would stillremain, and is to be plainly seen on specimens of ancient bronze. 

To overcome the difficulty just mentioned, they invented a third methodof casting, which displays great ingenuity. A model of the objectdesired was made of wood or wax, and inclosed in prepared earth mixedwith some inflammable material, in order that, when subjected to heat, it might become porous. The whole was then heated until the wax or wooddisappeared. The mold was then ready for use. The great advantage ofthis method was that there were no projecting lines of junction todisfigure the complete implement. This seems to have been the mostcommon method employed. This explains the fact, that we seldom find anytwo bronze objects exactly similar to one another. Any impression lefton the wax model would be faithfully reproduced. Marks of the spatula, with which the wax was worked, are frequently found; and, in one case, the impression of the human finger was observed. 

A people as highly cultured as those of the Bronze Age must have hadsome system of government, and one that was a sensible advance overthe government of the Neolithic people. In the Neolithic Age it was, doubtless, tribe against tribe. Confederacies, the union of severaltribes for common purpose of defense, must have been more common at thisage. The first Aryan tribes to arrive in Europe, as we have seen, were the Celts. In time, they had to withstand the pressure of invasionthemselves. The Belgae, and other Germanic tribes, were also on themove. But war at this period would partake more of the nature of peopleagainst people, than of tribe against tribe. The civil and the militarydepartments of government must have taken more definite shape, and weare not without evidence of fairly organized and disciplined forces. Asearly as two thousand eight hundred years before Christ, the sea-coastpeople of Europe, while yet in the Bronze Age, allied their forces forthe conquest of Egypt. 

We have referred to the influence of trade in shaping civilization. Itis commerce that to-day is carrying civilization to remote corners ofthe globe. Long before the dawn of history, it was an active agentin advancing culture. It is important to note the great expanse ofcommerce, both inland and marine, which prevailed during the Bronze Age. An important article of trade was, of course, bronze. The people whofirst learned the secret of its manufacture would speedily find a demandfor their wares from surrounding tribes, and we have already pointed outhow this trade would quickly give rise to local manufactures. But, toproduce bronze, we know tin is just as necessary as copper--and all thecountries of Europe are not provided with these metals; so more or lesstrade would inevitably take place. In various ways the stores of thebronze merchant might be lost, and only revealed in after years byaccident. One of these deposits, found in France, is evidently the storeof a merchant or trader from Etruria to the tribes of the north andwest, and so gives us a quite vivid idea of the trade of that earlytime. It consisted of over four hundred articles of bronze, "comprisingknives, sickles, lance-heads, horse-bits, rings, buttons, pendants, andbracelets. "

As an article of adornment, amber was highly prized, not only by thepeople of Europe during the Bronze Age, but also by the people ofthe preceding Neolithic Age. This caused a trade to spring up whichcertainly did its share in enlightening the people. The main supply musthave been obtained from the shores of the Baltic. That the trade was ofimportance is evidenced by the fact that amber has been found scatteredover Europe in the tombs of the Neolithic and Bronze Ages. 

We have given a passing glance at the religion of each age we haveexamined. It must be confessed that great uncertainty hangs over theresults. From a close examination of their industries, we cangather considerable as to the home life and general enlightenment ofprehistoric times. A knowledge of religious belief is gathered mainlyfrom a study of their burial customs. This is a very important part ofour investigation, because a religious belief is one of the exponents ofthe culture of a people. 

We have seen that in the Neolithic Age the dead were buried surroundedby implements, weapons, and ornaments for use in the future life. Thedescendants of these people throughout Europe, even in the Bronze Age, would still continue this custom. The implements buried with the bodywere more often of stone than bronze. We must constantly bear in mindthat bronze was costly. This will explain its absence in many cases. Itis interesting to note in this connection that these are "cases in whichit is evident that flint implements were deposited in graves rather indeference to ancient customs than because they were still in every-dayuse. " We also notice that during this age, often the objects placedin the graves were, from their shape, obviously not intended for dailyuse. This would clearly indicate that the popular mind became impressedwith the fact that these votive offerings, however freely given, couldbe of no assistance to the departed, but they still continued the custombecause it was sanctioned by usage of past years. 

But the dead were not always buried during the Bronze Age, nor, indeed, as a general rule. The invading race doubtless brought with them a newreligion. Many of the ornamentations on their swords, vases, and otherarticles, are supposed by some writers to be religious symbols. From thefrequent occurrence of the circle, and combinations of circles, ithas been suggested that they worshiped the sun. And the occurrence ofcustoms observable even at a late day, in various portions of Europe, aspointed out by Prof. Nelson, show that the worship of the fire-god, orthe sun, was once widely extended in Europe. On this point we arefurther told: "That even as late as the time of Canute the Great, there is a statute forbidding the adorement of the sun and themoon. " So it is not strange that in the new faith a different methodof burial would be followed. That was by cremation. "The dead wereburned, were purified by being passed through the fire along with theirpossessions. " The ashes was then gathered together and placed inurns and burial mounds and barrows. The votive offerings of flint andbronze articles in daily use were also thrown in the fire, and theirburnt remains placed with the other ashes in the burial urn. The cut isthat of a bell-shaped barrow of the Bronze Age. 

Illustration of a Burial Mound. -----------------

We have just seen what inferences have been drawn from the use of thecircle as an ornament. This is not the only sign that has been thoughtto have some symbolical meaning. The cross was also used as an ornament, and possessed probably some religious significance. A third figure whichhas caused some discussion was the triangle. "It is, on the whole, veryprobable that all these signs, which are not connected with any knownobject, bear some relation to certain religious or superstitious ideasentertained by the men of the Bronze epoch, and, as a consequence ofthis, that their hearts must have been inspired with some degree ofreligious feeling. "

Illustration of Avebury Restored. -------------

We have mentioned the use of stone circles in Neolithic times. Duringthe Bronze Age they built the circle very large, sometimes twelvehundred feet in diameter, and they were sometimes made of earth. Thesecircles are regarded by some as being simply burial places, and manyof them have been proved to be such. But others regard them as temples, meaning thereby not a building, in our sense of the word, but a place ofsanctity, and probably where some form of worship was held. Even if weallow that they were originally tombs in every case, it does not followthat they have not also been temples, for the religious sentimenthas, in all ages, and in all places, tended to center in tombs, whichultimately have become places of worship. Many of our Christian Churcheshave originated in this manner, and it is a most obvious transition fromthe tomb to the temple. The worship of the spirits of the dead at theone would naturally grow into the worship of the Great Unknown in theother. 

The preceding cut is a restoration of one of the largest of thesetemples. Here we see a circle twelve hundred feet in diameter, ofupright stones, guarded by both a ditch and embankment. From the twoopenings in the embankment formerly extended two long winding avenues ofstone. Between them rises Silbury Hill, the largest artificial mound inGreat Britain, being one hundred and thirty feet high. The area of thelarge inclosure was about twenty-eight and a half acres. This was atemple of no inconsiderable size. It was, of course in ruins when theearliest account of it was written, and we can only speculate as to thelapse of time since it was venerated as a place of worship. 

Stonehenge, on Salisbury Plain, is a better known ruin, though not on aslarge a scale as at Avebury. The cut gives us a restoration of it. Theouter circle of standing stones is one hundred feet in diameter, andwhen entire consisted of one hundred stones. These are of sandstone, andwere obtained in the vicinity. A course of stone was laid along the top. We notice within a smaller circle of stone. The material of these stonesis such that we know they must have come from a distance. Mr. Jamestells us that they are erratic--that is, bowlders brought from the Northof Scotland by the glaciers--and that others of the same kind are stillto be seen lying around the country. But the more common opinionis that they were brought there by the people from a distance, perhapsCornwall or the Channel Islands. If this be true, it is evidence of astrong religious feeling, and a peculiar value must have been attachedto the material, since for any ordinary monument the stones in theneighborhood would have sufficed. Still nearer the center were fivegroups of three great stones each, and immediately within these ahorseshoe of smaller stones. Finally, near the head of the horseshoe, a great slab of sandstone is supposed to have served for an altar. Thedate of the two structures just described has been a matter of somedispute. 

Illustration of Stonehenge Restored. --------

It is worthy of notice that in the immediate neighborhood of both ofthem are found a great number of barrows of the Bronze Age. Over threehundred were erected in the neighborhood of the latter. In the opinionof many this fixes their date in the Bronze Age. Stonehenge, in itsruined state, has formed the subject of no little speculation. Modernexplorers, in connecting it with the Bronze Age, have not dispelled fromit the enchantment of mystery. We must ever wonder as to the natureof the rites there observed. Our questionings meet with but feebleresponse; for though we have learned somewhat of past times, it iscomparatively but little. Ruined columns, crumbling burial mounds, andremains of stone and bronze will always be surrounded with more or lessmystery--a striking illustration that science is able to dispel butlittle of the darkness which unnumbered years have thrown around theculture of the past. 

Illustration of Ancient Tower, Scotland. -----------

REFERENCES

 (1) The manuscript of this chapter was submitted to Prof. Chas. Rau, of the Smithsonian Institution for criticism. (2) Brace's "Races of the Old World, " p. 60. (3) Brace's "Races of the Old World, " p. 61. (4) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " p. 343. (5) "One mass estimated to weigh two hundred tons. " Dana's "Manual of Mineralogy, " p. 291. (6) Evans's "Ancient Bronze Implements, " p. 2. (7) Rau's "Anthropological Subjects, " p. 89. In his preface to this collection he asserts his belief, that "former inhabitants of North America, notwithstanding all assertions to the contrary, were unacquainted with the art of melting copper. " Ibid. , vii. (8) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " p. 401. (9) "Dawn of History, " p. 367. (10) For an excellent discussion of this subject, about which there is yet much uncertainty, we would refer the reader to Evans's "Ancient Bronze Implements, " chap. Xxii. (11) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " p. 355. (12) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " p. 350. (13) "Prehistoric Times, " p. 34. (14) "Early Man in Britain, " p. 351. (15) Figuier's "Primitive Man, " p. 255. (16) Rau's "Early Man in Europe, " p. 135, and note. (17) Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times, " p. 39. (18) Morgan's "Ancient Society, " pp. 119, 120. (19) Dawkins's "Early Man in Europe, " p. 449. (20) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " p. 383. (21) Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times, " p. 157. (22) Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times, " p. 74. (23) A. D. , 995-1035. (24) Ferguson's "Rude Stone Monuments. " (25) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " p. 367. (26) Figuier's "Primitive Man, " p. 283. (27) Ferguson's "Rude Stone Monuments. " (28) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " p. 377. (29) James's "Stonehenge, " p. 3. 

Chapter VIII

THE IRON AGE IN EUROPE. 

Bronze not the best metal--Difficulties attending the discovery ofIron--Probable steps in this discovery--Where this discovery was firstmade--Known in ancient Egypt--How this knowledge would spread--Ironwould not drive out Bronze--The primitive Iron-worker--The advance ingovernment--Pottery and ornaments of the Iron Age, --Weapons ofearly Iron Age--The battle-field at Tilfenan--Trade of early IronAge--Invention of Money--Invention of Alphabetic Writing--Invasion ofthe Germanic Tribes--The cause of the Dark Ages--Connection of thesethree Ages--Necessity of believing in an extended past--Attemptsto determine the same--Tiniere Delta--Lake Bienne, BritishFen-beds--Maximum and Minimum data--Argument from the widespreaddispersion of the Turanian Race--Mr. Geikie's conclusions--The isolationof the Paleolithic Age. 

The introduction of bronze was the harbinger of better days to thevarious tribes of Europe. Without metals it is doubtful if man wouldever have been able to raise himself from barbarism. His advance incivilization has been in direct proportion to his ability to workmetals. As long as he knew how to work bronze only he could not hope forthe best results. The trouble was not in the metal itself, but in thesupply; for copper and tin, the constituents of bronze, are found onlyin limited amounts. When we reflect on the multiplicity of purposes forwhich some metallic substance is needed, we at once perceive that menrequire a metal which can not only be worked cheaply, but must exist ingreat abundance, so that the needs of a rich and varied culture may bemet. 

The Divine Author of nature has stored away just such a metal, and insuch exhaustless quantities that it forms an ingredient in nearly allsoils, and flows away in the waters of many springs and rivers. Itexists in abundance in nearly every country of the globe, in someforming veritable mountain masses. We refer to iron, the king of metals;and when man had learned to reduce it from its ores he had taken thefirst step in a new direction, the end whereof is yet far distant. 

We have in the preceding chapter presented some reasons why copper wouldbe known before iron. In the first place, how were men to learn therewas such a thing as iron? Supposing its ores did occur in abundance, there was nothing to attract attention to them. They were not of greatheft, like tin ore or of striking color, like the ores of copper. In thehills, and under the foot of man, nature indeed had imprisoned a genius;but there was no outward sign by which man was to divine his presence. Copper, as we have seen, occurs frequently in a native form that isready for use, without reducing from its ores. Native iron, on thecontrary, is almost the rarest of substances, though it is reportedas occurring in one or two localities on the earth. Almost the onlyexamples of native iron has been obtained from meteorites. Strange as itmay seem, these wanderers in space, which occasionally flame athwartthe sky, consist largely of pure iron; at least this is true of suchspecimens as have from time to time been found on the earth's surface. This supply is of course extremely limited, yet some Siberian tribes aresaid to make knives from iron obtained in this manner. Moreover theevidence of language, as used by the ancient Greeks and Egyptians, wouldimply the meteoric origin of the first known form of the metal. Butthough such accidental finds might prove the existence of another metal, they would furnish no hint how to extract it from its ores, or indeed, that it existed in the form of ores. 

The prolonged schooling in metallurgy, which men received during theBronze Age, could not fail to give them many hints, and doubtlessaccidental discoveries of metallic substances were made. We can conceivehow, by accident or design, iron ore, treated in a similar mannerto copper and tin ore, would leave behind a mass of spongy iron. Thedifficulty would be in working it; for, as we have seen, they werein the habit of casting their articles of bronze. But iron is verydifficult of fusion. It was a long while before they learned how todo that. They had therefore to learn an entirely new art--that is, tofashion their implements of iron by hammering the heated mass. 

There is no reason to suppose that iron was first discovered in Europe. Its spread has been from the east and south to the north and west. It, in all probability, was discovered, like bronze, in Asia. Althoughevidence, both archaeological and traditional, goes to show thatbronze was in use long before iron, yet iron has been known from timeimmemorial. Explain it how we will, civilization and history followclose after the knowledge of iron. Wherever the light of history firstfalls on the nations of the Old World, we find them acquainted withiron, but such knowledge, at least on the part of the Mediterraneannations, does not long precede history, for at that early time, ironwas still a most precious metal. It was not yet produced in sufficientquantities to take the place of bronze; hence the prehistoric Iron Agewas there but of short duration. 

Among the early Egyptians iron was known, but was probably not verycommon. There is on this subject some diversity of opinion; somebelieving that at the very earliest historical period they were skilledin working it, and employed it in all the affairs of life, but othersassure us that at the most ancient period they did not really use iron, and that bronze was the metal employed for all ordinary purposes. 

A wedge of iron is said to have been found in a joint between the stonesof the great pyramid. Here, then, at the dawn of historic times ironseems to be making its way among a bronze-using people. The ancientChaldeans employed iron as an ornament, but not for implements. Withthem it was therefore a precious metal. Among the Assyrians, iron waslargely used, and at a comparatively early date. A careful study of thepoems of Homer shows that the Greeks of nearly three thousand years agohad a knowledge of iron, though it was a highly prized metal. But tothe north of the Mediterranean the prehistoric Iron Age was of longerduration. 

We can readily see that a knowledge of iron would spread in much thesame way as did bronze. When first introduced, it would be rare andcostly, and so would be used sparingly. Bronze axes have been found withthe edge of iron. Afterwards, as it became more abundant, it would beused altogether for cutting instruments and weapons, while bronze, beingmore easily worked, would still be used for ornaments, brooches, etc. AtHallstadt, in Austria, was discovered a cemetery which evidently belongsto a time when iron was taking the place of bronze. In this case, theimplements of bronze are those forms which we have learned were producednear the close of the Bronze Age. The iron implements are not thoseforms best suited for that metal, but imitations of those of bronze. We remember when bronze was first introduced, the weapons were simplycopies of those forms already made in stone. 

We may suppose that a knowledge of iron would spread rapidly. Theknowledge of metallurgy necessary for the production of bronze was atthis time widely disseminated. It would require, therefore, but a hintto start them in experiments. In the dissemination of this knowledge, commerce, of course, played a most important part. Whenever the earlyGreek and Roman writers have occasion to mention the arms of the lesscivilized tribes of Europe, we learn they were of iron. This shows thatat a very early time this knowledge had spread all over Europe. 

It is scarcely necessary to remark that the use of iron would not driveout the use of bronze. That would still be used for many purposes; andeven stone would continue in use, at least for some purposes. At thebattle of Marathon, arrow-heads and lances of stone were largely used. We can easily understand how, by one of a number of causes, some rudetribes, yet unacquainted with the use of metal, would come to occupy thesite of some settlement, the inhabitants of which had been in the Bronzeor Iron Age. This actually happened at ancient Troy, where the remainsof a stone-using folk have been found above those of a people usingmetal. This, though an exception to the general rule, need give us nosurprise. 

Iron manufacture at the present day, is one of our great industries. Inits present form it is the final development of an industry whose firstunfoldings we have now to glance at. That the first process man employedto procure iron should have been very rude, is what we would expect. Some of the partially civilized tribes of to-day may give us an insightinto the process employed. We are told that in Tartary each native makesthe iron he needs, just as every household would make its own bread. Thefurnace is a very small affair, not holding more than three pounds ofore. This is filled with ore and charcoal. The bellows are used, andafter the charcoal is all burned out, the result is a small piece ofspongy iron, which needs only repeated heating and hammering to be madeserviceable. Primitive furnaces, on a somewhat larger scale, havebeen discovered in Switzerland. Here the excavation was made in the sideof a hill, and a rude, dome-shaped chimney built over it. 

We must not forget that our task ends where the historian's begins. The use of iron did not long precede history, so we have but little todescribe as to the customs and manners of life during the prehistoricIron Age. A general advance in all the social arts must surely havetaken place. Improved tools, and more cheaply produced, could not failto advance man very materially in culture. Some lake settlements werestill in use as places of residence, but better means of protection thanwater was now known--walled cities were in use, especially around theMediterranean sea. 

Mr. Morgan has traced for us the evolution of government. At this earlydate the Greek and Roman people were engaged in substituting for ancientsociety the modern idea of government founded on territory. The greatbody of European tribes were now in the final stage of barbaric life. Their system of government was doubtless the highest known to ancientsociety--that of confederacies; the union of tribes speaking dialects ofthe same language, for offensive and defensive purposes. 

Illustrations of Ornaments and Gold Ornament. -----------

As characteristic of the advance of this epoch, we may mention theappearance of pottery made on the potter's wheel, and baked in animproved kind of furnace. Previous to this epoch all the pottery hadbeen moulded by hand and baked in an imperfect manner in the open air. This may be thought to be but a small improvement. Our civilization, however, depends upon small improvements. Only during the early partof this age, while iron was scarce, and therefore valuable, would itbe used for the purpose of ornaments. Iron brooches have been found inconsiderable quantities in the lake settlements. Bronze would stillbe the principal article used for ornaments. The articles of bronzemanufactured play a great deal of skill. Nor was gold entirelyforgotten. The cap-shaped ornament of gold was found in Ireland. Duringthe Bronze age, as we have seen, there was no attempt made to representanimal forms by way of ornaments; but we meet with such representationsduring the early part of the Iron Age. This shows how they ornamentedthe sheath of a sword found in one of the Swiss lakes. 

Illustrations of Ornamental Sword-sheath and Swords. --------

The warriors of the early Iron Age possessed leaf-shaped swords forstabbing. The hilts were of bronze. This period was a struggle forexistence, on the part of the various tribes of Europe. War must havebeen very common, so it is not strange that a large number of relicsof this age are of warlike implements. Lance-heads, javelins, andarrow-heads have been found in abundance. It appears, from experimentsordered by the Emperor Napoleon III, that the javelins could only havebeen used as missile weapons, and that they were thrown, not by the handmerely grasping the shaft, but by means of a cord or thong, somethingafter the principle of a sling. 

Some years ago an old battle-field was discovered at Tiefenau, inSwitzerland. On it were found a great number of objects made of iron, such as fragments of chariots, bits for horses, wheels, pieces of coatsof mail, and arms of various sorts, including no less than a hundredtwo-handed swords. All of these were made of iron. The soldiersalso carried with them shields, made sometimes of bronze, as in the cutbelow, or of wood, studded with iron. 

Illustrations of Lance-head and Javelin and Shields. ----

There is evidence of considerable volume of trade at this time. TheMediterranean was the theater of an extended commerce. Phoeniciansailors not only ventured to brave the Mediterranean sea, but carriedtheir vessels out on the Atlantic at as early a date as 500 B. C. The or as it is known in modern times, Marseilles, was the seat of athriving trade. African ivory has been found in the tombs of Hallstadt, in Austria, in connection with ornaments of amber from the Baltic, andgold from Transylvania. The inhabitants of this town possessed in theirsalt mines the source of a lucrative trade. The trader of the Iron Agewas able to take an immense stride by reason of the invention of money. Heretofore, in Europe, we have not met with coins, and trade must havebeen carried on by means of barter. 

Illustration of a Gallic Coin. --------------

Acquainted as we are at the present day with money and the mechanism ofexchange, it is difficult to see how any extended trade could be carriedon without some unit of value, yet no coins are known earlier than theIron Age. The most ancient coins known are Greek, and date back tothe eighth century before Christ. This coin is one found in one of thelake settlements. It is made of bronze, and the figures are not stamped, but obtained by melting and casting. This, however, is not a Greekcoin, but a Gallic one. On the battlefield of Tiefenau, mentioned above, several Greek coins, struck at Massilia, were found. 

It is scarcely necessary to point out, that though iron gives its nameto this age, it by no means follows that the only difference betweenthis and the Bronze Age is the use of iron. "The pottery is different, the forms of the implements and weapons are different, the ornamentationis different, the knowledge of metallurgy was more advanced, silver andlead were in use, letters had been invented, coins had been struck. "That wonderful invention, the phonetic alphabet, was made during theearly part of this age. The past was no longer simply kept alive in thememory of the living, handed down by tradition and song. Inscriptions, and monuments, and books abounded, and we are no longer confined to aninspection of their handiwork, or examination of their habitations, andexplanation of ancient burial mounds for our knowledge of their life andsurroundings. It is no longer the archaeologists' collections, but thewritings of the historian that unfolds past times and customs. 

Let us cast a glance at the condition of Europe at the dawn of history. We have seen that in general terms the Bronze Age coincided with thearrival and spread of the Celts, though the earlier Celts were stillNeolithic. The use of iron could scarcely have been inaugurated beforethe innumerable hordes of the Germanic tribes, probably driven fromtheir Asiatic homes by the presence of invading people, were on themarch. The world has, perhaps, never witnessed such a movement of peopleas convulsed Europe for several hundred years, beginning the secondcentury before Christ and continuing until the fall of the WesternEmpire of Rome. The light of history dawns on a stormy scene in Europe. The Celts confined to the Western portion had been largely subjected bythe Roman armies, but the largest portion of Europe held by the Germanictribes was the seat from whence assault after assault was made on theRoman Empire, which at length, weakened by internal dissensions andenervated by luxury, split in twain, and the western, and most importantpart, fell before its barbarian foes. 

The various tribes could not keep alive the civilization they hadoverthrown. The wandering hordes of Germanic people could not easilyforget their former barbaric life, their marches of conquest, andcareers of pillage. But the claims of civilization, though light andpleasant, are none the less imperative, and a people who seek herrewards must form settled communities, develop public spirit, organizegovernment, and sink the individual in the public good. Not appreciatingthese claims, it is not strange that the incipient civilization nearlyexpired, and that the night of the Dark Ages enwrapt Europe. From outthat darkness, composed of the descendants of the people whose culturewe have been investigating, finally emerged the mediaeval nations ofEurope. 

The review has been a pleasant one, for it is a record of progress. The difference between the culture of the Neolithic and the Iron Age isgreat, but it is simply a development, the result of a gradual growth. Civilization and history have only hastened this growth. If we lookaround us to-day we can trace the elements of our civilization backthrough the eras of history, and though the faint beginning of some canbe noticed, yet many of them come down to us from prehistoric times. Wehave treated of these early people in the three stages of culture knownas the Neolithic, Bronze, and Iron Ages. We have seen there is no hardand fast line dividing the different stages of culture. To borrow thewords of another, these stages of progress, like the three principalcolors of the rainbow, overlap, intermingle, and shade off the one intothe other, and yet in the main they are well defined. 

We instinctively long to set bounds to the past, to measure it by theunit of years. It affords us satisfaction to give dates for events longsince gone by. For any event in the domain of history, it is natural andappropriate to gratify this desire. It gives precision to our thoughts, and more firmly fixes the march of events. But the historical portion ofhuman life on the globe is but a small part of the grand whole. Whenwe pass beyond history, or into prehistoric times, we find ourselvesutterly at a loss as to dates. 

We have referred in the preceding pages to the commonly accepted beliefof a few years ago, that, at most, a few thousand years express thewhole period of human life on the globe. This was supposed to be theteaching of the Scriptures, but Infinite Wisdom left not only his word, but he left an imperishable record of the past in rocky strata andexcavated valley, in dripping caves and mountain masses. When itwas seen that the claims of geology for a greatly extended past, onetranscending the powers of the human mind to conceive its length, couldno longer be successfully denied, then it was that earnest investigatorsin the field of human antiquity could no longer shut their eyes to thefact that if geological evidence were worth any thing, man must haveexisted in the world for a far longer time than one covered by the briefperiod hitherto relied on. 

This truth is so patent and plain that it has received the unqualifiedindorsement of the most learned scholars. Distinguished divines havebeen amongst its able expounders, and instead of being in opposition tothe Bible, as already stated, the earnest reader finds in the periods ofthe geologists unexpected confirmation of its truths. The evidence ofan extended past for man is not, however, wholly of a geological nature, though these have been the ones principally relied on. The archaeologistto-day summons to his aid the science of language, studies into theorigin of civilization and the comparison of the different races ofmen, and derives from each and all of these concurrent testimony as to avast, shadowy, and profound antiquity for man, one stretching way beyondthe dawn of history, far into the very night of time. 

As we have now spent some time in tracing out the culture of these earlyages, it may be well to see if there are any means at our command todetermine the absolute chronology of the various ages. At the veryoutset of our inquiry, we shall perceive that we have no such classof facts as guided our investigations into the age of the Paleolithicremains. We have but to recall the situation in which the implementsof that age were found, always under such circumstances, that we see atonce that a great lapse of time has passed since they became imbeddedwhere found, and then the bones of the various extinct animals, found soassociated with the implements, that we are justified, even compelled, to admit they occupied the same section of country, and then, from avariety of causes, we are satisfied that they occupied Europe at theclose of the Glacial Age, if not for long ages before. All this gave usa point of departure, and we have showed with what care scholars havestudied all questions relating to the date of the Glacial Age. 

But aside from the fact that geology points out that a long time went byafter the close of the Glacial Age before Neolithic man arrived on thescene, we are largely deprived of its aid in our investigations; for allthe various implements and specimens of the household industries, fromwhich we derive our knowledge of these latter ages, are found onlyin surface deposits; that is, in the modern alluvia and silt of riverbottoms, in superficial deposits, in caves, and in peat-bogs; and evenin other instances where apparently deeply buried, as in the submergedforest deposits of the British coasts, we know that, geologicallyspeaking, their age is recent. 

But in spite of these difficulties, attempts have been made from timeto time to determine the absolute chronology of these ages. The results, however, can only be considered as approximations of the truth. We willcall attention to some of these calculations. Their value to us consistsin showing us the methods by which this problem has been attacked, andnot in the results obtained. M. Morlot, of Switzerland, has sought todetermine this question by a study of the delta of the Tiniere, whichis a small river flowing into the lake of Geneva. Like all mountainstreams, it brings down considerable quantities of sediment, with whichit has formed a conical shaped delta. Cuttings for a railroad exposeda fine section of this cone, and showed that at three different timeslayers of vegetable soil, which must once have been its old surface werefound. 

The lowest surface was some twenty feet beneath the present surface, and here were found relics of the Stone Age. The second layer was at thedepth of ten feet, and contained relics of the Bronze Age. Finally thefirst buried layer, three feet beneath the present surface, was found tocontain relics of the Roman Age. Obtaining from other data the time thathas elapsed since the deposits of the Roman layer, he readily calculatesthe age of the Stone and Bronze layers. By this means he obtains for theBronze Age an antiquity of between three and four thousand years, andfor the Neolithic Age from five to seven thousand years. M. Morlotdoes not claim for his calculation more than approximate accuracy. But if we were to allow it a greater accuracy than its author claims, it would still only show us that from a period of from five to seventhousand years ago, tribes of stone using folks lived in Switzerland. It tells us nothing as to their first appearance, or the total length ofthis age. 

Other calculations of a similar nature have been made. The Lake ofBienne, in Switzerland, has been gradually silting up along its marginsfrom time immemorial. About seven hundred and fifty years ago therewas an abbey built at one place on the then existing shore of the lake. Since that time the gain of land has been about twelve hundred feet. Aconsiderable distance further up the valley are found the remains of alake settlement of the Stone Age. If the gain of land has been uniform, it has not been far from seven thousand years since the lake washedround the ancient settlement. Of course the land may have gained fasterat one time than at another, but from the general configuration of thevalley it is considered that its gain was regular. 

Mr. Skertchly, of the Geological Survey of England, has furnished stillanother estimate, based on the growth of the Fen-beds on the eastcoast of England. It is sufficient to state that he also arrives at anestimate of about seven thousand years for the Neolithic period. Nowthese results are interesting, and their substantial agreement is, tosay the least, striking. We must remember, however, that none of themare free from error. They may serve to clear up our thoughts on thissubject, but we notice they tell us nothing as to the beginning of theNeolithic Age. 

Abandoning the effort to obtain dates for the various ages, attemptshave been made to calculate the entire interval that has elapsedsince the close of the Glacial times, and thus set bounds to the firstappearance of Neolithic man. We briefly touched on this question indetermining the antiquity of the Paleolithic Age, and we say, as far asthis country was concerned, it was comparatively a recent thing, but asfor Europe, it must be at a very remote time. M. Quatrefages has calledour attention to two investigations in Europe, which, in order tounderstand this question, we will now glance at. The waters of theRhone carry into Lake Geneva every year quantities of sediment. In otherwords, from this and other sources, the lake is gradually being filledup. Carefully calculating the amount carried into the lake in a year, estimates have been made of the length of time it has taken the river tofill up the lake as much as it has. 

But in making this calculation the date arrived at was a maximumone--that is, a point beyond which it is not reasonable to suppose thetime extended. These calculations gave as a result one hundred thousandyears. The meaning of this is that the time elapsed since the close ofthe Glacial Age was something less than the number just stated. On theother hand, a minimum date for this time has been obtained by estimatingthe amount of erosion in the valley of the River Saone, in France. From this we know that the time can not be less than seven thousandyears. 

It is, perhaps, doubtful whether we shall ever be able to obtainsatisfactory answers to these questions. From what we have repeatedlyseen of the slowness of development of primitive man, we do not doubtbut what the antiquity of Neolithic Man goes much farther back thanseven thousand years. When a naturalist finds in widely separated partsof the world animals belonging to a common order, he is justified inconcluding that the order is a very ancient one. To illustrate, the opossum belongs to an order of animals of which the only otherrepresentatives are found in Australia and the neighboring islands. We are not surprised, therefore, to learn that this order was thefirst to appear in geological time. We think the rule is equallyapplicable to races of men. We are told that the Turanian race, or, asit is often named, the Mongoloid race, is a very widely scatteredone. Its representatives are found over the larger portion of Asia, in Northern Europe, the islands of the Pacific; and they were the onlyinhabitants of the New World at the time of the conquest. This widedispersion would imply that they were one of the ancient races of theworld, and as such their antiquity must be far greater than the abovenamed number of years. 

This point grows clearer when we see what light is afforded on thissubject by historical research. The Turanian people were in fullpossession of Europe while yet the ancestors of the Hindoos and thevarious European nations dwelt together as one people in Asia. As arace they had grown old when the Celts commenced their wanderings. Egyptcomes before us as a powerful people, at a time at least as early as sixthousand years ago. Even at that time they had attained civilization. But we need not doubt that there is a long series of years lying backof that, during which this people were slowly advancing from a previouscondition of barbarism. The Egyptian people themselves are, in part atleast, descendants of a Turanian people that probably in former timesoccupied the valley of the Nile and North Africa. 

Mr. Geikie has lately gone over the entire ground from the point of viewof a geologist. He ranges over a wide field, and appeals in support towriters of acknowledged ability in all branches of learning. Yetthe impression we gather from his writings is that of ill-defined, butfar-reaching antiquity, one necessary to account for the great climaticand geographical changes which he shows us have taken place since theGlacial Age. But he tells us that any term of years he could suggestwould be a mere guess. We can not do better than leave the matter here. Perhaps as a result of the research of our present scholars, we may soonhave more precise results. 

These closing essays have impressed on us clearly and distinctly theisolation of the Paleolithic Age. When we reflect on its prolongedduration, its remoteness in time, and its complete severance from theNeolithic and succeeding ages, we are almost ready to wonder whetherthey were indeed human beings. But beginning with the Neolithic Age, we come to our own era. This primitive culture seems to have beenthe commencement of our own culture, and so the industries, householdimplements, and weapons of these ages possess a greater interest to us. We have now completed our inquiry into prehistoric life in Europe, andare ready to turn our attention to other parts of the field. What wehave thus far learned shows us how true it is that the past of humanlife on the globe is full of mystery. We trust that what has beenwritten will enable our readers to form clearer conceptions of life inEurope during these far away times. 

REFERENCES

 (1) Dana's "Manual of Mineralogy, " p. 230. (2) "Primitive Man, " p. 298. (3) Evans's "Ancient Stone Implements, " p. 5. (4) Evans's "Ancient Bronze Implements, " p. 8. (5) "Ancient Bronze Implements, " p. 3. (6) Ibid. , p. 40. (7) Ibid. , p. 19. (8) Figuier's "Primitive Man, " p. 300. (9) "Ancient Society, " p. 216. (10) Figuier's "Primitive Man, " p. 325. (11) "Prehistoric Times, " p. 7. (12) M. Desor, in "Smithsonian Reports, " 1865, tells us that small brass rings were probably used by people of the Swiss lake villages of the Bronze Age epoch as money. (13) Figuier's "Primitive Man, " p. 310. (14) Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times, " p. 7. (15) Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times, " p. 17. (16) Evans's "Ancient Bronze Implements, " p. 1. (17) "Smithsonian Report, " 1860, p. 342. (18) Ibid. (19) Mr. Southall, in "Recent Origin of Man, " p. 475, quotes, from Dr. Andrews, of Chicago, to the effect that these calculations are very erroneous, as he thinks that M. Morlot forgot that the size of the cone would increase more and more slowly. On the contrary, M. Morlot says as follows: "Only this growth must have gone on at a gradually diminishing rate, because the volume of a cone increases as the cube of its radius. Taking this fact into consideration, etc. " (Smithsonian Report, 1860, p. 341. ) There are, however, several objections to this calculation, for which see Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times, " p. 400; also Quatrefages's "Human Species, " p. 138. (20) Lubbock's "Prehistoric Times, " p. 402. For criticisms on this calculation see Southall's "Recent Origin of Man. " (21) British Assoc. Rep. , 1879. (22) Quatrefages's "Human Species, " p. 139, _et seq. _ (23) Nicholson's "Manual of Zoology, " p. 535. (24) Dana's "Manual of Geology, " p. 416, note. (25) Keary's "Dawn of History, " p. 382; Morgan's "Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity. " (26) Dawkins's "Early Man in Britain, " p. 324. (27) "Prehistoric Europe, " chap. Xvi to xxii. 

Chapter IX

EARLY MAN IN AMERICA. 

Conflicting accounts of the American Aborigines--Recentdiscoveries--Climate of California in Tertiary Times--Geologicalchanges near its close--Description of Table Mountain--Results of thediscoveries there--The Calaveras skull--Other relics--Discussion of thequestion--Early Californians Neolithic--Explanation of this--Date ofthe Pliocene Age--Other discoveries bearing on the Antiquity of man--Dr. Koch's discovery--Discoveries in the Loess of Nebraska--In GreeneCounty, Ill. --In Georgia--Difficulties in detecting a Paleolithic Agein this country--Dr. Abbott's discoveries--Paleolithic Implements of theDelaware--Age of the deposits--The race of Paleolithic man--Ancestors ofthe Eskimos--Comparison of Paleolithic Age in this country with that inEurope--Eskimos one of the oldest races in the World. 

When the energy and skill of Columbus were crowned with success, andthe storm-tossed Atlantic was found to lave the shores of a westerncontinent, reflecting minds in Europe were much interested in thestrange stories they heard of the inhabitants of the New World. On theone hand Spanish adventurers told scarcely credited stories of populouscities, temples glittering with gold and silver ornaments, and nationspossessed of a barbaric civilization scarcely inferior to their own. Onthe other hand were accounts of morose savages, cruel and vindictive innature, depending on fishing and the chase for a livelihood. Nearly fourcenturies have elapsed since that time. The aboriginal inhabitants havenearly disappeared, leaving their origin and prehistoric life almost asgreat a riddle to us as it was to the early colonists. 

But in endeavoring to unroll the pages of their history, we have chancedupon some strange discoveries. The Aztecs, that people whose culture isto-day such an enigma to our scholars, are known to be a late arrivalin the valley of Anahuac. They were preceded in that section by amysterious people, the Toltecs, whose remains excite our liveliestcuriosity, but of which we have yet learned but little. Yucatan is shownto have been for many centuries the home of a people whose advancementequated that of the Aztecs at their palmiest day. Like importantdiscoveries attended the labors of explorers in the North. The entirevalley of its great river is known to have been the home of a numerouspopulation, that, from the nature of their remains, we call theMound-builders. Who these people were, when and whence they came, and whither they went, are questions whose solution is by no meansaccomplished. Nor are such discoveries the only results. A study oftheir institutions has done much in revealing the constructions ofancient society, and thereby throwing light on some mysterious chaptersof man's existence. 

Of late years interest in the antiquity of man in America has beenreawaked by the discoveries of human remains in Pliocene deposits inCalifornia, and the Glacial gravel of the Delaware at Trenton, NewJersey. Before this it was supposed that we had no authentic instanceof human remains in America found under such circumstances that it wasnecessary to assign to them a profound antiquity. If these latter daydiscoveries be true, we can not escape the conclusion that man livedin America at as early a date as that indicated by any of the Europeanexplorations. Some hold that the proof of his existence here in Pliocenetimes is far more satisfactory than any evidence of his presence inEurope during this time. There is something fascinating in this belief. If some of the most eminent scientists of America are not mistaken, manlived on our Pacific coast before the great ice-sheets that pulverizedthe surface of the earth and dispersed life before them came down fromthe north. He ranged along the western rivers before the volcanic peaksof the Sierras were uplifted, and his old hunting-grounds are to-dayburied underneath the greet lava flow which desolated ancient Californiaand Oregon. But this assertion has not been allowed to pass undisputed, nor has it received the assent of all scientists. 

We can easily understand why scholars subject all questions relatingto the first appearance of man to very careful scrutiny. If a competentgeologist should assert that he had found, in undoubted Plioceneformations, bones of some species of animals not hitherto suspected ofliving at that date, his statement would be accepted as proof of thesame. But in the case of man, every circumstance is inquired into. Itis but right that the utmost care should be exercised in this direction. But, on the other hand, we are not justified in demanding mathematicaldemonstration in every case of the accuracy of a reported discovery. Yetsuch seems to be the position of a portion of the scientific world. For, although they willingly admit that man has lived on the earth for a verylong time indeed, they urge all sorts of objections to extending thattime into a past geological age. 

Accordingly, when Professor Whitney states as the result of many yearsspent in the investigation of the Tertiary formation of California, thathe finds evidence of the existence of man in the Pliocene Age, it is notstrange that one part of the scientific world listens incredulously tohis statements, and are at once ready to explain away the facts on whichhe relies. He may, of course, be mistaken, for it is human to err, buthis proofs are sufficiently strong to convince some of the best scholarsin America. We can do no more than to lay the facts before the readerand let him judge for himself. 

We have seen what a genial climate prevailed in Europe during theTertiary Age. This must also have been true of California. A rich andvaried vegetation decked the land. The great trees of California ofour day then flourished in Greenland, Iceland, and Western Europe. Thecypress of the Southern States was then growing in Alaska and other highnorthern latitudes. The climate probably passed from a tropical one, inearly Tertiary times, to a milder or temperate one in Pliocene times. Amongst the animals inhabiting America were three species of camels. Rhinoceroses, mastodons, and elephants trooped over the land. Tigers andother carnivore prowled in the forests. Herds of horse-like animals, onescarcely distinguishable from our common horse, grazed in the valleys, along with several species of deer. From the presence of the olddrainage beds, we know that majestic rivers rolled their watery burdenthrough the land. Such a country might well afford a home for man if hewere present. 

To understand fully the course of events which now took place we mustventure on geological ground. The great Pacific Ocean, lying to thewest of America, is constantly exerting a lateral pressure, which duringTertiary times showed its effect in the uplifting of the great mountainranges of the western coast. During late Tertiary times, as acounterpart to the upward movement, a great subsidence commenced inthe Pacific region. Doubtless many islands, some think an entirecontinent even, disappeared beneath the waves. The completion of thevarious mountain ranges left the coast firm and unyielding; hence, asit could not bend before the fiery flood forced upward from below by thedownward motion just mentioned, it broke, and the torrent of molten rockleaped out as a lava flow. In consequence of this, near the close ofPliocene times, the surface of California and Oregon, especially thenorth of California, became buried under the lava and ashes of the mostdesolating volcanic outbreak that the earth has ever known. 

Let us now see what bearing this has on the question of the antiquity ofman. Scattered here and there throughout California are numerous massesof basaltic lava, which appear as elevated ridges, the softer strataaround having been denuded away. They have received the general nameof Table Mountains. They have not only been noted for their picturesquebeauty, but miners long since found that the gravels underneath the lavacovering were rich in gold. In Tuolumne County the Table Mountain is aflow of lava which originated in lofty volcanoes several miles away. 

It extends along the north side of the Stanilaus, which is a small riverflowing in a south-westerly course through the county. The mountain isin the form of a ridge about two thousand feet above the present levelof the river. At one point the river breaks through this ridge, whichhas been worn away for a considerable distance. From this point theridge appears as a continuous mountain, stretching away to the south fora distance of twenty miles, from where it crosses the river. "As seenfrom a distance the Table Mountain reveals its origin at once, in thecontrast between the long, straight line of its upper edge and thebroken and curving ones which the eroded hills of the auriferous strataeverywhere exhibit. Its dark color and comparative absence of treesand shrubs on its top and sides also indicate very clearly that thematerials of which it is composed are very different from that of thesurrounding hills. "

This is the celebrated Table Mountain of Tuolumne County. It is simplya vast flow of lava. It must have been a grand sight when this river offire came rolling down from its volcanic fount. Its present position ontop of an elevated ridge is a very singular one. In explanation of thatwe arrive at some very important conclusions, and we can not fail to beimpressed with the fact that countless ages have rolled away since thatlava flood poured down the mountain side. "No one can deny that a streamof melted lava, running for forty miles down the slope of the Sierra, must have sought and found a depression or valley in which to flow; forit is impossible that it should have maintained for any distance itsposition on the crest of a ridge. " Lava is about as thick as molteniron, and would as surely seek some valley in which to flow as would somuch water. "The valley of the Stanilaus, now two thousand feet deep, could not then have existed; for this flow of lava is clearly seen tohave crossed it at one point. "

"The whole face of the country must, therefore, have undergone an entirechange since the eruption took place, during which this mass of lava waspoured out. The valley of the Stanilaus must have then been occupied bya range of mountains. The same is true of the other side, where now isthe valley of Wood's Creek; for such ranges must have existed in orderto form and wall in the valley in which the current of lava flowed. There has been, therefore, an amount of denudation during the periodsince this volcanic mass took its position of not less than three orfour thousand feet of perpendicular depth, and this surprising seriesof changes is not peculiar to one locality, but the whole slope ofthe Sierras, through the gold region, is the scene of similar volcanicoutflows and subsequent remodeling of the surface into a new series ofreliefs and depressions. "

Illustration of Imaginary Section of Table Mountain. -------

In order to fully realize the change here spoken of, an imaginarysection of Table Mountains is here presented. Here we see the twovalleys on the sides, and the mass of lava covering the top of themountain. The dotted lines represent the position of the old line ofhills, which must once have inclosed the valley down which coursed thefiery torrent. 

We require to dwell on this, fact before we can fully understand itsmeaning. The "eternal hills, " two and three thousand feet in height, have been completely washed away, and where they stood is now a deepvalley. But the old valley, protected by its stony covering, is now amountain ridge; and this, we are told, is not a solitary instance, butthe entire surface of the country has been thus denuded. We stand in awebefore the stupendous results, which nature, working through vast cyclesof time, has accomplished. 

But if this lava flow took place in a pre-existing valley, we ought tofind under the rocky covering beds of gravel, rolled stones, and other_debris_ peculiar to a river bed. Such, in fact, we do find extendedalong directly underneath the lava, about fifteen hundred feet above thegeneral level of the country. These old river gravels are found to bevery rich in gold, and miners have tunneled into them in numerous placesin search of the valuable metal. In order to determine the geologicalage of these gravels, and subsequent lava flow, a careful examination ofportions of plants and bones of animals found therein has been made. Theplants are pronounced by competent authority to be Pliocene, totallydistinct from any specimens now growing in California. The animalremains are rhinoceroses, camels, and an extinct species of horse. Theage of these gravels is, therefore, pronounced to be Pliocene. We wouldsay in this connection that the auriferous gravels of California havebeen the object of a very careful research by Prof. Whitney. He addsto his conclusions that of another of the State geologists. We need notgive in detail his arguments, but he reaches the conclusion that theauriferous gravels of the Pacific slope represent the whole of theTertiary Age. 

We have seen that in the ancient gravels of European riversarchaeologists have found the materials wherewith to build a fascinatingstory of man's appearance in Quaternary times. We have underneath thelava flow of California the gravel beds of rivers far antedating thegravels of the Somme. It is therefore not a little interesting to learnfrom Prof. Whitney that he finds many proofs of the existence of man inthe gravels of the Pliocene Age in California. Under the solid basalt ofTable Mountain have been found many works of men's hands, as well as thecelebrated "Calaveras Skull. "

Illustration of Calaveras Skull. -----------

This skull was taken from a mining shaft at Altaville, at a depth of onehundred and thirty feet from the surface, beneath seven different strataof lava and gravel. Prof. Whitney was not present when it was found. He, however, made it his business to examine into the facts of the case, andhe thus speaks of it: "That the skull was found in these old, intact, cemented gravels has been abundantly proved by evidence that can not begainsaid. " And again: "So far as human and geological testimony can atpresent be relied on, there is no question but that the skull was foundunder Table Mountain, and is of the Pliocene Age. "

This would seem to be pretty explicit, but, as we have said before, Prof. Whitney, in his formal report as the State geologist ofCalifornia, reaches the conclusion that the auriferous gravels ofthe Pacific are all of the Tertiary Age. It is therefore not a littleinteresting to learn that numerous instances are recorded of the findingof human remains or the works of man in these gravels. Prof. Whitneymentions twenty such instances. Mr. Bancroft furnishes us a listof such discoveries, giving as his authority Mr. C. D. Voy, of theCalifornia Geological Survey, of Oakland, California. He states that Mr. Voy personally visited most of the localities where the discoveries weremade, and took all possible pains to verify their authenticity, andin many cases obtaining sworn statements from the parties who madethem. 

Two stone mortars and spear-heads, six and eight inches long, were foundin the gravel under Table Mountain, just mentioned. These relics werefound about three hundred feet from the surface. A hundred feet and moreof this depth was of solid lava. At another place a stone bead was foundthree hundred feet from the mouth of the tunnel, under a thick layerof lava. Many other instances might be given of such discoveries, notalways under lava coverings, but always in such instances that we arecompelled to assign to them an immense antiquity. As, for instance, atSan Andreas, according to a sworn statement in Mr. Voy's possession, large stone mortars were taken from a layer of cemented gravel, overlainby one hundred and twenty-five feet of volcanic and gravel materials. Many similar instances are on record, but enough have been mentioned toserve the purpose of the chapter. 

As we have briefly gone over the ground on which the antiquity of manin America is, by some, referred to the Pliocene Age, it is but fair tonotice some of the objections that have been raised. It is not necessaryto point out that the only questions worthy to be considered are of ascientific nature. 

We must deny either the age of the gravels themselves or that theobjects of human handiwork were found as claimed, or else that they areof the same age as the gravels. Prof. LeConte thinks, from the natureof the gravels and the peculiar circumstances which surround them, thatthey are not older than the close of the Pliocene Age. He thinks they, in fact, belong to the transitory period between that age and theQuaternary. But as we are considering the question of Pliocene man, it makes but little difference if the gravels do belong to the veryclose of that period. They may still be called Pliocene. 

One great trouble with those remains is that they were not discovered byprofessed geologists. We have to depend upon the statements of miners. But if their statements can be believed (and why should they not?), there is no doubt about their genuineness. The testimony, as Mr. Whitneysays, "all points in one direction, and there has never been any attemptmade to pass off on any member of the survey any thing out of keeping, or--so to speak--out of harmony with what has been already found, ormight be expected to be found. It has always been the same kind ofimplements which have been exhibited to us, namely, the coarsest andthe least finished, which one would suppose could be made, and still beimplements at all. " This result would hardly be possible, where somany parties are concerned in furnishing the evidence, if the objectswere not genuine. 

In opposition to this conclusion it has been urged that the stonemortars, pestles, etc. , have become imbedded in the gravel by the actionof streams, or slips from the mountain side in modern times, or are theresults of interments or mining operations. As an illustration ofhow they might become buried by the action of streams, reference is madeto somewhat similar discoveries in the tin-bearing streams of Cornwall(Wales). We know with considerable certainty that at a very early datethe Phoenicians worked in the gravels of these streams for tin ores. Implements made use of by them and others--such, for instance, asshovels, mortars, pick-axes, stone bowls, and various dishes--have beenfound at all depths in this gravel, by more modern miners. 

This may explain the presence, in some instances, of similar remains inCalifornia, but it utterly fails to do so, where the remains have beenburied underneath a lava flow or a bed of volcanic materials, as is thecase in many of the instances we have cited. Manifestly no water hasdisturbed their strata since the volcanic materials were laid down. Neither can we think of a land-slide carrying these remains into theheart of a mountain, or burying them underneath a hundred feet of lava. The peculiar position in which they were often found is surely lostsight of by those who think they might have been placed there byinterment. We can not think of a savage people digging a grave in such aposition. 

It has been urged with considerable force that these relics have beenleft behind by ancient miners when they mined for gold. Dr. Wilson iscited as authority for the statement that the Mexicans obtained "silver, lead, and tin from the mines of Tasco and copper was wrought in themountains of Zacotollan by means of galleries and shafts, opened withpersevering toil where the metallic veins were imbedded in the solidrock. " Prescott, the historian, also testifies to the same fact. 

We need only add to this, that wherever these ancient galleries wereopened in the solid rock, they still exist. Schoolcraft mentionsfinding one two hundred and ten feet deep. The chances are not worthconsidering, that these old mines would be overlooked. If, for instance, the Calaveras skull is that of a prehistoric miner, killed in an oldmining gallery only a thousand years or so ago, it is inconceivable thatall evidence of this mine should have disappeared. Or, if in one caseit should have done so, it would surely have been detected in otherinstances. The variety and explicitness of the testimony brought forwardmakes all such supposition improbable. 

It is best, in this matter, to hold the judgment in suspense. We havestated Mr. Whitney's position, and the objections that have been raisedto it. The amount of thought bestowed on the antiquity of man willdoubtless soon clear up the whole matter. We can not do better than toconsider his surroundings, supposing that he was really present. Thecountry must have been very different from the California of to-day. Dr. Cooper says, "The country consisted of peninsulas and islands, likethose of the present East Indies; resembling them also in climate andproductions. " The probabilities are that to the west and southwestof California, instead of watery expanse of the Pacific, only brokenhere and there by an ever-verdant islet, there was either a continentalexpanse of land or, at any rate, a vast archipelago. We know that over alarge part of the Northern Pacific area the land has sunk not less thansix thousand feet since late Tertiary times. 

We are certain the ocean area must have presented a vastly differentaspect before that depression commenced. It is not unreasonable tosuppose that communication between North America and Asia was mucheasier than in subsequent epochs. It might have been an easy matter forman to pass back and forth without losing sight of land. It is thereforereasonable to suppose that if Pliocene man was in existence, he wouldhave occupied both sides of the Pacific at this early time. Theselast conclusions are very important ones to reach, and as there isreasonable foundation for them, we must bear them in mind in thesubsequent pages. 

It will be remembered that the races of men who inhabited Europe in thePaleolithic Age had only very rudely formed, unpolished implements. Itis not until we arrive at the Neolithic stage of culture that we meetwith specimens of polished stone implements. To judge from the specimensof early Californian art, the beautifully polished pestles, beads, plummets or sinkers, spear-heads, etc. , Pliocene man in Californiamust have been in the Neolithic stage of culture. Though they werenot acquainted with the potter's art, yet from their skill in workingvessels of stone, they had undoubtedly passed entirely through Savagism, and had entered the confines of Barbarism, as far advanced, in fact, as many of the Indian tribes the Spaniards found in possession of thecountry. 

It must be confessed this seems very singular. It is this statementthat causes many to shut their eyes to what would be otherwise at onceadmitted and refuse to believe the genuineness of the discovery. If theimplements brought to light had been of the rude River Drift type--celtsbut little removed from nodules of flint--scholars would not be socautious about accepting them. But when we learn they are Neolithic, weat once see why they hesitate, and ask for more conclusive proofs; yetthis is no reason to disregard the discoveries. They may be a greatsurprise, they may be an unwelcome discovery to the holder of sometheories, yet the only question is, whether they are true or not, andif true, theories must be modified to fit the facts. Prof. Putnam thusspeaks, in reference to them: "As the archaeologist has no right to begoverned by any pre-conceived theories, but must take the facts as hefinds them, it is impossible for him to do otherwise than accept thedeductions of so careful and eminent a geologist as Prof. Whitney, anddraw his conclusions accordingly, notwithstanding the fact that thisPliocene man was, to judge by his works in stone and shell, as faradvanced as his descendants were at the time of the discovery ofCalifornia by the Spaniards. "

Perhaps a partial explanation of this matter may be found when weconsider all the circumstances of the case. The origin of man isgenerally assigned to some tropical country. Sir John Lubbock thusspeaks of it: "Our nearest relatives in the animal kingdom are confinedto hot, almost tropical climates; and it is in such countries thatwe are, perhaps, most likely to find the earliest traces of the humanrace. " This is also the opinion of other eminent scholars. M. Quatrefages thinks that man probably originated in Asia. He points out, however, that, during Tertiary times, the climate was much milder, andman might have originated in Northern Asia. Now, if it be true thata great mass of land has disappeared beneath the waves of the Pacific, why may we not suppose that, if this sunken land was not the originalhome of man, it was at a very early time inhabited by him; that here hepassed through his experience in savagism? We know how suited theislands of the Pacific are to the needs of a savage people; and we mustnot lose sight of the probable ease with which they could reach thecoast of California--and also of what Dr. Cooper has told us of theclimate and geographical surroundings of California at that early time. So it may not be unreasonable to suppose that man reached Californialong ages before he wandered into Europe, and so reached the Neolithicstage of culture much earlier than he did in other parts of theworld. 

It might be objected, that if a people in the Neolithic stage of culturelived in California in the Pliocene Age, they ought to have reacheda very high stage of culture indeed when the Spaniards invaded thecountry. This is what we would expect had they been left to developthemselves. The great geographical changes that took place near theclose of the Pliocene would cut off the primitive Californians from theAsiatics. Not only was the land connection--if it indeed existed--nowdestroyed, but causes were changing the climate. Ice and snow drove fromthe north life of both animals and plants, and for an entire geologicalperiod communications with Asia by way of the north must have been verydifficult, if not cut off altogether. Who can tell what changes now cameto the Asiatic branch of these people? We are but too familiar withthe fact that nations and races sicken and die: many examples could begiven. The natives of the Sandwich Islands seem doomed to extinction. Ina few centuries, the Indians of America will live only in tradition andsong. 

Such may have been the fate of the early inhabitants of the Pacificcontinent: certainly it would not be surprising, if the immense climaticand geographical changes which then took place would produce thatresult. Or it may be that but a scanty remnant lived on, absorbed bymore vigorous, though less highly cultivated stocks of the same people, whose homes had been on the main-land of Asia--and the remnant leftalong the Pacific coast must have lived on under vastly differentcircumstance. The interior of North America was largely a dreary expanseof ice and snow down to the 39th parallel of latitude. It is quite true, this great glacier did not reach the Pacific Slope; but it must haveexerted a powerful influence on the climate: and the evidence points, that the Sierra Nevada were occupied by local glaciers which reacheddown into the fertile expanse of the plains. 

This was certainly a far different climate, and a far different country, than that which sustained a vegetation of a tropical growth. It may wellbe that the people should, as a result of their changed conditions, have deteriorated in culture; or, at any rate, their progress towardcivilization may have been stopped, and many thousands of years may havepassed with no perceptible improvement. It may be objected, that manwill improve under any state of existence, give him time enough. Thisis, doubtless, in the main true. But a race may early reach its limit ofculture; in which case, as a race, it will not improve: we may do muchwith the individual, but nothing, or but very little, for the race. 

In these considerations which have been advanced we may find some reasonfor the early appearance of Neolithic man, as well as the fact thathe advanced no farther in culture. But whether man first arrived inCalifornia in Pliocene times or not, he continued to inhabit the land tothe present day. He would, however, be exposed to assault after assaultfrom invading tribes. We do not wish to examine the question of theorigin of the native Americans. It is held, by the best authorities, that at least a portion of them came from Asia, using the Kurile Islandsas a stepping stone. Reaching the main-land of America, and passingdown the coast, they would, sooner or later, reach the Valley of theColumbia--which has been characterized as the most extraordinary regionon the face of the earth in the variety and amount of subsistence itafforded to tribes destitute of a knowledge of agriculture. At certainseasons of the year the rivers are crowded with fish, and they are thencaught with the greatest ease. As a mixture of forest and prairie, thecountry is an excellent one for game. A species of bread-root grew onthe prairies; and, in the Summer, there was a profusion of berries. Tothese advantages must be added that of a mild and equable climate. 

These combined advantages would make this valley one of the centers ofpopulation, from whence would issue successive bands of invading people. A portion of these, passing over into California, would come in contactwith the descendants of Pliocene man. The result would be, that theprimitive inhabitants, unable to escape to the west, would come incontact with wave after wave of invading tribes. This is not altogethertheory. All inquirers into the customs, arts, and languages of theprimitive Californians have been struck with the remarkable comminglingof the same. We are driven to the conclusion that here has been themeeting ground of many distinct tribes and nations. "From such amixture, and over-population of the most desirable portions of thecountry, would naturally result the formation of the hundreds of pettytribes that existed in both Upper and Lower California when first knownto the Spaniards. "

In view of these facts, it is not strange that no advance in culture isnoticeable; and the grounds just mentioned may go far to explain why wecatch sight, here and there, of bits of customs, habits, and manners oflife which strangely remind us of widely distant people--though it willnot explain the presence of words of Malay or Chinese origin which areclaimed to exist. What is known as the Eskimo trace is quite markedin the physical characters and in the arts of the Californians. It is, probably, the continuance of the type of the primitive Americanrace. 

It would naturally be interesting to know whether any date can be givenfor the Pliocene Age, and so give us some ideas as to the antiquity ofman, if he were really here during that epoch. This, however, is one ofthe most difficult questions to answer, and in the present state of ourknowledge incapable of solution. Approximations have, of course, beenmade, and, as might be expected, vary greatly in results. When it wasacknowledged on all hands that on geological grounds the age of theearth was certainly very great, many times the few thousand yearshitherto relied on, it is not strange that popular thought swung to theother extreme, and hundreds of millions of years were thought necessaryto explain the series of changes which the geologists unfolded. Thisdemand for a greatly extended time was strengthened when the law ofthe gradual evolution of life was expounded by the modern school ofnaturalists, and as great a lapse of time as five hundred millions ofyears was not deemed an extravagant estimate. Sir William Thompson has, however, demonstrated that the time that has elapsed since the crust ofthe earth became solidified can not be far from one hundred millions ofyears, and consequently we know the time since the appearance of lifemust be greatly less than that number of years. 

Attempts have been made to estimate the length of time required to formthe sedimentary crust of the earth. The results are so divergent on thispoint that it is best not to adopt any standard at present. Our viewson this matter are also dependent on the time that has elapsed since theclose of the Glacial Age, which, as we have seen, is not yet a settledpoint. If it be true that the islands of the Pacific commenced to sinkduring late Tertiary times, then we have a measure of that time in thegrowth of coral, which has required at least four hundred thousand yearsto form reefs the thickness of some that are known to exist. 

But here, again, it seems we are not certain when this depressioncommenced. In a previous chapter we have gone over the Glacial Age, and have seen when, according to Mr. Croll's theory, it commenced. Thiswas probably not far from the close of the Pliocene Age. We might aswell leave the matter here. There are so many elements of uncertaintythat it is doubtful if we will ever be able to assign satisfactory datesto the epoch. 

In bringing to a conclusion this somewhat extended notice of early manin California we have to admit that much of it is speculative; still itis an endeavor to explain known facts. The main statement is that manlived in California in the Pliocene Age, in the Neolithic stage ofculture. Whether the arguments adduced in support of this statement aresufficient to prove its accuracy must be left to the mature judgmentof the scientific world. There is no question but that the climate andgeography, the fauna and the flora, were then greatly different fromthose of the present. Starting with these known facts, so strangeand fascinating, it need occasion no surprise, if the pen of theenthusiastic explorer depict a scene wherein facts and fancy are united. 

In this case truth is certainly stranger than fiction, and when, inimagination, we see the great Pacific archipelago emerge from the waves, and, in place of the long swell of the ocean, we picture the pleasingscenes of tropic lands, the strange floral growth of a past geologicalage, the animal forms which have since disappeared, with man alreadywell advanced in culture: when we recall all this, and picture forth thesurprising changes which then took place, the slowly subsiding land, theencroaching waters, and the resultant watery waste, with here and therea coral-girt island, the great volcanic uplift on the main-land, theflaming rivers of molten lava, which come pouring forth, followed bythe night of cold, ice, and snow: when we consider these, and the greatlapse of time necessary for their accomplishment, how powerless are merewords to set forth the grandeur and the resistless sweep of nature'slaws, and to paint the insignificance and trifling nature of man and hisworks!

The discoveries in California are not the only instances of the relicsof man and his works found under such circumstances that they are reliedon by some to prove the great age of man in America. But on account ofthe rarity of these finds, and the contradictory statements and opinionsrespecting them, the scientific world has until lately regarded withsome distrust the assertion of a great antiquity for man on thiscontinent; but a review of the evidence on this point, and especiallyof Dr. Abbott's discoveries in New Jersey, must impress on all theconclusion that tribes of men were living here at the close of theGlacial Age, and probably long before that time. 

It need occasion no surprise to learn that several of the discoveries offormer years, relied on in this connection, have since been shown to beunreliable. They have not been able to stand a careful examination atthe hands of later scholars. They were made when European savants werefirst communicating to the world the results of the explorations ofthe river gravels and caves of that country. The antiquity of man beingamply proven there, may afford some explanation why more discriminatingcare was not employed. Of this nature were some of the discoveries inthe valley of the Mississippi; such, for instance, as the portion ofthe human skeleton found mingled with the bones of extinct animals a fewmiles below Natchez, and the deeply buried skeleton at New Orleans, in both of which cases a simple explanation is at hand without thenecessity of supposing a great flight of years. 

Some of these discoveries yet remain an unsettled point. Such isthe discovery of flint arrow-heads in connection with the bones of amastodon found in Missouri. Dr. Koch, who made the discovery, draws fromthe facts of the case such a suggestive picture that we will give hisown words. After describing where found, he says: "The greater portionof these bones had been more or less burned by fire. The fire hadextended but a few feet beyond the space occupied by the animal beforeits destruction, and there was more than sufficient evidence that thefire had not been an accidental one, but, on the contrary, that it hadbeen kindled by human agency, and, according to all appearance, with thedesign of killing the huge creature which had been found mired in themud, and in an entirely helpless condition. All the bones which hadnot been burned by the fire had kept their original position, standingupright and apparently quite undisturbed in the clay, whereas thoseportions which had been extended above the surface had been partiallyconsumed by the fire, and the surface of the clay was covered, as faras fire had extended, by a layer of wood ashes, mingled with largeror smaller pieces of charred wood and burnt bones, together with bonesbelonging to the spine, ribs, and other parts of the body, which hadbeen more or less injured by the fire. It seemed that the burning of thevictim and the hurling of rocks at it had not satisfied the destroyers, for I found also, among the ashes, bones, and rocks, severalarrow-heads, a stone spear-head, and some stone axes. "

Such is Dr. Koch's very interesting statement of this find. "It wasreceived by the scientific world, " says Foster, "with a sneer ofcontempt, " and, it seems to us, for very insufficient reasons. It isadmitted that his knowledge of geology was not as accurate as it shouldhave been. He made some mistakes of this nature, which have been clearlyshown. Still, he is known to have been a diligent collector, and weare told "no one who knew him will question but that he was a competentobserver. " It seems to us useless to deny the truth of hisstatements. There is, however, nothing to necessitate us believing inan immense age for these remains. This is not to be considered a pointagainst them, for there is no reason for supposing that the mastodonmay not have lingered on to comparatively recent times, and thatcomparatively recent men may not have intercepted and destroyed helplessindividuals. Indeed, we are told there are traditions still extant amongthe Indians of these monsters. 

We have other facts showing that, in this country as in Europe, man wascertainly living not far from the time when the land was covered withthe ice of the Glacial Age, whatever may be true of still earlierperiods. We are told that, when the time came for the final breaking upof the great glaciers, and while they still lingered at the head watersof the Platte, the Missouri, and the Yellowstone rivers, a mightylake--or, rather, a succession of lakes--occupied the greater portionof the Missouri Valley. The rivers flowing into them were of greatsize, and heavily freighted with sediment, which was depositedin the still waters of the lakes, and thus was formed the rich loessdeposits of Nebraska. 

From several places in this loess have been taken rude stone arrows, buried at such depths and under such circumstances, that we mustconclude they were deposited there when the loess was forming. But thisrequires us to carry them back to a time when elephants and mastodonsroamed over the land, for bones of these huge creatures are quitefrequently found. This arrow-point--or, it may be, spear-head--was foundtwenty feet from the surface; and almost directly above it, and distantonly thirteen inches, was a vertebra of an elephant. It appears, then, that some old races lived around the shores of this lake, and, paddlingover it, accidentally dropped their arrows, or let them fly at a passingwater-fowl;" and, from the near presence of the elephant's bone, it isshown that "man here, as well as in Europe, was the contemporary of theelephant, in at least a portion of the Missouri Valley. 

Illustration of Implement found in Loess. -----------

Other examples are on record. In Greene County, Illinois, partiesdigging a well found, at the depth of seventy-two feet, a stone hatchet. Mr. McAdams carefully examined the well, to see if it could have droppedfrom near the surface. He tells us the well was dug through loessdeposits; and from the top down was as smooth, and almost as hard, asa cemented cistern. The loess was, as in Nebraska, deposited inthe still waters of the lake which once occupied the Valley of theIllinois. And we need not doubt but that it dates from the breakingup of the glacial ice. The position of this hatchet, then, found at thevery bottom of the loess deposits, shows that, while yet the glacierslingered in the north, and the flooded rivers spread out in great lakes, some tribes of stone-using folks hunted along the banks of the lakes, whose bottoms were to form the rich prairies of the West. 

Previous to this discovery, Mr. Foster had recorded the finding in thissame formation, distant but a few miles, a rude hatchet. There was inthis case a possibility that the stone could have been shaped by naturalmeans, and so he did not affirm this to be a work of man; but he says, "had it been recovered from a plowed field, I should have unhesitatinglysaid it was an Indian's hatchet. " We think it but another instanceof relics found under such circumstances, that it points to the presenceof man at the close of the Glacial Age. 

No doubt many similar discoveries have been made, but the specimens wereregarded as the work of Indians; and though the position in which theywore found may have excited some surprise, they were not brought to theattention of the scholars. Nor is it only in the prairie regions ofthe West where such discoveries have been made. Col. C. C. Jones hasrecorded the finding of some flint implements in the drift of theChattahooche River, which we think as conclusively proves the presenceof man in a far away time as do any of the discoveries in the rivergravels of Europe. It seems that gold exists in the sands of this river, and the early settlers were quick to take advantage of it. They dugcanals in places to turn the river from its present channel--and others, to reach some buried channel of former times. These sections passed downto the hard slate rock, passing through the surface, and the underlyingdrift, composed of sand, gravel, and bowlders. "During one of theseexcavations, at a depth of nine feet below the surface, commingledwith the gravels and bowlders of the drift, and just above the rockysubstratum upon which the deposit rested, were found three [Paleolithic]flint implements. "

He adds that, "in materials, manners of construction, and in generalappearance, so nearly do they resemble some of the rough, so-calledflint hatchets, belonging to the drift type, as described by M. BoucherDe Perthes, that they might very readily be mistaken, the one for theother. " "They are as emphatically drift implements, as any that haveappeared in the diluvial matrix of France. " On the surface soil, abovethe flints, are found the ordinary relics of the Indians. The works ofthe Mound Builders are also to be seen. Judging from their position, thePaleolithics must be greatly older than any of the surface remains. Manycenturies must go by to account for the formation of the vegetable soilabove them. 

Speculating on their age, Mr. Jones eloquently says, "If we are ignorantof the time when the Chattahooche first sought a highway to the Gulf;if we know not the age of the artificial tumuli which still grace itsbanks; if we are uncertain when the red Nomads who, in fear and wonder, carried the burdens of the adventurous DeSoto, as he conducted hisfollowers through primeval forests, and, by the sides of their softlymingling streams, first became dwellers here, how shall we answerthe question as to the age in which these rude drift implements werefashioned and used by these primitive people?"

The examples we have quoted, even though the case of California be notconsidered, are all suggestive of a great antiquity for man, taking usback in time to when the glaciers still "shone in frigid splendor"over the northern part of the United States. When European savantshad established the science of Archaeology, and shown the existence ofseparate stages of culture, it was but natural that those interested inthe matter on this side of the Atlantic should turn with renewed energyto investigate the archaeology of this country, to see if here, too, they could find evidence of a Paleolithic Age. But the scholar in thiscountry is confronted with a peculiar difficulty. Owing to the verymultiplicity and variety of relics of prehistoric times, it is difficultto properly classify and understand them. The field is of great extent, the time of study has been short, and the explorers few; so it is notstrange that but few localities have been thoroughly searched. But, until this is done, we can not hope to reach definite conclusions. 

The peculiar culture of the Indians, prevailing among them at thetime of the discovery, proved a hindrance, rather than a help, inthis matter. The Indians are certainly not Paleolithic, many of theirimplements being finely wrought and polished; but their arrow-heads, hatchets, and celts were sufficiently rude to spread the conviction thatall weapons and implements of stone should be referred to them. Thisbelief has done much to hinder real progress. It is not to be wonderedat that some difference of opinion has prevailed, among our scholars, whether the different stages of culture, discovered in Europe, have anyexistence here. 

On one hand, it is denied that different stages can be detected. SaysProf. Whitney: "It is evident that there has been no unfolding of theintellectual faculties of the human race on this continent similarto that which has taken place in Central Europe. We can recognize noPaleolithic, Neolithic, Bronze, or Iron Ages. " Others assure us, that if present, the ages stand in reverse order. "The relics last usedwere by far the rudest, and the historic races, which are the survivorsof the prehistoric, are the wildest of the two; the lower statusremaining, while the higher has passed away. " In still another placewe read: "The Neolithic and Bronze Ages preceded the Paleolithic, atleast in the Mississippi basin. "

Notwithstanding these quotations, we think it will yet be shown that inthis country, as in Europe, there was a true Paleolithic Age, andthat there was no such inversion as is here spoken of. In some placessedentary tribes may have been driven away and their territory occupiedby more war-like, but less highly cultivated tribes. But take the wholeIndian race, and they were steadily advancing through the Neolithicstage of culture. They were acquainted with copper, and were drawingnear to the discovery of bronze and metals, and, indeed, the discoveryhad been made of bronze in the far south. But lying back of the trueIndian Age, long preceding it in time, to which probably belong therelics mentioned in the preceding discoveries, is a true PaleolithicAge. 

We are indebted for the facts on which the above conclusion rests moreto the writings of Dr. C. C. Abbott, of Trenton, New Jersey, than anyother individual, and his results are based on an extensive study of therelics themselves and the position in which found. In a collection ofstone implements of this country arranged in a cabinet, we find rudeand unpolished specimens, as well as those of a finely wrought Neolithictype. Now the Indians, when first discovered, frequently made use ofvery rudely formed implements, and from a knowledge of this fact, itcame about that but little attention was paid to the position in whichthe relics were discovered. They were all classified as Indian relics. But the greatest and most valuable discoveries in science have occurredas a result of the attention paid to little things; in this case bycarefully scrutinizing the position in which they occurred. 

Dr. Abbott commenced by gathering a very extensive collection, carefullysearching his section of country and gathering all specimensof artificially shaped stones. These must have existed there inconsiderable quantities, as, in three years' time, he collected overnine thousand specimens, carefully examining them as they came fromthe soil. As a result of this extensive and careful research heis able to present us some general conclusions. The surface specimens, including in this classification also those specimens turned up by theplow, are characteristically Indian. The material is jasper andquartz, and they are generally carefully made. They used other varietiesof stone as well. Like the Neolithic people of Europe, they soughtthe best varieties of stone for their purpose. But his collection alsoincluded rude Paleolithic forms, and he found by taking the history ofeach specimen separately, that just in proportion as the relics wererude in manufacture and primitive in type the deeper were they buriedin the soil. Writing in 1875, he says: "We have never met a jasper(flint) arrow-head in or below an undisturbed stratum of sand or gravel, and we have seldom met with a rude implement of the general character ofEuropean drift implements on the surface of the ground. "

These are not theoretical opinions, but are deductions drawn from avery extensive experience. From figured specimens of these rudest formedimplements, we see they are veritable Paleolithic forms, resembling ina remarkable manner the rude implements of the old world, whethercollected in France or in India. We learned that the Paleolithic peopleof Europe utilized the easiest attainable stone for their implements. They contented themselves with such pieces of flint as they could gatherin their immediate vicinity. The easiest attainable rock in the valleyof the Delaware is not flint, but argillite, and such is the material ofwhich the Paleolithic implements are formed. Thus it is shown that thefirst appearance of a stone-using folk in the valley of the Delaware wasin the Paleolithic stage of their culture. Judging from the depths oftheir buried implements, this long preceded the Neolithic stage. 

Illustration of Spear-shaped Paleolithic Implement. -----

These conclusions have been sustained in a very marked manner by latediscoveries in the valley of the Delaware, to which we will now refer. After reaching the conclusion that the relics of the Stone Age in NewJersey clearly pointed to a Paleolithic beginning, when argillite, themost easily attainable stone, was utilized in the manufacture of weaponsand implements, Dr. Abbott made the further discovery that in theancient gravels of the Delaware River Paleolithic implements only wereto be found. We must remember that it was in the gravels of Europeanrivers that the first discoveries were made which have since resulted inso wonderfully extending our knowledge of the past of man. 

The city of Trenton, New Jersey, is built on a gravel terrace whosesurface is between forty and fifty feet above the flood plain of theDelaware. We are told that this gravel is clearly a river deposit, andmust have been laid down by the Delaware at some former time in itshistory. It is in this gravel deposit that quite a large number ofPaleolithic implements have been found. 

Illustration of Paleolithic Implement, Argillite. --------

This cut is a representation of one of them, found under suchcircumstances that there can be no question about its antiquity. We aretold it was taken from the face of the bluff fronting the river. Owingto heavy rains, a large section off of the front of the bluff becamedetached just the day before this specimen was discovered. It was foundin the fresh surface thus exposed, twenty-one feet from the surface, almost at the bottom of the gravel. Immediately above it, and in contactwith it, was a bowlder estimated to weigh over one hundred pounds. Immediately above this last was a second and much larger bowlder. It ismanifest the implements could never have gotten in the place found afterthe gravel had been deposited. 

This is only one of the many examples that could be given. But it isto be noticed that implements of the Neolithic type do not occur in thegravel, except on the surface. Dr. Abbott is not the only one who hasfound those implements. Many of our best American scholars have visitedthe locality and secured specimens, amongst others, Prof. Boyd Dawkins, of England, who is so familiar with this class of relics in Europe. We may consider it proven, then, that in this country there was alsoa Paleolithic Age. Our present information in regard to it is only abeginning. 

Since this interesting discovery was made in New Jersey we have receivednews of similar discoveries in Minnesota. A lady, Miss Frank Babbitt, has found in the modified drift of the Mississippi River, at LittleFalls, Minnesota, evidence of the existence of Paleolithic man. Theimplements are made of quartz, and not argillite, but closely resembleimplements made of this later material as described by Dr. Abbott. Itis, to say the least, an interesting coincidence that one of a very fewflint implements found in the Trenton gravel by Dr. Abbott should beidentical in shape with some of the flint implements in Minnesota. 

This point being determined, others at once spring up asking solution. Among the very first is the question of age. The river terrace on whichTrenton is built is a geological formation, and if we can determine itsage we shall also determine at least one point in the antiquity ofman, for we know the implements are as old as the gravels. It is notnecessary for our purpose to give more than the results of the carefullabors of others in this direction. We may be sure that this questionhas been carefully studied. When the implements were first discovered, the gravels were considered of glacial origin, and to that period theywere assigned by Dr. Abbott. Subsequently Prof. Lewis, a member ofthe Pennsylvania State survey, decided that they were essentiallypost-glacial--that is, more recent in time than the Glacial Age. Still more recently Prof. Wright, of Oberlin, but also of the Statesurvey of Pennsylvania, concludes that they are, after all, a depositmade at the very close of the Glacial Age. 

He thinks the sequence of events were about as follows: When the ice ofthe Glacial Age reached its greatest development, and came to a pause inits southward march, it extended in an unbroken wall across the northernpart of New Jersey, crossing the Delaware about sixty-five miles aboveTrenton. In front of it was accumulated the great terminal morain--along range of gravelly hills still marking its former presence. 

It is certain that the close of the Glacial Age was comparativelysudden, and marked by floods far exceeding any thing we are acquaintedwith at the present day. For, when the formation of the ice ceased, wemust bear in mind that the country to the north of the terminal morainwas covered with a great glacier, in some places exceeding a milein thickness. When glacial conditions were passing away, and the icecommenced to melt faster than it was produced, the thaw would naturallygo on over the entire field at an increasing rate, and hence wouldresult floods in all the rivers. 

He considers the gravels in question to have been deposited near theclose of this flooded period, when the land stood at about its presentlevel and the glaciers had retreated perhaps to the Catskill Mountains. The rivers were still swollen and would be heavily charged with coarsegravel brought from the morains and lying exposed on the surface of theground vacated by the glaciers. 

Probably but few geologists will take exceptions to these views. Thus wehave very satisfactory reasons for connecting these Paleolithic peoplewith the close of the Glacial Age--a conclusion to which the scatteringdiscoveries mentioned in the preceding pages also points. But as regardsDr. Abbott's discoveries, they are on such a scale, and vouched for byso many eminent observers, that we need no longer hesitate to acceptthem, or complain of the scattering nature of the finds. 

But we might inquire whether this is the earliest period to which thepresence of man can be ascribed in this country? Excepting, of course, California, we do not know of any well established fact on which tobase a greater antiquity for man. However, this subject is very far frombeing as closely studied as in Europe. Believing that in Europe man wasliving before the Glacial Age, and that in all probability he was livingin California at the same early time, we would naturally expect to findsome evidence of his presence in the Mississippi Basin and along theAtlantic seaboard. But no explorer has yet been fortunate enough to makesuch discoveries. 

It is scarcely necessary to point out that we have only the relative ageof these gravel deposits. We have not yet arrived at an answer in years. This we are not able to do. As we have several times remarked, ourAmerican scholars, as a rule, do not think many thousands of years haveelapsed since the Glacial Age, and yet they are not all agreed on thatpoint. From the depths in the gravel and loess deposits that the stonerelics are found, we may suppose that man was present during the entireseries of years their formation represents. Prof. Aughey, to whosediscoveries in loess deposits in Nebraska we have referred, estimatesthe length of time necessary to produce those deposits as betweennineteen and twenty thousand years, and this he considers a lowestimate. So we see that, at any rate, the date of man's firstappearance in America was certainly very far in the past. 

In forming a mental picture of the conditions of life at that earlytime, it is not necessary to imagine a dreary scene of Arctic sterility. This is not true of the time when the Glacial Age was at its greatestseverity. But at the time we are now considering, the glaciers hadretreated over a large part of the country, though they still lingeredin northern and mountainous regions. Great lakes and majestic riverswere the features of the country. The St. Lawrence was still chokedwith ice, and the great lakes must have discharged their waterssouthward. The Mississippi, gathering in one mighty stream thedrainage of the Central Basin, sped onward to the Gulf, doubtless manytimes larger than its present representative. The animals then livingincluded several species that have since become extinct. Mastodons andelephants must have been numerous, as their remains are frequently foundin loess deposits. They have also been found in the gravels ofNew Jersey, in connection with the rude implements already mentioned. Probably keeping close to the retreating glaciers were such animals asthe moose, reindeer, and musk-ox, while the walrus disported itself inthe waters off the coast. At any rate those animals now only found inhigh northern latitudes were living during Glacial times as far south asKentucky and New Jersey. 

A good deal of interest is connected with the finding of one mastodon'stooth. It was found in the gravel deposit, about fourteen feet beneaththe surface. It must have been washed to the position where found whenthe great floods from the melting glacier, with their burden of sand andgravel, were rolling down the valley. We can either conclude that theclimate was such as to permit the existence of such animals, or that theanimal to which it belonged lived in some far away pre-glacial time. Butour interest suddenly increases when we learn that, but a few feet away, under exactly similar circumstances, was found the wisdom tooth ofa human being. It, too, was rolled, scratched, and polished, and hadevidently been swept along by the tumultuous flood. "The same agencythat brought the one from the Upper Valley of the Delaware brought theother, and, after long years, they come again to light, and jointlytestify that, in that undetermined long ago, the creatures to whichthey respectively belonged were living together in the valley of theriver. "

We must now consider the question of race. Who were the men thatfashioned the implements? Were they Indians? or were they a differentpeople? As far as we know the Indians, they were Neolithic. Theirimplements and weapons are often polished, pecked, and finely wrought;and, as before remarked, they employed the best kind of stone fortheir purpose. Dr. Abbott, who speaks from a very extensive personalexperience, tells us, that it is not practical to trace any connectionbetween the well-known Indian forms and the Paleolithic implements ofthe river gravels: "The wide gap that exists between a full series ofeach of the two forms is readily recognized when the two are broughttogether. " Besides this difference in form, there is also adifference in material. The ruder forms not being of jasper and alliedminerals, but are almost exclusively of argillite. In addition tothe foregoing, we must consider the different positions they occupy--theformer being found only on or near the surface, the latter deeply buriedwithin. These different reasons all point to the same conclusion: thatis, that the Indians were preceded in this country by some other people, who manufactured the Paleolithic specimens recently discovered. 

In Europe, Prof. Dawkins, as we have seen, maintains that the Cave-menwere the predecessors of the Eskimos. This may serve us as a point ofdeparture in the inquiry as to who the pre-Indian people were? It ismanifest, however, that we must have some ground on which to base thistheory. The Eskimo seem to belong to the Arctic region, as naturally asthe white bear and the walrus. At the early time we are consideringin America, glaciers had not retreated very far. So his climaticsurroundings must have been much the same as at present. But the Eskimomay not live where he does now by choice: we may behold in him a peopledriven from a fairer heritage, who found the ice-fields of the Northmore endurable than the savage enemy who envied him his possession. Itseems very reasonable to suppose that the Eskimos long inhabited thiscountry before the arrival of the Indians, if it was not, in fact, theiroriginal home. 

Mention has been made of the Eskimo traits still to be observed amongthe tribes of California. Prof. Putnam thinks that this fact can bestbe explained on the supposition that these tribes came in contactwith primitive Eskimo people. Dr. Rink, from investigation of thelanguage and traditions of the different Eskimo tribes, thinks they areof American origin, and must once have lived much farther south. Hesays, "The Eskimos appear to have been the last wave of an aboriginalAmerican race, which has spread over the continent from more genialregions--following principally the rivers and water-courses, andcontinually yielding to the pressure of the tribes behind them untilthey have at last peopled the sea-coasts. " Mr. Dall, in hisexplorations of the Aleutian Islands, comes to the same conclusion asDr. Rink. He says his own conclusions are, "that the Eskimos wereonce inhabitants of the interior of North America--have much the samedistribution as the walrus, namely, as far south as New Jersey. "

All this tends to prove that the Paleolithic people of New Jersey wereancestors of the Eskimos. This becomes highly probable when we pursuethe subject a little farther. Dr. Abbott has shown, from the similarityof implements, position in which found, and so forth, that thePaleolithic people continued to occupy the country down to comparativelyrecent times, when Indian relics took their place. This is such animportant point that we must give his reasons more in detail. Rememberthat Dr. Abbott speaks from the experience gained by gathering overtwenty thousand specimens of stone implements, and paying especialattention to the position in which they were found. The surface soil ofthat section of New Jersey, where he made his explorations, was formedby the slow decomposition of vegetable and forest growth. In this layerhe found great numbers of undoubted Indian implements. The number, however, rapidly decreases the deeper we go in this stratum. This wouldshow that the Indians were late arrivals. Below this surface soil is astratum of sand, overlying the gravelly beds below and passing into thesurface soil just mentioned. In this layer were found great numbersof implements inferior to the Indian types found on the surface, butsuperior to the Paleolithic specimens described. They are not onlyinferior in finish to the Indian specimens, but are of differentmaterial. They are always formed of argillite. It was further noticedthat the number of these rapidly decreased in the layer of surface soil, and are but rarely found on the surface. 

Now it might be said that these rude forms were fashioned by Indianswhen in a rude state of culture, and, as they became more advanced, they learned the superior qualities of flint, and so dropped the useof argillite. But it so happens that we have found several placeswhere were veritable manufactories of Indian implements. It is verysignificant that we never find one where the workman used both flint andargillite. He always used flint alone. Every thing seems to point tothe fact, that the tribes who fashioned the argillite implements weredifferent from the Indian tribes who made the flint implements. Itis Dr. Abbott's conclusions that the former, the descendants of thePaleolithic tribes, were the Eskimos, who, according to these views, must have inhabited the eastern portion of the United States tocomparatively recent times. 

In further support of these views, we think we have grounds forasserting that we have veritable historical accounts of the Eskimopeople slowly retiring before the aggressions of their Indian foes. Itis no longer doubted but that Norsemen, as early as the year 1000, madevoyages of discovery along the coast of North America, as far southas Rhode Island: they called the country Vineland. It is true thatthe Icelandic accounts of these expeditions contain some foolish andimprobable statements; but so do the writings of Cotton Mather, mademany years later. 

These accounts refer but very briefly to the inhabitants they saw, butenough is given to show that the people were not Indians, but Eskimos. The language used is: "The men were small of stature and fierce, havinga bushy head of hair, and very great eyes, and wide cheeks. " Theirsmall size is frequently referred to, which would surely not be the caseif they were describing the Algonkins that the English colonists foundin the same section of country many years later. To the same effect isthe assertion that the Eskimos did not reach Greenland until the middleof the fourteenth century. The traditions of the Tuscarawas Indiansthat place their arrival on the Atlantic coast in the year 1300, alsorefer to a tribe of people that were at least much like the Eskimos. 

Thus we are led, step by step, to the recognition of a Paleolithic Agein America, and finally to the belief that the descendants of thesepeople were Eskimos. We at once notice the coincidence of these resultswith some of the conclusions of Prof. Dawkins, of England, and itis desirable to trace a little farther the points of resemblance anddifference between this age in America and in Europe. In this lattercountry we have seen the Paleolithic Age can be divided into two stages, or epochs, during which different races inhabited the country. Thefirst, or the epoch of the men of the River Drift, long preceded theepoch of the Cave-men. It was those latter tribes only that Mr. Dawkinsconnects with the Eskimos. 

We have not yet found evidence in this country that points to sucha division of the Paleolithic Age. We have no relics of Cave-men asdistinguished from the men of the River Drift. It is true, we are notlacking evidence of the use of caves by various tribes, but there isnothing to show that such use was very ancient, or that the peoplewere properly Paleolithic. We can not say what future discoveries willunfold, but as yet we have only implements of the River Drift type, and these are the men Dr. Abbott considers to be the ancestors of theEskimos. In this country, then, we have shown the existence of but onerace of men in the same stage of culture as the men of the River Drift, but of the same race as the men of the Cave. These results may be citedas an argument in favor of those scholars who think that the men of theRiver Drift and the men of the Cave were in reality the same people. 

In Europe there was apparently a long lapse of time between thedisappearance of the Paleolithic tribes and the arrival of the Neolithicpeople, but we have no evidence of such a period in America. ThePaleolithic people remained in possession until driven away by theNeolithic ones. All evidence of Paleolithic man in Europe terminatedwith the Glacial Age, and there is little doubt but what they date frompreglacial times. Our present knowledge does not carry us any fartherback in this country than the close of Glacial times. If we considerthat the Glacial Age in America coincides in time with the same age inEurope, then the last statements would imply that the Paleolithic Agehere was later than in Europe; in fact, that Paleolithic man had run hiscourse in Europe before he appeared in America, and some might even gofurther, and say that he migrated from Europe to America. There are, however, no good grounds for such conclusions. We believe that futurediscoveries will show that in America also Paleolithic man was living inGlacial and preglacial times. 

We feel that we have done but scant justice to this subject, but weassure our readers that this question has been but little studied inthis country. Referring all relics of stone to the Indians, our scholarshave been slow to recognize traces of an earlier race in America. Oursources of information are as yet but few, and much remains to be donein this field. In Europe as in America, scholars are still hard at workon the Paleolithic Age, and we are to hold ourselves in readiness tomodify our opinions, or to reject them entirely and adopt new ones asour knowledge increases. 

There is one thought that occurs to us. From the combined investigationsof both European and American scholars, the Eskimo is seen to be one ofthe oldest (if not the oldest) races of men now living. They afford astriking illustration of the fact that a race may early reach a limit ofculture beyond which, as a race, they can not pass. Should the Americandiscoveries establish the fact that the River Drift tribes are alsoEskimos, then we are fairly entitled to consider them the remnant ofa people who once held possession of all the globe, but who have beendriven to the inhospitable regions of the North by the pressure of laterpeople. What changes have come over the earth since that early time? Inthe long lapse of years that have gone by newer races, advancing byslow degrees, have at last achieved civilization. The fiat of Omnipotentpower could have created the world in a perfected form for the useof man, but instead of so doing, Infinite Wisdom allowed slow-actingcauses, working through infinite years, to develop the globe from anebulous mass. Man could, indeed, have been created a civilized being, but instead of this, his starting-point was certainly very low. He wasgranted capacities in virtue of which he has risen. We are not to saywhat the end shall be, but we think it yet far off. 

Illustration of Stone Implement. ----------

REFERENCES

 (1) The manuscript of this chapter was submitted to Dr. C. C. Abbott, of Trenton, New Jersey, for criticism. (2) Dana's "Manual of Geology, " p. 735, _et seq. _ (3) Ibid. , p. 753. (4) Whitney's "Geology of California, " Vol. I. (5) Whitney's "Geological Survey of California, " Vol. I. (6) Dr. Newbury's "Geological Survey of California. " (7) Whitney's "Auriferous Gravels of California, " p. 283. (8) Cambridge Lecture, 1878. (9) Cambridge Lecture, 1878. (10) "Native Races, " Vol. IV, p. 698. (11) In general, all about Sonora, in the auriferous gravels, are found bones of extinct animals, and, associated with them, many relics of the works of human hands. These are found at various depths down to one hundred feet. (Whitney's "Auriferous Gravels, " p. 263. ) (12) _American Journal of Science, _ Vol. XIX, p. 176, 1880. (13) "Auriferous Gravels, " p. 279. (14) Wright's "Studies in Science and Religion, " p. 289. (15) Dawkins, in Southall's "Pliocene Man, " p. 18. (16) Southall's "Pliocene Man, " p. 19. (17) Schoolcraft's "Archaeology, " Vol. I, p. 105. (18) As bearing on the question of Pliocene man, we might refer to the impression of human (?) foot-prints in the sand-stone quarry of the State prison at Nevada. At one time this area was the bottom of a lake, and we can plainly see the tracks of various animals that came down to drink. A huge mammoth visited the place; so also did horses and other animals. Among these is one series of tracks evidently made by a biped. Some think they are the sandaled foot of a human being. This question is still under discussion. (19) "Geographical Survey West of the 100th Meridian, " Vol. VII, p. 11. (20) Dana's "Manual of Geology, " p. 583. (21) Putnam, in "Geographical Survey West of the 100th Meridian, " Vol. VII, p. 11. (22) Ibid. , p. 18. (23) "Geographical Survey West of the 100th Meridian, " Vol. VII, p. 12. (24) "Prehistoric Times, " p. 436. (25) "Human Species, " p. 147. (26) The researches of Mr. Dall in the Aleutian Islands demonstrate the long-continued occupation of them by a savage people, and a gradual advance of the same in culture--though this apparent advance may have been simply the inroads of more advanced tribes. U. S. Geographical Survey W. Of 100th M. , p. 12. (27) Wright's "Studies in Science and Religion, " p. 292. (28) Morgan's "Ancient Society, " p. 108, note. (29) "Geographical Survey West of the 100th Meridian, " Vol. VII, p. 3. (30) Bancroft's "Native Races, " Vol. III, pp. 646, 647. (31) "U. S. Geographical Survey West of the 100th Meridian, " Vol. VII, p. 12. (32) Dana's "Manual of Geology, " p. 591. (33) LeConte's "Elements of Geology. " (34) Prof. Winchell, in his last work, "World Life, " p. 363, _et seq. , _ goes over the entire subject. As might be expected, no decisive results are obtained. He sums up the arguments to show that in this country the close of the Glacial Age is not more than seven thousand years ago (p. 375). The student who reads these pages and then Mr. Geikie's work, "Prehistoric Europe, " will be sorely puzzled to know what conclusions to adopt. We can not do better than refer to the chapter on Antiquity Paleolithic Age. (35) Dana's _Am. Journal of Science, _ May, 1875. (36) Foster's "Prehistoric Races, " p. 62. (37) See Lockwood, in _Popular Science Monthly_ for 1883, for account of beaver dam built on a mastodon skeleton and evidence of contemporaneity of Indians and mastodons. (38) "The Missouri was a stream thirty miles wide. " (39) "Hayden, " p. 255. (40) For the facts on which this paragraph rests, see Report of Samuel Aughey, Ph. D. , in "U. S. Survey of the Territories, for 1874, " p. 243, _et seq. _ (41) "American Assoc. Rep. , " 1880, p. 720. (42) "Illinois Geological Reports, " Vol. III, p. 123. (43) "Prehistoric Races, " p. 69. (44) Jones's "Antiquities of the Southern Indians, " p. 293. (45) Jones's "Antiquities of the Southern Indians, " p. 295. (46) Quoted by Abbott's "Primitive Industry, " p. 3. (47) Peet's "Archaeology of Europe and America, " p. 11. (48) Short's "North Americans of Antiquity, " p. 27. (49) Up to the present time (1884) Dr. Abbott has collected over 20, 000 specimens of stone implements, and all his more recent "finds" but confirm the opinion he expressed as to their significance ten years ago. His collection is at the Peabody Museum of Archaeology, at Cambridge, Mass. (See last Peabody Report. ) (50) "Nature, " Vol. XI, p. 215. (51) Ibid. (52) "Nature, " Vol. XI, p. 215. (53) Ibid. (54) "Primitive Industry, " Abbott, p. 506. (55) Seventeenth Report Peabody Museum, p. 354 and note. (56) "Primitive Industry, " p. 551. (57) "Studies in Science and Religion, " p. 324. (58) Ibid. , p. 324. (59) We believe that similar results will attend the careful exploration in other sections. As bearing on this subject, it is interesting to know that Paleolithic implements are reported from one locality in Mexico. Our information in regard to them is very slight. (Brit. Assoc. Reports, 1881; Pres. Address, Count De Saporte, _Popular Science Monthly, _ Sept. , 1883. ) (60) Dana's "Manual of Geology, " p. 540. (61) "Geographical and Geological Survey, " 1874, p. 254. (62) Abbott's "Primitive Industry, " p. 483. (63) Abbott: "Proceedings of the Boston Society of Natural History, " Vol. XXII, p. 102. (64) "Primitive Industry, " p. 512. (65) "Primitive Industry, " p. 512. (66) U. S. Survey West of the 100th Meridian, " Vol. VII, p. 12. (67) Abbott's "Primitive Industry, " p. 520. (68) Ibid. , p. 519. (69) U. S. Geographical Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region, " Vol. I, p. 102, quoted from "Primitive Industry, " p. 519. (70) _Popular Science Monthly, _ Jan. , 1883. (71) DeCosta's "Precolumbian Discovery of America, " p. 69. (72) Winchell's "Preadamites, " p. 389. (73) Brinton's "Myths of the New World, " p. 23. Note. (74) Prof. DeHass's "Paper" read before Am. Assoc. , 1882. (75) See chapter, "Cave-men, " p. 113. Note. (76) See remarks of Prof. Boyd Dawkins quoted earlier. 

Chapter X

THE MOUND BUILDERS. 

Meaning of "Mound Builders"--Location of Mound Building tribes--AllMounds not the work of men--Altar Mounds--Objects found on theAltars--Altar Mounds possibly burial Mounds--Burial Mounds--Moundsnot the only Cemeteries of these tribes--Terraced Mounds--CahokiaMound--Historical notice of a group of Mounds--The Etowahgroup--Signal Mounds--Effigy Mounds--How they represented differentanimals--Explanation of the Effigy Mounds--Effigy Mounds in otherlocalities--Inclosures of the Scioto Valley--At Newark, Ohio--AtMarietta, Ohio--Graded Ways--Fortified Inclosures--Ft. Ancient, Ohio--Inclosures of Northern Ohio--Works of unknown import--AncientCanals in Missouri--Implements and Weapons of Stone--Their knowledge ofCopper--Ancient mining--Ornamental pipes--Their knowledge of pottery--OfAgriculture--Government and Religion--Hard to distinguish them from theIndians. 

The past of our race is irradiated here and there by the light ofscience sufficiently to enable us to form quite vivid conceptions ofvanished peoples. As the naturalist, from the inspection of a singlebone, is enabled to determine the animal from which it was derived, though there be no longer a living representative, so the archaeologist, by the aid of fragmentary remains, is able to tell us of manners andtimes now long since removed. In the words of another: "The scientistto-day passes up and down the valleys, and among the relics and bonesof vanished people, and as he touches them with the magic wandof scientific induction, these ancient men stand upon their feet, revivified, rehabilitated, and proclaim with solemn voice the story oftheir nameless tribe or race, the contemporaneous animals, and physicalappearance of the earth during those prehistoric ages. "

We have already learned that the world is full of mysteries, and though, by the exertion of scholars, we begin to have a clearer idea of sometopics, yet our information is after all but vague and shadowy. Theamount of positive knowledge in regard to the mysterious tribes ofthe older Stone Age, or the barbarians of the Neolithic period, orthe struggling civilization of the early Metallic Ages, is lamentablydeficient. On our Western Continent we have the mysterious remains inthe gold-bearing gravels of the Pacific coast, the significance of whichis yet in dispute. We have the Paleolithic Age of Europe, represented bythe remains found in the gravels of the Delaware at Trenton, New Jersey. When deposited there, and by what people used, is, perhaps, stillenshrouded in doubt. 

Leaving now the past, expressed by geological terms, or by periods ofthousands of years, we draw near to our own tribes, near, at least, comparatively speaking, and behold, here, also, we discern evidence thatan ancient culture, as marked as that which built its cities along thefertile water-courses of the Old World, had its seat on the banks of ourgreat rivers; that here flourished in full vigor for an unknown lengthof time a people whose origin and fate are yet in doubt, though, thanksto the combined efforts of many able men, we begin to have clearerideas of their social organization. We know them only by reason of theirremains, and as these principally are mounds, we call them the "MoundBuilders. "

The name is not a distinguishing one in every sense, since mankind, theworld over, have been mound and pyramid builders. The pyramids of Egyptand the mound-dotted surface of Europe and Asia bear testimony to thissaying, yet nowhere else in the world are they more plainly divided intoclasses, or marked with design than here. In some places fortifiedhills and eminences suggest the citadel of a tribe or people. Again, embankments of earth, mostly circular or square, separate and incombination, generally inclosing one or more mounds, excite ourcuriosity, but fail to satisfy it. Are these fading embankments theboundaries of sacred inclosures, or the fortification of a camp, or thefoundations on which to build communal houses? Here graded ways, thereparallel embankments raise questions, but suggest no positive answer. We are equally in doubt as to the purposes for which many of the moundswere built. Some seem to have been used as places of sepulcher, some forreligious rites, and others as foundation site of buildings. Some mayhave been used as signal mounds, from which warning columns of smoke, orflaming fires, gave notice of an enemy's approach. 

Before coming to details let us, at a glance, examine the picture as awhole. This country of ours, with its wide plains, its flowing riversand great lakes, is said by scholars to have been the home of a peoplewell advanced in the arts of barbarian life. What connection, if any, existed between them and the Indians, is yet unsettled. We are certainthat many years before the Spanish discovery of America they made theirsettlements here, developed their religious ideas, and erected theirsingular monuments. That they were not unacquainted with war, is shownby their numerous fortified inclosures. They possessed the elements ofagriculture, and we doubt not were happy and contented in their homes. We are certain they held possession of the fairer portions of thiscountry for many years. 

We must now seek to gather more particular knowledge of them, and ofthe remains of their industry. We must not forget that these are theantiquities of our own country; that the broken archaeological fragmentswe pick up will, when put together, give us a knowledge of tribes thatlived here when civilization was struggling into being in the East. Itshould be to us far more interesting than the history of the land of thePharaohs, or of storied Greece. Yet, strange to say, the facts we havejust mentioned are unknown to the mass of our people. Accustomed toregard this as the New World, they have turned their attention to Europeand the East when they would learn of prehistoric times. In a generalway, we have regarded the Indians as a late arrival from Asia, and caredbut little for their early history. It is only recently that we havebecome convinced of an extended, past in the history of this country, and it is only of late that able writers have brought to our attentionthe wonders of an ancient culture, and shown us the footprints of avanished people. 

We must first try and locate the territory occupied by the remains ofthe mound builders. They are not to be found broadcast over the wholecountry. We recall, in this connection, that the early civilization ofthe East arose in fertile river valleys. This is found to be everywherethe case, so we are not surprised to learn that the broad and fertilevalley of the Mississippi, with its numerous tributaries, was theterritory where these mysterious people reared their monuments anddeveloped their barbarian culture. Throughout the greater portion ofthis area we find numerous evidences of a prolonged occupation of thecountry. We are amazed at the number and magnitude of the remains. Though this section has been under cultivation for many years, and theplow has been remorselessly driven over the ancient embankments, yetenough remain to excite our curiosity and to amply repay investigation. 

This portion of the United States seems to have been the home, the seatof the mound building tribes. We can not expect to find one type ofremains scattered over this entire section of country. Indeed, to judgefrom the difference of the remains, they must have been the work ofdifferent people or tribes, who were doubtless possessed of differentdegrees of culture. We will notice in our examination how theseremains vary in different sections of the country. But it is noticeablethat these remains become scarce and finally disappear as we go north, east, and west from the great valley. Although they are numerous in theGulf States, yet they are not to be found, except in a few cases, inStates bordering on the Atlantic. Some wandering bands, perhapscolonies from the main body of the people, established works on theWateree River, in South Carolina, In the mountainous regions of NorthCarolina occur mines of mica, which article was much prized by themound builders; and here also are to be found traces of their earlypresence. We do not know of any authentic remains in New EnglandStates. In Western New York there exists a class of remains which, though once supposed to be the work of these people, are now generallyconsidered as the remains of works erected by the Indians, and of asimilar origin appears to have been the singular fortification near LakeWinnipiseogee, in New Hampshire. 

We have no record of their presence north of the great lakes. Passingnow to the western part of the valley, we do not find definite traces oftheir presence in Texas. On this point, however, some authors state thecontrary, apparently basing their views on a class of mounds mentionedby Prof. Forshey. But the very description given of these mounds, andthe statements as to the immense number of them, seem to show theyare not the work of men. We do not think the West, and especiallythe North-west, has been carefully enough explored to state where theybegin. It is certain that the head waters of the Mississippi and theMissouri were thickly settled with tribes of this people, and somewriters think that they spread over the country by way of the MissouriValley from the North-west. Mr. Bancroft quotes from the writings ofMr. Dean, to show the existence of mounds and inclosures on VancouverIsland, and in British Columbia. And the statement is made that ahundred miles north of Victoria there is a group of mounds ranging fromfive to fifty yards in circumference, and from a few feet to fifty feetin height. 

The inclosures, however, are described as being very similar to those inWestern New York, and are probably simply fortified sites, common amongrude people the world over, and such as were often erected by Indians. The remains on the upper Missouri and its tributaries are very numerous, and to judge from the brief description given us of them, they mustbe very interesting. This section has, however, been too littleexplored to speak with confidence of these works. 

As showing how much care should be exercised in this matter, we referto the account given by Capt. Wilkes in his journal of the United Statesexploring expedition. Speaking of the mounds on the gravelly plainsbetween the Columbia River and Puget Sound, he tells us that the ButtePrairies are covered with small mounds at regular distances asunder. Some of them are thirty feet in diameter, six or seven feet above thelevel of the ground, and many thousands in number. He opened some ofthem, and found a pavement of round stones, and he thought he coulddetect an arrangement of the mounds in groups of five, thus. 

Illustration of arrangement of mounds. ---------

It was his impression that they were the works of men, and had beenconstructed successively and at intervals of several years. Thisobservation of Capt. Wilkes is referred to by many as evidence of theformer existence of Mound Builders in this section. 

More careful research in recent times has established the fact thatthese mounds were certainly not erected by human hands, and no one elsehas been able to discover the supposed arrangement in groups of five. The pavement of round stones is common to the whole prairie. 

But the greatest objection is the number of the mounds. A populationlarger than could have found a living in the country must have beenrequired to erect them, unless we assume that a great length of time wasconsumed in this work. Some other explanation must be given for thesemounds, as well as for those mysterious ones mentioned by Prof. Forshey. This cut gives us a fair idea of the scenery of this section and themounds. 

Illustration of Mound Prairie. -----------

Within the area we have thus defined are located the works of the peoplewe call the Mound Builders. What we wish to do is to learn all aboutthese vanished people. A great many scholars have written about them, and large collections of the remains of their handiwork have been made. There is, however, a great diversity of opinion respecting the MoundBuilders and their culture. So we see we have a difficult subject totreat of. In order to gain a clear understanding of it, we must describethe remains more closely. About all we can learn of these people isfrom a study of their monuments. We can not call to our aid historyor tradition, or rock-carved inscription, but must resort to crumblingmounds, broken down embankments; study their location, and observe theirforms. To the studies in the field we must add those in the cabinet, andexamine the many objects found in and above the mounds and earth-works, as well as the skeletons of the builders of the works. Rightly used, we can draw from these sources much valuable information of the peoplewhose council-fires blazed all along the beautiful valleys of the Ohioand Mississippi rivers in times far removed from us. 

Illustration of Mound and Circle. -----------

We will first speak of the simplest form of these works, the ordinaryconical mound. This is the one form found all over the extensive areadesignated. They exist in great numbers on the banks of the upperMissouri, as well as the river bottoms of the South. This cut representsa very fine specimen of a mound, in this instance surrounded by acircular embankment. We must not forget that mounds are found all overthe world. "They are scattered over India, they dot the steppes ofSiberia and the vast region north of the Black Sea; they line theshores of the Bosphorus and the Mediterranean; they are found in oldScandinavia, and are singularly numerous in the British Islands. "

The principle in human nature which leads to the erection of mounds isliving and active to-day. The shaft which surmounts Bunker Hill is buta modern way of memorizing an event which in earlier ages would have ledto the erection of a mound, and the polished monument which marks theresting place of some distinguished man was raised for the same purposeas the mounds heaped over the chiefs and warriors of another age. Thefeeling which moves us to crown with steeples or spires our houses ofworship is evidently akin to that which induced older races to erecta mound on which to place their temples, their idols, and altars ofsacrifice. 

If mounds were the only works remaining of these ancient people, wewould not take so great an interest in them, and, as it is, we are notto suppose that all the mounds are the works of those people we call theMound Builders. Recent investigation and historical evidence unite inshowing that some comparatively recent Indian tribes formed and usedmound structures. Early explorers have left abundant testimony to showthat in many cases the Indians resorted to mound-burial. Thus, it seemsthat it was the custom of the Iroquois every eighth or tenth year, orwhenever about to abandon a locality, to gather together the bones oftheir dead and rear over them a mound. To this custom, which was notconfined to the Iroquois, are doubtless to be ascribed the barrows andbone mounds which have been found in such numbers in various parts ofthe country. Although it is well to bear these facts in mind, yet itis not doubted that the larger number, and especially the more massiveones, were erected by the same people who built the other mysteriousworks, and so it is necessary that they be carefully studied. 

Illustration of Altar Mound. -------------------

In the valley of the Ohio there have been found a class of mounds knownas Altar Mounds. These, it should be stated, nearly always occur in ornear inclosures. This cut gives us a good idea of mounds of this kind. Near the top is seen an instance of what is called "intrusive" burial. After the mound was completed it had been dug into and a body buriednear the surface. This burial was evidently later in time, and had noconnection with the purpose for which the mound was originally built. Wealso notice in this mound the different layers of which it was composed. These layers are of gravel, earth, and sand, the latter being only a fewinches thick. Mounds made in this manner are called stratifiedmounds, and all altar mounds are probably of this kind. The lines ofstratification have been described as curving so as to correspond withthe shape of the mound, and such we are told is the general rule. 

Illustration of Plan and Section of Altar. ---------

The peculiar feature, however, is the altar at the bottom of the mound, directly above the natural surface of the ground. The small cut gives usa clear idea of the altar, the light lines running around it showing theplan. These altars are almost always composed of clay, though some ofstone have been discovered. They are of various shapes and sizes. Wenotice the dish-shaped depression on the top of the altar. The clay ofwhich they are composed seems to have been moulded into shape directlyover the surface of the ground. Sometimes a layer of sand was put downas a foundation. They are nearly always thoroughly burned, the claybeing baked hard, sometimes to the depth of fifteen or twenty inches. This must have required intense and long continued heat. 

We are at once curious to know the object of this altar. Within thebasin-shaped depression are generally found all manner of remains. Sometimes portions of bones, or fragments of wood, arranged in regularorder; pieces of pottery vessels, and implements of copper and stone;spear-heads, arrow-heads, and fragments of quartz and crystals ofgarnet. Pipes are a common find, carved in miniature figures of animals, birds, and reptiles. Two altar-mounds but recently examined nearCincinnati had altars about four feet square that were loaded down withornaments. 

One especially contained quantities of ornaments of stone, copper, mica, shells, the canine-teeth of bears and other animals, and thousands ofpearls. They were nearly all perforated, as if for suspension. Severalof the copper ornaments were covered with native silver which had beenhammered out into thin sheets and folded over the copper. One smallcopper pendant seems to have been covered with a thin sheet of hammeredgold, as a small piece was still clinging to it. This is the firstexample of finding native gold in the mounds. On this altar werealso found masses of meteoric iron, and ornaments of the same material. One piece of mica showed the profile of a face. 

In all cases the articles found on the altars show the action of fire. We seem justified, then, in supposing that after the altar was formed, fires were lit on them, and into this fire were thrown the variousarticles just enumerated. But what was all this for? This will probablynever be very clear to us, beyond the fact that it was a religious rite. Portions of the human skeleton have been found on these altars, andit has been suggested that human victims were at times part of thesacrifice; but as it is known that this people practised cremation, itmay be that the altars were sometimes used for that purpose, the remainsbeing afterwards gathered and buried elsewhere. 

After the offerings had been flung into the fire, while it was yetglowing on the altar, earth or sand was heaped over them for a fewinches, then successive layers of earth and sand, or ashes, clay, orgravel. Sometimes the altars were used several different times, in whichcase a layer of clay several inches thick was laid over the old altar. In one case three layers had been burned in before the final addition ofearth and sand were heaped over it. These strange monuments of a by-gonepeople hint to us of mysterious rites. We wish we had more positiveknowledge of the ceremonies they commemorated; but at present we mustrest satisfied with conjecture. 

The next class of mounds are known as burial mounds, some of which arestratified, and resemble the so-called altar mounds. A mound exploredin Butler County, Ohio, had in the center a layer of clay an inch thick, which had been burned until it was red. Underneath this was anotherlayer of clay, beneath which was found charcoal, burnt cloth, andcharred bones. Mr. Foster thinks that in this mound the body was placedon a rude altar, fires were lit, and that while yet burning, clay wasthrown over it all, and that then fires were built all over the mound, sufficient to burn the clay for an inch in thickness. We have also adescription of a group of mounds explored near the Mississippi River, inwhich there were evident signs of cremation. At least in several moundsfires had been built close above the bodies. But in cremation othervictims may have been burned to accompany the departed chiefs orwarriors. In one mound evidence of such a custom was observed. 

In another mound the center was found to be a mass of burned clayinterspersed with calcined human bones. No less than ten or fifteenbodies had been burned here. "They must have worshiped some fierce idealdeity, and the ceremony must have been considered of great importanceto have required so many victims. " This may have been, however, nothingmore than simple cremation. 

Pidgeon has described mounds in Minnesota, in many respects like thealtar mounds. In one case he mentions there was an altar or pavement ofstone on the original surface of the ground, a few feet above which wasa layer of clay, showing the action of fierce and long-continued fires. We furthermore are told that cremation, especially of chiefs, was moreor less common among the Village Indians of North America, that similarusage was observed among many of the tribes of Mexico, and that theMayas, of Yucatan, burnt the bodies of their lords, and built templesover their remains. So it may be that the altar mounds are but varietiesof funeral mounds, the remains of the bodies burned here being buriedelsewhere. 

Illustration of Burial Mounds. -------------

The nations that celebrated their mysteries around these mounds havelong since departed; the altar fires long since burned low. We are notsure that we understand their purport, but we are certain they wereregarded as of great importance, and we can readily imagine that whenthe fires were lit on the altars, gathering crowds stood round, andparticipated in the religious observance, throwing into the fire theirmost valued ornaments, in this manner paying their last respects to thedeparted chiefs and great men of their tribe. 

The true burial mounds are very numerous, an comprise by far the largernumber of mounds. They are to be found all over the Mound Builders'territory, and are about the only class of remains found in the prairieregions of the West. From the upper waters of the Missouri and the greatlakes on the north to the Gulf States on the south, and from west of theMississippi to the Alleghenies of the East, in all this vast region theyare the prevailing class of remains, and occur by hundreds, and eventhousands, along the valleys. The mounds themselves are often not veryconspicuous; as a rule they are simply heaps of dirt raised above thesurface and rounded over, and from two or three to fifteen or twentyfeet high, although many are of much larger size. They are seldom foundon the lower, or recent river terrace, but are common on the upperterrace, and are often built upon the high bluffs bordering the streams, where a wide stretch of country is exposed to view. Black-bird, an Omahachief, who died about the year 1800, desired to be buried on a highbluff overlooking the Missouri, so that he might see the boats passingup and down the river. Perhaps from a similar superstitious wish theMound Builders sometimes chose the sites of their burial mounds wherethey could watch over their country; or it may be that the monumentsover the dead were placed in such conspicuous positions that they mightbe readily seen by the people. 

The next cut represents an ordinary burial mound, which was explored bytunneling in from one side. We notice there are no different layers orstratifications in this case. In some cases, at least, the buildingof such a mound occupied several years. We can see where the dirt wasthrown down in small quantities, averaging about a peck, as if from abasket. In one case grass had started to grow on the unfinished surfaceof the mound, to be covered up by fresh dirt. 

Illustration of Burial Mounds. -------------------

In the majority of cases the mounds contain the remains of but oneindividual, with various relics of a rude and barbarous people. Wherebut one body was buried, the usual mode of procedure seems to have beento first clear a space on the surface of the ground; the body was thenplaced in the center of this prepared place, and often a rude frameworkof timber was placed around it, sometimes a stone chamber was built up. Over this the mound was erected to the desired height. This descriptionwould apply to nearly all of the many thousands of burial mounds in thecountry. 

In the cut a layer of charcoal is noticed near the top. Nearly allmounds show evidence of the existence of fire during some period oftheir construction. In some cases these fires were fierce and longcontinued, as if the object had been to cremate the body. It may havebeen a part of their religious belief that it was necessary to keepfires blazing on the mound for a short length of time to keep off evilspirits, or to comfort the soul of the departed. Such at any ratewas the custom among some Indian tribes. We are told that among theIroquois, a "fire was built upon the grave at night to enable the spiritto prepare its food. "

In some cases, many individuals were buried in the same mound. These maybe communal burials, such as we have already referred to. Mounds of thiskind have been examined near Nashville, Tennessee. One mound alone wasthe burial place of over two hundred persons. Pidgeon describes sometriangular burial mounds in Minnesota, differing in shape only fromthe ordinary circular mounds that belong to this division. In general, burial mounds are not very high, yet there are exceptions to this rule. 

Illustration of Grave Creek Mound. -----------

This cut represents one of the largest of these mounds. It is situatedat the junction of Grave Creek and the Ohio River, twelve miles belowWheeling, in West Virginia. It measures seventy feet in height, and itsbase is nearly one thousand feet in circumference. An excavation madefrom the top downward, and from one side of the base to the center, disclosed the fact that the mound contained two sepulchral chambers, one at the base and one near the center of the mound. These chambershad been constructed of logs, and covered with stone. The lower chambercontained two skeletons, one of which is supposed to have been a female. The upper chamber contained but one skeleton. In addition to these, there were found a great number of shell beads, ornaments of mica, andbracelets of copper. 

A moment's thought will show us what a great work such a mound must havebeen for a people destitute of metallic tools and domestic animals. Theearth for its construction was probably scraped up from the surface andbrought thither in baskets. A people capable of erecting such a monumentas this, with only such scanty means at their command, must havepossessed those qualities which would sooner or later have brought themcivilization. 

Another very interesting mound of this class once stood in the city ofSt. Louis. The rapidly growing city demanded its removal in 1869. It wasan oblong mound, one hundred and fifty feet long by thirty in height. Inits removal it was shown that it contained a burial chamber seventy-fivefeet long, from eight to twelve feet wide, and from eight to ten feethigh, in which about thirty burials had taken place. The surface ofthe ground had first been leveled, then the walls raised to the desiredheight, made firm and solid, and plastered with clay. Timbers formed theroof, over which the mound had been raised to the desired height. 

Illustration of Cross-section St. Louis Mound. --------

In process of time the roof decayed and fell in, thus giving a sunkenappearance to the top of the mound. This view is a cross section of themound as it was revealed by the workmen. We notice where the roof hasfallen in, and the outline of the interior chamber. This burial chamberwas perhaps an exact model of the cabins in which the people lived. Can it be that this mound was the final resting place of some renownedchief, and that the other bodies were those of his attendants sentto accompany him to the other world? This is perhaps as reasonable aconjecture as any. Certain it is that this tumulus and that at GraveCreek were fit pyramids for the Pharaohs of the New World. 

It is not to be supposed that the mounds were the sole cemeteries of thepeople who built them. Like the barrows of Europe, they were probablyerected only over the bodies of the chiefs and priests, the wise men, and warriors of the tribe. The amount of work required for the erectionof a mound was too great to provide one for every person. The greaternumber of the dead were deposited elsewhere than in mounds, but it isdoubtful whether we can always distinguish the prehistoric burial placesfrom those of the later Indians. An ancient cemetery, discovered nearMadisonville, Ohio, proved to be a most interesting find, as it wasthought to be a burial place of the Mound Builders, but it seemsthere is strong doubt on this point. One writer thinks this was acemetery of the Erie tribe of Indians, and not very ancient in date. 

In Tennessee are to be found numerous burial places known as thestone-grave cemeteries. Stone graves of a similar character are found inKentucky, Ohio, and Missouri. These are as yet but few facts which canbe used as indicating that all the stone graves are of one people. Manyof these cemeteries are of great antiquity, while similar stone gravesare of quite recent date. In some places the cemeteries cover very largeareas. 

Illustration of Terraced Mound. -------------

We have now to describe a class of mounds that are always regarded withgreat interest, as a number of our scholars think they see in them theconnecting link between the remains in this country and those of Mexicoand the South. These are generally known as "temple mounds, " from thecommon impression that they were sites of temples or public buildings. In general terms, mounds of this class are distinguished by their largesize and regularity of form, and they always have a flat or level top. On one side there is generally a graded way leading up to the summit, insome instances several such methods of approach. Sometimes the sides ofthe mound are terraced off into separate stages. 

We have already noticed that different sections of country aredistinguished by different classes of mound remains. In the presentState of Ohio are found many altar mounds and inclosures. In the Westare large numbers of burial mounds, but the so-called temple mounds aremost numerous in the South. At one place in Wisconsin is found alow embankment inclosing four low mounds with leveled tops. But theresemblance between these and the regular temple mounds is certainlyslight. Only a few instances of these flat-topped mounds are found inOhio. Of these the still existing "elevated squares" at Marietta aregood examples. 

Illustration of Elevated Square, Marietta. -----------

This cut represents the mound preserved in the park at Marietta. It isten feet high, one hundred and eighty-eight feet long, by one hundredand thirty-two feet wide. The platform on the top has an area of abouthalf an acre. Graded ways lead up on each of the four sides. Thesegrades are twenty-five feet wide, and sixty feet long. 

As we approach the Gulf States, these platform mounds increase innumber. The best representative of this class, the most stupendousexample of mound builders' work in this country, is situated inIllinois, not far from St. Louis. The mound and its surroundings are sointeresting that they deserve special mention. One of the most fertilesections of Illinois is that extending along the Mississippi from theKaskaskia to the Cahokia river, about eighty miles in length, and fivein breadth. Well watered, and not often overflowed by the Mississippi, it is such a fertile and valuable tract that it has received the nameof the "Great American Bottom. " It is well known that the Mound Builderschose the most fertile spots for their settlements, and it is thereforenot surprising to find the evidence that this was a thickly settledportion of their territory. Mr. Breckenridge, writing in 1811, says:"The great number of mounds, and the astonishing quantity of humanbones, everywhere dug up or found on the surface of the ground, with athousand other appearances, announces that this valley was at one timefilled with habitations and villages. The whole face of the bluff, orhill, which bounds it on the east, appears to have been a continuousburying ground. "

Mounds are numerous in this section. We learn that there are two groupsof mounds or pyramids, one about ten miles above the Cahokia, and theother about the same distance below it, more than one hundred and fiftyin all. Speaking of the group above the Cahokia, Mr. Breckenridge says:"I found myself in the midst of a group of mounds mostly of a circularshape, and, at a distance, resembling enormous hay-stacks scatteredthrough a meadow. One of the largest which I ascended was about twohundred paces in circumference at the bottom, the form nearly square, though it had evidently undergone considerable alteration from thewashing of rains. The top was level, with an area sufficient to containseveral hundred men. " He represents the view from the top of the moundto be a very extensive and beautiful one. From this elevation hecounted forty-five mounds or pyramids, besides a great number ofsmall artificial elevations. This group was arranged in the form of asemicircle, about a mile in extent, the open space being on the river. 

Illustration of Cahokia Mound. --------------------

Three miles above occurs the group in which is found the famous bigmound. This cut gives us a good idea of the mound as it was in itsperfect state. All accounts given of this mound vary. From a cut of themodel, as prepared by Dr. Patrick, the area of the base is a trifleover fifteen acres. The ascent was probably on the south side ofthe mound, where the little projection is seen. The first platform isreached at the height of about fifty feet. This platform has an area ofnot far from two and four-fifth acres. Large enough for quite a numberof houses, if such was the purpose for which this mound was erected. Thesecond platform is reached at about the height of seventy-five feet, and contains about one and three-fourth acres. The third platform iselevated ninety-six or ninety-seven feet, while the last one is not farfrom one hundred feet above the plain. The area of the last two is aboutthree-fourths of an acre each. The areas of all the platforms are notfar from six acres. We require to dwell on these facts a moment beforewe realize what a stupendous piece of work this is. The base is largerthan that of the Great Pyramid, and we must not lose sight of thefact that the earth for its construction was scraped up and broughtthither without the aid of metallic tools or beasts of burden, and yetthe earth was obtained somewhere and piled up over an area of fifteenacres in one place to a height of one hundred feet, and even the lowestplatform is fifty feet above the plain. Some have suggested that itmight be partly a natural elevation. There seems to be, however, no goodreason for such suggestions. 

What motive induced the people to expend so much labor on this mound? Itis not probable that this was a burial mound, though it may ultimatelyprove to be so. The most probable supposition is that the mound waserected so as to secure an elevated site, perhaps for purpose ofdefense, as on these platforms there was abundant room for a largevillage, and an elevation or height has always been an important factorin defenses. In this connection, Prof. Putnam has called our attentionto a fact which indicates that a very long time was occupied in theconstruction of the mound, and further, that a numerous population hadutilized its platforms as house sites--that is, that "everywhere in thegullies, and over the broken surface of the mounds, mixed with the earthof which it is composed, are quantities of broken vessels of clay, flintchips, arrow-heads, charcoal, bones of animals, etc. , apparently therefuse of a numerous people. " The majority of writers, however, thinkthat this elevated site, obtained as the result of so much labor, wasutilized for important public buildings, presumedly the temple of theirgods, and no one can help noticing the similarity between this structureand those raised by the ancient Mexicans for both religious purposes andtown sites. 

Mr. Foster thinks that "upon this platform was reared a capacioustemple, within whose walls the high-priests gathered from differentquarters at stated seasons, celebrated their mystic rites, whilethe swarming multitudes below looked up with mute adoration. " Mr. Breckenridge, whose writings we have already referred to, at the time ofhis first visit, "everywhere observed a great number of small elevationsof earth, to the height of a few feet, at regular distances apart, whichappeared to observe some order: near them pieces of flint and fragmentsof earthen vessels. " From this he concludes that here was a populoustown, and that this mound was a temple site. It is doubtful whetherwe shall ever pierce the veil that lies between us and this aboriginalstructure. The pyramids of the Old World have yielded up their secret, and we behold in them the tombs of Egypt's kings. But this earthenpyramid on the western prairie is more involved in mystery, and we donot know even its builders. If the result of religious zeal, we may besure that a religion which exacted from its votaries the erection ofsuch a stupendous piece of work was one of great power. 

As before remarked, "temple mounds" increase in numbers and importanceas we go south. In Kentucky they are more frequent than in the Statesnorth of the Ohio River, and in Tennessee and Mississippi they are stillmore abundant. We also learn that they are often surrounded, ornearly so, with moats or ditches, as if to fortify their location. Ournext cut illustrates such an arrangement--a circular wall of earth fourfeet high and two thousand three hundred feet in circumference, inclosesfour mounds, two of which are temple mounds. According to the lateProf. Forshey, temple mounds abound in Louisiana. He described a groupsituated in Catahoola County, in which the principal mound has a base ofmore than an acre, a height of forty-two feet, and the upper platforman area of nearly one-third of an acre. The smaller mounds are arrangedaround this larger one. This group is defended by an embankment. Fromthis point for a distance of twenty miles along the river, are scatteredsimilar groups of mounds; in all cases the smaller ones arranged aroundthe larger one, which is presumably the site of a temple. 

Illustration of Temple Mounds inclosed in a Circle. ------

A digression right here may not be devoid of interest. We are not surebut that the dim, uncertain light of history falls on the origin of thisgroup of mounds. When the French first commenced their settlement inthe lower Mississippi Valley, the Natchez Indians was the most powerfultribe in all that section. In the course of time, wars ensued betweenthem and the French, and in the year 1730 they fled into UpperLouisiana, and settled at the place where these mounds are now found. But the French followed them a year or so afterwards, and nearlyexterminated. Them. Some of our scholars think that they erected thesemounds. The historian of that epoch simply says they had "built afort there. " It is however questioned whether they had time to buildworks of such magnitude. But they were both a mound-building and amound-using people, and we are not prepared to say how long it wouldtake them to do the work, until we know the number engaged, methodsemployed, and other considerations. If they did not build theseworks, they doubtless cleared them of trees and utilized them; and thisplace was therefore the scene of the final downfall of the Natchez--apeople we have every reason to regard as intimately connected with theprehistoric mound-building tribes. 

The largest temple mound in the South is near Seltzertown, Mississippi. Its base covers about six acres, and it rises forty feet. This slope wasascended by means of a graded way. The summit platform has an extentof nearly four acres. On this platform three other mounds had beenreared--one at each end, and a third in the center. Recent investigationby the Bureau of Ethnology have shown that the base of this mound is anatural formation. Lumps of sun-dried, or partially burnt clay, usedas plastering on the houses of the Mound Builders, gave rise to asensational account of a wall of sun-dried bricks two feet thick, supporting the mound on the northern side. The famous Messier Mound, in Georgia, is said to reach a height of ninety-five feet. But a largepart of this elevation is a natural eminence; the artificial part isonly a little over fifty feet. 

Illustration of Etowah Mound, Georgia. -----------

A work of unusual interest occurs on the Etowah River, Georgia. This cutgives us a plan of the work. We notice, first of all, the moat or ditchby which they fortified their position. The ditch is still from fiveto twenty-five feet deep, and from twenty to seventy-five feet wide. It connects directly with the river at one end, but stops short at theother. It surrounds nearly fifty acres of land. At two points we noticereservoirs, each about an acre in size, and an average depth of not lessthan twenty feet. At its upper end is an artificial pond. This ditch, with its reservoirs and pond, is no slight work. The large mound seen inthe center of the space is one of the largest of the temple mounds. Its shape is sufficiently shown in the cut. The height of the mound issixty-five feet. We call especial attention to the series of terracesleading up the south side of the mound. Graded ways afford means ofaccess from one terrace to the other. A pathway is also seen on theeastern side. 

To this group of works an interest attaches similar to that of the groupof works mentioned in Louisiana. We are not certain but that we catcha glimpse of it while it was yet an inhabited Indian town. This iscontained in the brief accounts we have of the wanderings of theunfortunate De Soto and his command. One of the chroniclers of thisexpedition La Vega, describes one of the towns where the weary Spaniardsrested, and which we are sure was somewhere in Northern Georgia, in suchterms, mentioning the graded way leading to the top, that Prof. Thomas, who has spent some time in this investigation, thinks his descriptioncan apply only to the mound under consideration. Whether thisconclusion will be allowed to stand, remains to be seen. But, if true, then the darkness which rests upon this aboriginal structure lifts fora moment and we see around it a populous Indian town, able to send fivehundred warriors to battle. The Spaniards marched on to sufferingsand death, and darkness again closed around the Etowah Mound. Whenthe Europeans next beheld it around it was the silent wilderness; thewarriors had departed; the trees of the forest overspread it. 

We have now described the principal mound structures, and shown thedifferent classes into which they are divided. But a large class ofmounds are found scattered all through the Mound Builders' territorythat were probably used as signal mounds. Burial mounds were also oftenused for this purpose. This was because their location was alwaysvery favorable for signal purposes. Signaling by fire is a very ancientcustom. The Indians on our western plains convey intelligence by thismeans at the present day. Some tribes use such materials as will causedifferent shades of smoke, using dried grass for the lightest, pineleaves for the darkest, and a mixture for intermediate purposes. Theyalso vary the signal by letting the smoke rise in an unbroken column, or cover the fire with a blanket, so as to cause puffs of smoke. Theevidence gathered from the position of the mounds, and traces of fire ontheir summit, is that the Mound Builders had a very extensive system ofsignal mounds. 

Illustration of Hill Mounds. ---------------

To illustrate this system, we would state that the city of Newark, Ohio, was the site of a very extensive settlement of the Mound Builders. This settlement was in a valley, but on all the surrounding hills werelocated signal mounds. And it is further stated that lines of signalmounds can be traced from here as a center to other and more distantpoints. The large mound at Mt. Vernon, twenty miles to the north, waspart of this system. As the settlements of the Mound Builders weremostly in river valleys, we would expect to find all along on the bluffsfronting these valleys traces of signal mounds. In the Scioto Valley, from Columbus to Chillicothe, a distance of about forty miles, twentymounds "may be selected, so placed in respect to each other that it isbelieved, if the country was cleared of forests, signals of fire mightbe transmitted in a few minutes along the whole line. " Some thinkthe chain is much more extensive than this, and that the whole SciotoValley, from Delaware County to Portsmouth, was so provided with moundsthat signals could be sent in a very few minutes the whole distance. 

Illustration of Miamisburg Mound. ----------

The valley of the Miami River was equally well provided with signalmounds. This great mound, at Miamisburg, Ohio, rising to the height ofsixty-eight feet, was one of the chain by which signals were transmittedalong the valley. Not only was each river valley thus provided, butthere is evidence that communication was established between differentriver systems, so we can easily see how quickly the invasion of theircountry by an enemy from any quarter would become known in widelyscattered sections. Immediately across the river from Chillicothe, Ohio, on a hill nearly six hundred feet high, was located a signal mound. Afire built upon it would be visible twenty miles up the valley, and anequal distance down. It would be also visible far down the valleyof Paint Creek. Some think that such a system of lofty observatoriesextended across the whole State of Ohio, of Indiana, and Illinois, theGrave Creek mound, on the east, the great mound at Cahokia, on the west, and the works in Ohio filling up the line. We do not believe, however, it is safe to draw such conclusions. It is doubtful whether there wasany very close connection between the tribes in these several sections. 

In the State of Wisconsin are found some of the most interesting remainsof the Mound Builders. They are so different from the ordinary remainsfound elsewhere that we must admit that the people who built themdiffered greatly from the tribes who built the great temple moundsof the South, or the earthworks of Ohio. The remains in Wisconsin aredistinguished not by their great size or height, but by their singularforms. Here the mound building instincts of the people were expressed byheaping up the earth in the shape of animals. What strange fancy it wasthat led them to mould the figures on the bluffy banks of the rivers andthe high lands about the lakes of their country, we shall perhaps neverknow. That they had some design in this matter is, of course, evident, and if we would try and learn their secret, we must address ourselves toa study of the remains. 

Effigy mounds are almost exclusively confined to the State of Wisconsin. We, indeed, find effigy mounds in other sections, but they are of rareoccurrence. They, however, show that the same reasons, religious, orotherwise, exists in other localities, while in the area covered bythe southern portion of the State of Wisconsin it found its greatestexpression. This cut affords us a fair idea of effigy mounds. Here areseen two animals, one behind the other. On paper we can readily see theresemblance. Stretched out on the ground, and of gigantic proportions, the resemblance is not so marked, and some might fail to notice it atfirst sight. Either of those figures is over one hundred feet long, and about fifteen feet wide. With few exceptions, effigy mounds areinconsiderable in height, varying from one to four feet. These moundshave been carefully studied of late years, and there is no doubt that inmany instances we can distinguish the animals represented. 

Illustration of Effigy Mounds. ------------------

We learn, then, that tribes formerly living in Wisconsin had the customof heaping up the earth in the shape of the various animals peculiarto that section. But no effigies are found of animals that have sincebecome extinct, or of animals that are to be found only in other lands. 

Our next cut represents the famous elephant mound of Wisconsin, on thestrength of which a number of fair theories have been given relatingto the knowledge of the mastodon by the builders of the mound, and itsconsequent antiquity. It now bears some resemblance to an elephant, but we learn that the trunk was probably produced by the washing of thebanks and, from the same cause, a projection above the head, supposed torepresent horns, has disappeared. Taking these facts into consideration, it is quite as likely that it represented a buffalo. One writer eventhinks he found a representation of a camel, but the fact is, the morethese effigy mounds are studied, the more certain are we that they arerepresentations of animals formerly common in that region. 

Illustration of Elephant Mound and Emblematic Mounds. --------

The manner in which they represented the various animals is full ofinterest to us. It has been discovered that they worked on a system. Thelast cut represents a group of three animals discovered a few miles fromthe Blue Mounds in Dane County. We notice at once a difference betweenthe central animal, with a tail, and the other two. It will also beobserved that the animals are represented in profile, with onlytwo projections for legs. They are never separated so that we candistinguish the two front and the two hind feet. Animals so figured arethe bear, fox, wolf, panther, and others. Grazing animals, such as thebuffalo, elk, and deer, are represented with a projection for horns. Inthe last cut the other two animals are buffaloes. In various ways theparticular kind of animal can nearly always be distinguished. 

Illustration of Grazing Elks. Fox in the distance. ------

The preceding cut represents two elks grazing, and a fox in thedistance. The long embankments of earth at one side are considered byMr. Peet as in the nature of game drives. But we call attention to theexpressiveness with which these figures are delineated. What could bemore natural than the quietly grazing elks, with the suspicious prowlingfox in the distance. In the cut we also see two cross-shaped figures. This was their method of representing birds, a projection on eachside of a central body denoting wings. These figures are often veryexpressive. 

Illustration of Eagle Mound. -----------------------

In this cut we have no difficulty in recognizing an eagle. It isrepresented as soaring high in the air. On the bluffs above it is a wolfeffigy, and several conical and long mounds. In the cut preceding thisthe eagle and the hawk are hovering over the feeding elks, while inthis cut a flock of hawks are watching some buffaloes feeding in thedistance. This group of effigies was found on the banks of the KickapooRiver. 

Illustration of Hawks and Buffaloes. ------------

Our next cut represents a wild goose with a long neck and beak followedby a duck with a short neck, flying towards the lake. 

Illustrations of Goose and Duck. -----------

Water-loving animals, such as salamanders and turtles, are representedin still another way, two projections on each side of a central figure. The next following cut represents a turtle. The tail was not alwaysadded. The salamander closely resembles the turtle, but notice thedifference in the body, and still different is the cut of the musk-rat(see later). Fishes are figured as a straight embankment of earthtapering to a point. 

Illustration of Turtle. ----------------

The same system that was observed in the location of signal mounds isto be noticed in the arrangements of these groups of effigy mounds. Theyare not alone. One group answers to another on a distant hill, or is inplain view of another group in the valley below. Distant groups wereso related, each commanding a wide extent of country, and thus groupanswers to group, and mound to mound, for miles away, making a completesystem throughout the region. 

Illustration of Salamander and Musk-rat. ---------

We notice this as to the location of the mounds. When we examine themounds themselves we observe no little skill in the way they representthe animals. They often impressed on them something more than mereanimal resemblances. "There are groups where the attitudes areexpressive of a varied action. Certain animals, like the weasel or mink, being seen with a bird so near that, apparently, it might be caught by asingle spring; and still others, like the wolf or wild-cat, are arrangedhead to head, as if prepared for combat; and still others, likethe squirrel or coon, are in the more playful attitudes, sometimesapparently chasing one another over hill or valley; and again situatedalone, as if they had just leaped from some tree, or drawn themselvesout of some den or hole. "

Illustration Man-shaped Mound. -------------------

Nor is the effigy of the human form wanting. It is found in severallocalities throughout the State. This cut shows us one such effigy. This was the beginning of a long train of animal mounds, presumablyrepresenting bears, found near the Blue Mounds, Wisconsin. We cannot observe that any more importance was ascribed to the effigy of ahuman being than to that of an animal. 

In casting about for suitable explanation for the erection of theseanimal mounds, we find ourselves lost in conjecture as to the motivewhich induced these people to prepare these earthen effigies. We may besure that it was for some other reason than for amusement, or to giveexercise to an artistic feeling. Only in very few instances do we detectany arrangements which would imply that they were in the nature ofdefenses. In some cases the effigies are so arranged as to form a sortof inclosure, some portion of the figure being prolonged to an unusualextent and thus inclosing a space that may have been utilized for avillage site. This group on the Wisconsin River illustrates thispoint. Here the area thus partially inclosed, is about an acre. It isa singular fact that these inclosures are almost always triangular inshape. But it is manifest that a simple earth wall would serve fordefense much better than these forms. They probably were not burialmounds, as few contain human remains, and it is not yet certain thatthese remains were not intrusive burials. It seems, therefore thatthey must have been in some manner connected with the religious life ofthe people. 

Illustration of Emblematic Mound Inclosure. --------

If we examine the various groups scattered throughout the State, thisbelief is strengthened. It is found, for instance, in nearly everygroup, that some one effigy is the principal one, and is placed in acommanding position, about which the other forms are arranged. It isalso thought that the same effigy is the principal or ruling effigy overa wide district. In illustration of this, it can be stated that in thesouth-eastern part of the State the turtle is always the ruling effigy. In any group of effigies it is the principal one. It seems to watch overand protect the others. In subordination to it are such forms as thelizard, hawk, and pigeon. Passing to the North, the turtle is no longerthe important figure. It is replaced by the wolf, or wild-cat. This isnow the principal form, and if the turtle is sometimes present, it is ofless importance. 

So marked is the fact we have just stated that Mr. Peet says, "thatsometimes this division assumes almost the character of a river system, and thus we might trace what seems to be the beginning in this countryof that which prevailed on classic soil and in Oriental regions--namely, river gods and tutelar divinities of certain regions, each tribaldivinity having its own province, over which it ruled and on which itleft its own form or figure as the seal of its power and the emblem ofits worship. "

Looking for some explanation of this, we may find a key in the knowncustoms of various Indian tribes, and the lower races of men. It isknown that a tribe of Indians is divided into smaller bands, which arecalled gens or clans. A gens may consist of several hundred persons, but it is the unit of organization. It takes the place of a family amongcivilized people. These various bands are generally named after someanimal. In the beginning these names may have been of no specialsignificance, but in course of time each band would come to regardthemselves as descendants of the animal whose name they bore. Hence theanimal itself would be considered sacred in their eyes, and its lifewould seldom be taken by members of that gens. 

The animal thus honored by the gens was, in the Indian dialect, thetotem of the clan. This organization and custom we find running allthrough the Indian tribes. In many tribes the Indians were wont to carvea figure of their totem on a piece of slate, or even to carve a stone inthe shape of the totem, which carved or sculptured stone they wore asan ornament, or carried as a charm to ward off evil and bring them goodluck. We need only suppose that this system was very fully developedamong the Mound Builders of Wisconsin, to see what important bearing ithas on these effigy mounds. 

A tribe located on one of the fertile river valleys of Wisconsin wascomposed of various gens or clans. On some common point in proximityto their villages, or some spot which commanded a wide view of thesurrounding country, each gens would rear an effigy of its totem, the animal sacred to them. In every tribe some gens would be the mostpowerful, or for some cause the most respected, and its totem would begiven in the largest effigy, and would be placed in the most commandingposition. In a different locality some other tribe would be located, andsome other totem would be regarded as of the most importance. 

In this light effigy-mounds are not mere representatives of animalforms. They are picture-writings on a gigantic scale, and are the sourceof much true history. They tell us of different tribes, the clans whichcomposed them, the religious beliefs, and the ruling gens of the tribe. Contemplating them, we seem to live again in the far-off past. Thewhite man disappears; waving forests claim their ancient domain, and therivers, with a more powerful current, roll in their olden channels. Theanimals whose forms are imaged here, go trooping through the forestor over the fertile bottom lands. The busy scenes of civilization giveplace to the placid quiet of primeval times, and we seem to see peacefultribes of Mound Builders paying a rude veneration to their effigy-gods, where now are churches of a more soul-satisfying religion. 

But there is still another point to be learned from an examination ofthese ancient mounds. Not only are they totems of the tribes, but theywere looked on in some sense as being guardian divinities, with power toprotect the homes of the tribe. This is learned by studying the locationin which they are placed. They occupy all points of observation. In other parts of the Mound Builders' country, wherever we findsignal-mounds we find corresponding positions in Wisconsin occupied bygroups of effigy-mounds, or if one only is present, it is always theone which, from the considerations we have stated, was regarded as theruling effigy of that section. It is as if their builders placed them assentinels to guard the approaches to their homes, to give warning ofthe arrival of hostile bands. This is further borne out by finding thatmounds placed in such positions frequently show evidence of the actionof intense fire, and so we conclude they were used as signal stationsalso. So we need not doubt but that the region thus watched over bythese effigy-mounds, group answering to group along the river banks, orin the valleys below, was at times lit up by the signal fires atnight; or the warning column of smoke by day betokening the presence ofdancer. 

Illustration of Bird Mound, surrounded by a Stone Circle. ---

Before leaving the subject of effigy-mounds, we must refer to someinstances of their presence in other localities. This cut is an eagleeffigy discovered in Georgia. Only one other instance, also occurringin Georgia, is known of effigy-mounds in the South. Measured from tip totip of the wings, the bird, in this case, is one hundred and thirty-twofeet. This structure is composed of stones, and a singular feature isthe surrounding circle of stone. 

Illustration of Big Serpent Mound. -------------------

Several examples of effigy-mounds are found in Ohio. The most notableone is that known as the Great Serpent Mound, in Adanis County. We givean illustration of it. The entire surrounding country is hilly. Theeffigy itself is situated on a tongue of land formed by the junction ofa ravine with the main branch of Brush Creek, and rising to a heightof about one hundred feet above the creek. Its form is irregular onits surface, being crescent-shaped, with the point resting to thenorth-west. We give in a note some of the dimensions. The figure we giveof this important effigy is different from any heretofore presented. Weare indebted for the plan from which the drawing was made to Rev. J. P. MacLean, of Hamilton, Ohio. Mr. MacLean is a well-known writer on thesetopics. During the Summer of 1884, while in the employ of the Bureau ofEthnology, he visited the place, taking with him a thoroughly competentsurveyor, and made a very careful plan of the work for the Bureau. Allthe other figures published represent the oval as the end of the works. Prof. Putnam, who visited the locality in 1883, noticed, between theoval figure and the edge of the ledge, a slightly raised, circular ridgeof earth, from either side of which a curved ridge extended towards thesides of the oval figure. Mr. MacLean's researches and measurements haveshown that the ridges last spoken of are but part of what is either adistinct figure or a very important portion of the original figure. Asfigured, it certainly bears a very close resemblance to a frog, and suchMr. MacLean concludes it to be. 

There is both a similarity and a difference between this work and thoseof Wisconsin. The fact that it occurs isolated, the other effigies inOhio being many miles away, shows that some special purpose must havebeen subserved by it. There the great numbers gave us a hint as to theirpurpose. In this case, however, nearly all observers conclude that itwas a religious work. Mr. MacLean, after describing these three figures, propounds this query: "Does the frog represent the creative, the eggthe passive, and the serpent the destructive power of nature?" Not afew writers, though not acquainted with the presence of the frog-shapedfigure, have been struck with the combination of the egg and theserpent, that plays such an important part in the mythology of the OldWorld. We are told that the serpent, separate or in combination withthe circle, egg, or globe, has been a predominant symbol among manyprimitive nations. "It prevailed in Egypt, Greece, and Assyria, andentered widely into the superstitions of the Celts, the Hindoos, and theChinese. " "Wherever native religions have had their scope, this symbolis sure to appear. "

Even the Indians have made use of this symbol. On Big Medicine Butte, inDakota Territory, near Pierre, is a train of stones arranged in the formof a serpent, which is probably the work of the Sioux Indians. Aroundabout on the hill is the burying-ground of their chiefs. This was tothem sacred ground, and no whites were allowed near. The stones areabout the size of a man's head, and are laid in two rows, from one tosix feet apart. The length in all is three hundred and fifty feet, andat the tail, stones, to represent rattles, are rudely carved. The eyesare formed by two big red bowlders. No grass was allowed to grow betweenthe two rows of stone. 

It seems reasonable to suppose that the few isolated effigy mounds wehave outside of Wisconsin were built to subserve a different purposethan those in that State. Mr. Peet has made some remarks on theirprobable use that seem to us to cover the ground, and to do away withany necessity of supposing on the part of its builders an acquaintancewith Old World mythologies. Nature worship is one of the earliest formsof worship. The prominent features of a landscape would be regarded asobjects of worship. Thus, for example, the island of Mackinac resemblesin its outline the shape of a turtle; so the island was regarded assacred to the turtle, and offerings were made to it. A bluff on the sameisland at a distance resembles a rabbit; accordingly, it was called bythat name, and offerings were made to it. It is quite natural that theeffigy-mound builders should seek to perpetuate by effigy some of theseearly traditions. 

In the case of the Big Serpent mound this point is worth considering. The ridge on which it stands is not only in the midst of a wild, roughregion, but is so situated that it commands a wide extent of country. Inshape this tongue of land is also peculiar. It is a narrow, projectingheadland, and would easily suggest the idea of a serpent or a lizard. "This, with the inaccessibility of the spot, would produce a peculiarfeeling of awe, as if it were a great Manitou which resided there; andso a sentiment of wonder and worship would gather around the locality. This would naturally give rise to a tradition, or would lead the peopleto revive some familiar tradition and localize it. " The final stepwould be to make an effigy. 

It seems to us very hazardous to draw any conclusions as to thereligious beliefs of the Mound Builders from this effigy, orcombinations of effigies. It also seems to us reasonable to supposethat but one figure was intended to be represented. A very slightprolongation of the serpent's jaws and the limbs of the frog wouldconnect them, in which case we would have some amphibious creature withan unduly extended tail, or perhaps a lizard. We must remember that thewhole figure has been plowed over once or twice, so that we are not sureof the original outlines. We can not tell why they should represent aportion of the body as hollow, but neither can we tell why the head ofthe supposed serpent should be represented as hollow. We do not find anyimportant earth-works near here. The hill on which it is placed commandsa very extensive view of the surrounding country. Within the oval a pileof stones showed evidence of a long-continued fire, which would indicatethat this was also a signal-mound. Prof. Putnam thinks it probable thatthere was a burial place between it and the large conical mound not faraway. 

In the vicinity of Newark, Ohio, are two examples of effigy mounds. Thiscut represents what is called the alligator mound, but it is probablythe effigy of a lizard. The position which this mound occupies issignificant. It is on the very brow of a hill about two hundred feethigh, which projects out into a beautiful valley. The valley is not verywide. Directly across was a fortified camp, in the valley below it was acircular work, and a short distance below on another projecting headlandwas a strongly fortified hill. The great works at Newark were six milesdown the valley, but were probably in plain view. That it was perhaps asignal station, is shown by the presence of traces of fire. 

Illustration of Alligator Mound. ------------

The length of this effigy is two hundred and five feet, the breadthof the body at its widest part, twenty feet, average height about fourfeet. The effigy mounds of Wisconsin, and the other few examplesmentioned, are among the most interesting objects of aboriginal work. Except in a few favored instances, they are rapidly disappearing. Tothe leveling influence of time is added the assistance of man, and ourknowledge of them will soon be confined to existing descriptions, unlesssomething is at once done to preserve them from destruction. Interestingmementos of a vanished race, we turn from their contemplation witha sigh of regret that, in spite of our efforts, they are still soenwrapped in doubt. 

Mounds and effigies by no means complete the description of MoundBuilders' remains. One of the most interesting and mysterious classof works is now to be described. Early travelers in Ohio came here andthere upon embankments, which were found to inclose tracts of land ofvarious sizes. It was noticed that the embankments were often of theform of perfect circles, or squares, or sometimes octagons, and veryoften combinations of these figures. It was further evident that thebuilders sought level, fertile lands, along the various river courses. They very seldom built them on undulating or broken ground. Often havethe very places where civilized man has laid the foundation of his townsproved to be the sites of these ancient works of the Mound Builders, and thus it has happened that many of the most interesting works ofantiquity have been ruthlessly removed to make way for the crowdedstreets and busy marts of our own times. 

The larger number of inclosures are circular, often of a small size. Where they occur separately they either have no gateway, or but one. Sometimes the circles are of very large size, surrounding many acres. Sometimes, though not very often, a ditch was also dug inside theembankment. This last circumstance is by many regarded as a strong proofthat the primary object of these circles was not for defense. But aninclosure of this kind, even with the ditch on the inside, if surmountedby a row of pickets or palisades, would prove a strong position againstIndian foes armed with bow and arrow. The Mandans constructed defensesof this kind around their villages. As to the original height of thewalls, in the majority of cases it was not very great, generally fromthree to seven feet. 

It is estimated that in Ohio alone there are fifteen hundred inclosures, but a large number of them have nothing especially worthy of mention. Some, however, are on such a large scale that they call from allmore than a passing glance. In contemplating them, we feel ourselvesconfronted by a mystery that we can not explain. The ruins of the oldworld excite in us the liveliest feeling of interest, but we know theirobject, their builders, and their probable antiquity. The mazy ruins atNewark, and other places in Ohio, also fill the mind with astonishment, but in this case we are not certain of their antiquity, their buildersare unknown, and we can not conjecture with any degree of certainty asto their use. Before so many uncertainties imagination runs riot, andwe are inclined to picture to ourselves a scene of barbaric power andmagnificence. 

Illustration of High Bank Works. -------------------

One beautiful specimen of this work is found in this cut. It occurs onthe right bank of the Scioto river, five miles below Chillicothe. Herewe notice a combination of the octagon and the circle. The areas of eachare marked. The octagon is nine hundred and fifty feet in diameter andnearly regular in shape. In 1846 its walls were eleven or twelve feethigh, by about fifty feet base. It will be noticed that there is a gateat or near each angle of the octagon except one, and in front of thatangle was a pit, from which some of the earth to form the walls wastaken. Facing each gateway a mound was placed, as if to guard theentrance. 

The circle connected with the octagon is perfect in shape, and is tenhundred and fifty feet in diameter. Its walls were only about half theheight of the octagon. We notice some other small circular works inconnection with the main work. In this case the parallels are not veryregular, and seem to be connected with one or more circular works. In awork situated but a few miles from the one here portrayed, the parallelsextend in one direction nearly half a mile, only one hundred and fiftyfeet apart. They terminate on the edge of a terrace. The object ofsuch parallels is as yet unknown. In some cases, after extending somedistance, they simply inclosed a mound. 

It is easy enough to describe this work and give its dimensions, but whowill tell us the object its builders had in mind? The walls themselveswould afford but slight protection and if they were for defense, musthave been surmounted with palisades. Works that were undoubtedly in thenature of fortified camps, are found in this same section, and one ofthe strongest was located not more than twelve miles away; but suchdefensive works differ very greatly in design from regular structuressuch as we are now describing. A very eminent scholar, Mr. Morgan, has advanced the theory that the walls were the foundations on whichcommunal houses, like the Pueblos of the West, were erected. Butthis is mere theory. All traces of such habitations (if they everexisted) are gone, the usual _debris_ which would be sure to accumulatearound house-sites, is wanting, and the walls themselves seem unfit forsuch purpose. 

They may have been embankments surrounding towns and cultivated fields, but little has yet been found which can be cited as proofs of residencewithin the area so inclosed. We should not be surprised, however, ifsuch would ultimately prove to be the case, since we now know thatthe Mound Builders of Tennessee did fortify their villages by meansof embankments and ditches. A number of writers think that theseregular inclosures were in some way connected with the superstitions ofthe people. In other words, that they were religious in character. Mr. Squier remarks, "We have reason to believe that the religious systemof the Mound Builders, like that of the Aztecs, exercised among them agreat, if not a controlling, influence. Their government may have been, for aught we know, a government of the priesthood--one in whichthe priestly and civil functions were jointly exercised, and onesufficiently powerful to have secured in the Mississippi Valley, as itdid in Mexico, the erection of many of those vast monuments, which forages will continue to challenge the wonder of men. There may have beencertain superstitious ceremonies, having no connection with thepurpose of the mound, carried on in inclosures especially dedicated tothem. " Another late writer to whom we have several times referred, tells us there is no doubt but what a "religious view" was thecontrolling influence in the erection of these works, and that theyexpress a "complicated system of symbolism, " that we see in themevidence, of a most powerful and wonderful religious system. Stillsuch assertions are easier made than proven, and until we know somewhatthe purpose for which they were used, how are we to know whether theywere sacred or not?

Casting conjectures, for the moment, aside, let us learn what we canfrom the works themselves. From their large extent they could only bereared by the expenditure of great labor. This implies some form ofgovernment sufficiently centralized and powerful to control the laborsof large bodies of men. Moreover, they were sufficiently advanced tohave some standard of measurement and some way of measuring angles. The circle, it will be remembered, is a true circle, and of a dimensionrequiring considerable skill to lay out. The sides of the octagon areequal, and the alternate angles coincident. 

Every year the plow sinks deeper into these crumbling embankments, andthe leveling forces of cultivation are continually at work, and the timeis not far distant when the curious traveler will with difficulty tracethe ruins of what was once, to the Mound Builders, a place of greatimportance. 

Illustration of Square and Circle Embankment. -----------

The more usual combination was that of a square and a circle. An exampleis given in this cut, which is a plan on a very small scale, of workswhich formerly existed in Circleville. One peculiar feature about thiswork was that a double wall formed the circle, with a ditch between thetwo walls. In the next cut we notice a peculiar combination of thesetwo figures. The square is inclosed within the circle. Whatever we mayultimately decide as to the larger works, it would seem as if this couldonly be explained as in the nature of a religious work. We can see noreason for constructing a defensive work, or inclosing a village, orerecting foundations for houses of such a shape as this. They must havebeen in some way connected with the superstitions of the people. 

Illustration of Square inscribed in a Circle. --------

A peculiar feature is also noticed in reference to some of the smallercircles in this section. The cut below illustrates it. The circle has aditch interior to the embankment, and also a broad embankment of aboutthe same height with the outer wall, interior to the ditch, runningabout half-way around the circle. A short distance from the circle wasone of those elevated squares, one hundred and twenty feet square atthe base, and nine feet high. It may be that this square was thefoundation on which stood a temple, in which case the circle might havebeen dedicated to religious purposes also. 

Illustration of Circle and Ditch. ------------

The great geometrical inclosures are especially numerous in the SciotoValley. All the works we have described were in the near neighborhoodof Chillicothe, and works as important as these are scattered all up anddown the valley. We must also recall how well provided this valley waswith signal mounds. All indications point to the fact that here was thelocation of a numerous people, ready to defend their homes whenever thewarning fires were lit. Although Mound Builders' works are numerousin the valley of the two Miami Rivers, Cincinnati being the site of anextensive settlement, yet they were not such massive structures as thosein the Scioto. This would seem to indicate that these valleys were theseats of separate tribes. But this Eastern tribe must have occupiedan extensive territory, since works of the most complicated kind arefound at Newark. 

All indications point to the fact that near this latter place was avery important settlement of the Mound Builders. Several fortified worksexist a few miles up the valley; signal-mounds are to be seen on allheights, commanding a wide view, and the famous alligator mound isplaced, as if with the design of guarding the entrance to the valley. Noverbal description will give an idea of the works, so we refer at onceto the plan. This will give us a good idea of the works as they werewhen the first white settlers gazed upon them. They have nearly all beenswept away by modern improvements, excepting the two circular works andthe octagon. Here and there fragments of the other works can still betraced. 

Illustration of Mound Builders' Works, Newark, Ohio. -------

Two forks of the Licking River unite near Newark; the bottom betweenthese rivers comprising several square miles, was occupied by theseancient earth-works. By reference to the plan, we see the worksconsisted of mounds of various sizes, parallel walls, generally of a lowelevation, small and low embankments, in the form of small circles andhalf-circles. There are also several large works consisting of a circleand octagon combined, one large circle, and a parallelogram. Thecircular structure at 'E, ' is undoubtedly one of the best preserved andmost imposing in the State. There are many inclosing larger areas, butnone more clearly defined. As this is now included in the fair-groundsof Licking County, it is preserved from destruction, and will remaina monument of aboriginal work long after all traces of the others havedisappeared. "At the entrance, which is towards the east, the ends ofthe walls curve outwards for a distance of a hundred feet, leaving apassage way eighty feet wide between the deep ditches on either hand. "From this point the work, even now presents an impressive appearance. The walls are twelve feet in perpendicular height, and about fifty feetbase. There is a ditch close around it on the inside, seven feet deep bythirty-five feet wide. The area inclosed is about thirty acres. 

Illustration of Eagle Mound. --------------------

In the center is an effigy-mound, represented by this cut. It representsa bird on the wing, and is called the Eagle Mound. The long mound in thebody of the bird has been opened, and it was found to contain an altar, such as has been already described. Was this a place of sacrifice, anddid this wall inclose a sacred area? Our question remains unanswered. Wecan dig in the mounds, and wander over the embankments, but the secretof the builders eludes us. 

A mile to the north-west of the part of the work just described arethe Octagon and works in connection with it. The Octagon is not quiteregular, but the sides are very nearly equal. At each angle is agateway, interior and opposite to which is a mound, as if to guard theopening. The cut gives a view of the Octagon, looking in through oneof these gateways. At present, however, but a small portion is in theforest. Most of it is under cultivation, but the work can still beeasily traced, and is one of the best preserved in the State. A portionof it, still in the forest, presents the same appearance to-day as itdid to the first explorer. When a stranger for the first time wandersalong the embankment and ascends the mounds, he can not fail toexperience sensations akin to those of the traveler when he comes uponthe ruins of some Old World city. We wish that for a brief space of timethe curtain of the past would up-roll, and let us view these works whileyet their builders flourished here. 

Illustration of Gateway of Octagon. --------------

Connected with the Octagon by parallel walls three hundred feet longand placed sixty feet apart, is the smaller circle, "F. " This is a truecircle, and is upwards of half a mile in circumference. A portion ofit lying in the woods, still retains its primitive form, but the largerpart is now under cultivation. There is no difficulty, however, intracing its entire length. The most interesting feature in connectionwith this part of the work is immediately opposite the point of entrancefrom the octagon, and is represented in our next cut. At this pointit seems as if the builders had started to make parallel walls, butafterwards changed their design and threw across the opening a largemound. From this mound a view of the entire embankment could beobtained. It is called the Observatory Mound. It has been so often duginto that it is now really in ruins, but is still too steep to be plowedover. 

Illustration of Observatory Mound, Newark Works. --------

It is scarcely necessary to describe the works further, except to statethat three lines of parallel embankments lead away from the octagon. Those extending south have been traced for upwards of two miles, and aregradually lost in the plain. It was the opinion of Mr. Atwater, one ofthe earliest investigators, that these lines connected with other worksthirty miles away, in the vicinity of Lancaster. Small circlesare numerous in connection with these works. It has been suggested byseveral that they mark the sites of circular dwellings. The larger ones, indicated by the letter "G, " are more pretentious. They have the ditchand embankment, which we have already described. Many interestingcoincidents in dimensions will be perceived between portions of thiswork and those described in the Scioto valley. 

Although we have devoted considerable space to this branch of theMound Builders' work, we must still find space to describe the works atMarietta, which possessed some singular features. This cut gives us acorrect plan of the works as they were when in 1788 the first settlersarrived at the mouth of the Muskingum to lay out their town. The growthof the beautiful town of Marietta has completely destroyed these works, except the elevated squares, A and B, the large mound and inclosingcircle at X, with a portion of the adjoining embankments, and a smallfragment of the parallel walls forming what has been called the "GradedWay. " The elevated squares are the finest examples of "temple" moundsremaining in the Ohio Valley. The circle and ditch with the conicalmound inclosed is also a fine example of that class of works. From thesummit of the mound an extensive view is to be had both up and down theOhio. 

Illustration of Works at Marietta, Ohio. -------------

The gateways of the smaller square were guarded by mounds, which werewanting in the larger one. We would call especial attention to the twoembankments which led from the larger square towards the river. Theywere six hundred and eighty feet long, and one hundred and fifty feetapart. Some have supposed these walls were designed to furnish acovered way to the river. But as Mr. Squier remarks, we would hardlyexpect the people to go to the trouble of making such a wide avenue forthis purpose, nor one with such a regular grade. Besides, the walls didnot reach the river. The work seems to be simply a passage way, leadingfrom one terrace to the other, but why the builders should have madesuch a massive work, we can not explain. It has been called the"Sacred Way, " and this name may possibly be applicable, but it is onlyconjectural. Some twenty years ago these two massive and beautifulembankments were still preserved, thanks to the care of the earlysettlers, who planned a street to pass between them, which was named the_Via Sacra. _ These words still remain on a corner signboard; but alasfor sentiment! the banks, so long revered, have been utilized forbrick-working. 

Illustration of Graded Way, Piketon, Ohio. ------------

Several instances of these graded streets or ways have been found inconnection with the Mound Builders' works. Sometimes they lead from oneterrace to another, sometimes directly to the water. One of the latterkind formerly existed near Piqua, Ohio. This cut is a view of agraded way near Piketon, Ohio. In this case, though the difference inlevel between the second and third terrace is but seventeen feet, theseancient people laid out a graded ascent some ten hundred and eighty feetlong, by two hundred and ten feet average width. The earth was thrownout on either side, forming embankments. From the left hand embankments, passing up to the third terrace, there could formerly be traced a lowembankment running for fifteen hundred feet, and connected with moundsand other walls at its extremity. 

Some have supposed that formerly the river flowed at the extremity ofthis graded way, and a passage way to the water was thus furnished. Squier says, in this connection: "It is sufficient to observe that theriver now flows half a mile to the left, and that two terraces, eachtwenty feet in height, intervene between the present and the supposedancient level of the stream. To assent to this suggestion, would beto admit an almost immeasurable antiquity to the structure underconsideration. " The casual observer would say that it was intended toafford an ascent from one terrace to the other. But as the height wasonly seventeen feet, we can not see why it was so necessary to have along passage way of easy grade from one terrace to the other. It wasevidently built in connection with the obliterated works on the thirdterrace. This interesting remain is now utilized as a turnpike, andthe passing traveler but little recks he is going over one of the mostancient causeways in the land. It may be that ceremonious processions, with stately tread, utilized this causeway in years long since elapsed. Speculation, always an unsafe guide to follow, is especially so inthis case, and so we leave this memento of a vanished people as much anenigma to us as to its first explorers. 

We have described but a few of the sacred inclosures of Ohio, but enoughhave been given to give us a fair idea of all. We wish now to callattention to another class of remains. We have seen how the works wehave been describing are lacking in defensive qualities. This becomesmore marked, when we learn there are works, beyond a doubt, defensive incharacter, in which advantage is taken of all circumstances whichwould render the chosen retreat more secure. In the first place, strongnatural positions were selected. They chose for their purpose bluffyheadlands leading out into the river plain. A people surrounded byenemies, or pressed by invaders, would naturally turn their attention tosuch heights as places susceptible of defense. Accordingly, it doesnot surprise us to find many heights occupied by strong and complicatedworks. Generally the approaches to them were rugged and steep on all butone or two sides, and there they are guarded by walls of earth or stone. 

A fine example of a fortified hill was discovered in Butler County, Ohio, a few miles below the town of Hamilton. This hill is the highestone in the immediate vicinity. By reference to the figure, we see thaton all sides, except towards the north, the approach was steep andprecipitous, almost inaccessible. 

Illustration of Fortified Hill, Hamilton, Ohio. --------

The wall is not of regular shape. It runs around on the very brow of thehill, except in one or two places, where it cuts across a ridge. In 1843this wall was still about five feet high and thirty-five feet base. Theearth and stone of which the wall is made were evidently gathered upfrom the surface of the hill. In some places holes had been excavated, probably for the double purpose of securing materials for the wall, andproviding reservoirs for water against a time of need. There are butfour openings in the wall, and each is very carefully guarded. Thecomplicated walls guarding the main entrance to the north are especiallynoticeable. There are no less than four inner walls besides the crescentshaped embankment on the outside. The signal mound was about fivehundred feet to the north of the main opening. The stones on the surfaceof the mound all show the action of fire. 

If we were uncertain of the uses of the other class of inclosures, whichhave been named Sacred Inclosures, we have no need to hesitate as to thecharacter of this work. Every thing in reference to it betokens that itwas a defensive work. The valley of the Big Miami, in which it occurs, was a favorite resort of the Mound Builders. On the opposite side of theriver, to the south, was a square and an ellipse combined, and severalother large works were ranged along the river in the course of a fewmiles. We need scarcely doubt that this was a citadel in times of need, and that when warning columns of smoke or flaming fires showed theapproach of an enemy, the old and the sick, the women and the children, fled hither for protection, while the warriors went forth to battle fortheir homes. 

We will call attention to but one more of these fortified hills, butthis is on a magnificent scale. It is known as Fort Ancient, andis situated on the Little Miami River, about forty miles east ofCincinnati. It was not only a fort, but was also a fortified villagesite, and has some features about it which are regarded as of areligious nature. The hill on which it stands is in most places verysteep towards the river. A ravine starts from near the upper end on theeastern side, gradually deepening towards the south, and finally turnsabruptly towards the west to the river. By this means nearly the wholework occupies the summit of a detached hill, having in most placesvery steep sides. To this naturally strong position fortifications wereadded, consisting of an embankment of earth of unusual height, whichfollows close around the very brow of the hill. This embankment isstill in a fine state of preservation, but is now annually exposedto cultivation and the inroads of cattle, so that it will not be longbefore it will be greatly changed if no effort be made to preserve it. 

Illustration of Fort Ancient, Little Miami River. -------

This wall is, of course, the highest in just those places where thesides of the hill are less steep than usual. In some places it still hasa height of twenty feet. We notice the wall has numerous breaks in it. Some of these are where it crosses the ravines, leading down the sidesof the hill. In a few cases the embankment may still be traced to withina few feet of a rivulet. Considerable discussion has ensued as to theorigin and use of these numerous gateways. Mr. Squier thinks that theseopenings were occupied by timber work in the nature of blockhouseswhich have long since decayed. Others, however, think that the wall wasoriginally entire except in a few instances, and that the breaks nowapparent were formed by natural causes, such as water gathering inpools, and musk-rats burrowing through the walls, and we are told thatsuch an opening was seen forming in the year 1847. No regular ditchexists inside the wall, the material apparently being obtained fromnumerous dug holes. 

It will be seen that the works could be naturally divided into twoparts, connected by the isthmus. More than one observer has pointed outthe resemblance in general outline of this work to a map of Northand South America, but of course the resemblance, if any, is entirelyaccidental. Mr. Peet has called attention to the resemblance which thewalls of the lower inclosure bear to two serpents, their heads being themounds, which are separated from the body by the opening which resemblesa ring around the neck. Their bodies are the walls, which, as they bendin and out, and rise and fall, much resembles, he thinks, two massivegreen serpents rolling along the summit of this high hill. If any suchresemblance occurs, we think it purely accidental. In relation to thewall across the isthmus, it has been thought to have been the meansof defending one part of the work should an enemy gain entrance to theother. It has also been supposed that at first the fort was onlybuilt to the cross wall on the isthmus, and afterwards the rest of theinclosure was added to the work. 

The total length of the embankment is about five miles, the areaenclosed about one hundred acres. For most of this distance the gradingof the walls resembles the heavy grading of a railroad track. Only onewho has personally examined the walls can realize the amount of laborthey represent for a people destitute of metallic tools, beasts ofburden, and other facilities to construct it. 

Now, what was the object of this work? We think it was not simply afort, but rather a fortified village. That it must have required thework of a numerous body of people, is undoubted, and if they livedelsewhere, where are the works denoting such a fact? We would furthersuggest that, if this was the seat of a tribe, each of the two divisionsmight have been the location of a phratry of the tribe, by a phratry, meaning the subdivision of a tribe. We would call especial attentionto the two mounds seen just outside of the walls at the upper end. From these mounds two low parallel walls extended in a north-easterlydirection some thirteen hundred and fifty feet, their distant endsjoining around a small mound. As this mound was not well situated forsignal purposes, inasmuch as it did not command a very extensive view, and as the embankments would afford very little protection, unlessprovided with palisades, it seems as if the most satisfactoryexplanation we have is that it was in the nature of a religious work. 

Mr. Hosea thinks he has found satisfactory evidence that between thesewalls there was a paved street, as he discovered in one place, abouttwo feet below the present surface, a pavement of flat stones. From this, as a hint, he eloquently says: "Imagination was not slow toconjure up the scene which was once doubtless familiar to the dwellersat Fort Ancient. A train of worshipers, led by priests clad in theirsacred robes, and bearing aloft the holy utensils, pass in the earlymorning, ere yet the mists have risen in the valley below, along thegently swelling ridge on which the ancient roadway lies. They near themound, and a solemn stillness succeeds their chanting songs; the priestsascend the hill of sacrifice and prepare the sacred fire. Now the firstbeams of the rising sun shoot up athwart the ruddy sky, gilding thetopmost boughs of the trees. The holy flame is kindled, a curling wreathof smoke arises to greet the coming god; the tremulous bush which wasupon all nature breaks into vocal joy, and songs of gladness bursts fromthe throats of the waiting multitude as the glorious luminary arises inmajesty and beams upon his adoring people. A promise of renewed life andhappiness. Vain promise, since even his rays can not penetrate the utterdarkness which for ages has settled over this people. " Thus imaginationsuggests, and enthusiasm paints a scene, but, from positive knowledge, we can neither affirm nor deny its truth. 

Most of the works of the Mound Builders are noticeable for theirsolidity and massiveness. We see this illustrated in the great wallsof Fort Ancient. Some of our scholars think this is a distinguishingfeature of the Mound Builders' work. It seems to us that it isdifficult to make this a distinguishing feature, as we have no means ofknowing how much "massiveness" is required in a work to entitle it tobe considered a work of the Mound Builders. Should this distinction beestablished, however, we have to notice that while in the western partof the State of Ohio the Mound Builders' inclosures are more often ofthe defensive sort, the type changes to the eastward, where, as inthe Scioto Valley, we find the so-called sacred inclosures in largernumbers. In the State of Ohio, then, there were at least two welldefined types of works by the Mound Builders. But if we split the MoundBuilders up into tribes, where shall we draw the line between them andour later Indians?

Illustration of Fortified Headland, Northern Ohio. ------

Illustration of Inclosures, Northern Ohio. --------

Scattered through Ohio, but especially abundant in the northern part ofthe State, is a class of works which has excited considerable comment. This cut illustrates a work of this kind. It was located near whereCleveland now stands. The defense consists mainly in the location. Thewall seems to have been rather of a secondary affair. The hill was toosteep to admit approach to it except from the rear, where the doublewall was placed. With both of these works a ditch was dug outside thewall. These works did not always consist simply of fortified headlands. This cut is of a portion of the works formerly existing near Norwalk, Ohio. The circular work, D, is shaped much like the sacred inclosures, though not on so large a scale. In the larger work, at B, we notice atruncated mound. The ditch is on the outside of the circles. This cutis of a work formerly on the banks of the Black River. Here we have asquare inclosure, defended by two embankments and a ditch. 

Illustration of Square Inclosure, Northern Ohio. -------

This class of works was formerly common not only in Ohio and WesternNew York, but they were also to be observed in other sections of thecountry. They existed alike in the valley of the two Miami Rivers, andin that of the Scioto. They were also found throughout the South. EvenWisconsin, the home of the effigy Mound Builders, is not destitute ofthis class of remains. The peculiar interest attaching to them arisesfrom the fact that in some places, at least, we have good reason toassign their construction to Indian tribes. Those of Western New Yorkwere very thoroughly studied by Mr. Squier. When he commenced hisinvestigations, he was under the impression that he was dealing withthe remains of a people very similar, at least, to those who built themassive works in the Ohio Valley and elsewhere, but he was led to theconviction that they were the works of the Iroquois Indians, andas further proof that such was the case, we are told that since thepalisades that once inclosed places known to be villages of the Iroquoishave disappeared, there is no difference to be observed between theappearance of the ruins of such a village site and any of the earthworksin Western New York. But we have just stated that the remains lastmentioned are identical with those found in Northern Ohio, and indeedover a wide extent of country. The conclusion seems to be, then, thatone large class of works in many points resembling Mound Builders'works, found widely distributed throughout the Mississippi Valley, werereally the works of Indians. But we are approaching a subject wedo not wish to discuss just yet. We simply point out that not all theremains of prehistoric people in the Mississippi Valley are referable tothe Mound Builders. 

We have tried to point out the more important works that are ascribedto them. It must of necessity occur in a work of this nature thatthe review should be very brief, yet we have touched on the differentclasses of their works. But before leaving this part of our field wemust mention some anomalous works, and refer to others which, if theycan be relied on as works of the same people, certainly imply a greatadvance on their part. 

Our next cut is named by Mr. Pidgeon the "Sacrificial Pentagon. " Writingin 1850, he states, "This remarkable group. . . Has probably elicited morenumerous conjectures as to its original use than any other earth-workyet discovered in the valley of the Mississippi. . . . It is situated onthe west highlands of the Kickapoo River, in Wisconsin. " Mr. Pidgeonclaims to have discovered two of these pentagons. We are not aware thatany one else has verified these discoveries, and it is difficult todecide what value to give to his writings. He claims to have madeextensive researches around the head-waters of the Mississippi asearly as 1840, and there to have met an aged Indian--the last of histribe--who gave him many traditions as to the mounds in that locality. Most of our scholars think his writings of no account, whatever, and yetMr. Conant says, "He seems to have been a thoroughly conscientious andcareful observer, faithfully noting what he saw and beard. "

Illustration of Sacrificial Pentagon. -----------------

We will briefly describe a few of the earth-works he mentions, noticetheir singular form, and give an outline of the traditions in regard tothem, leaving the reader to draw his own conclusions. Of this work theouter circle is said to have been twelve hundred feet in circumference, the walls being from three to five feet in height; width on the groundfrom twelve to sixteen feet. The walls of the pentagon were from fourto six feet high. The inner circle was of very slight elevation. Thecentral mound was thirty-six feet in diameter. This singular arrangementof circle, pentagon, and mounds, is traditionally represented to havebeen a sacred national altar--the most holy one known to tradition--andno foot, save that of a priest, might pass within the sacred walls ofthe pentagon after its completion. The sacrifice offered on this altarwas that of human life. Twice each year the offering was made. 

The work represented in the figure below is stated to have been in thenear neighborhood of the former, and to have been intimately connectedwith it. Mr. Pidgeon claims to have found five of these circles andtwo pentagons. So far as we know, he is the only authority for theiroccurrence, no one else having been so fortunate as to have found them. This is surely a singular work, and we can not fail to recognize in ita representation of the sun and the moon. In excavating in the centralmound, we are assured that small pieces Of mica were found abundantlymixed with the soil. "Had the surface-soil been removed with care, and the stratum beneath been washed by a few heavy showers of rain, sothoroughly studded was it with small particles of mica, that underthe sun's rays it certainly would have presented no unapt symbolicrepresentation of that luminary. "

Illustration of Festival Circle. ---------------------

Our next figure is another singular arrangement of crescent-shapedworks and mounds. Lapham says that crescent-shaped works are found inWisconsin. Pidgeon says that crescent works are found in Illinois, butworks arranged as shown in this wood-cut he found in but four places inWisconsin. Could we verify this author's statements, this illustrationand the preceding one would be very good evidence of the prevalence ofsun-worship among the effigy Mound Builders of Wisconsin. This would benothing singular, since the Indian race almost universally reverencedthe sun. 

Illustration of Crescent Works. ---------------------

The figure below represents a group of works which, we are told, wereof a class formerly abundant in Missouri and Iowa. The embankments arestated to be of varying heights, but all of the same length. They do notquite meet, but a mound defends the opening. Sometimes a square is sorepresented, and sometimes but two walls. 

Illustration of Triangular Works. --------------

A singular statement is made in reference to a nice proportion said tobe observed between the heights of the embankments and walls. In thiscase, for instance, the heights of the embankments are, three, four, andfive feet; the sum of these, twelve feet, was the exact height of thecentral mound. Furthermore, the square of the sum of the heights ofthree embankments gives us one hundred and forty-four feet, which is thelength of the embankments. We are gravely assured that this same niceproportion is always observed in works of this kind. The embankmentsbeing always of equal length, but of varying heights, still the sum ofthese heights, whether three or four sides, being always equal to theheight of the central mound. We do not know of any specimen ofthis class of works now existing. If this early explorer's account bereliable, then we have in works of this class very good evidence thatsome of their inclosures were in the nature of sacred inclosures. Thetrouble is to verify Mr. Pidgeon's account. There is a good deal thatis strange and marvelous in reference to the Mound Builders, and wemust use judgment as to what is told us, unless we are sure there is nomistake, or unless the reports are vouched for by many observers. 

We wish to call attention to some singular works in Missouri, whichwould imply that the Mound Builders were possessed of no littleengineering skill. We have every indication that near New Madrid was avery extensive settlement. The works consist of inclosures, large andsmall mounds in great numbers, and countless residence sites. One offifty acres was noticed, which had evidently been inclosed by earthenwalls. In some places in the forest, where this wall had been preserved, its height was found to be from three to five feet, and its base widthfifteen feet. But the suggestive features about these works arenoticed along the edge of the swamp near which they stood. This swamp in1811 was a lake, with a clear, sandy bottom. It is not at all doubtedbut that it was at one time the bed of the Mississippi River, andprobably this town stood on its banks. The river is now some eighteenmiles away. It must suddenly have changed its course, leaving behind ita lake, which, in course of time, became a swamp. 

But along the shores of this ancient lake, in front of the inclosure, small tongues of land have been carried out into the water, from fifteento thirty feet in length, by ten, or fifteen in width, with open spacesbetween, which, small as they are, forcibly remind one of the wharfs ofa seaport town. The cypress trees grew very thickly in all the littlebays thus formed, and the irregular, yet methodical, outlines of theforest, winding in and out close to the shore of these tongues of land, is so marked as to remove all doubt as to their artificial origin. The suggestion is made in view of these wharfs, that the Mound Buildersmust have had some sort of boats to navigate the waters of the lake. 

And the singular part is, that right in this neighborhood are manyevidences of a system of canals. A glance at the map will show that theportion of Missouri around New Madrid, and to the south of it, is dottedwith swampy lakes and sluggish bayous. The evidence is to the effectthat the ancient inhabitants connected these bayous and lakes withartificial canals, so as to form quite an extended system of inlandwater-ways. Right east of the town of Gayoso, we are told that a canalhad been dug that now connects the Mississippi with a lake called BigLake. A bayou running into this lake was joined by a canal with CushionLake. 

From this last lake, by means of bayous and lakes, a clear course couldbe pursued for some miles north, where finally another canal was cutto join with the Mississippi a few miles below New Madrid. The entirelength of this water way was some seventy miles, but we are not toldhow much of it was artificial, neither are the dimensions given. Prof. Swallow speaks of a canal "fifty feet wide, and twelve feet, deep. "Whether this was one of this series or not, we do not know. This isindeed a singular piece of work. It would be more satisfactory if we hadmore definite information in regard to the same. 

With our present knowledge of the state of society among the MoundBuilders, as made evident by the remains of their implements andornaments, we are not justified in believing this part of a systemof internal navigation. We have already seen that further south theysometimes surrounded their village sites with a wide and deep moat orditch, as was observed around the inclosure containing the great moundon the Etowah. We are inclined to believe that a more careful surveywould greatly modify the accounts we have of these canals, if it didnot, in fact, show that they were the works of nature. According to awriter in the _American Antiquarian, _ the whole lower part of theMississippi Valley was abundantly supplied with canals, irrigatingditches, and evidences of a high intelligence. He speaks of observingthe presence of an extensive canal a little north of the section we havedescribed. He asserts they were dug to convey the surplus waters of theMississippi in times of flood to the White and St. Francis Rivers, thuspreventing disastrous overflows. It is needless to caution the readeragainst such conclusions. Our information in regard to those canals isfar too limited to support the views advanced. 

This finishes our examination of the works of the Mound Builders. Exceptin the case of the more massive works, they have become obliterated, but here and there are left traces of the former presence of thesenow vanished people. The antiquary muses over the remains of theirinclosures, their fortified places, their effigies and mounds. By thecombined efforts of scholars in many departments, we may yet hope thatthe darkness now enshrouding this race may be dissipated, but at presentour positive knowledge is very limited indeed. It is as if we were askedto reconstruct a picture which had faded in the lapse of time so thatonly traces here and there are visible. Here, perhaps, a hand is seen;there a piece of foliage; in one place something we think representingwater, in another a patch of sky, or a mountain peak. Until a key isfound which shall show us how to connect these scattered parts, ourefforts are useless, since many pictures could be formed, but we haveno surety we are right. So we may form mental conceptions of the MoundBuilders, but they are almost as varied as the individual explorers. Science may yet discover the key which will enable us to form a clearmental conception of the race which flourished here many years ago, and left their crumbling memorials to excite the curiosity of a laterpeople. 

We must now turn our attention to another branch of inquiry andlearn what we can of the culture of the Mound Builders. This is tobe determined by an investigation of the remains of their implements, weapons, and ornaments. When we know the skill with which theymanufactured these articles, and gain an insight into some of theirprobable customs, we shall know where to place them in the scale ofcivilization. What we have learned of their works has already convincedus that we are dealing with a people considerably above the scale ofSavagery. The nice proportion between the parts, the exact circles andcoincident angles show considerable advance in mechanical skill. Thecharacter of the works indicates that the people had permanent places ofabode, and were not subject to the vicissitudes of a hunter's state oflife for subsistence. This implies that we are dealing with a peopleliving in village communities, practising agriculture and many otherarts, and therefore entitled to rank in the middle status of Barbarismcorresponding to the Neolithic inhabitants of Europe. We willnow see how far this conclusion is sustained by an examination of theremains of the handiwork of the people. 

Illustration of Arrow Points. -----------------

Implements of stone are of course abundant. But men, when in the cultureof the Stone Age, having a common material to work upon, and under thepressure of common needs, have everywhere provided similar forms. Forthis reason it is hard to find distinctive points of difference betweenimplements of stone of Mound Builders' work and a series of similarimplements the work of Indians. We are assured, however, that whenexamining a series of each, those of the Mound Builders display asuperior finish. The preceding wood-cut represents a collectionof arrow-points found in the mounds, but they are not particularly sodistinguishable from specimens found on the surface. Great numbers ofarrow-points are occasionally found on altars. Here we have a view ofone of the stone axes fashioned by the hands that heaped the mounds. Itis certainly a very fine specimen. 

Illustration of Ax found in a Mound. ------------

The Mound Builders must have had all the varieties of stone implementscommon to people in their stage of culture, such as axes, fleshers, andchisels. They also must have possessed mortars and pestles for grindingcorn, and some implements did duty as hoes and spades. We represent ina group a collection of weapons and implements from the mounds and stonegraves of Tennessee. All these articles are finely finished. One of theaxes has a hole bored through it. One of them is further provided witha stone handle, and is characterized as being the "most beautiful andperfect stone implement ever exhumed from the aboriginal remains withinthe limits of the United States. "

Illustration of Weapons of Stone from Tennessee. (Smith Inst. )--

People in the culture of the Stone Age make but very rare use of metal, as metals are to them simply varieties of stone, much less useful fortheir purpose than the different kinds of flints, except for ornaments. From the altar mounds, near Cincinnati, were taken ornaments of silver, copper, iron and traces of gold, all of which had been worked into theirpresent shape by simply hammering. The iron, it should be remarked, wasmeteoric iron, which can be hammered as easily as native copper. We havealready remarked that about the only native iron is obtained from suchsources. Copper was utilized for a great variety of purposes. 

Illustration of Copper Ax. -------------------

We give a cut of a copper ax found in one of the Ohio mounds. Copperaxes have lately been found quite frequently in mounds near Davenport, Iowa, and in most cases before being deposited in the mounds, theyhad been wrapped in cloth. Copper ornaments are a more common find. Bracelets, beads, and ear ornaments are numerous. Our next cutrepresents some very fine bracelets found in a mound near Chillicothe, Ohio, Copper tools and weapons have been found quite frequently on thesurface, but we are not sure in this case whether they are not the workof recent Indians. The early explorers noticed the presence of copperornaments among the Indians. "When Henry Hudson discovered, in 1609, themagnificent river that bears his name, he noticed among the Indians ofthat region pipes and ornaments of copper. " The account says: "They hadred copper tobacco pipes, and other things of copper they did wear abouttheir necks. " De Soto also noticed among the Southern Indians axesof copper. Other accounts could be quoted showing that the Indians werewell acquainted with copper. The fact is, in this matter also, it isimpossible to draw a dividing line between relics of the Mound Buildingtribes and the Indians. However, the Mound Builders were certainlyacquainted with copper, but to their minds it was only a singular stone, one that they could hammer, into a desired shape. 

Illustration of Copper Bracelets. -------------------

Where did they obtain their copper? We are all aware that in thiscountry great supplies of pure copper exist near the southern shore ofLake Superior, and there is a peculiarity about the copper found there, that is, the presence of small pieces of silver with the copper. Thisis a very singular mixture, and we are not aware of its occurrenceelsewhere. It would trouble the best chemists to explain it. From thisfact we are enabled to identify articles of copper derived from thatsource, and to that region we can trace the copper from which are formedmost of the copper implements and ornaments found in this country. It isalso noticeable that the nearer we get to this region the more numerousare the finds of articles of copper. More are reported from Wisconsinthan the rest of the United States put together. 

This leads us to a very interesting subject. In 1848 Mr. S. 0. Knapp, agent of the Minnesota Mining Company on the northern peninsula ofMichigan, discovered that the modern miners were but following in thefootsteps of some ancient people who had mined for copper there sometime now far past. The general conclusion is that these old miners wereMound Builders, but here the evidence of their presence is not foundin the existence of mounds and earthworks, but of pits and excavations, which, by the slow accumulation of years, had become filled to near thesurface with _debris_ of various kinds. Many had noticed these littlepits and depressions without suspecting they had aught to do with thepresence of man. The hollows made by large trees, overturned by thewind, frequently left as well marked depressions as these excavations. 

We have abundant proof that these old miners were practical workmen. They evidently did not neglect the most trifling indication of metals. They made thorough research and discovered the principal lodes. Ourpresent day miners have long since learned to regard the presence ofthese ancient pits as excellent guides in this matter. With modernappliances they penetrate far beyond the power of the old workmen. At the Waterbury mine there is in the face of the vertical bluff anartificial opening, which is twenty-five feet wide, fifteen feethigh, and twelve feet deep. The materials thrown out in digging hadaccumulated in front, and on this forest trees common to that regionwere growing of full size. Some of the blocks of stone which wereremoved from this recess would probably weigh two or three tons, andmust have required the use of levers to move them. Beneath the surfacerubbish was discovered the remains of a cedar trough, by which the waterfrom the mines was conducted away. Wooden bowls were found, which wereprobably used to dip the water from the mine into this trough. 

Near the bottom of the pit, shovels, made of cedar, were found, shapedmuch like a canoe paddle, but showing by their wear that they were usedas shovels. Although they appeared solid while in water, yet, on drying, they shrunk up, and were with difficulty preserved. A birch tree, two feet in diameter, was observed growing directly over one of theseshovels. No marks of metallic tools were observed anywhere about thislarge pit. 

Illustration of Ancient Mine, Michigan. -----------

In this case they constructed a sort of a cave, but in many cases theymined open to the air, that is, they simply dug trenches or pits. A rowof these ancient pits, now slight depressions, indicate a vein. Whatthey seem to have especially sought after was lumps of copper that theycould easily manage and fashion by hammering. They had not discoveredthe art of melting. When they found an unusually large piece, they brokeoff what they could by vigorous hammering. In one case they found a massweighing about six tons of pure copper. They made an attempt to masterthis piece. By means of wedges they had got it upon a cob-work of roundlogs or skids, six or eight inches in diameter, but the mass was finallyabandoned for some unknown reason after breaking off such pieces asthey could until the upper surface was smooth. This mass rested on theframework of logs while the years came and went, until, after the lapseof unknown time, the white men once more opened the old mine. 

On the rubbish in front of this mine was standing the stump of a pinetree ten feet in circumference. These ancient mines are found not onlyon the main-land, but on the islands off the coast as well. The onlyhelps they seem to have employed was fire, traces of which are foundeverywhere, and stone mauls and axes. The mauls consist of oblongwater-worn bowlders of hard tough rock, nature having done every thingin fashioning them except to form the groove, which was chiseled outaround the middle. Some copper implements were also found. 

Col. Whittlesey, from whose writings we have drawn the foregoing, concludes that these mines were worked by the Mound Builders. As hefinds no traces of graves or houses, or other evidence of a protractedstay, he thinks they were worked only through the Summer season of theyear by bands of workmen from the south. 

As to what caused the abandonment of the works we do not know. It mighthave been an impulse of their race hurrying them on to some distantmigration; or, more probably, pressed by foes from without, they werecompelled to abandon their ancient homes. Whatever the cause was, natureresumed her sway. Forest trees crept up to and grew around the mouthsof the deserted mines. Col. Whittlesey concludes from the group of treesgrowing on the top of the rubbish heap that at least five hundred yearspassed away before the white man came from the south to resume the workof his ancient predecessor. 

It is not, however, proven that the Mound Builders were the sole workersof these ancient mines. It is known that the Indians mined for flint. Some of the excavations for this purpose, in what is known as FlintRidge, in Muskingum County, Ohio, are as marked as the traces of ancientmining in Michigan. Similar appearances are recorded in Missouri. Ascopper was in demand among the Indians, and as it is probable that theyobtained much of it from the North, they may have continued to workthe ancient copper mines until comparatively recent times. Mr. Laphambelieves that the progenitors of the Indian tribes found dwelling in theregions near these mines, carried on mining operations there. Dr. Rauthinks it probable that small bands of various Northern tribes madeperiodical excursions to the locality, returning to their homeswhen they had supplied themselves with sufficient quantities of themuch-desired metal. The fact that many of the modern Indian tribes knewnothing about these mines is not of much weight, when we reflect howeasily a barbarian people forget events, even those of a strikingnature. 

We are apt to judge the culture of a people by the skill they display inworks of arts. The article on which the Mound Builder lavished mostof his skill was the pipe. This would show that with them, as with themodern Indians, the use of the pipe was largely interwoven with theircivil and religious observances. In making war and in concluding peace, it probably played a very important part. "To know the whole history oftobacco, of the custom of smoking, and of the origin of the pipe, would be to solve many of the most interesting problems of Americanethnology. "

The general decoration consisted in carving the bowl of the pipe intothe shape of some animal or bird. In some instances we have carvedrepresentations of the human head. Such as these are of particularinterest and value, as they are probably faithful representations of thefeatures of the Mound Builders. This is a fine specimen found in one ofthe altar mounds in Ohio. The method of wearing the hair is worthy ofnotice. The holes placed in a row encircling the forehead and comingdown as low as the ears, were once filled with pearls. In some theystill remained when found, though they had been burned in the fire. The lines upon the face obviously imitate the custom of tattooing thecountenance. 

Illustrations of Sculptured Face and Face of a Female. -----

Scholars have called attention to the fact that Humboldt discovered inMexico a small statue which he supposed represented an Aztec priestess. This statue had sculptured upon its forehead a row of pearls, worn inthe same manner as is represented in this pipe. This is another pipe ofgreat interest, and is supposed to represent the head of a woman. Thecountenance is expressive, the eyes prominent, and the lips full androunded. We must notice again the headdress. While the faces are ofIndian type, the method of wearing the hair is different from that ofthe typical Indian of the North. 

Illustration of Beaver. ----------------

The animal forms into which the pipe-bowls are carved, are also full ofinterest. This is not so much on account of animal forms themselves asthe insight we gain as to the artistic skill of the people who fashionedthe pipes, and in various ways learn of bits of customs and mannerspeculiar to them. Here we have figured a pipe, the bowl of which iscarved to represent a beaver. No one need hesitate as to the animalwhich the carver had in mind. It is represented in a characteristicattitude, and has the broad, flat tail of its species. It must haverequired no little skill and patient labor to work a rough stone intothis finished pipe, especially when we remember that the maker had noedged tools with which to work. 

Illustration of Otter. ----------------

We can not always determine the animal which the artist had in mind. Inthis illustration we have figured such a pipe. Considerable discussionhas arisen as to the animal represented. Some cases of this nature havebeen thought to show either migration from a distant country on the partof the maker or else an extended system of trade. 

Squier and Davis, who first figured it, supposed it to represent amanatee, or sea-cow. This animal is essentially a tropical species, theonly known place where it was found in the United States being Florida. From the presence of this carved specimen, found a thousand miles tothe north, some interesting queries, as the origin of the mound-buildingtribes, and the state of life among them, were raised. It is almostcertain, however, that the animal intended to be represented was theotter. 

Illustration of Birds on Pipes. ---------------

The most general form of sculpture was that of birds, and we findspecimens of almost all the common varieties. In this group we recognizethe tufted heron striking a fish; the eagle, or hawk, tearing a smallerbird; the swallow, apparently just ready to fly; and in the last figure, one that has given rise to a good deal of discussion. Some think fromthe circumstance of its having a very large bill, toes pointing behindas well as before, that it represents a toucan, which, if true, wouldmake it a most interesting specimen. But cautious scholars conclude thatthe "figure is not of sufficient distinctness to identify the originalthat was before the artist's mind. " And therefore it is not wise to makethis specimen the subject of a far-reaching speculation. 

It may be of interest to inquire whether the Indians made pipes astastefully ornamented as those we have described. We should notice thatall the pipes here described are from one very limited locality in Ohio, and that is the valley of the Scioto, the same section of country wherewere found the great inclosures of a mathematical shape. We have noreason for supposing that the Mound Builders generally throughout theMississippi Valley had this artistic skill. We have seen nowhereany thing to show a superiority for them in this respect. Whateverconclusion can be drawn from those pipes, applies only to the tribe inthe Scioto Valley. It is believed they do constitute a peculiar classby themselves. As works of art, there are but few aboriginal relics ofNorth American origin their equal. 

We would also refer to the fact that most of these specimens wereobtained from one altar-mound. We do not know what ceremonieswere performed around this altar, but if it were a place of burial orcremation, they might have been the obsequies of some distinguishedmaker of pipes. That such a person would be the recipient of honor, isnot singular, for "the manufacture of stone pipes, necessarily a painfuland tedious labor, may have formed a branch of aboriginal industry, andthe skillful pipe carver probably occupied among the former Indians arank equal to that of the experienced sculptor in our times. " Among theOjibway Indians, we are told, are persons who possess peculiar skillin the carving of pipes, and make it their profession, or at least themeans of gaining, in part, their livelihood. One "inlaid his pipes verytastefully with figures of stars, and flowers of black and white stones. But his work proceeded very slowly, and he sold his pipes at highprices. " So we see how cautious we must be about drawing inferencesfrom this peculiar class of pipes found in one limited locality. 

The knowledge of how to manufacture pottery is justly regarded as aturning point in the advance of primitive man along the weary road thatbrings him at last to civilization. At this point he ceases to be asavage, and enters the confines of Barbarism. The skill shown inusing this knowledge is one of the many things we have to take intoconsideration in determining the rank of a people in the scale ofenlightenment. The Mound Builders were evidently quite well along in thepotter's art; and as they have left behind them many examples of theirwork, we must try and acquaint ourselves with some of the more importantvarieties. 

Illustration of a Group of Clay Vessels. ----------------

This illustration is of a group of clay vessels of the bowl pattern, found in mounds in different parts of the Mississippi Valley. In one ofthese we see a good example of the style of ornamentation by means ofincised lines. In the duck-headed vessel we have a representation of aclass of vessels common in Missouri and Tennessee. Not unfrequentlyone or both of the handles of vessels of this class is in the form ofa human head instead of that of an animal. Our next illustrationsrepresent a group of such specimens. Judging from the skill with whichthey imitated animals, it is not unreasonable to believe that in thesefaces we have rude likenesses of the people who made them. 

Illustration of Bowls with Human Faces. ------------

The two bottle-shaped vessels here figured, are from mounds inLouisiana. As will be noticed, the ornamentation is quite artistic. The ware is of a good quality, and they are good examples of the MoundBuilders' art. The form with the long neck is perhaps a water-cooler. When filled with water, and allowed to stand, some of the water passesthrough the pores, and evaporating, keeps the surface of the vesselcool. 

Illustration of Bottle-shaped Vessels. (Smith. Inst. )----

They also made some vessels of large size to serve for cooking purposes. On some of the larger vessels the imprint of woven weeds and willows ofa basket on the outer surface leads to the belief that such vessels wereformed or moulded within baskets. Many large pots and urns, however, were made without this aid. Some large urns were used for burialpurposes. In a Michigan mound an urn about three feet in height had beenso used. It was standing upright, and into it the whole skeleton of aman had been compressed, and a closely-fitting lid covered the top. Very large, shallow vessels were used to manufacture salt--that is, theywere filled from some salt-spring, and then the water was evaporated, leaving the salt. In localities near salt-springs, thick fragments ofrude earthenware have been found that must have come from vessels aslarge as barrels. 

Illustration of Water Cooler. ---------------

In the next group we have representations of a singular class ofvessels. In some cases the mouth and neck of the vessel is shaped inimitation of animals. In the smallest one we recognize the head of aman, with an opening in the back of the head. Many vessels of this formare known, and a great many different animal heads are represented. The fish-shaped vessel is a curious one. The one figured evidentlyrepresents a sun-fish. The long vase or jug is in the shape of a child'sleg, with an opening in the heel. 

Illustration of Pottery Vessels. (Smith. Inst. )--------

Some very beautiful vessels of the character of those we have figured, have been found in Missouri. One enthusiastic explorer says, "Perhapswe have very few modern artists who could equal those ancient potterymakers in taste, skill, curious design, and wonderful imitation ofnature. Birds, beasts, fishes, even the shells on the river shore, havean exact counterpart in their domestic utensils. " "While digging in oneof these pottery mounds in Missouri, we unearthed a large tortoise. Wethought it was alive, and seizing it, to cast it into the woods for itsliberty, we were suddenly surprised to find our tortoise was an earthenvessel in that shape. In the same mound we uncovered a huge shell--thesingle valve of a unio. Closer inspection revealed that it was a perfectearthen vessel. Following these came a perfect fish, exhibiting, to ourastonishment, the scales, fins, and peculiarities of that species offish in detail. "

We must leave this interesting part of our subject. An entire volumewould scarcely do justice to it, but for the sake of comparison, we mustinquire as to the state of this art among the Indian tribes. It seemsthat before the arrival of the whites, the Indian tribes throughoutNorth America, with few exceptions, were apt potters. The whites, however, soon supplied them with superior utensils of metal, so, thatthe majority of the Eastern tribes soon lost the knowledge of the art. It lingered longer among the tribes of the South, and of the interior, and even to this day the Pueblo tribes of New Mexico and Arizona make anexcellent article of pottery. Early travelers wrote in high terms of theskill of the Southern Indians in this matter. Du-Pratz thought so highlyof the work of the Natchez Indians that he had them make him an entiredinner set. 

Catlin, speaking of the Mandan Indians, says the women of that tribemade great quantities of dishes and bowls, modeled after many forms. Hesays they are so strong and serviceable that they cook food in themby hanging them over the fire, as we would an iron pot. "I have seenspecimens, " he continues, "which have been dug up in Indian mounds andtombs in the Southern and Middle States, placed in our Eastern museums, and looked upon as a great wonder, when here this novelty is at oncedone away with, and the whole mystery: where women can be seen handlingand using them by hundreds, and they can be seen every day in thesummer, also, moulding into many fanciful forms, and passing themthrough the kilns, where they are hardened. "

Dr. Rau, speaking of the artistic skill of the Indian potters, as shownby numerous remains gathered in Illinois, does not hesitate to assert, after personal examination of Mound Builders' pottery, that the Indianrelics were in every respect equal to those specimens exhumed from themounds of the Mississippi Valley. Lapham, speaking of fragments ofMound Builders' pottery in Wisconsin, says, "They agree in every respectwith fragments found about the old Indian villages. "

The culture of a people is also determined by their knowledge ofagriculture. The savage depends entirely upon hunting and fishing forsubsistence. A knowledge of horticulture, of domestic animals, andof agriculture, even though rude, are each and all potent factorsin advancing man in culture. So we must inquire as to the tracesof agricultural knowledge observable among the remains of the MoundBuilders. Some writers speak in quite glowing terms of the enormouscrops they must have raised for their populous cities. The fact is, thatwhile it is doubtless true that they practiced agriculture, yet we haveno reason to suppose it was any thing more than a rude tillage, such aswas practiced among the village Indian tribes. This is evident from thetools with which they worked. 

Illustration of Agricultural Implements. (Smith. Inst. )----

In a few cases copper tools have been recovered which may have servedfor digging in the ground, but in most cases their art furnished themnothing higher than spades, shovels, picks, and hoes made of stone, horn, bone, and probably wood. In this cut are specimens of suchagricultural tools. These were doubtless furnished with handles of wood. The notched one was perhaps provided with a handle at right angles toit, so as to constitute a hoe. That we are right in regarding theseimplements as agricultural tools, is shown not only by their largesize, but also by the traces of wear discovered on them. We must admit, however, that agriculture carried on with such tools as these, must havebeen in a comparatively rude state. 

In this connection we must refer to the garden beds noticed in someplaces. We read that in Western Michigan the so-called garden beds area distinguishing feature of the ancient occupation, often coveringmany acres in a place, in a great variety of forms, both regular andgrotesque. These seem from the above account to be very similarto the garden beds of Wisconsin. Dr. Lapham tells us that in the latterState they consist of low, broad, parallel ridges, as if corn had beenplanted in drills. 

The average four feet in width, and the depth of the walk between themis six inches. Traces of this kind of cultivation are found in variousparts of the State. We are also referred to the presence of gardenmounds in Missouri, but in this case the low mounds are of the samemysterious class that Prof. Forshey says occur by millions in theSouth-west, and may not be the work of man. Just what the connection isbetween the garden beds and the Mound Builders is hard to determine. Mr. Lapham thinks that those in Wisconsin were certainly later in date thanthe mounds. He observed that they were frequently constructed rightacross the works of the Mound Builders. This would seem to imply thatthe makers were not one and the same people. 

As to the government and religion of the Mound Builders, all isconjecture. On both of these points a great deal has been assumed, butwhen we try to find out the grounds on which these theories rest wequickly see how little real foundation there is for any knowledge onthis subject. If we are right in our views as to the effigy mounds ofWisconsin, then a sort of animal worship prevailed. Whether the greatinclosures in the Scioto Valley were of a religious nature or notis very doubtful. The great serpent mound was probably an object ofworship. The assertion is quite frequently made that the Mound Builderswere sun worshipers, which may be correct, but we must observe that wehave no proofs of it in the works they have left. We judge it to be trueonly because sun-worship was probably a part of the religion of a largeproportion of the Indian race, and because we find special proofs of itsexistence among some of the Southern Indians who are supposed to beclosely related to the Mound Builders. 

Illustration of Idols. (Smith. Inst. )--------------

As we approach the South, we meet with what are supposed to be rude anduncouth idols, but they have not been found under such circumstances asto make it positive that they belonged to the Mound Builders. In thisillustration we have two idols, considered to be genuine relics of thestone-grave people of Tennessee. The first one is an Aztec idol found atCholula, and introduced here simply for comparison. What position theseidols held in connection with the religion of the race, we are notprepared to say. 

Similar remarks might be made as to the system of government. Anumber of writers, taking into account the immense labor involved inconstructing some of the works, have insisted that the people must havelived under a despotic form of government, one in which the state hadunlimited power over the lives and fortunes of its subjects. 

There is no real foundation for such views, and we think they aremisleading. No one doubts but that the Mound Builders were living ina tribal state of society. If so, they doubtless had the usualsubdivisions of a tribe. This point we remember afforded us some insightinto the meaning of the effigy mounds of Wisconsin. 

This would imply the government by the council, and while the rulers mayhave been hereditary, the officers of the tribe were probably elective, and could be deposed for cause. We do not mean to assert that this is anexact picture of the state of government of the Mound Builders, becauseour knowledge on this point is not sufficient to make such a positivestatement, but it is far more likely to be true than the picture of adespotic government, ruling from some capital seat a large extent ofcountry, holding a court with barbaric pomp and circumstances such assome writers would have us believe. 

We hope our readers have not been wearied by this somewhat extendedinvestigation of the Mound Builders. Every storm that beats upon theirworks tends to level them. The demands of our modern life are fastobliterating the remaining monuments and, indeed, it is now onlythose which are situated in favorable localities, or are massivein construction, that are left for our inspection. But these nearlyobliterated records of the past are of more than passing interest to usas monuments of the prehistoric times of our own country. We wander overthese ruins and find much to interest us, much to excite our curiosity. The purposes of many are utterly unknown. Some, by their greatproportions, awaken in us feelings of admiration for the perseveranceand energy of their builders. But when we investigate the objects ofstone, of clay, and of copper this people left behind them, we noticehow hard it is to draw a dividing line between them and the Indians. 

In fact, there is no good reason for separating them from the Indianrace as a whole. We do not mean to say that they were not, in manyrespects, different from the tribes found in the same section of thecountry by the early explorers, though, we ought, perhaps, to confinethis remark to the central portion of the country occupied by theseancient remains. But the American of to-day differs from the American ofearly Colonial times. The miserable natives of Southern California wereIndians, but very different indeed from the ambitious, warlike Iroquois, who displayed so much statesmanship in the formation of their celebratedleague. In another chapter we shall discuss this part of our subject, aswell as the question of the antiquity of the ruins. 

REFERENCES

 (1) The manuscript of this chapter was submitted to Prof. F. W. Putnam, curator of the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University, for criticism. (2) Conant's "Footprints of Vanished Races, " p. 122. (3) Force: "Some Considerations on the Mound Builders, " p. 64; "Am. Antiquarian, " March, 1884, pp. 93-4; "10th Annual Report, Peabody Museum, " p. 11. (4) Short's "North Americans of Antiquity", p. 28. (5) Squier and Davis's "Ancient Monuments, " p. 105. (6) Foster's "Prehistoric Paces, " p. 148. (7) Squier's "Aboriginal Monuments of New York, " Smithsonia Contribution No. 11, p. 83. (8) Squier's "Aboriginal Monuments of New York, " Smithsonia Contribution No. 11, p. 87. (9) Foster's "Prehistoric Races, " p. 121. (10) "They are numbered by millions. " Ibid. (11) Prof. Forshey could frame no satisfactory hypothesis of their origin. Ibid, p. 122. (12) "Native Races, " Vol. IV, pp. 739 and 740. (13) Smithsonian Rep. , 1870, p. 406. (14) Narrative of U. S. Exploring expedition during the years 1838-42, Vol. IV, p. 334. (15) Prof. Gibbs in Frank Leslie's Monthly, August, 1883. (16) "Ancient Monuments, " p. 139. (17) Jones's "Explorations in Tennessee, " p. 15. (18) "Ancient Monuments, " p. 143. Explorers for Bureau of Ethnology so report it in the South. Prof. Putnam, who has certainly had great experience, says he has always found the layers to be horizontal. (19) "Sixteenth Annual Report Peabody Museum, " p, 171. An ornament shaped to resemble the head of a wood-pecker, made of gold, derived from some Spanish source, was found in a mound in Florida. This particular mound must have been erected after the discovery of America. ("Smithsonian Report, " 1877, p. 298, _et seq. _) (20) "Sixteenth and Seventeenth Report Peabody Museum. " These ornaments were made of hammered iron. This is the first time that native iron has been found in the mounds. (Putnam. ) (21) "Prehistoric Races, " p. 178. (22) J. E. Stevens's Paper, read before the Muscatine Academy of Science, Dec. , 1878. (23) That this was at any rate sometimes the case See "Ancient Monuments, " p. 159. (24) "Peabody Museum Reports, " Vol. II, p. 58. (25) Jones's "Explorations in Tennessee, " p. 15. See also "First An. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, " p. 198. (26) "Ancient Monuments, " p. 169. See also note on same page for another account of a larger number of skeletons. (27) Short's "North Americans of Antiquity, " App. A. (28) James's "Popular Science, " File 1883, p. 445. (29) "Ancient Monuments, " p. 173. (30) "Ancient Monuments, " p. 74. (31) "Views of Louisiana. " (32) This cut represents the mound as it probably was before the outlines were destroyed by cultivation. It is based on a model prepared by Dr. Patrick for the Peabody Museum. (33) "Peabody Museum Report, " Vol. II, p. 473. As this may include some of the wash from the mound, perhaps it would be better to give the real area of the base as over twelve acres. (34) That is, if we follow the plan. (35) "Prehistoric Races, " p. 107. (36) "Ancient Monuments, " p. 174. (37) Pickett's "History of Alabama, " Vol. I. , p. 301. (38) Carr's "Mounds of the Mississippi Valley, " pp. 91, 92; note, 103. (39) "Ancient Monuments, " p. 117. Note. --For the statement made in this text we are under obligation to Prof. Thomas, of the Bureau of Ethnology, who, in answer to a letter of inquiry, kindly furnished the information. (40) _"Am. Antiquarian, "_ March, 1884, p. 99. (41) It may be that no mounds were built for signaling purposes alone. The work of erecting mounds was so great that it is quite likely they were always erected for some other purpose, and used only secondarily for signal purposes. Such is shown to be the case with many of the signal mounds in Ohio. Such is the opinion of Mr. MacLean, who has made extensive researches. (42) Force's "Some Consideration of the Mound Builders, " p. 65. (43) Similar effigy mounds have been recently observed in Minnesota, but they have not yet been described. (Putnam. ) (44) Peet's _American Antiquarian, _ May, 1884, p. 184. (45) Peet's _American Antiquarian, _ January, 1884. We are indebted to the writings of Mr. Peet in this periodical for the months of January, May, and July, 1884, for many interesting facts in reference to the effigy mounds. He has studied them more than any other person, and his conclusions are consequently of great value. (46) Peet's "Emblematic Mounds and Totem System of the Indian Tribes. " (47) "Ancient Monuments, " p. 40. (48) _American Antiquarian, _ January, 1883. (49) Putnam, in "Proceedings of American Antiquarian Society, " 1884. (50) Peet's "Emblematic Mounds and Totem System of the Indian Tribes. " (51) Abbott's "Primitive Industry, " p. 383. (52) Peet's "Military Architecture of the Emblematic Mound Builders. " (53) "Smithsonian Report, " 1877, p. 278, _et seq. _ (54) "Ancient Monuments, " p. 97; _American Antiquarian, _ January, 1883, p. 77. (55) This information is communicated by Mr. L. N. Tower, a gentleman in the employ of C. & N. W. E. R. , at Tracy, Minn. , who, at the request of the writer visited this locality, made measurements, etc. (56) _American Antiquarian, _ November, 1884, p. 403. (57) The dimensions of this figure vary. Mr. MacLean's survey makes the entire length of the serpent part eleven hundred and sixteen feet; the distance between the extended jaws, one hundred feet. The oval figure is one hundred and thirteen feet long by fifty feet wide. The frog or head portion is fifty-five feet. Mr. Squier says, "The entire length, if extended, would be not less than one thousand feet. " Mr. Putnam's measurements make it fourteen hundred and fifteen feet. The writer would state that he visited this effigy in the summer of 1884. Though there but a very short time, and not prepared to make careful measurements, he did notice some points in which the illustrations, previously given, are certainly wrong. The oval is not at the very extremity of the cliff. The little projections generally called ears of the serpent are not at right angles to the body, but incline backwards. The convolutions of the serpent's body bend back and forth quite across the surface of the ridge. (58) Schmuckers. (59) "Ancient Monuments, " p. 47. (60) Foster's "Prehistoric Races, " p. 175. (61) "Contributions North American Ethnology, " Vol. IV, p. 210. A cut of this "restored" pueblo is there given. (62) See discussion of this subject in "Proceedings of Am. Antiq. Society, " Oct. , 1883. (63) "Peabody Museum Reports, " Vol. II, p. 205. (64) "Ancient Monuments, " p. 47. (65) Peet: "The Mound Builders. " (66) "Ancient Monuments, " p. 53. (67) Force: "Some Considerations on the Mound Builders, " p. 64. (68) "Archaeologia Americana, " Vol. I, p. 129. (69) For words at Newark, consult "Ancient Monuments, " p. 67, _et seq. "American Antiquarian, "_ July, 1882. (70) "Ancient Monuments, " p. 74. (71) "Ancient Monuments, " p. 88. (72) Mr. Putnam visited the work a few years since, and came to the conclusion that the larger and old openings were part of the original design, and that they were places where it was easier to put up log structures than earthen walls. Just such openings occur in the massive stone wall around Fort Hill, in Highland County. A few of the openings at Fort Ancient he thinks are unquestionably of recent origin, in order to drain the holes inside the embankments. (73) _Cincinnati Quart. Journal Science, _ 1874, p. 294. (74) Peet: "The Mound Builders. " (75) Peet's "Mound Builders:" "If the reader will compare some of these last cuts with that of the fortified camp at Cissbury, Eng. , p. 183, he will see how similar this last work is to those just mentioned. Perhaps the real lesson to be learned is that rude people, whether Indians, Mound Builders, or Celts, resorted to about the same method of defense. " (76) "Antiquarian Research, " p. 89. (77) Conant's "Footprints of Vanished Races, " p. 15, _et seq. _ Mr. Conant refers to Mr. Pidgeon's work in such a way as to give the impression that he was convinced of the genuineness of his account. (78) "Traditions of Decodah, " p. 89, _et seq. _ (79) "Antiquarian Research, " p. 190. (80) "The American Indian, so far as known, without the exception of a single tribe, worshiped the sun. " Carr's "Mounds of the Mississippi Valley, " p. 56. (81) Conant's "Footprints of Vanished Races, " p. 60. (82) Ibid. , p. 32. If the explorers are really satisfied this was a walled town, it ought to throw some light on the inclosures in the Ohio Valley. (83) Conant's "Footprints of Vanished Races, " p. 35. (84) Conant's "Footprints of Vanished Races, " p. 77. (85) Vol. III, p. 290, _et seq. _ (86) Morgan's "Ancient Society, " p. 11. (87) "Ancient Monuments, " p. 210; also Peet: "The Mound Builders. " "Their relics are marked by a peculiar finish. " (88) Rau's "Anthropological Research. " (89) "Proceedings Am. Antiq. Society, " April, 1877, p. 61. (90) "Smithsonian Contribution to Knowledge, " Vol. XIII. (91) Abbott's "Primitive Industry, " p. 315. (92) "Annual Report of Bureau of Ethnology, " 1880-1, p. 123, _et seq. _ (93) In the "Annual Report of Bureau of Ethnology, " for 1880-1, Mr. Henshaw has very fully discussed these mound-pipes, and shown that Messrs. Squier and Davis wore mistaken in a number of their identifications of the animal forms. He concludes there "are no representations of birds or animals not indigenous to the Mississippi Valley. " (94) The recent discoveries by Putnam and Metz, in the Altar-mounds in the Little Miami Valley, have brought to light many interesting and important sculptures in stone and terra-cotta, which, as works of art, are in some respects superior to those from the Scioto Valley, but as they have not yet been figured, we can only refer to them here in this brief note. (95) "Number Eight, " Mound City, near Chillicothe, Ohio. "Ancient Monuments, " p. 152. (96) Rau: "Anthropological Subjects, " p. 130. (97) Morgan's "Ancient Society, " p. 12. (98) _American Antiquarian, _ 1879, p. 64. (99) McAdams: _American Antiquarian, _ 1880, p. 140. (100) "Smithsonian Report, " 1866. We have gathered these points for comparison from Dr. Rau's article in that report. (101) Bella Hubbard, _American Antiquarian, _ 1876, p. 219. (102) Foster's "Prehistoric Races, " p. 346. 

Chapter XI

THE PUEBLO COUNTRY. 

Description of the Pueblo Country--Historical outline--Description ofZuni--Definition of a Pueblo--Old Zuni--Inscription Rock--Pueblo ofJemez--Historical notice of Pecos--Description of the Moqui tribes--TheEstufa--Description of the San Juan country--Aztec Springs--In theCanyon of the McElmo--The Ruins of the Rio Mancos--On HovenweepCreek--Description of a Cliff-house--Cliff Town--Cave houses--Ruinson the San Juan--Cave Town--The Significance of Cliff-houses--Moquitraditions--Ruins in Northern New Mexico--Ruins in the ChacoCanyon--Pueblo Bonito--Ruins in South-western Arizona--The RioVerde Valley--Casa Grande--Ruins on the Gila--Culture of the PuebloTribes--Their Pottery--Superiority of the Ancient pottery--Conclusion. 

We have hitherto been describing people and tribes that have completelyvanished. We have peered into the mysterious past and sought as best wecould to conjure back the scenes of many years ago. The line between theknown and the unknown, between the historic and prehistoric, is not farremoved from us in the new world. Not yet four centuries have passedsince the veil was lifted, and America, with her savage tribes of theNorth, and her rude civilization of the South, was revealed to thewondering eyes of Europe. But with a knowledge of this new landcame also wondrous stories of wealth, and in consequence an army ofadventurers were soon on her shores. Then follows a short period of warand conquest. The Indian race could not withstand the whites. Europeancivilization, transplanted to America, has thriven. But whatever advancethe native tribes have made since the discovery, has been by reason ofcontact with the whites. 

Map of Pueblo Country. -----------

There was no single birthplace of American culture. Advance took placewherever the climate was mild and the soil fertile, and thus an abundantsupply of food could be obtained. One such locality was the valley ofthe San Juan, in what is now the southwestern part of the UnitedStates. It is quite allowable to suppose that here the mild climate andbountiful soil suggested agriculture, and with a knowledge of this, rude though it was, a beginning was made in a culture which subsequentlyexcited the admiration of the Spaniards. However that may be, we knowthis section contains abundant ruins of former inhabitants. And yetagain we find in this same country the remnants of this former people, doubtless living much the same sort of life as did their forefathers. American scholars, with the best of reason, think this section affordsthe best vantage ground from which to study the question of nativeAmerican culture. It presents us not only with ruins of past greatness, but in the inhabited pueblos, gives us a picture of primitive times, and invites us, by a careful study of their institutions, to becomeacquainted with primitive society. 

Travelers and explorers describe the scenery of the Pueblo country asa very peculiar one. It is bleak without being absolutely barren. Thegreat mountain chains form picturesque profiles, which in a measurecompensate for the lack of vegetation. No country on the face of theglobe bears such testimony to the power of running water to wear awaythe surface. The rivers commenced by wearing down great canyons. Theyoccur here on a grand scale. The canyon of the Colorado River, havinga length of two hundred miles, and through the whole, nearly verticalwalls of rock, three to six thousand feet in height. Nearly all thetributary streams of the Colorado empty into it by means of gorgesnearly as profound. What is true of the Colorado is true, though in alesser degree of the Rio Grande and of the Pecos, as only portions ofthese streams are canyon-born. But, besides digging out these canyons, the entire surface of the country has in places been removed to thedepth of several hundred feet, leaving large extent of table-lands, called mesas, with generally steep, or even precipitous, sides, standingisolated here and there. 

Though thus bearing evidence of more extended rainfall, and of theaction of water in the past, it is essentially an arid country now. Most of the minor water-courses laid down on the map are dry half ofthe year, or have but scattered pools of water; so a description ofthe surface of the country would tell us of deep river valleys, in manycases narrow and running through rocky beds, in which case we call themcanyons; in other cases very wide, but having generally precipitoussides; the country often mountainous and great stretches of table-land, but generally dry and desolate, except in the immediate vicinity ofrivers. The river valleys themselves are generally very fertile. 

Such is the country where we are to investigate native American culture. The history of the country since its first occupation by the Spaniardsis not devoid of interest. It did not take the Indians of Mexico long tolearn that what the Spaniards most prized was gold, and that the surestway to curry favor with them was to relate to them exaggerated storiesof wonderful wealth to be gained in distant provinces. About 1530 theviceroy of New Spain (Mexico) learned from an Indian slave of sevengreat cities somewhere to the north; and of their wealth it was saidthey had streets exclusively occupied by workers in gold and silver. 

Though expeditions to the northern provinces of Mexico speedilydispelled the illusions in regard to them, the wonderful story of theSeven Cities flitted further north. Six years later these stories wereinvested with new life by the arrival in Mexico of Cabeza De Vaca andthree companions. The story of their remarkable wanderings reads likean extract from a work of fiction. They were members of the unfortunateSpanish expeditions to the coast of Florida in 1528. After the shipwreckand final overthrow of the expedition, these four men had wandered fromsomewhere on the coast of the Gulf of Mexico, first north, and thenwest, passing through, probably, portions of Texas and New Mexico, untilfinally they were so fortunate as to meet with their own countrymen nearCuliacan, in Mexico. The story they had to tell fell on willing ears. They stated to the viceroy that they had carefully observed the countrythrough which they had passed, and had been told of great and powerfulcities containing houses of four and five stories, with the usualaccompaniments of great wealth. 

The next incident was the journey of three Franciscan friars and a negro(who, by the way, had been with De Vaca in his wanderings), sent out bythe Governor Coronado, with orders to return and report to him all theycould learn by personal observation of the Seven Cities. This expeditiondid not accomplish much. Arriving near Cibola (the Spanish name for thecountry of the Seven Cities), they sent the negro on ahead to gain thegood will of the Indians. Instead of this, he was killed by them. Onhearing which, the monks contented themselves with gazing on the pueblo(which they describe as "more considerable than Mexico") from a safedistance, and then hurriedly returned to Culiacan. They gave Coronado amost glowing account of all they had discovered. 

Coronado now thought the time had come for decisive action. Accordingly, with the viceroy's permission, he organized his forces, and in 1540 setout on his memorable march in search of the Seven Cities of Cibola. Wedo not propose to give in detail the series of conquests beginning withthis expedition and finally ending with the subjection of New Mexicoin 1598. It is needless to say that the Spanish forces found no citiesteeming with wealth. What they did find was a country much the sameas at present. The cities were the communal houses, or combination ofhouses, known as pueblos. The pueblo of Zuni is the remaining one of themystical seven. The ruins of at least six other pueblos are known to bein the immediate vicinity. 

This historical account, short and imperfect as it is, introduces us toa most interesting people. If we would know more of them we can not dobetter than to adopt the advice of Hosta, ex governor of Jemez, to Dr. Loew: "If you wish to see what a great people we once were you must goupon the mesas and into the canyons of the vicinity, where ruins of ourforefathers are numerous. "

One of the most important pueblos yet remaining inhabited, and one ofthe first that Coronado encountered in his expedition, is Zuni. The present pueblo is considered as the remaining one of the SevenCities--at least, by the majority of Americanists. Whipple describesZuni as follows: "Treading an opening between rocky bluffs, . . . Weentered the valley, several miles in width, which leads to Zuni. Thesoil seemed light, but where cultivated it produced fine crops withoutthe aid of irrigation. . . . Within the valley appeared occasional towers, where herders and, laborers watch to prevent a surprise from Apaches. Near the center of this apparent plain stood, upon an eminence, thecompact city of Zuni. By its side flowed the river which bearsthe same name. It is now but a rivulet of humble dimensions, thoughsometimes said to be a large stream. . . . Passing beneath an arch, weentered a court, . . . Entirely surrounded by houses of several recedingstories, which were attained by means of ladders loading from one toanother. . . . From the top the pueblo reminds one of an immense ant-hill, from its similar form and dense population. . . . Going down from its outerside into the street, we encounter five stories of descent. "

In order to prevent confusion, we will state that a pueblo, which is theSpanish name for these old Indian towns, may be one of several differenttypes. A common form of village consists of but one or two, seldomthree, large buildings, so arranged as to surround an interior court. Sometimes there is but one large building, which is nearly in the shapeof a half circle; instead of being really circular, it has a number ofdifferent sides. In some cases a village consists of a number of theselarge houses irregularly arranged. But the tendency is always to inclosea square. 

In the modern villages the buildings forming the square do not meet, butin some cases are connected by bridges or covered gangways, and insome instances the houses project over the streets below, which, beingnarrow, are thus given an underground appearance. 

Illustration of Ground Plan and End View. ------------

The buildings, or communal houses, for one house contained sometimesfive hundred rooms, are generally from three to four hundred feet longand about one hundred and fifty feet in width at the base. The lowerstory is divided by cross-walls into a mass of cell-like rooms, as shownin the illustrations which represents the ground plan of a pueblo havingfour ranges of rooms. Each story in height has one less range of rooms, so that, looking directly at the end of this building, it would presentthe appearance shown by this cut: The only means of getting from oneterrace to the other is by the aid of ladders. In some cases theseterraces run from both sides of the building; in others they face theinclosed space; and in others still they face outside. Most of theinhabited pueblos are built of adobe--that is, sun-dried bricks. Themajority of the ancient ruins were built of stone set in adobe mortar. With this digression, we will now return to Zuni. 

Illustration of Old Zuni. ------------

Ruins testifying to the former greatness of these people are scatteredaround them. Three miles to the east of the present pueblo of Zuni, onthe bluff seen in the cut, are the ruins of a larger pueblo, which iscalled Old Zuni. Mr. Whipple, who explored this field of ruins, thusdescribes his visit: "The projecting summit of the cliffs seemedinaccessible. . . . We followed a trail which, with great labor, hadbeen hammered out from seam to seam of the rocks along the side of theprecipice. At various points of the ascent, where a projecting rockpermitted, were barricades of stone walls, from which the old mantold us they had hurled rocks upon the invading Spaniards. Havingascended one thousand feet, we found ourselves upon a level surface, covered with thick cedars. . . . The top of the mesa was of an irregularfigure, a mile in width, bounded upon all sides by perpendicularbluffs. . . . The guide hurried us on half a mile further, where appearedthe ruins of a city, indeed. Crumbling walls, from two to twelve feet inheight, were crowded together in confused heaps, over several acres ofground. . . . Upon examining the pueblo, we found the standing walls restedupon ruins of greater antiquity. The primitive masonry, as well aswe could judge, must have been about six feet thick. The more recentwas not more than a foot or a foot and a half, but the small sandstoneblocks had been laid in mud mortar with considerable care. "

The descriptions of ruins have so much that is similar that repetitionsbecome tiresome. We will not, therefore, delay much longer with Zuni. A few miles east of Old Zuni we come to Pescado Springs, near which arethe ruins of several pueblos. "This spring bursts from a broken point ofthe lava bed, and at once becomes a pretty stream, glittering with greatnumbers of the finny tribe, which gives name to it. The circular wallwhich once inclosed the fountainhead is now partly broken down. Uponeach side, and almost tangent, are ruins of pueblos so ancient that thetraditions of present races do not reach them. They are nearly circularin form, and of equal dimension. One measured three hundred and fifteenshort paces, about eight hundred feet, in circumference. They were ofstone; but the walls have crumbled, leaving only a heap of rubbish. "

Following up this stream, other ruins were found. It seems, then, thatin the pueblo of Zuni we have left a pitiful remnant of a numerouspeople. When the Spaniards first appeared on the scene they wereapparently prosperous. The rapid decrease of the Pueblo tribes was owingto several causes. In 1680 they made an attempt to throw off the Spanishyoke. At first this was successful. But inter-tribal warfare at once setin. At this time also the inroads of the Apaches and Navajos becameso troublesome that the Pueblo tribes could not successfully cultivatetheir land. At this time also a succession of dry years set in, andfamine was the result. Their customs and manners we will describe inanother place. There are many reasons for supposing that the country hadbeen inhabited for a very long period, even before the Spaniards invadedit. Some places must have been even then in ruins, or, if inhabited, itis very strange that the Spanish records do not mention them. Such, forinstance, is Inscription Rock, about fifteen miles east of Old Zuni, which the Spaniards must have passed when on their way back and forth toZuni. 

Illustration of Inscription Rock. ----------

The small mesa here ends with a bold front of white sandstone rock, rising almost vertically two hundred and fifty feet high. This cut givesus a view on the top of the table-rock. We see here the foundations oftwo old buildings. A deep ravine nearly divides this little plateau intotwo portions. As we have said, this rises with a bold, precipitousfront from the plain. At one place this front is completely covered withinscriptions. Here the Indians, unknown years ago, made their strangehieroglyphics which, presenting to our eyes only a senseless combinationof forms of animals and men and meaningless figures, may have conveyedto them knowledge of important events. A great many Spanish inscriptionshave also been carved on the rock. Whipple calls attention to the factthat though Spanish inscriptions placed there nearly two hundred yearsago, seem but slightly affected by atmospheric action, still some of theIndian hieroglyphics are "almost wiped out by the fingers of time. " Anumber of centuries have probably rolled away since they were inscribed. 

It may be interesting to know the reading of some of these oldinscriptions. A translation of one of the earliest and longest is heregiven, with the exception of a few words which could not be made out:"Bartolome Narrso, Governor and Captain-general of the province of NewMexico, for our lord, the king, passed by this place on his return fromthe pueblo of Zuni, on the 29th of July, of the year 1620, and put themin peace, at their petition, asking the favor to become subjects of hismajesty, and anew they gave obedience; all of which they did withfree consent, knowing it prudent as well as very Christian, . . . Toso distinguished and gallant a soldier, indomitable and famed; welove. . . "

It is somewhat strange to meet thus in the interior of the United Stateswith the record of a military expedition some months before the Puritanslanded at Plymouth. There seems to be nothing especial to describe aboutthe ruins. Both Simpson and Whipple notice that the masonry seems to beunusually good. As it must have been very difficult to procure water, the location must have been chosen solely for the protection itafforded. The early Spanish accounts contain the names of one hundredand twenty-six pueblos. Some are, however, mentioned two or three times. Mr. Bandelier has succeeded in identifying every one. The Rio PuercoValley was never a very prosperous one, and the river is scarcely apermanent one. At present a few ruins at Poblazon, for instance, are tobe seen, and the valley looks poor and barren. 

The valley of the Rio Grande River was occupied by a number of Pueblotribes, and there are at present eight inhabited pueblos along thisriver, in New Mexico, and one in Texas. The region around Bernalillo wasa prosperous section. At intervals, up and down the river, and along itstributaries, we can still trace low crumbling ruins, evidence of an oldpueblo. If the statements of the Spanish writers are to be believed, thenumber of inhabited towns, at the time of the conquest, was at least tentimes that now existing. The population could never have exceeded fortythousand. At present it contains about nine thousand. Still makingall allowance for Spanish exaggeration, we are convinced that it was athickly populated country at the time of the conquest. 

One of the most interesting pueblos in New Mexico is Jemez, on a riverof that name, sixty miles west of Santa Fe. We speak of it here becauseit is the center of a most interesting group of ruins. Like the puebloof Zuni, it is a remnant only of a prosperous people. The reportsof Coronado's expedition frequently mention Jemez, though it may bedoubtful whether they refer to the pueblo of that name now, or to oneof the numerous ruined ones in the immediate vicinity. Jemez is aprosperous pueblo, having fine fields, large irrigating ditches, andextensive flocks of sheep. 

Simpson describes it in 1849 as follows: "The pueblo of Jemez is anIndian town of between four and five hundred inhabitants, . . . And isbuilt upon two or three parallel streets, the houses being of adobeconstruction, and having second stories disposed retreatingly upon thefirst, to which access is had by means of ladders. . . . About the premisesare probably a dozen acres covered with apricot and peach trees. . . . The Rio de Jemez, upon which the pave lies, is an affluent of the RioGrande, varies from thirty to fifty feet in breadth, is of a rapidcurrent. . . . Patches of good corn and wheat skirt it here and therealong its banks, and the extent of cultivable land bordering it may beestimated at about a mile in breadth. "

We are more interested, however, in ruins testifying to past greatness. "Six miles up the river you come to the union of two canyons--theGuadalupe and San Diego. Where the mesa between these canyons narrowsitself to a point, are the ruins of two pueblos, one upon the lowerprominence of the mesa, the other upon the mesa proper, and onlyapproachable by two narrow, steep trails, the mesa everywhere else beingnearly perpendicular, and seven hundred and fifty feet high. The viewfrom the mesa is picturesque and imposing in the extreme. Far beneath, to the right and left, a stream makes its way between the colossalwalls of the sandstone upon the narrow width of the mesa; near frightfulprecipices are the ruins of a town of eighty houses, partly in parallelrows, partly in squares, and partly perched between overhanging rocks, the rim and surfaces of which formed the walls of rooms, the gaps andinterstices being filled in artificially. "

"Nearly every house had one story and two rooms. The building materialwas trachytic rock as found upon the mesa. Broken pottery, charred corn, and millstones for grinding corn, were found in some of the rooms. Theroofs had all fallen in, and so also had many of the side walls, in theconstruction of which wood was but little used. Pinon trees have takenroot within many of the former rooms. Upon asking my Indian guidewhether the former inhabitants of this town were obliged to descend thesteep and dangerous pathway every day to the creek to procure water, he replied there were cisterns upon the mesa, in which rain, formerlyplentiful, was caught. He then called my attention to some conical heapsof stones along the rim of the precipice which was the material fordefense. "

This description introduces us to another class of ruins--that is, detached separate houses, different from the great communal structureswe have already described. What connection exists between these twoforms of houses will be studied in another place. As a rule, therooms in the detached houses are larger than in the communal houses. Exceptions occur in some of the inhabited pueblos. This is only oneof many towns in ruins thereabouts. According to Dr. Loew there are noless than twenty-five or thirty. 

It is not our purpose to describe any more of the pueblos of thissection of New Mexico than is required to enable us to understand thecustoms, manners, and habits of the Pueblo tribes. We learn that inNew Mexico we are brought face to face with feeble remnants of formertribes, and that these were probably in their most flourishing conditionwhen the Spaniards first invaded the country, and though in a fewinstances the ruins imply a great antiquity, as at Inscription Rock, still we may be reasonably sure that the majority of them date but afew centuries back. The ruins of Catholic churches established by theFranciscan monks in the sixteenth century occur in several places, fivebeing found around Jemez. 

The story of the decline of the Pueblo tribes may be illustrated bythe history of Pecos. This pueblo was situated on the Rio Pecos, abouttwenty-five miles south-east of Santa Fe. With the exception of thepresent inhabited town of Taos, it was the most eastern point reachedby the pueblo building tribes. This, though a very large pueblo, hasnothing especial to attract attention, except that the entire mesa wasinclosed by a stone wall about six feet and a half high, and twentyinches thick, having a total length of three thousand, two hundred andtwenty feet. Its history is, however, interesting and instructive. Coronado, with his army, visited Pecos before he abandoned the countryin 1543. His reports mention it as a prosperous pueblo. Several raidswere made into New Mexico by Spanish parties, but the conquest properoccurred in 1598, when the Pecos pledged fidelity to the crown of Spain. 

The Catholic Church at once set about establishing missions at variouspueblos. The Pecos Church was established in 1629, though missionarywork had been done here before that time. One of the priests whoaccompanied Coronado remained behind at Pecos. He was never afterwardsheard from. This church became one of the most renowned in New Mexico. The inhabitants became herders as well as agriculturists. It wasprosperous. In 1680 the Pueblo of Pecos sheltered two thousand Indians. "But a storm was brewing from whose effects the Pueblo tribes neverrecovered. " In 1680 the Indians rose against the Spanish and drove themfrom New Mexico. The priests were murdered, the churches were sacked. From this time doubtless date the ruins of the churches seen aroundJemez. At Pecos and many other places intertribal warfare set in. Bloodybattles were fought. 

Neither were the Spaniards idle. In 1682 one expedition was made, andat least two pueblo towns were destroyed by them. In 1689 the entirecountry was reconquered. Some tribes were nearly exterminated, and allmore or less weakened and a great many ruins date from that time. It wasthe beginning of a decline for the Pueblo tribes, and this decline washastened by intertribal warfare, by drought, and by ravages from wildIndians. As to the drought, it is sufficient to state that some ruinsare now fifteen, and even twenty, miles from permanent water. The Comanches were the scourge of the Pecos. On one occasion theyslaughtered all the young men but one. This was a blow from which theynever recovered. Finally reduced by sickness to but five adults, thePecos sold their lands and, at the invitation of their brethren atJemez, went to live with them, and the pueblo of Pecos speedily becamethe ruins we now find it. 

No doubt a similar history could be written of many other ruins. "Ourpeople, " said Hosta, "were a warlike race, and had many fights, not onlywith the Spaniards, but also with other Indian tribes the Navajos andTaos, for instance and were thus reduced to this pueblo of Jemez, which now forms the last remnant. " New Mexico is now becoming rapidly"Americanized, " and it will soon be brought to a test whether thePueblo tribes can withstand this new influence and retain their peculiarcivilization, or whether, like many other races, their life force isnearly spent, in which case they will live only in history. 

We must not overlook the Moki Pueblos in Arizona. They are situatedone hundred miles northwest of Zuni. The Spaniards discovered them, andcalled their province Tusayan. They are much like the Pueblo tribesof New Mexico, only they have been much less disturbed by outsideinfluence. There are a number of ruined towns in this vicinity. We wishto refer to them because of their intimate connection with the ruins tothe North. Their houses are built of stone on precipitous mesas. 

Illustration of Wolpi. (Maj Powell)------------

Lieut. Ives, who visited them in 1858, has left quite a full descriptionof them. He states that "each pueblo is built around a rectangularcourt, in which, we suppose, are the springs that furnished the supplyto the reservoirs. The exterior walls, which are of stone, have noopenings, and would have to be scaled or battered down before accesscould be gained to the interior. The successive stories are set back, one behind the other. The lower rooms are reached through trap-doorsfrom the first landing. The houses are three rooms deep, and open uponthe interior court. " He was much pleased with the manner in whichthey had terraced off the bluff of the mesas into little garden patches, irrigating them from the large reservoirs from the top. 

There is one feature common to all the Pueblo tribes which is necessaryto refer to here, from its connection with the ruined structures furthernorth. In all of the inhabited pueblos there is a structure known asan Estafa, some pueblos having several. They are usually circular, butoccasionally (as at Jemez) rectangular. They are generally subterranean, or mostly so. They are great institutions among the Pueblos. "In thesesubterranean temples the old men met in secret council, or assembledin worship of their gods. Here are held dances, festivities, and socialintercourse. "

Another common feature, represented in this cut, is the watch-tower. Itis either round, as in this case, or rectangular. It may be interestingto recall in this connection the signal mounds of the Mound Builders. They were not always in the immediate vicinity of other ruins. Neithercan we state that there was a system in their arrangement, one answeringto another at a distance, and yet it was noticed where the rains werenumerous that several were in view from one point. In dimensionsthese towers range from ten to fifteen feet in diameter, and from fiveto fifteen feet in height, while the walls are from one to two feetthick. They are in many cases connected with structures rectangular inform. 

Illustration of Watch Tower. -----------

We will now leave the inhabited pueblos and the ruins in their immediatevicinity and, going to the north, explore a section of country thatshows every evidence of having sustained a considerable population sometime in the past. To understand this fact clearly, it will be necessaryto fix the location of the places named by means of the map. From timeto time confused reports of the wonders to be seen in the San Juansection of Colorado had appeared in the East, but the first clear andsatisfactory account is contained in the reports of Messrs. Jackson andHolmes, members of the U. S. Geographical and Geological survey of theterritories under Dr. Hayden for 1874 and 1876. 

In the south-western portion of Colorado is a range of mountains knownas the San Juan. Stretching from their base west to the Sierras is agreat plateau region, drained by the numerous tributaries of the SanJuan River. It would, perhaps, be more in keeping with the facts of thecase to say "had been drained some time in the past, " for this is nowsuch an arid, semi-desert country that the majority of the streamsare dry, or have but scattered pools of water in them, during a largeportion of the year; and yet, at times, great volumes of water gosweeping through them. This whole plateau is cut up with long, canyonedvalleys, presenting, in effect, the same surface features that we havealready described in New Mexico. Yet this precipitous, canyon-markedsection of country is literally filled with the crumbling ruins of aformer people. The situation in which they occur is in many cases verysingular, and the whole subject is invested with great interest to us, because we see in them the remains of a people evidently the same as thePueblo people to-day. 

One of the most extensive ruins in this section is situated at AztecSprings. This, it will be seen, is about midway between the RioMancos and the McElmo. Mr. Holmes found the site of the spring, but itcontained no water. He was told, however, by those familiar with thelocality that there had been a living spring there up to within a fewyears. It was evidently a place of considerable importance once. Mr. Holmes describes the ruins as forming the most imposing pile of masonryfound in Colorado. They cover an area of over ten acres. This includesonly the ruins around the springs. But all about this central portionare scattered and grouped the remnants of smaller structures. So thatnearly a square mile is covered with the ruins of this ancient pueblo. Most of the stone used was brought from the Mesa Verde (Green Plateau), a mile away, and must have been a great work for a people so totallywithout facilities. 

Illustration of Ruins at Aztec Springs. ----------

It will be seen that immediately to the right of the Springs is a largerectangular ruin in better preservation than the rest. This now "formsa great mound of crumbling rock from twelve to twenty feet in height, overgrown with artemisia, but showing clearly, however, its rectangularstructure, adjusted approximately to the four points of the compass. "This house, from its massive walls, must have had an original height ofat least forty feet. "The walls seem to have been doubled, with a spaceof seven feet between; a number of cross-walls at regular intervalsindicate that this space has been divided into apartments, as seen inthe plan. " Two low lines of rubbish cross the square, probably partitionwalls. 

Surrounding this house is a net-work of fallen walls, so completelyreduced that none of the stones seem to remain in place. Mr. Holmeswas at a loss to know whether to call them a cluster of irregularapartments, having low, loosely built walls, or whether they are theremains of imposing pueblos. In the group of ruins to the left of thespring are two well-defined circular estufas. Below the main mass ofruins, connected by low walls of ruins, is another great square, nearlytwo hundred feet in dimensions. One wall seems to have consisted of arow of apartments; the other walls served to simply inclose the square, near the center of which was another large estufa. 

Several important conclusions can be drawn from a study of thislocality. The spring, now dry, was once evidently the source of aconsiderable stream. Whether the group of low ruins were collections ofsmall houses, or remains of imposing pueblos, we need not doubt thatthe walls of the square inclosures were composed of pueblo houses. Theestufas were probably in all respects similar to those of the presentinhabited pueblos. The country around, now so dry and barren, must oncehave supported considerable population. As to the period of abandonment, we have nothing to guide us. Being an agricultural settlement, itwas probably abandoned at an earlier date than the cave-dwellings andcliff-houses of the canyons of the vicinity. The reason for this willappear subsequently. The site of this ruin, as well as for a longdistance around, is covered with pieces of broken pottery. We noticethat the spring has only lately gone dry. This illustrates the changesnow taking place all through the country. It is drying up, and thisprocess has been in operation for a long while. 

Illustration of Ruins in the McElmo Canyon. -------

Many groups of ruins are now in localities where the people could nothope for subsistence. About six miles to the north of these ruins, abouta mile from the McElmo, is the group of ruins here represented, whichmay throw some light on the remains at Aztec Springs. The principalfeature is the triple walled tower, of which a plan is given. The towerhas a diameter of about forty-three feet, and a circumference of aboutone hundred and thirty-five feet. The walls are traceable nearly allthe way around, and the space between the two outer ones, which is aboutfive feet, contains fourteen apartments or cells. The walls about one ofthese cells were still standing at the time of Mr. Holmes's visit, butthe cell was filled with rubbish from the fallen walls. A door-way, opening into this apartment, could still be seen. The inner wall wasprobably never very high. It simply inclosed the estufa. 

The ruins surrounding this tower consist of low, fallen walls, scarcelytraceable. The apartments number nearly one hundred, and were generallyrectangular. They are not of a uniform size, and were certainly notarranged in regular order. Now, as Mr. Holmes observes, it wouldcertainly seem that, if they are the ruins of such structures as thepueblos of the south, there would be some regularity of size, and somesystematic arrangement. He says that, in reality, they are more like acluster of pens, such as are used by the Moqui tribes for keeping sheepand goats. 

Since these surveys were made, Mr. Bandelier, as agent for theArchaeological Institute, has made important researches. He finds thatthe small, detached houses, such as we described in the ruined villagenear Jemez, are found in Arizona, with a small court-yard or inclosureattached to them. If we understand the description of the ruins justmentioned, and those at Apache Springs, they are villages of these smallhouses and their inclosures. In such villages the inclosures meet eachother, so as to form a checker-board of irregularly alternating housesand courts. The houses are easily discernible from the fact of littlerubbish mounds having accumulated where they stood. Around these partsof the wall can still be traced. This combination makes a strong, easilydefended position. Each of such villages contains one or more openspaces of large size, but they are irregularly located. 

We must notice one point more: Each village of this nature, that was ofany size, contained a larger ruin in the center. This was noticed inthe ruins at Aztec Springs. This larger building was in the nature of acitadel, and there the inhabitants could retire when the approaches werecarried by the enemy. This central building ultimately swallowed up allthe others, and so developed into the pueblo structures we have noticed. The little walled inclosures surrounding the houses were largely inthe nature of defenses. Tradition asserts that in many cases they weregarden plats, and appearances sometimes confirm this. "They may alsohave been the yard proper for each family, in which the latter slept, cooked--in fact, lived--during the heat of the Summer months. "

Referring once more to the ruins near the McElmo, we are told that everyisolated rock and bit of mesa within a circle of miles of this place isstrewn with remnants of ancient dwellings. We presume these were small, separate houses. They may have been outlying settlements of the tribewhose main village was at Aztec Springs. We must also notice the smalltower in the corner. This was a watch tower. It was fifteen feet indiameter, walls three and a half feet thick, and in 1876 was still fivefeet high, It overlooked the surrounding country. The rainfall in thepast must have been more abundant, to support the population we arejustified in thinking once lived there. The nearest water is now a mileaway, and during the dry season some fifteen miles to the north, inthe Rio Dolores, and yet we have every reason to believe theseold inhabitants were very saving of water. They built cisterns andreservoirs to store it up against the time of need. 

Illustration of Tower on the Rio Mancos. -----------

We give a cut of the tower of the ruins of a similar village, orsettlement, to the one just described, which occurs twenty miles to thesoutheast in the canyon of the Rio Mancos. Being so similar, we willmention it here. In this case the tower had only two walls. Mr. Holmessays the diameter of the outer wall is forty-three feet, that of theinner twenty-five feet. The space between the two circles is divided bycross-walls into ten apartments. This tower is placed also in the midstof a group of more dimly marked ruins or foundations, extending somedistance in each direction from it. Mr. Holmes, however, states thatthere are no ruins of importance in connection with this tower, but thatthere are a number of ruins in the immediate vicinity. In this case, then, the citadel (if such it was) was not directly connected with otherruins. 

The Rio Mancos, that we have just mentioned, was a favorite placeof resort for these old people. This stream, rising in the La PlatteMountains, flows through beautiful valleys to a great table-land knownas the Mesa Verde. Mr. Jackson explored this valley in 1874, and hereports as follows: "Commencing our observation in the park-like valleyof the Mancos, between the mesa and the mountains, we find that the lowbenches which border the stream upon either side bear faint vestigesof having at some far away time been covered with dwellings, groupedin communities apparently, but so indistinct as to present to theeye little more than unintelligible mounds. By a little carefulinvestigation, however, the foundation of great square blocks ofsingle buildings and of circular inclosures can be made out, thelatter generally of a depressed center, showing an excavation for somepurpose. "

From this description we can not quite make out whether these ruinsare great communal buildings, like the modern pueblo, or clusters ofseparate houses. We incline to the latter opinion, however. The circulardepressed area was doubtless used as an Estufa, the place of religiousmeetings for men alone. "The greater portion of these mounds are nowovergrown with artemisia, pinion-pine, and cedar, concealing them almostentirely from casual observation. " "We found the surest indication oftheir proximity in the great quantity of broken pottery which coveredthe ground in their neighborhood. The same curiously indented, painted, and glazed ware, was found throughout New Mexico and Arizona. It was allbroken into very small pieces, none that we could find being largerthan a silver dollar. " Specimens of this pottery will be figured in itsappropriate place. 

"Nowhere among these open plane habitations could we discover anyvestige of stone-work, either in building material or implements. It isvery evident that the houses were all of adobe, the mound-like characterof the remains justifying that belief. " In this last respect we note adifference between these remains and those already described. The mesaverde is one of those elevated plateaus we have so often described. Through this the Mancos has cut a canyon nearly thirty miles in length, and from one to two thousand feet deep. The description we have alreadygiven is of the valley of the river before coming to the canyon. 

Entering the canyon, Mr. Jackson continues: "Grouped along in clusters, and singly, were indications of former habitations, very nearlyobliterated, and consisting mostly, in the first four or five miles, ofthe same mound-like forms noticed above, and accompanied always by thescattered, broken pottery. Among them we find one building of squaredand carefully laid sandstone, one face only exposed of three or fourcourses, above the mass of _debris_ which covered every thing. Thisbuilding lay within a few yards of the banks of the stream, wasapparently about ten feet by eight, the usual size, as near as we coulddetermine, of nearly all the separate rooms or houses in the largerblocks, none larger, and many not more than five feet square. The stonesexposed are each about seven by twelve inches square, and four inchesthick, those in their original position retaining correct angles, but, when thrown down, worn away by attrition to shapeless bowlders. "

"As we progressed down the canyon the same general characteristics heldgood. The great majority of the ruins consisting of heaps of _debris_ acentral mass considerably higher and more massive than the surroundinglines of sub-divided squares. Small buildings, not more than eight feetsquare, were often found standing alone apparently, no trace of anyother being detected in their immediate neighborhood. " We would callespecial attention in this description to the character of the ruins, the central, higher mass surrounded by other ruins; also to the housesfound occasionally standing alone. We notice they are of the samegeneral character as the ruins at Aztec Springs. 

We are finding abundant evidence that this section was once thicklysettled. Going back to the triple-walled tower on the McElmo, Mr. Jackson says of the immediate vicinity: "On the mesa is group aftergroup upon the same general plan, a great central tower and smallersurrounding buildings. They cover the whole breadth and length of theland, and, turn which way we would, we stumbled over the old mound andinto the cellars, as we might call them, of these truly aborigines. " Webelieve, however, that no excavation for cellar purposes are found inthe entire region covered by these ancient ruins. 

"Starting down the canyon (the McElmo), which gradually deepened as thetable-land rose above us, we found upon either hand very old and faintvestiges of the homes of a forgotten people, but could give them no moreattention than merely noting their existence. "

Mr. Morgan has shown the existence of regular large houses in the valleyof Aminas River, east of the Mancos; and he also speaks of the ruinsat the commencement of McElmo Canyon as being large communal buildings. We should judge from Mr. Jackson's report just given that these ruinswere rather small clusters of houses of the same design as the ruins atApache Springs. 

Near the Utah boundary line we notice the Hovenweep Creek joining theMcElmo from the north. The mesa, narrowing to a point where the twocanyons meet, is covered with ruins much like what we have describedalready. The Hovenweep is appropriately named, meaning "desertedvalley. "

Illustration of Ruins in the Hovenweep Canyon. --------

Further west still is the Montezuma Valley. Mr. Jackson's party foundthe ruins so numerous as to excite surprise at the numbers this narrowvalley must have supported. He says, "We camped at the intersection of alarge canyon coming in from the west. . . . At this point the bottomswiden out to from two to three hundred yards in width, and are literallycovered with ruins, evidently those of an extensive settlement orcommunity, although at the present time water was so scarce (there notbeing a drop within a radius of six miles) that we were compelled tomake a dry camp. The ruins consist evidently of great solid mounds ofrock _debris, _ piled up in rectangular masses, covered with earth and abrush growth, bearing every indication of extreme age--just how old isabout as impossible to tell as to say how old the rocks of this canyonare. This group is a mile in length, in the middle of the valley space, and upon both sides of the wash. Each separate building would cover aspace, generally, of one hundred feet square; they are seldom subdividedinto more than two or four apartments. Relics were abundant, brokenpottery and arrow-points being especially plenty. At one place, wherethe wash held partially undermined the foundation of ore of the largebuildings, it exposed a wall of regularly laid masonry, extending downsix feet beneath the superincumbent rubbish to the old floor-level, covered with ashes and the remains of half-charred sticks of juniper. "

Lower down, the valley was noted for little projecting tongues of rockextending out into the canyon, sometimes connected with the main wallsof the canyon by narrow ledges of rock, and in cases even this haddisappeared, leaving detached masses of rock standing quite alone. "Within a distance of fifteen miles there are some sixteen or eighteenof these promontories and isolated mesas of different height, every oneof them covered with ruins of old and massive stone-built structures. "

We have been somewhat full in our description of these ruins, yet theirimportance justifies this course. So far we see but very little toremind us of the pueblo towns. On the other hand, the buildings seemto be often single houses, or a few houses grouped together. In somelocations they were built of stone, in others of adobe. It is to beobserved, however, that the houses are very small--not larger than therooms in the modern pueblos. We evidently have here quiet scenes ofagricultural life. They of course had enemies, and guarded against theirattacks by the watch-towers, of which an example is given in the McElmoruins. The country must have been better watered than now, thesoil productive the seasons kind; and who can tell how long theseagricultural tribes held the land? Under these conditions, time musthave been rapidly bringing them civilization. But we must now turn toa sorrowful chapter in their history, and trace the dispersion of thesetribes, their unavailing attempts to hold their own against a savagefoe, and the desperate chances they took before leaving the land oftheir fathers. 

This brings us to a consideration of cliff-houses--that is, houses soplaced that manifestly the only reason the people would have for puttingthem where found would be of a defensive nature; and, for a similarreason, we may be very sure they are of a later date than the majorityof the ruins in the valley or in the canyons. People would never havesettled in the valley in the first place if they had felt the necessityof seeking inaccessible places in which to build shelters as a resortin time of need. We can not do better than to refer once more to Mr. Jackson's exploration in the valley of the Rio Mancos. We have alreadyreferred to it in reference to the larger ruins. 

Illustration of Two-storied House in the Mancos Canyon. ----

This cut gives us a general view of the first cliff-house discovered inthis valley. This was far up on the cliff. Mr. Jackson says, "We had nofield-glass with the party, and to this fact is probably due the reasonwe had not seen others during the day in this same line, for there is nodoubt that ruins exist throughout the entire length of the canyon, farabove and out of the way of ordinary observation. " Subsequently Mr. Holmes proved this supposition to be true. The sides of this canyon havenearly all their ledges occupied by these houses. 

Every advantage was taken, both natural and artificial, to conceal themfrom view. "Cedars and pines grew thickly along the ledges upon whichthey are built, hiding completely any thing behind them. All that we didfind were built of the same materials as the cliffs themselves withbut few, and then only the smallest, appertures toward the canyon, thesurface being dressed very smooth, and showing no lines of masonry. It was only on the very closest inspection that the houses could beseparated from the cliff. "

Illustration of View of Cliff in which the House is Situated. --

To illustrate the singular position in which this house was located, weintroduce this cut. It is seven hundred feet above the valley. "Whetherviewed from below or from the heights above, the effect is almoststartling, and one can not but feel that no ordinary circumstancescould have driven a people to such places of resort. " As showing thedifficulty an enemy would have to approach such a house, we give Mr. Jackson's account of his climb to it:

"The first five hundred feet of ascent were over a long, steep slope of_debris, _ overgrown with cedar, then came alternately perpendiculars andslopes. Immediately below the house was a nearly perpendicular ascentof one hundred feet, that puzzled us for a while, and which we were onlyable to surmount by finding cracks and crevices into which fingers andtoes could be inserted. From the little ledges occasionally found, andby stepping upon each other's shoulders, and grasping tufts of yucca, one would draw himself up to another shelf, and then, by letting down astick of cedar or a hand, would assist the others. "

"Soon we reached a slope, smooth and steep, in which there had beencut a series of steps, now weathered away into a series of undulatinghummocks, by which it was easy to ascend, and without them almost animpossibility. Another short, steep slope, and we were under the ledgeon which stood our house. " By referring to the first cut, we see thatthe house stands on a very narrow ledge, and that the rocks overhangit so as to furnish a roof. It will also be noticed that the ledge isrounding, so that the outer walls of the house rise from an incline. Piers, or abutments, had also been built along the ledge, so as to forman esplanade. 

Illustration of Plan of the House. -------------

The house itself was only about twelve feet high, but this had beendivided into two stories. Whether it ever had any other roof thanthe overhanging walls of rock is doubtful. The plan is shown in thepreceding cut. The curved apartment at the right is a reservoir, capableof holding about five barrels. A series of pegs were inserted in thewall, so as to form a means of descent from a window to the bottom. Anumber of doorways are seen in the plan; a cut of one is presented inthis figure. 

Illustration of Doorway of the House. ----------------

We are, however, warned that the artist has represented the stoneworka little too regularly. The support for the top of the doorway is notclearly shown; a number of small beams of wood were laid across, onthese the stones. This cut gives us a view of the front room. Lookingin from the end window, we can see where the second story commenced. Thedoorway we have been describing was not a very handy mode of entrance. Its builders, however, did the best they could in their limited space. The house displays perseverance, ingenuity, and taste. It was plastered, both within and without, so as to resemble the walls of the canyon, butan ornamental border was added to the plastering of the interior rooms. 

Illustration of Room of the House. --------

This cliff house could only have been used as a place of refuge in atime of need. We must observe the care with which it was hiddenaway. The walls were plastered on the outside, so as to resemble thecanyon-walls. Then we must notice what a secure place of retreat itafforded the people. No invading party could hope to storm this castleas long as there was any one to defend it. This house, with its foursmall rooms, could give shelter to quite a band of Indians. Then, besides, it was not alone. Ruins of half a dozen smaller houses werefound near by. Some had been crushed by the overhanging walls fallingupon them, and others had lost their foothold and tumbled down theprecipice. 

It needs but a glance to satisfy any one that only dire necessity wouldhave driven a people to such resorts. When we consider how much laborit must have required to convey the materials to the almost inaccessibleplace, the many inconveniences the people must have been put to whenthey were occupied, we may imagine how the people clung to their oldhome. It is altogether likely that such resorts would be only used nowand then. During seasons of war and invasion probably the women and oldthe men, with the little ones, went thither for protection. 

Mr. Holmes calls attention to one point bearing on the antiquity of thisruin. The buttresses, which probably support a balustrade, noticed inthe figure on the house, were built on the sloping surface of the rock. It would take but very little weathering of the rocks to throw themto the bottom of the canyon; and, furthermore, the rock is a roughsandstone, and hence easily crumbles; and it is not well protected bythe overhanging cliff; but no perceptible change has taken place sincethe buttresses were first built. The thickness of a sheet of paper hashardly been washed from the surface, and the mortar, almost as hard asthe rock itself, lies upon it as if placed there within a dozen years. This structure is, evidently, not as old as the low mounds of crumblingruins we have heretofore described. It is more than probable that suchretreats as this were not provided until near the close of their stay inthe country. 

A ruin further down the canyon, described by Mr. Holmes, is of greatinterest, as it shows how necessary the people considered it to be toconstruct an estufa. It will be observed that there are two houses. So nicely are these hidden away that Mr. Holmes had almost completed asketch of the upper house before he noticed the lower one. They are bothoverhung by the rocks above so as to be protected from the weather. Theupper house can only be approached by means of steps cut in the rock. It appears to be in an unfinished state, and, when we consider the greatlabor required for its construction, we can not wonder that they grewtired before its completion. 

The lower house is some eight hundred feet above the bottom of thecanyon, but is comparatively easy of approach. The interesting featureabout it is the estufa. It was situated near the center of the mainportion of the house. The entrance to this chamber shows the peculiarimportance attached to it by the builders. Mr. Holmes says: "A walledand covered passage-way of solid masonry, ten feet of which is stillintact, leads from an outer chamber through the small interveningapartments into the circular one. It is possible that this originallyextended to the outer wall, and was entered from the outside. If so, the person desiring to visit the estufa would have to enter the apertureabout twenty-two inches high by thirty wide, and crawl, in the the mostabject manner possible, through a tube-like passage-way nearly twentyfeet in length. "

"My first impression was that this peculiarly constructed way was aprecaution against enemies, and that it was probably the only means ofentrance to the interior of the house, but I am now inclined to thinkthis is hardly probable, and conclude that this was rather designed torender a sacred chamber as free as possible from profane intrusion. "This illustrates the peculiar regard in which it was held. Even whensore pressed by their enemies, and obliged to flee to inaccessibleheights, they still constructed their sacred place. 

Illustration of Cliff-town, Rio Mancos. ------------

These cliff-houses, of which we give illustrations, are quite common inthe Mancos. Our frontispiece shows an interesting group, about ten milesfrom the foot of the canyon. These are situated only about forty feetabove the bed of the creek, but still in a secure position. Here a bedof shale had been weathered out of the sandstone, leaving a sort ofhorizontal groove four feet high and from four to six feet deep. In thisa row of minute houses had been built. They had been made to occupy thefull height and depth of the crevice, so that when one reaches it at theonly accessible point he is between two houses, and must pass throughthese to get at the others. 

Besides the cliff-houses, the explorers found that these people had madeuse of little cave-like openings in the cliffs, and, by walling up theopenings, had converted them into houses. These were very common inthe Mancos, and of all sizes. Some were evidently merely little hidingplaces, in which to store away provisions or other articles. Insome places the cliffs were literally honey-combed with these littlehabitations. Sometimes the walls were quite well preserved andnew-looking, while all about were others in all stages of decay. 

"In one place in particular a picturesque outstanding promontoryhas been full of dwellings. . . . As one from below views the ragged, window-pierced crags, he is unconsciously led to wonder if they arenot the ruins of some ancient castle, behind whose mouldering wallsare hidden the dread secrets of a long-forgotten people; but a nearerapproach quickly dispels such fancies, for the windows prove to be onlythe doorways to shallow and irregular apartments hardly sufficientlycommodious for a race of pigmies. Neither the outer openings nor theapertures that communicate between the caves are large enough to allowa person of large stature to pass, and one is led to suspect that thesenests were not the dwellings proper of these people, but occasionalresorts for women and children, and that the somewhat extensive ruins ofthe valley below were their ordinary dwelling places. "

Illustration of Caves used as Houses, Rio Mancos. -------

On the San Juan, about ten miles above the mouth of the Mancos, is asignificant combination of cave-dwellings and towers. In this case, about half-way up the cliff, which is not more than forty feet high, excavations had been made in a soft bed of shale. They are now quiteshallow, but were probably once deeper and walled up in front. Directlyabove these cave-openings, on the very brink of the cliffs, were theremains of two circular towers, in each case double-walled, and probablydivided by cross-walls into partitions. The towers were probably theircouncil chambers and places of worship. The caves, directly below, downa steep bank, were their fortresses, whither in times of danger theycould flee. The little community, by means of ladders, could freely passfrom their cave resorts to the towers and back. 

Illustration of Ruins in the San Joan Canyon. ----------

The San Juan River does not seem to be as rich in ruins as some of itstributaries. Yet near the mouth of the Montezuma we came upon a ruinwhich shows considerable analogy to the pueblos. Mr. Jackson says uponthe top of the bench (fifty feet high) overlooking the river are theruins of a quadrangular structure of a peculiar design. It is arrangedvery nearly at right angles to the river. We see from the plan that wehave the ruins of a larger building arranged around an open court--atleast, Mr. Jackson could detect no trace of a wall in front. We mustnotice the seven apartments, arranged in the form of a semicircle, backof the court. Extreme massiveness is indicated throughout the wholestructure. 

In the immediate vicinity of this ruin were found a number of little, cave-like dwellings. They were so small that doubts were raised as towhether they were suitable for human habitations, but the majority ofthem bore ample evidence in smoke-begrimed walls that such was theiruse. Twelve miles below the mouth of the Montezuma this group of ruinswas discovered. These were situated in a cave that was almost exactly ahemisphere in shape. Where the curve of the roof met the curve from thebottom a little projecting bench had been utilized as a foundation for arow of houses. 

Illustration of Cave-Town. ------------------

The little community that built their houses here seem to have practisedall the industries of a savage life. In one place there was evidencethat on that spot had been carried on the manufacture of stoneimplements. At another place holes had been drilled, as if for a loom. In the main building there were fourteen rooms or apartments, rangingfrom sixteen to nine feet in width. "In the central room of the mainbuilding we found a circular, basin-like depression, that had served asa fireplace, being still filled with the ashes and cinders of aboriginalfires, the surrounding walls being blackened with smoke and soot. Thisroom was undoubtedly the kitchen of the house. Some of the smaller roomsappear to have been used for the same purpose, the fires having beenmade in the corner against the back wall, the smoke escaping overhead. The masonry displayed in the construction of the walls is verycreditable. A symmetrical curve is preserved throughout the whole line, and every portion perfectly plumb. The subdivisions are at right anglesto the front. The whole appearance of the place and its surroundingsindicate that the family or little community who inhabited it were ingood circumstances, and the lords of the surrounding country. Lookingout from one of their houses, with a great dome of solid rockoverhead that echoed and re-echoed every word uttered with marvelousdistinctness, and below them a steep descent of one hundred feet to thebroad, fertile valley of the Rio San Juan, covered with waving fields ofmaize and scattered groves of majestic cotton-woods, these old people, whom even the imagination can hardly clothe with reality, must have felta sense of security that even the incursions of their barbarian foescould hardly have disturbed. "

To describe the defensive ruins on Epsom Creek, Montezuma Creek, andthe McElmo is simply to repeat descriptions already given. We meet withcave-houses, cliff-houses, and sentinel-towers in abundance. The wholesection appears to have been thickly settled. Further explorations willdoubtless make known many more ruins, but probably nothing differing inkind from what is already known. We think the defensive ruins belongto a later period of their existence than do the old and time-wornstructures we have hitherto described along the river valleys and openplains, as at Aztec Springs. These structures plainly show that atthe time they were built the people were subject to an invasion from astronger foe, one before whose approach they had to fly for protectionto the almost inaccessible cliffs. 

They would obviously never have settled there had they always had tocontend with these savage tribes. It needs no great skill to read thestory of the dispersion of these old people from the ruins we havedescribed; the many watch-towers, which were also used as fortressesor citadels in which to find protection, testifying to the need ofincreased watchfulness. The cave-houses and cliff-fortresses, cunninglyhidden away to escape detection, or so placed as to defy the assaultof their enemies, show to what desperate straits they were driven; andimagination only can picture the despair that must have filled theirhearts when the hour of final defeat came, and they must have realizedthat even these shifts would not allow them to stay in the lands oftheir fathers. 

That this is the explanation of these ruins, we will cite the legendarystories given by an old man among the Moquis concerning some ruins inthe canyon of the McElmo, just over the line in Utah. At this point thecanyon widens out considerably, and in the center of the valley is stillstanding a portion of the old mesa, once filling the entire valley. Itis now a mass of dark red sandstone, about one hundred feet high, and three hundred feet around, seamed and cracked, and graduallydisappearing, as the rock has gone all around it. The top of this rockis covered with the ruins of some building; there are also ruins at thebase and all around the immediate vicinity. There were watch towers andestufas, showing that this was a place of great interest. 

Illustration of Battle Rock, McElmo Canyon. ----------

The story is as follows: "Formerly the aborigines inhabited all thiscountry as far east as the headwaters of the San Juan, as far north asthe Rio Dolores, west some distance into Utah, and south and south-westthroughout Arizona, and on down into Mexico. They had lived there fromtime immemorial, since the earth was a small island, which augmentedas its inhabitants multiplied. They cultivated the valley, fashionedwhatever utensils and tools they needed very neatly and handsomely outof clay, and wood, and stone, not knowing any of the useful metals;built their homes and kept their flocks and herds in the fertile riverbottoms, and worshiped the sun. They were an eminently peaceful andprosperous people, living by agriculture rather than by the chase. Abouta thousand years ago, however, they were visited by savage strangersfrom the north, whom they treated hospitably. Soon these visits becamemore frequent and annoying. Then their troublesome neighbors, ancestorsof the present Utes, began to forage upon them, and at last to massacrethem and devastate their farms. So, to save their lives at least, theybuilt houses high up on the cliffs, where they could store food and hideaway until the raiders left. 

"But one Summer the invaders did not go back to their mountains, as thepeople expected, but brought their families with them and settled down. So, driven from their homes and lands, starving in their little nicheson the high cites they could only steal away during the night and wanderacross the cheerless uplands. To one who has traveled these steppessuch a flight seems terrible, and the mind hesitates to picture thesufferings of the sad fugitives. At the 'Creston' (name of the ruin)they halted, and probably found friends, for the rocks and cavesare full of the nests of these human wrens and swallows. Here theycollected, erected stone fortifications and watch-towers, dug reservoirsin the rocks to hold a supply of water, which in all cases is precariousin this latitude, and once more stood at bay. Their foes came, and forone long month fought, and were beaten back, and returned day after dayto the attack as merciless and inevitable as the tide. Meanwhile thefamilies of the defenders were evacuating and moving south, and bravelydid their defenders shield them till they were all safely a hundredmiles away. 

"The besiegers were beaten back and went away. But the narrative tellsus that the hollows of the rocks were filled to the brim with themingled blood of conquerors and, conquered, and red veins of it randown the canyon. It was such a victory as they could not afford to gainagain, and they were glad, when the long flight was over, to followtheir wives and little ones to the south. There, in the deserts ofArizona, on well-nigh unapproachable, isolated bluffs, they built newtowns, and their few descendants, the Moquis, live in them to this day, preserving more carefully and purely the history and veneration of theirforefathers than their skill or wisdom. "

Mr. Jackson thinks this legend arises from the appearance of the rocks. The bare floor of nearly white sandstone, upon which the butte stands, is stained in gory streaks and blotches by the action of an ironconstituent in the rocks of another portion of the adjoining bluffs. That may well be true, but we believe that there are germs of truth inthe story. Driven from their homes, where did the fugitives go? Some ofthem may have gone east, but probably the body of the migration was tothe south. It has been the tendency of all tribes, but especially of thesedentary tribes, to pass to the south and east, and this is also thetraditions among the inhabitants of still existing pueblos. We findthat every available portion of New Mexico and Arizona bears evidence ofhaving been once populated by tribes of Indians, who built houses inall respects like those already described. In northern New Mexico, Prof. Cope has described a whole section of country as being at one time moredensely populated than the thickly inhabited portions of the EasternStates. He says: "The number of buildings in a square mile of thatregion is equal to, if not greater than the number now existing inthe more densely populated rural districts of Pennsylvania and NewJersey. "

In one location he found a village of thirty houses, built of stone, and all in ruins. He found, over a large extent of country, that everylittle conical hill and eminence was crowned with ruins of old houses. We, of course, can not say that these ruins are necessarily younger thanthose to the north of the San Juan, and yet we think from Prof. Cope'sdescription that they do not present such evidence of antiquity as dothe crumbling ruins previously described. And then, besides, they werealways located in easily defended positions. 

The village spoken of was really a Cliff Village, being arranged alongthe very edge of a precipitous mesa, the only access to it being along anarrow causeway. Then again, although we have described many ruins nearwhich no water is to be had, at least, in dry seasons, yet we have everyreason to suppose water was formerly more plentiful and easily attained. But in this section it must always have been a serious question withthem to obtain enough water for necessary purposes. They must havehad to store away water in vessels of pottery, whose ruins are nowso abundant. It is not such a country as we would suppose a people tochoose for a place to settle in, only that they knew not where else togo. 

It is also considered settled that all the inhabited pueblos, as well asthose in ruins near the inhabited ones, were built by the descendantsof these people whose houses we have described. This is proven by thesimilarity of pottery. Though some styles of ancient corrugated ware arefound in the San Juan section not found near the inhabited pueblos, yet vast quantities of ware, similar to that now found in the inhabitedpueblos, can be picked up all over the ruins to the north. Again, theirreligion must have been the same, as ruined estufas are common, in all respects similar to those now in use. In the modern pueblos we arestruck with the small cell-like rooms, yet they are but little smallerthan the ordinary single houses plentifully found over the entire fieldof ruins. All the Pueblo tribes are agricultural, so were these oldpeople. In fact, all evidence confirms the conclusion that the remnantsof the Pueblo people that we have already described, are also thedescendants of the people driven by hostile bands from north of the SanJuan. 

This statement may give false impressions, however. The traditions ofthe Pueblo Indians, of New Mexico, are to the effect that they came fromthe north, and also that their ancestors formerly lived in the smallhouses we have described. But we do not mean to say that all the smallhouses and pueblos in Arizona and New Mexico are later in date than thecliff-houses. The pressure has always been from the north to the south. Neither would we be understood as saying that all the sedentary tribes, both ancient and modern, belong to the same stock of people. There areseveral different stocks of people even among the present Pueblos. 

In the valley of the Rio Chaco, about midway between the Rio Grande andthe San Juan, we meet a group of ruined pueblos whose style of masonryis thought to indicate a greater antiquity than the inhabited pueblotowns; these probably indicate another settlement of these people. Asthese are really remarkable ruins, we must briefly describe them. In theChaco Canyon, as indicated on the map, within the space of ten milesare the ruins of eight larger pueblos. Another is located at the verybeginning of the canyon, and two more on the edge of the mesas justoutside of the canyon. These are large communal houses of regular pueblotype, and, theoretically at least, they should be later in date than themajority of ruins throughout the area represented on the map. We thinkthe development has been from small, separate houses, to a closelyconnected cluster, with a central citadel, which finally drew to itselfall the other buildings, and became the communal building we call apueblo. 

We give a restoration of, one--the Pueble Bonito--one of the largest andmost important of the ruins. We can not doubt but what the restorationis substantially correct. It shows the open court, the terracedstructure, and the system of defense. The circle itself is not as neara half-circle as we would imagine. The ground plan shows that it wasreally a many-sided building. This pueblo must have presented a strikingappearance when it was in a complete state. 

Illustration of Restoration of Pueblo Bonito. ---------

By comparing this structure with the views of some of the present pueblotowns, we will understand the remarks made earlier, as to the differentstyles of pueblo structures. This building must have had not far fromsix hundred and fifty rooms. "No single edifice of equal accommodationshas ever been found in any part of North America. It would shelter threethousand Indians. " This pueblo will compare favorably with some ofthe structures of Yucatan; though not so ornamental, yet for practicalconvenience it must have met the wants of the builders fully as well. This may be given as a fair example of the entire class. 

The evident plan on which they started to build their structures, isshown in the following plan of the pueblo. But some of them were notfully completed. Two of them had but one wing. In the restoration thecourt is seen to be closed by a straight row of small buildings, but inmost cases the wall inclosing the court was more or less circular. In one case the court was left open. We will only give generaldescriptions. It is now believed that these great structures were builtonly a part at a time; perhaps the main body, or a part of it, first. Afterwards, as the number of inhabitants increased, a wing would beadded, and then the other; and so, many years would elapse before thepueblo would assume its completed form. 

Illustration of Plan of Pueblo Bonito. ---------

These structures ranged in extent from about four hundred to twelvehundred feet in external measurement and could furnish a home to fromtwo hundred to eight hundred or a thousand Indians, and, in one case atleast, many more. 

In the next cut we have represented the different styles of masonryemployed in the pueblos of this valley. It varied all the way fromcareful piling of big and little stones, and of alternate layers ofsuch materials, to very good masonry indeed. Speaking of it, Mr. Jacksonsays, "It is the most wonderful feature in these ancient habitations, and is in striking contrast to the careless and rude methods shown inthe dwellings of the present pueblos. The material, a grayish-yellowsandstone, breaking readily into thin laminae, and was quarried from theadjacent exposures of that rock. The stones employed average about thesize of an ordinary brick, but as the larger pieces were irregular insize, the interstices were filled in with very thin plates of sandstone, or rather built in during its construction; for by no other means couldthey be placed with such regularity and compactness. So closely arethe individual pieces fitted to each other that at a little distance nojointage appears, and the wall bears every indication of being a plain, solid surface. "

Illustration of Different Styles of Masonry. --------

Besides these important ruins, there are a great many others notespecially different from those previously described. We can not statepositively that these ruins are of a later date than those of the North;we think they are. From the character of the structures, we are moreinclined to class them with the great pueblos of the Rio Grande, Puerco, and Zuni. By examining the map we see that the Rio Chaco would afford aconvenient route for them in their migration from the San Juan Valley. 

Illustration of Room in Pueblo Bonito. (Bureau of Ethnology. )---

It may be of some interest to notice one of the rooms in this pueblo. Simpson says it is walled up with alternate layers of large and smallstones, the regularity of the combination producing a very pleasanteffect. Mr. Morgan thinks this room will compare not unfavorably withany of equal size to be found in the more imposing ruins of the South. We must notice the ceiling. The probabilities are that the Rio Chelly, further to the west, afforded another line of retreat. Some ruins arefound scattered up and down the river or canyon, which we will not stopto describe. Off to the south-west are the inhabited towns or pueblos ofthe Moquis, who, as we have seen, have a tradition that they came fromthe north. 

There are some ruins found in the south-western part of Arizona whichmust be described in a general survey of the ruins of the Pueblocountry. The river Gila, with numerous tributaries, is the mostimportant stream in that portion of the State. It is in just such asection as we would expect to find ruins, if anywhere. Coronado, as wehave seen, invaded the country about three hundred and fifty yearsago. At the time of his visit this was then a ruin, for his historiandescribes one ruin as "a single ruined and roofless house. . . The work ofcivilized people who had come from afar. " This gives us a point asto the antiquity of some of the ruins in the Gila Valley. As we shallsee, there is every reason to suppose that this section was at one timea thickly inhabited one. 

From the similar character of the remains, we conclude the originalinhabitants to be of the same race of people as those we have alreadydescribed, but what was the exact relation between them we can not tell, but we think a study of the ruins will only confirm the general truthof the traditions of the Pueblo tribes. In any one tradition there isdoubtless much that is distorted. One form in which the traditions findexpression is: "That they proceeded from the north-west to the upperwaters of the Rio Colorado. There they divided, portions ascended by theSan Juan, canyon De Chelly, or the more easterly branches of that streamtowards the center of New Mexico. Others, passing over the waters of theRio Verde (see map), descended its valley to the Rio Gila. "

One hundred and fifty miles southwest of Zuni we notice the Verde Riverflowing into the Rio Salado, and the latter into the Gila. Besides thosestreams, there are other smaller ones, not marked on the map. Mr. Bandelier found near the Canyon del Tule an improvement on theirrigating ditches, that was a lining of concrete; and in this sectionalso was noticed the ruins of both pueblos and the small houses. NearFt. Apache he found the ruins of the largest villages discovered inArizona, but we have no details of it. The valley of the Rio Verde andSalado seems to have been a favorite resort. 

As early as 1854 attention was called to ruins in the Rio Verde. Mr. Leroux reported to Mr. Whipple that the "river banks were covered withruins of stone houses and regular fortifications, which appeared to havebeen the work of civilized men, but had not been occupied for centuries. They were built upon the most fertile tracts of the valley, where weresigns of acequias (irrigating ditches) and of cultivation. The wallswere of solid masonry, of rectangular form, some twenty or thirty pacesin length, were of solid masonry, and yet remaining ten or fifteen feetin height. The buildings were of two stories, with small apertures orloop-holes for defence, when besieged. "

Mr. Bandelier confirms this account as to the number of ruins. Theentire valley of the Verde is filled with ruins of every description. From the account of the valley itself, we can see how well suited it wasto the needs of village Indians. Mr. Leroux speaks in high praise of itsfertility. Wood, water, and grass were abundant. In the neighborhood ofFort Reno Mr. Bandelier discovered a new architectural feature of greatinterest to us. This is a raised platform, on which the buildings weresupported. This raised platform is a very important feature, as we shalllearn in the ruins of Mexico and Central America. We have already seenhow it was employed by the Mound Builders. 

In other words, the detached houses are seen to form villages, with acentral stronghold, and the tendency is observed to raise an artificialfoundation for this central house, which draws into itself thesurrounding houses. This is but another modification of the same ideawhich, in other sections of this area developed into the communalpueblo. Near Tempe a still more significant arrangement was noticed. Here was a four-sided platform, three hundred and forty feet long bytwo hundred and eighty feet wide, and five feet high, supported a secondplatform measuring two hundred and forty by two hundred feet, andsix feet high. Elevated platforms, as a general rule, were not verydistinct. Mr. Bandelier thinks that, owing to the peculiar drainage ofthe country, these artificial foundations were required to preserve thebuildings from being swept away by a sudden torrent. The settlement ofthe sedentary tribes in this region cluster on the triangle formed bythe Rio Verde, Salado, and Gila Rivers. "This is a warm region, witha scanty rainfall, and but little timber, and the soil is very fertilewhen irrigated, and two crops a year can be readily raised. Mr. Bandelier regards it as exceedingly well adapted to the wants of ahorticultural people, and even traces in it some resemblance to LowerEgypt. "

A very celebrated ruin on the Gila River gives us a fair idea of whatthis central stronghold of the village cluster, sometimes supported on araised foundation, was like. This cut is a view of the principal ruinin this section, which, however, is only a portion of an extensivesettlement, covering some five acres in all. The building is not verylarge, only fifty by forty feet, and four stories, of ten feet each, inheight, with a possibility that the central portion of the building roseten feet higher. The walls are built of adobe, five feet thick at thebase, but tapering slightly at the top. 

Illustration of Casa Grandee, on the Gila. ----------

This house was surrounded by a court-yard which inclosed about twoacres. Shapeless mounds, presumably the ruins of houses, are to be seenin various parts of this inclosure. "If the ground plan of this greathouse, " says Mr. Bandelier, "with its surroundings of minor edifices, courts and inclosures is placed by the side of the ground plan of othertypical ruins, the resemblance is almost perfect except in materialsused. " This settlement was separated into two divisions. In one placewas noticed a large elliptical tank with heavy embankments, nearly eightfeet deep. 

As to other ruins on the Gila, Mr. Bartlett tells us: "One thing isevident, that at some former period the valley of the Gila was denselypopulated. The ruined buildings, the irrigating canals, and the vastquantities of pottery of a superior quality, show, that while theywere an agricultural people, they were much in advance of the presentsemi-civilized tribes of the Gila. " Speaking of the ruins of the Gilaeast of the San Pedro River, Emory says: "Whenever the mountains didnot infringe too closely on the river and shut out the valley, they wereseen in great abundance, enough, I should think, to indicate a formerpopulation of at least one hundred thousand; and in one place there is along wide valley, twenty miles in length, much of which is covered withthe ruins of buildings and broken pottery. Most of these outlines arerectangular, and vary from forty to fifty feet to two hundred by fourhundred feet. "

It is, however, necessary to be very cautious in judging populationby the number of ancient ruins. Prehistoric people were naturally of aroving disposition. The multitude of ruins in Western New York is notregarded as evidence of dense population, but they were occasioned bythe known customs of the Indians in changing the sites of their villages"every ten, fifteen, or thirty years; or, in fact, whenever the scarcityof firewood, the exhaustion of their fields, or the prevalence of anepidemic made such a step desirable. " Doubtless a similar remarkmay explain the difference of opinion as to the numbers of the MoundBuilders. And, finally, Mr. Bandelier concludes that the greatnumber of ruins scattered through New Mexico and its neighboringterritories is by no means evidence of a large population. The evidenceof tradition is to the effect that a large number of villages weresuccessively, and not simultaneously, occupied by the same people. 

We have about completed our survey of the Pueblo country. We might statethat the large communal houses, known as pueblos, are found as far southon the Rio Grande as Valverde. Clusters of separate houses occur as farsouth as Dona Ana. A range of low mountains lies to the west of the RioGrande; between it and the headwaters of the Gila evidences of ancienthabitations were observed on the small streams. Though these occursometimes in little groups, the court-yards are not connected so as toform a defensive village. Small inclosed surfaces, with no evidence thata house ever was connected with them, were also observed. Mr. Bandeliercould only surmise that these were garden-plots, something like theancient terrace garden-plots in Peru. 

Take it all in all, this is, indeed, a singular region, and the Pueblotribes were a singular people. Their architecture shows us a people inthe Middle Status of Barbarism. That they practised agriculture is shownby the presence of old irrigating ditches. Corn and corn-cobs are foundin the rubbish-heaps of old settlements. Mr. Morgan thinks that thevalley of the San Juan and its numerous tributaries was the placewhere the Indian race first rose to the dignity of cultivators of thesoil. Cotton cloth has been found in the ruins on the Salado River. "At the time of the Spanish conquests the Pueblo Indians along the RioGrande used cotton mantles. "

As we have devoted considerable time to the pottery of the MoundBuilders, we must see how it compares with the pottery of this region. Fragments of pottery are very numerous all over the field of ruins. Allexplorers mention their abundance. Mr. Holmes on one occasion countedthe pieces of pottery that by their shape evidently belonged todifferent vessels that he found in an area ten feet square. Theynumbered fifty-five, and we are led to believe they were not morenumerous here than in other localities. 

We recall that the ornamentations on the vessels of clay made by MoundBuilders were either incised lines or indentations on the surface of thevessels. And, still further, the clay vessels themselves were frequentlymolded in the shape of animals or heads of animals. In this platewe have fragments of indented and corrugated ware, from the San Juanvalley. This ware is only found under such circumstances indented andthat we are justified in considering it very ancient. The ware made atthe time of the conquest was always painted. 

Illustration of Indented and Corrugated Ware. --------

At Zuni and some of the other pueblos, at the present day, they makevessels in the form of various animals and other natural objects. Thisis, however, a recent thing. Only one vessel is known that was foundunder such circumstances that we are justified in thinking it very old. That was molded into a shape resembling some kind of an animal. Thiswas found on the Rio Gila, in New Mexico; and even that has somepeculiarities about it that renders its age uncertain. Mr. Bandeliersays: "No vessel of ancient date, of human or animal shape, has everbeen found. " This is a most important point for us to consider, when werecall how numerous were animal-shaped vessels among the Mound Builders. 

Illustration of Painted Pueblo Pottery. ---------

In this plate we have specimens of the ordinary painted ware from theancient ruins. The most of these are restorations, but so many fragmentshave been obtained of each vessel that we have no doubt of the accuracyof the drawings. They decorated their pottery by painting. Even in manycases where they were further ornamented by indentations theystill painted it, showing that painting was regarded as of the mostimportance. We notice that the ornamentation consists almost entirely ofgeometrical figures, parallel lines, and scrolls. Over the entire fieldof ruins the body of the vessels is of one of two colors; it is eitherwhite or red. The color employed to produce the ornamentation isblack. There is almost no exception to this rule, though sometimes theornamentation is of a brownish color with a metallic luster. Along theRio Grande and the Gila some changes are noticed. The ornamentationis not strictly confined to two colors. Symbolical representationsof clouds, whirlwind, and lightning are noticed. The red ware hasdisappeared, and a chocolate-colored ground takes its place. 

All have noticed the superiority of the ancient pottery over that of thepresent tribes. Says Prof. Putnam. "A comparison of this ancient potterywith that made by the present inhabitants of the pueblos shows that agreat deterioration has taken place in native American art, a rule whichI think can be applied to all the more advanced tribes of America. Theremarkable hardness of all the fragments of colored pottery whichhave been obtained from the vicinity of the old ruins in New Mexico, Colorado, Arizona, and Utah, and also of the pottery of the samecharacter found in the ruins of adobe houses, and in caves in Utah, shows that the ancient people understood the art of baking earthenwarefar better than their probable descendants now living in the pueblos ofNew Mexico and Arizona. "

We have learned that the remnant of an aboriginal people, now living inthe inhabited pueblos of the West, present us, in their primitive usage, with the fading outlines of a culture once widespread in the sectionof country we have examined. Many of the early sedentary tribes havevanished completely. Traditions state that other tribes have movedsouthward into regions unknown. "The picture which can be dimly tracedto-day of this past is a very modest and unpretending one. No greatcataclysms of nature, no wave of destruction on a large scale, eithernatural or human, appear to have interrupted the slow and tediousdevelopment of the people before the Spaniards came. One portion rosewhile another fell, sedentary tribes disappeared or moved off, and wildtribes roamed over the ruins of their former abode. " At present but afew pueblos are left to show us what the people once were. But the fateof the Pueblo of Pecos hangs over them all. The rising tide of Americancivilization is rapidly surrounding them. Before many decades, possiblycenturies, the present Pueblo tribes will yield to their fate. They, too, will be numbered among the vanished races of men. 

REFERENCES

 (1) The manuscript of this chapter was submitted to Mr. Ad. F. Bandelier, of Highland, Illinois. As agent for the Archaeological Institute of America, he spent three years in explorations in the Pueblo country. (2) See an excellent historical account by Bandeliers: "Papers of the Archaeological Institute of America. " American series No. 1. (3) The term "City of Zuni" is scarcely correct; it should be Pueblo of Zuni. (4) Pacific Railroad Report; Whipple, Vol. III. , pp. 67 and 68. (5) "Archaeological Institute of America, " Fifth An. Rep. , pp. 55 and 56. (6) Bancroft's "Native Races, " Vol. I. , p. 534. (7) His guide. (8) The ruins on the top were, however, built after 1680, when the inhabitants of Flavona, the Spanish "Alvona, " fled to the top of the mesa to escape the forays of the Navajos. The ruins were abandoned before 1705. Zuni is partly built on the ruins of Flavona, which is still its aboriginal name. (Bandelier. ) (9) Pacific Railroad Reports, Whipple, Vol. III. , p. 69. (10) Pacific Railroad Reports, Whipple, Vol. III. , p. 65. (11) "Simpson's Report, " p. 124. (12) Dr. Loew, in "U. S. Geographical Survey West of the 100th Meridian, " Vol. VII, p. 343. (13) "Fifth An. Rep. Archaeological Inst. Of America, " p. 61. (14) Bandelier's "Papers of the Archaeological Inst. " p. 46. (15) These facts are drawn from Mr. Bandelier's article already referred to. (16) "Colorado River of the West, " p. 119, _et seq. _ (17) U. S. Survey, Hayden, 1876, p. 390. (18) Bandelier, "Fifth Annual Report Archaeological Inst. Of America, " pp. 62, 68, and 65. (19) "Contributions to North American Ethnology, " Vol. IV, p. 172, _et seq. _ (20) Holmes. (21) U. S. Survey, Hayden, 1876, p. 419. (22) Rendered by Ingersoll, in _N. Y. Tribune, _ Nov. 3, 1874. (23) Bandelier, in Fifth Ann. Rep. , Arch. Inst. , p 79. (24) U. S. Survey West of 100th M. , Vol. VII, p. 358. (25) "First Annual Report of Bureau of Ethnology, " p. 74. (26) "Fifth Annual Report Arch. Inst. , " pp. 42, 78. (27) Morgan: "Contribution to N. A. Ethnology, " Vol. IV, p. 163. (28) "Smithsonian Report, " 1863, p. 313. (29) Whipple, Pacific R. R. Report, Vol. III. (30) Wherever reference is made to Mr. Bandelier's discoveries, it is taken from the oft-quoted Fifth Annual Report, Archaeological Institute. (31) Whipple, Pacific R. R. Reports, Vol. III. , p. 14. (32) Bartlett's "Personal Narrative. " (33) Carr's "Mounds of the Mississippi Valley. " (34) Morgan's "House and House Life, " p. 218. (35) Fifth Annual Report, p. 84. (36) "Contributions to N. A. Ethnology, " Vol. IV. , p. 192. (37) Bandelier's "Fifth Annual Report Arch. Inst. , " p. 76. (38) U. S. Survey West of 100th Meridian, Vol. VII. , p. 381. 

Chapter XII

THE PREHISTORIC AMERICANS. 

Different views on this subject--Modern system of government--Ancientsystem of government--Tribal government universal in NorthAmerica--The Indians not wandering Nomads--Indian houses communal incharacter--Indian methods of defense--Mandan villages--Indians sometimeserected mounds--Probable government of the Mound Builders--Traditionsof the Mound Builders among the Iroquois--Among the Delawares--Probablefate of the Mound Builders--The Natchez Indians possibly a remnant ofthe Mound Builders--Their early traditions--Lines of resemblancebetween the Pueblo tribe and the Mound Builders--The origin ofthe Indians--America inhabited by Indians from a very earlytime--Classification of the Indian tribes--Antiquity of the MoundBuilders' works. 

The attempts to explain the origin of the numerous tribes found inpossession of America at the time of its discovery by Europeans havebeen many and various. There are so many difficulties attending thesolution of this problem that even at this day no theory has receivedthat full assent from the scientific world deemed necessary for itsestablishment as an ascertained fact. New interest has been thrownaround this question by the discoveries of late years. In oursouth-western territories we have clearly established the former wideextension of the village Indians, remnants of which are still to befound in the inhabited pueblos; and, as we have seen, the wide expanseof fertile soil, known as the Mississippi Valley, has undoubtedly beenthe home of tribes who are generally supposed to have attained a muchhigher stage of culture than that of the Indians--at least, of suchculture as we are accustomed to ascribe, whether justly or not, toIndian tribes. It becomes an interesting question, therefore, todetermine what connection, if any, existed between the Mound Buildersand the Indian tribes on the one hand, and the Pueblo tribes on theother. 

As to the works of the Mound Builders, one class of critical scholarsthink they see in them the memorials of a vanished race, and point outmany details of construction, such as peculiarities in form, in size, and position, which they think conclusively prove that the works inquestion could only have been produced by races or tribes far moreadvanced in culture than any Indians. This belief finds expression bya well-known writer in the following words: "A broad chasm is to bespanned before we can link the Mound Builders to the North AmericanIndians. They were essentially different in their form of government, their habits, and their daily pursuits. " This is substantially theopinion of a great many writers on this subject. 

But this conclusion has not been allowed to pass unchallenged. We haveon record the convictions of a few careful investigators that there isno necessity for supposing that only an extinct or vanished race couldhave built the mounds and thrown up the embankments which we observe inthe valley of the Ohio and elsewhere; that there is nothing, in fact, either in the construction of the mounds themselves or in the remains ofart found in them, which we may not with safety ascribe to the ancestorsof our present Indians. It will be seen that we may, indeed, be ata loss to know what conclusion to adopt; hence, as an aid to us in thisdirection, it may be well to inquire into the organization of Indiantribes and their customs and manners at the time of their discovery. 

It is not necessary to sketch their history, as this has been done manytimes. Moreover, it is but a dreary recital of the gradual encroachmentof the Whites on the lands of the Indians, the vain endeavors of thelatter to repress them, and a record of many cruel acts of savagewarfare, burning villages, midnight massacre, and scenes of terriblesufferings. The uniform result was that the Indian tribes were steadilydriven away from their ancient homes, until we now find them but a sorryremnant on scattered reservations or grouped together in the IndianTerritory. Their ancient institutions are nearly broken down, and itis with difficulty that we can gain an understanding of their earlycondition; and yet this seems to be necessary before we are prepared todecide on the origin of the mound-building people. 

It seems necessary here to briefly describe the two great plans orsystems of government, under one or the other of which mankind, as faras we know them, have always been organized, though, theoretically, there must have been a time, in the very infancy of the race, when therewas either no government or something different from either of them. Atthe present day, in all civilized countries, government is founded uponterritory and upon property. A person is described as living in sucha township, county, and state. This seems to be a very simple andnatural division, but, like every thing else, it is the result ofgrowth--of a development. It took nearly three centuries of civilizationand a succession of able men, each improving on what the other had done, to fully develop this system among the Greeks. This is the basis ofthe modern form of government. Whenever it was organized, it markedthe termination of ancient government. The other plan of government isfounded on personal relations. 

A person would be described as of such a gens, phratry, and tribe. Itis sufficient to state the words gens, and phratry simply denotesubdivisions of a tribe. This is the ancient system of government, and goes very far back in the history of the race. It is that state ofsociety which everywhere preceded history and civilization. When we goback to the first beginning of history in Europe, we find the Grecian, Roman, and Germanic tribes in the act of substituting the modern systemof government for the tribal state, under which they had passed fromsavagism into and through the various stages of barbarism, and enteredthe confines of civilization. The Bible reveals to us the tribal stateof the Hebrews and the Canaanites. 

Under the light of modern research, we can not doubt but what thisform of government was very ancient, and substantially universal. Itoriginated in the morning of time, and so completely answered all thedemands of primitive society that it advanced man from savagism, through barbarism, and sufficed to enable him to make a beginning incivilization. It was so firmly established as one of the primitiveinstitutions, that when it was found insufficient to meet the demands ofadvancing society, it taxed to the utmost the skill of the Aryan tribesto devise a system to take its place. 

This was the system of government throughout North America when theSpaniards landed on its shores. This is true, at least as far as ourinvestigations have gone. In several cases tribes speaking dialectsof the same stock-language had united in a confederacy; as, forinstance, the celebrated league of the Iroquois, and in Mexico, theunion of the three Aztec tribes. But confederacies did not change thenature of tribal government. As there was but one general form or planof government in vogue amongst the Aborigines of North America at thetime of discovery, we ought certainly to find common features in theculture of the Pueblo Indians of the South-west, the Mound Builders ofthe Mississippi Valley, and the various Indian tribes; and if the linesof resemblance are sufficient to show a gradual progress from the ruderemains of savage tribes to the more finished works of the Pueblos, andbetween these and the Mound Builders, then we may consider this factas one more reason for believing that they constitute but one people indifferent stages of development. 

The tribal state of society is always associated with village life. Itmakes no difference where we commence our investigations, we will soonbe convinced that village life is the form in which people organized intribes lived. This is true of the wild tribes in Africa, and of the hilltribes of India to-day. The same was true of the early Greeks. There must be a reason for this. It is found in their peculiar system ofgovernment. People divided into groups and clusters would naturally bedrawn together into villages. We would expect, then, to find that theIndian tribes lived in villages. We are accustomed to speak of them aswandering nomads. This is scarcely correct; or rather, it is certainlywrong, if applied to the tribes east of the Mississippi, when firstencountered by the whites. Some of them may have been in a state ofmigration, in search of better homes, or homes more secure from theattacks of too powerful enemies, as was the case with the Shawnees, andwandering bands on hunting or warlike expeditions were common enough. The Germanic, tribes that overthrew the Roman Empire, for a similarreason, were in a migrating state. But it is none the less certain thatthey established permanent villages wherever they found suitable places. 

Nearly all the tribes claimed separate districts, in which they hadpermanent villages, often stockaded. The site of Montreal was afamous Indian village, and other villages were found in Canada. TheIroquois tribes had permanent villages, and resided in them the greaterpart of the year. One visited in 1677 is described as having onehundred and twenty houses, the ordinary one being from fifty to sixtyfeet long, and furnishing shelter to about twelve families. In one case, at least, the town was surrounded by palisades. 

In 1539 De Soto made his appearance on the coast of Florida. Four yearslater a feeble remnant of this expedition landed at Panuco, Mexico. Hisroute has not been accurately traced, but it is certain he travelled theGulf States and crossed the Mississippi. De Soto himself found a gravein the waters of this river, but under new leaders the expedition pushedon through Arkansas, and probably found its most western point on theprairies of the West, where, disheartened, it turned back to nearwhere De Soto died, constructed some rude boats, and floated down theMississippi, and so to Mexico. We have two accounts written by membersof this expedition, and a third, written by Garcilasso de La Vegafrom the statements of eye-witnesses and memoranda which had fallen intohis hands. 

From these considerable can be learned of the Southern Indians beforethey had been subjected to European influences. One of the first thingsthat arrests attention is the description of the villages. They found, to be sure, some desert tracts, but every few miles, as a rule, theyfound villages containing from fifty to three hundred spacious andcommodious dwellings, well protected from enemies--sometimes surroundedby a wall, sometimes also by a ditch filled with water. When west of theMississippi they found a tribe living in movable tents, they deemed thatfact worthy of special mention. But in the same section they also foundmany villages. 

One hundred and forty years afterward the French explorer, La Salle, made several voyages up and down the Mississippi. He describes much thesame state of things as do the earlier writers. The tribes still dweltin comfortable cabins, sometimes constructed of bark, sometimes ofmud, often of large size, in one case forty feet square, and havinga dome-shaped roof. Nor was this village life confined to the moreadvanced tribes. The Dakota tribes, which include the Sioux and others, have been forced on the plains by the advancing white population, butwhen first discovered they were living in villages around the headwatersof the Mississippi. Their houses were framed of poles and covered withbark. 

Lewis and Clark, in 1805, found the valley of the Columbia Riverinhabited by tribes destitute of pottery, and living mainly on fish, which were found in immense quantities in the river. They describe themas living in large houses, one sometimes forming a village by itself. They describe one house capable of furnishing habitations for fivehundred people. Other authorities could be quoted, showing that theAlgonquin Indians, living in Eastern and Atlantic States, had permanentvillages. The idea then, that the Indians are nothing but wanderingsavages, is seen to be wrong. It is well to bear this in mind, becauseit is often asserted that the Mound Builders must have been a peoplepossessing fixed habitations. While this is doubtless correct, we seethat it is also true of the Indians. 

There is another feature of Indian life which we will mention here, because it shows us a common element in the building of houses, seenalike in the pueblo structures of the West and the long houses of theIroquois. That is, the Indian houses were always built to be inhabitedby a number of families in common. All nations in a tribal state possessproperty in common. It is not allowed to pass out of the gens of theperson who possesses it, but at his death is supposed to be dividedamong the members of his gens; in most cases, however, to those nearestof kin within the gens. This communism showed itself in the methodof erecting houses. 

The long house of the Iroquois was divided into apartments so as toshelter from one hundred to two hundred Indians. A number of thesehouses gathered together composed a village. These were quite creditablestructures of Indian art, being warm and comfortable, as well as roomy. Should we examine the whole list of writers who have mentioned Indianvillages, we would find them all admitting that the houses were usuallyoccupied by a number of families, one in the Columbia Valley, as we see, sheltering five hundred persons. 

There is no question but the pueblos were built by people holdingproperty in common. They were, of course, erected by a more advancedpeople, who employed better materials in construction, but it is quiteplain that they were actuated by the same instincts, and built theirhouses with the same design in view as the less advanced Indian tribesin other sections of the country. What we have described as the smallhouses in Arizona in the preceding chapter, in most cases includesseveral rooms, and we are told that in one section they "appear to havebeen the abode of several families. "

Illustration of Long House of the Iroquois. ---------

One of the main points the Indians would have to attend to in theconstruction of their villages was how to defend them, and we can notdo better than to examine this point. A French writer represents thevillages of Canada as defended by double, and frequently triple, rowsof palisades, interwoven with branches of trees. Cartier, in 1535, found the village of Hochelaga (now Montreal) thus defended. In 1637 thePequot Indians were the terror of the New England colonies, and Capt. Mason, who was sent to subject them, found their principal villages, covering six acres, strongly defended by palisades. 

Illustration of Stockaded Onondaga Village. --------

The Iroquois tribes also adopted this method of defense. In 1615Champlain, with Indian allies, invaded the territory of the Iroquois. He left a sketch of his attack on one of their villages. This sketch wereproduce in this illustration, which is a very important one, becauseit shows us a regularly palisaded village among a tribe of Indians wherethe common impression in reference to them is that they were a wanderingpeople with no fixed habitations. The sketch is worthy of careful study. The buildings within are the long houses which we have just described. They are located near together, three or four in a group. Thearrangement of the groups is in the form of a square, inclosing a courtin the center. This tendency to inclose a court is a very common featureof Indian architecture. Such, as we have seen, is the arrangement ofthe pueblos. Such was also the arrangement of the communal buildingsin Mexico, Central America, and Peru. In this case the village coveredabout six acres also. The defense was by means of palisades. Thereseem to be two rows of them. They seem to have been well made, sinceChamplain was unsuccessful in his attack. In earlier times thesefortified villages were numerous. 

Illustration of Pomeiock. (Bureau of Ethnology. )-----

Further south, this method of inclosing a village was also in use. In1585 the English sent an expedition to the coast of North Carolina. An artist attached to this expedition left some cuts, one of whichrepresents a village near Roanoke. It is surrounded, as we see, by a rowof palisades, and contains seventeen joint tenement houses, besidesthe council house. The historians of De Soto's expedition make frequentmention of walled and fortified towns. "The village of Mavilla, " fromwhich comes our name Mobile, says Biedman, "stood on a plain surroundedby strong walls. " Herrera, in his General History, states that thewalls were formed by piles, interwoven with other timber, and the spacespacked with straw and earth so that it looked like a wall smoothed witha trowel. 

Speaking of the region west of the Mississippi, Biedman says: "Wejourneyed two days, and reached a village in the midst of a plain, surrounded by walls and a ditch filled by water, which had been madeby Indians. " This town is supposed to have been situated in thenorth-eastern part of Arkansas, and it is interesting to note thatrecent investigators find what are probably the remains of thesewalled towns, in the shape of inclosures with ditches and mounds, in North-eastern Arkansas and South-eastern Missouri. The tribesthroughout the entire extent of the Mississippi Valley were accustomedto palisade their villages--at least, occasionally. 

Illustration of Mandan Village. (Bureau of Ethnology. )------

On the Missouri River we find some Indian tribes that have excited agreat deal of interest among archaeologists. It has been surmised that, if their history could be recovered, it would clear up a great manydifficult questions. They were accustomed to fortify their village'swith ditches, embankments, and palisades. This gives us a cut of oneof their villages. It is to be observed that it has a great likeness tosome of the inclosures ascribed to the Mound Builders. 

This has been noted by many writers. Says Brackenridge: "In my voyageup the Missouri I observed the ruins of several villages which had beenabandoned twenty or thirty years, which in every respect resembled thevestiges on the Ohio and Mississippi. " Lewis and Clark, in theirtravels, describe the sites of several of these abandoned villages, theonly remains of which were the walls which had formerly inclosed thevillages, then three or four feet high. The opinion has been advancedthat the inclosures of the Mound Builders were formerly surmounted bypalisades. Mr. Atwater asserts that the round fort which was joined toa square inclosure at Circleville showed distinctly evidence of havingsupported a line of pickets or palisades. 

Should it be accepted that the inclosures of the Mound Buildersrepresent village sites, and that they were probably further protectedby palisades, it would seem, after what we have just observed of thecustoms of the Indians in fortifying their villages, to be a simple andnatural explanation of these remains. 

We have already referred to the fact that scholars draw a distinctionbetween the more massive works found in the Ohio Valley and the low, crumbling ruins occupying defensive positions found in such abundancealong Lake Erie and in Western New York, asserting the former to bethe works of the Mound Builders proper, and the latter the remains offortified Indian villages. This may be true, but it seems to us thatthere is such a common design running through all these remains that itis more reasonable to infer that the more massive works were constructedby people more advanced than those who built the less pretentious works, but not necessarily of a dilterent race. We can not do better than toquote the remarks of Mr. Brackenridge in this connection: "We areoften tempted by a fondness for the marvelous to seek out remoteand impossible causes for that which may be explained by the mostobvious. "

But inclosures and defensive works are only a small part of the MoundBuilders' remains. We know that large numbers of mounds are scatteredover the country, and we recall in this connection what was said as tothe erection of mounds by Indian tribes in a preceding essay. Somewhatat the risk of repetition we will once more examine this question. Itis generally admitted that it was the custom of Indian tribes to erectpiles of stones to commemorate several events, such as a treaty, orthe settlement of a village, but more generally to mark the grave of achief, or some noted person, or of a person whose death occurredunder unusual circumstances. These cairns are not confined toany particular section of the country, being found in New England, throughout the South, and generally in the Mississippi Valley. Fromtheir wide dispersion, and from the fact that they do not differ fromthe structures built by Indian tribes within a few years past, it is notdoubted but what they are the works of Indians. 

Now, if we could draw a dividing line, and say that, while the Indianserected mounds of stone, the Mound Builders built theirs of earth, itwould be a strong argument in favor of a difference of race. But thiscan not be done. When De Soto landed in Florida, nearly three hundredand fifty years ago, he had an opportunity of observing the customsof the Indians as they were before the introduction of fire-arms, andbefore contact with the Whites had wrought the great change in them itwas destined to. Therefore, what few notes his historians have givenus of the ways of life they observed amongst the southern tribes are ofgreat importance in this connection. At the very spot where he landed(supposed to be Tampa Bay) they observed that the house of the chief"stood near the shore, upon a very high mound, made by hand forstrength. "

Garcilasso tells us "the town and the house of the Cacique (chief)Ossachile are like those of the other caciques in Florida. . . . TheIndians try to place their villages on elevated sites, but, inasmuchas in Florida there are not many sites of this kind where they canconveniently build, they erect elevations themselves, in the followingmanner: They select the spot, and carry there a quantity of earth, whichthey form into a kind of platform, two or three pikes in height, thesummit of which is large enough to give room for twelve, fifteen, ortwenty houses, to lodge the cacique and his attendants. At the foot ofthis elevation they mark out a square place, according to the size ofthe village, around which the leading men have their houses. To ascendthe elevation they have a straight passage-way from bottom to top, fifteen or twenty feet wide. Here steps are made by massive beams, andothers are planted firmly in the ground to serve as walls. On all othersides of the platform the sides are cut steep. "

Biedman, the remaining historian, says of the country in what is now(probably) Arkansas. "The caciques of this country make a custom ofraising, near their dwellings, very high hills, on which they sometimesbuild their huts. " Twenty-five years later the French sent anexpedition to the east coast of Florida. The accounts of this expeditionare very meager, but they confirm what the other writers have stated asto the erection of platform mounds with graded ways. Le Moyne, theartist of this expedition, has left us a cut of a mound erected over adeceased chief. It was, however, but a small one. 

La Harpe, writing in 1720, says of tribes on the lower Mississippi:"Their cabins. . . Are dispersed over the country upon mounds of earthmade with their own hands. " As to the construction of these houses, welearn that their cabins were "round and vaulted, " being lathed with caneand plastered with mud from bottom to top, within and without. In othercases they were square, with the roof dome-shaped, the walls plasteredwith mud to the height of twelve feet. It is interesting toobserve how closely what little we do know about Mound Builders' housescoincides with the above. 

Recent investigations by the Bureau of Ethnology have brought tolight vestiges of great numbers of their buildings. These were mostlycircular, but those of a square or rectangular form were also observed. In Arkansas their location was generally on low, flat mounds, butvestiges of some were also noticed near the surface of large mounds. In Southern Illinois, South-eastern Missouri, and Middle and WesternTennessee the sites of thousands were observed, not in or on mounds, but marked by little circular, saucer-shaped depressions, from twenty tofifty feet in diameter, surrounded by a slight earthen ring. We know theframework of these houses was poles, for in several cases the charredremains of these poles were found. We know they were plastered witha thick coating of mud, for regular layers of lumps of this burntplastering are found. These lumps have often been mistaken for bricks, as in the Selzertown mound. In several cases the plastering hadbeen stamped with an implement, probably made of split cane of largesize. 

On the lower Mississippi we meet with the Natchez, a tribe that hasexcited a great deal of interest; but at present we only want to notethat they also constructed mounds. They were nearly exterminated by theFrench in 1729. But before this Du Pratz had lived among them, andleft a description of their customs. Their temple was about thirty feetsquare, and was situated on a mound about eight feet high, which slopedinsensibly from its main front on the north, but was somewhat steeperon the other sides. He also states that the cabin of the chief, or greatsun, as he was called, was placed upon a mound of about the sameheight, though somewhat larger, being sixty feet over the surface. A missionary who labored among them, stated that when the chief died hismound was deserted, and a new one built for the next chief. 

Neither was this custom of erecting mounds confined to the SouthernIndians. Colden states of the Iroquois: "They make a round hole inwhich the body is placed, then they raise the earth in a round hillover it. " It was the custom among a large number of tribes to gathertogether the remains of all who had died during several years and burythem all together, erecting a mound over them. Mr. Jefferson, inhis notes on Virginia, describes one of these mounds, and relates thisinteresting fact in reference to it: "A party of Indians passing aboutthirty years ago through the part of the country where this barrowis, went through the woods directly to it, without any instructions orinquiry; and having staid about it some time, with expressions whichwere construed to be those of sorrow, they returned to the high road, which they had left about a half dozen miles to pay this visit, andpursued their journey. "

Coming down to our own times, the Indians had lost a great many oftheir ancient customs, yet, at times, this old instinct of mound burialasserts itself. About the first of the century Blackbird, a celebratedchief of the Omahas, returning to his native home after a visit toWashington, died of the small-pox. It was his dying request that hisbody be placed on horseback, and the horse buried alive with him. Accordingly, in the presence of all his nation, his body was placed onthe back of his favorite white horse, fully equipped as if for along journey, with all that was necessary for an Indian's happiness, including the scalps of his enemies. Turfs were brought and placedaround the feet and legs, and up the sides of the unsuspecting animal, and so gradually the horse and its rider were buried from sight, thusforming a good-sized burial mound. Another instance came under Mr. Catlin's observation at the pipe stone quarry in Dakota. He visitedthere about 1832 and saw a conical mound, ten feet high, that had beenerected over the body of a young man accidentally killed there two yearsbefore. 

Enough references have now been given to show that the Indian tribescertainly did erect mounds, and that there is every reason to supposethey were the authors of the temple mounds of the South, or of some ofthem, at any rate. We have now shown that, according to early writers, the Indians did live in permanent villages, often stockaded, and knewvery well how to raise embankments and mounds. It would seem as if thisremoved all necessity for supposing the existence of an extinct raceto explain the numerous remains, collectively known as Mound Builders'works. Yet, as this is surely an important point, it may be well tocarry the investigations a little further. 

Taking in account the great amount of labor necessary to raise suchstructures as the mounds at Cahokia and Grave Creek, and the complicatedworks at Newark, some writers have asserted that the government of theMound Builders was one in which the central authority must have hadabsolute power over the persons of the subjects, that they were ineffect slaves; and as this was altogether contrary to what is knownamongst Indian tribes, they must have been of a different race. 

If the Indians in a tribal state are known to have erected some mounds, and to have built temple-platforms and walled towns in the south, thenall they needed was sufficient motive, religious or otherwise, to havebuilt the most stupendous works known. We think the ruined pueblos inthe Chaco Canyon represent as great an amount of work as many of thoseof the Mound Builders. A calculation has been made, showing that overthirty million pieces of stone were required in the construction of onepueblo, besides an abundance of timber. Each piece of stone had tobe dressed roughly to fit its place; the timbers had to be brought froma considerable distance, cut and fitted to their places in the wall, andthen covered with other courses, besides other details of construction, such as roof-making, plastering, and so forth, and this is not thecalculation of the largest pueblo either. Yet no one supposes thatthe Indian tribes who erected these structures were under a despoticform of government. 

We think, however, that it might be freely admitted that in allprobability the government of the Mound Builders was arbitrary, but sowas the government of a great many Indian tribes. Amongst the Natchezthe chief was considered as descended from the sun. Nor was this beliefconfined to the Natchez, as the tribes of the Floridian Peninsulaasserted the same thing of their chiefs. Among all these latter tribesthe chief held absolute and unquestioned power over the persons, property, and time of their subjects. 

Amongst the Natchez the power of the Great Sun (their title for chief)seems to have been very great. This nation had a regularly organizedsystem of priesthood, of which the chief was also the head. On the deathof the chief a number of his subjects were put to death to keep himcompany. But we must notice that the subjects considered it an honor todie with the chief, and made application beforehand for the privilege. Bearing these facts in mind, it does not seem improbable that in moredistant days, when the Natchez or some kindred tribe were in the heightof their power, the death of some great chief might well be memorializedby the erection of a mound as grand in proportion as that of GraveCreek. 

In fact, the more we study the subject, the more firmly we becomeconvinced that there is no hard and fast line separating the works ofthe Mound Builders from those of the later Indians. We therefore thinkthat we may safely assert that the best authorities in the United Statesnow consider that the mound building tribes were Indians, in much thesame state of culture as the Indian tribes in the Gulf States at thetime of the discovery of America, and we shall not probably be far outof the way if we assert, that when driven from the valley of the Ohioby more warlike people they became absorbed by the southern tribes, and, indeed the opinion is quite freely advanced that the Natchez themselveswere a remnant of the "Mysterious Mound Builders. "

If the Mound Building tribes were here at a comparatively late date, weought to expect to find some traditions of their former existence. Thestatement is quite often made that the Indians had no tradition as tothe origin or purpose of the mounds, and from this it is argued that themounds are of great antiquity. But, instead of finding no traditions, we find nearly every tribe possessed of some, and often very full anddistinct. It makes no difference that a number of those traditionsare childish, and that traditions are a very unsatisfactory sort ofproof at best. Still, if we observe that the traditions, such as theyare, are corroborative of other proofs, it is well to examine into themanyway. 

The Iroquois tribes have a tradition, that is given in the writing ofCusick, a Tuscaroa Indian. It is generally considered as a nonsensicalproduction, but Mr. Hale points out that, "whenever his statementscan be submitted to the tests of language, they are invariablyconfirmed. " Such, for instance, are the assertions that theyformerly inhabited the country around the St. Lawrence River in Canada, and further, that the Mohawk was the oldest tribe, from whence theothers separated in time. 

The substance of the tradition supposed to refer to the Mound Builders, is as follows: South of the great lakes was the seat of a great empire. The emperor resided in a golden city. The nations to the north of thegreat lakes formed a confederacy, and seated a great council fire onthe river St. Lawrence. This confederacy appointed a high chief asambassador, who immediately departed to the south to visit the emperorat the golden city. Afterwards, the emperor built many forts throughouthis dominions, and almost penetrated to Lake Erie. The people tothe north considered this an infringement on their territory, and itresulted in a long war. 

The people of the north were too skillful in the use of bows and arrows, and could endure hardships which proved fatal to a foreign people. Atlast, the northern people gained the victory, and all the towns andforts were totally destroyed and left in ruins. If this traditionstood alone, it would not be deserving of much attention, but weknow the Iroquois tribes did originally live in the valley of the St. Lawrence. We also feel sure the Mound Builders were a powerful people, and lived in the Ohio Valley. What is there unreasonable, therefore, in supposing that the Iroquois came in contact with them, and that thistradition rests on facts?

But this tradition is very similar to one among the Delawares. Thistribe spoke a different stock language than the Iroquois, and belongedto the Algonquin division of the Indian tribes. There were many warsbetween the Delawares and the Iroquois, but finally the latter wereacknowledged masters. It is well to keep this in mind, because with thisfeeling between the two tribes, they would not be apt to have similartraditions unless there was a basis of fact. 

Mr. Gallatin informs us that the original home of the Algonquins wasto the north of Lake Superior. The tradition states that the Delawares(they called themselves the Leni-lenape) were living in a cold, fir-treecountry--evidently the wooded regions north of Lake Superior. Gettingtired of this country, they set out towards the East in search of abetter place, and probably followed the lake shore around until theyfinally came to a great river--that is, the Detroit. The countrybeyond was inhabited by a numerous and powerful people, called theAllegewi, who dwelt in great fortified towns. Here they found theHuron-Iroquois tribes. This was before the Iroquois had separated fromthe Hurons. 

Some treachery on the part of the Allegewi was made the occasion of war. The Leni-lenape and the Hurons united their forces. This is perhaps theConfederacy of Cusic. A long war resulted, but in the end the Allegewiwere defeated, and, as the tradition states, "all went southward. "We see no reason to doubt but what we have here a traditional account ofthe overthrow of the Mound Builders. The remnant that fled south foundthe country inhabited by mound-building tribes, and doubtless becameabsorbed among them. In confirmation of this view it may be said thatthe languages of the tribes of the Gulf States, which belong to onestock language, have all been greatly influenced by words derivedfrom a foreign source. 

Perhaps a large body of them may have lived on as a fully organizedtribe. As we have already stated, the opinion is quite freely advancedthat this is the origin of the Natchez. It seems advisable toinquire more particularly into the customs and traditions of this tribe. Du Pratz, who lived among them in 1718, and claims to have enjoyed theconfidence of their chiefs and principal men, has left the most completeaccount of them; though Father Charlevoix, a Jesuit priest, in hisletters, also describes them fully. 

A number of interesting statements in regard to them, at once arrestattention. Most of the tribes in the southern region of the UnitedStates spoke dialects of a common stock language (Chata-muskoki), showing a derivation from a common source. The Natchez spoke a differentlanguage. Sun-worship seems to have been carried to a greater extentthan among any other tribes we are acquainted with. As late as 1730they still had their temples, where the eternal fire was kept burning, carefully watched; for they believed that should it become extinguished, it would surely bring great trouble on the tribe. Among the Natchez, ifanywhere among Indian tribes, the power of the chief was absolute, andthere seems to have been something like privileged classes amongst them. We have already referred to them as Mound Builders. 

But most interesting is it to learn of their former wide extension andancient power. Du Pratz says, "According to their traditions they werethe most powerful nation of all North America, and were looked upon byother nations as their superiors, and on that account were respected bythem. To give an idea of their power, I shall only mention that formerlythey extended from the River Manchas, or Iberville, which is about fiftyleagues from the sea, to the River Wabash, which is distant from thesea about four hundred and sixty leagues; and that they had about eighthundred suns, or princes. " It is at least a reasonable suppositionthat that the Natchez were a remnant of the Mound Builders. 

So far we have dwelt chiefly on the relations between the Indians andthe Mound Builders. Let us now see if we can not detect some connectionbetween the Pueblo tribes of the south-west and the Mound Builders. All the tribes in the Gulf States had traditions of a western andsouth-western origin. In regard to the Creek Indians, this tradition isvery distinct. They relate, with many details, their journey from thewest, their fight with the Alabamas, etc. In the Natchez tradition, as given by Du Pratz, they are seen, not only to come from the samewestern source, but distinctly preserve recollections of pueblo houses. 

The substance of their traditions is that they came from a pleasantcountry and mild climate, "under the sun, " and in the south-west, wherethe nation had lived for many ages, and had spread over an extensivecountry of mountains, hills, and plains, in which the houses were builtof stone, and were several stories high. They further relate how, owingto increase of enemies, the great sun sent some one over to examine andreport on the country to be found to the east. The country being foundextremely pleasant, a large part of their nation removed thither; and, after many generations, the great sun himself came also. Speaking of theancient inhabitants of the country they came from, the tradition statesthat "they had a great number of large and small villages, which wereall built of stone, and in which were houses large enough to lodge awhole tribe. " We would offer the same suggestion on these traditionsas on the others. They are of value only so far as supported by othertestimony. The great objection to them is that the pueblo structures ofthe west are evidently of recent origin. So these traditions would provethat the Natchez Indians were quite recently connected with the Pueblotribes, which is not at all probable. We have some slight evidencethat does not rest on traditions. Mr. Holmes has given us a plan of anancient village he discovered on the La Platte River, San Juan Valley. It will be seen by reference to the plate that the buildings wereseparated from each other. The forms are chiefly rectangles and circles, and one or two seem to have been elliptical. This description certainlyreminds us of the circles and squares so common among the MoundBuilders. But there is also a truncated mound, fifty by eighty feet, andnine feet high. "Its flat top and height give it more the appearanceof one of the sacrificial mounds of the Ohio Valley than any othersobserved in this part of the West. " Mounds are known to exist inUtah. 

Illustration of Ruins near the La Platte Valley of the San Juan. 

We need not expect to trace a continuous line of ruins from the San JuanValley to that of the Ohio, granting the migration to have taken place, because a migrating race would not be apt to erect monuments until theyreached the end of their line of migration. Those who take this view ofit say that it is not at all strange that when these migratingtribes reached their new homes in the Mississippi Valley they erectedstructures differing from those they had formerly built, because alltheir surroundings would be different, and in the prairie sections theywould find neither stone for building their pueblos nor clay suitablefor adobe construction. So they would do the next best thing, and builda fortified village. This is the view of that eminent scholar, Mr. Morgan. It must be borne in mind, however, that the fortified villagesof the southern Indians, including those of the Mississippi Valley, corresponded more nearly with those of the Atlantic shore, and morenorthern tribes, than with the pueblo structures. 

There is another line of proof which we think has been read the wrongway, or, at least, applied too strongly, and made to do service inproving that the Mound Builders migrated from the valley of the Ohioto Mexico, and there laid the foundation of that wonderful civilizationwhich is yet a riddle to the antiquarian. This is derived from astudy of the skulls procured from various sections of this country, Peru, and Mexico. It is sufficient to state that anatomists have madea careful study of the skulls of individuals of various nations, andinstituted certain comparisons between them, and discoveries of greatimportance have been made by this means. Now, some of our best Americanscholars have insisted that the skulls of the Mound Builders and theancient inhabitants of Mexico and the Inca Peruvians are so similar thatthey must have belonged to the same race. 

This type of skull, however, is characteristic, not only of the MoundBuilders, the ancient Mexicans and the Peruvians, but of the Pueblos, and of such tribes as the Natchez, Creeks, and Seminoles. We think, withall due regard to the opinions of others, that in the present stateof our knowledge of craniology we are not authorized in drawing veryimportant conclusions therefrom. About all we are justified in statingis that the sedentary or village Indians, whether found in North orSouth America, have certain common features. 

It is also hard to see any great resemblance between the works of theMound Builders and the Pueblo tribes. The truncated mounds discoveredby Mr. Holmes, we remember, were also used as foundations for housestructures along the Gila. In this feature we, of course, see aresemblance to the platform mounds of the Mississippi Valley. But wemust be careful in tracing connections on such a slim basis as this. Wemust remember also what a difference there is in the pottery of the twosections. If we were to give an opinion, based on the present knownfacts, we should say the separation between the people who afterwardsdeveloped as the pueblo builders of the west and the Mound Builders ofthe Mississippi Valley took place at an early date. 

But let us not suppose that this conclusion clears up all mysteries. A problem which has thus far defied the efforts of some of our bestthinkers is still before us, and that is: "From whence came theIndians?" As we remarked at the beginning of this chapter, no one theoryhas yet received universal acceptance. In view of these facts, it is notbest to present any theories, but content ourselves with such statementsas seem reasonably well settled. On all hands it is agreed that theIndians have been in America a long while, and whatever advance theywere able to make in the scale of civilization has been achieved in thiscountry. 

This statement implies that they were in undisturbed possession of thiscountry long enough for some tribes of them to reach the middle statusof barbarism, which means advancement sufficient to enable them tocultivate the ground by irrigation, and to acquire a knowledge of theuse of stone and adobe brick in building. More than half the battleof civilization had then been won. Look at it as we will, this demandsan immense period of time for its accomplishment. In the arts ofsubsistence, government, language, and development of religious ideasthe advancement they had been able to make from a condition of savagismto that in which the Mound Builders evidently lived, or the Aztecsin Mexico, represents a progression far greater than from thence tocivilization. 

We are, therefore, sure that the Indians have inhabited this country foran extended period. We can prolong the mental vision backwards until wediscover them, a savage race, gaining a precarious livelihood by fishingand the chase. In America there was but one cereal, or grain, growingwild. That was maize, or Indian corn. We can not tell in what portionof the continent it was native, but, in whatever section it was, there, probably, first commenced permanent village life. 

A settled residence, and being no longer dependent on hunting for alivelihood, would advance the Indians greatly in the scale of culture. So we can understand how in one section would arise Indian tribespossessed of quite complicated systems of government and religion and aknowledge of agriculture. And from this as a center they would naturallyspread out to other sections. The conclusion to which we seem driven is, that there is no necessity for supposing the Mound Builders to be anything more than village Indians, in much the same state of developmentas the southern Indians at the time of the discovery. The Indian raceshows us tribes in various stages of development, from the highlydeveloped Pueblo Indians on the one hand to the miserable Aborigines ofCalifornia on the other. 

These various tribes may be classified as the wild hunting tribes andthe sedentary, partially civilized tribes. To this last division belongthe Mound Builders. We have seen how the partially civilized tribes inthe valley of the San Juan were gradually driven south by the pressureof wild tribes. We need not doubt but such was the case in theMississippi Valley. But we need not picture to ourselves any imposingmovement of tribes. In one location a mound-building tribe may have beenforced to abandon its territory, which would be occupied by bands ofhunting tribes. In other cases they would cling more tenaciously totheir territory. The bulk of them may have been forced south; some inother directions, and, like the Pimas on the River Gila, or the Junanoseast of the Rio Grande, have retrograded in culture. Some bands mayeven have reached Mexico, and exerted an influence on the culture of thetribes found there. 

It is only necessary to add a brief word as to the antiquity of theMound Builders' works, or rather as to the time of abandonment. On thispoint there is a great diversity of opinion, and it seems to us almostimpossible to come to any definite conclusion. The time of abandonmentmay vary greatly in different sections of the country, and we have seenhow apt Indian tribes, even in the same section, are to abandon onevillage site in order to form another a few miles away. Fort Hill, in Ohio, that so strongly impressed its first explorers with a senseof antiquity, may have been abandoned long before the Circlevilleworks, where Mr. Atwater could still distinguish vestiges of thepalisades that once helped to defend it. 

We have said about all that can be said in a brief review of theprehistoric life in America north of Mexico. We have seen how much thereis still for our scholars to work up before we can profess to as fulland complete a knowledge as we have of the prehistoric life in Europe. We are just on the threshold of discoveries in regard to the PaleolithicAge in this country. The southern boundary of the great ice sheet is nowknown to us. Many scholars have pointed out to us the scattering bitsof evidence going to show that the ancestors of the present Eskimosonce inhabited the interior of this continent. Dr. Abbott has foundunmistakable evidence of the presence of such a people in New Jersey. Our Indian tribes who came next, are not properly prehistoric, thoughmany questions relating to them belong to that field. 

We have examined the works of the people known as Mound Builders. Theyare indeed varied and full of interest, but our conclusion leaves theirorigin involved in the still deeper question of the origin of the Indianrace. We are satisfied that they were village Indians and not tribes ofa vanished people. We have also examined that section of country whereinthe greatest development of village Indian life north of Mexico tookplace. It would be very satisfactory could we show lines of migrationfrom the valley of the San Juan, as a center, to the Mississippi Valleyon the one hand, and to Mexico and the South on the other. We can findsome lines of evidence, but not enough to positively state such animportant truth. 

We must now leave this field of inquiry. We trust such of our readersas have followed us in these pages will have clearer ideas of theprehistoric life in North America. They must however regard thisknowledge as simply a foundation, a starting-point, or as the shallowsalong the shore, while the massive building, the long journey, or thegreat ocean, is still before them. Our scholars are giving their timeand attention to these problems. They are learning what they can of thetraditions and myths of the tribes still existing. They are studyingtheir languages and plan of government. They are also making greatcollections of the works of their hands. We will hope some day forclear light on all these topics, which will either confirm our presentconclusions or show us wherein we must change them, or, perhaps, rejectthem altogether. 

Illustration of Stone Mask found in Tennessee. -----------

REFERENCES

 (1) The manuscript of this chapter was submitted to Cyrus Thomas, Ph. D. , of the Bureau of Ethnology, for criticism. (2) Baldwin's "Ancient America, " p. 58. Gallatin, Trans. Am. Ethnol. Soc. , I. , p. 207. Short's "North Americans of Antiquity, " p. 65. Conant's "Footprints of Vanished Races, " p. 120. Jone's "Antiquities of Tennessee, " p. 146. MacLean's "The Mound Builders, " Chap. Xii. (3) Carr's "Mounds of the Mississippi Valley. " Schoolcraft's "Archives of Aboriginal Knowledge, " Vol. I. , p. 66; Vol. II. , p. 30. Morgan's "House and House Life American Aborigines, " Vol. IV. ; "Contributions to N. A. Ethnology, " p. 199. Brinton: _American Antiquarian, _ October, 1881. Thomas: _American Antiquarian, _ March, 1884. Powell: Transactions of Anthropological Society, 1881, p. 116. (4) Of course these words vary in different nations, but the meaning is the same in all. (5) Morgan's "Ancient Society, " p. 269. (6) The gens, phratry, and tribe were subdivisions of the Ancient Greeks. Of a similar import were the gens, curiae, and tribe of the Roman tribes. The Irish sept and the Scottish clan are the same in meaning as the gens of other tribes. American authors, in treating of the Indians, have generally used the words tribe and clan as equivalent of gens. This is not correct. Almost all the tribes had a complete organization in gens and phratries, though of course they did not so name them. These terms are adopted by Mr. Morgan because they have a precise and historical meaning. As an example of Indian tribal-organization, we give an outline of the Seneca-Iroquois tribe. 

 First Phratry, Bear or Wolf Gens. Brotherhood. Beaver Turtle TRIBE. Second Phratry, Deer or Snipe Gens. Brotherhood. Heron Hawk

 It is proper to remark that the phratries are not a necessary member of the series. Several of the Indian tribes had only gens and tribe. Mr. Schoolcraft uses the words totemic system to express the same organization. Totem, the Ojibway dialect, signifies the symbol or devise which they use to designate the gens. Thus the figure of a bear would be the totem of the bear gens. We must remember that the tribes of to-day have, in many cases, lost their ancient organization. See Morgan's "Ancient Society, " where this subject is fully treated. Also Powell, in "First Annual Report of Bureau of Ethnology;" Grote's "History of Greece, " Vol. III, p. 55, _et seq. _; Smith's "Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, " articles, gens, civitas, tribus, etc. ; also Dorsey, in _American Antiquarian, _ Oct. , 1883, p. 312, _et seq. _ (7) The Mexican tribes form no exception to this statement. See this volume, Chapter XV. (8) Lewis's "Wild Races of South-eastern India. " (9) Grote's "History of Greece, " Vol. II. (10) Mallery: "American Association Reports, " 1877. (11) Hochelaga. (12) Morgan: "Contribution to N. A. Ethnology, " Vol. IV, p. 119. (13) "Luis Hernando De Biedman, " and "A Gentleman of Elvas, " both translated in "Historic Collections of Louisiana, " Vol. II. (14) "Historical Collections of Louisiana, " Vol. I, p. 61. (15) Morgan's "Contribution to N. A. Ethnology, " Vol. IV, p. 114. (16) Read Capt. John Smith, "Hist. Of Virginia;" also "Mass. Hist. Col. , " Vol. VIII, of the third series. (17) Consult "The Mounds of the Mississippi Valley, " by Lucian Carr, of the Kentucky Graphical Survey, where this subject is fully treated, and copious quotations given. (18) Morgan's "Ancient Society, " p. 526. (19) Bandelier's "Fifth Annual Report, Arch. Inst. , " p. 60. (20) "Charlevoix's Travels in North America, " p. 241. (21) Fourth Annual Report of Peabody Museum, and from information furnished me by the U. S. Bureau of Ethnology. (22) "The custom of palisading appears to have been general among the northern tribes. "--Brackenridge's "Views of Louisiana, " p. 182. (23) "Views of Louisiana, " p. 183. (24) "Archaeology Americanae, " Vol. I. , p. 145. (25) "Views of Louisiana, " p. 182. (26) Carr: "Mounds of the Mississippi Valley, " p. 78. (27) Quoted from Brinton, _Am. Antiq. , _ Oct. , 1881. (28) Hist. Col. Of Louisiana, Vol. II. , p. 105. (29) "Mounds of the Mississippi Valley, " p. 90. (30) "Expedition to Florida, " p. 15. (31) Shea's "Early Voyages on the Mississippi, " p. 135. "Historical Collections of Louisiana, " Vol. I. , p. 61. Quoted from Cyrus Thomas in _American Antiquarian, _ March, 1884. (32) See article by Cyrus Thomas, of the Bureau of Ethnology, in _American Antiquarian, _ March, 1884. (33) "History of Louisiana, " Lond. , 1763, Vol. II. , pp. 188 and 211. (34) Father Le Petit: Note, p. 142. "Hist. Col. Louisiana, " Vol. III. (35) "Hist. Of the Five Nations, " Introduction, p. 16. (36) Smithsonian Contribution to Knowledge, No. 259, p. 15; "Mounds of the Mississippi Valley, " p. 87. (37) "Notes on Virginia, " p. 191. (38) Catlin's "North American Indians, " p. 95. (39) Foster's "Prehistoric Races of the U. S. , " p. 346. (40) Pueblo Chettro-kettle, Chaco Canyon. (41) "Geographical and Geological Survey of the Territories, " Hayden, 1876, p. 440. Calculations made by Mr. Holmes. (42) Brinton's "Floridian Peninsula, " p. 21. We think, however, this statement requires to be taken with some allowance. Personal liberty seems to have been the birthright of every Indian. ("Mounds of the Mississippi Valley, " Carr, p. 24. ) The council of the tribe is the real governing body of all people in a tribal state of society. ("Ancient Society, " Morgan. ) When the war-chief united in his person priestly powers also, he at once became an object of greater interest. This explains why the government of the chiefs among all the Southern Indian tribes appears so much more arbitrary than among the northern tribes. His real power was probably much the same in both cases, but superstition had surrounded his person with a great many formalities. The early explorers, acquainted only with the arbitrary governments of Europe, saw in all this despotic powers whereas there might not have been much foundation for this belief. (43) "Traditions of Decodah, " Pidgeon. Carr, "Mounds of the Mississippi Valley, " p. 70. (44) "Indian Migrations, " _American Antiquarian, _ April, 1883. (45) Mr. Hale suggests that copper was the gold of the North American Indians, and that the "golden city" simply means a city or town where they knew how to work copper. It is well known that the mound building tribes had such knowledge, at least they knew how to work native copper. (46) This tradition was first made known by Heckwelder, a missionary among the Delawares, in his "History of the Indian Nations. " It is repeated at much greater length, and with additional particulars, in a paper read by Mr. E. G. Squier, before the Historical Society of New York. Mr. Squier has simply translated a genuine Indian record known as the Bark Record. The two authorities here mentioned consider the Delawares as coming from west of the Mississippi. Mr. Hale points out that it was more likely the Upper St. Lawrence--that portion known as the Detroit River--that was the "Great River" of the traditions. (47) From this word comes Alleghany Mountains and River. (48) In this connection it is at least interesting to note that several authors--Squier, MacLean, and others--have contended, judging from the fortified hills and camps, that the pressure of hostilities on the Mound Builders of the Ohio Valley was from the north-east. (49) The Chata-muskoki family. (Brinton. ) (50) Hale: _American Antiquarian, _ April, 1883. (51) We are not at all certain but our scholars will shortly come to the conclusion that the Cherokees or Shawnees are quite as likely to be the descendants of the Allegewi as the Natchez. (52) It is scarcely necessary to caution the reader as to the value of this statement of ancient greatness. The chroniclers of De Soto's expedition had nothing to say about it. (53) Pickett's "History of Alabama, " Vol. II. (54) Du Pratz: "History of Louisiana, " Vol. II. (55) Stone _metates, _ or mills, have so far been found only in Missouri, not far from the Missouri River. As this is such an important implement among the Pueblo tribes, its presence in this locality is significant. (Thomas. ) (56) As the proof seems to be conclusive that the Indians of the south who were encountered by the Europeans first visiting that section were the builders of the mounds of that region, it brings these works down to a date subsequent to the entry of the civilized tribes into Mexico. (Thomas. ) (57) Some of the pottery from South-eastern Missouri and Arkansas shows a strong resemblance to that of some Pueblo tribes. (Thomas. ) (58) Short's "North Americans of Antiquity, " p. 202. (59) Morgan: "Ancient Society, " p. 12. (60) "Fifth Annual Report Archaeological Institute, " p. 85. (61) Short's "North Americans of Antiquity, " p. 458. (62) Carr: "Mounds of the Mississippi Valley, " p. 97. (63) "Ancient Monuments, " p. 14. 

Chapter XIII. 

THE NAHUA TRIBES. 

Early Spanish discoveries in Mexico--The Nahua tribes defined--Climateof Mexico--The Valley of Anahuac--Ruins at Tezcuco--The hill ofTezcocingo--Ruins at Teotihuacan--Ancient Tulla--Ruins in theprovince of Querataro--Casa Grandes in Chihuahua--Ancient remainsin Sinaloa--Fortified hill of Quemada--The Pyramid of Cholula--Mr. Bandelier's investigations at Cholula--Fortified hill at Xochicalco--Itsprobable use--Ruins at Monte Alban--Ancient remains at Mitla--Mr. Bandelier's investigations--Traditions in regard to Mitla--Ruinsalong the Panuco River--Ruins in Vera Cruz--Pyramid ofPapantla--Tusapan--Character of Nahua Ruins. 

When the ships of the Spanish admiral came to anchor before theIsland of San Salvador, he had indeed discovered a "New World. " It wasinhabited by a race of people living in a state of society from whichthe inhabitants of Europe had emerged long before the dawn of authentichistory. The animal and plant life were also greatly different from anything with which they were acquainted. The Spaniards little suspectedthe importance of their discovery. Columbus himself died in the beliefthat he had simply explored a new route to Asia. A quarter of a centuryelapsed after the first voyage of Columbus before an expedition coastedalong the shores of Mexico. This was the expedition of Juan De Grijalva, in 1518. He gave a glowing description of the country he had seen, which"from the beauty and verdure of its indented shores, and the lovelyappearances of its villages, he called 'New Spain. '"

Illustration of Map of Mexico. -------------------

This was followed, in the year 1519, by the history-making expeditionof Cortez. The scene of his first landing was about forty miles south ofthe present town of Vera Cruz, but to this place they soon removed. Athis very first landing-point he learned of the existence of what he waspleased to call a powerful empire, ruled by a most valiant prince. Theaccounts the Indian allies gave him of the power and wealth of thisempire inflamed the imagination of Cortez and his followers. This was anage, we must remember that delighted in tales of the marvelous; addto this the further fact that Cortez was not, at the beginning of hisexpedition, acting with the sanction of his royal master; indeed, hissailing from the island of Cuba was in direct violation of the commandsof the governor. It was very necessary for him to impress upon the courtof Spain a sense of the importance of his undertaking. 

Certain it is that the accounts that have been handed down to us, thoughread with wonder and admiration, though made the basis on which manywriters have constructed most glowing descriptions of the wonders of thebarbaric civilization, which they would fain have us believe, rivaledthat of "Ormus and of Ind, " are to-day seriously questioned by a largeand influential portion of the scientific world. We have another pointto be considered that is of no little weight, as all candid men mustadmit that it would influence the opinions the Spaniards would formof the culture of the Indians. As the man of mature years has lost thememory of his childhood, so have the civilized races of men lost, evenbeyond the reach of tradition, the memory of their barbaric state. TheSpaniards were brought face to face with a state of society from whichthe Indo-European folks had emerged many centuries before. They couldnot be expected to understand it, and hence it is that we find so manycontradictory statements in the accounts of the early explorers; so muchthat modern scholars have no hesitation in rejecting. 

The main tribe of the empire which Cortez is said have overthrown isknown to us by the name of the Aztecs; but as this name properly denotesbut one of many tribes in the same state of development, it is betterto use a word which includes all, or nearly all, of the tribes that inolden times had their home in the territory now known as Mexico. Carefulcomparisons of the various dialects of ancient Mexico have shown that, with the exceptions of some tribes in Vera Cruz, they all belonged toone stock-language; and so they are collectively known as the Nahuatribes. 

We wish now to inquire into the culture of this people, to see how muchof the strange story that the Spaniards have to tell us has a reasonablefoundation. We will state frankly that, though the literature on thissubject is of vast proportions, yet it is very far from being a settledfield. All accounts of the early explorers of the strange scenes, customs, and manners of the inhabitants, when they were firstdiscovered, are so intermixed with self-evident fables, and statementsthat are undoubtedly exaggerations, that we have a most difficulttask before us. We will first examine the antiquities of this section, compare them with those found in more northern regions, and then examinethe statements of the early writers as to the customs of the people. Wedo not propose to do more than to follow after our leaders in thought, and try to make plain the conclusions to which they have arrived. Weare not to deal wholly with a prehistoric people, though their origin isunknown. What we desire to do is to clear away the mists of three anda half centuries, and to catch, if possible, a glimpse of what wasprobably the highest development of prehistoric culture in North Americajust before the arrival of the Spaniards. 

Mexico was surely a land well adapted to the needs of a prehistoricpeople. Along the coasts the ground is low. This constitutes what isknown as the "Hot Country. " The greater part of Mexico consists ofan elevated table-land, which rises in a succession of plateaus. As weleave the coast region and climb the plateau, we experience changes ofclimate. If it were level, it would have mainly a tropical climate, butowing to the elevation we have just mentioned, it has mainly a temperateclimate. The whole plateau region is cut up with mountains. The SierraMadre, on the west, is the main chain, but numerous cross-ranges occur. The result is, a greater part of Mexico abounds in fertile, easilydefended valleys--just such localities as are much sought after bya people in barbaric culture, constantly exposed to the assaults ofinvading foes. 

We may as well pass at once to the valley of Anahuac, the most noted inall the region, and learn of the antiquities of this central section. Itis in this valley that the capital of the Mexican Republic is situated. All travelers who have had occasion to describe its scenery have beenenthusiastic in its praise. The valley is mountain-girt and lake-dotted, and in area not far different from the State of Rhode Island. On oneof the principal lakes was located the Pueblo of Tenochtitlan, thehead-quarters of the Aztecs, commonly known as the City of Mexico. WhenCortez first stood upon the encircling mountains, and gazed down uponthe valley, he saw at his feet one of the most prosperous and powerfulpueblos of the New World. 

This is not the place to recount the story of its fall. Our presentinquiry is concerned solely with the remains of its prehistoric age. The enthusiastic Spaniards would have us believe in a city of Orientalmagnificence. We have no illustrations of this pueblo. It was almostcompletely destroyed by Cortez before its final surrender in August, 1521. It was then rebuilt as the capital city of New Spain. Of course, all traces of its original buildings soon disappeared. What we can learnof its appearance is derived from the accounts of the early writers, which we will examine in their proper place. After having surveyed theentire field of ruins, we will be much better qualified to judge of thevague statements of its former grandeur. A few relics have, indeed, beenfound buried beneath the surface of the old city. They illustrate theculture of the people, as will be noticed further on. 

Directly across the lake from the Pueblo of Mexico was that of Tezcuco, the head-quarters of the second powerful tribe of the Aztec Confederacy. Traces only are recoverable of its former buildings. At the southern endof the modern town were found the foundations of three great pyramids. They were arranged in a line from north to south. Mr. Mayer says ofthese ruins: "They are about four hundred feet in extent on each sideof their base, and are built partly of adobe and partly of large, burnedbricks and fragments of pottery. " He tells us further that the sidesof the pyramids "were covered with fragments of idols, clay vessels, andobsidian knives. " From other discoveries, it would seem these pyramidswere coated with cement. The suggestion is made that on one of thesepyramids stood the great temple of Tezcuco, which, an early writer tellsus, was ascended by one hundred and seventeen steps. 

Illustration of Bas-Relief, Tezcuco. --------

In another part of the town a sculptured block of stone was found, ofwhich this cut is given. "It appears to be the remains of a trough orbasin, and the sculpture is neatly executed in relief. I imagine that itwas designed to represent a conflict between a serpent and a bird, andyou can not fail to remark the cross distinctly carved near the lowerright-hand corner of the vessel. " Bullock, who traveled in Mexico in1824, has left a brief description of the ruins of what he calls apalace. "It must have been a noble building. . . . It extended for threehundred feet, forming one side of the great square, and was placed onsloping terraces raised one above the other by small steps. Some ofthese terraces are still entire and covered with cement. . . . From what isknown of the extensive foundations of this palace, it must have coveredsome acres of ground. " This last statement is doubtless exaggerated. From what we know of Indian architecture, these ruins were doubtlesslong, low, and narrow, and placed on one or more sides of a square, perhaps inclosing a court. 

About three miles from the town of Tezcuco is a very singular group ofruins. This is the Hill of Tezcocingo. This is very regular in outline, and rises to the height of about six hundred feet. A great amount ofwork has evidently been bestowed on this hill, and some very far-fetchedconclusions have been drawn from it. Probably as notable a piece of workas any was the aqueduct which supplied the hill with water, and this isreally one of the most wonderful pieces of aboriginal work with which weare acquainted. 

The termination of the aqueduct is represented in our next cut. This isabout half-way up the hill, right on the edge of a precipitous descentof some two hundred feet. "It will be observed in the drawing that therock is smoothed to a perfect level for several yards, around whichseats and grooves are carved from the adjacent masses. In the centerthere is a circular sink, about a yard and a half in diameter and a yardin depth, and a square pipe, with a small aperture, led the water froman aqueduct which appears to terminate in this basin. None of the stoneshave been joined with cement, but the whole was chiseled, from themountain rock. " This has been called "Montezuma's Bath, " simply fromthe custom of naming every wonderful ruin for which no other name wasknown after that personage; but this was not a bath, but a reservoir ofwater. 

Illustration of Montezuma's Bath. --------

From this circular reservoir the side of the mountain is cut down so asto form a level grade, just as if a railroad had been made. This gradewinds around the surface of the hill for about half a mile, when itstretches out across a valley three-quarters of a mile wide, an elevatedembankment from sixty to two hundred feet in height. Reaching the secondmountain, the graded way commences again, and is extended about half-wayaround the mountain, where it extends on another embankment across theplains to a range of mountains, from which the water was obtained. 

Illustration of Aqueduct, Tezcocingo. ---------

This cut represents the embankment crossing the valley. Along the topof this way was laid the canals to transport the water, made of anexceedingly hard cement of mortar and fragments of pounded brick. It isestimated that nearly, if not quite, as much labor was expended on thisaqueduct as on the Croton aqueduct that supplies New York City. Thislast statement is probably too strong, but, considering that this workwas accomplished by a people destitute of iron tools, it is seen to bea most extraordinary work. From what we have already learned, thishill was evidently a very important place. On all sides we meet withevidences that the whole of the hill was covered with artificial worksof one kind or another. On the side of the hill opposite this reservoirwas another recess bordered by seats cut in living rock, and leading toa perpendicular cliff, on which a calendar is said to have been carved, but was destroyed by the natives in later days. 

Traces of a spiral road leading up the summit have been observed. In1824 Bullock (who, however, is not regarded as a very accurate observer)"found the whole mountain had been covered with palaces, temples, baths, hanging-gardens, and so forth. " Latrobe, somewhat later, found"fragments of pottery and broken pieces of obsidian knives and arrows;pieces of stucco, shattered terraces, and old walls were thicklydispersed over its whole surface. " Mr. Mayer, after speaking of theabundance of broken pottery and Indian arrows, says: "The eminenceseems to have been converted from its base to its summit into a pile ofterraced gardens. "

By one class of writers this hill is regarded as the "suburban residenceof the luxurious monarchs of Tezcuco, . . . A pleasure garden upon whichwere expended the revenues of the state and the ingenuity of itsartists. " Mr. Bancroft has gathered together the details of thischarming story, and tells us that the kings of Mexico had a similarpleasure resort on the Hill of Chapultepec, a few miles west of thecity. It is sufficient at present to state that an explanation muchsimpler and more in accord with our latest scientific information can begiven. It is more likely that this hill was the seat of a village Indiancommunity. Its location was naturally strong. The water, brought withso much labor from a distance, furnished a supply for the purpose ofirrigation, as well as bodily needs. The terraced sides show that everyfoot of ground was utilized, and the ruins of the palaces that Mr. Bullock mentions were the fast-disappearing ruins of their communalbuildings. Owing to the cruel raids of the Aztec tribes, this placemay have been deserted before the coming of the Spaniards, and thus nomention was made of it. 

Illustration of Teotihuacan. -------------------

Still further to the north, about thirty miles from Mexico, is foundanother extensive field of ruins, which is called Teotihuacan, meaning"City of the Gods. " The principal ruins now standing are the two immensepyramids (which are represented in this cut), which the natives callthe "House of the Moon" and the "House of the Sun. " We will describethe surroundings first. It is unquestioned but that here was a veryextensive settlement in early times. When the Nahua tribes enteredMexico they probably found it inhabited. One very recent writer thinksthat "nowhere else in America can you find a more imposing mass ofruins. " He estimates that it was "a city upwards of twenty miles incircumference. "

Other writers have also noticed its great extent. According to Thompson, "the ruins cover an area very nearly as large as that of the presentCity of Mexico, and the streets are as distinctly marked by the ruins ofhouses. " And in another place Mr. Charney tells us "the city was ofvast extent; and, without indulging in any stereotyped reflectionson the vanity of human greatness, I will say that a more completeeffacement is nowhere else to be seen. The whole ground, over a spacefive or six miles in diameter, is covered with heaps of ruins, which atfirst view, make no impression, so complete is their dilapidation. "

Of this mass of ruins we are told but little, beyond the generalassertion that it consists of the ruins of buildings, temples, etc. Butvery recently M. Charney has uncovered the foundation of one of thesehouses. He calls it a palace. It was, in all probability, a communalbuilding. It had two wings inclosing a court, and was located on aterraced pyramid. He found, on digging into the terrace in front of theruins, a great number of sloping walls, covered with cement, containingsmall compartments, etc. M. Charney can not account for their presence. 

In view of the discoveries further north, we would respectfully suggestthat this was, in reality, the lower story of the building, whose flatroof formed the terrace in front of the second story, whose foundationM. Charney so happily discovered. But such suggestions as this are veryunsafe to make, and must be supported by further discoveries before theyare of any real value. 

He found a large number of good-sized rooms, and speaks especially ofone hall fifty feet square, in the center of which was six pillars, sloping from the base upwards. They, doubtless, served to support theroof. We regret that we have not been able to see M. Charney's groundplan of this ruin. Of the pyramids themselves we have quite fullinformation. The larger one, that of the sun, is seven hundred and sixtyfeet square and two hundred and sixteen feet high. It will be seen thatthese dimensions throw the great mound at Cahokia into the shade. Thoughthe base may not be quite as great, the height of the pyramid is overtwice that of the mound. Three terraces are plainly visible. The surfacewas covered with cement, large slabs of which remain in their place. Themoon pyramid is further north. 

It is in all respects like that of the sun, but of smaller dimensions, being one hundred and fifty feet high. In early times these pyramids aresaid to have supported statues, but, if so, they have long since beenthrown down. Their surface and the ground around is thickly strewn withfragments of pottery, obsidian knives, and other small relics. Runningsouth from the House of the Moon, and passing a little to one side ofthe House of the Sun, are the remains of a wide, paved road. Its widthis stated to be one hundred and thirty feet, and its length about twohundred and fifty rods. 

This road suddenly expands in front of the Moon, so as to suggestthe idea of a Greek cross. Pieces of cement (with which this road wascovered) are still visible in places. It is lined with mounds oneither side, and they stand so close together as to resemble continuousembankments in some places. Speculations are abundant as to the objectof this graded way. Tradition calls it the "Path of the Dead. " Smallmounds are very numerous over the surface. They may have been for burialpurposes, but sculptured stones are found in them, and specimens of hardcement. This group of ruins is regarded as of very great antiquity. 

We can easily see that the growth of the soil formed by the decayand detrition of the stone slabs of the pyramids, temples, and otherbuildings would be slow, especially as the rainfall is light. Butin some localities it is more than three feet thick. In places threeseparate floors are observed, one over the other, pointing to as manysuccessive occupations of the same sections by men. 

About sixty-five miles to the north of Mexico was located Tollan, orTulla. According to tradition, this was the capital city of the Toltecs, a mysterious people who long preceded the Aztecs. We are told that"extensive ruins remained at the time of the conquest, but very fewrelics have survived to the present time. " M. Charney, whose laborswe have referred to at Teotihuacan, succeeded also in making importantdiscoveries here. He tells us that on the site of this ancient capitalthere is a hill, "about one mile long by half a mile broad, covered withmounds, plateaus, and ruins of all kinds. "

He gives us the dimensions of two pyramids, as follows. The first is onehundred and ninety-six feet on each front, and forty-six feet high. Thesecond is one hundred and thirty-one feet square, and thirty-one feethigh. Both of these pyramids stood on raised foundations, which M. Charney calls esplanades. As no other pyramids are mentioned, we are tosuppose these are the two principal ones. Perhaps they are also pyramidsof the sun and moon. Our chief interest is concerned with the remains ofthe habitations he discovered here. He says: "I set the men to work atone of the many mounds upon the ridge, and soon found that I had hitupon a group of habitations. " A general idea of this group of buildingsis given in this passage: "The dwellings were united together in groups, and erected on isolated mounds, one in the middle, the others aroundabout, the whole forming a sort of honey-comb, with its cells placed atdifferent elevations. "

We can not help being struck with the general resemblance of thedescriptions here given and that of the ruins in the vicinity of theRiver Gila. The general tendency is seen to gather together in clusters, with, probably, the most important house in the center. As to thematerials used in this building, we are told "they used clay and mud forthe inside of the walls, cement to coat them, dressed stone and brickfor casings, bricks and stone for stairways, bricks for pilasters, andwood for roofing the edifice. The houses bad flat roofs, consistingof timbers coated with cement. Of such timbers we find vastquantities. "

Of the arrangements of the rooms, he tells us, "The apartments that havebeen brought to light comprise a number of chambers, big and little, placed at different heights. We shall have no clear idea of the relationof these different chambers to one another, or of the mode of access tothem through the labyrinthine passages and the numerous stairways, untilthe whole edifice has been unearthed. "

This was not the only building he discovered. On digging into a moundsupposed to be the support of a temple, he discovered it was the ruinedfoundation of a still grander house. He says, "It is much larger thanthe other one, stands on a pyramid, and has two wings inclosing acourtyard. The walls are thicker than those of the first habitation, andmore strongly built. The apartments, too, are larger, though arranged ina similar fashion. " Elsewhere he tells us that this building containedat least forty-three apartments, large and small. We presume very fewwill now question but what the buildings he here describes are ruinedcommunal buildings, much like the structures in Arizona. 

But perhaps the most interesting result of his labors was the proof thatthese ruins were certainly inhabited after the conquest--for how longa time we can not tell. This is shown by fragments of bones and otherarticles found in the refuse heaps. The bones were of such animalsas the horse, swine, sheep, oxen, etc. --animals introduced into thiscountry by the Spaniards. The fragments of pottery include specimensplainly not of Indian manufacture, such as fragments of porcelain, andthat variety of glazed ware known as delf, and lastly, the neck of aglass bottle. It may be said that these fragments might have been leftby a band of Spaniards who occupied the ruins in the early days of theconquest, perhaps long after the Indian owners had left. This is ofcourse possible, but it is just as reasonable to suppose the fragmentswere left by descendants of the original builders. 

Northward from Tulla is a small province, marked on the map Querataro. From the accounts at our disposal, which are very brief, we gather thatthis whole section is a tableland split up by ravines of great depthsand precipitous sides; consequently one abounding in easily defendedpositions. It was found that all the projecting points, naturallystrong, were rendered still stronger by the presence of ditches, walls, and embankments. Three groups of ruins are mentioned especially, andtheir location is marked on the map. At Pueblito there was, at anearly day, plainly to be seen, the foundation of a large, rectangularbuilding. The walls were built of stone laid in clay. 

At Canoas, in the northern part of the State, there is a steep andstrongly fortified bill, but particulars in regard to it are verymeager. "There are, in all, forty-five defensive works on the hill, including a wall about forty feet in height, and a rectangular platformwith an area of five thousand square feet. " Ranas, the mostnorthern one of the three sites mentioned, is regarded as the centerof population in early times. "A small lake and a perennial spring aresupposed to have been the attractions of this locality in the eyes ofthe people. On all the hills about are still seen vestiges of theirmonuments. "

If we look at the map we will notice that we have gone but a littleways north of the valley of Anahuac. Yet, with the exception of theGulf-coast, there are but few striking aboriginal ruins in NorthernMexico. At the time of the conquest the whole northern section was thehome of tribes not generally considered to be as far advanced as thosewho lived in the section we have already described, and in regionsfurther south. Yet it is certainly hard to draw the line between theculture of the two people. We are told that, these Northern tribesthough styled "dogs, " and "barbarians, " by the Southern tribes, were yet"tillers of the soil, and lived under systematic forms of government, although not apparently much given to the arts of agriculture andsculpture. "

This point is of considerable interest to us, theoretically; for it isa question from whence came the various Nahua tribes. We would naturallythink, if they came from the North, we ought to find evidence of theirformer presence in the various Northern States of Mexico. We mustremember, however, that a migrating people are not apt to leavemonuments until they reach the end of their migration. Neither has theterritory been as carefully explored as it should be. What accounts wecan obtain of the remains in this section are certainly very meager. Butone place in Sonora do ruins occur, and they have never been examined bycompetent personages. In Chihuahua occur ruins, evidently the worksof the same people as built the separate houses to the west of the RioGrande, in New Mexico. 

These ruins have received the same name as those on the Rio Gila--thatis, "Casas Grandes, " meaning "Great House. " This cut represents a viewof these ruins. The river valley is here about two miles wide, and issaid to be very fertile. Mr. Bartlett thinks there is no richer valleyto be found from Texas to California. This valley was once the seat of aconsiderable population. Mounds are here found in considerable numbers. Over two thousand are estimated as occurring in a section of countrysixty miles long by thirty in width. We wish we knew more aboutthe mounds. They are said to contain pottery, stone axes, and otherimplements. It is possible, then, that these mounds are ruins ofseparate houses. At any rate, such are the only kind of ruins noticed inthe upper part of this same valley by Mr. Bandelier. 

Illustration of Casas Grandes. ----------------

The ruins in question are undoubtedly those of a rich and prosperouspueblo. They are so placed as to command a very extensive view. Theriver valley is cut through a plain, and has precipitous sides abouttwenty-five feet in height. The ruins in question are found partly inthe bottoms and partly on the upper and more sterile plateau. The wallswere made of adobe, and in consequence of their long exposure to theelements are very far gone in ruins; so much so that Mr. Bartlett wasunable to make out the plan. But enough was seen to show that this wasa pueblo much like the structure already described. They properly belongto the Arizona group of ruins. 

We are told they face the cardinal points, and consist of fallen anderect walls. The portions still standing are from fifty to sixty feethigh, or rather were that height in 1851. It is doubtful whether anything more than a mound of adobe mud now marks the spot. The walls werehighest in the center of the mass. At the distance of a few miles was ahill said to be fortified. But the descriptions of it are conflicting. Some represent it as crowned with a stone-built fortress two or threestories high. Others more reasonable, represent it as the site of awatch-tower, or sentry station, and that at regular intervals on theslope of the hill are lines of stone, with heaps of loose stones attheir extremities. Probably the same fate overtook the tribes ofthis valley as did the sedentary tribes of the North. They would notwillingly abandon a place so well suited to their needs. The presence ofan invading foe, cruel and vindictive, alone accounts for this group ofruins. 

In Sinaloa we have no very definite account of ruins. However, Mr. Bandelier says, the existence of ancient villages in that sectionis certain, and that from "Sinaloa there are ample evidences of acontinuous flow Southward. " There are no ruins worth mentioning inany of the other States, excepting Zacatecas, where we find a ruin ofgreat interest. This is at Quemada, in the southern part of the State. The name is taken from that of a farm in the near neighborhood. Theruins are situated on the top of a hill, which is not only naturallystrong, but the approaches to it are fortified. The hill ascends fromthe plain in a gentle slope for several hundred yards, it then risesquite precipitously for about a hundred and fifty feet. The total heightof the hill above the plain is probably not far from eight hundredfeet. 

At all points where the approach to the top of the hill is not steepenough to form a protection of itself, the brow is guarded by wallsof stone. This is especially true of the northern end of the hill. Onepeculiar feature of this place is the traces of ancient roads, which canstill be clearly distinguished crossing each other at various angleson the slope we have mentioned. They can be followed for miles, andare described as being slightly raised and paved with rough stones. Inplaces on the slope, their sides are protected by embankments. 

Considerable speculations have been indulged in as to the purposes forwhich these roads were used. It has been suggested that they were thestreets of an ancient city which must once have existed on the plains;and that the fortified hill, with the ruins on its summit, was thecitadel, the residence of their rulers, and the location of theirtemples. But we think a more reasonable view is that all of the citythat ever stood in that neighborhood was on the hill summit, and thatthese streets were for religious purposes, reminding us in this respectof the graded ways and traces of paved streets sometimes met with in theMississippi Valley. In proof of this view, it is said that many of them, after being followed for a long distance, are found to terminate in aheap of stones, which are evidently the ruins of a regular pyramid. In opposition to both of these views, it has been suggested that thesurrounding plain was low and marshy, and that the object of thesecauseways was to secure a dry passage, which explanation is certainlyvery reasonable. 

Illustration of Quemada. ----------

Of the top of the hill, it may be sufficient to state that it is ofirregular shape, half a mile in length from north to south, and ofvarying width, but on an average one thousand feet wide. The approachto the top of the hill was strongly guarded. Although buildings wereobserved covering the whole top of the hill, yet they were in twoprincipal groups. This cut, though but one of many, will give us verygood ideas of all the ruins. It is seen to be an inclosure. It is ona small scale. It was one hundred and fifty feet square. We noticeterraces on three sides. These terraces are three feet high by twelvewide, and in the center of each side are steps by which to descend tothe square. Each terrace is backed by a wall, portions of which areseen in the engraving. These walls are twenty feet high by eight or ninein thickness. The openings seen in the wall are not properly doors, asthey extend to the top of the wall. 

This court, encompassed by terraces, is a peculiar feature. It isdifferent from any thing we know of, either north or south. Courts, surrounded by buildings located on terraces, are common enough, butall accounts of these ruins say nothing of buildings. We remember theinclosures that surrounded the houses clustered in groups on the RioGila. We think this comes near to being a development of the same idea. The low walls of the former inclosure are here quite pretentious piecesof masonry. In some cases two or more of these inclosed courts arejoined by openings. 

The opening in the wall on the right of the engraving leads into aperfect inclosed square of two hundred feet. In one case a range ofpillars was noticed parallel with the walls, and distant twenty-threefeet. These are supposed to have supported the roof of the portico, andhouses of a rude description might have been ranged along under thisroof, which has since completely vanished. Back of this square, but notvery well shown on the drawing, rises a precipitous hill. A pyramid isplaced in the center of the side towards the hill. It is only nineteenfeet high, but is divided into five stages or stories. 

This pyramid will serve as an example of numerous other pyramidsscattered over the summit of the hill. They are made of stone. Thelargest one, whose dimensions are given, is fifty feet square, andthe same in height. In front of the pyramid, and in the center of thesquare, are the remains of an altar. In view of the altar and pyramid, within the inclosed square, we may suppose this to have been dedicatedto their religion. As if to confirm this belief, is the statement thaton the hill to the back of the pyramid are numerous tiers of seats, either broken in the rock or built of rough stone. The people seated onthem would be conveniently located as regards both sight and hearing ofwhat transpired there. 

From an Indian's point of view, this hill was very strongly fortified. It would be almost impossible for an enemy to capture the settlement onits summit. The surrounding country was probably fertile, and a largebody of Indians could have lodged within the fortified inclosures. Ithas some peculiar features, which have been pointed out. There is now nowater on the hill, but traces of what is supposed to be an aqueduct areobserved, as well as several tanks, and at one place a well. There isnot an appearance of great antiquity about these ruins, and yet nativetraditions are silent in regard to them, and but one of the earlywriters refers to them, and he had not seen them. 

West of the central basin the remains are more numerous than to thenorth, but they are not very striking, and it is scarcely worth ourwhile to stop and examine them. About sixty miles in a south-easterlydirection from Mexico is the modern town of Cholula. This has grown atthe expense of the ancient city of Cholula, grouped around the famouspyramid of that name. This was the Mexican "Tower of Babel. " Thetraditions in regard to it smack so strongly of outside influence thatbut little reliance can be placed on them. They are evidently a mixtureof native traditions and Biblical stories. Like Teotihuacan and Tulla, this is regarded as a relic of Toltec times. This is but another way ofsaying that it is older in time than the majority of ruins. 

At the time of Cortez's march to Mexico Cholula was a very importantplace. In his dispatches he says: "The great city of Cholula is situatedin a plain, and his twenty thousand householders in the body of thecity, besides as many more in the suburbs. " He further states that hehimself counted the towers of more than four hundred "idol temples. "

We must remember that this is a Spanish account, and thereforeexaggerated. Still, after making due allowance for the same, it wouldremain an important aboriginal settlement. We have no reliable data ofthe population at the time of the conquest. From documentary evidenceMr. Bandelier has shown that while Cholula was certainly a populousIndian pueblo, it is a misnomer to call it a city. It was a group of sixdistinct clusters, gathered around a common market. He estimates thatits population may possibly have been thirty thousand. All explorershave mentioned the fertility of the plain in the midst of which thismonument is found. 

But this plain is almost destitute of easily defended positions; whichfact has an important bearing on the purpose for which the great moundwas erected. At a distance it presents all the appearance of a naturalhill. The casual observer would not believe it was entirely the work ofmen. "In close proximity, " says Mr. Bandelier, "the mound presents theappearance of an oblong conical hill, resting on projecting platforms ofunequal length. Overgrown as it is with verdure and partly by trees, andwith a fine paved road leading to the summit, it looks strikingly likea natural hill, along whose slopes the washing of the rains and slideshave laid bare bold bluffs, and into whose bulk clefts and rents haveoccasionally penetrated. "

Illustration of Pyramid of Cholula. ------------

This celebrated mound or pyramid has lately been the subject of a verycareful study by Mr. Bandelier. The illustration we present gives usa very good idea of the present appearance of the mound. The mass isprobably solid throughout, and if there is a natural hill in its center, it must be a very small one. The height of the central higher mass isvery nearly two hundred feet. The present appearance of the summitis entirely due to the Spaniards. At the time of the conquest the summitwas convex; the friars had it leveled in order to plant a cross. Thearea of this upper platform is not far from two-thirds of an acre. It isnow paved and surrounded by a wall. 

In the illustration we detect the appearance of terraces. These arelevel areas, not all of the same height; neither do they extend entirelyaround the mound. In fact, the present appearance indicates threeprojections, or aprons, surrounding and supporting a conical hill, andseparated from each other by wide depressions. This central mound, withits three projections, rests upon a very extensive platform, which wasprobably cross-shaped. This platform seems to have been about twelvefeet high, and covered an area of at least sixty acres. 

The object for which this great pile was erected is a topic that hasexercised the thoughts of many scholars. Some have supposed it was aburial mound. Some years ago, while in constructing a road from Puebloto Mexico, the first terrace or story was slightly dug into, anddisclosed a chamber, which contained two skeletons, two idols, and acollection of pottery. Yet, before deciding it to be a burial mound, itwill be necessary to show the presence of tombs near the center. 

We have referred to the results of Mr. Bandelier's explorations. He madea very thorough study of this great pyramid--more complete than anythat had hitherto been made--and his results should have correspondingweight. He finds that the materials of which the adobe brick is composedare exactly the same as that of the surrounding plain. This does awaywith one old tradition, that the bricks were manufactured at a distance, and brought several leagues to their destination by a long line of men, who handed them along singly from one to another. 

From the manner in which the bricks are laid, and from their variationin size, he concludes that the structure was not all erected at onetime, but that the mound is the accumulation of successive periods oflabor. From this it follows that it was built to serve some purposeof public utility, and not as a token of respect for some individual. Wherever found, these great works show the same evidence of not beingall completed at once. This was true of the North; we shall also find ittrue of the South. Charney noticed the same thing in the house at Tulla. Nothing is more natural than that an Indian community would increasetheir buildings as the tribe increased. 

Mr. Bandelier's final conclusion in regard to the purpose of itserection is one of great interest, but not at all surprising. "If weimagine the plateaus and aprons around it covered with houses, possiblyof large size, like those of Uxmal and Palenque, or on a scaleintermediate between them and the communal dwellings of Pecos and manyother places in New Mexico, we have then, on the mound of Cholula, as it originally was, room for a large aboriginal population. Thestructure, accordingly, presents itself as the base of an artificiallyelevated, and therefore, according to Indian military art, a fortified, pueblo. "

But this does not remove from it the air of mystery. Long-fallen indeedare the communal walls. It was not simply a few years ago that thesepueblo-crowned terraces were reared. The date of its erection is hid inthe dim traditions of the past. The traditions of the Nahua tribes, who came at a far later date, speak of it as even then standing on theplain. Scattered over the plain are other ruins of a somewhat differentnature from the general ruins in the valley. These may be the ruinsof works erected by the same class of people as built the mounds. Especially is this thought to be true of ruins found on the slopes ofneighboring volcanoes. 

To the south-west of Cholula are the ruins of Xochicalco, which, bysome, are pronounced to be the finest in Mexico. There are many pointsof resemblance between this ruin and Tezcocingo. The meaning of the wordis "Hill of Flowers. " The hill is a very regular, conical one, with abase nearly three miles in circumference, and rises to a height abovethe plain of nearly four hundred feet. The hill is considered to beentirely a natural formation; but it probably owes some of its regularappearance to the work of man. Around the base of the hill had been duga wide and deep ditch. When Mr. Taylor visited the place, the sideof this moat had fallen in, in many places, and in some quite filledup--but it was still distinctly visible. The whole surface of thishill was laid off into terraces. 

Five of these terraces, paved with blocks of stone laid in mortar, andsupported by perpendicular walls of the same material, extend, in ovalform, entirely around the whole circumference of the hill, one above theother. From the accumulation of rubbish, these terraces are not easy todetect in all places. Probably, at one time, there was some easy meansof access from one terrace to the other, but they have disappeared--sothat now the explorer has to scramble up intervening slopes of theterraces as best he can. It is probable that defensive works onceprotected these slopes. 

Mr. Mayer says: "At regular intervals, as if to buttress theseterraces, there are remains of bulwarks shaped like the bastions of afortification. " "Defense seems to have been the one object aimedat by the builders. " The top of the hill is leveled off. Some writersrepresent that a wall of stone was run along the edge of the summit butothers think that the whole top of the hill had been excavated, so asto form a sunken area, leaving a parapet along the edge. Thissummit-platform measured two hundred and eighty-five feet by threehundred and twenty-eight feet. Within this area were found severalmounds and heaps of stones. The probabilities are that it was oncethickly covered with ruins. In the center of this sunken area are theremains of the lower story of a pyramid, which the inhabitants in thevicinity affirm to have been once five stories high. 

To judge from the ruins still standing, this must have formed one of themost magnificent works of aboriginal skill with which we are acquainted. This cut gives a general idea of the ruins from the west. We presumethe broken appearance presented by this side is in consequence of theremoval of stones by planters in the vicinity for their own use. Itseems they have used this monument as a stone-quarry. This pyramid, or the first story of it, was nearly square--its dimensions beingsixty-four feet by fifty-eight. 

Illustration of Xochicalco. -----------

The next cut is an enlarged drawing of the north-west corner seen in thefirst drawing. Notice the grotesque ornamentations on it. The ornamentsare not stucco-work, but are sculptured in bas-relief. As one figuresometimes covers parts of two stones, it is plain they must have beensculptured after being put in position. The height of this front isnearly fifteen feet. In the left-hand corner of this sculpture will beperceived the bead of a monstrous beast with open jaws and protrudingtongue. This figure is constantly repeated in various parts of thefacade. Some have supposed it to be a crocodile. The rabbit is anotherfigure that constantly reappears in portions of the wall. 

Illustration of Enlarged View of Ruins at Xochicalco. ----

We can scarcely realize the labor involved in the construction of thispyramid and the terraced slope. Some idea may be formed of the immenselabor with which this building was constructed from measurements made ofseveral of the masses of porphyry that compose it. One stone was nearlyeight feet long by three broad. The one with the rabbit on is five feetby two and a half. When it is recollected that these materials were notfound in the neighborhood, but were brought from a great distance, andborne up a hill more than three hundred feet high, we can not fail tobe struck with the industry, toil, and ingenuity of the builders, especially as the use of beasts of burden was, at the time, unknown inMexico. Nor was this edifice, on the summit, the only portion of thearchitect's labor. Huge rocks were brought to form the walls supportingthe terraces that surrounded the hill, a league in circumference, and the whole of that immense mass was eased in stone. Beyond theseterraces, again, there was still another immense task in the ditch, ofeven greater extent, which had to be dug and regularly embanked. 

Now, what was the object of all this labor? This must have been thecenter of a large settlement. It seems that the surrounding hills--or, at least, some of them--were also terraced. Mr. Taylor says: "On theneighboring hills we could discern traces of more terraced roads ofthe same kind. There must be many miles of them still remaining. " Ina Mexican book we are told "adjoining this hill is another higherone, also covered with terraces of stone-work in the form of steps. Acauseway of large marble flags led to the top, where there are stillsome excavations, and among them a mound of large size. " Mr. Latrobe, from the top of the "Hill of Flowers, " saw that it was the centertowards which converged several roads, which could be traced over theplain. The road he examined was "about eight feet in breadth, composedof large stones tightly wedged together. " It is extremely probable thatin Xochicalco we have another instance of a strongly fortified hill, onthe top of which was their pueblo, arranged around their teocalli, ortemple. 

In our description of this ruin we must not forget to mention somecurious underground chambers, excavated in the hill itself. On thenorthern slope, near the foot, is the entrance to two galleries, one ofwhich terminated at the distance of eighty feet. The second galleryis cut in solid limestone, about nine feet square, and has severalbranches. The floors are paved with brick-shaped blocks of stone. Thewalls are also, in many places, supported by masonry, and both pavement, walls, and ceilings are covered with lime-cement, which retains itspolish, and shows traces, in some parts, of having had originally acoating of red ocher. The principal gallery, after a few turns, finallyterminated, or appeared to, in a large room eighty feet long, in whichtwo pillars were left to support the roof. In one corner of this roomthere was a dome-shaped excavation in the roof, from the apex of which around hole about ten inches in diameter extended vertically upwards. 

The natives say there are still other excavations. We have seen no goodexplanation of the uses of these excavations. The labor in constructingthem must have been very great. In the province of Oaxaca we shall findseveral groups of ruins. In all probability those known and describedare not more numerous than those unknown. The class of ruins representedby Quemada, Tezcocingo, and Xochicalco (that is, a hill stronglyfortified, with traces of a settlement on the summit, mounds, foundations of communal houses, and pyramidal structures) are also tobe found here. At Quiotepec we have very meager accounts of such a ruin. The hill is over two miles in circumference and a thousand feet high. A running stream has rendered one side of the hill very steep andprecipitous, but the other sides are terraced. 

One of the terrace-walls at the summit is about three hundred and twentyfeet long, sixty feet high, and five and a half feet thick. On thesummit of the hill are found great numbers of mounds, foundations ofsmall buildings, as well as ruins of statelier buildings, called by somepalaces, but which were probably regular communal structures; also thepyramid base of a temple. At different points near the summit of thehill are three tanks or reservoirs, one of which is sixty feet long, twenty-four feet wide, and six feet deep, with traces of steps leadingdown into it. 

Still further south, near the center of the state at Monte Alban, is amore extensive group of ruins on the same general plan as the one justdescribed. In this case, from the banks of a stream, there rises a rangeof high hills with precipitous sides. At their summit is an irregularplateau half a mile long by nearly a quarter of a mile wide. M. Charneystates that a portion of this plateau is artificial. He representsthe whole surface as literally covered with blocks of stone--somesculptured--the ruined foundations of buildings, terraces, and so forth. He regards it as one of the most precious remains of aboriginal work, and this is the view of Mr. Bandelier also. It is to be regretted thatwe have not more details of such interesting ruins. We, however, wouldlearn but little new from them. One ruin is spoken of as an immensesquare court, inclosed by four long mounds, having a slight spacebetween them at the ends. It is extremely probable that these moundsonce supported buildings. 

The most celebrated ruin in Oaxaca is Mitla. These are the firstruins we have met that, by their strange architecture and peculiarornamentation, suggest some different race as their builders. Thepresent surroundings are of the gloomiest character. The country isbarren and desert. The valley in which the ruins are located is high andnarrow, but surrounded by bleak hills. The soil is dry and sandy, andalmost devoid of vegetation. The cold winds, blowing almost constantly, sweep before them great clouds of sand. A small stream flows throughthis dreary waste, which, during the rainy season, is a raging torrent. "No birds sing, or flowers bloom, " around these old ruins. Appropriatelyenough, tradition speaks of this as the "Place of Sadness, " or "Dwellingof the Dead. " As to the extent of territory covered by the ruins, wehave not been able to learn further than the general statement that atthe time of the conquest they covered an immense area. 

Illustration of Wall at Mitla. -----------------

Mr. Bandelier found, besides two artificial hills, traces of thirty-ninedistinct edifices, and, as he thinks these are all the buildings thatever stood there, it is manifest that this was not a city in our senseof the word. Two or three of the buildings were constructed of adobe, plastered, and painted red. The others were built of stone. Of theselatter the greater part stands upon the ground, but a few are built uponelevated terraces, composed of stone and earth heaped together andfaced with stone. In one group of four buildings the terraced foundationcontained a basement--in one case, at least--in the form of a cross. Thepurpose of this cellar or basement left in the artificial foundation isunknown. Some think they were used for burial purposes but it is morelikely they were general store-rooms. The arrangement of these buildingswas the same as elsewhere. That is, so placed as to inclose a court. This illustration shows us the method of constructing the walls ofthe building. We notice two distinct parts. The inner part is built ofbroken stones laid in tolerably regular courses in clay. There wasno mortar used. This inner core is much the same sort of work as themasonry in the pueblos of Arizona. A facing was put on over this innercore, which served both for ornament and for strength. This illustrationis a corner of one of these buildings, and gives us in excellent ideaof the peculiar ornamentation employed at Mitla. Mr. Bancroft gives us aclear idea of how this facing was put on: "First, a double tier of verylarge blocks are placed as a base along the surface of the supportingmound, projecting two or three feet from the line of the wall, thestones of the upper tier sloping inward. On this base is erected a kindof framework of large, hewn blocks with perfectly plain, unsculpturedfronts, which divide the surface of the wall into oblong panels ofdifferent dimensions. "

Illustration of Ornamentation at Mitla. ------------

It would, then, seem as if the panels were thickly coated with clay. Into this clay was then driven small, smoothed blocks of wedge-shapedstones, in such a way as to cover them with geometrical ornamentations, which, though not absolutely symmetrical, present a striking andagreeable appearance. Each section of the wall presents a differentpattern, but this difference is so slight that the general effect isharmonious. This mosaic ornamentation is found in some of the innerfacings of the walls as well. In general, however, the walls on theinside were covered with mortar and painted. 

Illustration of Hall at Mitla. -------

Some of the blocks of stone forming the basement, the framework of thepanels, and the lintels of the door are of great size, and the lintelswere in some cases sculptured. One of the largest rooms at Mitla isrepresented in the preceding cut. The peculiar feature about it is therange of columns seen in the drawing. The inner plastering has fallen, exposing the rough wall. The columns are simple stone pillars, havingneither chapter nor base. It is generally supposed that these pillarssupported the roof. As in the pueblo buildings to the north, as well asthe Toltec house at Tulla, the roof was probably formed of the trunks ofsmall-sized trees laid close together and covered with clay and cement. 

We have as yet not seen any thing in these ruins sufficiently strikingto justify the somewhat extravagant assertion made about them. Theornamentation is indeed peculiar and tasteful, but aside from that, wesee no reason to speak of them as magnificent structures. The buildingsare low and narrow; the rooms are small, dark, and illy ventilated. "Light could only have been admitted from one side, and the aperturesfor this purpose were neither lofty nor broad. " Mr. Bandelier fittinglycharacterizes the ruins as the "barbaric effort of a barbarous people. "Those scholars who think we have in Mexico the ruins of a highlycivilized, powerful empire, regard these ruins as in some way set asidefor mourning purposes of the royal family. "According to tradition, "says Mayer, "They were. . . Intended as the places of sepulture for theirprinces. At the death of members of the royal family, their bodies wereentombed in the vaults beneath; and the sovereign and his relativesretired to mourn over the departed scion in the chambers above thesesolemn abodes, screened by dark and silent groves from the public eye. "Another tradition devotes the edifices to a sect of priests, whose dutyit was to live in perfect seclusion, and offer expiatory sacrifices forthe royal dead who reposed in the vaults beneath. 

With all due respect to traditions, we think a much more reasonableexplanation can be given. One reason why Mitla has been regarded as suchan important place, is because it has been assumed that there wereno other ruins like it, especially in Mexico. This, according to Mr. Bandelier, is a mistake. He examined one or two quite similar ruins inthe near vicinity, and at another place he found a group of ruins inevery way worthy of being compared to Mitla, but he was not able toexamine them. So we must either decide there were a number of these"Sepulchral Palaces, " or else adopt some simpler explanation. But stillstronger is the fact, that at the time of the conquest, Mitla was aninhabited pueblo. We have the account of a monk who visited it in 1533. He mentions in particular the ornamentation of the walls, the hugedoorways, and the hall with the pillars. It is extremely probable thatif it was devoted to any such purpose, some mention would have beenmade of it. We think Mr. Bandelier is right when he concludes that thesestructures are communal buildings, but little different from others. 

As for the other ruins in Oaxaca, we will not stop longer to examinethem. At Guingola, in the southern part of the State, was found aruined settlement. The principal ruins were located on the summit ofa fortified hill, which, from a brief description, must have been muchlike those we have already described. 

We will now turn our attention to the Gulf-coast. The whole coast regionabounds in great numbers of ruins. It is in this section, however, thattribes of people belonging to a different family than the Nahua tribes, were living at no very distant time in the past. So it is not doubtedbut that many of these ruined structures, perhaps the majority of them, were the works of their hand. When Cortez landed on the coast, in theneighborhood of Vera Cruz, he was received by the Totonacas. Thesewere a Nahua tribe, but both to the north and south of them were Mayatribes. We will, however, describe the ruins in the present State ofVera Cruz under one head. 

We notice, on the coast, the Gulf of Tampico, into which pours the riverPanuco. From an antiquarian point of view, this is a most interestinglocality. It was here that a feeble remnant of De Soto's disastrousexpedition found a refuge in 1543. And it was here that, at a farearlier period, according to the dim, uncertain light of tradition, theancestors of some of the civilized nations of Mexico made their firstappearance; of this, more hereafter. Certain it is that, commencing atthis river, we find ourselves in a land of ruins. 

It is to be regretted, however, that our information is not definitein regard to them. We are told, in general terms, of a great field ofruins, but in the absence of cuts, can scarcely give a clear descriptionof them. On the northern bank of the Panuco, Mr. Norman found at oneplace the ground "strewn with hewn blocks of stone and fragments ofpottery and obsidian. " They were found over an area of severalsquare miles. Many of the blocks of stone were ornamented withsculpture. They imply the presence, in former times, of some kind ofbuildings. We can not form an opinion as to the number, style, etc. Mr. Norman regards them as the ruins of a great city, the site of which isnow covered with a heavy forest. 

Amongst these ruins are about twenty mounds, both circular and square, from six to twenty-five feet in height. Some authorities think that theMound Builders went by water from near the mouth of the Mississippi tothis region. To such as place any real reliance on this theory, thesemounds are full of interest. But some details of construction would seemto indicate a different people as their builders than those who rearedmounds in the Gulf States of the Mississippi Valley. The main body ofthe mound is earth, but they are faced with hewn blocks of sandstone, eighteen inches square and six inches thick. Although one of the moundsis quite large, covering two acres, yet in but one instance was aterraced arrangement noticed. As a general thing, the facing of stonehad fallen to the ground, and some of the smaller mounds had caved in;showing, perhaps, that they were used as burial mounds. In other casesthe mounds had entirely disappeared, leaving the stone facing on thesurface. This may account for some of the stones scattered over thesurface. A few miles away there is another group of circular mounds. 

Across the river in Vera Cruz, from very slight mention, we gather that, substantially, the same kind of ruins occur. At Chacuaco the ruins aresaid to cover three square leagues--but we have no further account ofthem than that. Small relics of aboriginal art are said to be common, and mention is made of mounds. The antiquities of Vera Cruz are a topicabout which it is very difficult to form correct ideas. It will benoticed that it presents a long stretch of country to the Gulf. The landnear the coast is low, and very unhealthy. About thirty miles from thecoast we strike the slope of the mountains bounding the great interiorplateau. This section is fertile and healthy, and was, evidently, thickly settled in early times. We must remember that it is always ina mountainous section of country that a people make their last standagainst an invading foe. It was in these mountain chains where the Mayatribes made their last stand against the invading Nahua tribes, and eventhis line was pierced through by the Tonacas. 

It is not strange, then, to find abundant evidence of former occupationin all this section of country. One thing in its favor was the numberof easily defended positions. The country is cut up by deep ravines. The early inhabitants used all the land that was at all available foragricultural purposes. On steep slopes they ran terraces to prevent thesoil from washing. In the smaller ravines they located great numbersof water-tanks, from which, in the dry season, they procured water toirrigate their land. Of this section, we are told, "there is hardly afoot of ground in the whole State of Vera Cruz in which, by excavation, either a broken obsidian knife, or a broken piece of pottery, is notfound. The whole country is intersected with parallel lines of stones, which were intended, during the heavy showers of the rainy season, tokeep the earth from washing away. The number of these lines of stonesshows clearly that even the poorest land, which nobody in our day wouldcultivate, was put under requisition by them. "

Illustration of Papantla. ----------------

They no less conclusively show that a considerable body of people hadhere been pressed by foreign invasion into a small, contracted space. Itis useless to attempt a more particular description of these ruins. In the absence of cuts, the description would only prove tiresome. Pyramids, both with and without buildings on their summits, arecomparatively frequent. As they would be noticed where other ruinswould be overlooked, we have some cuts of the more remarkable ones. Thepreceding cut is the pyramid at Papantla. 

The base is ninety feet square, and the pyramid has seven stories, asseen in the engraving. Only the last one contains apartments; with thisexception, the pyramid is solid. Stairways in front lead up to the top. Mr. Mayer says "there is no doubt, from the mass of ruins spread overthe plain, that the city was more than a mile and a half in circuit. "But we have no further description of them. Other localities withpyramids and ruins are known. At Tusapan occurs this ruin, which may betaken as a type of all the pyramids in this region. This was the onlybuilding remaining standing at Tusapan; but, from the ruins lying about, this is not supposed to have been the grandest structure there. 

Illustration of Tusapan. ---------------

This will complete what we have to say of the ruins in territoryoccupied by the Nahua tribes. Other remains of their handiwork we willexamine when we treat of their customs and manners. We will now turn ourattention to the ruins in the territory of the Mayas. As the culture ofthese two people is so similar, we will devote but one chapter to thetwo. Comparison is the great means we have of fixing in the mind pointswe wish to keep. We have to admit that the treatment of the Nahuaruins is not very satisfactory; but it is difficult to obtain accurateinformation in regard to them. We think what resemblance can betraced, is more in the direction of the Pueblo tribes than of the MoundBuilders. The first ruin found in Mexico, Casa Grandes, in Chihuahua, isevidently but another station of Pueblo tribes. 

The fortified hill at Quemada is apparently but a further developmentof the clustering houses with the little inclosures noticed on the Gila. Mounds are, indeed, mentioned in a number of localities, but theyseem to be more nearly related to the terraced foundation of buildingsobserved in Arizona than to the mounds of the Mississippi Valley. Surely as striking a ruin as any is at Mitla, but Mr. Bandelier does nothesitate to compare it with some in the Pueblo country. Now, it is veryunsafe and very unsatisfactory to trace resemblances of this kind, andwe do not assign any especial value to them. But it only shows that, sofar as this method is of use, it points to a closer connection with thePueblo tribes than with the Mound Builders. 

REFERENCES

 (1) Gregory's "History of Mexico, " p. 19. (2) Bancroft's "Native Races, " Vol. II, p. 92. (3) The _Tierra Caliente. _ (4) Ober's "Mexican Resources, " p. 2. (5) "Mexico As It Was, " p. 221. (6) "Six Months in Mexico, " p. 386. (7) Mayer: "Mexico As It Was, " p. 234. (8) Thompson's "Mexico, " p. 144. (9) Bancroft: "Native Races, " Vol. IV, p. 526. (10) "Rambles in Mexico, " p. 140. (11) "Gratacap, in _American Antiquarian, _ October, 1883, p. 310. (12) "Native Races, " Vol. II, pp. 168-173. (13) As to this hill, Mr. Bandelier remarks: "As a salient and striking object, and on account of the freshwater springs, Chapultepec was worshiped, but I find no trace among older authors of any settlement there--still less of a Summer palace-- at the time of the conquest. " "Report of an Archaeological Tour in Mexico, " p. 73. (14) Charney in _North American Review, _ September, 1880, p. 190. (15) "Recollections of Mexico, " p. 140. (16) We have several times remarked that it is not safe to judge prehistoric population by the amount of ruins. "Indians never rebuild on ruins or repair them. " (17) Bancroft: "Native Races, " Vol. IV. , p. 537. (18) Bancroft: "Native Races, " Vol. IV, p. 547. (19) The ceilings in the pueblos of Arizona were often made of poles covered with cement. See Chapter XI. (20) Bancroft's "Native Races, " Vol. IV, p. 550. (21) Bandelier: "Fifth Annual Report Arch. Inst. , " p. 86. (22) Bancroft's "Native Faces, " Vol. IV, p. 610. (23) Bancroft's "Native Races, " Vol. IV, p. 613. (24) "Fifth Annual Report, " p. 86. (25) Bancroft's "Native Races, " Vol. IV, p. 581. These dimensions are different in different accounts, as may be seen by consulting Mr. Bancroft's work. (26) _Lyons's Journal. _ From Mayer's "Mexico As It Was, " p. 243. (27) There is something of a similarity between these ruins and those of the coast tribes of Peru. (28) Another authority states that it is thirty feet square and thirty feet high. Bancroft: "Native Races, " Vol. IV, p. 587, note. (29) As seen in the Drawing. Mr. Lyons states there are seven stories. (30) This was Clavigaro. Mayer's "Mexico As It Was, " p. 245. (31) Thompson's "Recollections of Mexico, " p. 29. (32) "An Archaeological Tour in Mexico, " p. 163. (33) The altitude varies according to the side where the measurement is taken. The average height is about one hundred and seventy feet. (34) To be described hereafter. (35) See Chapter XI. (36) Different explorers give different figures. (37) Taylor's "Anahuac, " p. 184. (38) "Mexico As It Was, " p. 180. (39) Mayer: "Mexico As It Was, " p. 184. (40) This is in strict keeping with what we have seen to be true of their pueblo sites. This is the conclusion of Mr. Bandelier, who discusses this subject in his essay on "Art of War Among the Mexicans. " Peabody Museum Reports, Vol. II, p. 146, note 186. (41) Bancroft: "Native Races, " Vol. IV, p. 419. (42) Bancroft's "Native Races, " 393, note. (43) Bancroft's "Native Races, " Vol. IV, p. 395. (44) Bandelier: "An Archaeological Tour in Mexico, " p. 295. (45) Mayer: "Mexico As It Was, " pp. 251-2. (46) Valentine, in "Proceedings Am. Antiq. Soc. , " Oct. , 1882. (47) Bancroft's "Native Races, " Vol. IV, p. 595. (48) "Smithsonian Report, " 1873, p. 373. 

Chapter XIV. 

THE MAYA TRIBES. 

The geographical location of the Maya tribes--Descriptionof Copan--Statue at Copan--Altars at Copan--Ruins at QuirigaPatinamit--Utatlan--Description of Palenque--The Palace at Palenque--TheTemple of the Three Inscriptions--Temple of the Beau-relief--Temple ofthe Cross--Temple of the Sun--Maler's Temple of the Cross--Significanceof the Palenque crosses--Statue at Palenque--Other ruins in Tobascoand Chiapas--Ruins in Yucatan--Uxmal--The Governor's House--TheNunnery--Room in Nunnery--The sculptured facades--Temple atUxmal--Kabah--Zayi--Labna--Labphak--Chichen-Itza--The Nunnery--TheCastillo--The Gymnasium--M. Le Plongon's researches--The tradition ofthe Three Brothers--Chaac-mol--Antiquity of Chichen. 

In the Central American region of the Western Continent are foundthe ruins of what are pronounced by all scholars to be the highestcivilization, and the most ancient in time, of any in the New World. There it arose, flourished, and tottered to its fall. Its glory haddeparted, its cities were a desolation, before the coming of theSpaniards. The explorer who would visit them finds himself confrontedwith very great difficulties. Their location is in a section of thecountry away from the beaten track of travel. Their sites are overspreadwith the luxuriant vegetation of tropical lands, through which theIndian's machete must carve a passage. The states in which they aresituated are notorious for anarchy and misrule, and the climate is suchthat it is dangerous for those not acclimated to venture thitherduring a large part of the year. So it is not strange that but few havewandered among these ruins, and described them to the world at large. 

Illustration of Map of Central America. -----------

But the accounts thus presented are interesting in the extreme, thoughthey have raised many questions that have thus far defied solution. There is no doubt but what there exist large groups of ruins not yetdescribed, structures and monuments which might, perhaps, throw somelight on a past that now seems hopelessly lost. But the ruins thus fardescribed are so numerous, their similarity is so evident, that we feelwe have but little to hope from such undiscovered ruins. There are, doubtless, richly ornamented facades, grotesquely sculptured statues, and hieroglyphic-covered altars, but they would prove as much of anenigma as those already known. Our only hope is that some fortunatescholar will yet discover a key by whose aid the hieroglyphics nowknown may be read. Then, but not until then, will the darkness that nowenshrouds ancient Maya civilization be dissipated. 

As will be seen from a glance at the map, the most important ruins arein the modern states of Honduras, Guatemala, Chiapas, and especiallyYucatan, the northern portion of this peninsula being literally studdedwith them. The river Usumacinta and its numerous tributaries flowing ina northern direction through Chiapas is regarded as the original homeof the civilization whose ruins we are now to describe. From whence thetribes came that first settled in this valley is as yet an unsettledpoint. We notice that we have here another instance of the influencethat fertile river valleys exert upon tribes settling therein. Thestories told us of the civilization that flourished in primitive timesin the valleys of the Euphrates and the Nile are not more wonderful--theruins perhaps not more impressive--than are the traditions still extant, or the material remains fallen in picturesque ruins, of the civilizationthat once on a time held sway in the Usumacinta Valley. 

One of the most famous groups of ruins in this section of the country isthat of Copan, situated in Honduras, but very near the Guatemala line. This is commonly spoken of as "the oldest city in America, " andhas some evidence to substantiate this claim. Whatever be its relativeantiquity, it is doubtless very old, as it was probably in ruins atthe time of the conquest. There are several facts going to prove thisassertion. When Cortez, in 1524, made his march to Honduras, he passedwithin a few leagues of this place. He makes no mention of it, which hewould have been very apt to do had it been inhabited. Fifty years laterGarcia De Palacio made a report on these ruins to the king of Spain. According to this report, it was then in much the same state asdescribed by modern travelers, and the same mystery surrounded it, showing that it must have been in ruin much longer than the short spaceof time from the conquest to the date of his report. But few travelershave visited Copan, and fewer still have left a good description of it. Mr. Stephens, accompanied by Mr. Catherwood, explored it in 1839, andthis constitutes our main source of information. 

We feel that here is the place to speak a word of caution. In commonwith other writers, we have used the word cities, in speaking of theruins of Maya civilization. In view of the criticisms that have beenfreely expressed by some of the best scholars of American ethnology, asto the generally accepted view of the civilization of the Mexican andCentral American races, it is necessary to be on our guard as to thelanguage employed. In the case of Copan, for instance, all the remainsknown, occur in an irregularly inclosed space of about nine hundredby sixteen hundred feet, while but a portion of such inclosed space iscovered by the ruins themselves. Now it can, of course, be said thatthis space contains simply the remains of public buildings, so tospeak--such as temples, palaces, and others--while the habitations ofthe great body of the common people, poorly built, and located outsideof this area, may have vanished away. But, on the other hand, it mayalso be that in this small area we have the ruins of all the buildingsthat ever stood at Copan. In which case the word city is a misnomer;pueblo would be more appropriate. But looking at them in the simplestlight, we shall find there is still a great deal to excite astonishment. Fragments of the wall originally inclosing the area in which arelocated the temple pyramids and statues, are still to be found. Veryfew particulars have been given of this wall. It was made of blocks ofstone, and seems to have been twenty-five feet thick at the base, butthe height is not given. The northern half of this area is occupied by alarge terrace, somewhat irregular in outline, and impressed Mr. Stephenswith the idea that it had not all been erected at the same time, butadditions had been made from time to time. Instead of describing theruins in full, we will let the illustration speak for itself. Thedimensions of this terrace are, six hundred and twenty-four feetby eight hundred and nine feet. The side fronting on the river wasperpendicular. The other three sides consist of ranges of steps andpyramidal structures. All these steps and pyramidal sides were oncepainted. The general height of the terrace was about seventy feet abovethe surface of the ground. 

Illustration of Ruins of Copan. ---------------

Though Mr. Stephens warns us that this terrace was not as large as thebase of the Pyramid of Ghizeh, still it must have required an immenseamount of work, since careful computations show that over twenty-sixmillion cubic feet of stone were used in its construction. This stonewas brought from the quarries two miles away. We must not forget thatthis work was performed by a people destitute of metallic tools. 

On the terrace were the ruins of four pyramids, one rising to the heightof one hundred and twenty-two feet. The surface of the terrace was notcontinuous. In two places there were court-yards, or sunken areas. Thelarger is ninety by one hundred and forty-four feet, and has a narrowpassage-way leading into it from the north. Whatever buildings that oncestood on this terrace, have vanished away. At one place only, on theterrace, fronting the river, are the remains of small, circular towers, thought to have been watch towers. The whole terrace was thicklyovergrown by trees of a tropical growth. Mr Stephens noticed two immenseCeiba trees growing from the very summit of one of the pyramids. Thisstructure has been called the Temple, and a great many surmises havebeen made as to the scenes once enacted there. If analogous to otherstructures in Central America, this terrace was surmounted withbuildings. They may have been temples or palaces, or they may have beencommunal houses, not unlike those of New Mexico, to the north. 

But of more importance than the ruins of this temple, are the statuesand altars peculiar to this region. Mr. Stephens found fourteen of them. It seems very singular, indeed, to come upon these statues in the depthof a Central American forest, and they give us an idea of the state ofadvancement of these old tribes that nothing else does. They raise manyqueries. Why is it that so many are found here--so few elsewhere? Arethey statues of noted personages, or idols? We are powerless toanswer these questions. These secrets will only be yielded up when thehieroglyphics with which they are covered shall be read. 

The places where these statues are found is seen to the right of themain body of ruins. It will be seen that only one is within the terracearea of the temple. Three others are situated near it, but the majorityare near the southern end of the inclosure. We are not given thedimensions of all, but the smallest one given is eleven feet, eightinches high, by three feet, four inches width and depth; thelargest, thirteen feet high, four feet wide, and three feet deep. Noinconsiderable part of the labor on the statues must have been that ofquarrying the large blocks of stone out of which they were carved, andtransporting them to the place where found. They came from the samequarry as the other stones used in building; and so were transporteda distance of about two miles. Mr. Stephens found, about midway to thequarry, a gigantic block, "which was probably on its way thither, to becarved and set up as an ornament, when the labors of the workmen werearrested. "

Illustration of Copan Statue. ----------------

There is such a similarity in all these statues that a representationof one will suffice. This is the representation of one of the largeststatues. It is seen to be standing on a sort of pedestal. A faceoccupies a central position on the front. Some of the faces have whatmay be a representation of a beard. In all but one, the expression iscalm and peaceful. They were once painted red. Traces of color werestill visible at the time of Mr. Stephens's visit. In all but one thehands are represented as placed back to back on the breast. 

The complicated headdress and the ornaments on the robes utterlydefy description. The sides and back of the statues are covered withhieroglyphics, though now and then a face is introduced. A side viewof another statue shows this feature. All are convinced that we have inthese hieroglyphics an explanation of each statue, but what it is, isyet unknown. Mr. Stephens says: "Of the moral effect of the monumentsthemselves, standing as they do, in the depths of a tropical forest, silent and solemn, strange in design, excellent in sculpture, rich inornament, different from the works of any other people; their uses andpurposes--their whole history--so entirely unknown, with hieroglyphicsexplaining all, but perfectly unintelligible, I shall not pretend toconvey any idea. Often the imagination was pained in gazing at them. Thetone which pervades the ruins is that of deep solemnity. "

In front of most of the statues is what is called an altar, which wouldseem to imply that these monuments are really idols. "The altars, likethe idols, are all of a single block of stone. In general, they are notso richly ornamented, and are more faded and worn, or covered with moss. Some were completely buried, and of others it was difficult to make outmore than the form. All differed in position, and doubtless had somedistinct and peculiar reference to the idols before which they stood. "

Illustration of Statue, Copan. ----------------

These altars are strongly suggestive of sacrificial scenes. The altarbefore the idol found in the court-yard on the terrace of the temple, is one of the most interesting objects found at Copan. It is six feetsquare and four feet high. The top is divided into thirty-six tabletsof hieroglyphics which we may well imagine records some events in thehistory of this mysterious people. Each side has carved on it four humanfigures. They are generally all represented as facing the same way. We give an illustration of the east side. Each individual is sittingcross-legged on a hieroglyphic, and has a ponderous head-dress. 

Illustration of Hieroglyphics, top of Altar. ---------

Mr Stephens found the quadrangle at the south-east corner of the plan tobe thickly strewn with fragments of fine sculpture. Amongst the rest wasa "remarkable portrait. " (Shown later. ) "It is probably the portraitof some king, chieftain, or sage. The mouth is injured, and part of theornament over the wreath that crowns the head. The expression is nobleand severe, and the whole character shows a close imitation of nature. "Colonel Gallindo, who visited Copan in 1835, discovered a vault verynear where the circular towers are located, on the terrace fronting theriver. This vault was five feet wide, ten feet long, and four feet high. It was used for burial purposes. Over fifty vessels of red pottery, containing human bones, were found in it. 

Illustration of Bas-relief, East Site of Altar. ------------

In this hasty sketch we do not feel that we have done justice to Copan. It is, however, all the space we can devote to this interesting ruin. We call special attention to the hieroglyphics on the altar and thestatues. We will find other hieroglyphics at Palenque, and in Yucatan, evidently derived from these. They have been made the subject of veryinteresting study, and we will refer to them again at another page. We also notice especially the fact that we have no ruined buildings atCopan. In this respect it stands almost alone among the Central Americanruins. The distinguishing features, however, are the carved obelisks. They are evidently not the work of rude, people. Mr. Stephens, who wasevery way qualified to judge, declares that some of them "are in everyway equal to the finest Egyptian workmanship, and that with the bestinstruments of modern times, it would be impossible to cut stone moreperfectly. "

Illustration of Portrait, Copan. -------------

A dark mystery hangs over these ruins. Their builders are unknown. Whether we have here some temple sacred to the gods of the Maya pantheonor some palace made resplendent for royal owners, who can tell? Whetherthese are the ruins of the more substantial public buildings of a greatcity, of which all other buildings have vanished--or whether this isthe remains of a prosperous pueblo, whose communal houses crowded theterraces, with sacrificial altars on the lofty pyramids--who knows? Atlong intervals a passing traveler visits them, ponders over their fastdisappearing ruins, and goes his way. The veil drops, the tropicalforest more securely environs them--and thus the years come and go overthe ruins of Copan. 

Nearly north from Copan (see map), about half-way to the coast, on thebank of the river Montagua, is found a small hamlet, by the name ofQuiriga. Mr. Stephens, when traveling in the country in 1840, after manycareful inquiries, heard of ruins near that place. Though not able toexplore them himself, his companion, Mr. Catherwood, did. The resultof this gentleman's exertion makes us acquainted with another group ofruins, in many respects similar to those of Copan, though apparentlymuch farther gone in decay. His visit was a very hurried one; and he wasnot able to clear the moss away from the statues so as to draw them asit should be done. 

We must notice that, though called a city, all the monuments andfragments thus far brought to light are scattered over a space of somethree thousand square feet. No plan has been given. We gather, however, from Stephens's work, that a pyramidal wall inclosed the ruins, as atCopan. No dimensions of this wall are given. Within the inclosure (ifsuch it was) was a terrace. Here, again, dimensions are not given; butwe are told it was about twenty-five feet to the top, and that the stepswere, in some places, still perfect. It was constructed of neatly cutsandstone blocks. No monuments or altars were observed on the terrace, but in close proximity to it were fragments of sculpture. At anotherplace near the wall, Mr. Catherwood mentions eight standing statues, one fallen one, and saw fragments of at least thirteen others. They arerepresented as being very similar to those of Copan, but two or threetimes as high. The hieroglyphics are pronounced identical with thosealready described. 

There are no traditions extant of these ruins. No thorough explorationhas been made. A city may have stood there; but, if so, its name islost, its history unknown. "For centuries it has lain as completelyburied as if covered with the lava of Vesuvius. Every traveler fromYzabel to Guatemala has passed within three hours of it. We ourselveshave done the same; and yet there it lay, like the rock-built city ofEdom, unvisited, unsought, and utterly unknown. "

A large extent of territory in Guatemala and Yucatan is as yet anunknown country, or at least has never been thoroughly explored. Strangestories have flitted here and there of wonders yet to be seen. Thecountry swarms with savages, living in much the same state as they werewhen the Spaniards invaded the country. They have never been conquered, and, in the rugged fastnesses of their land, bid defiance to allattempts to civilize them. From all we can learn, there are numerousgroups of ruins scattered here and there--but of their nature we are, asyet, mostly in the dark. 

We have, indeed, historical notices of a few places; but, as the colorof an object is the same as that of the medium through which it isviewed, we can not help thinking that the glamour of romance, which theearly Spanish writers threw around all their transactions in the NewWorld, has woefully distorted these sketches. This same effect is to benoticed in all the descriptions of the ruins. Where one party sees theruins of imperial cities, another can detect but the ruins of imposingpueblos, with their temples and pyramids. It can be truthfully stated, that this is a land of ruins. Every few leagues, as far as it has beenexplored, are the remains of structures that excite astonishment. 

The meager reports given us raise our curiosity, but fail to satisfy it. Almost all explorers relate stories of the existence of an aboriginalcity. The location of this city shifts from place to place; always, however, in a section of country where no white men are allowedto intrude. The Cure of Santa Cruz, in whom Mr. Stephens expressedconfidence, declared that he had, years before, climbed to the summit ofa lofty sierra, and then "he looked over an immense plain, extending toYucatan and the Gulf of Mexico, and saw, at a great distance, a largecity, spread over a great space, with turrets white and glitteringin the sun. " We are afraid a search for this mythical city would beattended with much the same results as rewards the child's pursuit of agolden treasure at the end of the rainbow. 

As a sample of known ruins, we might cite two in the immediateneighborhood of Quirigua. At the distance of a few leagues, both aboveand below this latter place, are the remains of former settlements. Theaccounts are very brief. Of the ruins below, we are informed that theyconsist of the remains of a quadrilateral pyramid, with traced sides, up which steps lead to the summit platform, where _debris_ of hewn stoneare enveloped in dense vegetation. " Of the ruins located above Quirigua, we are simply told "of a large area covered with aboriginal relics--inthe form of ruined stone structures, vases and idols of burned clay, andmonoliths, buried for the most part in the earth. "

These descriptions will serve as samples of many others, and, thoughthey are interesting in their way, we are afraid they would growtiresome by repetition. We will, therefore, only make mention of one ortwo important points; premising, however, that, beyond a doubt, similar ruins are scattered up and down the river valleys of the entirecountry. 

Two cities of ancient Guatemala especially mentioned by Spanish writersare Utatlan and Patinamit. Here, if we may believe their recitals, werethe capitals of two powerful monarchies. The pictures they draw for usare those of cities of Oriental magnificence. The system of governmentthey describe is that of absolute monarchy, founded on feudalism. Wewill briefly glance at the remains of these "imperial cities. "Their location is seen on the map. The approach to Patinamit is verydifficult, indeed. Situated on a high table-land, it commands an almostboundless view. On every side are immense ravines, and the only wayof entering it was by a narrow passage cut in the side of the ravine, twenty or thirty feet deep, and not wide enough for two horsemen to rideabreast. 

Mr. Stephens mentions coming to a wall of stone, but broken andconfused. The ground beyond was covered with mounds of ruins, and inone place he saw the foundations of two buildings, one of them being onehundred and fifty by fifty feet. He does not give us the area covered bythe ruins, but there is nothing in his description to make us think itvery large in extent. He also quotes for us Fuentes's description ofthis same place, written, however, one hundred and forty years earlier. In this he speaks of the remains of a magnificent building, perfectlysquare, each side measuring one hundred paces, constructed of hewnstones, extremely well put together. In front of the building is a largesquare, on one side of which stand the ruins of a sumptuous palace; andnear to it are the foundations of several houses. He also assertsthat traces of streets could still be seen, and that they were straightand spacious, crossing each other at right angles. Fuentes certainly hadremarkable eyes. He wrote a description of Copan which not only differsfrom all accounts of modern travelers, but also from the still earlierdescription by Garcia De Palacio. 

Patinamit means "The City, " and is represented as the capital city ofthe Cakchiquel "monarchy. " The site of the city was certainly admirablychosen for defense, and we have no doubt but what here was thehead-quarters of a powerful tribe of Indians; but, until scholars havesettled some very disputed points about the civilization of the CentralAmerican nations, we must be cautious in the use of the words monarchyand palaces as applied to these old people or these ruins. 

Thirty-five or forty miles north-eastward from Patinamit we come tothe ruins of the most renowned city in Guatemala at the time of theconquest. This was Utatlan, the Quiche capital, a city which theSpaniards compared to Mexico in magnificence, and which, at the time ofits destruction, was at its zenith of prosperity. The location was verysimilar to that of Patinamit. It also stood on an elevated plateau, withimmense ravines on every side. It was approached only at one point, andguarding this one point of approach was a line of fortifications. Theyconsisted of the remains of stone buildings, probably towers. The stoneswere well cut and laid together. These fortifications were united by aditch. 

Within this line of towers stood a structure, generally regarded as afort, directly guarding the line of approach. Steps led up a pyramidalstructure having three terraces, one over the other. The top wasprotected by a wall of stone, and from the center rose a tower. Beyondthis fort was the ruins of the city. Mr. Stephens describes a large ruinwhich is called The Palace. It is said, in round numbers, to have beeneleven hundred by twenty-two hundred feet. As this area is more thanfifty-five acres in extent, we can see it was not a palace in our senseof the word. The stones of which it was composed have been largelyremoved to build the modern town of Santa Cruz. But the floor couldstill be traced, and some remains of partition walls. The floor wasstill covered with hard cement. 

Adjoining the palace was a large plaza or court-yard, also cemented, inthe center of which was the ruins of a fountain. Another structurestill remaining was a small pyramid, at the top of which was probably atemple, or, at least, a place of sacrifice. No hieroglyphics or statueshave been found here. A few terra-cotta figures have been found, andone small gold image. It would seem from this description that the ruinssimply consist of a few large structures. For aught we know, they mayhave been communal houses. 

Mr. Stephens, however, condenses Fuentes's account, which is trulywonderful. According to him, the center of the city was occupied by theroyal palaces, around which were grouped the houses of the nobles. Theextremities were inhabited by the plebeians. He tells us there weremany sumptuous buildings, the most superb of which was a seminary, wherebetween five and six thousand children were educated at royal expense. The palace was formed of hewn stones of various colors. There were sixprincipal divisions. In one was lodged the king's body-guard, in thesecond the princes and the relatives of the king, and so forth. 

It is not necessary to remind the reader that it is very doubtfulwhether such a state of things ever existed. It is related, forinstance, that the king marched from Utatlan with seventy-two thousandwarriors to repel the attack of Alvarade. This would indicate a totalpopulation of between two and three hundred thousand souls. It seemsto us that a city of that size would not so completely disappear in alittle over three centuries that a careful explorer could find only theruins of a few large buildings. 

We do not feel that we have done near justice to the ruins of Guatemala. As we have before remarked, there are, doubtless, many ruins not yetbrought to light. They are rapidly disappearing, and we do not know thatwe will ever possess a description of them, or understand their realimport. The light of history, indeed, fell on the two groups of ruinslast described. But the Spanish writers were totally unacquainted withIndian society, and may, therefore, have widely erred in applying totheir government terms suited only to European ideas of the sixteenthcentury. And it is not doubted but that their estimate of the populationof the towns, and of the enemies with which they had to contend, were often greatly overdrawn. In short, the remains themselves areremarkable, but every ruined pyramid is not necessarily the remains ofa great very great city, nor every large building in ruins necessarily apalace. 

Going northward out of Guatemala, we pass into the modern state ofChiapas. This is described a country of great natural beauty andfertility. And here it is that we meet with a group of ruins which havebeen an object of great interest to the scientific world. They have beencarefully studied and described, and many theories have been enunciatedas to their builders, their history, and civilization. The place issupposed to have been deserted and in ruins when Cortez landed in thecountry. At any rate, he marched within a few leagues of it, but, as inthe case of Copan, he is silent in regard to it. 

They take their name from the modern town of Palenque, near which theyare located. This town was founded in 1564. It was once a place ofconsiderable importance, but its trade has died away, and now it wouldnot be known were it not for the ruins of a former people located nearit. Though distant from the village only some eight miles, nearlytwo centuries went by before their existence was known. Had they beenvisited and described at the time of the founding of the village, nodoubt much that is now mysterious in regard to them would havebeen cleared away. But for two centuries they were allowed to sleepundisturbed in the depths of the forest, and in that time the elementsplayed sad havoc with the buildings, inscriptions, and ornaments. Whatare left are not sufficient to impart full information. Imagination istoo apt to supply the details, and these ruins, grand in proportion, wonderful in location, enwrapt by dense forests, visited by the stormsof tropical lands, are made to do service in setting forth a picture ofsociety and times which we are afraid has but little real foundation torest upon. 

The ruins of Palenque are the first which awakened attention to theexistence of ancient ruins in America, and, therefore, it may notcome amiss to state more particularly the circumstances of their firstdiscovery. The existence of an aboriginal city in this locality wasentirely unknown; there were no traditions even that it had everexisted. Of course the natives of the modern town of Palenque must haveknown of their existence, but no account of them was published. They aresaid to have been discovered in 1750 by a party of traveling Spaniards. This statement Mr. Stephens doubts. The first account was published in1784. The Spanish authorities finally ordered an exploration. This wasmade under the auspices of Captain Del Rio, who arrived on the ground in1787. His report was locked up in the government archives, and was notmade public until 1822. 

The reception of this report illustrates how little interest is taken inAmerican antiquities. It was scarcely noticed by the _Scientific World. _As Mr. Stephens remarks, "If a like discovery had been made in Italy, Greece, Egypt, or Asia, within the reach of European travel, it wouldhave created an interest not inferior to the discovery of Herculaneum, or Pompeii, or the ruins of Paestum. " But, from some cause, so littlenotice was taken of this report that in 1831 the explorations of ColonelGalindo, whose works we have referred to at Copan, was spoken of as anew discovery. In the meantime another government expedition under thedirection of Captain Dupaix explored these ruins in 1807. Owing tothe wars in Europe and the revolution in Mexico, his report was notpublished until 1835. Mr. Stephens visited the ruins in 1840. Hisaccount, profusely illustrated, was the means of making known to alarge class of readers the wonderful nature of the ruins, not only atPalenque, but in Yucatan as well. 

In this outline we have given an account of the early explorations atPalenque. Private individuals have visited them, and governments haveorganized exploring expeditions, and by both pencil and pen made usfamiliar with them. As to the remains actually in existence, theseaccounts agree fairly well, but we have some perplexing differences asto the area covered by the ruins. Where the early explorers could tracethe ruins of a large city modern travelers can find but a few ruinedstructures, which, however, excite our liveliest interest. One of theearliest accounts speaks of the ruins of over two hundred buildings. Another speaks of them as covering an area of many square miles. Mr. Stephens thinks a few acres would suffice. 

From the researches of M. Charney, it would seem that the ruins arereally scattered over quite an area. His exploration made in 1881, seemsto confirm the older writers. With abundant means at his command, he wasenabled to explore the forest, and he found many ruins which escaped theother observers. According to him, the ruins are scattered over an areaextending about one mile and a quarter from north to south, and aboutone and three-fourths from east to west. Throughout this space, theruined structures were in all respects similar to those previouslydescribed, consisting altogether of what he calls palaces andtemples. 

There seems to be no especial order in the arrangement of the buildings. They are separated by quite an interval, excepting to the south of thepalace, where there are groups of buildings near together. The fact thatsuch careful explorers as Stephens and Waldeck failed to notice theseadditional ruins, gives us a faint idea of the density of the forest. 

Illustration of Plan of Palenque. -------------------

The plan represents the distribution and relative size of the ruins ofwhich we have definite descriptions. Those having no numbers are some ofthe groups that were passed by as of no account. We must understand thatso dense is the forest that not one of these structures is visible fromits neighbors. Where the trees are cut down, as they have been severaltimes, only a few years are necessary for it to regain its formerdensity, and each explorer must begin anew. 

The largest structure, marked one on the plan, is known as the palace. This is only a conjectural name. We have no reason, except its size, tosuppose it the residence of a royal owner. Its base is a pyramid which, Mr. Stephens tells us, is of oblong form, forty feet high, three hundredand ten feet in front and rear, and two hundred and sixty feet on eachside. The pyramid was formerly faced with stone, which has been throwndown by the growth of trees, so that its form is hardly distinguishable. The sides may once have been covered with cement, and perhaps painted. Dupaix, who examined these ruins in 1808, so represents them. Mr. Stephens expressly states that the eastern front was the principalentrance. Mr. Waldeck, however, detected traces of stairways on thenorthern side. M. Charney has settled the point, that the principalentrance was on the northern side. 

The principal bulk of this pyramid seems to have been earth; the facingonly being composed of stone. Mr. Bancroft thinks he has discoveredevidence that there were four or more thick foundation-walls builtfrom the surface of the ground to support the buildings on top of thepyramid; that the space between these walls was subsequently filled withearth, and that sloping embankments, faced with stones, were builtupon the outside. The summit platform of this pyramid supportsthe building, or collection of buildings, known as the palace. Thoughgenerally spoken of as one building, we think we have here the ruins ofa number of buildings. 

Probably the original inhabitants built a continuous structure closeto the edge of the platform, leaving the interior for an open court. Subsequently, as population increased, rather than resort to thelabor necessary to raise a new pyramidal structure, they erected otherbuildings on this court. From the plan, as given by Mr. Stephens, thereseems to have been no less than five such put up, besides the tower. Thus covering the platform with a somewhat confused mass of buildings, and, instead of the large open court, there were left only threenarrow courts, and one somewhat larger--seventy by eighty feet. Thebuilding erected near the edge of the platform, inclosing the court, wassome two hundred and twenty-eight feet on its east and west sides, byone hundred and eighty feet on its north and south sides, and aboutthirty feet high. 

Illustration of General View of Palace. -----------

Our general view, taken from Mr. Stephens's works, represents the ruinedeastern front of this building, surmounting the pyramid. Trees areseen growing all over the ruins. The outer wall is pierced by numerousdoorways which, being somewhat wider than the space that separatesthem, gives to the whole the appearance of a portico with wide piers: noremains of the doors themselves have been discovered. Drilled holes inthe projecting cornice, immediately above the doorway, gave Mr. Stephensthe impression that an immense cotton curtain, perhaps painted in astyle corresponding with the ornaments, had been extended the wholefront, which was raised or lowered, according to the weather. Thelintels of the doors were of wood. They had long since vanished, andthe stones over the doorway fallen down. Of the piers separating thedoorways, only fifteen were found standing, but the crumbling remains ofthe others were readily traced on the ruins. 

Illustration of Bas-relief, Palenque. -----------

Each of the standing piers, and presumably all the others, wasornamented with a bas-relief in stucco. This cut gives us a goodexample of this style of ornamentation. We notice portions of a richlyornamented border. This stucco work consists of human figures in variousattitudes, having a variety of dress, ornaments, and insignia. Thestucco is said to be nearly as hard as the stone itself. Traces ofpaint, with which the figures were once ornamented, were still to beseen. The conjectures in regard to these figures, have been innumerable. Vividly painted, and placed in a conspicuous place on the wall, wemay be very sure they were full of significance to the builders. Threehieroglyphics are placed over the head of each group, but so far, theyare as little understood as the figures themselves. We can imagine theeffect, when the building was still perfect and entire, and all thepiers were thus ornamented. 

Illustration of Cross-section Palace, Palenque. ----

Passing to the top of the pyramid, we find the construction of thebuilding whose outer wall we have been describing, to be substantiallyas follows: Three parallel walls, from two to three feet in thickness, composed of hewn stones, were erected about nine feet apart. At theheight of ten feet, the walls commenced approaching each other; not, however, in an arch, for this was unknown, but in a triangular manner, the stones in each course projecting a little farther out. This cutrepresents a cross-section of the buildings, and shows also the slightcornice. All inequalities in the surface, as here represented, were thenfilled with cement, thus furnishing a smooth surface, which was thenpainted. The two outer walls were plentifully supplied with doorways;the central wall had but few. We are only given the description of one, which may not apply to all. This one, opposite the entrance on theeast side, has a trefoil-shaped arch over the door, thus giving itthis shape. Besides the few doorways, the central wall had numerousdepressions, or niches, some of which served for ventilation, others forthe support of beams, and perhaps others as receptacles for torches oridols. This principle of construction is substantially the same forall the buildings in the interior of the court, and indeed for all thebuildings at Palenque. 

Illustration of Trefoil Arch. -----------------

Passing through the doorway just described, we come into the secondcorridor, and continuing through that, we come to what was once a largecourt; but, as we stated, it was subsequently built over so as toleave only a few courts. The largest one, eighty by seventy feet, isimmediately before us, with a range of steps leading down into it. Oneach side of the stairway is sculptured, on stucco, a row of grim andgigantic figures. The engraving opposite represents the same. "They areadorned with rich headdresses and necklaces, but their attitude isthat of pain and trouble. The design and anatomical proportions of thefigures are faulty, but there is a force of expression about them whichshows the skill and conceptive force of the artist. " From this smallcourt stairways lead to the other buildings situated around it. 

Illustration of Entrance to Principal Court. --------------

Stucco ornaments were plentiful. In one room, rather more richlyornamented than the others, was found a stone tablet, which is the onlyimportant piece of stone sculpture about the palace. We are told it isof hard stone, four feet long by three feet wide, and the sculpture isin bas-relief. It is set in the wall, and around it are the remains ofa rich stucco border. Its significance is unknown. We must notice thesmall medallion, containing a face, suspended by a necklace of pearlsfrom the neck of the principal figure. Mr. Stephens conjectures that itmay represent the sun. Mr. Waldeck gives a drawing of this same subject;but instead of a face, he represents a cross. 

Illustration of Stone Tablet. ---------------

In the general view we see a tower rising up from the mass of ruins. Mr. Stephens speaks of this tower as follows. "This tower is conspicuousby its height and proportions, but an examination in detail is foundunsatisfactory and uninteresting. The base is thirty feet square, and ithas three stories. Entering over a heap of rubbish at the base, we foundwithin another tower distinct from the outer one, and a stone staircase, so narrow that a large man could not ascend it. The staircase terminatedagainst a dead stone ceiling, closing all further passages, thelast step being only six or eight inches from it. For what purpose astaircase was carried up to such a bootless termination we could notconjecture. The whole tower was a substantial stone structure, andin its arrangements and purposes about as incomprehensible as thesculptured tablets. "

At the best we can do, it is hard to give such a description of thisruin that it can be readily understood, so we will present a restorationof it by a German artist, taken, however, from Mr. Bancroft'swork. This is very useful to us, since it conveys an idea of howthe palace looked when it was complete. This view also includes a secondstructure, which we will examine soon. We notice the numerous doorwaysleading into the first corridor, the ornamental pier-like portions ofthe wall separating the doors, and the several buildings on the court;rising over all, the tower, which would have been better if the spirehad been omitted. 

Illustration of Palace, Palenque. -----------

This may have been a real palace. Its rooms may have been thehabitations of royalty, and its corridors may have resounded with thetread of noble personages. M. Charney thinks the palace must have beenthe home of priests, and not kings--in fact, that it was a monastery, where the priests lived who ministered in the neighboring temples. He thinks Palenque was a holy place, a prehistoric Mecca. We must becautious about accepting any theory until scholars are more agreed aboutthe plan of government and society among the Central American tribes. But, whatever it was, many years have passed by since it was deserted. For centuries tropical storms have beat against the stuccoed figures. The court-yards and corridors are overrun with vegetation, and greattrees are growing on the very top of the tower. So complete is the ruinthat it is with difficulty the plan can be made out. The traveler, as hegazes upon it, can scarcely resist letting fancy restore the scene as itwas before the hand of ruin had swept over it. In imagination he beholdsit perfect in its amplitude and rich decoration, and occupied by thestrange people whose portraits and figures may perhaps adorn its walls. 

Illustration of Ruined Temple of the Three Tablets. -----

We must now describe the more important of the remaining structures ofPalenque. Glancing at the plan for a moment, we see to the south-westof the palace a ruin marked 2. This is the site of a pyramidal structureknown as the "Temple of the Three Tablets, " or "Temple of Inscriptions. "The pyramid is not as large in area as the palace, though of a greaterheight. It measures in height one hundred and ten feet on the slope, butwe are not given the other dimensions. All the sides, which were verysteep, seem to have had steps. Trees have grown up all over the pyramidand on the top of the building. This illustration, taken from Mr. Stephens's work, can not fail to impress on us the luxuriant growthof tropical vegetation, and we can also see how such a growth mustaccelerate the ruin. The stone steps leading up the sides of the pyramidhave been thrown down, and such must be in time the fate of the buildingitself. The building on the summit platform does not cover all thearea. It is seventy-six feet front by twenty-five feet deep and aboutthirty-five feet high. 

This small cut is a representation of the same building on a smallscale, but cleared of trees and vines. The roof is seen to consist oftwo parts, sloping at different angles. The lower part was covered withstucco ornaments, which, though too much injured to be drawn, gave theimpression that, when perfect and painted, they must have been richand imposing. The upper slope is of solid masonry. "Along the top was arange of pillars, eighteen inches high and twelve apart, made of smallpieces of stone laid in mortar and covered with stucco, having somewhatthe appearance of a low, open balustrade. "

Illustration of Elevation Temple of the Three Tablets. -------

In this wood-cut the front wall, as in the palace, presents more theappearance of a row of piers than any thing else. Each of the cornerpiers contains on its surface hieroglyphics, each of which containsninety-six squares. The other piers have ornaments of stucco similar tothose we have already examined on the palace. In the building itself wehave the usual three parallel walls. In this case, however, the secondcorridor is divided into three rooms, and there is no opening in thethird wall, unless it be three small openings for air. The central wallis four or five feet thick. The interior is very plain. 

The principal point of interest about the building, from whence the nameis derived, is three tablets of hieroglyphics. One on either side of theprincipal doorway of the middle wall, and the third in the rear wall ofthe middle room. Being so similar to other tablets, it is not necessaryto give separate cuts of them. The similarity to those of Copan isvery great, the differences being in minute points, which only criticalexamination would detect. Mr. Stephens tells us that the Indians callthis building a school. The priests who came to visit him at the ruinscalled it a temple of justice, and said the tablets contained the law. We do not think either are very safe guides to follow. 

At number three on the plan are the ruins of an edifice which is fastdisappearing. The outer wall had already fallen at the time of Mr. Stephens's visit. It stands on the bank of the stream. The pyramidbase is one hundred feet high on the slope. The building on the topis twenty-five feet front by eighteen feet deep. In the inner corridorcould be dimly traced the outlines of a beautiful piece of stucco work. At the time of Waldeck's visit it was still complete, so we are enabledto give a cut of it. 

Illustration of The Beau-Relief. ----------------

We are sure the readers will not fail to notice the many points whichmake this such an exceptionally fine piece of work. In the originaldrawing the grace of the arms and wrists is truly matchless, and thechest muscles are displayed in the most perfect manner. The embroideredgirdle and folded drapery of the figure, as well as the drapery aroundthe leopard's neck, are arranged with taste. The head-dress is notunlike a Roman helmet in front, with the addition of numerous plumes. The sandals of the feet are secured by a cord and rosette, while theornaments on the animal's ankles seem secured by leather straps. Mr. Waldeck, however, who drew this sketch, is supposed to have drawn attimes better than his model. This is generally called the "Temple ofthe Beau-relief. " Mr. Holden, in his able article already referredto, comes to the conclusion that this figure represents the godQuetzalcohuatl, the nature god of the Mayas. 

Illustration of Temple of the Cross. (Smithsonian Institute. )--

Eastward from the palace, and across the creek, are seen on the plan thelocation of two other structures. The one marked is a somewhat famousstructure, which, for reasons that will soon appear, is called the"Temple of the Cross. " The pyramid in this case is one hundred andthirty-four feet on the slope. It, however, stands on a terrace aboutsixty feet on the slope. The forest is so dense that, though otherstructures are but a short distance from it, yet they can not be seen. The last two engravings represent the building and the ground plan. Thisis not a fanciful sketch, but is a restoration, "from such remains andindications that it is impossible to make any thing else out of it. "

Illustration of Plan of Temple. (Smithsonian Institute. )---

"The building is fifty feet front, thirty-one feet deep, and has threedoor-ways. The whole front was covered with stucco ornaments. The twoouter piers contain hieroglyphics. " We notice a new feature about theroof. It is similar to the roof of the temple of the "Three Tablets, "in having two different slopes--the lower one covered with stuccoornaments, but the range of pillars along the roof is here replaced by apeculiar two-storied arrangement nearly sixteen feet high. Mr. Stephenssays: "The long sides of this narrow structure are of open stucco-work, formed into curious and indescribable devices, human figures with legsand arms spreading and apertures between, and the whole was once loadedwith rich and elegant ornaments in stucco relief. Its appearance ata distance must have been that of a high, fanciful lattice. It wasperfectly unique--different from the works of any other peoplewith which we are familiar, and its uses and purposes entirelyincomprehensible. "

It was evidently added to the temple solely for the sake of appearance. One writer believes the roof structures were erected by some peoplethat succeeded the original builders of the temple. The plan of thetemple gives us a clear idea of the arrangement of the inner rooms. Ourprincipal interest centers in the altar, which we notice placed in thecenter of the back room. We give an illustration of a similar altar-formin the temple, at number 5 of the plan. In form it is that of aninclosed chamber, having a roof of its own. The altar in the Temple ofthe Cross was very similar to this. Mr. Stephens's description is asfollows: "The top of the doorway was gorgeous with stuccoed ornaments, and on the piers at each side were stone tablets in bas-relief. Within, the chamber is thirteen feet wide and seven feet deep. "

Illustration of Altar in Temple of the Sun. --(Bureau ofEthnology. )--------------

The room was plain within, and right against the back was the famous"Tablet of the Cross. " This tablet was six feet four inches high, tenfeet eight inches wide, and formed of three stones. The right-hand oneis now in the National Museum in Washington. The central one, thoughtorn from its original place, is still at the ruins. The next cutgives us only the sculptured part of the tablet. On both the right andleft-hand were tablets of hieroglyphics. A long chain of ornaments hungsuspended from the cap of the right-hand figure. The two figures areregarded as priests. The cross is very plainly outlined, and is theregular Latin one. Considerable discussion has arisen as to whatsupports the cross. Dr. Brinton thinks it a serpent. Others think ita human skull. We must also notice the bird on top of the cross. Itis almost impossible to make out the species. The right-hand figure isoffering it something. 

Illustration of Tablet of the Cross. ------------

We must refer to some more tablets found at Palenque before proceedingfurther. At number five of the plan was a temple but little smaller thanthe one just described. There is, however, such a similarity between thebuildings, that it is not necessary to give illustrations. The temple, also, had an inclosed altar; and against the back of that was placedthe tablet which was very similar to the one just described. Thisillustration represents the sculptured portions. On each side weretablets of hieroglyphics. It needs but a glance to show that the priestsare, evidently, the same personages as in the other tablet. 

Illustration of The Sun. -----------------

The one on the left is standing on the back of a human being. The one onthe right is, perhaps, standing on a beast; or, if a human being, heis crushed beneath the weight of the priest. Two other human figuressupport a platform, from which rise two batons crossed like a St. Andrew's cross. These support a mask, from the center of which a hideoushuman face looks out. The Aztecs sometimes represented the sun by such amask, and hence the name "Temple of the Sun. "

In still another temple, situated but a short distance from the others, was discovered a third tablet, which is shown in the cut opposite. Wegive all the tablet, showing the hieroglyphics as well. We must comparethis with the first tablet given. The priests are, evidently, thesame--but, notice, they stand on different sides of the cross. The samepriest is making the offering as in the first, and the same bird is seenon the top of the cross. The priests stand on flowered ornaments. The support of the cross resembles the same thing as in the first butwhether it is a human skull, or a serpent, is hard to tell. The crossitself is not as well outlined. The two arms are floral ornaments. Wemust also notice the two faces seen on the upright part. 

Illustration of Maler's Cross. -----------------

These tablets are all of great interest. That of the cross, the firstone given, has attracted more attention than almost any other in thefield of American antiquities. This is largely owing to the cross. As far as the sacred emblem itself is concerned, we do not think thistablet of more significance than that of the sun. It is well known thatthe cross, as a sacred emblem, had peculiar significance in the ancientreligions of the world. Its use as such has come down to us from timeimmemorial. On the first expedition of the Spaniards, in 1518, to thecoast and islands of Yucatan, they discovered that the cross was of somesignificance to the natives. In the island of Cozumel they found a largecross, to which the natives prayed for rain. 

Mr. Brinton thinks that the source of this veneration of the cross, like the the sacredness of the number four, of which he gives numerousillustrations, is the four cardinal points. From these points blowthe four winds which bring the fertilizing rains, and thus render theearth fruitful; and hence the cross, in so many and widely separatedportions of the earth, is used as the symbol of the life-giving, creative, and fertilizing principle in nature. He thinks this is, perhaps, the significance of these Palenque crosses. It is true we havedifferent forms of the cross; but in ancient sculpture they seem to havebeen of equal importance. 

The results of these inquiries into the hidden meaning of these tabletsare not devoid of interest; but, thus far, but few conclusions of valuehave been obtained. They have been made to do service in support ofsome far-fetched theories. The early Spanish writers on these subjectsconcluded that the crosses found in Central America were positive proofthat St. Thomas had traveled through the country preaching the doctrinesof Christianity. The padres, who came to visit Mr. Stephens at theruins, "at the sight of it, immediately decided that the old inhabitantsof Palenque were Christians, and fixed the age of the buildings in thethird century. "

Wilson finds in the tablets of the cross a strong argument for theexistence of a great Phoenician empire in Central America. This tabletrepresents, he thinks, the sacrifice of a child to Astarte, alsocalled Ashtoreth, the great female deity of the ancient Semitic nationson both sides of the Euphrates, but chiefly of Phoenicia. The originalmeaning of this word was "Queen of Heaven. " Modern scholars do not thinkthese early speculations of the slightest worth. Dr. Charles Rauconcludes that as reasonable a conjecture as any is the supposition thatit represents a sacrifice to the god of rain, made, perhaps, at a timeof drought, apparently influenced to that conclusion by the fact thatthe natives of Cozumel regarded a cross in such a light, and furtherthat a cross represents the moisture-bearing winds. 

E. S. Holden has made a critical study of the hieroglyphics of Copanand Palenque. Though far from complete, most interesting results havebeen obtained. We can not do more than set forth the results of hisinvestigations. He concludes, from a careful study of the tabletsof the cross and of the sun, that in both the left-hand priests arerepresentatives of the god of war, the right-hand priests being inboth representatives of the god of rain and water. In Mexico thesedeities frequently occupied the same temple. He does not state hisconclusions in regard to the central figures in the tablets. Mr. Brintonthinks the central figure in the tablet of the cross is a rebus forthe nature god Quetzalcohuatl. The cross was one of the symbols ofQuetzalcohuatl, as such signifying the four winds of which he was lord. Another of his symbols was a bird. We notice the two symbols present inthe tablet. Mr. Holden also finds that the glyph standing for this godoccurs several times in the tables of hieroglyphics belonging to thisfigure. 

According to these last views, then, the old Palenquians seem to havebeen a very religious people, and Quetzalcohuatl, the god of peace, seems to have been their principal deity, differing in this regard fromMexico, where all honor was paid to the god of war. We are not given anyexplanation of the Temple of the Three Tablets, but the other templeshave to do with the worship of this benign deity. The beautifulstucco-work in the Temple of the Beau-relief, Mr. Holden thinks, alsorepresents him. At the Temples of the Cross, if we be right as to themeaning of the central figure, the priests of the god of war and the godof rain do honor to him. 

Mr. Bandelier makes a statement in regard to the cross which, if itbe accepted, clears away a number of theories. He remarks: "The cross, though frequently used previously to the conquest by the Aborigines ofMexico and Central America as an ornament, was not at all an objectof worship among them. Besides, there is a vast difference betweenthe cross and the crucifix. What has been taken for the latter onsculptures, like the 'Palenque tablet, ' is merely the symbol of the'Newfire, ' or close of a period of fifty-two years. It is the fire drillmore or less ornamented. " According to this view, these interestingtablets have reference to the ceremonies observed by the Mayas at theexpiration of a cycle. 

It now only remains to describe some miscellaneous relics obtained fromPalenque. But few specimens of pottery have been found. One of the earlyexplorers speaks of finding an earthen vessel about a foot in diameter. Waldeck made an exploration in a portion of the palace area, and found agallery containing hewn blocks of stone and earthen cups and vases, withmany little earthen balls of different colors. He also speaks of a finespecimen of terra-cotta. 

The only statues known were found near the Temple of the Cross. Therewere two of them, and they supported a platform before the centraldoorway. One was broken to pieces; the other is here represented. Manywriters point out resemblances between this figure and some Egyptianstatues. 

Illustration of Statue, Palenque. (Smith. Inst. )------

In the village of Palenque, built in the wall of a church, are twostone tablets which once stood on each side of the doorway of the altarcontaining the tablet of the cross. Mr. Stephens was under theimpression that they were originally placed on the altar of the tabletof the sun, and they are so represented in the cut (Illustration ofAltar in the Temple of the Sun. ) earlier. This plate represents theleft-hand figure. The only explanation which we have met is containedin that oft-quoted article by Mr. Holden. He regards it as therepresentation of the Maya god of war. We are warned that the weak partof Mr. Holden's method is his assumption that the mythology of the Mayaswas the same as that of the Aztecs, when the evidence is not strongenough to assert such a fact. 

Illustration of Bas-relief of the left-hand of the Altar of the Cross. (Bureau of Ethnology. )-------------------

We feel that we have been somewhat lengthy in describing the ruins ofPalenque. But it is one of the most important groups of ruins that thiscontinent possesses. The most faithful work on the part of the scholarsof all lands has not as yet succeeded in clearing up the mysteryconnected with it. We can tread the courts of their ancient citadel, clamber up to the ruined temples and altars, and gaze on the unreadhieroglyphics, but, with all our efforts, we know but little of itshistory. There was a time when the forest did not entwine these ruins. Once unknown priests ministered at these altars. But cacique, or king, and priest have alike passed away. The nation, if such it was, hasvanished, and their descendants are probably to be found in the savagetribes of Yucatan to-day. "In the romance of the world's history, "says Mr. Stephens, "nothing ever impressed me more forcibly than thespectacle of this once great and lovely city, overturned, desolate, andlost, discovered by accident, overgrown with trees for miles around, without even a name to distinguish it. Apart from every thing else, itwas a mournful witness to the world's mutation. 

 "'Nations melt From power's high pinnacle, when they have felt The sunshine for awhile, and downward go. '"

The ruins at Palenque have been so well known, that but little attentionhas been given to other ruins in the States of Tobasco and Chiapas; andyet, according to M. Charney, imposing ruins of great extent exist inthe western part of Tobasco. At a place about thirty-five miles fromSan Juan, in a north-westerly direction, he found veritable mountainsof ruins "overgrown with a luxuriant vegetation. " In the absence ofcuts, we can not do more than give a general idea of these ruins. 

He asserts that the whole State of Tobasco, and part of Chiapas, iscovered with ruins. One landed proprietor informed him that, on hisestate, he had counted over three hundred pyramids, all of them coveredwith ruins. In this connection he refers to the assertions of some ofthe early Spanish voyagers, that, when skirting the shores of Tobasco, they "saw on the shore, and far in the interior, a multitude ofstructures, whose white and polished walls glittered in the sun. " On onelarge pyramid, one hundred and fifteen feet high, he found the remainsof a building two hundred and thirty-five feet long. 

This building is named the palace. In this building we met with the typethat we have learned is the prevailing one further south--that is, threeparallel walls, forming two rows of rooms. In general, the rooms arenot well arranged for comfort, according to our opinion; but they were, doubtless, well adapted to the communal mode of life prevalent amongthe Indians. M. Charney seems to have been strongly impressed with thenumber and importance of the ruins in this State; but, strangely enough, others have not mentioned them. He says: "I am daily receivinginformation about the ruins scattered all over the State of Tobasco, hidden in the forests. . . . The imagination fails to realize the vastamount of labor it would involve to explore even a tithe of theseancient sites. These mountains of ruins extend over twelve miles. Westill see the hollows in the ground whence the soil was taken for theconstruction of these pyramids. But they did not consist merely ofclay; bricks, too, entered into their construction, and there werestrengthening walls to make them firmer. These structures are morewonderful than the pyramids and the other works at Teotihuacan, and theyfar surpass the pyramids of Egypt. "

In the neighboring State of Chiapas, we find the location of severalgroups of ruins. At Ocosingo, we have the evident traces of a largesettlement. Mr. Stephens mentions four or five pyramids crowned withbuildings. Immediately beyond these pyramids he came upon an openplateau, which he considered to have been the site of the city proper. It was protected on all sides by the same high terraces, overlooking fora great distance the whole country around, and rendering it impossiblefor an enemy to approach from any quarter without being discovered. "Across this table was a high and narrow causeway, which seemed partlynatural and partly artificial, and at some distance on which was amound, with the foundation of a building that had probably been atower. Beyond this the causeway extended till it joined a range ofmountains. . . . There was no place we had seen which gave us such an ideaof the vastness of the works erected by the aboriginal inhabitants. "

The ruins at Palenque are considered by some to belong to the ancientperiod of Maya architecture; those we are now to examine are regarded asof more modern date. This is at least true with respect to the time oftheir abandonment. Though the efforts of explorers in Yucatan have beenattended with rich results, still few places have been fully described. The country is fairly dotted with sites of aboriginal settlements. Inall probability there are many that are yet unknown. Hidden in tropicaljungles, they are fast falling into meaningless mounds of _debris. _The early Spanish explorers, skirting the coasts of Yucatan, gazed inastonishment at the views they occasionally obtained of pyramids crownedwith temples and imposing buildings. But this gleam of historic lightwas but momentary in duration. It served but to throw a sunset glow overthe doomed tribes and civilization of the Mayas. By the aid of thatdim, uncertain light, we are asked to recognize a form of government andsociety which, under the clearer light of modern researches is seen tobear an equally strong resemblance to institutions more in keeping withthe genius of the New World. 

The few travelers who visit the country are generally content to revisitand describe places already known. This is not strange, considering thedifficulties that have to be overcome. The country swarms with savageIndians, who are jealous of the intrusions of strangers. We have, however, this consolation: those ruins already brought to light showsuch a uniformity of detail, that it is not probable that any newdevelopments are to be expected. The ruins that are already known aresufficient to illustrate all the points of their architecture; andwe can draw from them, doubtless, all that can be drawn from ruins, throwing light on the civil organization of the Mayas of Yucatan. 

Illustration of Plan of Uxmal. --------------------

We can not do better than to describe some of the more important ruins, and then notice wherein others differ. Examining the map, we see thatUxmal is one of the first ruins that would meet us on arriving, inthe country. It is more fully described than any other, though perhapsnot of greater importance than those of some other localities. As atPalenque, while the principal ruins are said to be situated in a smallarea, the whole section abounds in mounds and heaps of _debris, _ and itmay well be said that buildings as imposing as those already describedare concealed in the forest not far removed from the present ruins. Aplat of ground seventeen hundred feet long by twelve hundred feet widewould include the principal structures now known. 

The most imposing single edifice here is that called the Governor'sHouse. The only reason for giving it this name is its size. Being oflarge size, and located on a terraced pyramid, it has received a namewhich may be very inappropriate. We will first notice the pyramid onwhich the building stands. At Palenque the pyramid rises regularly fromthe ground. Here the pyramid is terraced. In order to understand clearlythe arrangement of these various terraces, we introduce this drawing. The base is a somewhat irregular figure, though nearly a square. Anotherpyramid cuts into one corner of the terrace. The first terrace is aboutthree feet high, fifteen feet broad, and five hundred and seventy-fivefeet long. The second terrace is twenty feet high, two hundred and fiftyfeet wide, and five hundred and forty-five feet in length. The thirdterrace, on which the building stands, is nineteen feet high, and itssummit platform is one hundred by three hundred and sixty feet. Theheight of this platform above the general surface is a little over fortyfeet. 

Illustration of Pyramid at Palenque. --------------

The material of which the pyramid is composed, is rough fragments oflimestone, thrown together without order; but the terraces were allfaced with substantial stone work. At the time of Mr. Stephens'svisit the facing of the second terrace was still in a good state ofpreservation. Charney believes the platform was paved with squareblocks. This pyramid was not entirely artificial--they took advantage ofa natural hill, as far as it went. No stairway or other means of ascentto the first terrace is mentioned. From its low height, probably nonewas needed. The second terrace being twenty feet high, some means ofascent was required. This was afforded, as seen in the drawing, byan inclined plane, at the south side one hundred feet broad. From thesecond terrace a grand staircase, one hundred and thirty feet wide, containing thirty-five steps, led up to the summit of the third terrace. 

No buildings or other ornaments are mentioned as having been found onthe lower terrace. The wide promenade of the second one supported somestructures of its own, but they were in too dilapidated a conditionto furnish a clear idea of their original nature, except in oneinstance--that is of the building at A of the drawing. This buildingwas ninety-four feet long, thirty-four feet wide, and about twenty feethigh. 

The roof had fallen in, so that we do not know the arrangement of therooms in the interior. The simplicity of ornaments on the outer wall iscommented on. Instead of the complicated ornaments, so apparent on thebuildings of Yucatan, the only ornament in this case was a simple andelegant line of round columns, standing close together, and encirclingthe whole edifice. At regular intervals on the upper cornice appeared asculptured turtle. From this circumstance, the building was named "TheHouse of Turtles. " No steps lead to the terrace below or to the oneabove. "It stands isolated and alone, seeming to mourn over its owndesolate and ruinous condition. "

At B, along the south end of the terrace, there was a long, low moundof ruins, and arranged along its base was a row of broken columnsabout five feet high and nearly five feet in circumference. Some havesupposed, from this, that columns extended along the entire promenade ofthe second terrace. This would indeed give it a very grand appearance;but there is no foundation for such a view. East of the central stairwayat C, was a low, square inclosure. This contained a standing pillar, nowin a slanting position, as if an effort had been made to throw it over. It was about eight feet above the surface of the ground and five below. The Indians called it a whipping-post. Mr. Stephens thinks it wasconnected with the ceremonial rites of an ancient worship. He found asimilarly shaped stone in connection with other buildings at Uxmal, andat other places in Yucatan. 

Illustration of Two-headed Monument, Uxmal. -------------

Still further east, at D, he found a rude, circular mound of roughstones. On excavating this, he was rewarded by the discovery of adouble-headed monument. It was carved out of a single block of stone. The probabilities are that it was purposely buried when the nativesabandoned Uxmal, to prevent the Spaniards from destroying it. Scatteredabout over this platform were found excavations much like well-madecisterns in shape. As it is something of a mystery where the inhabitantsobtained water, it is a reasonable supposition that these were reallycisterns. Similar excavations were discovered all over the area of theruins. 

Leaving the second terrace, and passing up the ruined stairway, we findourselves on the summit platform of the third terrace, and see before usone of the long, low, richly ornamented buildings of Yucatan. This cutpresents us an end view, but gives us a good idea of the building as awhole. It does not occupy the entire summit; there is a wide promenadeall around it. Its length is three hundred and twenty-two feet; itswidth, thirty-nine feet, and its height twenty-six feet. 

Illustration of End View. ------------

In order to understand clearly the arrangement of the rooms, we willhere give the ground-plan. The two end portions may have been additionsto the original structure. There are, at any rate, reasons for supposingthe small rooms in the two recesses of later construction. We mustnotice that we have here the usual three parallel walls and two rowsof rooms. All the walls are massive, the rear wall especially so. It isnine feet thick throughout, and so are the transverse walls of the tworecesses. Supposing the rear wall might contain rooms, Mr. Stephens madean opening through it. He found it to be solid. 

Illustration of Ground Plan. ------------

Illustration of Cross-section of Uxmal. ----------

The stones facing the walls and rooms are smooth and square, and themass of the masonry consists of rough, irregular fragments of stone andmortar. This cross-section makes this meaning plain. We can but noticewhat an immense amount of useless labor was bestowed on the wallsand ceilings of this building. We gather more the idea of galleriesexcavated in a rocky mass, than of rooms inclosed by walls. The roomsare very plain; no attempt at decoration was observed. In one or twoinstances the remains of a fine coat of plastering was noticed. "Thefloors were of cement, in some places hard, but by long exposure broken, and now crumbling under foot. " The arches supporting the roof are of thesame style as those at Palenque--that is, triangular, --though, in thiscase, the ends of the projecting stones were beveled off so as to forma smooth surface. At Palenque, we remember, the inequalities were filledwith cement. Across the arches were still to be observed beams of wood, the ends buried in the wall at both sides. The supposition is that theyserved to support the arches while building, and afterwards for thesuspension of hammocks. 

There are no openings for light and ventilation, consequently some ofthe rear rooms are both damp and dark. The lintels over each doorwaywere of wood. This was the common and ordinary material employed forlintels in Yucatan, though in one or two instances stone was used. Theyused for this purpose beams of zapote, a wood noted for its strength anddurability. Some inner lintels still remain in place. The one over thecentral doorway of the outer wall was elaborately carved, the otherswere plain. 

The outside of the building is also of interest to us. By a carefulexamination, we notice a cornice just above the doorway. The wall belowthe cornice presents a smooth surface of limestone, no traces of plasteror paint appearing; above the cornice the facade is one solid mass ofrich, complicated, and elaborately sculptured ornaments. This is notstucco work, as at Palenque, but the ornaments are carved on stone. MrStephens tells us, "Every ornament or combination is made up of separatestones, each of which had carved on it part of the subject, and was thenset in its place in the wall. Each stone, by itself, is an unmeaningfractional portion, but placed by the side of others, makes, part of awhole which, without it, would be incomplete. "

It is not possible to give a verbal description of all of the ornaments;we can notice but few. Over each doorway was represented a personapparently seated on a sort of throne, having a lofty head-dress, withenormous plumes of feathers falling symmetrically on each side. Thoughthe figures varied in each case, in general characteristics they werethe same as the one here represented, which was the figure over thecentral doorway of the building. 

Illustration of Figure over the Doorway. ---------

Illustration of Ornament over the Doorway. -------------

Among the most commonly reappearing ornaments at Uxmal, and at otherplaces, is one that has received the name of the "Elephant's Trunk, " andhas given rise to no little discussion. One occurs immediately above thefigure. Part of this ornament is represented in this plate. The centralpart of this figure, which appears as a plain band, is in realitya curved projecting stone, which, when looked at sideways, has theappearance given in this cut. Though requiring a little imagination, the majority of travelers see in this some monster's face. The eyesand teeth are seen in the first engraving. This projecting stone is thenose. 

Illustration of Elephant's Trunk. ---------------

We stand in amazement before this sculptured facade. We must reflectthat its builders were not possessed of metallic tools. It extendsentirely around the building, though the end and rear walls are not aselaborately decorated as the front. A little calculation shows that itcontains over ten thousand square feet of carved stone. The roof of thebuilding was flat. It had been covered with cement. But vegetation hadsomehow acquired a foothold, and the whole is now overgrown with grassand bushes. Such is a brief description of this "casa. " Hastening toruins, it appeals powerfully to the imagination. It is a memorial ofvanished times. We wonder what of the strange people that pressedup these stairs and entered these rooms? For many years it has beenabandoned to the elements. Year by year portions of the ornamentedfacade fall. Though the walls are massive and the roof is strong, itis but a question of time when a low mound of ruins will alone mark itssite. 

Like the palace at Palenque, this structure has given rise toconflicting theories as to its use. While many of the writers on thissubject claim that it was the residence of royalty, there are, on theother hand, those who think it is simply a communal house of villageIndians, or the official house of the tribe. In whatever light we shallultimately view it, it is surely an interesting monument of nativeAmerican culture. The labor necessary to rear the terraced pyramid, eventhough advantage was taken of a natural eminence, must have been great. The building itself, though not of great dimensions, except in length, must have required the labor of a large number of Indians for a longtime. For purposes of defense, the location, from an Indian point ofview, was an excellent one, since with them elevation constitutes theprincipal means of defense. The terraces could be easily ascended frombut one point, where an enemy could be easily resisted. In a generalway, it may be regarded as a representative of Yucatan buildings, and sowe will be able to more rapidly describe the remaining structures. 

Illustration of Plan of Nunnery. -----------------

On the general plan we see, to the north of the structure we have justdescribed, a group of ruins marked "C. " This is regarded as the mostwonderful collection of edifices in Yucatan, and as exhibiting thehighest state of ancient architecture and sculpture in North America. They are known as the "Nunnery, " which we think is a very absurd name. The pyramid on which they stood is also terraced, though on one sideonly. We give a drawing showing the position on the summit platformof the four buildings forming this group. Since we have so many ruinedstructures to describe, we must avoid such details as will provetiresome. We will give in a note the dimensions of these buildings, andof the pyramid, and pass at once to some points of special interest. 

Traces of stairways are mentioned as leading up to the terrace, but noneof the steps remained in place. The southern building is seen to havedoors in both the court and terrace walls, but in this case the middlewall is unbroken. All the rooms of this building are single. In the planit appears divided into two buildings; the opening is, however, but atriangular arched doorway, through which access was had to the court. 

There is no one to dispute our right of way, and so, climbing up theruined stairs, and passing through the deserted gateway, we emergeinto a courtyard, now silent and deserted and overgrown with bushes andgrass. It was once paved and covered with cement, and in the centerare the remains of a stone pillar, similar to that in front of thegovernor's house. When the houses were all occupied this court must havepresented an animated scene. But, now that the buildings are tenantlessand going to ruin, it must impress all beholders with a sense of thechanges wrought by time. 

Illustration of Room in Nunnery. ---------------

It will be noticed that the northern building does not stand in quitethe same direction as the southern one, which detracts from the symmetryof the whole. It stands on a fourth terrace, twenty feet higher thanthe others. A grand, but ruined, staircase leads up the center of theterrace. At each end of this staircase built against the terrace, couldbe distinguished the ruins of a small building. There is one unusualfeature about the ruins in the eastern building. In general, only tworooms open into each other. In this building, however, six roomsform one suite, and, furthermore, all the doorways of this suite aredecorated with sculpture. As this suite of rooms was evidently a placeof interest, we will introduce this illustration, which gives us a goodidea of the appearance of the rooms on the inside. We would do well tocompare this cut with that of the room in Pueblo Bonito (Chapter XI). The arched roof is not a true arch but simply the triangular arch wehave already spoken of. 

Illustration of Facade, Southern Building. -----

The principal attraction about these buildings is the beautiful facadeswhich overlook the court-yard. They are pronounced by all to be thefinest examples of native American art. With one exception, they areneither complicated nor grotesque, but chaste and artistic. As in theGovernor's House, the part below the cornice is plain, but the remainingpart, both front and rear, is covered with sculpture. On entering thecourt-yard from the arched gateway of the southern building, we noticethat its facade is composed of diamond lattice-work and verticalcolumns, while over each doorway is something that resembles a house, with a human figure seated in a doorway. This cut represents but a smallportion of this facade, but it gives us an idea of the whole. 

Illustration of Facade, Eastern Building. ---------

The facade of the eastern building was in the best state of preservationof any. We give a section of this also. The ornaments over the doorway, shown in the cut, consist of three of those mysterious masks, with theprojecting curved stone, already described. "The ornaments over theother doorways are less striking, more simple, and more pleasing. In allof them there is, in the center, a masked face, with the tongue hangingout, surmounted by an elaborate head-dress. Between the horizontal barsis a range of diamond-shaped ornaments, in which the remains of redpaint are still distinctly visible, and at each end of these bars is aserpent's head, with the mouth wide open. " It is necessary to examinethe drawing attentively, to distinguish these features. Some think themasked face represents the sun. 

Illustration of Serpent Facade, Western Building. --------

The western facade is known as the Serpent Facade. It was very much inruins at the time of Mr. Stephens's visit. When entire, it must havebeen of great beauty. Two serpents are trailed along the whole front, and by the interlacing of their bodies divide the surface into squarepanels. In the open mouth of these serpents is sculptured a human head. The panels are filled with ornaments similar in design to those of the"Governor's House, " and among the ornaments of each panel are found oneor more human faces, while full-sized figures are not entirely absent. This cut represents but a small portion of the facade. It gives us, however, an idea of the whole. We notice, over the doorway again, theelephant's trunk ornament. 

The northern building, standing high above the rest, on its own terrace, was doubtless intended to have the grandest front of all. It was, however, in such a ruined state, and the few remaining fragments socomplicated, that no drawings have been given us. Human figures arerepresented in several places; two are apparently playing on musicalinstruments. We recall that at Palenque, the roof of some of the templesbears a curious two-storied work, erected apparently for ornamentalpurposes. The same instinct reappears in this building. At regularintervals along the front they carried the wall above the cornice, forming thirteen turret-like elevations ten feet wide, and seventeenfeet high. These turrets were also loaded with ornaments. Anothercurious feature about this building is, that it was erected over, andcompletely inclosed, a smaller building of an older date. Wherever theouter walls have fallen, the ornamented cornice of the inner building isvisible. 

When we reflect on the patient labor that must have been expended onthis pyramid and these buildings, we are filled with admiration fortheir perseverance and ingenuity. They had neither domestic animalsor metallic tools. The buildings were massively built and richlyornamented. The sculptured portion covers over twenty-four thousandsquare feet. The terraced mound supporting the house contained oversixty thousand cubic yards of materials, though this may not bewholly artificial. To our eyes, as these rooms had neither windows norfire-places, they are not very desirable. But we may be sure that thebuilders considered them as models of their kind. 

Leaving this interesting ruin, we will now visit one of the temples. This is east of the Nunnery, and is marked "D" on the plan. The mound onwhich this building stands is high enough to overlook the entire fieldof ruins. This cut represents the eastern side of the mound, up which aflight of stone steps lead to the building on the summit. There aresome grounds for supposing a grander staircase, supported on triangulararches, led up the western side. 

Illustration of Temple, Uxmal. -------------

The building on the top is not large--only seventy-two feet long, andtwelve feet wide--and consists of but three rooms, none opening intoeach other. The front of the building, though much ruined, presented anelegant and tasteful appearance. There seems to be no doubt that thistemple was the scene of idolatrous worship; perhaps of human sacrifices. In a legal paper which Mr. Stephens saw at Meridia, containing a grantof the lands on which these ruins stand, bearing date 1673, it isexpressly stated that the Indians at that time had idols in theseancient buildings, to which, every day, openly and publicly, they burnedcopal. Nor is there any doubt that this was the continuation of an oldcustom. In the end room of this temple are engraved two circular figureswhich, by some, are considered as proofs of the presence of Phallicworship. 

The buildings we have described will give us a very good idea of thestructures of this ancient city. We have described but a few of them, but we have now only space to make some general observations. We wish topoint out some resemblances to the ruins at Palenque. In both, buildingsthat served as temples were not large, but of small dimensions, andcontained but few rooms. They occupy the summits of high pyramids. Such was probably the building on the summit of the pyramid at "F"(see plan). The buildings on the top of this pyramid, like that justdescribed, had but three rooms. A very large pyramid is seen at "E. " Ourinformation in regard to it is very meager. A square platform was foundon the summit. It is not unreasonable to suppose that this platform wasintended to support a temple. But, before it was erected, the presenceof the Spaniards put an end to all native building. There are, however, no proofs to be advanced in support of this statement; it is a meresuggestion. 

We think the House of the Nuns illustrates the general plan of buildingemployed at both places. That is as follows: They first erected arectangular pyramid or mounds often terraced. Buildings were then putup parallel to the four sides, thus inclosing a court. At Palenque thiscourt, as we have seen, was built over. Besides the House of Nuns, thereare several other instances at Uxmal of courts with buildings on theirsides. Looking at the plan, we see one at "G, " and a still more ruinedone between that and "F. " Such a court, with traces of ruined buildings, also exists between the nunnery and the temple, at "D. " It is notimprobable that groups of low ruins existing to the westward of thestructures described would be found, on examination, to reveal the samearrangements. 

As for the grand terraced pyramid supporting the Governor's House, itmay well be that other buildings would have been added in process oftime, as population increased. It is not necessary to suppose theyerected all the buildings around a court at once. It seems veryreasonable to suppose the northern building of the House of Nuns theoldest. The direction is not quite the same as the others; it standson a higher terrace; and, furthermore, the present exterior walls aresimply built around the older building. It may be, however, that thegreat terraced mound of the Governor's House was intended to support butone building. As there is the best of reason for supposing that Uxmalwas inhabited at the time of the conquest, there is nothing to forbidthe conclusion that the erection of pyramids, temples, and buildings wasstill going on. 

Hieroglyphics, which formed such an interesting feature at Palenque, arehere almost entirely wanting. A few rows occur around the head of thefigure over the principal doorway of the Governor's House. They are ofthe same general character as those already described, but are "morerich, elaborate, and complicated. " As to the probable antiquity of theseruins, we must defer consideration until we become more acquainted withthe ruins of Yucatan. 

The places we have now described will make us acquainted with thegeneral character of the ruins scattered all over Yucatan. We do notfeel as if we would be justified in dwelling at any great length overthe remainder, though one or two important places must be mentioned. Aword as to the frequency with which the ruins occur. We want to repeatthat Yucatan, even to this day, is far from being thoroughly explored. Almost our only source of information is the writings of Mr. Stephens. But he only described a few places. In a trip of thirty-nine mileshe took in a westerly direction from Uxmal he saw no less than sevendifferent groups of ruins. Some of these, though in a very dilapidatedstate, presented points of great interest. When he started he knew ofbut few of those ruins. Some he heard of quite by accident while onhis way, and some he first saw as he journeyed along the road. We mustsuppose the whole country equally well supplied. 

After he had left Uxmal for good, at the village of Nochahab (see map), a little inquiry brought him information of so many ruins that he didnot have time to visit them all. As to the question of use to whichthese buildings were applied, we must either suppose they had an immensenumber of temples and palaces--one or the other every few miles--or elsethey were the residences of the people themselves. And, though it mayseem very strange that an imperfectly developed people should ornamentso profusely and delicately their ordinary places of abode, yet itis difficult to understand why they should rear such an abundance oftemples and palaces. 

At Kabah (see map) Mr. Stephens found a most interesting field of ruins, rivaling Uxmal in extent, if not surpassing it. One group of buildings, arranged much like the House of Nuns, has some interesting featuresabout it. The highest terrace in this case is nearly square, and thebuilding on its summit is nearly the same shape. We have here two rowsof double rooms, separated by a middle wall, very massive, as if two ofthe typical Maya buildings had been placed back to back. The front ofthis building was elaborately ornamented. In all the buildings at Uxmalthe part above the cornice only was ornamented. Here the entire frontwas covered with carved stone. To make room for further ornaments theroof bore an additional appendage, like the second story of the Palenquetemples. This building must have presented a wonderful appearance whenentire. 

Another feature at this place has reference to the pyramid. We arefamiliar with the idea of a terraced mound supporting buildings. In oneof these Kabah structures the buildings are arranged in a different andsuggestive way. That is, the pyramid was terraced off. There were threeranges of buildings, the roof of one range forming a promenade in frontof the other. In another of the Kabah structures was found a woodenlintel, elegantly carved. Mr. Stephens tells us the lines were clear anddistinct, and the cutting, under any test, and without any reference tothe people by whom it was executed, would be considered as indicatinggreat skill and proficiency in the art of carving on wood. At theexpense of a great deal of hard work, he succeeded in getting thislintel out and removed to New York, where it was unfortunately destroyedby fire. 

They worked stone to better advantage at Kabah than at Uxmal. For thefirst time we meet with lintels of stone and a doorway with carvedjambs. The lintels were supported in the center by a pillar. The pillarswere rude and unpolished, but they were not out of proportion, and, infact, were adapted to the lowness of the building. We will only mentionone more structure. This is a lonely arch, of the same form as allthe rest, having a span of fourteen feet. It stands on a ruined mound, disconnected from every other structure, in solitary grandeur. "Darknessrests upon its history, but in that desolation and solitude, among theruins around, it stood like the proud memorial of a Roman triumph. "There was the usual pyramid with a temple. In a plan given of the fieldof ruins seventeen groups are seen, and, without a doubt, many moreexist in the immediate forest. 

Illustration of Arch, Kabah. --------------

M. Charney has of late years made a discovery which conclusively showsthat this was an inhabited place at the time of the conquest. In a roomas ruined as the rest he discovered the stuceo figure of a horse and itsrider. They are formed after the Indian manner by an inexperiencedhand guided by an over-excited imagination. Both figures are easilyrecognized. The horse has on its trappings. We can see the stirrups. Theman wears his cuirass. We all know what astonishment the appearance ofmen on horseback produced among the Indians, and so we are not at a lossto divine the cause which led to the construction of this figure. Wemust remember Mr. Stephens was hurried for time. Portions of this figurewere mutilated, and other portions had been covered over by a layerof stucco, which Charney had to remove before the figure could bedistinctly made out. 

Illustration of Zayi. ------------------

Within a radius of ten miles from Kabah are located no less than sixso-called cities. The general appearance of all is the same--low rangesof buildings on terraced mounds, and ornamented facades. One of theseplaces, by the name of Zayi, is of interest to us, because it gives usa hint as to how these people constructed their buildings. Amongst otherbuildings they found one large terraced mound, with buildings arrangedon it in a very significant manner. There were three ranges ofbuildings, one over the other--the roof of one range on a level with thefoundation of the range above. A grand stair-way led up the mound. Thisfeature is illustrated in the plate opposite. We can imagine what agrand appearance must have been presented by this great terraced mound, when its buildings were all perfect. 

Illustration of Plan of Zayi. (Bureau of Ethnology. )----

The plan of this mound and buildings is shown in the last cut. Ten roomson the north side of the second range presented a curious feature. They were all filled up with a solid mass of stone and mortar, and thisfilling up must have gone on as fast as the walls rose, and thearched ceiling must have closed over a solid mass. A very reasonableexplanation is given of this state of things by Mr. Morgan. Heconsiders that such was the rudeness of mechanical knowledge among thesepeople that the only way they could construct their peculiar arched roofwas to build it over an internal core of masonry. Once put together oversuch a core, and carried up several feet, the down weight of the archwould articulate and hold the mass together. Then the core of masonrywould be cleaned out, and the room was ready for use. If this be true, it follows that these rooms were the last erected. They were not yetcleared out when the operations of the Spaniards put an end to allnative building. We must notice the structures at Zayi are in as ruineda condition as the others--thus strengthening the conviction that theirabandonment was at about the time of the conquest of the peninsula. 

We have not space to follow Mr. Stephens in all his journey. Every fewmiles he came across one of these peculiar structures. A common designis apparent in all; but all are alike enveloped in mystery. At Labnahe found an extensive field of ruins, equal in importance to any inYucatan. The next illustration represents an arched gateway, whichreminds us of that in the "House of Nuns. " Passing through this hefound himself in a ruined court-yard, fronting which were the remains ofbuildings; but this was only one of many groups of ruins, and Labnawas but one of many places visited. At Labphak Mr. Stephens found "thetottering remains of the grandest structure that now rears its ruinedhead in the forests of Yucatan. " This was a terraced mound, faced bybuildings on three sides, leaving an immense stair-way occupying thefourth side. 

Illustration of Gateway at Labna. ----------------

Small interior stair-ways are mentioned in this building, but noparticular description is given of them. At two places sculpturedtablets were found. These tablets are worthy of notice. They were theonly ones Mr. Stephens found, except at Palenque. It will be seen, onthe map, that this ruin is nearer Palenque than any of the places inYucatan yet described. Stucco ornaments, so apparent at the latterplace, were now becoming numerous again. At Uxmal stone for buildingcould be had in the greatest abundance--it was not as plenty here. Thebuilders, apparently, adapted their ornamentation to the material athand; and, while at Palenque they employed stucco in ornament, at Uxmalthey carved stone. 

We must now leave this interesting section of Yucatan, though only a fewplaces have been mentioned. The reader is well aware of the differenceof opinion with which these ruins are viewed. Some of them areunquestionably temples. If we regard the others as palaces and thepublic buildings of great cities, we are at once puzzled to accountfor their great numbers. If we look on the majority of them as communalresidences of the inhabitants, we are amazed at the mass of decorationswith which they are adorned. But our admiration stops there--we areaccustomed to speak of them as stately edifices. This is owing to theirexterior ornaments, and their position on terraced mounds. The housesare often of great length, but not striking in other regards. The rooms, in the majority of cases, are small, low, dark, and ill ventilated. Agreat amount of useless labor was bestowed upon the walls, which wereunnecessarily massive. 

Near the center of the northern part of the peninsula is seen a placemarked Chichen, to which is generally added the word Itza, making theentire name of the place Chichen-Itza. In this case the ancient Mayaname has come down to us with the ruins--Chichen meaning the "mouth ofwells, " having reference to two springs which supplied the place withwater. Itza is the name of a branch of the Maya people. This place is ofinterest to us in several ways. It was, unquestionably, a renowned cityin aboriginal times. Here the Spaniards met with a very severe repulse. As a ruin it attracted the attention of early writers, and it has beenthe subject of antiquarian research in recent times. The description ofthe buildings will not detain us long. They are, evidently, the work ofthe same people as those whose structures we have already described. 

One of the most important buildings is known as the Nunnery, remindingus at once of the collection of buildings of that name at Uxmal. In thiscase, however, the pyramid is represented by a solid mass of masonryone hundred and twelve by one hundred and sixty feet, rising withperpendicular sides to the height of thirty-two feet. This is seen to bea departure from the method of constructing pyramids hitherto described. The proprietor of the estate on whose grounds these ruins are locatedused this mound as a stone-quarry. An excavation of thirty feet revealedno secret chambers. 

The probabilities are that it is solid throughout. A grand staircase, fifty-six feet wide, leads up to the top of this mound. Mr. Stephenstells us that three ranges of buildings occupied the summit, and hisdrawings represent the same. The roof of the one forms a promenade infront of the one above. So each range of buildings rests on a foundationsolid from the ground. Mr. Bancroft describes this mound as having buttwo ranges of buildings on the summit. Of these buildings the secondrange was, seemingly, the most important. Several of its rooms containedniches in the back wall, extending from floor to ceiling. From tracesstill visible, they were once covered with painted ornaments. One of therooms was fifty-seven feet long and nine wide. 

In the rear wall of this room were nine of these niches. "All of thewalls of this room, from the floor to the peak of the arch, had beencovered with painted designs, now wantonly defaced, but the remains ofwhich present colors, in some places, still bright and vivid; and amongthese remains detached portions of human figures continually reappear, well drawn, the heads adorned with plumes of feathers and the handsbearing shields and spears. " To this pile of masonry, at one end, awing had been attached. This building was similar in design to otherbuildings in Yucatan. Theoretically we would expect this wing to be muchlater in time than the buildings on the mound. That it is so, is provenby the fact that in two rooms the internal core of masonry, as describedat Zayi, had not been wholly removed. 

We have noticed in all these structures, the builders first threw up amound or pyramid to support the building. In one of the Chichen edificesthe earth had been excavated from all around it, so as to still presentthe appearance of a mound. Perhaps the most prominent object at thisplace is a stately pyramid, with an imposing building, represented inthe plate opposite. The mound itself is nearly two hundred feet square, and rises to the height of seventy-five feet. On the west and northsides are ruined staircases. 

Illustration of Castillo, Chichen-Itza. --------

On the ground, at the foot of the stairway on the north side, "forming abold, striking, and well conceive commencement to this lofty range, aretwo colossal serpents' heads, ten feet in length, with mouths wide open, and tongues protruding. No doubt they were emblematic of some religiousbelief, and, in the mind of an imaginative people passing between them, to ascend the steps, must have excited feelings of solemn awe. " Thetemple on the summit of this pyramid has some peculiar features aboutit. It is nearly square--forty-three by forty-nine feet--only one doorin each side. In the room within, instead of partition walls supportingarches, were two immense beams, resting on square pillars, andsupporting two arches--the only instance in the ruins of Yucatan of suchuse of beams. 

Illustration of Gymnasium, at Chichen-Itza. --------------

We now wish to speak of one class of ruins which are present at Uxmal, but which we did not describe. They are two parallel walls. On the planof Uxmal they are noticed between the Governor's House and the House ofNuns. This illustration represents this feature. These walls areeach two hundred and seventy-four feet long, thirty feet thick, andtwenty-six feet high. The distance separating them is one hundredand twenty feet. About one hundred feet from the north end, is seen abuilding fronting the open space between the walls. A building stoodin a like position at the south end. In the cut a stone ring is seenprojecting from each side. On the rim and border of these rings weresculptured two serpents, represented below. The general supposition isthat this structure was used in the celebration of public games. Mr. Stephens refers us to the writings of Herrera, an early historian, fora description of a game of ball played at Mexico, where the surroundingsmust have been much the same as is here represented. 

Illustration of Ring. ----------------

Most of the structures in Yucatan have been left in undisturbed quietsince the visit of Mr. Stephens. Five years after his visit, the Indiansrose in revolt, and a large portion of country through which he traveledin perfect safety has, since then, been shunned by cautious travelers. As he says, "For a brief space the stillness that reigned around themwas broken, and they were again left to solitude and silence. " At Uxmal, and some places near the coast, more recent travelers have investigatedthe ruins, wondered over them, and passed on, without materially addingto our knowledge respecting them. In 1873 a French scientists Dr. A. Le Plongon, accompanied by his wife, visited Yucatan for the purpose ofexploring the ruins. They spent a year in Meridia, thoroughly studyingthe customs of the country, and preparing for work. 

Their first field of work was this ancient city, Chichen-Itza. As aresult, he lays before us a picture of life and times not only vastlyremote from us, but surpassing in wonder any thing hitherto presented. In the field of American antiquities we need scarcely be surprised atwhatever conclusions are presented to us. We believe, however, we arenot too harsh in saying that scholars, as a rule, consider Le Plongonas too much carried away by enthusiasm to judge coolly of hisdiscoveries. The most important part of his discoveries seem to havebeen in the buildings in connection with the Gymnasium last described. 

At the time of the Spanish conquest, a very common tradition among thenatives was that, in ancient times, three brothers governed the country. This legend of three rulers in olden times, was not peculiar tothe Mayas, but was found among all the Indian nations of CentralAmerica. In our opinion this last statement at once shows we havehere to deal with a question belonging to mythology and not to history. But M. Le Plongon considers the buildings at Chichen, especially thoseof the Gymnasium, illustrative of the lives of the three brothers, andof the queen of one of them. In brief, he tells us the names of thesethree brothers were, Chaac-mol, Huuncay, and Aac. The first of these, Chaac-mol, means Tiger King. It was he who raised Chichen-Itza tothe height of its glory. M. Le Plongon would have us believe that themerchants of Asia and Africa traded in its marts, and that the wise menof the world came hither to consult with the H-men, whose convent, together with their astronomical laboratory, is still to be seen. Aacwas the younger brother of the three. He conspired against the life ofChaac-mol, and finally killed him. The queen of Chaac-mol then erectedthe buildings around the Gymnasium as his memorial. 

Illustration of Building at end of Gymnasium. ------------

At the south end of the eastern wall Mr. Stephens noticed two ruinedbuildings, an upper and a lower one, of which our next cut is arepresentation. He was struck with the remains of painting, whichentirely covered the walls. He tells us the walls were everywherecovered with designs in painting, representing, in bright and vividcolors, human figures, battles, houses, trees, and scenes of domesticlife. We give, in a plate, detached portions of these figures. We mustunderstand that, in the original, these were beautifully colored. Thecolors used were "green, yellow, red, blue, and reddish brown, the lastbeing invariably the color given to human flesh. "

Illustration of Painted Stucco-work. ----------

M. Le Plongon contends that these paintings represent scenes in thelives of the three brothers and the Queen of Chaac-mol, "in the funeralchamber. " Says he: "The terrible altercation between Aac and Chaac-mol, which had its termination in the murder of the latter by his brother, is represented by large figures three-fourths life size. " And inanother place he tells us: "The scenes of his death is impressivelyportrayed on the walls, which the queen caused to be raised to thememory of her husband, in the two exquisite rooms, the ruins of whichare yet to be seen upon the south end of the east wall of the Gymnasium. The rooms were a shrine where the conjugal love of the queen worshipedthe memory of her departed lover. She adorned the outer walls with hiseffigies, his totem-tiger, and his shield and coat-of-arms between tigerand tiger; whilst on the admirably polished stucco, that covers thestones in the interior of the rooms, she had his deeds--his and her ownlife, in fact--painted in beautiful, life-like designs, superbly drawn, and sweetly colored. "

He tells us further, that Aac, after the commission of his crime, fledto Uxmal for protection, where he built the edifice described as the"Governor's House. " The seated figures over the central door-way (seeIllustration of Figure over Doorway, earlier), he says, represents Aac. In the hieroglyphics around the head he finds the name. Although neitherMr. Stephens nor the other travelers mention any thing of the kind, hesays that, under the feet of this figure, "are to be seen the bodies ofthree figures, two men and one woman, flayed. " Though the figuresare headless, he has no doubt but that they represent Huuncay, Chaae-Mol, and the queen, his wife. We are further told that the ruinedstructure on the second terrace, called the "House of Turtles, " wasAac's private residence. 

Illustration of Queen consulting the H-men. -------

This wonderful story of the lives and adventures of the three brotherswas revealed to the doctor by a careful study of the detached paintingmentioned by Mr. Stephens. One of the paintings which served him sogood a turn is shown in the cut above, which he considers representsthe queen, when a child, consulting one of the wise men as to her futuredestiny. 

Perhaps as interesting a portion of his discoveries as any, is findingsculptured figures of bearded white men on the pillars of the temple, and painted on the walls of Chaac-mol's chambers. He thinks they haveAssyrian features. He also claims to have discovered figures having trueNegro features. 

As to the antiquity of this city he readily figures up nineteen thousandyears; but this did not take him to the beginning. He arrives atthis estimate in this way: To the north-east of the pyramid, we havedescribed, are to be seen rows of small columns, which have excited thecuriosity of all who have seen them. Mr. Stephens represents themin four rows, inclosing a rectangular area. M. Le Plongon says theysurrounded three sides of a terraced pyramid, which once supported themain temple of the city. Mr. Stephens has no suggestions to offer as totheir use. 

Le Plongon claims they were used to measure time, and quotes from oldauthors to the effect, that each stone in them stands for twenty years;and, as there is always just eight stones in a column, each column meansone hundred and sixty years. He counted one hundred and twenty of thesecolumns--and then, as he says: "Got tired of pushing my way throughthe nearly impenetrable thicket, where I could see many more among theshrubs. " From this number he computes nineteen thousand two hundredyears. 

What shall we say to this story that M. Le Plongon brings us of ancientMaya civilization? It is unquestioned that he has expended a greatamount of patient labor in his work, has braved many dangers, and isthoroughly in earnest. He has also spent years in the field, and oughtto be well qualified to judge of the ruins. We believe, however, heis altogether wrong in his conclusions. The keystone of hisdiscoveries--the one on which he relies to prove the accuracy of hismethods--fails him. This was the discovery of the statue of Chaac-molhimself, which is here represented. He claims to have found it as theresult of successfully rendering certain mural tablets in the funeralchamber, but a careful reading of his own account of the affair leavesus under the impression that the "instincts of the archaeologist" had asmuch to do with it as any thing else. 

Illustration of Chaac-mol. -----------------

Be that as it may, he certainly did find this statue buried in theground. He is very positive it is Chaac-mol, claiming to have read thename readily in hieroglyphics on the ear-tablets. He says: "It is not anidol, but a true portrait of a man who has lived an earthly life. I haveseen him represented in battle, in council, and in court receptions. I am well acquainted with his life, and the manner of his death. " Thisstatue was seized by the Mexican Government, and taken to Mexico. Herea curious discovery was made. Another statue similar to this was alreadyin the museum. This latter had been found not far from Mexico. Sincethen, still a third, smaller than the others, but evidently representingthe same personage, has been discovered. In short, it has been shownthat this is an idol, worshiped as well by the Aztecs as by the Mayas, and, instead of being buried, as Le Plongon asserts, five thousand yearsago, we have not much doubt it was buried to prevent its falling in tothe hands of the Spaniards. 

Illustration of Bearded Itza. -------------

As to the antiquity with which Le Plongon would clothe Chichen, if hismethod be right, he has not more than made a beginning. Mr. Stephenscounted three hundred and eighty of these same columns, and tells usthere were many more. We know no good reason for supposing Chichenwas not inhabited at the time of the conquest. The wooden beams andlintels in the temples have not yet decayed, and the masonry had notbeen cleaned out of some of the rooms. On this point we wish to make asuggestion, a mere hint. The pillars that supported the arches in thetemple mentioned some pages back were covered with sculpture. Amongstsome others, but very faintly represented, was the preceding figure of abearded man. May it not be that it represents a Spaniard? We must recallthe stucco figure of the horse and its rider at Kabah. It seems to usa reasonable suggestion that they should carve on the pillars oftheir temples representations of the Spaniards, for the Spaniards weretwenty-five years in gaining a permanent foothold in Yucatan, and duringthat time the Indians would continue to build and ornament as before. 

Illustration of Arizona Ruin. ------------

REFERENCES

 (1) Bancroft: "Native Races, " Vol. V, p. 78. (2) Stephens's "Incidents of Travel in Central America, Chiapas, and Yucatan, " Vol. I, p. 113, _et seq. _ (3) Bancroft's "Native Races, " Vol. IV, p. 95. (4) "Report of Bureau of Ethnology, " Vol. I. Mr. Holden's article. (5) Fourteen years later, these ruins were visited and described by an Austrian traveler, Dr. Scherzer. His account, though much more complete than Mr. Stephens's, has not yet appeared in English. Mr. Bancroft, in "Native Races, " Vol. IV, p. 118, _et seq. , _ gives a _resume_ of all information known as to these ruins. (6) "Central America, " Vol II, p. 122. We are not sure about this inclosure. But Mr. Catherwood mentions a wall, and we are told the ruins are, in all respects, similar to those of Copan. (7) For full information consult Bancroft's "Native Races, " Vol. IV, pp. 115 to 139. (8) "Central America, " Vol. II, pp. 152-3. (9) Brasseur De Bourbourg styles Fuentes's description of Copan "La description menteuse de Fuentes. " Bancroft: "Native Races, " Vol. IV, p. 80, note. (10) Charney, in _North American Review, _ 1881. (11) "Native Races, " Vol. IV, p. 300, _et seq. _ (12) Morgan's "Contribution to N. A. Ethnology, " Vol. IV, p. 268. (13) Bancroft's "Native Races, " Vol. IV, p. 319. (14) Armin: "Das Heute Mexico. " (15) "Native Races, " Vol. IV. (16) Bancroft's "Native Races, " p. 326. (17) Short's "North Americans of Antiquity, " p. 389. (18) Holden, in "First Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. " (19) Brasseur De Bourbourg. (20) "Myths of the New World. " (21) Holden, in "First Annual Report Bureau of Ethnology. " (22) This tablet is named after its discoverer. The building in which it is situated was but a short distance from the others; yet, owing to the density of the forest, neither Waldeck nor Stephens discovered it. A cast of it is now in the National Museum at Washington. (23) Rau, in "Smithsonian Contribution to Knowledge, " Vol. XXII, p. 40. (24) "Myths of the New World, " p. 95. (25) Bancroft's "Native Races, " Vol. V, p. 506. (26) See, also, "American Encyclopedia, " Art. "Cross. " (27) "Conquest of Mexico, " p. 160. (28) "Smithsonian Contribution to Knowledge, " Vol. XXII. (29) Bancroft's "Native Races, " Vol. III, p. 470. (30) "Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, " Vol. I. (31) Mr. Holden uses, as an important link in his arguments, a figure engraved on a chalchiute (a sacred stone). He concludes it to be a representative of Huitzilopochtli, the god of war, or rather the Maya representative of the Mexican god of that name. It is unfortunate that Prof. Valentine gives to this same figure a different significance. In the "Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, " for April, 1884, in a paper on that subject, he concludes it to be a representation of a victorious warrior giving sacrifice to his god. The only persons entitled to speak on such subjects are those thoroughly acquainted with Maya Archaeology. (32) Huitzilopochtli. (33) Tlaloc. (34) Bancroft's "Native Races, " Vol. III, p. 324. (35) While such seem to us to be the results of Mr. Holden's labors, it must not be understood that he vouches for them. They must be regarded as personal views which we express with some mental forebodings. In this matter we must abide by further investigations. (36) Bandelier: "An Archaeological Tour in Mexico, " p. 184. (37) Bancroft's "Native Races, " Vol. IV, p. 345. (38) See Charney, in _North American Review, _ 1881. They wore formerly in a house. (39) Bancroft's "Native Races, " Vol. IV, p. 332. (40) Brinton's "Contribution to North American Ethnology, " Vol. V, p. 36. "Introduction to Study of Manuscript Troano, " by Prof. Thomas. (41) _North American Review, _ February, 1881, p. 187. (42) Bancroft's "Native Races, " p. 287. (43) "Central America, " Vol. II, p. 261. At this time Mr. Stephens had not seen the ruins at Palenque, and those in Yucatan. (44) Pronounced "oosh-mal. " (45) Our principal authority on the ruin's of Yucatan is Mr. Stephens, whose work, "Incidents of Travel in Yucatan, " in two volumes, is all that can be desired. Mr. Bancroft, in "Native Races, " Vol. IV, has gathered together whatever of worth there is in the writings of various explorers. (46) Mr. Stephens thinks they were for the support of the arches, while building. As, however, it is almost certain they constructed this arch over a solid cove of masonry, which they afterwards removed (see "Contributions to N. A. Ethnology, " Vol. IV, p. 262), they could not have been intended for such use. (47) The pyramid is three hundred and fifty feet square at the base and nineteen feet high. The terraces are along the south side. The lowest terrace is three feet high and twenty feet wide. The second is twelve feet high and forty-five feet wide. The third is four feet high and five feet wide. The building on the south side is two hundred and seventy-nine feet long, twenty-eight feet wide, and eighteen feet high. The north one is two hundred and sixty-four feet long, twenty-eight feet wide, and twenty-five feet high. The eastern one, one hundred and fifty-eight feet long, thirty-five feet wide, and twenty-two feet high. The western one, one hundred and seventy-three feet long, thirty-five feet wide, and twenty feet high. (Bancroft's "Native Races, " Vol. IV, p. 174. ) The area of the court is two hundred and fourteen feet by two hundred and fifty-eight feet. It is about two and a half feet lower than the buildings on the eastern, western, and southern sides. There are seventy-six rooms in the four ranges of buildings, and twelve more in the facings of the terrace of the north building, to be described. In size the rooms vary from twenty to thirty feet long by from ten to twelve feet wide. (48) Bancroft: "Native Races, " Vol. IV, p. 179. (49) The dimensions of this mound are as follows: Length of base, two hundred and thirty-five feet; width of base, one hundred and five feet; height, eighty-eight feet. Though diminishing as it rises, it is not exactly pyramidal, but its corners are rounded. It is incased with stone, and is apparently solid from the plain. --Stephens's "Yucatan, " Vol. I, p. 316. (50) See "Proceedings Am. Antiq. Society, " April, 1880, p. 57. (51) _North American Review, _ 1882. (52) "Contributions to North American Ethnology, " Vol. IV, p. 267. (53) Stephens's "Yucatan, " Vol. II, p. 164. (54) Short's "North Americans of Antiquity, " p. 396; Charney: _North American Review, _ October, 1880. (55) "Proceedings Am. Antiq. Society, " Oct. , 1878, p. 73. (56) Learned men of the Mayas. (57) American Antiquarian Society, October 1878. (58) The tigers can be seen on the engraving of the gymnasium. (59) Proceedings American Antiquarian Society, April, 1877, p. 97. (60) Proceedings American Antiquarian Society, April, 1877, p. 101. (61) M. Le Plongon interprets the curved figures issuing from the throat of the wise-man. In the original, different parts of this figure were of different colors. The doctor frankly tells us, that "imagination does the greater part of the work" in his interpretation. (62) "Guided, as I have said, by my interpretations of the mural paintings, bas-reliefs, and other signs, . . . I directed my steps, perhaps inspired by the instincts of the archaeologist, to a dense part of the thicket. " Proceedings Am. Antiq. Society, April, 1877, p. 85. (63) _North American Review, _ October, 1880. And yet there are indications that this is a statue. See Bandelier's "Archaeological Tour in Mexico, " p. 74. (64) Stephens's "Yucatan, " Vol. II, p. 318. 

Chapter XV. 

THE CULTURE OF THE CIVILIZED TRIBES. 

Different views on this question--Reason for the same--Theirarchitecture--Different styles of houses--The communal house--Thetecpan--The teocalli--State of society indicated by thisarchitecture--The gens among the Mexicans--The phratry among theMexicans--The tribe--The powers and duties of the council--The headchiefs of the tribe--The duties of the "Chief-of-men"--The mistakeof the Spaniards--The Confederacy--The idea of property among theMexicans--The ownership of land--Their laws--Enforcement of thelaws--Outline of the growth of the Mexicans in power--Their tributesystem--How collected--Their system of trade--Slight knowledge ofmetallurgy--Religion--Quietzalcohuatl--Huitzilopochtli--Mexicanpriesthood--Human sacrifices--The system of Numeration--The calendarsystem--The calendar stone--Picture writing--Landa alphabet--Historicaloutline. 

A landscape presents varied aspects according to the standpoint fromwhich it is viewed. Here we have a glimpse of hill and dale; therea stretch of running water. But two persons, standing in the sameposition, owing to their different mental temperaments, will view thingsin a different light. Where one, an artist born, is carried away withthe beautiful scenery, another, with a more practical turn of mind, perceives only its adaptability for investments. Education and habitsof life are also very potent factors in determining our views on variousquestions. Scholars of wide and extended learning differ very greatly intheir views of questions deeply affecting human interests. We know howtrue that is of abstruse topics, such as religion and questions of statepolity. It is also true of the entire field of scientific research. Theunknown is a vastly greater domain than the known, and men, after deepand patient research, adopt widely different theories to explain thesame facts. 

It need, therefore, occasion no surprise to learn that there is agreat difference of opinion as to the real state of culture amongthe so-called civilized tribes of Mexico and Central America. We haveincidentally mentioned this difference in describing the ruins and theirprobable purpose. As one of the objects we have in view, and perhaps themost important one, is to learn what we can of the real state of societyamongst the prehistoric people we treat of, it becomes necessary toexamine these different views, and, if we can not decide in our ownminds what to accept as true, we will be prepared to receive additionalevidence that scholars are now bringing forward, and know to how weighthem and compare them with others. 

It has only been within the last few years that we have gained aninsight into the peculiar organization of Indian society. After somecenturies of contact between the various tribes of Indians and whites, their social organization was still unknown. But we are now beginningto understand this, and the important discovery has also been made thatthis same system of government was very widely spread, indeed. Thissubject has, however, been as extensively treated as is necessary inchapter xii, so we need not stop longer. But if, with all the light ofmodern learning, we have only lately gained a clear understanding of thesocial organization of Indian tribes, it need occasion no surprise, nor call for any indignant denial, to affirm that the Spaniards totallymisunderstood the social organization of the tribes with which they camein contact in Mexico. 

We must also take into consideration the political condition of Europeat this time. Feudalism still exercised an influence on men's minds. The Spanish writers, in order to convey to Europeans a knowledge ofthe country and its inhabitants, applied European names and phrases toAmerican Indian (advanced though they were) personages and institutions. But the means employed totally defeated the object sought. Instead ofimparting a clear idea, a very erroneous one was conveyed. 

As an illustration of this abuse of language, we might refer to thecase of Montezuma, which name itself is a corruption of the Mexican word"Motecu-zoma, " meaning literally "my wrathy chief. " Mr. Bandelierand Mr. Morgan have quite clearly shown what his real position was. His title was "chief of men. " He was simply one of the two chiefexecutive officers of the tribe and general of the forces of theconfederacy. His office was strictly elective, and he could be deposedfor misdemeanor. Instead of giving him his proper title, and explainingits meaning, the Spaniards bestowed on him the title of king, which wassoon enlarged to that of emperor, European words, it will be observed, which convey an altogether wrong idea of Mexican society. Many suchillustrations could be given. 

The literature that has grown up about this subject is very voluminous, but the authors not being acquainted with the organization of Indiansociety, have not been able to write understandingly about them. We donot flatter ourselves that we have now solved all the difficulties ofthe case. But since Mr. Morgan has succeeded in throwing such a flood oflight on the constitution of ancient society, and especially of Indiansociety, and Mr. Bandelier has given us the results of his carefulinvestigation of the culture of the Mexicans, we feel that a foundationhas been laid for a correct understanding of this vexed problem. 

We will now examine their architecture, or style of building. In dealingwith prehistoric people, we have several times referred to the tribalstate of government, involving village life and communism in living. Wehave seen how this principle enabled us to understand the condition ofEurope during the Neolithic Age. In still another place we have usedthis principle to show the connection of the Pueblo Indians and othertribes of the United States. Now we think this is the key which is toexplain many of the ruins we have described in the preceding chapter. But another principle to be borne in mind, is that of defense. War, we have seen, is really the normal state of things amongst tribalcommunities. Therefore, either some position naturally strong must beselected as a village site, or the houses themselves must be fortified, after the fashion of Indians. This will be found to explain manypeculiarities in their method of construction. 

Amongst the pueblo structures of to-day, and among the ruins of thecliff-dwellers, we have seen how compact every thing was. The estufa, orplace of council and worship, was built in close proximity to the otherbuilding, and sometimes it formed part of it, and we do not learn thatthere was any thing distinguishing about the apartments of the chief. Further South a change is noticed. A specialization of structures, ifwe may use such an expression, has taken place, and, among the Mexicans, three kinds of houses were distinguished. It is extremely probable thesame classification could be made elsewhere. There was, first of all, the ordinary dwelling houses. Every vestige of aboriginal buildings inthe pueblos of Mexico has long since disappeared, and our knowledgeof these structures can only be gathered from the somewhat confusedaccounts of the early writers. 

Many, perhaps most, of the houses had a terraced, pyramidal foundation. Some were constructed on three sides of a court, like those on theRio Chaco, in New Mexico. Others probably surrounded an open court, orquadrangle. The houses were of one and two stories in height. When twostories, the upper one receded from the first, probably in the terracedform. As serving to connect them with the more ornamental structures inYucatan, we are told they were sometimes "adorned with elegant cornicesand stucco designs of flowers and animals, which were often paintedwith brilliant colors. Prominent among these figures was the coilingserpent. " After pointing out, by many citations, that the evidencealways was that these houses were occupied by many families, Mr. Morganconcludes, "They were evidently joint tenement-houses of the aboriginalAmerican model, each occupied by a number of families ranging from fiveand ten to one hundred, and perhaps, in some cases, two hundred familiesin a house. "

We can discern this kind of dwelling-house in many of the descriptionswe have given of the ruins in the preceding chapter. M. Charneyevidently found them at Tulla and Teotihuacan. Mr. Bandelier concludesthat similar ruins once crowded the terraces at Cholula, and that tothis class belongs the ruins at Mitla. The Palace, at Palenque, isevidently but another instance, as well as the House of Nuns, at Uxmal. In fact, with our present knowledge of the pueblos of Arizona, and thepurposes which they subserved, as well as the uses made of such housesby the Mexicans, we are no longer justified in bestowing upon thestructures in Yucatan the name of palaces. 

The mistake was excusable among the Spaniards. They were totallyignorant of the mode of life indicated by these joint tenement-houses. When they found one of these large structures, capable of accommodatingseveral hundred occupants, with its inner court, terraced foundation, and ornamented by stucco work, or sculpture, it was extremely naturalthat they should call it a palace, and cast about for some titled owner. 

A second class of houses includes public buildings. The Mexicans, whenat the height of their power, required buildings for public use, andthis was doubtless true of the people who inhabited Uxmal and Palenque. The most important house was the tecpan, the official house of thetribe, the council house proper. This was the official residence of the"chief of men" and his assistants, such as runners. This was the placeof meeting of the council of chiefs. It was here that the hospitalityof the Pueblo was exercised. Official visitors from other tribes andtraders from a distance were provided with accommodations here. WhenCortez and his followers entered Mexico they were provided for at thetecpan. We would not expect to find these public buildings, except inrich and prosperous pueblos. It has been suggested that the Governor'sHouse at Uxmal was the official house of that settlement. The largehalls, suitable for council purposes, favor this idea. 

A third class of buildings was the teocalli, or "House of God"--inother words, the temple. These were quite common. Each of the gens thatcomposed the Mexican tribe had its own particular medicine lodge ortemple. This was doubtless true of each and every tribe of sedentaryIndians in the territory we are describing. "The larger temples wereusually built upon pyramidal parallelograms, square or oblong, andconsisted of a series of superimposed terraces with perpendicular orsloping sides. " It is not necessary to dwell longer on this style ofbuildings. We have only to recall the temples of the Sun, of the Cross, and of the Beau-relief at Palenque; the House of the Dwarf at Uxmal, and the Citadel at Chichen-Itza, to gather a clear idea of theirconstruction. 

The architecture of a people is a very good exponent of their culture. Yet all have seen what different views are held as to the culture of thetribes we are considering. We have, perhaps, said all that is requiredon this part of the subject, yet even repetition is pardonable if itenables us to more clearly understand our subject. The ornamentation onthe ruins of Yucatan is so peculiar that in our opinion it has undulyinfluenced the judgment of explorers in this matter. They lose sightof the fact that the apartments of the houses are small, dark, and illyventilated. 

That they should hive gone to the trouble of so profusely decoratingtheir usual places of abode is, indeed, somewhat singular. But Mitlawas certainly an inhabited pueblo at the time of the Spanish conquest, and there is no good reason for concluding it was ever any thing morethan a group of communal buildings. Yet, from the description given ofit, we can not see that the buildings are greatly inferior in decorationto the structures in Yucatan. And yet again, from the imperfect accountswe have of the aboriginal structures in the pueblo of Mexico, we inferthey were constructed on the general plan of communal buildings. As forthe decorations, we have seen they had sometimes elaborate cornices, andwere covered with stucco designs of animals and flowers. In this casesome of them were, to be sure, public buildings for tribal purposes, but the majority of them were certainly communal residences. Withthese facts before us, we can not do otherwise than conclude that theseso-called ruins of great cities we have described are simply the ruinsof pueblos, consisting of communal houses, temples, and, in the caseof large and powerful tribes, official houses. To this conclusion webelieve American scholars are tending more and more. 

This requires us to dismiss the idea that the majority of the peoplelived in houses of a poorer construction, which have since disappeared, leaving the ruins of the houses of the nobles. There was no such classdivision of the people as this would signify. These ruins were housesoccupied by the people in common. With this understanding, a questioningof the ruins can not fail to give us some useful hints. We are struckwith their ingenuity as builders. They made use of the best materialat hand. In Arizona the dry climate permits of the use of adobe bricks, which were employed, though stone was also used. Further south thepouring tropical rains would soon bring down in ruins adobe structuresand so stone alone is used. 

In the Arizona pueblo we have a great fortress-built house, three andfour stories high, and no mode of access to the lower story. This isin strict accord with Indian principles of defense, which consists inelevated positions. Sometimes this elevated position was a natural hill, as at Quemada, Tezcocingo, and Xochicalco. Where no hill was at handthey formed a terraced pyramidal foundation, as at Copan, Palenque, andUxmal. In the highest forms of this architecture this elevation is facedwith stone, or even composed throughout of stone, as in the case of theHouse of Nuns at Chichen-Itza. In the construction of houses progressseems to have taken place in two directions. The rooms increased insize. In some of the oldest pueblo structures in Arizona the rooms weremore like a cluster of cells than any thing else. 

They grow larger towards the South. In the house at Teotihuacan M. Charney found a room twenty-seven feet wide by forty-one feet long. Twoof the rooms in the Governor's House at Uxmal are sixty feet long. Butthe buildings themselves diminish in size. In Mexico the majority of thehouses were but one story high, and but very few more than two stories. In Yucatan but few instances are recorded of houses two stories high. We must remember that throughout the entire territory we are consideringthe tribes had no domestic animals, their agriculture was in a rudestate, and they were practically destitute of metals. They couldhave been no farther advanced on the road to civilization than were thevarious tribes of Europe during the Bronze Age. Remembering this, we cannot fail to be impressed with the ingenuity, patient toil, and artistictaste they displayed in the construction and decoration of theiredifices. 

It may seem somewhat singular that we should treat of their architecturebefore we do of their system of government, but we were alreadyacquainted with the ruins of the former. When we turn to the latterwe find ourselves involved in very great difficulties. The descriptiongiven of Mexican society by the majority of writers on these topicsrepresent it as that of a powerful monarchy. The historian Prescott, in his charming work draws a picture that would not suffer bycomparison with the despotic magnificence of Oriental lands. At a laterdate Mr. Bancroft, supporting himself by an appeal to a formidable listof authorities, regilds the scene. But protests against such viewsare not wanting. Robertson, in his history, though bowing to the weightof authority can not forbear expressing his conviction that there hadbeen some exaggeration in the splendid description of their governmentand manners. Wilson, more skeptical, and bolder, utterly repudiatesthe old accounts, and refuses to believe the Aztecs were any thing morethan savages. 

With such divergent and conflicting views, we at once perceive thenecessity of carefully scanning all the accounts given, and make themconform, if possible, to what is known of Indian institutions andmanners. The Mexicans are but one of several tribes that are thesubjects of our research; but their institutions are better known thanthe others, and, in a general way, whatever is true of them will betrue of the rest. We have seen the efforts of the Spanish explorers toexplain whatever they found new or strange in America by Spanish words, and the results of such procedure. We are at full liberty to rejecttheir conclusions and start anew. 

What the Spaniards found around the lakes of Mexico was a union orconfederacy of three tribes. Very late investigations by Mr. Bandelierhave established the presence of the usual subdivisions of the tribes. So we have here a complete organization according to the terms ofancient society: that is, the gens, phratry, tribe, and confederacyof tribes. It is necessary that we spend some time with each of thesesubdivisions before we can understand the condition of society amongthe Mexicans, and, in all probability, the society among all of thecivilized nations of Central America. 

We will begin with the gens, or the lowest division of the tribe. Wemust understand its organization before we can understand that of atribe, and we must master the tribal organization before attemptingto learn the workings of the confederacy. To neglect this order, andcommence at the top of the series, is to make the same mistake thatthe older writers did in their studies into this culture. A gens hascertain rights, duties, and privileges which belong to the whole gens, and we will consider some of the more important in their proper place. We must understand by a gens a collection of persons who are consideredto be all related to each other. An Indian could not, of his own will, transfer himself from one gens to another. He remained a member of thegens into which he was born. He might, by a formal act of adoption, become a member of another gens; or he might, in certain contingencies, lose his connection with a gens and become an outcast. There is no suchthing as privileged classes in a gens. All its members stand on an equalfooting. The council of the gens is the supreme ruling power in thegens. Among some of the northern tribes, all the members in the gens, both male and female, had a voice in this council. In the Mexican gens, the council itself was more restricted. The old men, medicine men, anddistinguished men met in council--but even here, on important occasions, the whole gens met in council. 

Each gens would, of course, elect its own officers. They could removethem from office as well, whenever occasion required. The Mexican genteselected two officers. One of these corresponded to the sachem amongnorthern tribes. His residence was the official house of the gens. Hehad in charge the stores of the gens; and, in unimportant cases, heexercised the powers of a judge. The other officer was the war-chief. Intimes of war he commanded the forces of the gens. In times of peace hewas, so to speak, the sheriff of the gens. 

The next division of the tribe was the phratry--the word properlymeaning a brotherhood. Referring to the outline below, we notice thatthe eight gentes were reunited into two phratries. Mr. Morgan tells usthat the probable origin of phratries was from the subdivision of anoriginal gens. Thus a tradition of the Seneca Indians affirms that theBear and the Deer gentes were the original gentes of that tribe. Inprocess of time they split up into eight gentes, which would eachhave all the rights and duties of an original gens--but, for certainpurposes, they were still organized into two divisions. 

 First Phratry, Bear or Wolf Gens. Brotherhood. Beaver Turtle TRIBE. Second Phratry, Deer or Snipe Gens. Brotherhood. Heron Hawk

Each of these larger groups is called a phratry. All of the Iroquoistribes were organized into phratries, and the same was, doubtless, trueof the majority of the tribes of North America. The researches of Mr. Bandelier have quite conclusively established the fact, that the ancientMexican tribe consisted of twenty gentes reunited as four phratries, which constituted the four quarters of the Pueblo of Mexico. 

It is somewhat difficult to understand just what the rights and dutiesof a phratry were. This division does not exist in all tribes. But, as it was present among the Mexicans, we must learn what we can of itspowers. Among the Iroquois the phratry was apparent chiefly in religiousmatters, and in social games. They did not elect any war-chief. TheMexican phratry was largely concerned with military matters. The forcesof each phratry went out to war as separate divisions. They had theirown costumes and banners. The four phratries chose each their war-chief, who commanded their forces in the field, and who, as commander, was thesuperior of the war-chiefs of the gentes. 

In time of peace, they acted as the executors of tribal justice. Theybelonged to the highest grade of war-chiefs in Mexico--but there wasnothing hereditary about their offices. They were strictly elective, andcould be deposed for cause. They were in no case appointed by a higherauthority. One of these chiefs was always elected to fill the officeof "Chief of Men;" and, in cases of emergency, they could take hisplace--but this would be only a temporary arrangement. 

Ascending the scale, the next term of the series is the tribe. TheSpanish writers took notice of a tribe, but failed to notice the gensand phratry. This is not to be considered a singular thing. The Iroquoiswere under the observation of our own people two hundred years beforethe discovery was made in reference to them. "The existence among themof clans, named after animals, was pointed out at an early day, butwithout suspecting that it was the unit of a social system upon whichboth the tribe and the confederacy rested. " But, being ignorant ofthis fact, it is not singular that they made serious mistakes in theirdescription of the government. 

We now know that the Mexican tribe was composed of an association oftwenty gentes, that each of these gens was an independent unit, and thatall of its members stood on an equal footing. This, at the outset, doesaway with the idea of a monarchy. Each gens would, of course, have anequal share in the government. This was effected by means of a councilcomposed of delegates from each gens. There is no doubt whatever of theexistence of this council among the Mexicans. "Every tribe in Mexico andCentral America, beyond a reasonable doubt, had its council of chiefs. It was the governing body of the tribe, and a constant phenomenon inall parts of aboriginal America. " The Spanish writers knew of theexistence of this council, but mistook its function. They generallytreat of it as an advisory board of ministers appointed by the "king. "

Each of the Mexican gens was represented in this council by a "SpeakingChief, " who, of course was elected by the gens he represented. Alltribal matters were under the control of this council. Questions ofpeace and war, and the distribution of tribute, were decided by thecouncil. They also had judicial duties to perform. Disputes betweendifferent gentes were adjusted by them. They also would havejurisdiction of all crimes committed by those unfortunate individualswho were not members of any gens, and of crimes committed on territorynot belonging to any gens, such as the Teocalli, Market-place, andTecpan. 

The council must have regular stated times of meeting; they could becalled together at any time. At the time of Cortez's visits they metdaily. This council was, of course, supreme in all questions comingbefore it; but every eighty days there was a council extraordinary. Thisincluded the members of the council proper, the war-chiefs of the fourphratries, the war-chiefs of the gentes, and the leading medicine men. Any important cause could be reserved for this meeting, or, if agreedupon, a reconsideration of a cause could be had. We must understand thatthe tribal council could not interfere in any matter referring solely toa gens; that would be settled by the gens itself. 

The important points to be noticed are, that it was an elective body, representing independent groups, and that it had supreme authority. But the tribes needed officers to execute the decrees of the council. Speaking of the Northern tribes, Mr. Morgan says, "In some Indiantribes, one of the sachems was recognized as its head chief; and sosuperior in rank to his associates. A need existed, to some extent foran official head of the tribe, to represent it when the council wasnot in session. But the duties and powers of the office were slight. Although the council was superior in authority, it was rarely insession, and questions might arise demanding the provisional action ofsome one authorized to represent the tribe, subject to the ratificationof his acts by the council. "

This need was still more urgent among the Mexicans; accordingly we findthey elected two officials for this purpose. It seems this habit ofelecting two chief executives was quite a common one among the tribesof Mexico and Central America. We have already noticed that the Mexicangentes elected two such officers for their purpose. We are further toldthat the Iroquois appointed two head war-chiefs to command the forces ofthe confederacy. 

One of the chiefs so elected by the Mexicans bore the somewhat singulartitle of "Snake-woman. " He was properly the head-chief of the Mexicans. He was chairman of the council and announced its decrees. He wasresponsible to the council for the tribute received, as far as it wasapplied to tribal requirements, and for a faithful distribution of theremainder among the gentes. When the forces of the confederacy went outto war, he commanded the tribal forces of Mexico; but on other occasionsthis duty was fulfilled by his colleague, who was the real war-chiefof the Mexicans. His title was "Chief-of-men. " This is the official whoappears in history as the "King of Mexico, " sometimes, even, as "Emperorof Anahuac. " The fact is, he was one of two equal chiefs; he held anelective office, and was subordinate to the council. 

When the confederacy was formed, the command of its forces was given tothe war-chief of the Mexicans; thus he was something more than a tribalofficer. His residence was the official house of the tribe. "He was tobe present day and night at this abode, which was the center whereinconverged the threads of information brought by traders, gatherers oftribute, scouts and spies, as well as all messages sent to, or receivedfrom, neighboring friendly or hostile tribes. Every such message camedirectly to the 'Chief-of-men, ' whose duty it was, before acting, topresent its import to the 'Snake-woman, ' and, through him, call togetherthe council. " He might be present at the council, but his presence wasnot required, nor did his vote weigh any more than any other member ofthe council, only, of course, from the position he occupied, his opinionwould be much respected. He provided for the execution of the council'sconclusions. In case of warp he would call out the forces of theconfederacy for assistance. As the procurement of substance by means oftribute was one of the great objects of the confederacy, the gatheringof it was placed under the control of the war-chief, who was thereforethe official head of the tribute-gatherers. 

We have thus very imperfectly and hastily sketched the governmentalorganization of the Mexican tribe. It is something very different froman empire. It was a democratic organization. There was not an officerin it but what held his office by election. This, to some, may seemimprobable, because the Spaniards have described a different state ofthings. We have already mentioned one reason why they should do so--thatwas their ignorance of Indian institutions. We must also consider thenatural bias of their minds. The rule of Charles the V was any thing butliberal. It was a part of their education to believe that a monarchicalform of government was just the thing; they were accordingly prepared tosee monarchical institutions, whether they existed or not. 

Then there was the perfectly natural disposition to exaggerate theirachievements. To spread in Europe the report that they had subverted apowerfully organized monarchy, having an emperor, a full line of nobles, orders of chivalry, and a standing army, certainly sounded much betterthan the plain statement that they had succeeded in disjointing aloosely connected confederacy, captured and put to death the head warchief of the principal tribe, and destroyed the communal buildings oftheir pueblo. 

We must not forget that, from an Indian point of view, the confederacywas composed of rich and powerful tribes. This is especially true of theMexicans. The position they held, from a defensive standpoint, was oneof the strongest ever held by Indians. They received a large amount oftribute from subject tribes, along with the hearty hatred of the same. From the time Cortez landed on the shore he had heard accounts of thewealth, power, and cruelty of the Mexicans. When he arrived beforeMexico the "Chief-of-men, " Montezuma, as representative of tribalhospitality, went forth to meet him, extending "unusual courtesies tounusual, mysterious, and therefore dreaded, guests. " We may well imaginethat he was decked out in all the finery his office could raise, andthat he put on as much style and "court etiquette" as their knowledgeand manner of life would stand. 

The Spaniards immediately concluded that he was king, and so he wasgiven undue prominence. They subsequently learned of the council, andrecognized the fact that it was really the supreme power. They learnedof the office of "Snake-woman, " and acknowledged that his power wasequal to that of the "Chief-of-men. " They even had some ideas ofphratries and gentes. But, having once made up their minds that this wasa monarchy, and Montezuma the monarch, they were loath to change theirviews, or, rather, they tried to explain all on this supposition, andthe result is the confused and contradictory accounts given of theseofficials and divisions of the people. But every thing tending to addglory to the "Empire of Montezuma" was caught up and dilated upon. Andso have come down to us the commonly accepted ideas of the government ofthe ancient Mexicans. 

That these views are altogether erroneous is no longer doubted by someof the very best American scholars. The organization set forth in thischapter is one not only in accord with the results obtained by thelatest research in the field of ancient society, but a carefulreading of the accounts of the Spanish writers leads to the sameconclusions. In view of these now admitted facts, it seems to ususeless to longer speak of the government of the Mexicans as that of anempire. 

We have as yet said nothing of the league or confederacy of the threetribes of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan; nor is it necessary to dwellat any great length on this confederacy now. They were perfectlyindependent of each other as regards tribal affairs; and for the purposeof government, were organized in exactly the same way as were theMexicans. The stories told of the glories, the riches, and power of thekings of Tezcuco, if any thing, outrank those of Mexico. We may dismissthem as utterly unreliable. Tribal organization resting on phratries andgentes, and the consequent government by the council of the tribe wasall the Spaniards found. These three tribes, speaking dialects of thesame stock language, inhabiting contiguous territory, formed a leaguefor offensive and defensive purposes. The commander-in-chief of theforces raised for this purpose was the "Chief-of-men" of the Mexicans. 

We have confined our researches to the Mexicans. Mr. Bandelier, speakingof the tribes of Mexico, remarks: "There is no need of proving the factthat the several tribes of the valley had identical customs, and thattheir institutions had reached about the same degree of development. "Or if such proofs were needed, Mr. Bancroft has furnished them. Sothat this state of society being proven among the Mexicans, it may beconsidered as established among the Nahua tribes. Neither is there anynecessity of showing that substantially the same state of governmentexisted among the Mayas of Yucatan. This is shown by their architecture, by their early traditions, and by many statements in the writings ofthe early historians. These can only be understood and explained bysupposing the same social organization existed among them as among theMexicans. 

But this does not relegate these civilized nations to savagism. On theother hand, it is exactly the form of government we would expect tofind among them. They were not further along than the Middle Statusof barbarism. They were slowly advancing on the road that leads tocivilization, and their form of government was one exactly suited totheir needs, and one in keeping with their state of architecture. Whenwe gaze at the ruins of their material structures, we must consider thatbefore us are not the only ruins wrought by the Spaniards; the nativeinstitutions were doomed as well. Traces of this early state of societyare, however, still recoverable, and we must study them well to learntheir secret. 

We have yet before us a large field to investigate; that is, the advancemade in the arts of living among these people. This is one of theprincipal objects of our present research. We are here slightlydeparting from the prehistoric field, and entering the domain ofhistory. But the departure is justifiable, as it serves to light up anextensive field, that is, the manner of life among the civilized nationsjust before the coming of the Spaniards. And first we will examine theircustoms in regard to property. We have in a former chapter reverted tothe influence of commerce and trade in advancing culture. The desire forwealth and property which is such a controlling power to-day was oneof the most efficient agents in advancing man from savagism tocivilization. The idea of property, which scarcely had an existenceduring that period of savagism, had grown stronger with every advance inculture. "Beginning in feebleness, it has ended in becoming the masterpassion of the human mind. "

The property of savages is limited to a few articles of personaluse; consequently, their ideas as to its value, and the principles ofinheritance, are feeble. They can scarcely be said to have any ideaas to property in lands, though the tribe may lay claim to certainhunting-grounds as their own. As soon as the organization of gens arose, we can see that it would affect their ideas of property. The gens, wemust remember, was the unit of their social organization. 

They had common rights, duties, and privileges, as well as commonsupplies; and hence the idea arose that the property of the members ofa gens belonged to the gens. At the death of an individual, his personalproperty would be divided among the remaining members of the gens. "Practically, " says Mr. Morgan, "they were appropriated by the nearestof kin; but the principle was general that the property should remain inthe gens. " That this is a true statement there is not the shadowof a doubt. This was the general rule of inheritance among the Indiantribes of North America. As time passed on, and the tribes learned tocultivate the land, some idea of real property would arise--but not ofpersonal ownership. 

This is quite an important topic; because, when we read of lords withgreat estates, we are puzzled to know how to reconcile such statementswith what we now know of the nature of Mexican tribal organization. Mr. Bandelier has lately gone over the entire subject. He finds that theterritory on which the Mexicans originally settled was a marshy expanseof land which the surrounding tribes did not value enough to claim. 

This territory was divided among the four gentes of the tribe. As wehave already seen, each of these four gentes subsequently split up intoother independent gentes until there were twenty in all. Each of thesegens held and possessed a portion of the original soil. This divisionof the soil must have been made by tacit consent. The tribe claimed noownership of these tracts, still less did the head-chief. Furthermore, the only right the gentes claimed in them was a possessory one. "Theyhad no idea of sale or barter, or conveyance, or alienation. " As themembers of a gens stood on equal footing, this tract would be stillfurther divided for individual use. This division would be made by thecouncil of the gens. But we must notice the individual acquired no otherright to this tract of land than a right to cultivate it--which right, if he failed to improve, he lost. He could, however, have some one elseto till it for him. The son could inherit a father's right to a tract. 

We have seen that the Mexicans had a great volume of tribal business totransact, which required the presence of an official household at thetecpan. Then the proper exercise of tribal hospitality required alarge store of provisions. To meet this demand, certain tracts of theterritory of each gens were set aside to be worked by communal labor. Then, besides the various officers of the gens, and the tribe, who, byreason of their public duties, had no time to till the tracts to which, as members of a gens, they would be entitled, had the same tilled forthem by communal labor. This was not an act of vassalage, but a paymentfor public duties. 

This is a very brief statement of their customs as regards holding oflands. It gives us an insight into the workings of ancient society. Itshows us what a strong feature of this society was the gens, and we seehow necessary it is to understand the nature of a gens before attemptingto understand ancient society. We see that, among the civilized nationsof Mexico and Central America, they had not yet risen to the conceptionof ownership in the soil. No chief, or other officer, held largeestates. The possessory right in the soil was vested in the genscomposing the tribe, and they in turn granted to individuals certaindefinite lots for the purpose of culture. A chief had no more rightin this direction than a common warrior. We can easily see how theSpaniards made their mistake. They found a community of persons holdingland in common, which the individuals could not alienate. They noticedone person among them whom the others acknowledged as chief. Theyimmediately jumped to the conclusion that this chief was a great "lord, "that the land was a "feudal estate, " and that the persons who held itwere "vassals" to the aforesaid "lord. "

We must now consider the subject of laws, and the methods of enforcingjustice amongst the civilized nations. The laws of the Mexicans, likethose of most barbarous people, are apt to strike us as being verysevere; but good reasons, according to their way of thinking, exist forsuch severity. The gens is the unit of social organization; which factmust be constantly borne in mind in considering their laws. In civilizedsociety, the State assumes protection of person and property; but, in atribal state of society, this protection is afforded by the gens. Hence, "to wrong a person was to wrong his gens; and to support a person was tostand behind him with the entire array of his gentile kindred. "

The punishment for theft varied according to the value of the articlestolen. If it were small and could be returned, that settled the matter. In cases of greater value it was different. In some cases the thiefbecame bondsman for the original owner. In still others, he suffereddeath. This was the case where he stole articles set aside forreligion--such as gold and silver, or captives taken in war; or, ifthe theft were committed in the market-place. Murder and homicide werealways punished with death. According to their teaching, there was agreat gulf between the two sexes. Hence, for a person of one sex toassume the dress of the other sex was an insult to the whole gens--thepenalty was death. Drunkenness was an offense severely punished--thoughaged persons could indulge their appetite, and, during times offestivities, others could. Chiefs and other officials were publiclydegraded for this crime. Common warriors had their heads shaved inpunishment. 

These various penalties necessarily suppose judicial officers todetermine the offense and decree the punishment. Having established, ona satisfactory basis, the Mexican empire, the historians did notscruple to fit it out with the necessary working machinery of such anorganization. Accordingly we are presented with a judiciary as nicelyproportioned as in the most favored nations of to-day. But when, underthe more searching light of modern scholarship, this empire is seen tobe something quite different, we find the whole judicial machinery to bea much more simple affair. 

Not much need be added on this point to what we have already mentioned. Each gens, through its council, would regulate its own affairs, andwould punish all offenses against the law committed by one of itsmembers against another. Of necessity the decision of this council hadto be final. There was no appeal from its decision. The council of thetribe had jurisdiction in all other cases--such as might arise betweenmembers of different gentes, or among outcasts not connected with anygens, or such as were committed on territory not belonging to any gens. 

For this work, the twenty chiefs composing the council were subdividedinto two bodies, sitting simultaneously in the different halls ofthe tecpan. This division was for the purpose of greater dispatch inbusiness. They did not form a higher and lower court, with power of theone to review the decisions of the other. They were equal in power andthe decisions of both were final. The decision of the council, whenacting in a judicial capacity, would be announced by their foreman, whowas, as we have seen, the head-chief of the Mexicans--the Snake-woman. It is for this act that the historian speaks of him as the supremejudge, and makes him the head of judicial authority. His decisionswere, of course, final, not because he made them, but because they werethe conclusions of the council. 

The "Chief-of-men, " the so-called "king, " did not properly have anyjudicial authority. He was their war-chief, and not a judge; but fromthe very nature of his office he had some powers in this direction. Ascommander-in-chief, he possessed authority to summarily punish (withdeath, if necessary) acts of insubordination and treachery during war. It was necessary to clothe him with a certain amount of discretionarypower for the public good. Thus, the first runner that arrived from thecoast with news of the approach of the European ships was, by the orderof Montezuma, placed in confinement. "This was done to keep the newssecret until the matter could be investigated, and was therefore apreliminary measure of policy. " Placed at the tecpan as the officialhead of the tribe, he had power to appoint his assistants. But thispower to appoint implied equal power to remove, and to punish. 

This investigation into their laws and methods of enforcing them, carries us to the conclusion already arrived at. It is in full keepingwith what we would expect of a people in the Middle Status of barbarism. We also see how little real foundation there is for the view that thiswas a monarchy. There is no doubt but that the pueblo of Mexico was theseat of one of the largest and most powerful tribes, and the leadingmember of one of the most powerful confederacies that had ever existedin America. 

It may be of interest for us to inquire as to what was the real extentof this power, and the means employed by the Mexicans to maintain thispower; also how they had succeeded in attaining the same. They were notby nature more gifted than the surrounding tribes. The valley ofMexico is an upland basin. It is oval in form, surrounded by ranges ofmountains, rising one above the other, with depressions between. Thearea of the valley itself is about sixteen hundred square miles. TheMexicans were the last one of the seven kindred tribes who styledthemselves, collectively, the Nahuatlacs. We treat of them as theNahuas. 

The Nahuas on the north and the Mayas on the south included thecivilized nations. When the Mexicans arrived in this valley, theyfound the best situations already occupied by other tribes of their ownfamily. To escape persecution from these, they fled into the marsh orswamp which then covered the territory which they subsequently convertedinto their stronghold. Here on a scanty expanse of dry soil, surroundedby extensive marshes, they erected their pueblo. Being few in numbersthey were overlooked as insignificant, and thus they had a chance toimprove their surroundings. They increased the area of dry land bydigging ditches, and throwing the earth from the same on the surroundingsurface, and thus elevated it. In reality, in the marshes thatsurrounded their pueblo was their greatest source of strength. "Theyrealized that while they might sally with impunity, having a saferetreat behind them, an attack upon their position was both difficultand dangerous for the assailant. " They were, therefore, strong enoughfor purposes of defense. But they wished to open up communication withthe tribes living on the shore of the great marsh in the midst of whichthey had their settlement. For this purpose they applied to their nearand powerful neighbors, the Tecpanics, for the use of one of the springson their territory, and for the privilege of trade and barter in theirmarket. This permission was given in consideration that the Mexicansbecome the weaker allies of the Tecpanics, that is, pay a moderatetribute and render military assistance when called upon. 

The Pueblo of Mexico now rapidly increased in power. Communication beingopened with the mainland, it was visited by delegates from other tribes, and especially by traders. They fully perceived the advantages of theirlocation and improved the same. By the erection of causeways, theyentirely surrounded their pueblo with an artificial pond of largeextent. To allow for the free circulation of the water, sluices werecut, interrupting these causeways at several places. Across theseopenings wooden bridges were placed which could be easily removed intimes of danger. 

Thus it was that they secured one of the strongest defensive positionsever held by Indians. The Tecpanics had been the leading power in thevalley, but the Mexicans now felt themselves strong enough to throw offthe yoke of tribute to which they were subject. In the war that ensuedthe power of the Tecpanics was broken, and the Mexicans became at onceone of the leading powers of the valley. We must notice, however, thatthe Mexicans did not gain any new territory, except the locality oftheir spring. Neither did they interfere at all in the government of theTecpanics. They simply received tribute from them. 

Once started on their career of conquest, the Mexicans, supported byallies, sought to extend their power. The result was that soon they hadsubdued all of the Nahua tribes of the valley except one, that wasa tribe located at Tezcuco. This does not imply that they had becomemasters of the territory of the valley. When a modern nation or stateconquers another, they often add that province to their originaldomain, and extend over it their code of laws. This is the nature ofthe conquests of ancient Rome. The territory of the conquered provincebecame part of the Roman Empire. They became subject to the laws ofRome. Public, works were built under the direction of the conquerors, and they were governed from Rome or by governors appointed from there. 

Nothing of this kind is to be understood by a conquest by the Mexicans, and it is necessary to understand this point clearly. When theyconquered a tribe, they neither acquired nor claimed any right to orpower over the territory of the tribe. They did not concern themselvesat all with the government of the tribe. In that respect the triberemained free and independent. No garrisons of troops were stationed intheir territory to keep them in subjection; no governors were appointedto rule over them. What the Mexicans wanted was tribute, and in caseof war they could call on them for troops. Secure in their pueblosurrounded by water, they could sally out on the less fortunate tribeswho chose to pay tribute rather than to be subject to such forays. 

Instead of entering into a conflict with the tribe at Tezcuco, theresult of which might have been doubtful, a military confederacy wasformed, into which was admitted the larger part of the old Tecpanictribe that had their chief pueblo at Tlacopan. The definite plan ofthis confederacy is unknown. Each of the three tribes was perfectlyindependent in the management of its own affairs. Each tribe could makewar on its own account if it wished, but in case it did not feel strongenough alone, it could call on the others for assistance. When the forceof the confederacy went out to war, the command was given to the warchief of the Mexicans, the "Chief-of-men. "

If a member of the confederacy succeeded in reducing by its own effortsa tribe to tribute, it had the full benefit of such conquest. But whenthe entire confederacy had been engaged in such conquest, the tributewas divided into five parts, of which two went to Mexico, two toTezcuco, and one to Tlacopan. This co-partnership for the purpose ofsecuring tribute by the three most powerful tribes of the valley, underthe leadership of Mexico, was formed about the year 1426, just about onehundred years from the date of the first appearance of the Mexicans inthe valley. 

From this time to the date of the Spanish conquest in 1520, theconfederate tribes were almost constantly at war with the surroundingIndians, and particularly with the feeble village Indians southwardfrom the valley of Mexico to the Pacific, and thence eastward welltowards Guatemala. They began with those nearest in position, whomthey overcame, through superior numbers, and concentrated action, andsubjected to tribute. These forays were continued from time to time forthe avowed object of gathering spoil, imposing tribute and capturingprisoners for sacrifice, until the principal tribes within the areanamed, with some exceptions, were subdued and made tributary. 

The territory of these tribes, thus subject to tribute, constitutes whatis generally known as the Mexican Empire. But, manifestly, it is anabuse of language to so designate this territory. No attempt was madefor the formation of a State which would include the various groups ofaborigines settled in the area tributary to the confederacy. "No commonor mutual tie connected these numerous and diverse tribes, " exceptinghatred of the Mexican confederacy. The tribes were left independentunder their own chiefs. They well knew the tribute must be forthcoming, or else they would feel the weight of their conquerors' displeasure. Butsuch a domination of the strong over the weak, for no other reasonthan to enforce an unwilling tribute, can never form a nation, or anempire. These subject tribes, held down by heavy burdens--inspiredby enmity, ever ready to revolt--gave no new strength to theconfederacy: they were rather an element of weakness. The Spaniards werenot slow to take advantage of this state of affairs. The tribes ofVera Cruz, who could have imposed an almost impassable barrier totheir advance through that section, were ready to welcome them asdeliverers. The Tlascaltecans, though never made tributary to theMexicans, had to wage almost unceasing war for fifty years preceding thecoming of the Spaniards. Without their assistance, Cortez would neverhave passed into history as the conqueror of Mexico. 

A word as to the real power of the Mexicans. Their strength lay more intheir defensive position than any thing else. As we have just stated, the entire forces of the confederacy were unable to subject theTlascaltecans, the Tarasca of Michhuacan were fully their equal inwealth and power. The most disastrous defeat that ever befell theforces of the confederacy was on the occasion of their attack uponthis last-named people in 1479. They fled from the battle-field inconsternation, and never cared to renew the attempt. As to the actualpopulation of the Pueblo of Mexico, the accounts are very much atvariance. Mr. Morgan, after taking account of their barbarous conditionof life--without flocks and herds, and without field agriculture, but also considering the amount of tribute received from othertribes--considers that an estimate of two hundred and fifty thousandinhabitants in the entire valley would be an excessive number. Of thesehe would assign thirty thousand to the Pueblo of Mexico. 

This is but an estimate. In this connection we are informed, that, when the forces of the confederacy marched against Michhuacan, as juststated, they counted their forces, and found them to be twenty-fourthousand men. This includes the forces of the three confederate tribes, and their allies in the valley, and would indicate a population belowMr. Morgan's estimate. The Spanish writers have left statements as tothe population of Mexico which are, evidently, gross exaggerations. Themost moderate estimate is sixty thousand inhabitants; but the majorityof the writers increase this number to three hundred thousand. 

The main occupation of the Aztecs, then, was to enforce the payment oftribute. From the limited expanse of territory at the disposal ofthe Mexicans, and the unusually large number of inhabitants for anaboriginal settlement, as well as the natural inclination of theMexicans, they were obliged to draw their main supplies from tributarytribes. It is human for the strong to compel the weak to serve them. Theinhabitants of North America were not behind in this respect. This is especially true of the civilized tribes of Mexico and CentralAmerica. The confederacy of the three most powerful tribes of Mexico wasbut a copartnership for the avowed purpose of compelling tribute fromthe surrounding tribes, and they were cruel and merciless in exactingthe same. 

Our information in regard to this tribute is derived almost entirelyfrom a collection of picture writings, known as the Mendoza collection, which will be described more particularly when we describe their picturewritings. The confederacy was never at a loss for an excuse to pounceupon a tribe and reduce them to tribute. Sometimes the tribe marked outfor a prey, knowing their case to be hopeless, submitted at oncewhen the demand was made; but, whether they yielded with or without astruggle, the result was the same--that is, a certain amount of tributewas imposed on them. This tribute consisted of articles which the tribeeither manufactured, or was in situation to acquire by means of tradeor war; but, in addition to this, it also included the products of theirlimited agriculture. 

The same distribution of land obtained among all the civilized tribesthat we have already sketched among the Mexicans. So, a portion of theterritory of each conquered tribe would be set aside to be cultivatedfor the use of the confederacy. But, as the tribe did not have any landof its own, except for some official purpose, this implies that eachgens would have to set aside a small part of its territory for suchpurpose. Such lots Mr. Bandelier calls tribute lots. These were workedby the gentes for the benefit of the Mexicans. It is to be noticed righthere, that the Mexicans did not claim to own or control the land; thisright remained in the gentes of the conquered tribe. 

The miscellaneous articles demanded were generally such that they boresome relation to the natural resources of the pueblo. For instance:pueblos along the coast, in the warm region of country, had to furnishcotton cloth, many thousand bundles of fine feathers, sacks of cocoa, tiger-skins, etc. In other, and favorable locations for such products, the pueblos had to furnish such articles as sacks of lime, reeds forbuilding purposes, smaller reeds for the manufacture of darts. 

Illustration of Tribute Sheet. --------------

These facts are ascertained in the Mendoza collection. We are giventhere the pictorial symbol, or coat-of-arms, of various pueblos; also, a pictorial representation of the tribute they wore expected to pay. Theplate is a specimen of their tribute rolls. The pueblos paying it arenot, however, shown. Considerable can be learned from a study of thiscollection--such, for instance, as that the Pueblo of Chala had to pay atribute of forty little bells, and eighty copper ax blades. And, inanother place, we learn that the Pueblo of Yzamatitan was tributary toeight thousand reams of paper. The articles are here pictured forth;the number is indicated by the flags, feathers, etc. The tribute ofprovisions consisted of such articles as corn, beans, cocoa, red-pepper, honey, and salt--amounting in all, according to this collection toabout six hundred thousand bushels. Still it will not do to place toogreat a reliance on picture records. The number of tributary pueblosmust have been constantly changing. The quantity of articles intendedfor clothing was certainly very great. A moderate quantity of gold wasalso collected from a few pueblos, where this was obtainable. 

The collection of this tribute was one of the most important branchesof government among the Mexicans. The vanquished stood in peril of theirlives if they failed to keep their part of the contract. In the firstplace, the Mexicans took from each subject tribe hostages for thepunctual payment of tribute. These hostages were taken to the Puebloof Mexico, and held there as slaves; their lives were forfeited if thetribute was refused. But special officers were also assigned to thesubject tribes, whose duty it was to see that the tribute was properlygathered and transmitted to Mexico. These stewards or tribute gatherers, are the officers that the early writers mistook for governors. Theirsole business, however, had to do with the collection of the tribute, and they did not interfere at all in the internal affairs of the tribe. 

Where the forces of the confederacy had conquered a tribe, but onesteward was required to tend to the tribute, but each of the confederatetribes sent their representative to such pueblos as had become their ownprey, and as sometimes occurred, one pueblo paid tribute to each of theconfederate tribes, it had to submit to the presence among them of threeseparate stewards. 

We can easily enough see that it required men of ability to fill thisposition. They were to hold their residence in the midst of a tribe whowere conquered, but held in subjection only by fear. To these peoplethey were the constant reminder of defeat and disgrace. They wereexpected to watch them closely and report to the home tribe suspiciousmovements or utterances that might come to their notice. We need notwonder that these stewards were the tokens of chiefs. It was a partof their duty to superintend the removal of the tribute from the placewhere gathered to the Pueblo of Mexico. The tribe paying tribute wereexpected to deliver it at Mexico, but under the supervision of thesteward. Arrived at Mexico the tribute was received, not by theso-called king, the Chief-of-men, but by the Snake-woman, or an officerto whom this personage delegated his authority. This officer was thechief steward, and made the final division of the tribute. We are notinformed as to details of this division. A large part of it was reservedfor the use of the tribal government. It was upon this store that theChief-of-men could draw when supplies were needed for tribal hospitalityor for any special purpose. The stores required for the temple, itspriests and keepers were gathered from this source. The larger divisionmust have gone direct to the stewards of the gentes, who would set someaside for their official uses, some for religion or medicine, but thelarger part would be divided among the members of the gentes. 

In our review of the social system of the Mexicans we have repeatedlyseen how the organization of gentes influenced and even controledall the departments of their social and political system. One of thecardinal principles, we must remember, is that all the members of a gensstand on an equal footing. In keeping with this we have seen that allwere trained as warriors; yet the great principle of the division oflabor was at work. Some filled in their leisure during times of peace byacting as traders; others became proficient in some branch of work, such as feather work, or making gold and silver ornaments. Yet under agentile system of society, persons practising such callings couldnever become very rich or proficient, simply because, being members ofdifferent gentes, there could not be that cooperation and united effortsamong workmen in these various trades and callings that is necessary toadvance them to the highest proficiency. It required the breaking upof the gentes and substituting for that group a smaller one, our modernfamily, as the unit of social organization, before great progress couldbe made. 

From what we have just said it follows that it is not at all likely thatthere was any great extremes in the condition of the people. No verywealthy or extremely poor classes. This brings us to consider thecondition of trade and commerce among them. They had properly no such athing as money, so their commerce must have consisted of barter or tradeand exchange. Some authorities assert quite positively that they hadmoney, and mention as articles used for such purposes grains of cacao, "T" shaped pieces of tin or copper, and quills of gold dust. ButMr. Bandelier has shown that the word barter properly designates thetransactions where such articles passed. But this absence of money showsus at once that the merchants of Mexico were simply traders who madetheir living by gathering articles from a distance to exchange for homecommodities. 

We are given some very entertaining accounts of the wealth andmagnificence of the "merchant princes of Mexico. " It needs buta moment's consideration of the state of society to show how littlefoundation there is for such accounts. Mr. Bancroft also tells us that"throughout the Nahua dominions commerce was in the hands of a distinctclass, educated for their calling, and everywhere honored by thepeople and by kings. In many regions the highest nobles thought it notdisgraceful to engage in commercial pursuits. "

Though we do not believe there is any foundation for this statement, yettrading is an important proceeding among sedentary tribes. "The nativeis carried over vast distances, from which he returns with a store ofknowledge, which is made a part of his mythology and rites, while hispersonal adventures become a part of the folk lore. " It was theirprincipal way of learning of the outside world. It was held in equallyhigh esteem among the Mexicans. Such an expedition was not in realitya private, but a tribal undertaking. Its members not only carried intodistant countries articles of barter, but they also had to observe thecustoms, manners, and resources of the people whom they visited. Clothedwith diplomatic attributes, they were often less traders than spies. Thus they cautiously felt their way from tribe to tribe, from Indianfair to Indian fair, exchanging their stuff for articles not producedat home, all the while carefully noting what might be important to theirown tribe. It was a highly dangerous mission; frequently they neverreturned, being waylaid or treacherously butchered even while enjoyingthe hospitality of a pueblo in which they had been bartering. 

We may be sure the setting out of such an expedition would be celebratedin a formal manner. The safe return was also an important and joyfulevent. The reception was almost equal to that afforded to a victoriouswar-party. After going to the temple to adore the idol, they were takenbefore the council to acquaint them with whatever they had learned ofimportance on their trip. In addition to this, their own gens would givethem appropriate receptions. From the nature of things but little profitremained to the trader. They had no beasts of burden, and they mustbring back their goods by means of carriers; and the number of such menwere limited. Then their customs demanded that the most highly prizedarticles should be offered up for religious purposes; besides, the tribeand the gens each came in for a share. But the honors given were almostas great as those won in war. 

The Mexicans had regular markets. This, as we have already stated, wason territory that belonged to the tribe; not to any one gens alone. Hence the tribal officers were the ones to maintain order. The chiefsof the four phratries were charged with this duty. The market was openevery day, but every fifth was a larger market. They do not seemto have had weights, but counted or measured their articles. In thesemarkets, or fairs, which would be attended by traders from other tribes, who, on such occasions, were the guests of the Mexicans, and lodgedin the official house, would be found the various articles of nativemanufacture: cloth, ornaments, elaborate featherwork, pottery, copperimplements and ornaments, and a great variety of articles not necessaryto enumerate. 

We must now briefly consider their arts and manufactures. Stone was thematerial principally used for their weapons and implements. They wereessentially in their Stone Age. Their knives, razors, lancets, spearand arrowheads were simply flakes of obsidian. These implements couldbe produced very cheaply, but the edge was quickly spoiled. Axes ofdifferent varieties of flint were made. They also used flint to carvethe sculptured stones which we have described in the preceding chapter. They also had some way of working these big blocks of stone used inbuilding. But they were not unacquainted with metals--the ornamentalworking of gold and silver had been carried to quite a high pitch. Were we to believe all the accounts given us of their skill in thatdirection, we would have to acknowledge they were the most expertjewelers known. How they cast or moulded their gold ornaments isunknown. They were also acquainted with other metals, such as copper, tin, and lead. But we can not learn for what purpose they used lead ortin, or where they obtained it. 

Cortez, in one of his letters, speaks of the use of small pieces of tinas money. But we have already seen that the natives had not risen to theconception of money. They certainly had copper tools, and bronze ones. It seems, however, that their bronze was a natural production and notan artificial one--that is to say, the ores of copper found in Mexicocontain more or less gold, silver, and tin. So, if melted, just asnature left them, the result would be the production of bronze. Theywere then ignorant of the knowledge of how to make bronze artificially. This shows us that they had not attained to a true Bronze Age; and yetthe discovery could not have been long delayed. Sooner or later theywould have found out that tin and copper melted together would producethe light copper that experience had taught them was the most valuable. 

Illustration of Yucatan Axes. ---------------

The most important tool they made of copper was the ax. The ax, in bothMexico and Yucatan, was made as represented in this illustration. Fromtheir shape and mode of hafting them, we see at once they are simplymodels of the stone ax; and this recalls what we learned of the BronzeAge in Europe. At first they contented themselves with copying the formsin stone. 

Illustrations of Carpenter's Ax, Mexican Carpenter, and CopperTool. ------------------------

Nature, everywhere, conducts her children by the same means to the sameends. This form of ax is a representation of a carpenter's hatchet. Thenext cut is from the Mendoza collection, and represents a carpenter atwork. He holds one of these hatchets in his hand, and is shaping astick of timber. The other cut represents a form of copper tool found inOaxaca, where they were once used in abundance. The supposition is thatthis implement was used for agricultural purposes--probably as a hoe. The pieces of T-shaped copper said to have been used as money, arediminutive forms of this same tool. The statement is sometimes made thatthey had a way of hardening copper. "This, " says Mr. Valentine, "isa hypothesis, often noted and spoken of, but which ranges under theefforts made for explaining what we have no positive means to verify orto ascertain. " The presence of metals necessarily implies some skill inmining; but their ability to mine was certainly very limited. Gold andsilver were collected by washing the sands. We do not know howcopper was mined; the probabilities are that this was done in a verysuperficial way. Whenever, by chance, they discovered a vein of copper, they probably worked it to an easy depth, and then abandoned it. M. Charney speaks of one such locality, discovered in 1873. In this casethey had made an opening eleven feet long, five feet wide, and threefeet deep. To judge from appearances, they first heated the rock, and then perhaps sprinkled it with water, and thus caused it to splitup. This is about all we can discover of their Metallic Age. Itfalls very far short of the knowledge of metallurgy enjoyed by theEuropeans of the Bronze Age; and, with the exception of working goldand silver, it was not greatly in advance of the powers of theNorth American aborigines. Certainly no trace of mining has beendiscovered at all on the scale of the ancient mines in Michigan. 

A few words as to some of their other arts, and we will pass on to othertopics. In manufacturing native pottery, they are spoken of as havinggreat skill. The sedentary Indians everywhere were well up in that sortof work. They knew how to manufacture cotton cloth, as well as clothfrom other articles. We have stated that paper furnished an importantarticle of tribute. They made several kinds of paper. One author statesthat they made paper from the membrane of trees--from the substance thatgrows beneath the upper bark. But they also used for this purposea plant, called the maguey plant. This was a very valuable plant to theaborigines, since we are told that the natives managed to extract nearlyas great a variety of useful articles from it as does an inhabitant ofthe East Indies from his cocoa palm. Amongst other articles, they madepaper. For this paper, we are told, "the leaves were soaked, putrefied, and the fibers washed, smoothed, and extended for the manufacture ofthin as well as thick paper. "

They used feathers for plumes, fans, and trimmings for clothing. Thearticles the Spaniards are most enthusiastic in praising is that varietyof work known as feather mosaic. They took very great pains with thissort of work. The workman first took a piece of cloth, stretched it, andpainted on it, in brilliant colors, the object he wished to reproduce. Then, with his bunch of feathers before him, he carefully took featherafter feather, arranging them according to size, color, and otherdetails, and glued each feather to the cloth. The Spanish writersassert that sometimes a whole day was consumed in properly choosing andadjusting one delicate feather, the artist patiently experimenting untilthe hue and position of the feather, viewed from different points, andunder different lights, became satisfactory to his eye. 

This disregard of time is a thoroughly Indian trait of character. Yearswould be spent in the manufacture of a choice weapon. The impression isgiven that these feather-workers formed a craft, or order, and thatthey lived by themselves. But this would be such an innovation on theworkings of the gens that there is probably no foundation for it. 

We will now consider the subject of religion. We can never judge ofthe real state of culture of a people by their advance in the arts ofgovernment and of living alone. Constituted as men are, they can nothelp evolving, in the course of time, religious conceptions, and theresult is that almost all the races and tribes of men have some systemof belief, or, at any rate, some manner of accounting for the presentcondition of affairs, and some theory as to a future state. It is truethat these theories and beliefs are often very foolish and childish, still they are not on that account devoid of interest. From our presentstandpoint, we can clearly see that the religions belief of a peopleis a very good index of their culture. At first such conceptions arenecessarily rude, but as the people advanced in culture, they becomeclearer. 

Fearing that we will be misunderstood in the last statement, we willstate to whom it applies. The Christian world hold that God revealedhimself to his chosen people, and that we draw from his Word what ispermitted mortals to know of his government and the future world. Wemake no question but that this is true. But long before there was aHebrew people there was a Paleolithic race, who doubtless had somevague, shadowy, ill defined idea of supernatural power, and sought, insome infantile way, to appease the same. Afterwards, but long before theglories of Solomon, a Neolithic people were living in Palestine, and thesame culture was wide-spread over the world. To this day a large partof the world's inhabitants have never so much as heard of the Christianreligion. It is to such people that we especially refer. 

The religious beliefs of the Indians have not been fully studied as yet;but, until that is done, it is scarcely possible to understand and fullyweigh what is said as to the religious beliefs of the Mexicans. What wecan discern of the religion of the Nahua and Maya tribes shows us thatit is not at all probable they had reached a stage of development inwhich they had any idea of One Supreme, Over-ruling Power. But ourscholars differ on that point, many contending that the Mexicansdistinctly affirmed the existence of such a God. To form suchconceptions implies a power of reasoning on abstract topics that isvain to expect of a people in their state of development. We think, therefore, that the idea that they had such a belief, arises from amisconception. Let us see if we can discover how that was. 

Nearly all of the North American tribes had some word to expresssupernatural power. The Iroquois used for this purpose the words "oki"and "otkon. " The first meaning of these words is "above. " As usedby these Indians, however, they expressed the working of any unseen, mysterious, and, therefore, to them, supernatural power. There was, however, no idea of personality or of unity about it. Other Indiantribes had words to express the same meaning. The English and Frenchexplorers translated these words into their languages in various ways. The most common is the rather absurd one of "medicine, " which has passedinto common use. Thus, to mention one in very frequent use, we have theexpression "Medicine-men"--meaning their priests and conjurers. The samecustom prevailed among the higher class of sedentary Indians of Mexicoand Central America. The Aztecs used the word "teotl" to express thename meaning; the Mayas, the word "ku;" the Peruvians, "huaca. " But theword used, in each case, meant not so much a personal supreme-beingas it did an ill-defined sense of supernatural, mysterious power. Thispoint not being clearly understood, it was quite natural that the earlywriters understood by these various expressions their name of the FirstCause. 

In the present state of our knowledge, it is certainly very hard to givean intelligent statement of the religious conceptions of the Maya andNahua tribes. Among the Nahuas, their conception of creative powerwas that of a pair--a man and wife. These were not the active agents, however--they engendered four sons, who were the creators. This seems tobe a widely extended form of tradition. Two authors, writing aboutfifty years after the conquest, speak of the four principal deitiesand statues. They had a great many idols besides--but four were theprincipal ones. 

It would be very satisfactory could we frame some theory to accountfor this state of things. If we could only be sure that each god wassymbolic of some of the elements--or, if we could only say that this wasbut another instance of the use of the number "four"--and thus connectthem with the cardinal points, it would be very satisfactory to many. The amount of study that has been bestowed on this question is verygreat, and it is very far from being settled. Each of these four was theprincipal, or guardian, deity of a particular tribe. All of theseappear in native traditions as historical personages, as well asdeities. It is for this reason that Mr. Bandelier concludes that the"four principal gods were deified men, whose lives and actions becamemixed up with the vague ideas of natural forces and phenomena. "

As prominent a figure as any in Central American Mythology isQuetzalcohuatl; and we can form a good idea of the force of thepreceding remarks by considering this case. The name is a compoundof two words, "quetzal-cohuatl"--and is, says Mr. Bandelier, a fairspecimen of an Indian personal name. He tells us that the meaning is"bright, " or "shining snake. " Others have translated it, "featheredserpent. " We have referred to the attempt to show that the tablet ofthe cross, at Palenque, had reference to him. Those who think he wasthe nature-god of the Nahuas find a great deal of significance in thename. Mr. Bandelier, after carefully considering all referenceto him by the early writers, shows that it is quite as likely thatQuetzalcohuatl "was a man of note, whose memory was afterward connectedwith dim cosmological notions. " It is plain that our idea of the cultureof the Mexicans will vary according as we consider the base of this mythto be a man, or the forces in nature producing the fertilizing summerrain. 

The worship of Quetzalcohuatl was very widely extended; but it wasmostly confined to the Nahua tribes. But there are somewhat similartraditions among the Maya tribes; and this is one of those few pointswhich, like the similarity of their calendar systems, seems to point toa close connection in early times. The Quiches have a very similar myth. Briefly, it is to the effect that four principal gods created the world. One of these was named Gucumatz--meaning, also, shining, or brilliantsnake. Some think that this is the same personage as Quetzalcohuatl, andfrom this fact show how true it is that the operations of the forcesof nature everywhere affect the minds of men in a similar manner. Others will not, however, go as far as this, and will only say there isa similarity between the two characters. The tribes in Yucatan also havea tradition of Cuculcan, whose name means the same as the two alreadymentioned. The authority who refers to him speaks of him only as a man. The Quiche legend, already referred to, speaks of Gucumatz only asa god. The Nahua traditions of Quetzalcohuatl, as we have seen, areconfused accounts of a man and a god. 

The traditions having reference to the earthly career of Quetzalcohuatlrepresent him as having considerable to do with Tulla and Cholula. AtTulla he appears in the light of a great medicine-man, or priest; atCholula, as a sachem. Still other traditions represent him as a greatand successful warrior. None of these characters are incompatiblewith the others, from an Indian point of view. These traditions areso hopelessly confused, that it is doubtful if any thing of historicalvalue can be gained from them. As a deity, he was worshiped as god ofthe air or wind. Why he should be so considered is answered in variousways. If, reasoning from his name, we choose to believe he isa nature-god--as such standing for the thunder-storm, clouds ofsummer--then, as the winds "sweep the path for the rain-clouds, " hewould be considered their god. Also, following out this line of thought, we can see how, as the god which brings the fertilizing summer rain, hewould be considered the god of wealth, and the patron deity of traders. 

We must not lose sight of the fact that all these traditions are mostwoefully mixed; that, since the conquest, many ideas from other thannative sources have been engrafted on them; and, furthermore, thatother explanations that are worth considering can be presented. Thehorticultural tribe located at Cholula had Quetzalcohuatl for theirtutelar deity. Their crops depend upon the timely descent of the rain. What more natural than that they should regard such rains as sent byhim? This pueblo was also famous for its fairs. "By its geographicalposition, its natural products, and the industry of its people, " itbecame a great trading market. Near it was raised cochineal dye, inlarge quantities. This was eagerly sought after by traders from adistance. Cholula was also famous for its pottery. The Tlaxcaltecos toldCortez that the inhabitants of Cholula were a tribe of traders; whatmore natural, then, than that their tutelar deity should become, in theeyes of foreign tribes, the god of traders. 

Quetzalcohuatl was but one of the four principal gods. The tutelar deityof the Mexicans was Huitzilopochtli. His altars were almost daily wetwith the blood of sacrificed victims. No important war was undertaken, except with many ceremonies he was duly honored. If time were so shortthat proper care could not be bestowed on the ceremonies, then there wasa kind of deputy god that could be served in a hurried manner that wouldsuffice. After a successful battle, the captives were conducted atonce to his temple, and made to prostrate themselves before his image. In times of great public danger, the great drum in his temple wasbeaten. The Spaniards, by dire experience, knew well the meaning of thatawful sound. 

Illustration of Huitzilopochtli. ------------

The plate represents what was probably the idol of Huitzilopochtli. "Itwas brought to light in grading the Plaza Mayor in the City of Mexico inAugust, 1790. It was near the place where the great Teocalli stood, andwhere the principal monuments of Mexico were. They were thrown down atthe time of the conquest and buried from sight. It is an immense blockof bluish-gray porphyry, about ten feet high and six feet wideand thick, sculptured on front, rear, top and bottom, into a mostcomplicated and horrible combination of animal, human, and idealforms. " This idol is generally stated to be that of the goddess ofdeath. But Mr. Bandelier, after carefully reviewing all the authorities, concludes that it represents the well-known war-god of the Mexicantribe. 

To properly conduct the services in honor of these various gods, required established rites and a priesthood. What we call "Medicine men"wizards, and names of similar import among the northern tribes, weremore correctly priests. There was no tribe of Indians so poor but whatthey had these priests. But we would expect this office to increase morein power and importance among the southern Indians. Among the Iroquois, we are told each gens elected certain "keepers of the faith. " Theseincluded persons both male and female. Their principal duty was to seethat the feast days were properly celebrated. From what we know of thegens we feel confident that they would be perfectly, independent inreligious matters as well as in other respects. Consequently it isnot probable that there was even in Mexico any hereditary caste ofpriests. 

However set aside, or chosen, or elected, we have every reason tobelieve that the organization of the priesthood was systematic. Theaspirant for the office had to acquaint himself with the songsand prayers used in public worship, the national traditions, theirprinciples of astrology, so as to tell the lucky and unlucky days. When admitted to the priesthood, their rank was doubtless determined bymeritorious actions. Successes in war would contribute to this resultas well as sanctity, a priest who had captured several prisoners rankinghigher than one who had captured but one, and this last higher than theunfortunate who had taken none. We must not forget that war wasthe duty of all among the Mexicans. The priests were not in all casesexempt; part of their duties may have been to care for the wounded. Itis not likely that the priests of any one god ranked any higher than thepriests of others, or had any authority over them. 

This body of priests of whom we have just treated concerned themselvesa great deal with the social life of the Mexicans, and their power wasdoubtless great. Their duties commenced with the birth of the child, andcontinued through life. No important event of any kind was undertakenwithout duly consulting the priests to see if the day selected was alucky one. The Nahuas were, like all Indians, very superstitious, sothere was plenty of work cut out for the priests. Into their hands wascommitted the art of explaining dreams, fortune-telling, astrology, and the explanation of omens and signs. Such as the flight and songs ofbirds, the sudden appearance of wild animals; in short, any unexpectedor unusual event, was deemed of sufficient importance to require in itsexplanation priestly learning. In addition there was the regularroutine of feasts. We have seen what a multitude of gods the Nahuasworshiped. Like all Indian people, they were very fond of feasts andgatherings of that character; therefore feast days in honor of some oneof the numerous deities were almost constantly in order, and every monthor two were feasts of unusual importance. The most acceptable sacrificeto these gods, and without which no feast of any importance wascomplete, was human life. 

This introduces us to the most cruel trait of their character. It wasnot alone true of the Mexicans, but of all the Nahua tribes and ofthe Mayas, though in a less degree. On every occasion of the leastimportance victims were sacrificed. Any unusual event was celebratedin a similar manner. Before the departure of a warlike expedition, thefavor of Huitzilopochtli was sought by the sacrifice of human life;on the return of the same, similar scenes were enacted. On all suchoccasions the more victims the better. These victims were mostlycaptives taken in war, and wars were often entered into for the expresspurpose of procuring such victims. They were even made a subject oftribute. Devout people sometimes offered themselves or their childrenfor the sacrifice. The number of victims, of course, varied from yearto year, but it is possible that it counted up into the thousands everyyear. 

What we are able to gather from the religious beliefs of the civilizednations sustains the conclusions we have already arrived at in referenceto their culture. We can but believe this had been greatly overrated. It is the religion of barbarians, not of a cultivated and enlightenedpeople the historians would have us believe in. It is a religion inkeeping with the character of the people who had confederated togetherfor the purpose of compelling unwilling tribute from weaker tribes. Itis in keeping with what we would expect of a people still in the StoneAge, who still practised communism in living, and whose political andsocial organization was founded on the gens as a unit. 

It will not be out of place to devote some space to a considerationof their advance in learning; and first of all let us see about theirsystem of counting or numeration. This knowledge, as Mr. Gallatinremarks, must necessarily have preceded any knowledge of astronomy, orany effort to compute time. They must have known how to count the daysof a year before they knew how many days it contained. We all know hownatural it is for a child to count by means of his fingers. This wasundoubtedly the first method employed by primitive man. Proof of thisis found in the wide extended use of the decimal system. Among thecivilized nations, traces of this early custom are still preserved inthe meaning of the words used to express the numbers. 

To express the numbers up to twenty, small dots or circles wereused--one for each unit. For the number twenty they painted a littleflag, for the number four hundred, a feather; and for eight thousand, apurse or pouch. The following table represents the method of enumerationemployed by the Mexicans. But it is necessary to remark they useddifferent terminations for different objects. 

Illustration of Mexican System of Numeration. ----------

Substantially the same system of numeration prevailed among all theNahua tribes and the Mayas. It will be seen from this table that theonly numbers having simple names are one, two, three, four, five, ten, fifteen, twenty, four hundred, and eight thousand. The other names arecompounds of these simple names. It is also easy to understand theirmethod of pictorial representation. In reference to the flag, thefeather, and the purse, we must remark that, when these were dividedinto four parts, only the colored parts were counted. The collectivenumber, used among them much as we use the word dozen, was alwaystwenty; but queerly enough their word for twenty varied according tothe object to be counted. The regular word given in the table was"pohualli. " In counting thin objects that could be arranged one abovethe other, the word twenty was "pilli. " Objects that were round andplump and thus resembling a stone, were counted with "tetl" for twenty, and other words for different objects. 

The division of time or their calendar system, is one that was thoughtto show great advance in astronomical learning, but of late years it hasbeen shown that this also was overrated. This question of how to keep arecord of time was a difficult one for primitive man to solve; that is, when he began to think about it at all. A long while must have elapsed, and considerable advance in other respects been made before thenecessity of such a thing occurred to them. The increase and decrease ofthe moon would form a natural starting point. It is well known that thisis about as far as the knowledge of the Indians extended. The Maya wordfor month means also moon, showing this was their earliest system ofreckoning time. 

Illustration of Table of Days. --------------------

The various Nahua and Maya tribes of Mexico and Central America hadreached about the same stage of development. But their calendar systemis so similar that it affords a strong argument of the original unity ofthese people. All of the civilized tribes had months of twenty dayseach, and each of these days had a separate name, which was the same forevery month of the year. This period of twenty days was properly theirunit of time reckoning. It is true they had smaller divisions, butfor all practical purposes, they were ignored. As none of these tribespossessed the art of writing, they had to represent these days by meansof hieroglyphics. The following table shows the Mexican and Mayadays, the meaning of each, and the pictorial sign by which they wererepresented. We must notice that the Maya hieroglyphics look morearbitrary, more conventional than the Mexican. This is interesting, because some of our scholars now believe the Mayas were the inventors ofthe calendar. Their hieroglyphics, therefore, as being the older of thetwo, should appear more conventional. In the Mexican hieroglyphics forthe days, we can still trace a resemblance to the natural objects theyrepresent; in the Maya hieroglyphics, this resemblance has disappeared. 

It is not out of place to theorize as to the facts already mentioned. The first thing that strikes us is that they should have chosen twentydays for a unit of time. There must have been some reason lying back ofthis selection. It would have been more natural for them to have chosena number of days (say thirty) more nearly corresponding to the timefrom one new moon to another. Whether we shall ever learn the reason forchoosing this number of days is doubtful; but Mr. Bandelier has given ussome thoughts on this subject, which, though he is careful to stateare not results, but mere suggestions, seem to us to have some germs oftruth, the more so as it is fully in keeping with Indian customs. 

He points out that many of the names for these days mean the same as thenames of the gens in the more northern Indian tribes. Thus seven of thedays have the same meaning as the names of seven of the nine gens of theMoqui tribe in Arizona. He, therefore, suggests that the names of thesetwenty days are the names of the twenty gens of the aboriginalpeople from whom have descended the various civilized tribes underconsideration. Indeed, this is expressly stated to be the methodof naming the days adopted by the Chiapanecs, one of the tribes inquestion. 

As soon as the people commenced to take any observation at all, theywould perceive that it took just about eighteen of these periods oftwenty days to make a year. So the next step appears to have been thedivision of the year into eighteen months. These months received each aname, and were of course designated by a hieroglyphic. The names ofthe Mexican months seem to have been determined by some of the feastshappening therein. There is great diversity among the early writers bothas to the names of these months, and the order in which they occur, aswell as by the hieroglyphics by which they are represented. It doesnot seem worth while to give their names and meaning. We give a plateshowing the name, order in which they occur, and hieroglyphic symbol ofthe Maya months. In point of fact, the months were very little used, aswe shall soon see it was not necessary to name the month to designatethe day; but of that hereafter. 

Illustration of Maya Months. ---------

But it would not take these people very long to discover that they hadnot hit on the length of a year. Eighteen months, of twenty days each, make only three hundred and sixty days; so the next step would be to addon five days to their former year. As these days do not make a month, they were called the nameless days. They were considered as beingunlucky--no important undertaking could be commenced on one of them. The child born therein was to be pitied. But we will see that theexpression, "nameless days" was hardly the case among the Mayas, thoughit was among the Mexicans. 

Perhaps this will be as good a place as any to inquire whether theyhad exact knowledge of the length of the year. As every one knows, thelength of the year is three hundred and sixty-five and one quarter days, or very nearly; and for this reason we add an extra day to every fourthyear. We would not expect to find this knowledge among tribes no fartheradvanced than we have found these to be. If, as our scholars suspect, the Maya be the one from which the others were derived, they would beapt to possess this knowledge, if known. Perez, however, could find notrace of it among them. Many authors have asserted that the Mexicansknew all about it. Some say they added a day every four years; others, that they waited fifty-two years, and then added thirteen days; andsome, even, give them credit for still closer knowledge, and saythey added twelve and one-half days every fifty-two years. Prof. Valentine, who has made their calendar system a special study, concludesthat they knew nothing at all about the matter. 

The beginning of the year is variously stated. Among the Mexicans itseems that, while the authors differ very much, all but one places it onsome day between the second day of February and the tenth of April. Astheir word for year means "new green, " it is probable they placed itscommencement about the time new grass appeared. The Mayas are said tohave placed the commencement of the year about the sixteenth of July. Asthis happens to be just about the time that the sun is directly overheadin Yucatan, it has been surmised that the natives took astronomicalobservations, and tried to have their year commence at that time. But itmust be manifest that, if they did not possess a knowledge of the truelength of the year, and so make allowance for the leap-year, in thecourse of a very few years they would have to revise this date. 

Refer once more to the Maya table of days. Suppose the first day of theyear to commence with the day Kan. As there are twenty days in a month, we see that the second month would also commence with Kan. In likemanner, Kan would be the first day of every month of that year. Whenthe eighteen months were past, there would still remain the five days tocomplete the year. Now, although they were said to be nameless days, theMayas gave them names. The first day was Kan, the second day Chichan, the third day Quimij, the fourth day Manik, the fifth day Lamat. Theregular order of days we see. They were now ready to commence a newyear. 

The next day in the list is Muluc. This becomes the first day of thefirst month of the new year. But, being the first day of the firstmonth, it was the first day of every month of that year. At the end ofthe eighteen months of that year, the five days would have to be namedin their order again, which would carry us down to Gix, the first dayof the first month of the third year. It would also be the first day ofevery month of that year. Similarly we see that Cavac would be the firstday of every month of the fourth year. The fifth year would commenceagain with Kan. So we see that four of these twenty days became of moreimportance than the others. The years were named after them. The yearin which the month commenced with Kan was also called Kan. The same waywith the other days. So the name of the year was either Kan, Muluc, Gix, or Cavac. These four days were called "carriers of the year;" becausethey not only gave the name to the year, but because the name of theyear was also the name of the first day of every month of that year. 

The foregoing will help us to understand the Mexican method. Let usrefer now to the list of Mexican days. The first day of the first monthwas Cipac. For the same reason as above set forth, this would be thefirst day of every month of the year. The five extra days either werenot named at all, or at any rate they were not counted off in the tableof days. The consequence was that Cipac was the first day of everymonth; for we have just seen that it was the first day of every month ofthe first year. At the end of the eighteen months the five namelessdays would come in; but, as they did not form part of a month, were notnamed. The first day of the first month of the next year would be namedas if they had not occurred. But, when they came to name the years, we find they proceeded on exactly the same principle as the Mayas. Thusfour of the twenty days, occurring just five days apart, were taken toname the years. These days were Tecpatl, Calli, Tochtli, and Acatl. 

Mr. Bandelier, who made the valuable suggestion in regard to the originof the names of the days, has also suggested that, inasmuch as there arefour of the days more prominent than the others, they may signifyfour original gentes, from which the others have come. It seem to us, however, when we notice they are just five days apart, that the systempursued by the Mayas in naming their years explains the whole matter. 

Before we mention the longer periods of time in use among them we mustrefer to another mode of reckoning time, and trace the influence of thissecond method on the one already named. The method already explainedseems to have been a perfectly natural one--the second method is foundedon superstition. A large part of the duties of the priests, we remember, was to determine lucky and unlucky days, and in soothsaying. For thispurpose they made a peculiar division of time, which we will now try andexplain. 

For some cause or other, thirteen was a number continually recurringin their calendar. We can perceive no reason why it should have beenchosen. It has been suggested that it was just about the time from theappearance of a new moon to its full. Be that as it may, the number ofdays thirteen comes very near to what we would call a week. Among theMexicans, and probably among the Mayas, these thirteen days were dividedinto lucky, unlucky, and indifferent days, and were supposed to be underthe guidance of different gods. The priests had regularly painted listsof them, with the deities which governed them. These lists were used infortune telling. 

We must now inquire as to how they kept track of the years. The Mayasnamed their next longer period of time an ahau. There is some dispute asto what number of years it meant. Most of the early writers decide thatit was twenty years; but Perez, whose work we have already referredto, contends that it was twenty-four years. And this conclusion seemsto be confirmed by a careful study of some of their old manuscripts. Thirteen of these ahaus embraced their longest period of time, known asan ahau-katun. It had a length of either two hundred and sixty orthree hundred and twelve years, according as we reckon either twentyor twenty-four years to an ahau. It may be that the length of an ahauvaried among the different tribes of the Mayas. 

The Mexicans also had this week of thirteen days. Twenty of these weeks, or two hundred and sixty days, formed that part of the year they calledthe moon-reckoning; the remainder of the year was the sun-reckoning. Their longer period of time was also based on this number. A period ofthirteen years they called a tlapilli; four of these constituted a cycleequal to fifty-two years. The end of this cycle was anxiously awaitedby the Mexicans. They supposed the world was to come to an end on oneof these occasions. As the time drew near, the furniture was broken, thehousehold gods were thrown into the water, the houses were cleaned, andfinally, all the fires were extinguished. As the last day of the cycledrew to a close, the priests formed a procession, and set out for amountain about six miles from Mexico. There an altar was built. Atmidnight a captive, the bravest and finest of their prisoners, was laidon it. A piece of wood was laid on his breast, and on this fire wasbuilt by twirling a stick. As soon as fire was produced, the prisonerwas killed as a sacrifice. The production of new fire was proof that thegods had granted them a new period of fifty-two years. 

To understand how the years in this cycle were arranged and numbered, wemust refer once more to the Mayas, for though they did not use thecycle themselves, yet they give us a hint as to how it was obtained, and afford one more reason why we should think the Mayas were theoriginators of this calendar system. We give a table showing thearrangement of the days of the year among the Mayas. We will take theyear Kan--that is, we remember, when Kan was the first day of everymonth. We would naturally think they would describe a day by giving thename of the day and the month--as, the day Kan, of the month Xul, or thefirst day of the month Xul--but instead of so doing, they made use ofthe period of thirteen days. 

For instance, we see, by looking at the table, that the day ten Kan cannot be any other day during the year than the day above mentioned; sothat, for all purposes, it is sufficient to give the day and its numberin the week. We notice, however, that the last five columns of figuresfor week days of thirteen are just the same as the first five. But thisdid not confuse any, for the last five columns of days belong to the"sun-reckoning, " the others to the moon-reckoning. And though the numberof the day in the week was the same, yet a different deity ruled overthem than in the corresponding days of the first five columns. We cannot affirm that we know this to be true of the Mayas. Such, however, weknow to be the case among the Mexicans. 

Illustration of Almanac for Maya Year "Kan"----------------

Now we notice in this almanac that the last day of the year Kan, isnumber one of the week. As the count goes right along, the first day ofthe next year, Muluc, must be number two. If we would make an almanacfor that year, we would find the first day of the third year would benumber three of the week. If we were to continue this, we would findthat the first days of the years, would range from one to thirteen. This table shows the number in the week of the first day of the firstfourteen years. The first day of the fourteenth year would be numberone of the week again, but this time one Muluc, and not Kan. If we wouldcontinue our researches, we would quickly discover that fifty-two yearswould go by before we would have a year Kan in which the first day ofthe year would be number one again. 

 No. In the week of the first day Years. Of the year. --------------------------------- 1 Kan. 2 Muluc. 3 Gix. 4 Cavac. 5 Kan. 6 Muluc. 7 Gix. 8 Cavac. 9 Kan. 10 Muluc. 11 Gix. 12 Cavac. 13 Kan. ---------------------------------- 1 Muluc. 

We think the above explains the origin of the Mexican cycle of fifty-twoyears. The Mayas either never had this cycle, or had abandoned itsuse. The Mexicans however, used this period of time, and theynumbered their years in it in such a way that we can not explain it, unless we suppose they derived it in some such a way as just set forth. We give a table showing the order of the years in a cycle, and alsonotice that all that was needed was the number and name of the year toshow at once what year of the cycle it was. The year seven Calli, for instance, could never be any other year than the twentieth of thecycle. 

 ARRANGEMENT OF YEARS IN A MEXICAN CYCLE. 

 No. Name of the Years. 1 Tochli. . . . . . Acatl. . . . . . . . . Tecpatl. . . . . . Calli. . . . . . . . . . 2 Acatl. . . . . . . Tecpatl. . . . . . . Calli. . . . . . . . Tochli. . . . . . . . . 3 Tecpatl. . . . . Calli. . . . . . . . . Tochli. . . . . . . Acatl. . . . . . . . . . 4 Calli. . . . . . . Tochli. . . . . . . Acatl. . . . . . . . Tecpatl. . . . . . . . 5 Tochli. . . . . . Acatl. . . . . . . . . Tecpatl. . . . . . Calli. . . . . . . . . . 6 Acatl. . . . . . . Tecpatl. . . . . . . Calli. . . . . . . . Tochli. . . . . . . . . 7 Tecpatl. . . . . Calli. . . . . . . . . Tochli. . . . . . . Acatl. . . . . . . . . . 8 Calli. . . . . . . Tochli. . . . . . . . Acatl. . . . . . . . Tecpatl. . . . . . . . 9 Tochli. . . . . . Acatl. . . . . . . . . Tecpatl. . . . . . Calli. . . . . . . . . . 10 Acatl. . . . . . . Tecpatl. . . . . . . Calli. . . . . . . . Tochli. . . . . . . . . 11 Tecpatl. . . . . Calli. . . . . . . . . Tochli. . . . . . . Acatl. . . . . . . . . . 12 Calli. . . . . . . Tochli. . . . . . . . Acatl. . . . . . . . Tecpatl. . . . . . . . 13 Tochli. . . . . . Acatl. . . . . . . . . Tecpatl. . . . . . Calli. . . . . . . . . . 

 Illustration of Day Date. 

 ---------------Illustration of Year Date. --------------

To express the dates, they of course painted the hieroglyphic of theday, and dots for the number of days. This cut, for instance, expressesthe day-date "seven Acatl. " They generally wrote the dots in sets offive. Seven was sometimes expressed in the above manner. When theywished to express a year-date, they made a little frame and painted inthe hieroglyphics of the year, and dots for the number. This date hereexpressed is their thirteen Acatl, which, by the above table, is seen tobe the twenty-sixth year of the cycle. 

We have already dwelt too long on this part of the subject. Glancingback over the ground, we see there is nothing implying astronomicalknowledge, more than we would expect to find among a rude people. Wefind there are several particulars of the Mexican system which we couldnot understand, except by reference to the Maya system. It would botherus to explain why they should choose the days Tochli, Acatl, Tecpatl, and Calli, to be the names of their years, if we did not know how theMayas proceeded. We would be at a loss to explain why they choose thenumber of fifty-two years for the cycle, and arranged their years in itas they did, if we had not learned the secret from the constructionof the Mayas' almanac. From this comparison, we should say the Mexicancalendar was the simpler of the two. As the Mayas had twenty days inthe month, and, for priestly use, weeks of thirteen days, so they tooktwenty years, which, as they imagined, were supported by four otheryears, as a pedestal for their next longer period, the ahau; and forapparently no other reason than that they had weeks of thirteen days, they took thirteen of these ahuas for their longest period of time. Theydid not use the cycle of fifty-two years, but they numbered their yearsin such a way that, in effect, they were possessed of it. The Mexicandid away with all but the cycle of fifty-two years. 

Illustration of Calendar Stone. ---------------

No account of the calendar system of the Mexicans would be completewithout reference to the so-called calendar stone. The stone, the faceof which is sculptured as represented in this cut, was dug up from thesquare in front of the cathedral of the City of Mexico, where it hadbeen buried in 1557. When the temple was destroyed, this stone stillremained entire. Finally the authorities, fearing it attracted too muchattention from the natives, ordered it buried. It was brought to lightagain in 1790, but its early history was completely forgotten. Theastronomer Gama pronounced it a calendar stone, and his interpretationof the characters engraved on it have been the foundation for the ideathat the Mexicans had considerable knowledge of astronomy. Prof. Valentine and others have, however, shown that it was simply asacrificial stone, which the artist had decorated in a peculiar manner. This stone is considered by some to be so important that we willcondense Prof. Valentine's description of it as being the best at hand. Not all of out scholars accept it, however. The central figure is theface of the sun-god. It is decorated in a truly savage style. It hasear-rings, neck-chain, lip-pendant, feathers, etc. The artist's designhas been to surround this central figure with all the symbols oftime. We notice on each side of the sun a small circle or oval withhieroglyphics resembling claws. In Mexican traditions these representtwo ancient astrologers who were supposed to have invented the calendar. According to Nahua traditions of the world, there had been four ages ofthe world; at the end of each age, the world was destroyed. Right aboveand below the ovals with the claws, we see four squares containinghieroglyphics. 

Each of these squares refers to one of the destructions of theworld. The upper right hand square contains the head of a tiger. Thisrepresents the first destruction of the world, which was by tigers. Thefour dots seen, in this square do not refer to a date as they generallydo; it is a sacred number, and constantly reappears in all hieroglyphicsreferring to feasts of the sun. To the left of this square, crowdedbetween it and the pointer, can be seen the hieroglyphic of the dayTecpatl. The little dot is one, so this day one tecpatl probably refersto the day in which the feast in reference to this destruction wascelebrated. The second age was terminated by a hurricane. The upperleft hand square containing the hieroglyphic for wind refers to thisdestruction. Between this square and the pointer is crowded in thehieroglyphic of one Calli, referring to the feast in memory of thisdestruction. The third destruction of the world was by rain, the lowerleft hand square containing the hieroglyphic of rain. Below, notvery distinctly, is the date of this feast, one quiahuitl. The lastdestruction was by water, represented by the lower right hand square. The date of this feast as represented below is seven Ozomatl. 

Passing out of this central zone we notice the hieroglyphics for thedays of the month arranged in a circle. The A shaped ray from the headof the sun indicates where we are to commence to read; and we noticethey must be read from right to left. Resting on this circle of day, we notice four great pointers not unlike a large capital A. They aresupposed to refer to sunrise, noon, sunset, and midnight. Next in orderafter the days we notice a circle of little squares, each containingfive dots. Making allowance for the space covered by the legs of thepointers just mentioned, there are found to be two hundred and sixty ofthese days; they, therefore, refer to the days of the moon reckoning. We notice four smaller pointers not quite so elaborate as those alreadyreferred to, resting in this circle. They probably refer to smallerdivisions of the days. The next circle contains a row of glyphs notunlike kernels of corn. One hundred and five are represented on thiscircle; they refer to the days of the sun reckoning. 

Illustration of Sign of Rain. -----------------

Resting on this circle of days are small towers; they, like the smallerpointers, refer to divisions of the day. Adjoining each of these littletowers is a figure; this cut represents one of them. We notice they forma circle extending clear around the stone. The meaning of this circleis gathered from other painted records. It represents a rain storm; fourdrops are seen falling to the ground. The ground is cultivated, as shownby the three ridges; a grain of corn is represented lying on the ground. This band on the stone is in honor of the rain-god. 

Illustration of Sign of Cycle. ---------------

There remains only to explain the outer row or band. At the bottom isa rude representation of two heads with helmets. The meaning of thesefigures is unknown. From each of these figures extend in a semicircle arow of figures of this shape, ending with pointers at the top, betweenwhich is a year-date. Near the points on each side is what might bedescribed as four bundles tied together. Each of the small figures justdescribed is the representation of a cycle of fifty-two years. 

The date on the top is the year date, Thirteen Acatl. This is an easilydeterminable date. From Mexican paintings, we know the conquest ofMexico occurred in the year Three Calli. From this tracing their yearsback by the table given earlier (Arrangement of Years in a MexicanCycle), we would find that the first Thirteen Acatl we meet was in theyear 1479. This is exactly the date when, according to tradition, the great temple was finished, and this stone dedicated by bloodysacrifices. If we count the number of signs for cycles, we find thatthere are just twelve on each side, twenty-four in all. As the artistcould easily have made this number more or less, the probabilities arethat it means something. The most plausible explanation is, that in theyear 1479, they had traditions of twenty-four cycles. But this numberof cycles is equivalent to twelve hundred and forty-eight years, whichwould carry us back to about the year 231, A. D. , which date we must bearin mind; not that we think there is any scientific value to it, but forits bearing on other matter at the close of the chapter. 

We come now to consider the subject of their picture writings. The germof writing is found in the rude attempts to assist the memory to recallpast events. Some of the northern Indian tribes resorted for thispurpose to belts of wampum. When a new sachem was to be invested withoffice among the Iroquois, the historical wampum belts were produced;an old man taking them in hand, and walking back and forth, proceededto "read" from them the principles of the confederacy. In this case, particular events were connected with particular strings of wampum. Pictorial representation would be the next stage. At first the aimof the artist would be to make his drawings as perfect as possible. A desire to save labor would soon lead them to use only the linesnecessary to show what was meant. This seems to be about the stage ofpicture writing, reached by some Indian tribes, who have left here andthere specimens carved on rocks. 

Illustration of Indian Picture Writing. ------------

This cut is a specimen of such writing from the canyon of the San Juanin Arizona. Although quite impossible to read it, there is no doubt butwhat it expressed a meaning at the time it was engraved. 

Illustration of Chapultepec. --------------

From this stage of development would naturally arise symbolicalpaintings. Thus "footsteps" might signify the idea of going. Acomma-shaped figure, issuing from a person's mouth, would stand forspeech. The next step is what we might call rebus-writing, where notthe thing itself was meant but the sound. Thus this cut representsChapultepec--meaning grasshopper-hill, or locust mount. It is evident, here, the pictures of the objects represent the name. They, probably, did not use this principle farther than to represent the proper names ofpersons and things before the coming of the Spaniards. 

Illustration of Amen. --------------------

Some think that, in addition to the above, the Mexicans used, to a verylimited extent, a true phonetic writing--one in which the figures refernot to the thought, but to the sound of the thought. Others are notready to concede that point. They could not have been further along thanthe threshold of the discovery, at all events. The Spanish missionarieswere very desirous of teaching the Indians the Pater-noster, theAve-Maria, and the Credo. Either the Indians themselves, or the priests(probably the latter), hit on the device of using painted symbols forthe words and syllables of the church prayers and formulas. Thus in thismanner was painted the word Amen. The first sign is the conventionalfigure for water, in Mexican "atl", which stood for A. For the secondsyllable they put the picture of a maguey plant, in Mexican "metl. " Thewhole, then, was "atl-metl, " which was as near as they could express theword amen. We must observe, that this was after the conquest. 

Illustration of Historical Sheet. -----------------

The plate opposite is one of the paintings of the Mendoza collection. This collection, we must remember, was made after the conquest, simplyto gratify the curiosity of the King of Spain. The matter treated of isthe events connected with time when Motecuma the fifth "chief-of-men"held office. Around the edge we see the hieroglyphics of the years. Wenotice he was chief-of-men from the year one calli to two tecpatl. Aboutthe only thing recorded of him is the different pueblos he conquered. In all he subdued thirty-three; but only eleven are shown in this plate. The pueblos are indicated by a house toppling over--flames issuing fromunder the roof. The other little hieroglyphics are the names of thepueblos. The last one in the second transverse line from the bottom isthe hieroglyphic of Chalco, which we thus learn was reduced to tributeunder this chief. All the events indicated in this cut took place beforethe discovery of America. 

Illustration of Chilapi--Tribute. ---------------

A second part of this codex has reference to the tribute received fromvarious tribes. In this cut the left-hand figure is the hieroglyphicof the town of Chilapi, and is an excellent representation of theirrebus-writing we have just referred to. It is a tub of water, on whichfloats a red-pepper pod. The Mexican word for this last is chilli, forwater it is "atl. ". The word "pa" means above. For the full word we have"chilli-atl-pa. " Contracted, it becomes chilapi. The figure to the rightis the tribute. The five flags denotes one hundred. Below is representeda copper ax-blade--from which we infer that the Pueblo of Chilapi had tofurnish a tribute of one hundred copper axes. 

Illustration of Child Training. --------------

A third part of this same collection refers to the Mexican customs. Inthis cut we have represented the training of a boy at the different agesof four, six, thirteen and fourteen years of age. The little round marksnumber the years of his age. The little elliptical-shaped figures showthe number of tortullas the child is allowed at a meal. The boy istrained to carry and make various things, to row a boat, and to fish. 

Illustration of Migration Chart. -----------

The most interesting of Mexican picture-writings is the record of theirwanderings. This was formerly supposed to represent their migrationsfrom Asia--but is now known to refer only to their wanderings in theValley of Mexico. De Lafield, in his "Antiquities of America, " gives afull representation of this picture-writing. Bancroft's "Native Races, "Vol. II, pp. 548-49, give a very good reduced copy. We will not attemptto reproduce it all. This cut represents the beginning of it. A manis seen crossing a stream in a boat. The figure behind him may mean anisland, on which are represented some pueblos and human figures. Onthe opposite bank of the stream, to which the footsteps lead, is thehieroglyphic of Culhuacan, "the curved mountain. " The year date of thismovement is "one tecpatl. " The character within that of Culhuacan isHuitzilopochtli, their national god. The flakes issuing from his mouthsignify that he is guiding them. The principal figures about this mapare the hieroglyphic names of various places where they stopped, and thetime spent at each place. 

The Mayas seem to have been further advanced in the art of writing thantheir Nahua neighbors. Specimens of their hieroglyphic writings havebeen given in the preceding chapter. The hopes of our scholars weregreatly raised when, in 1863, the announcement was made that there hadbeen discovered, in Madrid, a Maya alphabet, which, it was expected, would unlock the mysterious tablets just mentioned. 

The alphabet thus discovered is represented in the next cut. It willbe seen that some of the letters have a number of different forms. Thisdiscovery was hailed as of the greatest importance, and a number ofscholars at once set about to decipher the tablets. They were speedilyundeceived. The alphabet is, practically, of no help whatever. Prof. Valentine even goes so far as to declare that this alphabet was not ofnative origin. 

Illustration of Landa Alphabet. ------------------

Illustration of Maya T. ---------------

He thinks that Bishop Landa, who is the authority for this alphabet, andwho was Bishop of Yucatan from 1549 to 1579, being anxious to assistthe natives in learning the new faith, set about the manufacture of analphabet for them. This he did by having the natives paint some nativeobject which came the nearest to the sound of our alphabet. Thus, for instance, this symbol there are excellent reasons for supposingrepresents the sun, or the word "day. " The Maya word for this is _te. _We find that this is the symbol that Landa employs for the letter T, only, in his drawing, the central dot has fallen into the lower dashes. Nearly all the other letters can be traced to a similar source. Butthe professor's reasoning does not satisfy all. He is believed to beright in a number of his identifications; but still the characters mighthave been used in a phonetic way. 

Illustration of Maya Manuscript. -------------

There is no doubt but that the Mayas had a different system than that inuse among the Nahua people. The knowledge how to use it was, probably, confined to the priests; and, furthermore, the system was, doubtless, amixed one. A few phonetic characters might have been used; but they alsoused picture-writing. The plate above is a sample of the manuscriptsthey left behind. It is in the nature of a religious almanac, and refersto the feasts celebrated at the end of a year. The line of characterson the left hand are the days characters Eb and Been. In the lowerdivision, a priest offers a headless fowl to the idol on the left. Inthe middle division, the priest is burning incense to drive away theevil-spirit. In the upper division, the assistant, with the idol onhis back, is on his march through the village. As yet, we know butvery little about the tables. We know the hieroglyphics of days and ofmonths. 

Illustration of Hieroglyphics--Tablet of the Cross. ------

Examining the tablets in the Temple of the Cross, at Palenque, represented below, we notice a large glyph, at the commencement of thetablet, something like a capital letter. This, Mr. Valentine thinks, represents the censers which stood in the temples before the idols, in which fire was constantly kept. Running through the tablets wenotice glyphs, in front of which are either little dots, or one or morebars with little dots in front of them. These are day-dates. The dotscount one--the little upright bars, five. The probabilities are thatthis tablet is a sort of list of feast-days in honor of the godsrepresented by the central tablet. 

As we have made a considerable effort to acquaint ourselves with thesocial organization and customs of the various tribes, and have spentsome time in learning the details of their calendar system, and theiradvance in the art of writing, it will not be out of place to inquireas to their history--to determine, if possible, some of the dates to begiven for the arrival of the tribes, and some of the important pointsof their prehistoric life. Whatever difficulties we have experienced inacquiring a knowledge of their customs will be greatly increased now. Their architecture, social organization, and general enlightenment couldbe perceived by the conquering Spaniards, and our information in regardto the same should have been full and complete. We have seen, however, how meager it is. The only light thrown on these disputed points is theresult of the labors of modern scholars. When we were made acquaintedwith some of the first principles of Indian society, we could read withprofit the accounts of the early writers. 

But, when we come to ask for dates in their history, we are almostentirely at sea. The traditions, in this respect, are almost worthless. So, all that we shall attempt to do, is to present some of the thoughtsof our scholars as to the probable connection of the civilized tribeswith each other, and what value is to be given to the few dates at ourcommand. We will begin, first, with the Maya tribes. This includes thosetribes that speak the Maya language, and its dialects. It was in theirterritory that the most striking ruins were found. They include thetribes of Yucatan, Guatemala, Chiapas, and Tobasco. Then there comesa break; but they were also settled on both banks of the River Panuco. Many theories have been advanced as to the origin of the Mayas. As yet, the question is not solved. 

Not a few have supposed them to be the same as the Mound Builders ofthe United States. Dr. Brinton has pointed out that the language of theNatchez Indians contains some words of the Maya. A Mexican scholar, Senor Orozco-y-Berra, thinks it probable that the Mayas once occupiedthe Atlantic sea-board of the United States; that they passed from thepeninsula of Florida to Cuba, and thence to the other Caribbean Islands, and so to Yucatan. He states that the traditions of the Mayas upholdthis view. But others are not ready to admit it. We have founda number of points of resemblance between the Mayas and the Nahuas. Differences we would, of course, expect to find; but still the points ofresemblance are sufficiently strong to indicate either that the tribeswere once subject to the same influence, from whence they derived theirculture, or else that they are descended from the same stock. We havereverted to the worship of Quetzalcohuatl, and shown how the Quiches, under the name of Gucumatz, worshiped a similar deity. We have alsoreferred to the great similarity of the calendar system. 

From the limited space at our command, it is not possible to refer tothe traditions of the Maya tribes. We will refer to but one manuscriptbearing on this question; but this is, probably, the most important one. This manuscript was written by a native with the Spanish letter, but inthe Maya language. It was written not far from the time of the conquestof Yucatan by the Spaniards, and the account is, doubtless, as full aone, from the native stand-point, as can be given. The period of timeused by the author is Ahau, which we have seen is either twenty, ortwenty-four years. 

Carefully going over this manuscript, Prof. Valentine arrives at thefollowing conclusions: About the Year 137, A. D. , the Mayas started fromsome place they called Tulla, or Tullapan, on their migration. Wherethis place was we do not know. The traditions of all the civilizednations refer to this place as a starting-point. It was a "land ofabundance. " It may be that this was but some fabled place, such asalmost all primitive people have traditions of. About the year231, A. D. , they arrived on the coast of Central America, and spreadthemselves over a large part of it. This same manuscript speaks of the"discovery" of Chichen-Itza, 522, A. D. The date of the founding of Uxmalis given as about the year 1000, A. D. From 1000 to 1200, A. D. , was thegolden era of the Mayas in Yucatan. 

The tribes at Uxmal, Mayapan, and Chichen-Itza formed a confederacyof which Mayapan seems to have been the head. About the year 1200, inter-tribal war broke out. It seems to have been caused by the arrivalof Nahua tribes, who established themselves in Mayapan. They werefinally expelled, but they left the Mayas in such a state of exhaustionthat they could not present a united front against the Spaniards. Suchare the conclusions of Prof. Valentine. He estimates the length of anAhau at twenty years, and it does seem that the author of the manuscriptused that number of years. 

Of the other branch of the civilized tribes we know but very little. The historical picture writings of the Mendoza collection, a collectioncompiled, remember, after the conquest, and, therefore, representing thetraditions then current among the Mexicans, takes us back to 1325, A. D. , to the first settlement in the Pueblo of Mexico. Sahagun, a Franciscanmonk, who went to Mexico as early as the year 1529, and remainedthere until his death in 1590, wrote a very voluminous account of theMexicans, their customs and history, and as he was in Mexico at the timewhen their traditions were still fresh in the minds of the natives, hisaccount is probably as good as any. He obtained his information ina very credible manner. He gathered together some old Indians, wellacquainted with the traditional history of their country. They aresupposed to have "refreshed" their memory by inspecting a number ofpicture writings, which have since disappeared. 

It is manifest that this history is valuable, just in proportion as thetraditions are valuable. He makes one statement that Prof. Valentine hasdwelt upon with great ability. He states that numberless years ago thefirst settlers came in ships and landed at a northern port, which, fromthat cause, was called Pauntla. This is supposed to be the Panuco River. After they had settled here, a large part of them, including theirleaders and the priests, went off south; Sahagun says as far asGuatemala. The party left behind organized themselves into anindependent body. They reconstructed from memory the calendar; theyincreased and became powerful, until pushing over the mountain, they built the pyramid of Cholula, and finally reached the city ofTeotihuacan, where they built a central sanctuary. For some reason theyabandoned their homes, all except the Otomies, and wandered off acrossthe plains, and high, cold, desert places, that they might discover newlands. 

No dates are mentioned for these occurrences, and we are not aware thatthis tradition is mentioned by other writers. We recall that from themouth of the Panuco River southward, we found evidence of considerablepopulation in olden times. We also recall that in this section are theruined pyramids of Tuzpan and Papantla. Prof. Valentine is inclined tothink that this date is referred to on the calendar stone; that is, 231A. D. Just twenty-four cycles elapsed from this time to the date of thededication of the calendar stone in 1479. 

He also thinks that the Maya traditions refer to this same occurrence. One more reference to this same mysterious date is contained in thetraditions of the Tezcucan tribe. According to the traditions, thebeginning of things were in the year 245 A. D. According to this view, then, the ancestors of both Nahua and Maya people appeared on the gulfcoast about 231 A. D. ; in the same place where a Maya-speaking tribe arefound to-day. From here those who developed the Maya culture went to thesouth and south-west; those who developed the Nahua went to the west andnorth-west. 

We do not profess to be a judge as to the value of this tradition. Our scholars will, probably, at no distant day, come to more definiteconclusions in the matter. Prof. Short thinks the strangers who at thisearly time made their appearance on the gulf shore were colonies ofMound Builders from the Mississippi Valley. We think it best to bevery cautious about coming to any such conclusions. We must not forgetthat back of the twelfth century is nothing but vague traditions. Mr. Bandelier tells us that "nothing positive can be gathered, exceptthat even during the earliest times Mexico was settled or overrun bysedentary, as well as by nomadic tribes that both acknowledged a commonorigin. " The savage tribes have the general name of Chichimecas, butby right this term ought to be applied to the sedentary tribes as well;however, the word Toltec stands for these sedentary tribes. We have allread about the great Toltec Empire in Mexico. This is a ridiculoususe of words. There was no tribe or nation of people of the name ofToltecs. All these prehistoric aborigines were probably Chichimecas;but by Toltecs we refer to the sedentary tribes, the skillful workersamong them. If we are to judge any thing of traditions, the originalhome of these people were somewhere to the north of Mexico. 

There was doubtless the usual state of inter-tribal warfare, but after aprolonged period the sedentary tribes--the Toltecs--were exterminatedor expelled. Their successors were utter savages, coming from the northalso. We doubt very much whether any date can be given for this event, but traditions assign it to about the year 1064. Prof. Valentine thinkshe finds a reference to it in the calendar of stone. If we will notice, in the outer band near the top are four little bundles, or knots, inall, eight. We are told that each of these bundles refers to a cycle offifty-two years, or in all four hundred and sixteen years. The dateof the inauguration of the stone is 1479. If we subtract the number ofyears just mentioned, we have the date 1063. Whether this is simply acoincidence, or was really intended to refer to that event, we can notsay. 

Considerable speculations have been indulged in as to where the Toltecswent when driven out of Mexico. Some have supposed they went to Yucatan, and that to them we are to look for the builders of the ruined cities. This is the view of a very late explorer, M. Charney. Some havesupposed we yet see certain traces of their presence in Guatemala, wherethey helped to build up a great Quexche "monarchy. " But we know verylittle about it. It is not probable that more than a feeble remnant ofthem escaped with their lives. 

From the same mysterious regions from where had issued the aboriginalChichimecas and Toltec people, there subsequently came still other bandsof sedentary Indians, who finally came to settle around the lakes ofAnahuac. These settlers all spoke closely related dialects of the samelanguage as their predecessors, the Toltecs. Finally the Aztecs appearedon the scene, coming from the same mysterious land of the "Seven Caves. "According to their historical picture-writings, they founded the Puebloof Mexico in 1325. It is somewhat singular that no record of this eventappears on the calendar stone. If the artist was ingenious enough, as Prof. Valentine thinks he was, to represent the dispersion of theToltecs in the eleventh century, he surely would have found some way torefer to such an important event as the founding of their Pueblo. Fromthis date the Mexicans steadily rose in power, until they finally becamethe leading power of the valley. 

REFERENCES

 (1) The manuscript of this chapter was submitted to A. F. Bandelier for criticism. The part bearing on religion was subsequently rewritten. Absence from the country prevented his examining it. (2) Mr. Bandelier is the author of three essays on the culture of the ancient Mexicans. These are published in Volume II of "Peabody Museum Reports. " We wish to make a general reference to these essays. They are invaluable to the student. Every position is sustained by numerous quotations from the early writers. In order to save constant references to them, we will here state that, unless other authorities are given for striking statements as to the culture of the Mexicans, their social organizations, etc. , it is understood that our authority is found in these essays. (3) In Mexican, "Tlaca-tecuhtli. " (4) Bancroft's "Native Races, " Vol. II, p. 572. (5) "Contribution to North American Ethnology, " Vol. IV, p. 229. (6) Morgan's "Contributions to N. A. Ethnology, " p. 256. (7) Bancroft's "Native Races, " Vol. II, p. 576. (8) "Who over heard of an imperfectly developed race decorating so profusely and so delicately their ordinary abodes, in a manner usually reserved for temples and palaces?" S. F. Haven, in Proceedings of Am. Antiq. Society, April, 1880, p. 57. (9) Morgan's "Contribution to N. A. Ethnology, " Vol. IV, p. 186. (10) Cortez saw "trinkets made of gold and silver, of lead, bronze, copper, and tin. " They were on the confines of a true Bronze Age. Proceedings of Am. Antiq. Society, April, 1879, p. 81. (11) "History of the Conquest of Mexico. " (12) Bancroft's "Native Races, " Vol. II. (13) "History of America, " 1818, Vol. III, book viii, p. 9. (14) Wilson's "Conquest of Mexico. " (15) Morgan's "Ancient Society, " p. 91. (16) But, on this point, see "Peabody Reports, " Vol. II, p. 685 --note, p. 282. (17) Morgan's "Ancient Society, " p. 197. (18) Ibid. , p. 205. (19) "Ancient Society, " p. 118. (20) Morgan's "Ancient Society, " p. 147. (21) We refer again to Mr. Bandelier's articles. A careful reading of them will convince any one that the picture of Mexican Government as set forth in Mr. Bancroft's "Native Races, " Vol. II, is very erroneous. Mr. Bancroft's views are, however, those of many writers. (22) "Ancient Society, " p. 528. (23) Morgan's "Ancient Society, " p. 537. (24) Bancroft's "Native Races, " Vol. II, p. 435. (25) It is needless to remark that these results are greatly at variance with those generally held, as will be seen by consulting Mr. Bancroft's "Native Races, " Vol. II, Chap. Xiv. Mr. Bancroft, however, simply gathers together what other writers have stated on this subject. We follow, in this matter, the conclusions of an acknowledged leader in this field, Mr. Bandelier, who has fully worked out Mr. Morgan's views, advanced in "Ancient Society. " (26) Morgan's "Ancient Society, " p. 193. (27) Bancroft's "Native Races, " Vol. II, p. 95. (28) Morgan's "Ancient Society, " p. 194. (29) Bancroft's "Native Races, " Vol. II, p. 94. (30) Morgan's "Ancient Society, " p. 195. (31) Bancroft's "Native Races, " Vol. I, p. 344. (32) Valentine, in Proceedings of American Antiquarian Society, April, 1879. (33) Gallatin: "American Ethnological Society's Transactions, " Vol. I, p. 119. (34) Valentine: Proceedings American Antiq. Soc. , October, 1880, p. 75. (35) Bancroft's "Native Races, " Vol. II, p. 381. Proceedings American Antiquarian Society, April, 1879, p. 110. (36) Bancroft's "Native Races, " Vol. II, p. 193. (37) "Fifth Annual Report Archaeological Institute of America, " p. 83. (38) Bancroft's "Native Races, " Vol. II, p. 389. (39) Bancroft's "Native Races, " Vol. II, p. 325. (40) Valentine: Proceedings Am. Antiq. Society, April, 1879, p. 90. (41) Ibid. , p. 111. (42) _North American Review, _ Oct. 1880, p. 310. (43) See "Copper Age in Wisconsin, " in Proceedings American Antiquarian Society, No. 69, p. 57. (44) Bancroft's "Native Races, " Vol. II, p. 483. (45) Proceedings Am. Antiq. Society, Oct. , 1881, P. 66. (Valentine. ) (46) Proceedings Am. Antiq. Society, Oct. , 1881, p. 66. (Valentine. ) (47) Bancroft's "Native Races, " Vol. II, p. 489. (48) Bancroft's "Native Races, " Vol. III, pp. 182-199. In this connection, see also Bandolier: "An Archaeological Tour in Mexico, " p. 185, note 2. It seems that none of the early writers speak of such a belief. The idea of one single God is first found in the writings of Ixtilxochitl. (49) Brinton's "Myths of the New World, " p. 45. (50) Tezcatlipoca, the tutelar deity of Tezcuco; Huitzilopochtli, the tutelar deity of Mexico; Camaxtli, the tutelar deity of Tlaxcala; Quetzalcohuatl, the tutelar deity of Cholula. (51) Bandelier: "An Archaeological Tour in Mexico, " p. 188. (52) This subject is fully treated of in Brinton's "Myths of the New World. " (53) "Among the Indians it is very easy to become deified. The development of the Montezuma myth among the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico is an instance. " (Bandelier. ) (54) Brinton's "Myths of the New World. " (55) Bandelier: "An Archaeological Tour in Mexico. " pp. 168-213. (56) Bancroft's "Native Races, " Vol. III, p. 298, note 9. (57) "American Antiquarian, " January, 1883, p. 78. (58) "An Archaeological Tour in Mexico, " p. 67. (59) "Peabody Museum Reports, " Vol. II, p. 600. Dr. Brinton in "Myths of the New World, " p. 281, gives some instances that might be thought to show the contrary. But even in those extracts we notice the parties had to deserve the office, and that in no case was it confined to certain persons. (60) Bancroft: "Native Races, " Vol. III, p. 335. (61) Bancroft: "Native Races, " Vol. II, p. 500. (62) Mr. Bandelier remarks that the numbers from five to ten should be macuil-pa-oc-ce, etc. We give the same table as both Mr. Gallatin and Mr Bancroft. (63) For authorities on this subject see Gallatin in "American Ethnological Society's Transactions, " Vol. I, p, 49; Bancroft's "Native Races, " Vol. II, p. 497; Valentine, in Am. Antiq. Soc. Proceedings, Oct. , 1880, p. 61. (64) Perez "Chronology of Yucatan, " in Stephens's "Yucatan, " Vol. I, p. 435. (65) See Valentine: "The Katunes of Maya History, " in Proceedings Am. Antiq. Soc. , October, 1879, p. 114. (66) We refer to the division of five days, not to the thirteen day period, of which we will soon speak. (67) Bandelier: "Peabody Museum Reports, " Vol. II, p. 579. Note 29. (68) Mr. Bancroft, "Native Races, " p. 508, gives a table showing the variation of authors in this respect. Gallatin "American Ethnological Society's Transactions, " Vol. I, p. 66, says, "the published hieroglyphics are dissimilar in many respects. " (69) Stephens's "Yucatan, " Vol. I, p. 438. (70) Bancroft's "Native Races, " Vol. II, p. 513, note 15. (71) Proceedings Am. Antiq. Society, April, 1878, p. 99. (72) Gallatin: "American Ethnological Soc. Trans. , " Vol. I, p. 71. (73) See Valentine, in Proceedings American Antiq. Society, April, 1878, p. 106. Gallatin, who is also good authority, gives the order different, viz. , Tochtli, Acatl, Tecpatl, Calli. (74) Valentine: Proceedings Am. Antiq. Soc. , Oct. , 1879, p. 84, _et seq. _ (75) Thomas: "A study of the Manuscript Troano, " in "Contributions to North American Ethnology, " Vol. V, p. 29. (76) According to the teachings of the Mexican priests nine deities governed the days. They had painted lists of these weeks, and the deities governing each. (77) Valentine: Proceedings Am. Antiq. Soc. , Oct. , 1879, p. 85. (78) In this table we have followed Mr. Gallatin. According to Prof. Valentine, the order of the years is different. This, however, is immaterial to an understanding of the system. (79) Gallatin: "Am. Eth. Soc. Transactions, " Vol. I, p. 94, _et seq. _ (80) Thus says Prof. Valentine. The cast of this stone in the Smithsonian Institution gives the date eight, instead of seven Ozomatl. (81) For information on the Calendar Stone, consult, "American Ethnological Society's Transactions, " Vol. I, p. 94, _et seq. ;_ Bancroft's "Native Races, " Vol. II, chap. Xvi, and p. 755, _et seq. ;_ Valentine: American Antiquarian Society's Proceedings, April, 1878, p. 92, _et seq. ;_ Short's "North Americans of Antiquity, " p. 419, _et seq. _ (82) Morgan's "Ancient Society, " p. 143. (83) Brinton: "Introduction to the Study of the Manuscript Troano. " (84) Valentine: Proceedings of American Antiquarian Society, April, 1880. (85) Gallatin: "American Ethnological Society's Transactions, " Vol. I, p. 131. (86) Valentine: Amer. Antiq. Society's Transactions, April, 1880, pp. 59-91. (87) Brinton's "Introduction to Study of manuscript Troans, " p. Xxvi. (88) American Antiquarian Society, April, 1881, p. 294. (89) "Myths of the New World. " The doctor now thinks his statement just referred to, too strong. There is, indeed, a resemblance, as he pointed out; but it is not strong enough to found any theories on. (90) Short's "North Americans of Antiquity, " p. 474. (91) Brinton's "Myths of the New World. " (92) This historical manuscript represents the traditions of the Maya people shortly after the conquest. It is very likely its author had before him picture records of what he wrote. Such records have since disappeared. The manuscript itself, the interpretation of it, and Perez's remarks are found in Stephen's "Yucatan, " Vol. II, Appendix. The same in Bancroft's "Native Races, " Vol. V, p. 628. The fullest and most complete discussion is by Prof. Valentine in Proceedings Am. Antiq. Soc. , October, 1879, p. 80, _et seq. _ Whether there is any thing worthy of the name of history is doubtful. (93) Proceedings Am. Antiq. Society, Oct. , 1882. (94) "North Americans of Antiquity, " p. 578. (95) "Peabody Museum Reports, " Vol. II, p. 387. (96) Valentine: Proceedings Am. Antiq. Society, October, 1882, p. 209. (97) _North American Review, _ from Sept. , 1880, to 1883. (98) Short's "North Americans of Antiquity, " p. 218. (99) This historical notice is a mere outline. Such, however, is all we wished to give. Those who wish for more details can not do better than to refer to Mr. Bancroft's fifth volume on the "Native Races. " We do not believe, however, that any thing definite is known of the early periods of which some writers give such glowing descriptions. When they talk about the doings of monarchs, the rise and fall of dynasties, and royal governors, we must remember the majority of the descriptive matter is mere nonsense, consequently our faith in the dates given can not be very great. 

Chapter XVI. 

ANCIENT PERU. 

First knowledge of Peru--Expeditions of Pizarro--Geography of Peru--Buta small part of it inhabitable--The tribes of ancient Peru--Howclassified--Sources of our knowledge of Peru--GarcillassoDe La Vega--Origin of Peruvian civilization--The Bolson ofCuzco--Historical outline--Their culture--Divided into phratries andgentes--Government--Efforts to unite the various tribes--Their systemof colonies--The roads of the Incas--The ruins of Chimu--The arts of theChimu people--The manufacture of pottery--Excavation at Ancon--Ruinsin the Huatica Valley--The construction of a Huaca--The ruins atPachacamac--The valley of the Canete--The Chincha Islands--Tiahuanuco--Carved gateway--The Island of Titicaca--Chulpas--Ruins at Cannar--Aboriginal Cuzco--Temple of the Sun--The Fortress--General remarks. 

The early part of the sixteenth century was surely a stirring time inthe world's history. The night of the Dark Ages was passing off of theOld World; the darker gloom of prehistoric times was lifting from offthe New. Spanish discoveries followed each other in rapid successionin the South. As yet, they supposed these discoveries to be along theeastern shores of Asia, but, in 1513, Balboa, from a mountain peak, inDarien, saw the gleam of the great Pacific, which intervenes betweenAmerica and Asia. At the same time he was informed there was a countryto the southward where gold was in common use, and of as little valueamong the people as iron among the Spaniards. As gold was what theSpaniards most desired, we can imagine how they rejoiced over suchinformation. 

The rich country of which Balboa was thus informed was later known asPeru. Balboa himself did not attempt its discovery. There was no lack, however, of those who wished to achieve fame and fortune by so doing. Among other restless spirits who had been attracted to the New World, was Francisco Pizarro. He had been associated with Balboa in foundingthe settlement of Darien, and, of course, he was among the first to hearof the marvelous country farther south. In 1518, Panama, on the Pacificcoast, was made the seat of government for the Spaniards in that sectionof the country. Pizarro was one of the first there--his services hadbeen rewarded by the grant of an estate. The historian of his expeditionspeaks of him as "one of the principal men of the land, possessing hishouse, his farm, and his Indians. " We need not doubt but what heoften pondered over his knowledge of the rich country south. He was wellacquainted with Indian character, and knew that a small band of resoluteEuropeans, possessed of fire-arms, could sweep every thing before them. 

He could not endure the quiet life on his estate, and so he obtainedfrom the governor permission to explore the coast of the South Sea tothe eastward. He spent a large part of his fortune on a good ship andthe necessary supplies for the voyage, and finally set sail from Panamain November of 1524. It needed a man of no common spirits to withstandthe disappointments of the next few years. In less than a year this shipreturned to Panama for reinforcements. Pizarro himself and a few of hismen remained at a place not very far from Panama. Here he was joinedby reinforcements under Almagro. Undismayed by his first experience, he again sailed southward along the coast. Xeres's brief account is asfollows: "When they thought they saw signs of habitations, they wenton shore in their canoes they had with them, rowed by sixty men, and sothey sought for provisions. They continued to sail in this way for threeyears, suffering great hardships from hunger and cold. The greaterpart of the crew died of hunger, insomuch that there were not fiftysurviving. During all these years they discovered no good land; all wasswamp and inundated land without inhabitants. "

This expedition accomplished nothing further than to obtain definiteinformation as to Peru. Pizarro's grant from the governor havingexpired, and the further fact that he had spent all his fortune in theseunsuccessful expeditions, made it necessary for him to go to Spain. Received by the emperor with favor, clothed with ample authority, he wasable to raise men and money, and finally sailed from Panama in 1531 onhis third and successful expedition for the conquest of Peru. Thus wasmade known to the world what is regarded as the most wonderful exampleof native civilization in the two Americas. 

The dawn of history for Peru was the sunset of her native culture. In afew short years what has come down to us as the Empire of the Incaswas completely overthrown; the enslaved Indians were groaning under theweight of Spanish oppression; the demolition of her ancient monumentshad already begun, and romance, tradition, and wonder had already throwntheir subtle charms around the ruins. The old customs and usages were onthe sudden dropped, a new culture was forced upon the unwilling natives, and prehistoric Peru, though distant but a few years in time, wasas completely separated from historic Peru as is the culture of theNeolithic Age in Europe from that of the early historic period. 

The magician's wand in the fairy stories of olden days did not presentresults more bewildering in their changes than did the operations ofthe Spaniards in Peru. All accounts unite in praising the government ofancient Peru. There is probably no question but what the governmentthe Spaniards overthrew was one far better adapted to the wants of thenative inhabitants than the one they forced them to accept. But when weread the accounts of that government as set forth by the early writers, we are at a loss to know what to believe. There is such an evidentmixture of fables, traditions, and facts, that the cautious studenthesitates, and asks what support the researches of later scholars giveto these early writers. We doubt whether we have to this day clear ideasof the culture of ancient Peru. This is to be regretted. There is noquestion but that here was the highest development of the Indian race inAmerica. If we accept the accounts given us, here rose an empire whichwill not suffer by comparison with the flourishing empires of earlytimes in Oriental lands. Let us try and learn what we can of thisculture, and see wherein it differed from that of the civilized tribesalready discussed. 

Illustration of Map of Peru. ---------------

We must, first of all, acquaint ourselves with the physical features ofthe country. We can never fairly judge of the civilization or cultureof a people until we know their surroundings. One of the discoveriesof late years is, that the culture of a people is greatly influencedby their surroundings. The very appearance of a country whether it ismountainous or plain, sea-girt or inland, influences the character ofa people. Civilization is found to depend upon such common factors asclimate, food, and physical surroundings. Now if we will examine themap of South America, we will see that the entire section of countryoccupied by the tribes under consideration is very mountainous. What isknown as the Andes is in reality the most eastern of the two ranges. The western one nearer the coast is called the Cordillera, or the CoastRange. The summit of this mountain range often spreads out into greatundulating plains, the general elevation of which is from fourteen toeighteen thousand feet above the sea. This series of elevated plainsforms a dreary, uninhabited stretch of country, "frigid, barren, anddesolate, where life is only represented by the hardy vicuna and thecondor. "

This is the uninhabited portion of Peru. The general width of thisplateau region is about one hundred and fifty miles. Passing this drearystretch of country we come to another still elevated plateau section, which extends to the snow-clad Andes proper. The distance between thesetwo great mountain ranges is from one to two hundred miles, but as wesee on the map they come together in places. One such place, the Pass ofLa Raya, fifteen degrees south latitude is of importance as marking thenorthern extremity of the great basin of Lake Titicaca. This basin isremarkable in many respects. It is of no inconsiderable size, being sixhundred miles in length by one hundred and fifty in width. It has a lakeand river system of its own. At the northern extremity of the basin isthe noted Lake Titicaca, which is given by some as the traditionalplace of origin of the Incas. This lake finds an outlet in the RiverDesaguadero, which flows in a broad and swift stream in a southerlydirection, where it empties into Lake Aullagas. 

Of this lake we know next to nothing, but it seems to be establishedthat it has no outlet to the sea. Thus this Titicaca basin is butanother example of interior basins like that of our own great Salt Lake. It is not, however, favorably situated for agricultural purposes. Itis a "region where barley will not ripen except under very favorablecircumstances and where maize in its most diminutive size has itsmost precarious development; where the potato, shrunk to its smallestproportions, is bitter; where the only grain is the quinoa, and wherethe only indigenous animals fit for food are the biscacha, the llama andthe vicuna. "

Thus we see that a large part of the interior of Peru was not desirablefor habitations. But this great plateau region north of the basin ofLake Titicaca is here and there broken up by what we would call valleys, but which the Spaniards more appropriately named _bolsons, _ literallymeaning "pockets. " These bolsons are of various altitudes, and, therefore have different climates and productions. Some are well drainedand fertile, others are marshy and contain considerable lakes. As ageneral thing, the bolsons are separated from each other by stretchesof the dreary, desolate plateau; or by ranges of precipitous hills andmountains, or by profound gorges, along which courses some river on itsway to swell the flood of the mighty Amazon. 

The coast range of mountains of which we have spoken runs nearlyparallel to the coast, distant from it about forty miles. This stretchof country along the entire coast of ancient Peru is mainly a desert. Owing to causes which we need not explain, rain is almost unknown; theconsequence is, the coast presents a dreary, verdureless, forbiddingappearance. The melting snows on the great Cordillera, however, senddown, here and there, on their western flanks, feeble rivers. Some ofthese rivers reach the sea, others prolong their flow but a few milesfrom the mountains before the thirsty desert swallows them from view. Asis true of all desert countries, all that is needed to render it fertileis water; so, wherever these rivers occur there are found wonderfullyfertile valleys. Every one of these valleys was once thickly settled, but, like the bolsons of the interior, they were not connected witheach other. Each valley is separated from its neighbor by many milesof almost trackless desert, across which the Incas are said to haveindicated the road by means of stakes driven into the sand and joinedby Ozier ropes. No remains of such roads have been found by moderntravelers. 

Illustration of Fortress, Huatica Valley. -------

From this description it is "clear that but a small portion of thecountry was inhabitable, or capable of supporting a considerable numberof people. The rich and productive valleys and bolsons are hardlymove than specks on the map. " It is necessary that we bear thisdescription of the country in mind. It will help us to understand asnothing else will how the tribes located in one rich and productivebolson could, by successive forays, reduce to a condition of tributetribes living in other detached valleys and bolsons. It will also enableus to put a correct estimate on the extravagant accounts that havereached us of the population of this country under the rule of itsancient inhabitants. We can also readily see why the tribes living inthe hot and fertile valleys along the coast, which were called Yuncasby the Peruvians, should differ in religion and mental and moralcharacteristics from the tribes living in the bolsons of the interior, where the snow-clad peaks were nearly always in sight, and wherethe sun, shedding his warm and vivifying beams, would appear to theshivering natives as the beneficent deity from whence comes all good. 

We must now turn our attention to the tribes inhabiting the section ofcountry just described. We have seen that the Mayas, of Central America, the Nahuas, of Mexico, and the sedentary tribes, of the United States, were considerably in advance of the great body of the Indian tribesof North America. We find the same fact true of the natives of SouthAmerica. Those tribes inhabiting the territory of ancient Peru, andthose of the territory now known as the United States of Columbia, were considerably further advanced than the wild tribes living in theremaining portions of South America. Quite a number of our scholars havegrouped in one class these partially civilized tribes of both North andSouth America, and called them the Toltecan Family. But others do notthink that there are sufficient grounds for such a class division. Theycan not detect any radical changes in the domestic institutions of thevarious tribes. On this point we must wait until our authorities areagreed among themselves. 

Attempts have been made to classify the various partially civilizedtribes of Peru. There are several difficulties in the way. It was, forinstance, the custom of the Incas, whenever they had reduced a tribe totribute, to force them to learn their language, which was the Quichua, and is what the early Spanish writers call the general language ofPeru. How far this language was forced on the tribes, and how far itwas their own idiom, we can not tell. Mr. Markham, who has made avery careful study of all the authorities bearing on Peru, divides theterritory of ancient Peru into five divisions, and in each locates anumber of tribes, which he thinks forms a family. 

The first, and most northern one, extends north from near Tumbez, in thepresent State of Ecuador. The second extends from Loja, on the north, toCerro De Pasco, in about eleven degrees south latitude. The third, andmost important, extends from this last named place to the pass of LaRaya, fifteen degrees south latitude. This was the home of the Incas andfive other closely related tribes. To the south of La Raya is the basinof Lake Titicaca, the home of a family of Indians generally known asthe Aymara Indians. This name is, however, wrong; these tribes shouldbe called the Collao Indians. These four divisions do not include anyterritory west of the Cordillera range, except one part of the thirddivision. These four families are all closely related. Mr. Markhamthinks they all had a common origin. Mr. Squier thinks the Collao, or, as they are generally called, the Aymara Indians, are distinct from theothers. "They differ from each other as widely as the German's differfrom the French, " is his own conclusion. The entire coast district ofPeru was the home of many tribes of Indians, about which we as yet knowbut little. The name by which they are known is Yuncas. 

We are now ready to proceed to a consideration of the culture of ancientPeru, and a description of the monuments. But before doing so we musthave a word to say as to the authorities. At the time of the Spanishconquest of Peru, the Empire of the Incas was supposed to have been inexistence about four hundred years. But the Incas had no hieroglyphic orpictorial system of recording events. The most they had was a systemof knot records or quippos, which will be explained in due time. Theserecords were simply aids to the memory. Mr. Squier places them "about ona par with Robinson Crusoe's Notched Calendar, or the chalked tallyof an illiterate tapster. " They are manifestly of no value ashistorical records. 

It must be evident, then, that all our knowledge of Peru, previous tothe arrival of the Spaniards, rests solely upon traditions. We have noreason to suppose that these traditions are of more value in their casethan in the case of other rude and illiterate people. The memory ofsuch people is very short lived. The tribes in the southern part ofthe United States must have been greatly impressed with Do Soto'sexpedition. They heard fire-arms for the first time, and for the firsttime saw horses ridden by men. Yet in the course of a few generationsthey had completely forgotten all this. 

One very eminent authority is Garcillasso De La Vega. Let us examinehis writings a minute. He was born in Cuzco about 1540, but a few yearsafter the conquest. His mother claimed descent from the royal family. Heleft Peru in 1560, when he was just twenty years old, and went to Spain. He first sought advancement in the army. Despairing of success in thatline, he turned his attention to literature. One of his first works wasan account of De Soto's expedition to Florida. The historian Bancroftthus characterizes this work: "An extravagant romance, yet founded uponfacts--a history not without its value, but which must be consulted withextreme caution. " Yet in this work there were no subtile ties of blood, no natural bias as there would be in favor of the land of his birth. 

About 1600 he commenced his "Royal Commentaries of Peru. " This is themain source of information as to ancient Peru. We must reflect that hehad been away from his native land forty years when he commenced thework. His sources of information were the stories told him in hisboyhood days, the writings of the Spanish travelers, monks, andconquerors, and what he learned by corresponding with his old friends inPeru, which he did when he formed the design of writing his history. Inother words, his history rests on the traditions extant at the time ofthe conquest, viewed, however, from a distance of sixty years. Who candoubt but what the old man, writing his accounts of this mother's race, that race that had been so deeply wronged, wrote it under the influenceof that potent spell, which the memory of old age throws aroundchildhood's days?

It is evident we have in these accounts but little deserving the name ofhistory. When he undertakes to tell us of the doings of the Incas, whoare supposed to have reigned three or four hundred years before theSpanish conquest, descending to such details as what nations theysubdued, the size of their armies, their speeches to their soldiers, the words of counsel they addressed to their heirs, their wise lawsand maxims--and we know that this account rests on traditions--he whobelieves that they are of historical value, is surely possessed of agood store of credulity. We do not mean to say that his writings are ofno account. On the other hand, they are of value. The historical part weare to consider simply as traditions, and we are to weigh them justas we would any other collection of traditions and compare them withmonuments still extant. He is good authority on the customs and mannersof the Peruvians just previous to the arrival of the Europeans. 

We have seen what strange mistakes the Spanish writers made indescribing the government and customs of the Mexicans. We have no doubtbut what substantially the same mistake has been made in regard to Peru. We believe that a careful, critical study of all that has been writtenon the subject of Peru by the early writers will establish this fact. As yet this has not been done. We must therefore be careful in ourdescription of the state of society amongst them, as we do not wish tomake statements not supported by good authority. 

We must try and decide as to what is the most probable origin of theancient Peruvian civilization. Some of the earlier writers on thissubject would trace it to an influx of Toltecs, the same mythical racethat is credited with being the originators of the culture found inMexico and Central America. But our modern scholars have clearly shownthat the Toltec Empire, which was supposed to have preceded the Mexican, never existed. What we are to understand by the Toltecs is the sedentarytribes of Indians, either of the Nahua or Maya stock. The only valuewe would assign to the story of their dispersion is that it is atraditional statement that the migration of the sedentary Indians hasbeen in a direction from north to south. 

Illustration of Ruins at Pachacamac. ---------------

We have no means of knowing when the first tribes arrived in thecountry, or of their state of culture. It was doubtless at a very earlydate, and the tribes were probably not far advanced. We have no reasonto suppose the culture of Peru was influenced from outside sources atall. We can not detect any evidence of a succession of races in Peru. The distinguished author to whom we have already referred speaksof what he calls the ancient Peruvians as distinguished from the moderntribes that acknowledged the government of the Incas. We think thatall the evidence points to a long continued residence of the same raceof people. 

We may suppose that in the fertile valleys of the coast, and in thebolsons of the interior, tribes of rude people were slowly moving alongthe line of progress that conducts at last to civilization. There isno reason to suppose that this progress was a rapid one. Under allcircumstances this development is slow. We must not forget the naturalfeatures of the country. The inhabited tracts were isolated, hence wouldarise numerous petty tribes, having no common aims or mutual interests. Each would pursue their own way, and would keep about equal pace throughthe stages of Barbarism. 

In process of time geographical and climatic causes would producethose effects, from which there is no escape, and some tribes woulddistinguish themselves as being possessed of superior energy, and thesame results would follow there as elsewhere; that is, the dominion ofthe strong over the weak. All other circumstances being equal, we wouldlook for this result in a section where a mild climate and fertile soilenabled man to put forth his energies, and rewarded his labors. Allaccounts agree in speaking of the bolson of Cuzco as well provided bynature in this respect. One eminent traveler speaks of it as "a regionblessed with almost every variety of climate. On its bracing uplandswere flocks of llamas and abundance of edible roots, while its sunnyvalleys yielded large crops of corn, pepper, and fruits. " Mr. Squierthinks that, on the whole, the climate is very nearly the same as thatof the south of France. 

This bolson was the home of the Incas. A number of writers speak of theIncas very much as if they were a royal family. It is not necessaryto discuss this point very extensively at present. All our accounts oftheir early history are traditional. Mr. Markham and Mr. Squier, bothcompetent judges, assert that the weight of traditions is to the effectthat the Incas originated near Cuzco. "Universal traditions, " says Mr. Markham, "points to a place called Peccari Tampu as the cradle orpoint of origin of the Incas. " As near as we can make out from thedescription, this was where, as seen from Cuzco, the sun appeared torise. 

We must remark that the sun was the ancestral deity of the Incas. Allthe Andean people worshiped some object as an ancestral deity. "AnIndian, " says La Vega, "is not looked upon as honorable unless he isdescended from a fountain, river, or lake, or even the sea, or from awild animal, such as a bear, lion, tiger, eagle, or the bird theycalled a condor, or from a mountain, cave, or forest. " The Incas claimeddescent from the sun. So we can see why their legends would center onthe place where the sun appeared to rise. In after years, when they hadextended their conquests to the Collao, and stood on the shore ofLake Titicaca, the sun appeared to them to rise out of its waves; and sothis lake became to them a second point of traditional origin. 

We see we can not solve the question of the origin of the Incas untilwe solve the deeper problems of the origin of the Andean tribes. Every thing seems to indicate a long-continued residence, perhaps forcenturies, and a slow advance in culture. We are not to suppose theIncas were endowed with unusual capacity for improvement; all the tribeswere probably about equal in this respect. But their situation wasin their favor, and they did not have to contend with those obstaclesthat confronted other tribes. They must have increased in numbers and inculture; they would in time feel themselves strong enough for conquest. We must bear in mind the peculiar geographical features of the country. In the isolated valleys and bolsons were living other tribes, but littleinferior to the Incas. There were no common interests between thesetribes. One by one they fell before the assaults of the Incas, and werereduced to tribute. Rendered still more powerful by success, the Incaspushed on their conquests until finally all the tribes living in thatvast stretch of country from the Andes to the Pacific, from Chili tothe United States of Colombia, acknowledged themselves tributary to theIncas. This was the state of things when the Spaniards, under Pizarro, appeared on the scene. 

When we undertake to learn the history or the state of culture among theIncas, we are entering on a difficult subject. Of their history, we knowbut very little more than is given in this outline; and owing to thecomplete absence of all records, we can not expect to know very much. Garcillasso draws such an inviting picture of the happy government ofthe Incas, that we would suppose that no rebellion or insurrection wouldever occur. It seems, however, that their government was as much subjectto such trials as any. Mr. Forbes tells us that "the Aymaras neversubmitted tamely to their Peruvian masters, but from time to time gavethem much trouble by attempting to recover their independence. " And M. Reville tells us of the Incas that, "more than once they had tosuppress terrible insurrections. " And we shall see, further on, thatthe probabilities are that the various tribes composing this so-calledempire were not more compact and united than were the tribes composingthe Mexican Empire. 

Shortly before the conquest, the Incas had reached their zenith ofpower. Huayna Capac, who died about 1525, was in reality the last of theInca chiefs. Under his management the tribes as far north as Quito werereduced to tribute. The story goes that shortly before his death hedivided the empire between two of his sons. One, Huascar, the rightfulheir to the throne; the other, Atahualpa, half-brother to Huascar. Hismother was daughter of the last king (?) of Quito. Her father had beenforced to submit to the victorious Huayna Capac. This division of theIncarial Empire, was not at all to the liking of either Huascar orAtahualpa. They both wished to be sole Inca. Civil war was the result. Atahualpa, by treachery, had taken his brother prisoner, and woulddoubtless have achieved his ambition, but just then Pizarro invaded thecountry, and the reign of the Incas was over. 

Thus far, the story. We very much doubt whether this expresses the factsof the case. There is no question, of course, that civil war was inprogress when the Spaniards arrived, which war, by the way, was a veryfortunate thing for the Spaniards; but we do not know enough about thegovernment of the Incas to know whether Huayna Capac could bequeath anypowers to his sons. About all we are justified in saying is, that on hisdeath, two persons (they were very likely brothers, and sons of HuaynaCapac) aspired to the chieftaincy of the Incas, and, failing to agree, resorted to war to settle the matter. 

The question is, how far back in the unrecorded past can we followtradition? Huayna Capac is thought to have been chief for about fiftyyears. His predecessor is said to have been one Tupac Yupanqui. Velasco, an early writer on the Peruvians, thinks he was chief for aboutthirty-six years. As this would carry us back nearly one hundredyears, it must be evident we have gone about as far as we can place anyreliance on tradition. However, the third chief, going backwards, wasalso called Yupanqui, sometimes denominated "Yupanqui the Great, " andhis reign (?) takes us back to about the year 1400. "Beyond this point, "says M. Castaing, "we fall into a mythological era. " We fully agree withhim. We can not think there is any special value in accounts of eventssaid to happen before that time--that is, for historical purposes. 

That there were victorious chiefs, conducting victorious forays beforethat date, is, of course, admitted. That the names of many of the chiefshave come down to us, as well as some of their notable achievements isquite possible. It is also evident that some mythological personageswould appear in tradition as "reigning Incas. " It is equally plain thatneither Garcillasso, nor any of the Spanish writers, had any clear ideasof these ancient times or events. All traditions finally settle on MancoCapac as the first chief of the Incas. M. Castaing says he "is but anallegory of the period of formation. " The date of the accession ofthis mythological chief is given by most authorities as about the year1000. M. Castaing thinks it was in the middle of the twelfth century. It does not make much difference which date the reader concludes toaccept--one will do as well as the other. 

Let us turn our attention to the culture of the Incas, and their stateof government. Here we would expect to be on firm ground. We wouldexpect the Spanish writers to give us reliable accounts of the state ofsociety of the people they conquered. But, as Mr. Squier remarks, theoverthrow of the Peruvian government "was so sudden and complete thatthe chroniclers had hardly time to set down the events which took placebefore their own eyes, and had little leisure, or perhaps inclination, to make a careful investigation into the principles of their civil andreligious polity. As a consequence, this work has devolved upon thelaborious student and archaeologist of a later time. " In other words, we are to compare the accounts given us by the early writers with ourpresent knowledge of Indian society. 

We have already made the statement that the Inca were a tribe ofIndians. But, if they were a tribe, did they have the usual subdivisionsof a tribe--which, we remember, are the phratry and gens? The Spanishwriters say nothing about such divisions. This is not strange. They saidnothing about the phratries and gentes of the Mexicans; and yet theywere in existence. Neither did the English mention the institution ofthe phratries and gentes among the Iroquois; and yet they were fullydeveloped. We answer, that the Inca tribe were divided into bothphratries and gentes. It is necessary to show what grounds we have forsuch belief. It is well to have a little better understanding of thesurroundings of this tribe. 

The isolated section of country which they occupied is about seventymiles long by sixty in width. "The proper name for the aboriginal peopleof this tract, " says Mr. Markham, "is Incas. " This word must have beenat first the title for chief--for all the chiefs in this section werecalled Incas; but, in process of time, the name was assumed as thespecial title of the tribe at Cuzco. Mr. Markham gives us further thenames of seventeen lineages who occupied this valley. Whether a lineagewas a tribe or not we can not decide. We will now confine our attentionto the ruling tribe at Cuzco. 

The Spaniards noticed that Cuzco was divided into two parts, calledrespectively Upper and Lower Cuzco. Garcillasso tells us that thisdivision was made as follows. Manco-Capac with his wife and queen werechildren of the Sun, sent to civilize the Indians, who, beforetheir arrival, were a very degraded sort of savages. From Cuzco thissun-descended couple went their different ways--the king to the north, the queen to the south--"speaking to all the people they met in thewilderness, and telling them how their father, the Sun, had sent themfrom heaven to be the rulers and benefactors of the inhabitants of allthat land;. . . And, in pursuance of these commands, they had come tobring them out of the forests and deserts to live in villages. " Thissounded so good to the wild tribes, that they "assembled in greatnumbers, both men and women, " and set out to follow their exhorters. 

The tribe that followed the king settled Upper Cuzco; while the queen'sconverts settled Lower Cuzco. This division was not made so thatthose living in one half should have any special privileges over theother--for they were all to be equal, like brothers. The division wassolely in order "that they might be a perpetual memory of the fact thatthe inhabitants of one were assembled by the king, and the other by thequeen. " The only difference between them was, "that the people of UpperCuzco should be looked upon and represented as elder brothers, and thoseof Lower Cuzco as younger brothers. "

Such is the account of the settlement of Upper and Lower Cuzco. Any oneacquainted with the general principles on which the division of Indiantribes into phratries took place, can not help concluding that thesedivisions were simply two phratries. The inhabitants of each tracedtheir descent back to a supernatural personage. They were equal inpower to each other as elder and younger brothers. Polo Ondegardo simplyremarks that "the lineage of the Incas was divided into two branches, the one called Upper Cuzco, the other Lower Cuzco. " There ought tobe no objection to substituting for the word branches used above thescientific term our scholars now employ; that is, phratry. Each tribe ofthe Iroquois confederacy was divided into two phratries, and their namefor this division was a word which meant brotherhood. 

Whatever doubt we may have on this point vanished when we come toexamine into the customs of the Incas. We must not forget that the mostprominent way a phratry shows itself is in matters of religion, and inthe play of social games. "The phratry, among the Iroquois, " says Mr. Morgan, "was partly for social and partly for religious objects. . . . In the ball game, for example, they play by phratries, one against theother. Each phratry puts forward its best players, usually from six toten on a side, and the members of each phratry assemble together, but onopposite sides of the field in which the game is played. The members ofeach phratry watch the game with eagerness, and cheer their respectiveplayers at every successful turn of the game. "

Illustration of Relics from Guano Deposits. ---------

Let us see how it was among the Incas. Like all Indian tribes, theIncas were very fond of ceremonious feasts. Nearly every month theycelebrated one or more. We gather from Molina that on occasions when thewhole tribe participated in such religious observances, the people ofUpper Cuzco sat apart front Lower Cuzco. In the month corresponding toAugust they had a celebrated feast, the object of which was to drive outall evil from the land. We read: "All the people of Cuzco came out, . . . Richly dressed, sat down on benches, each man according to the rank heheld, those of the Upper Cuzco being on one side, and those of LowerCuzco on the other. " And of another feast we read: "They brought out theembalmed (?) bodies of the dead Incas, placing those who had belonged toUpper Cuzco on the side where that lineage was stationed, and the samewith those of Lower Cuzco. " Other examples could be given, but thispoint is well established. In games this same division was observed, since we read that in the month of December, "on the first day of themonth, those who had been armed as knights--as well those of the lineageof Upper Cuzco as those of Lower Cuzco--came out into the square withslings in their hands, . . . And the youths of Upper Cuzco hurled againstthose of Lower Cuzco. " We may therefore consider it well establishedthat the Incas were a tribe of Indians having two phratries. 

Let us now see how the matter stands in regard to gens. This divisionfollows almost as a matter of course, but it is well to see whatseparate grounds exist for the assertion. Garcillasso, in hisdescription of Cuzco, after a reference to the division into Upper andLower Cuzco, tells us further that it was divided into twelve wards. Mr. Squier gives us a map of the ancient city. From this we see thatthe twelve wards were arranged in an irregular oval around the principalsquare. Seven of them belonged to the division of Upper Cuzco, the otherfive to Lower Cuzco. 

This division is utterly unintelligible to us, unless we suppose themto be subdivisions of the phratries. It makes no difference what name webestow upon them, in effect they can be nothing else than gentes. As tothe number of them, it is well to notice a coincidence in the statementof an Indian writer, Salcamayhua. On a certain very importantoccasion there were assembled "_all_ the councilors. The governorentered the chamber, where _twelve_ grave councilors wereassembled. " The most reasonable explanation that can be givenfor the number twelve is that each gens had one representative in thecouncil. The Incas are thus seen to be very probably, at least, noexception to the general rule of Indian tribes. 

From our present standpoint what can we learn as to their government? Itis, of course, well known what the position of the early writers onthis subject is. They all agree that the government of the Incas wasa monarchy of the strictest type. We have seen what a wonderful empirethey bestowed on the Mexicans. The Peruvian Empire is painted in stillbrighter colors. Modern writers have not allowed the early accounts tosuffer by repetition. Rivero uses the following language: "The monarchsof Peru, . . . Uniting the legislative and executive power, the supremecommand in war, absolute sovereignty in peace, and a veneratedhigh-priesthood in religious feasts, . . . Exercised the highest power everknown to man. " Even so cautious a writer as Mr. Squier speaks ofthe Incas as ruling "the most thoroughly organized, most wiselyadministered, and most extensive empire of aboriginal America. "

It is freely admitted that there is much that is indeed wonderful in theculture of the Incas; but it has, undoubtedly been greatly exaggerated. To deal with this question as it should be would require an entirevolume of itself, and would require far more extensive research than thewriter has been able to make, or is, indeed, prepared to make. It willdo no harm to see what we can learn by comparing the statements of someof the early writers with what we have now learned of Indian society. 

Let us first inquire as to the council. There is no question as to theexistence of a council. Garcillasso and all the early writers refer toit in an accidental sort of way. To show the force of this statement, we will give a few quotations. Garcillasso, speaking of the movements ofthe Inca Viracocha, says: "Having passed some years in making journeys, he returned to Cuzco, where, with the advice of his councilors, heresolved on war. " And, in another place: "Having consulted with hiscouncil" he assembled his army. Talking about the son of the foregoing, he says: "In fine, this king, with the advice of his council, made manylaws, rules, ordinances, " etc. In the foregoing we are made aware ofthe existence of a council, but are not told as to its size or powers. Each gens would of course be represented in the council. We have spokenin one place of the number twelve. Mr. Bandelier tells us that thecouncil consisted of sixteen members. As to its power we are alsoleft in the dark; but, judging from what we have learned of the councilamong the Mexicans and Indian tribes of the North, who can doubt butthat it was the supreme governing body?

The more we study this question, the more points of resemblance we wouldfind with the social organization of the Mexicans. The tenure of landwas of course the same, as we learn from the report of Ondegardo--somedifferences may have occurred in regard to tribute. 

The Mexicans, we must remember, were at the head of a confederacy, andthe tribute was brought to Mexico to be divided among the three tribes. The Incas were the only tribe, in the case of Peru, having supremepower. Having no one to suit but themselves, they introduced some newfeatures. The tribute, instead of being all brought to Cuzco, seems tohave been, at least a portion of it, stowed away in storehouses locatedat places most convenient for the Incas. Cieza De Leon says: "TheIncas. . . Formed many depots full of all things necessary for theirtroops. In some of these depots there were lances; in others, darts;and in others, sandals: and so, one with another, arms and articles ofclothing which these people used, besides stores of food. Thus, whena chief was lodged in one of these depots with his troops, there wasnothing, from the most trifling to the most important article, withwhich they were not supplied. " This tribute was gathered by regulartribute-gatherers. As in the case of Mexico, these appear in history asgovernors. Ondegardo says they left "Cuzco every year, and returned inFebruary, . . . Bringing with them the tribute of the whole empire. "

As a rule, the Incas did not interfere with the customs of the tribesthey had conquered. Garcillasso says: "Excepting a few alterations thatwere necessary for the welfare of the whole empire, all the other lawsand customs of the conquered province were retained without any change. "In the main, all they wished for was tribute. Yet they seem to have hadsome idea of a higher policy than that. They are credited with carryingout measures which would certainly tend to bring the tribes into a closeunion. Mr. Squier remarks: "The efforts of the Incas to assimilate thefamilies that were brought within their empire, by force or alliance--inrespect to language, religion, and modes of life--were powerful andwell-directed. " This was a step ahead of any thing that can be saidof the Mexicans. 

In the matter of language, it is said they made persistent efforts tohave the conquered tribes learn their own language. De Leon tells usthat it was a law throughout the kingdom that this language should beused--"fathers were punished if they neglected to teach it to theirchildren in their childhood. " How much we are to believe of this accountis doubtful. Mr. Markham has shown us that the languages of all theinterior tribes were related. We know how difficult it is to compela conquered people by law to learn a foreign language. William theConqueror made an unsuccessful attempt to compel the Anglo-saxons tolearn French--it ended by his followers learning English. Are we tobelieve that a tribe of Peruvian Indians were successful in spreadingtheir language over a wide extent of territory in the course of a fewgenerations?

Illustration of Burial Towers. -----------------

What is considered as the great stroke of policy on the part of theIncas, was their system of colonies. On this point De Leon tells us:"As soon as a province was conquered, ten or twelve thousand men wereordered to go there with their wives; but they were always sent to acountry where the climate resembled that from whence they came. If theywere natives of a cold province, they were sent to a cold one; and ifthey came from a warm province, they went to a warm one. These peoplewere called mitimaes--which means Indians who have come from one countryand gone to another. " On this we might remark, that the Incas did notalways show such discriminating care where they sent the exiles, sinceMr. Markham tells us that the "descendants of colonists on the coastsof Peru (a warm climate, notice) still retain traditions concerning thevillages in the Andes (a cold province), whence their ancestors weretransported. "

We will only refer to the so-called royal roads of Peru. Humboldtobserved them in Northern Peru, and speaks in high praise of them. Manyof the early writers mention them. De Leon gives us a really wonderfulaccount. Modern travelers have not been so fortunate in finding theirremains. Mr. Squier does not mention them. Mr. Hutchinson searched atevery place along the coast, and could find no trace of such works. The northern part of Peru, where Humboldt saw them, was almost the lastsection to be conquered by the Incas. It is singular that they shouldhave been in such a hurry to build roads in that section, when the otherparts of their territory were destitute of them. 

We are now prepared to inquire as to what remains of this ancientpeople have come down to us; and in studying these ruins we must keepconstantly in mind the social organization of Indian tribes. Wenotice on the map, at about 8° south latitude, a place marked Truxillo. It is situated nearly two miles from the sea, in the valley of theChimu. Its port is the town of Huanchaco, a dilapidated village of a fewhundred houses, about ten miles further north. Truxillo was foundedin 1535 by Francisco Pizarro, and was once a place of considerableimportance, but at present it is probably most noted for the famousruins located near it. Several of the fertile coast valleys that we havepreviously described, here unite; consequently this was a place ofgreat importance to the coast tribes. The ruins here are among the mostremarkable in Peru. The road from Huanchaco to Truxillo passes directlythrough the field of ruins. 

Illustration of Palace. ------------------

Mr. Squier tells us that the ruins "consist of a wilderness of walls, forming great inclosures, each containing a labyrinth of ruineddwellings and other edifices. " As our space is limited, we will describebut one of these inclosed spaces. This is a view of what is usuallycalled a palace, but this certainly is an absurd name. The inclosurecontains some thirty-two acres; the walls surrounding it are double, andsufficiently heavy to resist field artillery. At the base the walls, in some cases, are fifteen feet thick, gradually diminishing toward thetop, where they are not more than three feet thick. They vary in height, the highest ranging from thirty to forty feet high. In order to givea clear idea of these walls, we introduce this cut, which gives us asection of the walls. The materials of which they are built is adobe. 

Illustration of Section of Palace Wall. --------------

Within this inclosure we notice three open places, or courts, a numberof smaller cross-walls dividing the remaining space into a number ofsmall courts. Around each of these courts, generally on three sides, arethe ruins of houses. All in the interior of the large inclosures isso far gone in ruins that we can with difficulty make out the plan. Inclosures, such as we have described here, are the principal featuresof the Chimu ruins. Mr. Squier speaks of one three or four timesthe size of this one. With our present knowledge we are justified inconcluding that Chimu was the head-quarters of a powerful tribe. We aresurely justified in assuming further that each of these great inclosedsquares, containing upwards of thirty, forty, and even fifty acres, wasthe home of a gens--their fortified place. 

Of the houses, Mr. Squier says: "Around each court the dwellings of theancient inhabitants are grouped with the utmost regularity. . . . Someare small, as if for watchmen or people on guard; others are relativelyspacious, reaching the dimensions of twenty-five by fifteen feet insidethe walls. These walls are usually about three feet thick, and abouttwelve feet high. The roofs were not flat, but, as shown by the gablesof the various buildings, sharply pitched, so that, although rain maynot have been frequent, it was, nevertheless, necessary to provide forits occurrence. Each apartment was completely separated from the next bypartitions reaching to the very peak of the general roof. There are notraces of windows, and light and air were admitted into the apartmentonly by the door. "

On one side, at least, the whole area of the city was protected by aheavy wall, several miles of which were still standing at the timeof Mr. Squier's visit. At various places along this wall, cross-wallsextended inward, thus inclosing great areas which have never been builtover, and which show all evidence of ancient cultivation. We notice, near the upper end of this inclosure, a court, occupied by a mound. Thisis known as a _huaca, _ which calls for some explanation. It seems thatthe general name among all the Peruvian people, for a sacred object, is huaca. Being a very superstitious people, this name is applied toa great variety of purposes, amongst others, to these great artificialmounds, the majority of which are probably burial mounds. Theconstruction of many of these mounds is very singular. It seems as ifthey were a large collection of rooms, each one of which was filledwith clay or adobe. In some of these chambers, probably, treasures areconcealed. One very celebrated huaca, at Chimu, was found to contain anenormous amount of gold vessels. 

We must not forget to notice the arts of the Chimu people. The wallsof the inner edifices were often ornamented as is seen in the followingcut, of which the upper one is stucco-work and the lower one is inrelief. Adobe bricks are allowed to project out, forming the ornamentaldesign. Other ornaments of stucco-work were observed. The second figureon this page gives us an idea of this style of ornaments. As an evidenceof how the climate of Peru preserves ruins, we would mention that, though this last stucco-work has been exposed to the elements forprobably several centuries, yet it is still apparently perfect. 

Illustration of Ornamentation of Walls. ---------------Illustration ofAdobe Ornament. -----------------------

The Chimu people were certainly very expert workmen in gold and silver. De Leon asserts that, when the Incas conquered them, they took to Cuzcomany of the artisans of the country, "because they were very expert inthe working of metals, and the fashioning of jewels and vases in goldand silver. " In the cut following we have two vases--the smaller oneof gold, the larger of silver. The material is very thin, and theornaments are produced by hammering from the inside. 

Illustration of Gold and Silver Vases. ---------------Illustration ofBronze Knives and Tweezers. -------------

Besides such works as just described they had the art of castingrepresentations of men, animals, and reptiles in silver--sometimeshollow, sometimes solid. They even cast more complex objects. Mr. Squiersays he has one "representing three figures--one of a man, and twowomen, in a forest. It rises from a circular base about six inchesin diameter, and weighs forty-eight and a half ounces. It is solidthroughout--or, rather, is cast in a single piece, and rings, whenstruck, like a bell. " The trees, he says, are well represented, theirbranches spreading in every direction. The human figures are also wellproportioned, and full of action. They also knew how to manufacturebronze. Many agricultural implements are found, not only at Chimu, butall along the coast. In the preceding cut we have bronze knives andtweezers--also, a war-club of the same material. 

All the coast tribes of Peru excelled in the manufacture of pottery. Mr. Squier tells us that, in this sort of work we find "almost everycombination of regular or geometrical figures"--men, birds, animals, fishes, etc. , are reproduced in earthenware. In this cut we have one ofthe many forms. Notice the serpent emblem. 

Illustration of Water-jar. ---------------------Illustration ofWater-jars from Ancon, -----------

The people of Chimu, whose ruins we have been describing, belong to thecoast division--differing in many respects from the Peruvian tribesin the interior. Our information in regard to the coast people is verylimited. We have to judge them almost entirely from the ruins of theirtowns, and the remains of their handiwork. There is no reason to supposethey were the inferiors of the Peruvians in culture. It is quite thecustom to speak of them as if they were low savages before the Incasconquered the country; and that they owe to the latter all their advancein culture. On the contrary, we may well doubt whether their conditionwas at all improved by the Inca conquest. The coast people are supposedto have been conquered about one hundred years before the Spanishconquest. It was only after a most stubborn resistance that theprincipal valleys were subdued. 

Illustration of Cloth found in Grave. -----------------

It is not necessary, neither have we space, to give a review of allthe ruins along the coast. They are very plentiful. There is not aninhabitable valley but that they abound there. The soil where notirrigated is very dry, and tends to preserve any thing buried therein. All the coast people buried their dead; hence it is that we find, innearly all the coast valleys, such extensive cemeteries. At Ancon, for instance, twenty miles north of Lima it is simply wonderful howextensive the cemeteries are. Mr. Hutchinson says they extend for miles. Very extensive explorations have been made here for scientific purposes. We have given, earlier, some water-jars excavated at Ancon, in lastillustration we have some specimens of cloth found in graves farthernorth; and in the same locality was found a very wonderful piece offeather-work. The small feathers were so fastened to a ground of cottoncloth that they could not be pulled off. 

Illustration of Wall in Huatica Valley. ----------

Another noted place, about the same distance south of Lima, isPachacamac. Mr. Squier concludes, from the cemeteries at this place, that it was a holy place, to which pilgrims resorted from all parts ofthe empire so as to be laid to rest in holy ground. When we learn ofso many other similar localities, we see that this conclusion does notfollow. The most we can say is, that these valleys have surely beensettled for a long while. 

The city of Lima is situated on the south bank of the Rimac River, aboutsix miles from the coast. Its port is the town of Callao. The valley iscalled the Huatica Valley. Very extensive and wonderful rains occur inthis valley, between Lima and the sea. We are told these ruins are thickand close over a space of a few square miles, and are inclosed within atriple wall. The last cut is given as a representation of a portionof this wall, though only a small portion here and there is stilldiscernible. Amongst these ruins are a large number of immense mounds. 

Illustration of Burial Mound, or Huaca. ------------

Some are huacas, or burial mounds; and some are in the nature offortresses. It is best to explain a little more particularly about theburial mounds of the coast region of Peru. This cut gives us an idea oftheir appearance. As to their construction Mr. Squier says: "Many ifnot most of the pyramids, or huacas, were originally solid--built upof successive vertical layers of bricks, or compacted clay, around acentral mass or core. "

But this is not always the case; since in many huacas we find walls, insome rooms, and, finally, as before remarked, some apparently consist ofa large, many-storied building, the rooms of which are all filled withclay. In the mound just mentioned, Mr. Hutchinson found a number ofinclosures--though the work was done in a rough, shapeless manner. Mr. Squier gives us a description of a many-roomed huaca as follows: "Thanksto the energy of treasure-hunters who have penetrated its sides, we findthat it had numerous large painted chambers, was built in successivediminishing stages, ascended by zigzag stair-ways, and was stuccoed overand painted in bright colors. The conquerors filled up these chambers, and recast the edifice with a thick layer of adobe. "

This is surely a singular piece of work. The building just describedby Mr. Squier must have been much like a pueblo. We wish we had fullerdescriptions of it. Mr. Squier is eminent authority, and scholarsdelight to honor him for his researches. We take the liberty, however, to question some of his conclusions. How does he know that thisstructure was ever used for any other purpose than as a mound? It isindeed a singular way to construct a mound, but when we learn of theexistence of mounds showing the different methods of work--some solid, some with walls, others with rude rooms, still others with rooms towardsthe top--why not say that this many-storied building was simply onestyle of mound-building? He claims that the Incas filled up these rooms, and transformed the house into a mound. Mr. Hutchinson claims there isno proof that the Incas did this sort of work. 

As an example of fortress-mounds, also prevalent in the valley of theHuatica, we present the next cut. Mr. Hutchinson describes this moundas being eighty feet high, and about four hundred and fifty feet square. "Some of the adobe walls, a yard and a half in thickness, are stillquite perfect. That this was not likely to have been a burial-moundmay be presumed from its formation. Great large square rooms show theiroutlines on the top, but all filled up with earth. Who brought thisearth here, and, with what object was the filling up accomplished? forthe work of obliterating all space in these rooms with loose earthmust have been almost as great as the construction of the building initself. " So it seems that in the fortress-mounds also we meet withthis same mysterious feature--rooms filled with earth. 

Illustration of Fortress Mound. ----------------

The Huatica Valley was also the location of a famous temple--at leastsuch are the traditions--and ruins are pointed out as being those of thetemple in question. It is simply an immense, large inclosed square, ofsome forty-nine acres. On each side of this square there is a huge massof ruins, and another in the center. In our next illustration we havea portion of the wall surrounding the ruins on the south side of thesupposed temple. This is the largest of the group of ruins. The wallsare seventy feet high; the area at the top is over five acres. Here, again, we notice the same mysterious feature already referred to, for"on the top of this were also discernible the outlines of large squarerooms, filled up, as all the others, even to the topmost height ofseventy feet, with earth or clay. "

Illustration of Temple Wall. ----------------------

This cut is given as a fort, meaning thereby a fortress-mound, such aswe have already described. It is said to be situated to one side of thetemple. From this we understand that the wall seen in the cut is thatalready mentioned as inclosing the temple. Another ruined fortress foundin this valley is given earlier. 

Illustration of Fortress, Huatica Valley. -----------------

Twenty miles south of Lima, in the valley of the river Lurin, is animportant field of ruins, known as Pachacamac, which is still the nameof a small village in the neighborhood. We give a general view of theruins. The principal point of interest, about it is the ruins of an oldtemple. Traditionally, this, is one of the most interesting points inPeru. All the coast tribes were very superstitious. We have alreadyreferred to the celebrated temple near Lima. The temple at Pachacamacwas of still greater renown. Arriaga, a famous ecclesiastic, took anactive part in extirpating their idolatrous belief. From his accounts, it seems they were much addicted to fortune-telling. Their gods weremade to give out oracles and their temples became renowned just inproportion as their priests were shrewd in this matter. 

Illustration of Pachacamac. --------------------

Those at Pachacamac were especially skillful, and it is said, pilgrimsresorted to it from all parts of the coast. As a consequence, it becamevery rich. The god that was worshiped here was a fish-god. The name ofthis god, and the name of this old town are alike lost to us. When theIncas conquered the coast people, they imposed the name of one of theirown divinities on this temple, and by that name the place is now knownto us. 

The ruins of the supposed temple are seen on the hill in the backgroundof the picture. A number of writers speak of this hill in such terms asto imply that it was altogether artificial, like the famous pyramid atCholula. 

Mr. Squier says that it is largely artificial, but that the central coreis a natural hill. He speaks of rocks cropping out on the highest part, which seem to be conclusive of the matter. They built up great terracesaround this central core. These terrace walls are now in such a ruinedcondition that they can with difficulty be made out. We introduce thiscut as a nearer view of the ruins of the temple. 

Illustration of View of the Temple. --------------

Some writers assert that the Incas erected on the summit of this hill atemple of the sun. There are, however, no good proofs of this assertion. According to Mr. Squier the only ruin of the Inca type of architectureis a mile and a half distant. Mr. Hutchinson noticed, on the very top ofthe hill, evidence of the same mysterious proceedings to which we havealready referred--that is, great rooms all filled up with clay. Hepropounds this query: "Whose hands carried up the enormous quantities ofearth that fill every space and allow no definition of rooms, halls, or, indeed, of any thing but the clay itself, and the walls cropping upfrom amongst them?" We are afraid this query can never be answered. Mr. Hutchinson found graves to be very plentiful all over the field ofruins. Quite a number of curiosities have been found in these graves. Wepresent in this cut some of the same. We call especial attention to theduck-headed bowl. Compare, this with the cut given in Chapter X, andwe will be struck with the similarity. Another view of the ruins atPachacamac is given earlier in this chapter. As in the case of the ruinsof Grand Chimu, the whole field of ruins was encompassed by a wall, portions of which Mr. Hutchinson observed on the north, stretching awayfrom the sea inland. Explorers have found here true arches. They aresaid to exist in Northern Peru. We are at a loss to account for theirappearance, for certainly the people generally were ignorant of theiruse. 

Illustration of Relics from Graves at Pachacamac. -------

The valley of the Canete, the next one we meet going south, is avery large and very fertile valley. It is also full of ruins, but notdiffering enough from the others to justify a separate description. About one hundred miles below Lima we notice three small islands. Theseare the Chincha Islands, noticeable on account of the immense quantitiesof guano they contain. It seems that at various depths in this guanodeposits are found relics of man. In our next cut we present some ofthese objects. The two small vessels which were probably water jars, were found buried in the guano at a depth of sixty-two feet. The otherfigure, a wooden idol, was found at the depth of thirty-five feet. 

Illustration of Relics found in Guano deposits. ------

We have no very good data on which to rely when we attempt to estimatethe number of years required to bury the water jars to the depth wherefound. Thousands of years must have passed. The water jars are notrude forms. No little skill is indicated by their formation. The woodenidol is not necessarily near as old as the jars, but no one can doubtbut that it dates from long before the Inca conquest of the valley. Another collection of small idols, and supposed royal emblems, alsofound in guano deposits, but at an unknown depth, is shown earlier inthis chapter. 

We have thus far been describing the ruins that occur in the territoryoccupied by the coast tribes, a people in many ways different from thegreat body of Peruvian people in the interior. According to traditions, the conquest of the coast tribes took place about one hundred and fiftyyears before the Spanish conquest. The details of this conquest aregiven with great precision. We doubt whether any great reliance canbe placed upon them. We might remark that while Garcillasso traces theprogress of the conquest from the south north, Salcamayhua reverses thisorder, and makes the victorious Incas march from the north to the south. One or the other made a mistake in traditions. 

Illustration of Prehistoric Pottery Ware. ----------

The Inca conquest of the coast tribes was a very thorough one. The namesand traditions of the tribes were blotted out. The word Yunca, by whichthey are known, is from the Inca language. The same is true of the namesof the coast valleys, and yet, from what we have already learned ofthem, we feel sure that they were very far from the degraded savagesGarcillasso would have us believe they were. The inhabitants of eachvalley formed a distinct community under its own chief. De Leon says:"The chief of each valley had a great house, with adobe pillars anddoor-ways, hung with matting, built on extensive terraces. " This mighthave been the official house of the tribe. 

They were an industrious people, and the evidence is abundant that theyhad made considerable advance in cultivation of the ground. They setapart every square foot of ground that could be reached by water forcultivation, and built their dwellings on the hillsides overlookingtheir fields and gardens. Their system of irrigation was as perfectas any that modern science has since adopted. It is an altogethermistaken idea to suppose the Incas were the authors. 

We are not without evidence that they were possessed of considerableartistic skill. This preceding collection of pottery ware is not thework of savages. Mr. Markham further tells us that they made "silver andgold ornaments, mantles, embroidered with gold and silver bezants, robes of feathers, cotton cloth of fine texture, etc. " We have alreadyreferred to the tasteful decorations of the walls of Grand Chimu. "Figures of colored birds and animals are said to have been painted onthe walls of temples and palaces. " At Pachacamac the remains of thiscolor are still seen on a portion of the walls. This cut representsthe head of a silver cylinder found in one of the coast valleys. Theornamentation is produced by hammering up from below. 

Illustration of Silver Cylinder Head. ------------

We must now leave the coast regions and investigate some ruins in theinterior. We have already spoken of the Lake Titicaca region. Notfar from the southern border of that lake we notice a place markedTiahuanuco. Here occur a very interesting group of ruins. They consistof "rows of erect stones, some of them rough, or but rudely shaped byart, others accurately cut and fitted in walls of admirable workmanship;long sections of foundations, with piers and portions of stairways;blocks of stone, with mouldings, cornices, and niches cut withgeometrical precision, vast masses of sandstone, trachyte, and basalt, but partially hewn, and great monolithic doorways, bearing symbolicalornaments in relief, besides innumerable smaller rectangular andsymmetrically shaped stones rise on every hand, or lie scattered inconfusion over the plain. " In fact, all explorers are loud in theirpraise of the beautifully cut stones found in the ruins. 

Illustration of Terrace Wall, Tiahuanuco. ------------

We have seen in our review how general has been the desire to raisefoundations, sometimes of great extent, on which to place buildings. This is true of the ruins under consideration. Here the pyramid orfoundation was faced with stone work. In this illustration we have aview of such a wall yet remaining in place. The labor expended on sucha wall was very great. We notice in the cut three large standing stones. These are ranged along at regular intervals between. No mortar was usedin the construction of the wall. If we examine the large standing stonecarefully we will notice on the side a sort of projecting shoulder. Thestones of the wall that come in contact with this standing stone are cutto fit this shoulder. 

Illustration of Method of Joining Stone, Tiahuanuco. 

The remaining stones in the wall were held in place by a peculiararrangement, illustrated in this cut. Round holes were drilled in thebottom and top of each stone. There is reason to suppose that bronzepins fitted into these holes. Furthermore, each stone was cut withalternate grooves and projections, so as to fit immovably into eachother. 

One case was observed where either the will has entirely disappeared, or else it was left unfinished, and so we have a row of these standingstones, as seen in this illustration. This has been called the AmericanStonehenge name is inappropriate, because we have no reason to supposethe plans of the builders of the two structures were at all similar. 

Illustration of Pillars of Stone, Tiahuanuco. --------

The most celebrated feature of these ruins is the presence of hugegateways, each one cut out of a solid mass of stone. We give a view ofthe most noteworthy of these gateways. It is now broken, traditionsays, by a stroke of lightning. The upper portion is covered withcarvings. 

Illustration of Gateway, at Tiahuanuco. ----------------

North of Tiahuanuco is Lake Titicaca. This was the sacred lake of theIncas. We have already referred to the probable origin of this feeling. Near the southern end of this lake, on the western side, is thepeninsula of Copacabana. Separated by a narrow strait from the northernextremity of this peninsula is the sacred island, Titicaca. According totraditions, the Incas sought, in all ways, to beautify this island. Theybuilt temples, and laid out gardens. The hills were leveled as muchas possible, terraced, and then covered with earth brought fromafar. According to the statements of early writers, pilgrims were notpermitted to land on its sacred soil until they had undergone certainpreliminary fasts and purifications on the main-land. Landing on theisland, they traversed a terrace, and by a narrow passage way theywere conducted between two large buildings, where other ceremonies wereperformed. 

The most sacred spot in all the island was a rock in the northern part. Only priests of especial sanctity were allowed near it. The rock to-daypresents but the appearance of a weather-worn mass of red sandstone. Itis traditionally represented as having been plated all over with goldand silver, and covered, except on solemn occasions with a mantle ofrich color and material. Here the sun was believed to have first risento dispel the primal darkness. To this day the Indians regard it withsuperstitious veneration. The traveler's guide, when he comes in sightof it, removes his hat, and reverently bows to it, and mutters tohimself a few words of mystic import. 

Illustration of Ruins on the Island of Titicaca. -----------

The whole appearance of the island shows how highly it was regarded. Inone place the remains of a drinking fountain were noticed. Streamsfrom some unknown source were still bringing to it their limpid burden. Perhaps as noticeable a ruin as any is represented in this cut. It iscalled the Palace. It is in a sheltered nook. The lake washes the veryfoot of the foundation on which it stands. It is two-storied. In thelower story were twelve rooms, so connected with each other that butfour of them communicated by doors with the outside. The others werecertainly dark and illy ventilated. The second story was entered bymeans of the terrace in the rear. The same statement may be madein regard to its rooms; they did not, however, at all correspond inarrangement with the rooms below. The Island of Coati, but a shortdistance to the south-east, was sacred to the moon. It has also a numberof ruins. The approach to this was guarded by a number of terraces. 

Illustration of Ruins, Island of Coati. -------------

We will describe one more class of ruins found abundantly in the Collaoregion. These are burial towers, or chulpas. A view of one is herepresented. The chulpas are common in the Titicaca basin, and usuallyoccur in groups, and almost always in positions from which a largeextent of country can be viewed. The great mass of a chulpa is solid, but within is a dome-shaped chamber, into which the opening seen in thecut leads. Sometimes the chulpas are round, and in some the masonry isof that variety we have already mentioned, called the Cyclopean. Anotherview of burial towers is given earlier in this chapter. 

Illustration of Burial Tower. --------------------

As a mere description of ruins becomes tiresome, we will now pass toCuzco, and see of what we can learn of the architecture of the Incas. The Incas were, of course, a very rich and a very powerful tribe. Allthe tribes of ancient Peru had to pay them tribute. We way thereforesuppose that the pueblo of Cuzco was well built, the houses large, and imposing, and that the official buildings for worship and tribalbusiness would be commensurate with their importance as a tribe. Yetwe have but very few accounts of these buildings. Immediately after theconquest, many of the Spanish leaders settled in Cuzco. They mademany changes in the various edifices, and introduced into them manyimprovements. At present in the modern city we still find portions ofancient walls, and can trace the foundation of various buildings. 

Illustration of Terrace Wall at Cuzco. ---------------

The site of the city of Cuzco is very uneven. It stands on the slopes ofthree hills, where as many rivulets come together. The ancient buildershad to resort to extensive terracing in order to secure level surfaceson which to build. These terraces, built in a substantial manner, and faced with stone, are still standing in many places. In thisillustration we have a view of such a wall. Observe that the stones arenot laid in regular courses, nor is there any regularity as to theirsize. This is a good example of a Cyclopean wall. Some of the stonesmust weigh several tons, and they are fitted together with marvelousprecision, one stone having as many as twelve angles. 

All accounts agree that the temple of the sun was the grandest structurein Cuzco. We present an illustration of one end of it. This end isslightly curving. It is necessary to remark that this end now forms partof the Church of Santo Domingo. The fine-looking window and balcony aremodern additions to this ancient building. According to Mr. Squier, thetemple was an oblong building, nearly three hundred feet long, by aboutfifty in width. It formed one side of a spacious court. It did notextend east and west, but rather north-east and south-west. Earlychroniclers affirm that the inner walls of this temple were covered withgold. Portions of very thin plates of gold exist in private museums inCuzco, said to have formed part of this covering. The end of thetemple shown in our illustration was covered with a great plate of goldintended to represent the sun. This plate was all in one piece, andspread from wall to wall. 

Illustration of Temple of the Sun. -----------------

Only fragments of the ancient buildings of Cuzco now exist. But enoughare at hand to enable us to describe their general characteristics. Asa rule, they were built around a court, the outer surface presenting theappearance of an unbroken wall. These walls are excellent specimens ofInca masonry. All travelers speak in their praise. Mr. Squier says: "Theworld has nothing to show in the way of stone-cutting and fitting tosurpass the skill and accuracy displayed in the Inca structures atCuzco. " There was but one gateway to the court. This entrance was broadand lofty. On the lintels, over the doorway, was frequently carved thefigure of a serpent. The apartments were constructed so as to face thecourt, and nearly all opened upon the same. In some cases rooms woreobserved, to which access could be obtained only after passing throughseveral outer rooms. Some of the walls yet remaining at Cuzco are fromthirty-five to forty feet high. This would indicate houses of two orthree stories. 

It is here necessary to state that the structures we have beendescribing are considered by most writers as palaces of the Inca chiefs. Names hive been bestowed upon them--such as the palace of HuaynaCapac. It is asserted that each Inca chief built a separate palace. Thecredulous traveler is even pointed to a pile of ruins said to havebeen the palace of that mythical personage, Manco Capac. There is someconflict of authority as to the names of these palaces. Modern traditionnames one of the most imposing piles as the palace of Inca Rocca, andas such it is described by Mr. Squier and others. Garcillasso De LaVega says this chief's palace was in an altogether different part of thecity. Those who call these buildings palaces, think the houses ofthe ordinary people have all disappeared. It is evident, however, thatif our views of the state of society among the Incas be right, that itis a misnomer to call these structures palaces. Some of them may havebeen public buildings, devoted to tribal purposes. But we need not doubtbut that this was the type of communal buildings erected by the nativesof Cuzco. 

Illustration of Fortress Walls. -----------------

We must describe one more piece of aboriginal work. This is thecelebrated Fortress of Cuzco. As we have stated, the ancient pueblo, or city@, was built on the slopes of three hills. One of these, easilydefended, was strongly fortified, and thus converted into a citadel. Though called a hill, it is in reality a projecting headland. Back ofit rise still higher hills. The portion overhanging the city is veryprecipitous, in fact, almost incapable of ascent. There is, however, apathway up this front, ascending in places by stone steps. On this frontit did not need very strong fortifications, yet sections of stone wall, serving for this purpose, are to be seen. They have been mostly throwndown, and the stones rolled or tumbled down the hill to be utilized inbuilding. The main defensive works are where the headland commences, from which point the city is not visible. 

Illustration of Section of Fortress Walls. -------------

In this illustration we have a view of the three massive walls whichdefended the citadel. They are really wonderful works. In order tounderstand the construction, we will present an imaginary section of thewalls. The walls support terraces, but they rose above the terraces soas to form a parapet. To prevent the accumulation of water behind theparapet, channels were cut through the walls at regular intervals todrain them. The height of the outer wall is at present twenty-sevenfeet; the width of the terrace thirty-five feet. The second wall iseighteen feet high; the width of its terrace is also eighteen feet. Theheight of the third wall is fourteen feet. 

The Incas divided the year into twelve months, but we do not learnhow they kept track of the years. In this respect they were behind theMexicans. Neither do we know of any hieroglyphics for days, or months, or years. In the matter of keeping records, they must have been farbelow the Mexicans. Our next illustration is that of one of their knotrecords, or quippos. It is a very rude attempt to assist the memory. Tothe base cord are attached other threads of various colors, and tiedin various ways. We, of course, know but very little about them. Itis claimed, however, that a red thread signified a soldier, or war; ayellow one signified gold; a white one silver, or peace; a green onewheat, or maize. A single knot is said to have stood for ten; two knots, twenty; a knot doubly intertwined, one hundred, etc. Also the positionof the knots on the threads was to be considered, their distance apart, the way the threads were twisted, and many other details. It ismanifest, however, that this system of records is of very little value, and is way below the picture-writing of the Mexicans. 

Illustration of Quippos, or Knot Record. --------------

Take it all in all, the Incas are indeed an interesting people. Webelieve, however, their culture has been greatly overrated. Our objectin this chapter has been to give an outline of the Incas and the tribessubject to them. It is impossible in these few pages to give more thanan outline. Should the reader, by the perusal of these pages, acquirean interest in the culture of the Andean people just before the Spanishinvasion, and be thereby induced to continue his investigations, thewriter will consider such a result reward enough, even though theconclusions reached should be totally opposed to those set forth in thischapter on Ancient Peru. 

REFERENCES

 (1) Xeres: "Report on the Discovery of Peru, " Markham's translation, Hakluyt Society's Publication. (2) Buckle's "History of Civilization, " chap. Ii. (3) Squier's "Peru, " p. 9. The Vicuna is a species of the llama. (4) Squier's "Peru, " p. 12. The quinoa is a species of plant of the same genus as our pig-weeds. But it is a larger plant, and its seeds give a very nutritious meal. The biscacha is about the size and shape of the rabbit. It belongs to the chinchilla family. The llama is the only representative of the camel family on the western hemisphere. There were three species of this genus in Peru, the llama, alpaca, and vicuna. These domesticated and constituted what the Spaniards in their first reports called sheep. (5) Squier's "Peru, " p. 12. (6) Morton's "Crania Americanae, " pp. 6, 83. Winchell's "Pre-Adamites, " p. 388. (7) H. L. Morgan. "Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human Family, " p. 255; other works by the same author, "House and House-life of American Aborigines, " and "Ancient Society. " (8) The Quichuas were a closely related tribe to the Incas, and their name has been given to the language of Peru. But as the Incas were the ruling tribe, their name should have been given to this family of languages. (9) "The Geographical Distribution of the Tribes of the Inca Empire, " in "Journal of the Geographical Society, " Vol. XLI, p. 281, _et seq. _ (10) "Peru, " p. 571. (11) Foster's "Prehistoric Races, " p. 375. The Zuni Indians have indeed preserved a tradition of the visit of Coronado three hundred and fifty years ago, but in such a form that no one not acquainted with the facts would guess the meaning. "Fifth Annual Report Archaeological Institute, " p. 40. (12) More than one-third of Mr. Prescott's quotations are from this authority. (13) Morton. (14) This idea was largely based on the differences of the skulls. On this point see "Fourth Annual Report Peabody Museum. " Some authors speak rather vaguely of the ancient race of the Titicaca basin. We know of no good foundation for such expressions. (15) Garcillasso impresses on his readers the idea that the Incas was the only tribe at all civilized. The Aymara Indians were certainly as far advanced as the Incas, and even surpassed them in the art of cutting stone, if we conclude the ruins at Tiahuanuco to be of Aymara origin. The tribes of the coast region were certainly not far behind. The Muyscas, of Bogota, who were never under the dominion of the Incas, were yet possessed of a high degree of culture. (16) Markham in Forbes's "Aymara Indians, " p. 111. (17) "Peru, " p. 427. (18) "It was from Cuzco the nearest point to the sun-rising. " (Markham. ) (19) Their name for the Titicaca basin. (20) Markham, in Forbes's "Aymara Indians. " (21) _American Antiquarian, _ Sept. , 1884, p. 295, _et seq. _ (22) It is manifest that, during the centuries of slow development which the Incas underwent, they had a great many chiefs. How many we shall never know. Garcillasso gives us a list of fourteen, including Huascar and Atahualpa. Montesino generously increases this number to one hundred and one. Neither of them knew any thing positive about it; but this latter number is the more reasonable of the two. Mr. Markham, who goes at the problem in another way, thinks there were five historical Incas, counting Huayna-Capac the last. He surmises that the first may have flourished two hundred years before the conquest. (23) Markham's Garcillasso's "Royal Commentaries, " Vol. I, p. 66. (24) Markham's translation, p. 151. (25) Morgan's "Ancient Society, " p. 100. (26) Our authority is Christoval Molina, a priest of Cuzco. He made a report to the bishop, which must have been written some time between 1570 and 1584, on the "Fables and Rites of the Incas. " This was translated by Markham, and published by Hakluyt Society in 1873. He obtained his information by gathering together a number of aged Indians, including some priests, who had participated in these ceremonies in the days of the Incas. (27) This writer, a native Indian, wrote about the same time as Garcillasso. (28) "Fables and Rites of the Incas, " p. 105. (29) "Peruvian Antiquities, " p. 105. (30) "Peru, " p. 5. (31) Many such quotations could be given, not only from Garcillasso, but from Molina, Salcamayhua, and others. (32) Address before the Historical Society of New Mexico. (33) We can not help wondering if the Incas did not have two chief executives. This would make them similar to the Iroquois, and most of the more southern tribes, such as we have already seen to be true of the Mexicans. Mr. Bandelier says there is abundant proof that the Incas had two chiefs--one the "dispensing Inca, " the other the "speaking head. " ("Archaeological Tour in Mexico, " p. 167, note 6. ) (34) "Travels, " Markham's Translation, p. 164. (35) In Forbes's "Aymara Indians, " p. 109. (36) Indian architecture from the Sioux lodge to the houses of Uxmal, Mitla, and Tiahuanuco, is only understood through Indian social organization. " (Bandelier. ) (37) "Peru, " p. 214. (38) "Two Years in Peru, " Vol. I, p. 283. (39) Markham's "Introduction, " to "Report on the Discovery of Peru. " (40) "In this case it is nonsense to talk of hundreds. " (Hutchinson. ) (41) Markham, in Journal of the Royal Geog. Society, Vol. XLI. (42) Squier's "Peru, " p. 375. (43) The dimensions are: Length, thirteen feet five inches; height above ground, seven feet two inches; thickness, one foot six inches. (Squier. ) (44) Squier's "Peru, " p. 336. (45) Markham, in "Journal of Geog. Soc. , " Vol. XLI. (46) "Peruvian Antiquities, " p. 110.