THE LIFE OF

THOMAS, LORD COCHRANE, TENTH EARL OF DUNDONALD, G. C. B. , ADMIRAL OF THERED, REAR-ADMIRAL OF THE FLEET, ETC. , ETC. , COMPLETING "THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF A SEAMAN. "

BY

THOMAS, ELEVENTH EARL OF DUNDONALD, AND H. R. FOX BOURNE, AUTHOR OF"ENGLISH SEAMEN UNDER THE TUDORS, " ETC. ETC. 

IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL. I. 

 Published 1869. 

 TO MISS ANGELA BURDETT COUTTS, WHOSE HONOURED FATHER WAS THE FIRMEST AND MOST CONSTANT FRIEND AND SUPPORTER OF MY FATHER, DURING A CAREER DEVOTED TO THE WELFARE OF HIS COUNTRY AND THE HONOUR OF HIS PROFESSION, AND WHOM IT IS MY HAPPINESS AND PRIVILEGE TO CALL MY FRIEND, THIS WORK IS DEDICATED, WITH ALL RESPECT AND REGARD, BY HER ATTACHED AND FAITHFUL SERVANT, DUNDONALD. 

PREFACE. 

In these Volumes is recounted the public life of my late father fromthe period to which the narrative was brought down by himself in hisunfinished "Autobiography of a Seaman. " The completion of that workwas prevented by his death, which occurred almost immediately afterthe publication of the Second Volume, eight years and a half ago. I had hoped to supplement it sooner; but in this hope I have beenthwarted. 

My father's papers were, at the time of his death, in the hands ofa gentleman who had assisted him in the preparation of his"Autobiography, " and to this gentleman was entrusted the completionof the work. Illness and other occupations, however, interfered, and, after a lapse of about two years, he died, leaving the papers, ofwhich no use had been made by him, to fall into the possession ofothers. Only after long delay and considerable trouble and expense wasI able to recover them and realize my long-cherished purpose. 

Further delay in the publication of this book has arisen from myhaving been compelled, as my father's executor, to make three long andlaborious journeys to Brazil, which have engrossed much time. 

At length, however, I find myself able to pay the debt which Iowe both to my father's memory and to the public, by whom the"Autobiography of a Seaman" was read with so much interest. At thebeginning of last year I placed all the necessary documents in thehands of my friend, Mr. H. R. Fox Bourne, asking him to handle themwith the same zeal of research and impartiality of judgment which hehas shown in his already published works. I have also furnishedhim with my own reminiscences of so much of my father's life as waspersonally known to me; and he has availed himself of all the helpthat could be obtained from other sources of information, both privateand public. He has written the book to the best of his ability, and Ihave done my utmost to help him in making it as complete and accurateas possible. We hope that the late Earl of Dundonald's life andcharacter have been all the better delineated in that the work hasgrown out of the personal knowledge of his son and the unbiassedjudgment of a stranger. 

A long time having elapsed since the publication of the "Autobiographyof a Seaman, " it has been thought well to give a brief recapitulationof its story in an opening chapter. 

The four following chapters recount my father's history during thefive years following the cruel Stock Exchange trial, the subject lasttreated of in the "Autobiography. " It is not strange that theharsh treatment to which he was subjected should have led him intoopposition, in which there was some violence, which he afterwardscondemned, against the Government of the day. But, if there werecircumstances to be regretted in this portion of his career, it showsalmost more plainly than any other with what strength of philanthropyhe sought to aid the poor and the oppressed. 

His occupations as Chief Admiral, first of Chili and afterwardsof Brazil, were described by himself in two volumes, entitled, "ANarrative of Services in Chili, Peru, and Brazil. " Therefore, theseven chapters of the present work which describe these episodeshave been made as concise as possible. Only the most memorablecircumstances have been dwelt upon, and the details introduced havebeen drawn to some extent from documents not included in the volumesreferred to. 

There was no reason for abridgment in treating of my father'sconnection with Greece. In the service of that country he was lessable to achieve beneficial results than in Chili and Brazil; butas, on that ground, he has been frequently traduced by critics andhistorians, it seemed especially important to show how his successeswere greater than these critics and historians have represented, andhow his failures sprang from the faults of others and from misfortunesby which he was the chief sufferer. The documents left by him, moreover, afford abundant material for illustrating an eventful periodin modern history. The chapters referring to Greece and Greek affairs, accordingly, enter with especial fullness into the circumstancesof Lord Dundonald's life at this time, and his connection withcontemporary politics. 

Eight other chapters recount all that was of most public interest inthe thirty years of my father's life after his return from Greece. Except during a brief period of active service in his profession, when he had command of the British squadron in North American and WestIndian waters, those thirty years were chiefly spent in efforts--byscientific research, by mechanical experiment, and by perseveringargument--to increase the naval power of his country, and in effortsno less zealous to secure for himself that full reversal of thewrongful sentence passed upon him in a former generation, whichcould only be attained by public restitution of the official rank andnational honours of which he had been deprived. 

This restitution was begun by his Majesty King William IV. , andcompleted by our present most gracious Queen and the Prince Consort. By the kindnesses which he received from these illustrious persons, my father's later years were cheered; and I can never cease to beprofoundly grateful to my Sovereign, and her revered husband, for thepersonal interest with which they listened to my prayer immediatelyafter his death. Through their gracious influence, the same banner ofthe Bath that had been taken from him nearly fifty years before, wasrestored to its place in Westminster Abbey, and allowed to floatover his remains at their time of burial. Thus the last stain upon myfather's memory was wiped out. 

DUNDONALD. London, May 24th, 1869. 

CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME. 

 * * * * *

CHAPTER I. 

[1775-1814. ]

Introduction. --Lord Cochrane's Ancestry. --His First Occupations inthe Navy. --His Cruise in the _Speedy_ and Capture of the _Gamo_. --HisExploits in the _Pallas_. --The beginning of his ParliamentaryLife. --His two Elections as Member for Honiton. --His Election forWestminster. --Further Seamanship. --The Basque Roads Affair. --TheCourt-Martial on Lord Gambier, and its injurious effects on LordCochrane's Naval Career. --His Parliamentary Occupations. --His Visit toMalta and its Issues. --The Antecedents and Consequences of the StockExchange Trial - 1

CHAPTER II. 

[1814. ]

The Issue of the Stock Exchange Trial. --Lord Cochrane's Committal tothe King's Bench Prison. --The Debate upon his Case in the House ofCommons, and his Speech on that Occasion. --His Expulsion from theHouse, and Re-election as Member for Westminster. --The Withdrawal ofhis Sentence to the Pillory. --The Removal of his Insignia as a Knightof the Bath - 35

CHAPTER III. 

[1814-1815. ]

Lord Cochrane's Bearing in the King's Bench Prison. --His StreetLamps. --His Escape, and the Motives for it. --His Capture in the Houseof Commons, and subsequent Treatment. --His Confinement in the StrongRoom of the King's Bench Prison. --His Release - 48

CHAPTER IV. 

[1815-1816. ]

Lord Cochrane's Return to the House of Commons. --His Share in theRefusal of the Duke of Cumberland's Marriage Pension. --His Chargesagainst Lord Ellenborough, and their Rejection by the House. --HisPopularity. --The Part taken by him in Public Meetings for the Reliefof the People. --The London Tavern Meeting. --His further Prosecution, Trial at Guildford, and subsequent Imprisonment. --The Payment of hisFines by a Penny Subscription. --The Congratulations of his WestminsterConstituents - 74

CHAPTER V. 

[1817-1818. ]

The State of Politics in England in 1817 and 1818, and Lord Cochrane'sShare in them. --His Work as a Radical in and out of Parliament. --Hisfutile Efforts to obtain the Prize Money due for his Services atBasque Roads. --The Holly Hill Siege. --The Preparations for hisEnterprise in South America. --His last Speech in Parliament - 109

CHAPTER VI. 

[1810-1817. ]

The Antecedents of Lord Cochrane's Employments in SouthAmerica. --The War of Independence in the SpanishColonies. --Mexico. --Venezuela. --Colombia. --Chili. --The firstChilian Insurrection. --The Carreras and O'Higgins. --The Battle ofRancagua. --O'Higgins's Successes. --The Establishment of the ChilianRepublic. --Lord Cochrane invited to enter the Chilian Service - 137

CHAPTER VII. 

[1818-1820. ]

Lord Cochrane's Voyage to Chili. --His Reception at Valparaiso andSantiago. --The Disorganization of the Chilian Fleet. --First Signsof Disaffection. --The Naval Forces of the Chilians and theSpaniards. --Lord Cochrane's first Expedition to Peru. --His Attack onCallao. --"Drake the Dragon" and "Cochrane the Devil. "--Lord Cochrane'sSuccesses in Overawing the Spaniards, in Treasure-taking, andin Encouragement of the Peruvians to join in the War ofIndependence. --His Plan for another Attack on Callao. --HisDifficulties in Equipping the Expedition. --The Failure ofthe Attempt. --His Plan for Storming Valdivia. --Its SuccessfulAccomplishment - 148

CHAPTER VIII. 

[1820-1822. ]

Lord Cochrane's Return to Valparaiso. --His Relations with the ChilianSenate. --The third Expedition to Peru. --General San Martin. --TheCapture of the _Esmeralda_, and its Issue. --Lord Cochrane's subsequentWork. --San Martin's Treachery. --His Assumption of the Protectorateof Peru. --His Base Proposals to Lord Cochrane. --Lord Cochrane'sCondemnation of them. --The Troubles of the Chilian Squadron. --LordCochrane's Seizure of Treasure at Ancon, and Employment of it inPaying his Officers and Men. --His Stay at Guayaquil. --The Advantagesof Free Trade. --Lord Cochrane's Cruise along the Mexican Coastin Search of the remaining Spanish Frigates. --Their Annexation byPeru. --Lord Cochrane's last Visit to Callao - 177

CHAPTER IX. 

[1822-1823. ]

Lord Cochrane's Return to Valparaiso, --The Conduct of the ChilianGovernment towards him. --His Resignation of Chilian Employment, andAcceptance of Employment under the Emperor of Brazil. --His subsequentCorrespondence with the Government of Chili. --The Results of hisChilian Service. - 208

CHAPTER X. 

[1823. ]

The Antecedents of Brazilian Independence. --Pedro I. 's Accession. --TheInternal and External Troubles of the New Empire. --Lord Cochrane'sInvitation to Brazil. --His Arrival at Rio de Janeiro, and Acceptanceof Brazilian Service. --His first Occupations. --The bad condition ofthe Squadron, and the consequent Failure of his first Attack on thePortuguese off Bahia. --His Plans for Improving the Fleet, and theirSuccess. --His Night Visit to Bahia, and the consequent Flight of theEnemy. --Lord Cochrane's Pursuit of them. --His Visit to Maranham, and Annexation of that Province and of Para. --His Return to Rio deJaneiro. --The Honours conferred upon him. - 223

CHAPTER XI

[1823-1824. ]

The Nature of the Rewards bestowed on Lord Cochrane for his firstServices to Brazil. --Pedro I. And the Portuguese Faction. --LordCochrane's Advice to the Emperor. --The Troubles brought upon him byit. --The Conduct of the Government towards him and the Fleet. --Thewithholding of Prize-money and Pay. --Personal Indignities to LordCochrane. --An Amusing Episode. --Lord Cochrane's Threat of Resignation, and its Effect. --Sir James Mackintosh's Allusion to him in the Houseof Commons - 246

CHAPTER XII. 

[1824-1825. ]

The Insurrection in Pernambuco. --Lord Cochrane's Expedition tosuppress it. --The Success of his Work. --His Stay at Maranham. --TheDisorganized State of Affairs in that Province. --Lord Cochrane'sefforts to restore Order and good Government. --Their result in furtherTrouble to himself. --His Cruise in the _Piranga_, and Return toEngland. --His Treatment there. --His Retirement from BrazilianService. --His Letter to the Emperor Pedro I. --The End of his SouthAmerican Employments - 266

CHAPTER XIII. 

[1820-1825. ]

The Greek Revolution and its Antecedents. --The Modern Greeks. --TheFriendly Society. --Sultan Mahmud and Ali Pasha's Rebellion. --TheBeginning of the Greek Insurrection. --Count John Capodistrias. --PrinceAlexander Hypsilantes. --The Revolution in the Morca. --TheodoreKolokotrones. --The Revolution in the Islands. --The Greek Navy and itsCharacter. --The Excesses of the Greeks. --Their bad Government. --PrinceAlexander Mavrocordatos. --The Progress of the Revolution. --TheSpoliation of Chios. --English Philhellenes; Thomas Gordon, Frank AbneyHastings, Lord Byron. --The first Greek Loan, and the bad uses towhich it was put. --Reverses of the Greeks. --Ibrahim and hisSuccesses. --Mavrocordatos's Letter to Lord Cochrane - 286

CHAPTER XIV. 

[1825-1826. ]

Lord Cochrane's Dismissal from Brazilian Service, and his Acceptanceof Employment as Chief Admiral of the Greeks. --The Greek Committee andthe Greek Deputies in London. --The Terms of Lord Cochrane's Agreement, and the consequent Preparations. --His Visit to Scotland. --Sir WalterScott's Verses on Lady Cochrane. --Lord Cochrane's forced Retirement toBoulogne, and thence to Brussels. --The Delays in fitting out theGreek Armament. --Captain Hastings, Mr. Hobhouse, and Sir FrancisBurdett. --Captain Hastings's Memoir on the Greek Leaders andtheir Characters. --The first Consequences of Lord Cochrane's newEnterprise. --The Duke of Wellington's Message to Lord Cochrane. --TheGreek Deputies' Proposal to Lord Cochrane and his Answer. --The FinalArrangements for his Departure. --The Messiah of the Greeks. - 318

CHAPTER XV. 

[1826-1827. ]

Lord Cochrane's Departure for Greece. --His Visit to London andVoyage to the Mediterranean. --His Stay at Messina, and afterwardsat Marseilles. --The Delays in Completing the Steamships, and theconsequent Injury to the Greek Cause, and serious Embarrassmentto Lord Cochrane. --His Correspondence with Messrs. J. And S. Ricardo. --His Letter to the Greek Government. --Chevalíer Eynard, andthe Continental Philhellenes. --Lord Cochrane's Final Departure andArrival in Greece. - 355

CHAPTER XVI. 

[1826-1827. ]

The Progress of Affairs in Greece. --The Siege of Missolonghi. --ItsFall. --The Bad Government and Mismanagement of the Greeks. --GeneralPonsonby's Account of them. --The Effect of Lord Cochrane's PromisedAssistance. --The Fears of the Turks, as shown in their Correspondencewith Mr. Canning. --The Arrival of Captain Hastings in Greece, with the_Karteria_. --His Opinion of Greek Captains and Sailors. --The Frigate_Hellas_, --Letters to Lord Cochrane from Admiral Miaoulis and theGoverning Commission of Greece. - 368

APPENDIX. 

 * * * * *

I. (Page 22. )--"Resumé of the Services of the late Earl of Dundonald, none of which have been Requited or Officially Recognised, " by Thomas, Eleventh Earl of Dundonald. - 389

II. (Page 23. )--Part of a Speech delivered by Lord Cochrane in theHouse of Commons, on the 11th of May, 1809, on Naval Abuses. - 397

III. (Page 258. )--A Letter written by Lord Cochrane to the Secretaryof State of Brazil on the 3rd of May, 1824. - 400

THE LIFE

OF

THOMAS, TENTH EARL OF DUNDONALD. 

CHAPTER I. 

INTRODUCTION. --LORD COCHRANE'S ANCESTRY. --HIS FIRST OCCUPATIONS INTHE NAVY. --HIS CRUISE IN THE "SPEEDY" AND CAPTURE OF THE "GAMO. "--HISEXPLOITS IN THE "PALLAS. "--THE BEGINNING OF HIS PARLIAMENTARYLIFE. --HIS TWO ELECTIONS AS MEMBER FOR HONITON. --HIS ELECTION FORWESTMINSTER. --FURTHER SEAMANSHIP. --THE BASQUE ROADS AFFAIR. --THECOURT-MARTIAL ON LORD GAMBIER, AND ITS INJURIOUS EFFECTS ON LORDCOCHRANE'S NAVAL CAREER. --HIS PARLIAMENTARY OCCUPATIONS. --HIS VISIT TOMALTA AND ITS ISSUES. --THE ANTECEDENTS AND CONSEQUENCES OF THE STOCKEXCHANGE TRIAL. 

[1775-1814. ]

Thomas, Loud Cochrane, tenth Earl of Dundonald, was born at Annsfield, in Lanark, on the 14th of December, 1775, and died in London on the31st of October, 1860. Shortly before his death he wrote two volumes, styled "The Autobiography of a Seaman, " which set forth his historydown to 1814, the fortieth year of his age. To those volumes thepresent work, recounting his career during the ensuing six-and-fortyyears, is intended to serve as a sequel. Before entering upon thelater narrative, however, it will be necessary briefly to recapitulatethe incidents that have been already detailed. 

The Earl of Dundonald was descended from a long line of knights andbarons, chiefly resident in Renfrew and Ayr, many of whom were menof mark in Scottish history during the thirteenth and followingcenturies. Robert Cochran was the especial favourite and foremostcounsellor of James III. , who made him Earl of Mar; but the favoursheaped upon him, and perhaps a certain arrogance in the use of thosefavours, led to so much opposition from his peers and rivals that hewas assassinated by them in 1480. [A]

[Footnote A: Pinkerton, the historian, gives some curious details, illustrating not only Robert Cochran's character, but also thecondition of government and society in Scotland four centuries ago. "The Scottish army, " he says, "amounting to about fifty thousand, hadcrowded to the royal banner at Burrough Muir, near Edinburgh, whencethey marched to Soutray and to Lauder, at which place they encampedbetween the church and the village. Cochran, Earl of Mar, conductedthe artillery. On the morning after their arrival at Lauder, the peersassembled in a secret council, in the church, and deliberated upontheir designs of revenge. .. . Cochran, ignorant of their designs, leftthe royal presence to proceed to the council. The earl was attended bythree hundred men, armed with light battle-axes, and distinguishedby his livery of white with black fillets. He was clothed in a ridingcloak of black velvet, and wore a large chain of gold around hisneck; his horn of the chase, or of battle, was adorned with goldand precious stones, and his helmet, overlaid with the same valuablemetal, was borne before him. Approaching the door of the church, he commanded an attendant to knock with authority; and Sir RobertDouglas, of Lochleven, who guarded the passage, inquiring the name, was answered, 'Tis I, the Earl of Mar. ' Cochran and some of hisfriends were admitted. Angus advanced to him, and pulling the goldchain from his neck, said, 'A rope will become thee better, ' whileDouglas of Lochleven seized his hunting-horn, declaring that he hadbeen too long a hunter of mischief. Rather astonished than alarmed, Cochran said, 'My lords, is it jest or earnest?' To which it wasreplied, 'It is good earnest, and so thou shalt find it; for thouand thy accomplices have too long abused our prince's favour. But nolonger expect such advantage, for thou and thy followers shall nowreap the deserved reward. ' Having secured Mar, the lords despatchedsome men-at-arms to the king's pavilion, conducted by two or threemoderate leaders, who amused James, while their followers seized thefavourites. Sir William Roger and others were instantly hanged overthe bridge at Lauder. Cochran was now brought out, his hands boundwith a rope, and thus conducted to the bridge, and hanged above hisfellows. "] Later scions of the family prospered, and in 1641, SirWilliam Cochrane was raised to the peerage, as Lord Cochrane ofCowden, by Charles I. For his adherence to the royal cause thisnobleman was fined 5000_l. _ by the Long Parliament in 1654; and, inrecompense for his loyalty, he was made first Earl of Dundonald byCharles II. In 1669. His successors were faithful to the Stuarts, andthereby they suffered heavily. Archibald, the ninth Earl, inheriting apatrimony much reduced by the loyalty and zeal of his ancestors, spentit all in the scientific pursuits to which he devoted himself, andin which he was the friendly rival of Watt, Priestley, Cavendish, andother leading chemists and mechanicians of two or three generationsago. His eldest son, heir to little more than a famous name and achivalrous and enterprising disposition, had to fight his own way inthe world. 

Lord Cochrane--as the subject of these memoirs was styled in courtesyuntil his accession to the peerage in 1831--was intended by his fatherfor the army, in which he received a captain's commission. But hisown predilections were in favour of a seaman's life, and accordingly, after brief schooling, he joined the _Hind_, as a midshipman, in June, 1793, when he was nearly eighteen years of age. 

During the next seven years he learnt his craft in various shipsand seas, being helped in many ways by his uncle, the Hon. AlexanderCochrane, but profiting most by his own ready wit and hearty loveof his profession. Having been promoted to the rank of lieutenant in1794, he was made commander of the _Speedy_ early in 1800. This littlesloop, not larger than a coasting brig, but crowded with eighty-fourmen and six officers, seemed to be intended only for playing at war. Her whole armament consisted of fourteen 4-pounders. When her newcommander tried to add to these a couple of 12-pounders, the deckproved too small and the timbers too weak for them, and they had to bereturned. So Lilliputian was his cabin, that, to shave himself, LordCochrane was obliged to thrust his head out of the skylight and make adressing-table of the quarter-deck. 

Yet the _Speedy_, ably commanded, was quite large enough to be ofgood service. Cruising in her along the Spanish coast, Lord Cochranesucceeded in capturing many gunboats and merchantmen, and the enemysoon learnt to regard her with especial dread. On one memorableoccasion, the 6th of May, 1801, he fell in with the _Gamo_, a Spanishfrigate furnished with six times as many men as were in the _Speedy_and with seven times her weight of shot. Lord Cochrane, boldlyadvancing, locked his little craft in the enemy's rigging. It was, inminiature, a contest as unequal as that by which Sir Francis Drake andhis fellows overcame the Great Armada of Spain in 1588, and with likeresult. The heavy shot of the _Gamo_ riddled the _Speedy's_ sails, but, passing overhead, did no mischief to her hulk or her men. Duringan hour there was desperate fighting with small arms, and twicethe Spaniards tried in vain to board their sturdy little foe. LordCochrane then determined to meet them on their own deck, and thedaring project was facilitated by one of the smart expedients in whichhe was never wanting. Before going into action, "knowing, " as he said, "that the final struggle would be a desperate one, and calculatingon the superstitious wonder which forms an element in the Spanishcharacter, " he had ordered his crew to blacken their faces; and, "whatwith this and the excitement of combat, more ferocious-looking objectscould scarcely be imagined. " With these men following him he promptlygained the frigate's deck, and then their strong arms and hideousfaces soon frightened the Spaniards into submission. 

The senior officer of the _Gamo_ asked for a certificate of hisbravery, and received one testifying that he had conducted himself"like a true Spaniard. " To Spain, of course, this was no sarcasm, and on the strength of the document its holder soon obtained furtherpromotion. 

That achievement, which cost only three men's lives, led toconsequences greater than could have been expected. Lord Cochrane, after three months' waiting, received the rank of post captain. Buthis desire that the services of Lieutenant Parker, his second incommand, should also be recompensed led to a correspondence with EarlSt. Vincent which turned him from a jealous superior into a bitterenemy. In reply to Lord Cochrane's recommendation, Earl St. Vincentalleged that "it was unusual to promote two officers for such aservice, --besides which the small number of men killed on board the_Speedy_ did not warrant the application. " Lord Cochrane answered, with incautious honesty, that "his lordship's reasons for notpromoting Lieutenant Parker, because there were only three men killedon board the _Speedy_, were in opposition to his lordship's ownpromotion to an earldom, as well as that of his flag-captain toknighthood, and his other officers to increased rank and honours; forthat, in the battle from which his lordship derived his title therewas only one man killed on board his own flagship. " That was languagetoo plain to be forgiven. 

In July, 1801, the _Speedy_ was captured by three Frenchline-of-battle ships, whose senior in command, Captain Pallière, declined to accept the sword of an officer "who had, " as he said, "for so many hours struggled against impossibility, " and asked LordCochrane, though a prisoner, still to wear it. He, however, wasrefused employment as commander of another ship. Thereupon, withcharacteristic energy, he devoted his forced leisure from professionalpursuits to a year of student life at Edinburgh, where, in 1802, LordPalmerston was his class-fellow under Professor Dugald Stewart. 

This occupation, however, was disturbed by the renewal of war withFrance in 1803. Lord Cochrane, though with difficulty, then obtainedpermission to return to active service, the _Arab_, one of thecraziest little ships in the navy, being assigned to him. On hisrepresenting that she was too rotten for use off the French coast, hewas ordered to employ her in cruising in the North Sea and protectingthe fisheries north-east of the Orkneys, "where, " as he said, "novessel fished, and consequently there were no fisheries to protect. "This ignominious work lasted for a year. It was brought to a closein December, 1804, soon after the appointment of Lord Melville, insuccession to Earl St. Vincent, as First Lord of the Admiralty. 

By him Lord Cochrane was transferred from the _Arab_ to the _Pallas_, a new and smart frigate of thirty-two guns, and allowed to use her ina famous cruise of prize-taking among the Azores and off the coastof Portugal. This was followed in 1806 by farther work in the samefrigate, the closing portion of which was especially memorable. Beingoff the Basque Roads at the end of April he fixed his attention upon afrigate, the _Minerve_, and three brigs, forming an important part ofthe French squadron in the Mediterranean. After three weeks' waiting, on the 14th of May, he saw the frigate and the brigs approaching him, and promptly prepared to attack them. He was not deterred by knowingthat the _Minerve_ alone, carrying forty guns, was far stronger thanthe _Pallas_, which had also to withstand the force of the threebrigs, each with sixteen guns, and to be prepared for the fire of thebatteries on the Isle d'Aix. "This morning, when close to Isle d'Aix, reconnoitring the French squadron, " he wrote concisely to his admiral, "it gave me great joy to find our late opponent, the black frigate, and her companions, the three brigs, getting under sail. We formedhigh expectations that the long wished-for opportunity was at lastarrived. The _Pallas_ remained under topsails by the wind to awaitthem. At half-past eleven a smart point-blank firing commenced on bothsides, which was severely felt by the enemy. The main topsail-yardof one of the brigs was cut through, and the frigate lost herafter-sails. The batteries on I'lsle d'Aix opened on the _Pallas_, anda cannonade continued, interrupted on our part only by the necessitywe were under to make various tacks to avoid the shoals, till oneo'clock, when our endeavour to gain the wind of the enemy and getbetween him and the batteries proved successful. An effectual distancewas now chosen. A few broadsides were poured in. The enemy's fireslackened. I ordered ours to cease, and directed Mr. Sutherland, themaster, to run the frigate on board, with intention effectually toprevent her retreat. The enemy's side thrust our guns back into theports. The whole were then discharged. The effect and crash weredreadful. Their decks were deserted. Three pistol-shots were theunequal return. With confidence I say that the frigate would havebeen lost to France, had not the unequal collision torn away ourfore-topmast, jib-boom, fore and maintop-sails, spritsail-yards, bumpkin, cathead, chainplates, fore-rigging, foresail, and boweranchor, with which last I intended to hook on; but all provedinsufficient. She would yet have been lost to France, had not theFrench admiral, seeing his frigate's foreyard gone, her riggingruined, and the danger she was in, sent two others to her assistance. The _Pallas_ being a wreck, we came out with what sail could be set, and his Majesty's sloop the _Kingfisher_ afterwards took us in tow. "The exploit was none the less valiant in that it was partly a failure. 

The waiting-times before and after that cruise were occupied by LordCochrane with brief commencement of parliamentary life. Long beforethis time Lord Cochrane had resolved on entering the House of Commons, in order to expose the naval abuses which were then rife, and which hehad never been deterred, by consideration of his own interests, fromboldly denouncing. He stood for Honiton in 1805, and was defeatedthrough his refusal to vie with his opponent in the art of bribery. Hecontrived, however, to profit by corruption while he punished it. As soon as the election was over, he gave ten guineas to each of theconstituents who had freely voted for him. The consequence of this washis triumphant return at the new election, which took place in July, 1806. When his supporters asked for like payment to that made in theprevious instance, it was bluntly refused. "The former gift, " saidLord Cochrane, "was for your disinterested conduct in not taking thebribe of five pounds from the agents of my opponent. For me now to payyou would be a violation of my principles. "

A short cruise in the Basque Roads prevented Lord Cochrane fromoccupying in the House of Commons the seat thus won, and in April, 1807, very soon after his return, Parliament was again dissolved. Hethen resolved to stand for Westminster, with Sir Francis Burdett forhis associate. Both were returned, and Lord Cochrane held his seat foreleven years. In 1807, however, he had only time to bring forward twomotions respecting sinecures and naval abuses, which issued in violentbut unproductive discussion, when he received orders to join the fleetin the Mediterranean as captain of the _Imperiéuse_. Naval employmentwas grudgingly accorded to him; but it was thought wiser to give himwork abroad than to suffer under his free speech at home. 

This employment was marked by many brilliant deeds, which procuredfor him, on his surrendering his command of the _Imperiéuse_ aftereighteen months' duration, the reproach of having spent more sails, stores, gunpowder, and shot than had been used by any other captain inthe service. 

The most brilliant deed of all, one of the most brilliant deeds inthe whole naval history of England, was his well-known exploit in theBasque Roads on the 11th, 12th, and 13th of April, 1809. Much againsthis will, he was persuaded by Lord Mulgrave, at that time FirstLord of the Admiralty, to bear the responsibility of attacking andattempting to destroy the French squadron by means of fireshipsand explosion-vessels. The project was opposed by Lord Gambier, theAdmiral of the Fleet, as being at once "hazardous, if not desperate, "and "a horrible and anti-Christian mode of warfare;" and consequentlyhe gave no hearty co-operation. On Lord Cochrane devolved the wholeduty of preparing for and executing the project. His own words willbest tell the story. 

"On the 11th of April, " he said, "it blew hard, with a high sea. Asall preparations were complete, I did not consider the state ofthe weather a justifiable impediment to the attack; so that, afternightfall, the officers who volunteered to command the fireships wereassembled on board the _Caledonia_, and supplied with instructionsaccording to the plan previously laid down by myself. The _Impérieuse_had proceeded to the edge of the Boyart Shoal, close to which sheanchored with an explosion-vessel made fast to her stern, it being myintention, after firing the one of which I was about to take charge, to return to her for the other, to be employed as circumstances mightrequire. At a short distance from the _Impérieuse_ were anchoredthe frigates _Aigle_, _Unicorn_, and _Pallas_, for the purpose ofreceiving the crews of the fireships on their return, as well as tosupport the boats of the fleet assembled alongside the _Cæsar_, toassist the fireships. The boats of the fleet were not, however, forsome reason or other made use of at all. 

"Having myself embarked on board the largest explosion-vessel, accompanied by Lieut. Bissel and a volunteer crew of four men only, we led the way to the attack. The night was dark, and, as the wind wasfair, though blowing hard, we soon neared the estimated positionof the advanced French ships, for it was too dark to discern them. Judging our distance, therefore, as well as we could, with regard tothe time the fuse was calculated to burn, the crew of four men enteredthe gig, under the direction of Lieut. Bissel, whilst I kindled theportfires, and then, descending into the boat, urged the men to pullfor their lives, which they did with a will, though, as wind and seawere strong against us, without making the expected progress. 

"To our consternation, the fuses, which had been constructed to burnfifteen minutes, lasted little more than half that time, when thevessel blew up, filling the air with shells, grenades, and rockets;whilst the downward and lateral force of the explosion raiseda solitary mountain of water, from the breaking of which in alldirections our little boat narrowly escaped being swamped. Theexplosion-vessel did her work well, the effect constituting one of thegrandest artificial spectacles imaginable. For a moment, the sky wasred with the lurid glare arising from the simultaneous ignition offifteen hundred barrels of powder. On this gigantic flash subsiding, the air seemed alive with shells, grenades, rockets, and masses oftimber, the wreck of the shattered vessel. The sea was convulsed asby an earthquake, rising, as has been said, in a huge wave, on whosecrest our boat was lifted like a cork, and as suddenly dropped intoa vast trough, out of which as it closed upon us with the rush of awhirlpool, none expected to emerge. In a few minutes nothing buta heavy rolling sea had to be encountered, all having again becomesilence and darkness. "

In spite of its bursting too soon, the explosion-vessel did excellentwork. The strong boom, composed of large spars bound by heavy chains, and firmly anchored at various points in its length of more than amile, which was supposed to constitute an impassable barrier betweenthe English ships that were outside and the French ships locked behindit, was broken in several parts. The enemy's ships were thoroughlydisorganised by the sudden and appalling occurrence of the explosion. In their alarm and confusion, many of them fired into one another, and all might have been easily destroyed had the first success of theexplosion-vessel been properly followed up. Unfortunately, however, onreturning to the _Impérieuse_, Lord Cochrane found that there had beengross mismanagement of the fireships, which, according to his plans, were to have been despatched against various sections of the Frenchfleet while it was too confused to protect itself. One of them, firedat the wrong time and sent in a wrong direction, nearly destroyedthe _Impérieuse_ and caused the wasting of a second explosion-vessel, which was meant to be held in reserve. The others, if not asmischievous in their effects, were almost as useless. "Of all thefire-ships, upwards of twenty in number, " said Lord Cochrane, "onlyfour reached the enemy's position, and not one did any damage. The_Impérieuse_ lay three miles from the enemy, so that the one which wasnear setting fire to her became useless at the outset; whilst severalothers were kindled a mile and a half to the windward of this, or fourmiles and a half from the enemy. Of the remainder, many were at oncerendered harmless from being brought to on the wrong tack. Six passeda mile to windward of the French fleet, and one grounded on Oleron. "

Though the full success of Lord Cochrane's scheme was thus prevented, however, the work done by it was considerable. "As the fireships beganto light up the roads, " he said, "we could observe the enemy's fleetin great confusion. Without doubt, taking every fireship for anexplosion-vessel, and being deceived as to their distance, not onlydid the French make no effort to divert them from their course, butsome of their ships cut their cables and were seen drifting awaybroadside on to the wind and tide, whilst others made sail, as theonly alternative to escape from what they evidently considered certaindestruction. At daylight on the morning of the 12th, not a spar of theboom was anywhere visible, and, with the exception of the _Foudroyant_and _Cassard_, the whole of the enemy's vessels were helplesslyaground. The flag-ship, _L'Océan_, a three-decker, drawing the mostwater, lay outermost on the north-west edge of the Palles Shoal, nearest the deep water, where she was most exposed to attack; whilstall, by the fall of the tide, were lying on their bilge, withtheir bottoms completely exposed to shot, and therefore beyond thepossibility of resistance. "

The French fleet had not been destroyed; yet it was so paralysed bythe shock that its utter defeat seemed easy to Lord Cochrane. To themast of the _Impérieuse_, between six o'clock in the morning of the12th and one in the afternoon, he hoisted signal after signal, urgingLord Gambier, who was with the main body of the fleet about fourteenmiles off, to make an attack. Failing in all these, and growingdesperate in his zeal, especially as every hour of delay was enablingthe French to recover themselves and rendering success less sure, hesuffered his single frigate to drift towards the enemy. "I did notventure to make sail, " wrote Lord Cochrane, in his very modest accountof this daring exploit, "lest the movement might be seen from theflag-ship, and a signal of recall should defeat my purpose of makingan attack with the _Impérieuse_; my object being to compel theCommander-in-Chief to send vessels to our assistance. We drifted bythe wind and tide slowly past the fortifications on Isle d'Aix; but, though they fired at us with every gun that could be brought to bear, the distance was too great to inflict damage. Proceeding thus till1. 30 p. M. , we then suddenly made sail after the nearest of the enemy'svessels escaping. In order to divert our attention from the vesselswe were pursuing, these having thrown their guns overboard, the_Calcutta_, a store-ship carrying fifty-six guns, which was stillaground, broadside on, began firing at us. Before proceeding further, it became therefore necessary to attack her, and at 1. 50 we shortenedsail and returned the fire. At 2. 0 the _Impérieuse_ came to an anchorin five fathoms, and, veering to half a cable, kept fast the spring, firing upon the _Calcutta_ with our broadside, and at the same timeupon the _Aquillon_ and _Ville de Varsovie_, two line-of-battle ships, each of seventy-four guns, with our forecastle and bow guns, boththese ships being aground stern on, in an opposite direction. Aftersome time we had the satisfaction of observing several ships sentto our assistance, namely, the _Emerald_, the _Unicorn_, the_Indefatigable_, the _Valiant_, the _Revenge_, the _Pallas_, and the_Aigle_. On seeing this, the captain and the crew of the _Calcutta_abandoned their vessel, of which the boats of the _Impérieuse_ tookpossession before the vessels sent to our assistance came down. " Soonafter the arrival of the new ships, the two other vessels were alsoforced to surrender. 

Most of the ships sent to his assistance returned to Lord Grambier onthe 13th. Lord Cochrane, seeing that it would be easy for him to domuch further mischief, made ready for the work on the morrow. But fromthis he was prevented by the inexcusable conduct of Lord Gambier, who, having discountenanced the attempt with the fireships, now notonly refused to take part in the victory which his comrade had madepossible, but also hindered its achievement by him. 

Lord Cochrane had already overstepped the strict duty of asubordinate, though acting only as became an English sailor. Thefireships with which he had been ordered to ruin the enemy's fleet hadpartly failed through the error of others. "It was then, " he said, "aquestion with me whether I should disappoint the expectations of mycountry, be set down as a charlatan by the Admiralty, whose hopes hadbeen raised by my plan, and have my future prospects destroyed, orforce on an action which some had induced an easy Commander-in-Chiefto believe impracticable. " He did force on some fighting, whichwas altogether disastrous to the enemy, and rich in tokens of hisunflinching heroism; but it was in violation of repeated orders, dubiously worded, from Lord Grambier, and, when at last an order wasissued in terms too distinct to allow of any further evasion, he hadno alternative but to abandon the enterprise. He was at once sentback to England, to be rewarded with much popular favour, and with aknighthood of the Order of the Bath, conferred by George III. , but tobecome the victim of an official persecution, which, embittering hiswhole life, lasted almost to its close. 

It must be admitted that this persecution was in great measureprovoked by Lord Cochrane's own fearless conduct. He was reasonablyaggrieved at the effort made by the Admiralty authorities to attributeto Lord Gambier, who had taken no part at all in the achievements inBasque Roads, all the merit of their success. To use his own causticbut accurate words, "The only victory gained by Lord Gambier in BasqueRoads was that of bringing his ships to anchor there, whilst theenemy's ships were quietly heaving off from the banks on which theyhad been driven nine miles distant from the fleet. " When for thisproceeding it was determined to honour Lord Gambier with the thanksof Parliament, Lord Cochrane, as member for Westminster, announced hisintention of opposing the motion. As a bribe to silence he was offeredan important command by Lord Mulgrave, and it was proposed that hisname should be included in the vote of thanks. The bribe beingrefused and the opposition persisted in, Lord Gambier demanded acourt-martial, in which, as he alleged, to controvert the insinuationsthrown out against him by Lord Cochrane. 

The history of this court-martial, its antecedents and itsconsequences, furnishes an episode almost unique in the annalsof official injustice. As a preparation for it, Lord Gambier, inobedience to orders from the Admiralty, supplemented his first accountof the victory by another of entirely different tenour. In the first, written on the spot, he had avowed that he could not speak highlyenough of Lord Cochrane's vigour and gallantry in approaching theenemy, --conduct, he said, "which could not be exceeded by any feat ofvalour hitherto achieved by the British Navy. " In the record, writtenfour weeks later and in London, he altogether ignored Lord Cochrane'sservices, and transferred the entire merit to himself. 

The whole conduct of the court-martial was in keeping with thatprelude. No effort was spared in stifling all the evidence on LordCochrane's side, and in adducing false testimony against him. Logbooksand witnesses alike were tampered with. In support of his scheme forannihilating the whole French fleet, Lord Cochrane produced in courta chart showing the relative position of the various points in AixRoads, and of the overhanging fort which was to protect the Frenchships. This chart, left lying upon the table, was tacitly accepted bythe authorities of the Admiralty as a trustworthy document, andduly preserved among the official records. But at the time the courtrefused to receive it in evidence, and adopted instead two falsifiedcharts, in which, by the introduction of imaginary shoals and thenarrowing of the channel to Aix Roads from two miles to one, thesuccess of the scheme appeared impossible. Although this grossdeception was more than suspected, both then and afterwards, by LordCochrane, his repeated applications to the Admiralty for permission toinspect the documents were steadily refused. It was not till more thanfifty years after the period of the court-martial that he was able toprove the scandalous fraud. [A]

[Footnote A: Readers of "The Autobiography of a Seaman" need not bereminded of the copious and convincing evidence of the way in which hewas treated by this court-martial that was adduced by Lord Dundonaldin that work. ]

The result of the court-martial was, of course, such as from the firsthad been intended. Lord Grambier was acquitted, and unlimited blamewas, by inference, thrown upon Lord Cochrane. The coveted voteof thanks was promptly obtained from the House of Commons; LordCochrane's proposal that the minutes of the court-martial be firstinvestigated being, through ministerial influence, summarily rejected. 

These proceedings determined the course which men in power were toadopt, and fixed Lord Cochrane's future. It was a future to be made upof cruel disregard and of revengeful persecution. [A]

[Footnote A: See Appendix (I. ). ]

Soon after the close of the trial, the brave seaman applied to theAdmiralty for permission to rejoin his old frigate, the _Impérieuse_, and accompanied his application with a bold plan for attacking theFrench fleet in the Scheldt. He received an insulting answer to theeffect that, if he would be ready to quit the country in a week, andthen to occupy a position subordinate to that which he had formerlyheld, his services would be accepted. On his replying that hisgreat desire to be employed in his profession made him willing todo anything, and that all he wished for was a little longer time forpreparation, no further communication was vouchsafed to him. He wasquietly superseded in the command of the _Impérieuse_, and received noother ship. 

Out of this ill-treatment, however, resulted some benefit to thenation. Lord Cochrane employed much of his forced leisure, during thenext few years, in exposing abuses that were then over-abundant, andin strenuously advocating reform. In Parliament, voting always withhis friend Sir Francis Burdett and the Radical party, he limitedhis exertions to naval matters, and such as were within his ownexperience. Herein there was plenty to occupy him, and much that it isnow amusing to look back upon. [A]

[Footnote A: See Appendix (II. ). ]

One scandalous grievance led to a memorable episode in his life. Themany prizes taken by him in the Mediterranean, which, according torule, had been sent to the Maltese Admiralty Court for condemnation, had been encumbered with such preposterous charges that, instead ofrealizing anything by his captures, he was made out to be largelyin debt to the Court. The principal agent of this Court was a Mr. Jackson, who illegally held office as at the same time marshal andproctor. "The consequence was, " said Lord Cochrane, "that everyprize placed in his hands as proctor had to pass through his handsas marshal; whilst as proctor it was further in his power to consulthimself as marshal as often as he pleased, and to any extent hepleased. The amount of self-consultation may be imagined. " As proctorhe charged for visiting himself, and as marshal he charged forreceiving visits from himself. As marshal he was paid for instructinghimself, and as proctor he was paid for listening to his owninstructions. Ten shillings and twopence three farthings was thecustomary charge for an oath to the effect that he had served amonition on himself. Of the sheets composing the bill for services ofthese sorts presented to him, Lord Cochrane formed a roll which, whenunfolded and exhibited in Parliament, stretched from the Speaker'stable to the bar of the House. 

Not content, however, with laughing at the official robberiescommitted upon him, he determined, early in 1811, to proceed to Maltaand personally investigate the matter. Reaching Valetta long before hewas expected, he immediately presented himself at the court-house, and asked for a copy of the table of fees authorized by the Crown, and which, according to directions, ought to have been placedconspicuously in the public room. The existence of such a documentbeing denied, he proceeded to hunt for it himself, and, after long andcareful search, found it concealed in an out-of-the-way corner ofthe building. Having taken possession of it, he was carrying off theprize, which he intended to exhibit in the House of Commons, in tokenof the extent to which he and others had been defrauded, when hewas arrested for contempt of court. He protested that the arrest wasillegal, seeing that, as the court had not been sitting, no insultcould have been offered to it. The plea was not accepted, and hewas sent to gaol. No ground for punishment, however, could be foundagainst him; and, after refusing to help the authorities out of theirembarrassment by going at large on bail, and insisting on a properexculpation or nothing at all, he let himself out of window by meansof a rope. A gig was waiting for him, by which he was enabled toovertake the packet-boat that had quitted Malta shortly before, to return to London, and to present the document seized by him toParliament a month before the official report of his escapade reachedhome. [A]

[Footnote A: This letter from the Duke of Kent to Lord Cochrane willhelp to show that, even after the time of his Admiralty persecution, he was not without friends and admirers in high quarters:--"KensingtonPalace, 7th July, 1812. My dear Lord, --I trust the acquaintance Ihave the satisfaction to possess with your lordship, and the longand intimate friendship subsisting between myself and your brother, Lieut. -Colonel Basil Cochrane, will warrant my intruding upon you forthe purpose of seconding the wishes expressed by a young naval protégéof mine, and I cannot help adding my earnest request that when yourdistinguished zeal and talents in your profession are again calledinto action by Government, you will kindly oblige me by takingLieutenant Edgar under your wing and protection; he is a fine youngman, and I think would not disgrace the wardroom of your lordship'sship. I remain, with my sincere regard, my dear lord, yoursfaithfully, EDWARD. 

"_The Right Honourable Lord Cochrane_. "]

An imprisonment of very different character occurred after an intervalof nearly three years. This was in consequence of the famous StockExchange trial, the episode last treated of by the Earl of Dundonaldin his Autobiography, and not quite recounted to the end before deathstayed his hand. 

From 1809 to 1813, Lord Cochrane was allowed to take no active part inthe work of his profession. But at the close of the latter year, hisuncle, Sir Alexander Cochrane, having been selected for the commandof the fleet on the North American station, appointed him hisflag-captain--an appointment resting only with the Commander-in-Chief, and one with which the Government could not interfere. It was alwaysLord Cochrane's belief that the implacable enmity of his foes in theAdmiralty Office--determined to prevent by irregular means, since noregular course was open to them, his return to naval work--helpedto bring about the cruel persecution by which his whole life wasembittered. But it must be admitted that the dishonesty of one of hisown kinsmen--about which a chivalrous sense of honour caused him to bereticent during nearly fifty years--conduced to this result. 

The chief agent of the fraud practised upon him was a foreigner, namedDe Berenger. This man, clever and unscrupulous, had been associatedwith Mr. Cochrane Johnstone, an uncle of Lord Cochrane's, in certainstock-jobbing transactions. In that or in some other way he becameknown to Lord Cochrane and to his other uncle, Sir Alexander Cochrane;and, being a smart chemist and pyrotechnist, it was proposed that heshould accompany Lord Cochrane to North America, and assist him in thetrial of his recently-discovered method of attacking forts and fleetsin a secret and irresistible manner. With that object--of courseclandestine--Sir Alexander Cochrane sought the permission of theAdmiralty to employ De Berenger as a teacher of sharp-shooting, inwhich he was a well-known adept. This was not granted, and near theend of 1813, Sir Alexander set sail for Halifax, leaving Lord Cochraneto follow in the _Tonnant_, in charge of a convoy, and in gettingthe _Tonnant_ ready for sea his lordship was busy during January andFebruary, 1814. In the former month De Berenger sought him out andearnestly requested that, his official appointment being refused, hemight be taken on board in a private capacity and allowed to relyupon the success of his work for recompense. Lord Cochrane declinedto employ him without some sort of sanction from the Admiralty, andDe Berenger left him with the avowed intention of doing his utmost toprocure this sanction. 

He was otherwise occupied. Being in urgent need of money, with whichto evade the grasp of his numerous creditors, he returned to hisstock-jobbing pursuits--if indeed he had not been engaging in themall along; using his proposal for employment under Lord Cochrane as ablind or as a secondary resource. Instead of furthering his efforts toobtain this employment, he contrived a plan for causing a sudden risein the funds, and thereby securing a large profit to himself and hisaccomplices. On the 20th of February he presented himself at the ShipHotel at Dover, disguised as a foreigner and calling himself ColonelDe Bourg, professing that he brought intelligence from France tothe effect that Buonaparte had been killed by the Cossacks, that theallied armies were in full march towards Paris, and that a speedycessation of the war was certain. Thence he hurried up to London andwas traced to have gone, on the following morning, to Lord Cochrane'shouse. The ostensible object of that visit was to renew hisapplication for employment on board the _Tonnant_. The real objectwas, by means of a trick, to get possession of a hat and cloak, withwhich to disguise himself afresh, and thus try to elude the pursuitof agents of the Stock Exchange, who would soon seek to punish him forhis fraud. The disguise was given to him in all innocence, and mighthave been successful, had not Lord Cochrane, on finding how grosslyhe had been deceived, volunteered to assist in punishing the culprit. Leaving the _Tonnant_, in which he was about to start from Chatham, hereturned to London, and gave full information as to his share in thetransaction, with the view of furthering the cause of justice andclearing himself from all blame. 

That was prevented by as wanton a prosecution and as malicious aperverting of the forms of justice and the principles of equity as theannals of English law, not often abused even in a much less degree, can show. The straightforward evidence furnished by him was madethe handle to an elaborate machinery of falsehood and perjury foreffecting his own ruin. The solicitor who had managed the cause of theAdmiralty at the court-martial on Lord Gambier, and therein proved hisskill, was entrusted with the ugly work. By him an elaborate case forprosecution was trumped up, and Lord Cochrane, hindered from sailingto North America in the _Tonnant_, and hindered from obtaining anyother employment in his country's service during four-and-thirtyyears, was, on the 8th of June, placed in the prisoner's dock at theCourt of King's Bench on a charge of conspiring with his uncle, Mr. Cochrane Johnstone, with De Berenger, and with some other persons, to defraud the Stock Exchange. Lord Ellenborough, who presided at thetrial, delivered a charge which was even more virulent and more markedby political spite than was his wont, and the too compliant jurybrought in a verdict of "guilty. " Lord Cochrane vainly sought for anew trial, and vainly adduced abundant proof of his innocence. Thechance of justice that is every Englishman's right was denied to him. He was sentenced to an hour's detention in the pillory at the entranceof the Royal Exchange, to a year's imprisonment in the King's BenchPrison, and to a fine of a thousand pounds. 

The first part of the sentence was not insisted upon, as Sir FrancisBurdett, Lord Cochrane's noble-hearted colleague as member forWestminster, avowed his intention of standing also in the pillory, ifhis friend was subjected to that indignity, and of thus encouragingthe storm of popular indignation, that, without any suchencouragement, would probably have led to consequences whichthe Government, already hated by all Englishmen who loved theirbirthright, dared not brook. But the unworthy vengeance of hispersecutors was amply satisfied in other ways. He had already sufferedmore than most men. "Neglect, " he said, "I was accustomed to. But whenan alleged offence was laid to my charge, in which, on the honour ofa man now on the brink of the grave, I had not the slightestparticipation, and from which I never benefited, nor thought tobenefit one farthing, and when this allegation was, by politicalrancour and legal chicanery, consummated in an unmerited convictionand an outrageous sentence, my heart for the first time sank withinme, as conscious of a blow, the effect of which it has required all myenergies to sustain. "

It is needless now to say anything in proof of Lord Cochrane'sinnocence of the charge brought against him. The world has long sincereversed the verdict passed at Lord Ellenborough's dictation. Thatan officer and a gentleman of Lord Cochrane's reputation should havedemeaned himself by becoming a party to the fraud of which he wasaccused, is, to say the least, improbable. That, if he had been guiltyof that fraud, he should not have availed himself of the only benefitthat could be derived from it by investing in the stocks when theywere low and selling out during the brief time of their artificialvalue, is far more improbable. That, when the fraud was perpetrated, and its chief instrument was undiscovered, he should have left the_Tonnant_ in order to expose him, instead of taking him away fromEngland, and so almost ensuring the preservation of the secret, isutterly impossible. 

His only faults were too great faith in his own innocence and a toochivalrous desire to protect, or rather to abstain from injuring, hisunworthy kinsman. "I must be here distinctly understood, " it was saidby Lord Brougham, in his "Historic Sketches of British Statesmen, " "todeny the accuracy of the opinion which Lord Ellenborough appears tohave formed in this case, and deeply to lament the verdict of'guilty' which the jury returned after three hours' consultationand hesitation. If Lord Cochrane was at all aware of his uncle Mr. Cochrane Johnstone's proceedings, it was the whole extent of hisprivity to the fact. Having been one of the counsel engaged in thecause, I can speak with some confidence respecting it, and I take uponme to assert that Lord Cochrane's conviction was mainly owing to theextreme repugnance which he felt to giving up his uncle, or takingthose precautions for his own safety which would have operated againstthat near relation. Even when he, the real criminal, had confessed hisguilt by taking to flight, and the other defendants were brought upfor judgment, we, the counsel, could not persuade Lord Cochrane toshake himself loose from the contamination by abandoning him. "

Part of a letter addressed to the Earl of Dundonald in 1859, on theanniversary of his eighty-fourth birthday, and shortly after thepublication of the first volume of his "Autobiography of a Seaman, " bythe daughter of the man whose wrong-doing had conduced so terriblyto his misfortunes, may here be fitly quoted:--"You are still active, still in health, " says the writer, "and you have just given to theworld a striking proof of the vigour of your mind and intellect. Manyyears I cannot wish for you; but may you live to finish your book, and, if it please God, may you and I have a peaceful death-bed. Wehave both suffered much mental anguish, though in various degrees; foryours was indeed the hardest lot that an honourable man can be calledon to bear. Oh, my dear cousin, let me say once more, whilst we arestill here, how, ever since that miserable time, I have felt that yousuffered for my poor father's fault--how agonizing that convictionwas--how thankful I am that _tardy justice_ was done you. May Godreturn you fourfold for your generous though misplaced confidence inhim, and for all your subsequent forbearance!"

Another extract from a letter, from one out of a multitude of tributesto the Earl of Dundonald's honourable bearing, which were tenderedafter his death, shall close this introductory chapter. "Five yearsafter the trial of Lord Cochrane, " wrote Sir Fitzroy Kelly, now LordChief Baron, on the 17th of December, 1860, "I began to study for thebar, and very soon became acquainted with and interested in his case, and I have thought of it much and long during more than forty years;and I am profoundly convinced that, had he been defended singly andseparately from the others accused, or had he at the last moment, before judgment was pronounced, applied, with competent legal adviceand assistance, for a new trial, he would have been unhesitatingly andhonourably acquitted. We cannot blot out this dark page from our legaland judicial history. "

CHAPTER II. 

THE ISSUE OF THE STOCK EXCHANGE TRIAL. --LORD COCHRANE'S COMMITTAL TOTHE KING'S BENCH PRISON. --THE DEBATE UPON HIS CASE IN THE HOUSE OFCOMMONS, AND HIS SPEECH ON THAT OCCASION. --HIS EXPULSION FROM THEHOUSE, AND RE-ELECTION AS MEMBER FOR WESTMINSTER. --THE WITHDRAWAL OFHIS SENTENCE TO THE PILLORY. --THE REMOVAL OF HIS INSIGNIA AS A KNIGHTOF THE BATH. 

[1814. ]

The famous and infamous Stock Exchange trial occupied the 8th and 9thof June, 1814; but the sentence was deferred until the 21st of thesame month, in consequence of Lord Cochrane's demand for a new trial. That demand was not complied with, in spite of the productionof overwhelming evidence to justify it; and the victim of LordEllenborough and the tyrannical Government of the day was at onceconveyed to the King's Bench Prison. No time was lost in heaping uponhim all the indignities which, in accordance with precedent and inexcess of all precedent, might supplement his degradation. 

The first was a notice of motion which would result in his expulsionfrom the House of Commons. Lord Cochrane promptly availed himself ofthe opening thus afforded for a public avowal of his innocence. Tothe Hon. Charles Abbot, then Speaker of the House, he wrote from hisprison on the 23rd of June. "Sir, " runs the letter, "I respectfullyentreat you to communicate to the Honourable House of Commons myearnest desire and prayer that no question arising out of the lateconvictions in the Court of King's Bench may be agitated withoutaffording me timely notice and full opportunity of attending in myplace for the justification of my character. From the House of CommonsI hope to obtain that justice of which too implicit reliance on theconsciousness of my innocence, and circumstances over which I had nocontrol, have hitherto deprived me. The painful situation in which Iam placed is known to the House, and I trust that I shall be enabledto demonstrate that a more injured man has never sought redressfrom those to whose justice I now appeal for the preservation of mycharacter and existence. "

In compliance with that request, and with parliamentary rules, LordCochrane was conveyed from the King's Bench Prison to the House ofCommons, and allowed to read a carefully-prepared statement of hiscase, on the 5th of July, the day fixed for investigation of thesubject. From this statement it is not necessary to cite the clearand conclusive recapitulation of the evidence adduced at the trial, orrefused admission therein because it was too convincing, in proof ofLord Cochrane's innocence; but room must be found for some passagesillustrating the independent temper of the speaker and the perversionsof justice to which he fell a victim. 

"I am not here, sir, " he said, "to bespeak compassion or to pave theway to pardon. Both ideas are alike repugnant to my feelings. That thepublic in general have felt indignation at the sentence that has beenpassed upon me does honour to their hearts, and tends still to makemy country dear to me, in spite of what I have suffered from themalignity of persons in power. But, sir, I am not here to complain ofthe hardship of my case or about the cruelty of judges, who, foran act which was never till now ever known or thought to be a legaloffence, have laid upon me a sentence more heavy than they haveever yet laid upon persons clearly convicted of the most horridof crimes--crimes of which nature herself cries aloud against thecommission. If, therefore, it was my object to complain of the crueltyof my judges, I should bid the public look into the calendar, and seeif they could find a punishment like that inflicted on me; inflictedby these same judges on any one of these unnatural wretches. It isnot, however, my business to complain of the cruelty of this sentence. I am here to assert, for the third time, my innocence in the mostunqualified and solemn manner; I am here to expose the unfairness ofthe proceedings against me previous to the trial, at the trial, and subsequent to it; I am here to expose the long train of artfulvillainies which have been practised against me hitherto with so muchsuccess. 

"I am persuaded, sir, that the House will easily perceive, and everyhonourable man, I am sure, participate in my feelings, that thefine, the imprisonment, the pillory--even that pillory to which I amcondemned--are nothing, that they weigh not as a feather, when putin the balance against my desire to show that I have been unjustlycondemned. Therefore, sir, I trust that the House will give a fair andimpartial hearing to what I have to say respecting the conduct ofmy enemies, to expose which conduct is a duty which I owe to myconstituents, and to my country, not less than to myself. 

"In the first place, sir, I here, in the presence of this House, andwith the eyes of the country fixed upon me, most solemnly declare thatI am wholly innocent of the crime which has been laid to mycharge, and for which I have been condemned to the most infamous ofpunishments. Having repeated this assertion of my innocence, I nextproceed to complain of the means that have been made use of to effectmy destruction. And first, sir, was it ever before known in this or inany other country, that the prosecutor should form a sort of court ofhis own erection, call witnesses before it of his own choosing, and, under offers of great rewards, take minutes of the evidence of suchwitnesses, and publish those minutes to the world under the forms andappearances of a judicial proceeding? Was it ever before known, thatsteps like these were taken previous to an indictment, --previous tothe bringing of an intended victim into a court of justice? Was thereever before known so regular, so systematic a scheme for excitingsuspicion against a man, and for implanting an immovable prejudiceagainst him in the minds of a whole nation, previous to the preferringa Bill of Indictment, in order that the grand jury, be it composedof whomsoever it might, should be predisposed to find the bill? I askyou, sir, and I ask the House, whether it was ever before known, thatmeans like these were resorted to, previous to a man's being legallyaccused? But, sir, what must the world think, when they see some ofthose to whom the welfare and the honour of the nation are committedcovertly co-operating with a Committee of the Stock Exchange, andbecoming their associates in so nefarious a scheme? Nevertheless, sir, this fact is now notorious to the whole world. I must confess I wasnot prepared to believe the thing possible. "

Thereupon followed a detailed examination of the charges broughtagainst Lord Cochrane, and of the way in which those charges werehandled, special complaint being made concerning the malicious bearingof Lord Ellenborough. "It must be in the recollection of the House, "said Lord Cochrane, "as it is in that of the public, that he urged, that he compelled, the counsel to enter upon my defence _aftermidnight_, at the end of fifteen hours from the commencement of thetrial, when that counsel declared himself quite exhausted, and whenthe jury, who were to decide, were in a state of such weariness as torender attention to what was said totally impossible. The speechesof the counsel being ended, the judge, at _half-past three in themorning_, adjourned the court till ten; thus separating the evidencefrom the argument, and reserving his own strength, and the strengthof my adversaries' advocates, for the close; giving to both the greatadvantage of time to consider the reply, and to insert and arrangearguments to meet those which had been urged in my defence. "

All his treatment by Lord Ellenborough, as Lord Cochrane urged, was ofthat sort, or worse. "Of all tyrannies, sir, " he said, "the worstis that which exercises its vengeance under the guise of judicialproceedings, and especially if a jury make part of the means by whichits base purposes are effected. The man who is flung into prison, orsent to the scaffold, at the nod of an avowed despotism, has at leastthe consolation to know that his sufferings bring down upon thatdespotism the execration of mankind; but he who is entrappedand entangled in the meshes of a crafty and corrupt system ofjurisprudence; who is pursued imperceptibly by a law with leadenfeet and iron jaws; who is not put upon his trial till the ear of thepublic has been poisoned, and its heart steeled against him, --falls, at last, without being cheered with a hope of seeing his tyrantsexecrated even by the warmest of his friends. In their principle, theancient and settled laws of England are excellent; but of late years, so many injurious and fatal alterations in the law have taken place, that any man who ventures to meddle with public affairs, and to opposepersons in power, is sure and certain, sooner or later, to suffer insome way or other. 

"Sir, the punishment which the malice of my enemies has procured to beinflicted on me is not, in my mind, worth a moment's reflection. Thejudge supposed, apparently, that the sentence of the pillory woulddisgrace and mortify me. I can assure him, and I now solemnly assurethis House, my constituents, and my country, that I would rather standin my own name, in the pillory, every day of my life, under such asentence, than I would sit upon the bench in the name and with thereal character of Lord Ellenborough for one single hour. 

"Something has been said, sir, in this House, as I have heard, aboutan application for a mitigation of my sentence, in a certain quarter, where, it is observed, that mercy never failed to flow; but I canassure the House that an application for pardon, extorted from me, isone of the things which even a partial judge and a packed jury havenot the power to accomplish. No, sir; I will seek for, and I look for, pardon _nowhere_, for _I have committed no crime_. I have sought for, I still seek for, and I confidently expect JUSTICE; not, however, atthe hands of those by whose machinations I have been brought towhat they regard as my ruin, but at the hands of my enlightened andvirtuous constituents, to whose exertions the nation owes that thereis still a voice to cry out against that haughty and inexorabletyranny which commands silence to all but parasites and hypocrites. "

Thus ended Lord Cochrane's written argument. It was followed by, a fewwords spoken on the spur of the moment: "Having so long occupiedits time, I will not trouble the House longer than to implore it toinvestigate the circumstances of my case. I think I have stated enoughto induce it to call for the minutes of the trial. All I wish is aninquiry. Many important facts yet remain to be considered, and Itrust that the House will not come to a decision with its eyes shut. I entreat, I implore investigation. It is true that a sentence of acourt of law has been pronounced against me; but that punishment isnothing, and will to me seem nothing, in comparison with what it is inthe power of the House to inflict. I have already suffered much;but if after a deliberate and a fair investigation the House shalldetermine that I am guilty, then let me be deserted and abandoned bythe world. I shall submit without repining to any the most dreadfulpenalty that the House can assign. I solemnly declare before AlmightyGod that I am ignorant of the whole transaction. Into the hearts ofmen we cannot penetrate; we cannot dive into their inmost thoughts;but my heart I lay open, and my most secret thoughts I disclose tothe House. I entreat the strictest scrutiny and a patient hearing. Iimplore it at your hands, as an act of justice, and once more I callupon my Maker, upon Almighty God, to bear witness that I am innocent. He knows my heart, He knows all its secrets, and He knows that I aminnocent. "

An animated debate followed upon that eloquent address. ViscountCastlereagh complained that Lord Cochrane, instead of defendinghimself, had only libelled Lord Ellenborough and the noblestinstitutions of the land. Other speakers expressed similar opinions;but others testified to the consistent character of Lord Cochrane, rendering it impossible that he should be guilty of the offencewith which he was charged; and others again confessed that, havingpreviously had doubts in the matter, those doubts had been removed bythe high-minded tone and the powerful arguments of his defence. But inthe end the House adopted the view set forth by Lord Castlereagh; thatits duty was simply to accept the verdict of the Court of the King'sBench, and, according to precedent, to expel the member declaredguilty by that court, without daring to revive the question of hisguilt or innocence; and that it would be better for an innocent manthus to suffer, than for the House to assail "the bulwarks of Englishliberty, " by turning itself into a Star Chamber, or an Inquisition, and attempting to interfere with "the regular administration ofjustice. " The proposal that Lord Cochrane's case should be referred toa Select Committee was rejected without a division. The motion that heshould be expelled from the House was carried by a hundred and fortymembers, against forty-four dissentients. 

That new act of injustice, however, though it added much to LordCochrane's suffering, brought him no fresh disgrace. It only ledto his triumphant re-election as member for Westminster, undercircumstances that were reasonably consoling to him. His seat havingbeen taken from him on the 5th of July, a great meeting of theelectors, attended by five thousand people, was held on the 11th. It was there unanimously resolved that Lord Cochrane was perfectlyinnocent of the Stock Exchange fraud, that he was a fit and properperson to represent the City of Westminster in Parliament, and thathis re-election should be secured without any expense to him. RichardBrinsley Sheridan, his stout opponent at the previous election, whowas now urged to oppose him again, honourably refused to do so; andtherefore the election passed without a contest. But contest wouldonly have added to its glory; unless, indeed, the people, over-zealousin their expression of sympathy for their representative, had beenprovoked thereby to violent exhibition of their temper. Even withoutsuch provocation the turmoil of the re-election day, the 16th of July, was great; angry crowds assembled in the streets, and menacing wordsagainst the Government and its myrmidons were loudly uttered. Thewisdom of Sir Francis Burdett and other leaders of the popular party, however, prevented anything worse than angry speech. 

"Amongst all the occurrences of my life, " said Lord Cochrane, writing from the King's Bench Prison to thank the electors for theirconfidence in him, "I can call to memory no one which has produced sogreat a degree of exultation in my breast as this, that, after all themachinations of corruption have been able to effect against me, thecitizens of Westminster have, with unanimous voice, pronounced meworthy of continuing to be one of their representatives in Parliament. With regard to the case, the agitation of which has been the causeof this most gratifying result, I am in no apprehension as to theopinions and feelings of the world, and especially of the peopleof England, who, though they may be occasionally misled, are neverdeliberately cruel or unjust. Only let it be said of me: 'The StockExchange has accused; Lord Ellenborough has charged for guilty; thespecial jury have found that guilt; the Court have sentenced to thepillory; the House of Commons have expelled; and the Citizens ofWestminster have re-elected, '--only let this be the record placedagainst my name, and I shall be proud to stand in the calendar ofcriminals all the days of my life. "

The worst part of the sentence passed upon Lord Cochrane, as has beenalready said, was not carried out. The 10th of August had been fixedas the day on which he was to stand in the pillory for an hour infront of the Royal Exchange. But the danger of a disturbance among thepeople, and of fierce opposition in the House of Commons hindered theperpetration of this indignity. Some sentences of a letter addressedto Lord Ebrington, deprecating his motion in Parliament for aremission of this part of the sentence, are too characteristic, however, to be left unquoted. "I did not expect, " said Lord Cochrane, "to be treated by your lordship as an object of mercy, on the groundsof past services, or severity of sentence. I cannot allow myself to beindebted to that tenderness of disposition which has led your lordshipto form an erroneous estimate of the amount of punishment due to thecrimes of which I have been accused; nor can I for a moment consentthat any past services of mine should be prostituted to the purpose ofprotecting me from any part of the vengeance of the laws against whichI, if at all, have grossly offended. If I am guilty, I richly meritthe whole of the sentence that has been passed upon me. If innocent, one penalty cannot be inflicted with more justice than another. "

If the degradation of the pillory was remitted, another degradationquite as painful to Lord Cochrane was substituted for it. His namehaving, on the 25th of June, been struck off the list of navalofficers in the Admiralty, the Knights Companions of the Bath promptlyheld a chapter to consider the propriety of expelling him from theirranks. That was soon done, and no time was lost in making the insultas thorough as possible. At one o'clock in the morning of the 11thof August, the Bath King at Arms repaired to King Henry the Seventh'sChapel in Westminster Abbey, and there, under a warrant signed by LordSidmouth, the Secretary of State, removed the banner of Lord Cochrane, which was suspended between those of Lord Beresford and Sir BrentSpencer. His arms were next unscrewed, and his helmet, sword, andother insignia were taken down from the stall. The banner was thenkicked out of the chapel and down the steps by the official, eager toomit no possible indignity. It was an indignity unparalleled since theestablishment of the order in 1725. 

CHAPTER III. 

LORD COCHRANE'S BEARING IN THE KING'S BENCH PRISON--HIS STREETLAMPS. --HIS ESCAPE, AND THE MOTIVES FOR IT. --HIS CAPTURE IN THE HOUSEOF COMMONS, AND SUBSEQUENT TREATMENT. --HIS CONFINEMENT IN THE STRONGROOM OF THE KING'S BENCH PRISON. --HIS RELEASE. 

[1814-1815. ]

During the first period of his imprisonment Lord Cochrane was nottreated with more than usual severity. Two rooms in the King's BenchState House were provided for him, in which, of course, all theexpenses of his maintenance devolved upon himself. He was ledto understand that, if he chose to ask for it, he might have theprivilege of "the rules, " which would have allowed him, on certainconditions, a range of about half-a-mile round the prison. But hedid not choose to ask. Rather, he said, than seek any favour fromthe Government, he would lie in a dungeon all through the term of hisunjust imprisonment. Throughout that period he resolutely avowed hisperfect innocence, to friends and foes alike; and the consciousnessof his innocence helped him to bear up under a degradation that, toa nature as sensitive and chivalrous as his, was doubly bitter. Goodfriends, like Sir Francis Burdett, came to cheer him in his solitude, and over-zealous, yet honest, friends, like William Cobbett, came totake counsel with him as to ways of keeping alive and quickening thepopular indignation which, without any stimulants from headstrongdemagogues, was strong enough on his behalf. 

The tedium of his captivity was further relieved by his devotion tothose scientific and mechanical pursuits which, all through life, yielded employment very solacing to himself, and very profitable tothe world. While in the King's Bench Prison he was especially occupiedin completing a plan for lighting the public streets by means of alamp invented by him, in which the main principle was the introductionof a steady current of fresh air into the globes, whereby all the oilwas fairly burnt, and a brilliant light was always maintained. In thisway lamps much cheaper than those previously in use were found to havea far greater illuminating power. Early in October, 1814, the lampsin St. Ann's parish, Westminster, numbering eight hundred in all, weretaken down and replaced by four hundred constructed on Lord Cochrane'splan; and even political opponents spoke in acknowledgment of theexcellent result of the change. Had it not been for the introductionof gas, the superiority of these new lamps must soon have compelledtheir adoption all over London. It is curious that the discovery ofthe illuminating power of gas--undoubtedly due to his father--shouldhave superseded one of Lord Cochrane's most promising inventions assoon as it had been brought to recognized perfection. 

In such pursuits nine months of the unjust imprisonment were passed. "Lord Cochrane has hitherto borne all his hardships with greatfortitude, " wrote one of his most intimate friends on the 10th ofNovember, "and, if there are any more in store for him, I hope he willcontinue to be cheerful and courageous. " "His lordship always hopesfor the best, and is never afraid of the worst, " said the sameauthority on the 9th of December, "and therefore he is in goodspirits. "

This fearless disposition led, in March, 1815, to a bold step, whichsome of Lord Cochrane's best friends deprecated. Knowing that hewas unjustly imprisoned, he conceived that, since his re-electionas member for Westminster, the imprisonment was illegal as well asunjust, in that it was contrary to the privilege of Parliament. Thelaw provides that "no Member of Parliament can be imprisoned eitherfor non-payment of a fine to the King, or for any other cause thantreason, felony, or refusing to give security for the peace. " Itmay be questioned whether, in the presence of this law, his firstimprisonment, even under the sentence of the Court of King's Bench, was legal. But having been imprisoned, and having been expelled fromthe House of Commons, it is clear that his subsequent re-electioncould not interfere with the fulfilment, of the sentence passedagainst him, especially as he had not been able to make good his titleto membership by taking the prescribed oaths and claiming a seat inthe House. He, however--acting as it would seem under the advice ofWilliam Cobbett and other unsafe counsellors--thought otherwise, and considered that he was only vindicating a high constitutionalprinciple, against the exercise of despotic power by the Government, in making his escape from the King's Bench Prison. "I did not quitthese walls, " he said in a letter addressed to the electorsof Westminster, on the 12th of April, "to escape from personaloppression, but, at the hazard of my life, to assert that right toliberty which, as a member of the community, I have never forfeited, and that right, which I received from you, to attack in its very denthe corruption which threatens to annihilate the liberties of us all. I did not quit them to fly from the justice of my country, but toexpose the wickedness, fraud, and hypocrisy of those who elude thatjustice by committing their enormities under the colour of its name. I did not quit them from the childish motive of impatience undersuffering. I stayed long enough to evince that I could endurerestraint as a pain, but not as a penalty. I stayed long enough to becertain that my persecutors were conscious of their injustice, and tofeel that my submission to their unmerited inflictions was losing thedignity of resignation, and sinking into the ignominious endurance ofan insult. "

The escape was effected on the 6th of March, and by the same meanswhich had proved successful in Lord Cochrane's retreat from thegaol at Malta, just four years before. His rooms in the King's BenchPrison, being on the upper storey of the building known as theState House, were nearly as high as the wall which formed the prisonboundary, and the windows were only a few feet distant from it. The possibility of escape by this way, however, had never beencontemplated, and therefore the windows were unprotected by bars. Accordingly Lord Cochrane, having been supplied, from time to time, bythe same servant who had aided him at Malta, with a quantity of smallstrong rope, managed, soon after midnight, and while the watchmangoing his rounds was in a distant part of the prison, to get out ofwindow and climb on to the roof of the building. Thence he threw arunning noose over the iron spikes placed on the wall, and, exercisingthe agility that he had acquired during his seaman's occupations, easily gained the summit--to be somewhat discomfited by having to situpon the iron spikes while he fastened his rope to one of them andprepared, with its help, to slip down to the pavement on the outerside of the wall. The rope was not strong enough, however, to bear hisweight; it snapped when he was some twenty-five feet from the ground, and caused him to fall with his back upon the stone pavement. There helay, in an almost unconscious state, for a considerable time. But nopasser-by observed him; and before daylight he was able to crawl tothe house of an old nurse of his eldest son's, who gladly afforded himconcealment. 

Long concealment was not intended by him. "If it had not been, " hesaid, "for the commotion excited by that obnoxious, injurious, andarbitrary measure, the Corn Bill, which began to evince itself onthe day of my departure from prison, I should have lost no time inproceeding to the House of Commons; but, conjecturing that the spiritof disturbance might derive some encouragement from my unexpectedappearance at that time, and having no inclination to promote tumult, I resolved to defer my appearance at the House, and, if possible, to conceal my departure from the prison, until the order of themetropolis should be restored. "

To the same effect was a letter addressed by Lord Cochrane to theSpeaker of the House of Commons on the 9th of March. "I respectfullyrequest, " he said therein, "that you will state to the honourablethe House of Commons, that I should immediately and personallyhave communicated to them my departure from the custody of LordEllenborough, by whom I have been long most unjustly detained; but Ijudged it better to endeavour to conceal my absence, and to defer myappearance in the House until the public agitation excited by the CornBill should subside. And I have further to request that you will alsocommunicate to the House that it is my intention, on an early day, topresent myself for the purpose of taking my seat and moving an inquiryinto the conduct of Lord Ellenborough. "

On the day of that letter's delivery, the 10th of March--also famousas the day on which Buonaparte's escape from Elba was published inEngland--Lord Cochrane's gaolers discovered that he was no longerin his prison. Immediately a hue and cry was raised. This notice wasissued: "Escaped from the King's Bench Prison, on Monday the 6th dayof March, instant, Lord Cochrane. He is about five feet eleven inchesin height, [A] thin and narrow-chested, with sandy hair and full eyes, red whiskers and eyebrows. Whoever will apprehend and secure LordCochrane in any of His Majesty's gaols in the kingdom shall have areward of three hundred guineas from William Jones, Marshal of theKing's Bench. "

[Footnote A: He was really about six feet two inches in height, andbroad in proportion. ]

Great search was made in consequence of that notice, and LordCochrane's disappearance was an eleven days' wonder. Every newspaperhad each day a new statement as to his whereabouts. Some declared thathe had gone mad, and, as a madman's freak, was hiding himself in somecorner of the prison; others that he was lodging at an apothecary'sshop in London. According to one report, he had been seen at Hastings, according to another, at Farnham, and according to another, in Jersey;while others declared that he had been discovered in France andelsewhere on the Continent. 

None of the thousands whom political spite or the hope of reward setin search of him thought of looking for him in his real resting-place. "As soon as I had written to the Speaker, " he said, "I went intoHampshire, where I remained eleven days, and till within one day of myappearance in the House of Commons. During that period I was occupiedin regulating my affairs in that county, and in riding about thecounty, as was well known to the people of the neighbourhood, none ofwhom were base enough to be seduced by a bribe to deliver an injuredman into the hands of his oppressors. "

At his own house, known as Holly Hill, in the south of Hampshire, LordCochrane remained quietly, though with no attempt to hide himself, until the 20th of March. He then, in fulfilment of his originalpurpose, returned to London, and on the following day entered theHouse of Commons at about two o'clock in the afternoon. Very greatwas the astonishment among the officials in attendance caused by hisappearance, "dressed, " according to one of the newspaper reports, "inhis usual costume, grey pantaloons, frogged great-coat, &c. ;" and bysome of them the intelligence of his arrival was promptly communicatedto the Marshal of the King's Bench. In the meanwhile, consideringhimself safe within the precincts of the House at any rate, heproceeded to occupy his customary seat. To that it was objected that, until he had taken the oaths and complied with the prescribed formsconsequent on his re-election, he had no right within the building. He answered that he was willing to do this, and, to see that all wasaccording to rule, went at once to the clerks' office. There it waspretended that the writ of his re-election had not yet been received, and that it must first be procured from the Crown Office, in ChanceryLane. Awaiting the return of the messenger, ostensibly despatched forthis purpose, he again entered the House, and there he was found, at afew minutes before four, by Mr. Jones, the marshal, who, on receivingthe information sent to him, had hurried up, with a Bow Street runnerand some tipstaves. The runner, walking up to Lord Cochrane andtouching him on the shoulder, bluntly claimed him as his prisoner. Lord Cochrane asked by what authority he dared to arrest a Member ofParliament in the House of Commons. "My lord, " answered the man, "myauthority is the public proclamation of the Marshal of the King'sBench Prison, offering a reward for your apprehension. " Lord Cochranedeclared that he neither acknowledged, nor would yield to, anysuch authority, that he was there to resume his seat as one of therepresentatives of the City of Westminster, and that any who dared totouch him would do so at their peril. Two tipstaves thereupon rudelyseized him by the arms. He again cautioned them that the Marshal ofthe King's Bench had no authority within those walls, and that theirconduct was altogether illegal. The answer was that he had bettergo quietly; his reply that he would not go at all. Other officers, however, came up. After a short struggle, he was overpowered, and, onhis refusing to walk, he was carried out of the House on the shouldersof the tipstaves and constables. 

There was a halt, however, in this disgraceful march. The Bow Streetrunner expressed a fear that Lord Cochrane had firearms concealedunder his clothes, and he was accordingly taken into one of thecommittee-rooms to be searched. Nothing more dangerous was found abouthim than a packet of snuff. "If I had thought of that before, " saidLord Cochrane, not quite wisely, "you should have had it in youreyes!" On this incident was founded a foolish story, to be told nextday, amid a score of exaggerations and falsehoods, in the Governmentnewspapers. "Being asked why he had provided himself with such aquantity of snuff, " we there read, "he said he had bought a canisterfor the purpose of throwing it in the eyes of those who might attemptto secure him, unless the opposing force should be too strong forresistance, observing that he had found the use of a similar weaponwhen he was in the Bay of Rosas, as he had thrown a mixture of lime, sand, &c. , upon the Frenchmen who attempted to board his ship, andfound it effectual. " Another zealous organ of the Government addedthat he had also provided himself with a bottle of vitriol, to be usedin the same way. 

Had a penknife been found in his pocket, perhaps the Marshal of theKing's Bench, the Bow Street runner, the tipstaves, and the constableswould all have fled, deeming that the possession of so deadly aninstrument made the retention of their captive too dangerous a thingto be attempted. The snuff having been seized, however, he was againlodged on the officers' shoulders and so conveyed into the courtyard. He then said that, being now beyond the privilege of the House, he waswilling to proceed quietly. A coach was called, and he was taken backto the King's Bench Prison. 

The indignity thus offered to him was small indeed in comparison withthe indignity offered to the Parliament of England. In former timesthe slightest encroachment by the Crown, by the Government, or byany humbler part of the executive, was fiercely resented; and to thisresentment some of the greatest and most memorable crises in the longfight for English liberty are due. But rarely had there been amore flagrant, never a more wanton, infringement of the hardly-wonprivileges of the House of Commons. Had Lord Cochrane been detectedand seized violently in some out-of-the-way hiding-place, theover-zealous servants of the Crown would have had some excuse fortheir conduct. But in appearing publicly in the House, he showed toall the world that he was no runaway from justice, that he was willingto submit to its honest administration by honest hands, that all hesought was a fair hearing and a fair judgment upon his case, and that, believing it impossible to obtain that through the elaborate machineryof oppression which then went by the name of administrationof justice, he now only asserted his right, the right of everyEnglishman, and especially the right of a Member of Parliament, toappeal from the agents of the law to the makers of the law, to callupon the legislators of his country to see whether he had not beenwrongfully used by the men who, though practically too much theirmasters, were in theory only their servants. 

"I did not go to the House of Commons, " he said, "to complain aboutlosses or sufferings, about fine or imprisonment; or of property, tothe amount of ten times the fine, of which I had been cheated by thismalicious prosecution. I did not go to the House to complain ofthe mockery of having been heard in my defence, and answered by areference to the decision from which that defence was an appeal. I didnot go there to complain of those who expelled me from my profession. I did not go to the House to complain _generally_ of the advisers ofthe Crown. But I went there to complain of the conduct of him who hasindeed the right of recommending to mercy, but whose privilege, asa Privy Councillor, of advising the confirmation of his owncondemnations, and of interposing between the victims oflegal vengeance and the justice of the throne, is spurious andunconstitutional. When it is considered that my intention of going tothe House of Commons was announced on the day on which my absence fromthe prison was discovered; I say, when it is considered that, as soonas it was known that I had left the prison, it was also known that Ihad left it for the express purpose of going to the House of Commonsto move for an inquiry into the conduct of Lord Ellenborough; when itis considered that every engine was set to work to tempt or intimidateme from that purpose, to frighten me out of the country or allure meback to the custody of the marshal, that assurances were given thatthe doors should be kept open for my admission at any hour of thenight, and that I should be received with secresy, courtesy, andindemnity; and when it is considered that I was afterwards seized inthe House of Commons, in defiance of the privileges of the House--canthere be a doubt that the object of that apprehension was less theaccomplishment of the sentence of the court than the prevention ofthe exposure which I was prepared to make of the injustice of thatsentence? That recourse should have been had to violence to stifle theaccusations which I was prepared to bring forward, that terror of thetruth should have so superseded a wonted reverence for parliamentaryprivileges as to have admitted the intrusion of tipstaves andthief-takers into the House of Commons, to seize the person of anindividual elected to serve as a member of that House, and avowedlyattendant for that purpose, is extraordinary, though not unnatural. "

It must be admitted that the question of breach of privilege wassomewhat more complicated than Lord Cochrane considered. His opponentsdid not think with him that he was still a member of the House ofCommons. That membership had been taken from him, formally, thoughwrongfully, by his expulsion on the 5th of July, and he hadhimself recognized the expulsion by accepting re-election from theconstituents of Westminster on the 16th of the same month. Accordingto precedent, however, that re-election could not be perfected untilthe customary oaths had been taken; and, through a trick contrivedin the clerks' office, he was hindered from taking them before thearrival of the marshal and his consequent arrest. Yet there can be nodoubt that, in the special circumstances of the case, this arrest wasespecially indecorous, and, in the method of effecting it, altogetherillegal. If he had no right in the House of Commons, he was a commontrespasser, and ought to have been at once removed by the servants ofthe House, who alone could have power to touch him within the walls. To allow him a seat therein, without molestation, until the arrivalof the servants of the King's Bench Prison, and then to allow thoseservants to enter the House and act upon an authority that could therebe no authority, was wholly unwarrantable, a gross insult to LordCochrane, and, to the customs of the House of Commons, an insult yetmore gross. But to the hardship and the insult alike the House ofCommons, servile in its devotion to the Government of the day, wasblind. 

A miserable farce ensued. While the House was sitting, a few hoursafter Lord Cochrane's capture, a letter from the Marshal of the King'sBench was read by the Speaker, in which his bold act was formallyreported and apologized for. "I humbly hope, " he there said, "that Ihave not committed any breach of privilege by the steps I have taken;and that, if I have done wrong, it will be attributed to error injudgment, and not to any intention of doing anything that might giveoffence. "

The short debate that followed the reading of that letter is verynoteworthy. Lord Castlereagh spoke first, and dictated the view tobe taken by all loyal members of the House. "From the nature of thearrest and the circumstances attending it, I do not think, sir, " hesaid, "that the House is called upon to interfere. I am not aware, asthe House was not actually sitting, with the mace on the table and theSpeaker in the chair, when the arrest took place, that any breach ofprivilege has been committed. It must be quite obvious to every manthat the marshal has not acted wilfully in violation of the privilegesof the House. No blame can attach to him, since he has submittedhimself to the judgment of the House of Commons after having donethat which he considered his duty as a civil officer. Having had LordCochrane in his custody, from which he escaped, the marshal was boundnot to pass over any justifiable means of putting him under arrestwhenever a fair opportunity occurred. "

Most of the members thought, with Lord Castlereagh, that this wasa "fair opportunity. " Only one, Mr. Tierney--and he veryfeebly--ventured to express an opposite opinion. "I consider this, "he said, "to be the case of a member regularly elected to serve inParliament, and coming down to take his seat. Now, sir, the House isregularly adjourned until ten o'clock in the morning; and I recollectoccasions when the Speaker did take the chair at that hour. Suppose, then, a member, about to take his seat, came down here at an earlyhour, with the proper documents in his hand, and desired to beinstructed in the mode of proceeding, and, while waiting, an officerentered, arrested him, and took his person away, would not this be acase to call for the interference of the House?" Mr. Tierney admittedthat he approved of Lord Cochrane's arrest, but feared it might becomea precedent and be put to the "improper purpose" of sanctioning thearrest of members more deserving of consideration. 

To please him, and to satisfy the formalities, therefore, the questionwas referred to a committee of privileges. This committee reported, onthe 23rd of March, "that, under the particular circumstances, it didnot appear that the privileges of Parliament had been violated, so asto call for the interposition of the House;" and the House of Commonsbeing satisfied with that opinion, no further attention was paid tothe subject. 

In the meanwhile Lord Cochrane was being punished, with inexcusableseverity, for his contempt of the authority of Lord Ellenborough andMr. Jones. A member of the House, during the discussion of the 21st ofMarch, had said that he had just come from the King's Bench Prison. "I found Lord Cochrane, " he had averred, "confined there in a strongroom, fourteen feet square, without windows, fireplace, table, orbed. I do not think it can be necessary for the purpose of securityto confine him in this manner. According to my own feelings, it is aplace unfit for the noble lord, or for any other person whatsoever. "

In this Strong Room, however, Lord Cochrane was detained for morethan three weeks. It was partly underground, devoid of ventilation ornecessary warmth, and, according to the testimony of Dr. Buchan, oneof the physicians who visited him in it, "rendered extremely damp andunpleasant by the exudations coming through the wall. "

On being taken to this den immediately after his capture, LordCochrane was informed by Mr. Jones that he would be detained in it fora short time only, until the apartments over the lobby of the prisonwere prepared for his reception. That was done in a few days; but nointimation of a change was made until the 1st of April, when a messageto that effect was sent to the prisoner. On the following day hereceived a letter from Mr. Jones informing him that, if he wouldanticipate the payment of the fine of 1000_l. _ levied against him, andwould also pledge himself, and give security for the keeping of thepromise, to make no further effort to escape, he might be allowed tooccupy the more comfortable quarters. "It is no new thing, " said LordCochrane, "for a prisoner to escape or to be retaken; but to requireof any prisoner a bond and securities not to repeat such escape was, I think, a proposition without precedent, and such as the marshal knewcould not be complied with by me without humiliation, and thereforecould not be proposed by him without insult. Besides, he had myassurance that if I were again to quit his custody (which I gave himno reason to believe I should attempt, and which, as I observed andbelieve, it was as easy for me to effect from that room as from anyother part of the prison), I should proceed no further than to theHouse of Commons, and that where he found me before he might find meagain; I having had no other object in view than that of expressing, by some peculiar act, the keen sense which I entertained of _peculiar_injustice, and of endeavouring to bring such additional proofs of thatinjustice before the House as were not in my possession when I washeard in my defence. " Mr. Jones, however, resolved to keep his captivein the Strong Room, unless he would promise to resign himself tocaptivity in a less obnoxious part of the prison. 

Even for that negative favour the marshal took great credit to himselfin a document which he issued at the time. "If a humane and kindconcern for this unfortunate nobleman, " he there averred, "had notsoftened the solicitude which I naturally felt for my own security, Icould have committed him, on my own warrant for the escape, to the newgaol in Horsemonger Lane, for the space of a month; and that poweris still within my jurisdiction. Had I thought proper to exercise it, Lord Cochrane would then have been confined in a solitary cell with astone floor, with windows impenetrably barred and without glass; norwould it have proved half the size of the Strong Room in the King'sBench, which has a boarded floor and glazed lights. " That statementreasonably stirred the anger of Lord Cochrane. "Though the solitarycell in Horsemonger Lane, " he answered, "may be half the size of theStrong Room, it could not, I apprehend, have been more gloomy, damp, filthy, or injurious to health than the last-mentioned dungeon. Andsince Mr. Jones could only have confined me in the former place fora month, and did confine me in the latter for twenty-six days, I canscarcely see that degree of difference which should entitle him tothose 'grateful sentiments for his mode of acting on the occasion'which, he submits to the public, it is my duty to entertain. The'glazed lights' mentioned by Mr. Jones were not put up till I had beenthirty hours in the place, and I have always understood that I wasindebted for them to the good offices of Mr. Bennet and Mr. Lambton, who happened [as part of a Parliamentary Committee] to be prosecutingtheir inquiry into the state of the prison at the time of my return. For these and all other mercies of the said marshal, my gratitude isdue to their friendship and sense of duty, and to his dread of theirdiscoveries and proceedings. "

It is clear that nothing but fear of the consequences induced Mr. Jones to remove Lord Cochrane from the Strong Room, after twenty-sixdays of confinement therein. On the 12th of April the prisoner issuedan address to the electors of Westminster, detailing some of thehardships to which he was being subjected; and its publicationimmediately roused so much popular interest that the authorities ofKing's Bench Prison deemed it necessary to make at any rate a show ofamelioration in his treatment. On the 13th, his physician, Dr. Buchan, was allowed to visit him, and his report was such that another medicalman of eminence, Mr. Saumarez, was sent to examine into the state ofthe prisoner's health. Part of Dr. Buchan's certificate has alreadybeen quoted. The rest was as follows: "This is to certify that I havethis day visited Lord Cochrane, who is affected with severe pain ofthe breast. His pulse is low, his hands cold, and he has many symptomsof a person about to have typhus or putrid fever. These symptoms are, in my opinion, produced by the stagnant air of the Strong Room inwhich he is now confined. " "I hereby certify, " wrote Mr. Saumarez, "that I have visited Lord Cochrane, and am of opinion, from the stateof his health at this time, that it is essentially necessary that heshould be removed from the room which he now inhabits to one whichis better ventilated, and in which there is a fireplace. His lordshipcomplains of pain in the chest, with difficulty of respiration, accompanied with great coldness of the hands; and, from the generalstate of his health, there is great reason to fear that a low typhusmay come on. "

The only result of those medical opinions was a renewal of theoffer to remove Lord Cochrane to the rooms prepared for him, on theconditions previously specified by Mr. Jones. Lord Cochrane answeredthat he would rather die than submit to such an insulting arrangement. He published the doctors' certificates, however, on the 15th of April, and their effect upon the public was so great that the authoritieswere forced on the following day to take him out of his dungeon. Mr. Jones's account of this step is worth quoting. "I again tried, " hereported, "to induce Lord Cochrane's friends and relations to give meany kind of undertaking against another escape. On their refusal, Idetermined myself to become his friend, and, at my own risk, to removehim to the rooms which have been already mentioned, and where, I amconfident, he can have no cause of complaint. These rooms not beingaltogether safe against such a person as Lord Cochrane, should hedetermine to risk another escape, I must look to the laws of mycountry as a safeguard, in the hope that the terrors of them willdiscourage him from attempting a repetition of his offence, andprevent him from incurring the penalties of another indictment. "

Lord Cochrane never really intended to attempt a second escape. Had itbeen otherwise, the illness induced by his confinement in the StrongRoom would have restrained him. Being placed in healthier apartmentson the 16th of April, he quietly remained there for the remainder ofhis term of imprisonment. On the 20th of June he was informed that, the term being now at an end, he was at liberty to depart on paymentof the fine of 1000_l. _ levied against him. This he at first refusedto do, and accordingly he was detained in prison for a fortnight more;but at length the entreaties of his friends prevailed. On the 3rd ofJuly he tendered to the Marshal of the King's Bench a 1000_l. _ note, with this memorable endorsement: "My health having suffered by longand close confinement, and my oppressors being resolved to depriveme of property or life, I submit to robbery to protect myself frommurder, in the hope that I shall live to bring the delinquents tojustice. " Upon that the prison doors were opened for him, and he wasable once more to fight for the justice so cruelly withheld fromhim, and to make his innocence entirely clear to all whose selfishinterests did not force them to be blind to the truth. 

CHAPTER IV. 

LORD COCHRANE'S RETURN TO THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. --HIS SHARE IN THEREFUSAL OF THE DUKE OF CUMBERLAND'S MARRIAGE PENSION. --HIS CHARGESAGAINST LORD ELLENBOROUGH, AND THEIR REJECTION BY THE HOUSE. --HISPOPULARITY. --THE PART TAKEN BY HIM IN PUBLIC MEETINGS FOR THE RELIEFOF THE PEOPLE. --THE LONDON TAVERN MEETING. --HIS FURTHER PROSECUTION, TRIAL AT GUILDFORD, AND SUBSEQUENT IMPRISONMENT. --THE PAYMENT OF HISFINES BY A PENNY SUBSCRIPTION. --THE CONGRATULATIONS OF HIS WESTMINSTERCONSTITUENTS. 

[1815-1816. ]

Released from imprisonment on Monday, the 3rd of July, Lord Cochraneresumed his seat in the House of Commons on the evening of thesame day, just in time to secure the defeat of a measure which wasespecially obnoxious to his Radical friends. The Duke of Cumberlandhaving lately married a daughter of the Duke of Mecklenburg-Strelitz, it was proposed to augment his income of about 20, 000_l. _ a year bya further pension of 6000_l. _ A bill to that effect was brought in byLord Castlereagh, and, after much sullen opposition from independentmembers, allowed a first reading by a majority of seventeen. On thesecond division the majority was reduced to twelve. The bill wasbrought on for the third reading on the 3rd of July, and would havebeen passed through the House of Commons by the Speaker's casting votebut for Lord Cochrane's sudden appearance. His vote secured a majorityagainst it, and thereby it was finally overthrown. Great, on themorrow, were the rejoicings of his supporters. "What a triumph, " itwas said in a friendly newspaper, "is this to innocence! After beingsentenced to the scandalous and disgraceful punishment of the pillory, after being confined in a loathsome dungeon, fined 1000_l. _ in moneyto the king, disgracefully removed from that service in which he hadattained such high honours and rendered to his country such essentialservice, his escutcheon kicked out of Westminster Abbey, his orderof knighthood taken from him; in short, after having every possibleindignity which the most malignant imagination could invent heapedupon him in every way, his single vote, on the very first day of hisreturning to his parliamentary duties, has been the means of obtaininga signal victory over those under whose persecution he had been solong suffering. "

The one victory upon which Lord Cochrane set his heart, however--thereversal of the unjust sentence passed upon him, and the consequentrestoration of the honours and offices that were now doubly dear tohim--he was not able to obtain. On the 6th of July, just before theprorogation of Parliament, he gave notice that, early in the nextsession, he should move for the appointment of a committee to inquireinto the conduct of Lord Ellenborough and others towards him duringthe Stock Exchange trial. In arranging for this new effort atself-justification, he was partly occupied during the ensuing autumnand winter, and the question was brought prominently before the Houseof Commons in the spring of 1816; only to issue, however, in furtherinjustice and disappointment. 

His purpose from the first was, of course, virtually the impeachmentof Lord Ellenborough; and that object was yet more apparent from thealtered shape which the question assumed when introduced in the newsession. During the recess, Lord Cochrane, with the help of advisers, some of whom were more zealous than wise, William Cobbett being thechief, had prepared an elaborate series of "charges of partiality, misrepresentation, injustice, and oppression against the Lord ChiefJustice;" and these were formally introduced to the House of Commonson the 5th of March. "When I recollect, " said Lord Cochrane on thatoccasion, "the imputations cast upon my character, and circulatedindustriously previous to any legal proceedings, the conduct pursuedat my trial, the verdict obtained, the ineffectual endeavours; toprocure a revision of my case in the Court of King's Bench, and theinfamous sentence there pronounced, together with my expulsion fromthis House without being suffered to expose its injustice--when I callto mind my dismissal from a service in which I have spent the fairestportion of my life, at least without reproach, and my illegal andunmerited deprivation of the order of the Bath--it is impossibleto speak without emotion. I have but one course now left to pursue, namely, to show that the charge of the Lord Chief Justice, on which hedirected the jury to decide, was not only unsupported by, but wasin direct contradiction to, the evidence on which it professed tobe founded. This is the best course to pursue both in justice to thelearned judge and to myself. Either I am unfit to sit in this House, or the judge has no right to his place on the bench. I have courtedinvestigation in every shape; and I trust that the learned lord willnot shrink from it or suffer his friends on the opposite side to evadethe consideration of these charges by 'the previous question. '"

Lord Cochrane thereupon tendered to the House thirteen charges againstLord Ellenborough, in which every point of importance in the StockExchange trial was minutely detailed and discussed; and these chargesbeing read, therein occupying nearly three hours, were ordered to beprinted. A fourteenth charge, bearing upon Lord Ellenborough's conductsubsequent to the trial, was introduced on the 29th of March; butthis, as it included aspersions upon the character of another judge, Sir Simon Le Blanc, was objected to and withdrawn. There was furtherdiscussion on the subject on the 1st and the 29th of April; but notmuch was done until the 30th of April. 

On that evening, Lord Cochrane formally moved that his charges againstLord Ellenborough should be referred to a Committee of the wholeHouse, and that evidence in support of them should be heard at thebar. A lengthy discussion then ensued, the most notable speechesbeing made by the Solicitor-General, Sir Francis Burdett, and theAttorney-General. 

The Solicitor-General of course opposed the motion. "As the House, onthe one hand, " he said, "should jealously watch over the conduct ofjudges, so, on the other, it should protect them when deserving ofprotection, not only as a debt of justice due to the judges, but asa debt due to justice herself, in order that the public confidence inthe purity of the administration of our laws may not be disappointed, and that the course of that administration may continue the admirationof the world; for, unless the judges are protected in the exercise oftheir functions, the public opinion of the excellence of our laws willbe inevitably weakened, --and to weaken public opinion is to weakenjustice herself. "

That sort of argument, too frivolous and faulty, it might be supposed, to influence any one, had weight with the House of Commons to which itwas addressed; and the Solicitor-General adduced much more of it. To him the spotless character of Lord Ellenborough appeared to be anample defence against Lord Cochrane's charges. "Never, " he said, witha truthfulness that posterity can appreciate, "never was there anindividual at the bar or on the bench less liable to the imputationof corrupt motives; never was there one more remarkable forindependence--I will say, sturdy independence--of character, than thenoble and learned lord. For twelve years he has presided on the benchwith unsullied honour, displaying a perfect knowledge of thelaw; evincing as much legal knowledge as was ever amassed by anyindividual; and now, in the latter part of his life, when he hasarrived at the highest dignity to which a man can arrive, by apromotion well-earned at the bar, and doubly well-earned at the bench, we are told that he has sacrificed all his honours by acting fromcorrupt motives!"

Sir Francis Burdett replied effectively to the speeches of theSolicitor-General and others who sided with him, and nobly defendedhis friend. He showed that the proposal to refuse investigation ofthis case because it might weaken the cause of justice, by making theconduct of the administrators of justice contemptible, was worse thanfrivolous. "Such language, " he averred, "would operate against theinvestigation of any charges whatever against any judge; would indeedform a barrier against the exercise of the best privilege of thisHouse--the privilege of inquiring into the conduct of courts ofjustice. It would serve equally well to shelter even those judgeswho have been dragged from the bench for their misconduct. " He thenreviewed the incidents of the Stock Exchange trial, and urged thatLord Cochrane had good reason for bringing forward his charges. "Thequestion for the House to consider is, 'Do these charges, if admitted, contain criminal matter for the consideration of the House?' Iconceive that they do. No doubt the judges who condemned Russell andSidney were, at the time, spoken of as men of high character, whocould not be supposed to suffer any base motives to influence theirconduct. Such arguments as those ought to be banished from this House. It is our duty to look, with constitutional suspicion on jealousy, onthe proceedings of the judges; and, when a grave charge is solemnlybrought forward, justice to the country, as well as to the judge, demands an inquiry into it. "

That, however, was refused. After a long speech from theAttorney-General, and an eloquent reply by Lord Cochrane, the Housedivided on the motion. Eighty-nine members voted against it. Its onlysupporters were Sir Francis Burdett and Lord Cochrane himself. Notonly did the House refuse to listen to the allegations against LordEllenborough; in the excess of its devotion to such law and such orderas the Government of the day appointed, it even resolved that all theentries in its record of proceedings which referred to this subjectshould be expunged from the journals. Lord Cochrane made noresistance to this further insult thrown upon him. "It gives me greatsatisfaction, " he said, in the brief and dignified speech with whichhe closed the discussion, "to think that the vote which has been cometo has been come to without any of my charges having been disproved. Whatever may be done with them now, they will find their way toposterity, and posterity will form a different judgment concerningthem than that which has been adopted by this House. So long as I havea seat in this House, however, I will continue to bring them forward, year by year and time after time, until I am allowed the opportunityof establishing the truth of my allegations. "

Other occupations prevented the full realization of that purpose. Butto the end of his life Lord Cochrane used every occasion of assertinghis innocence and courting a full investigation of all the incidentson which his assertion was based. Posterity, as he truly prophesied, has learnt to endorse his judgment; and therefore, in the ensuingpages, it will not be necessary to adduce from his letters and actionsmore than occasional illustrations of the temper which animated himthroughout with reference to this heaviest of all his heavy troubles. 

By these troubles, however, even in the time of their greatestpressure, he was not overcome; and in the midst of them he found timeand heart for active labour in the good work of various sorts that wasalways dear to him. He used the advantages of his liberty in strivingto perfect the invention of improved street lamps and lightingmaterial that had occupied him while in prison, and to procure theirgeneral adoption. His place in Parliament, moreover, all through thesession of 1816, was employed not only in seeking justice for himself, but also in furthering every project advanced for benefiting thecommunity and checking the pernicious action of the Government. Azealous, honest Whig before, he was now as zealous and as honestas ever in all his political conduct. And his devotion to the bestinterests of the people was yet more apparent in his unflagginglabours, out of Parliament, for the public good. His great abilities, rendered all the more prominent by the cruel persecution to which hehad been and still was subjected, made him a leading champion of thepeople during the turmoil to which misgovernment at home, and thedistracted state of foreign politics, gave a special stimulus in 1816. 

A long list might be made of the great meetings which he attended, and took part in, both among his own constituents of Westminsterand elsewhere, for the consideration of popular grievances and theirremedies. One such meeting, attended by Henry Brougham and Sir FrancisBurdett among others, was held in Palace Yard, Westminster, on the1st of March, for the purpose of petitioning Parliament against therenewal of the property-tax and the maintenance of a standing army intime of peace. Lord Cochrane, the hero of the day, on account of "thespirit of opposition which he had shown to the infringement of theconstitution and the grievances of the people, " won for himself newfavour by the boldness with which he denounced the policy of theGovernment, which, boasting that it was ruining the French nation, wasat the same time bringing misery also upon Englishmen by the excessivetaxation and the reckless extravagance to which it resorted. 

A smaller, but much more momentous meeting assembled at the Cityof London Tavern on the 29th of July, under the auspices of theAssociation for the Relief of the Manufacturing and Labouring Poor. Instigated in a spirit of praiseworthy charity by many of the mostinfluential persons of the day, it was used by Lord Cochrane for theenforcement of the views as to public right and public duty, and themutual relations of the rich and the poor, which were forced upon himby his recent troubles, and the relations in which he was at this timeplaced with some over-zealous champions of popular reform, and someunreasonable exponents of popular grievances. That his conduct on thisoccasion was extravagant and even factious, he afterwards heartilyregretted. Yet as a memorable illustration of the power andearnestness with which he fought for what seemed to him to be right, as well with word as with sword, its details, as reported at the time, may be here set forth at length. 

 About half-past one o'clock the Duke of York entered and took the chair, supported on his right by the Duke of Kent, and on his left by the Duke of Cambridge. He was accompanied on his entrance by the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of London, the Duke of Rutland, Lord Manvers, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Wilberforce, and other distinguished individuals. 

 His Royal Highness the Duke of York immediatelyproceeded to open the business of the day, by observing that thepresent meeting had been called to consider and, as far as possible, to alleviate the present distress and sufferings of the labouringclasses of the community. These distresses were, he feared, too wellknown to all who heard him to require any description; and all hehad to add to the bare statement of them was the expression of hisconfidence that the liberality which had been so signally manifestedin the course of foreign distress would not be found wanting when thedirection of it was to be towards the comfort and relief of our owncountrymen at home. 

THE DUKE OF KENT, after alluding to the exertions of the Committee of1812, observed that the immediate object was to raise a fund, inthe subsequent accumulation and management of which many ulteriorarrangements might be projected, and from which charity might soonemanate in a thousand directions. He doubted not that every county andevery town would be quick to imitate the example of the metropolis. The association of 1812 had at least the merit of producing thiseffect, and had spread through the whole land that spirit of activebenevolence which he was feebly invoking on this occasion. He trustedthat it was necessary for him to say but little more to insure theadoption of the resolution which he should have the honour to propose. He confessed he felt gratified when he saw so great a concourse ofhis countrymen assembled together for such a purpose, and additionalgratification at seeing by whom they were supported. He was sure, then, that he should not plead in vain to the national liberality; butthat the remedy would be promptly afforded to an evil which he trustedwould be found but temporary. If they should be so happy as but tosucceed in discovering new sources of employment to supply the place of those channels which had been suddenly shut up, he should indeed despond if we did not soon restore the country to that same flourishing condition which had long made her the envy of the world. The royal Duke then moved the first resolution, as follows:--"That the transition from a state of extensive warfare to a system of peace has occasioned a stagnation of employment and a revulsion of trade, deeply affecting the situation of many parts of the community, and producing many instances of great local distress. "

 The resolution was seconded by Mr. Harman. 

 Lord Cochrane offered himself to the attention of the meeting, but was for some time unable to proceed, his voice being lost in the huzzas and hisses which his presence called forth. Silence being at length in some measure obtained, his lordship said he would not have addressed the meeting but that, having received a circular letter from the committee, and feeling the importance of the subject, he would have thought it a dereliction of his duty if he refrained from attending. He rose thus early because the observations he had to submit would not be suitable if made when the other resolutions were put. The first resolution was, in his opinion, founded on a gross fallacy; and this was his reason for saying so. The existing distresses could not be truly ascribed to any sudden transition from war to peace. Could it be pretended that it was peace which had occasioned the fall in the value of all agricultural produce? Or could any man venture to assert that the difficulties and sufferings of the manufacturing classes had any other cause than a prodigious and enormous burthen of taxation? He was much gratified at seeing the royal Dukes so active in promoting a generous and laudable undertaking, and he hoped he should not be understood as treating them with disrespect when he repeated that the resolution was founded on an entire fallacy. But, not to content himself with a mere assertion of his own belief, he had brought official documents to prove the correctness of his statements; and if he should be wrong, he saw the Chancellor of the Exchequer near him, who would have the opportunity of correcting his misrepresentation. This brief statement, he believed, would be quite sufficient to show that the financial situation of the country was such as to render any attempts of that meeting for the purpose of extending general relief utterly ineffectual. The whole revenue of the kingdom was 62, 267, 450_l. _, deducting the property-tax, and the revenue was thus expended. The interest of the national debt, including the interest of unfunded exchequer bills, was upwards of 40, 300, 000_l. _, leaving to support the expenses of Government only about 22, 000, 000_l. _ It was this enormous sum which now hung round our necks--it was this, which unnecessary extravagance had caused to increase from year to year to its present terrible amount, which was the cause of all the evils of the country at this moment. This taxation, and extravagance, for which the country was now suffering, was supported and sanctioned by those who had derived and still derived large emoluments from them. These were truths that the people ought to know; for they were the source of their burthens, and the origin of all the mischief. It was this profuse expenditure of the public money, to say no worse of it, that occasioned the present calamities. It was the lavish expenditure to meet a compliant list of placemen that brought the country to its present state. The deficiency in the revenue occasioned by the enormous interest of the national debt, which ministers would have to supply, would, according to the present disbursements and receipts, amount to 11, 578, 000_l. _ unless that expenditure were reduced, every such attempt as they were at present making would, he was convinced, prove abortive: it was a mere topical application while a mortal distemper was raging within. He had taken no notice in his estimate of the charges for sinecures or the bounties on exports and imports: and yet the returns upon which he went, exclusive of these charges, showed a deficit for the ensuing year of 3, 500, 000_l. _ Were those who heard him prepared to make this good? It was, he believed, undeniable that nothing could equalize our revenue with our expenditure, but the putting down entirely the army and navy, or the extinction of one half of the national debt; but when he looked to the actual receipt of the last quarter and found a falling off of 2, 400, 000_l. _, which, with a corresponding decrease in the three succeeding quarters, must create a new deficit of 10, 000, 000_l. _, and, added to the 3, 500, 000_l. _ to which he had alluded, would form a sum equal to the whole amount of the boasted sinking-fund, he felt that it was worse than trifling to suppose we could go on upon the present system. Were they prepared to make up this enormous deficiency? [A voice from the crowd cried "Yes. "] He was happy to hear it: he supposed it was some fund-holder who answered, and if any class could do so, it was the fund-holders. They alone had the ability, they alone now derived any returns from their property; but even if they should be both able and willing, still it would only remain a positive deficit made good, and no new facility would be derived for alleviating the existing burthens. The burthens and distresses must still remain what they were before. He spoke not now upon conjecture, or loose calculation, he had brought his authority with him. These were the records from which he derived his statements--the official returns of the Treasury; and if false, the Chancellor of the Exchequer was present to contradict them. He was glad, he confessed, to see him, for those who heard him were, no doubt, aware that it was not always in the House of Commons that a minister could discover the genuine sentiments of the people. If, therefore, no other person should move an amendment, he should feel it his duty to propose an omission of that part of the resolution which ascribed the distressed state of the country to the transition from a state of war to a state of peace, and to state the cause to be an enormous debt, and a lavish expenditure. He had come there with the expectation of seeing the Duke of Rutland in the chair; and with some hopes, as he took the lead upon this occasion, that it was his intention to surrender that sinecure of 9, 000_l. _ a-year which he was now in the habit of putting in his pocket. He still trusted that all who were present and were also holders of sinecures had it in their intention to sacrifice them to their liberality and their justice; and that they did not come there to aid the distresses of their country by paying half-a-crown per cent, out of the hundreds which they took from it. If they did not, all he could say was, that to him their pretended charity was little better than a fraud. Without, however, taking up more of their time, he should move his amendment, with this one additional observation, that it would be a disgrace to an enlightened meeting, and particularly to a meeting which might be considered as comprising an aggregate mass of the property and intellect of the country, to place a fallacy upon the record of their proceedings, and to build all their following resolutions upon an assertion which had no foundation in truth. He concluded by moving the following amendment to the first resolution:--"That the enormous load of the national debt, together with the large military establishment and the profuse expenditure of public money, was the real cause of the present public distress. "

 Mr. Wilberforce said he was himself too much of an Englishman, and had been too long engaged in political discussions to feel any surprise that those who felt warmly on such a subject as the present should be anxious to give expression to their sentiments: but he could not help thinking that, upon cool reflection, the noble lord would be of opinion that his own object would be better attained if he confined himself, on this occasion, to the distinct question under consideration. The noble lord said the country was in a crisis, and would they apply a mere topical remedy? but he might ask the noble lord if he would refuse to assuage the pain of a temporary distemper because he had it not in his power at once to cure it radically? To him the existing distress appeared to be a distemper which rather called for immediate alleviation, than for the speculative discussion of its cause. He thought the most charitable and manly course to be pursued--and that which must be most congenial to what he knew to be the noble lord's own charitable and manly disposition--was not to call upon the meeting to give any opinion upon a political question not under consideration, so as to divert them from pursuing it with diligence and confidence, but to postpone to a better opportunity a discussion of this nature, and to unite cordially in the general cause of finding employment and encouragement for our suffering fellow-citizens. If the noble lord would reflect upon the best mode of relieving the distresses of the people, he would find his amendment not likely to have that tendency. Let him reserve all discussion on the question it involved until he could do it without interrupting the stream of charity, and until he could enter upon it under fair and proper circumstances. He (Mr. Wilberforce), in a proper place, would not shrink from meeting the noble lord on that inquiry; he was twice as old in public life as the noble lord could pretend to be, and fully as independent; yet he would not have easily supposed any man, however young in politics, could have started such topics there. For his part, he should be sorry to take advantage of any credit which might be to supposed to belong to him upon such an occasion as this to cast reproaches upon those who were concurring with him in a benevolent design. The meeting must on the present occasion feel how much indebted it stood to the royal personages for their attendance. They had come to listen to a discussion which had for its avowed and direct object the relief of the people, and they were in the room suddenly called upon to lay aside the practical part of their inquiry and to enter upon a distinct pursuit. Was such a course fair towards those illustrious individuals? Was it that which was likely to induce them to listen to proposals for their personal co-operation on occasions of benevolence, if they had no security against the occupation of their time for discussions of a different character? In conclusion, he entreated the noble lord, of whose real disposition to relieve the people of England he had no doubt, and whose motives he could justly appreciate, to withdraw his amendment. 

 Lord Cochrane thanked the honourable gentleman for his personal civilities towards him, and said that he would feel no hesitation in withdrawing his amendment if the honourable gentleman would state to the meeting, on his own personal veracity and honour, that he believed that the original resolution contained the true cause of the public distress, and the amendment the false one. If the honourable gentleman would say that--if any respectable man present would say it--he would be satisfied. 

 Mr. Cotes said he was entirely unconnected with the noble lord, and had never even had the honour of speaking, to him. He agreed, however, with him in thinking that this was a moment when the eyes of the public ought to be open to their real situation. The amendment harmonized entirely with all the opinions which he had been able to form upon subject. Mr. Wilberforce, to whose humane and benevolent Mr. Character he was happy to pay his acknowledgments, had attempted to get rid of the noble lord's amendment by a sort of side-wind; but to his judgment there was no incompatibility between the object of the meeting and the amendment. There was nothing irrelevant in it; it naturally grew out of the course adopted by the chair, and in which a cause of the prevailing distress was distinctly specified. The question was, then, ought their resolutions to go forth to the public with a falsehood upon the face of them? Ought they not to state the true cause, since His Royal Highness by mistake had assigned a fallacious one? Mr. Wilberforce, with his usual ability, but in a manner that still marked its duplicity--he meant the word in no offensive sense--had asked, would he enter into a political discussion when we were called upon to extend relief? He begged to state this was not the true question: it was whether they would found all the future proceedings upon error and misstatement, or upon incontrovertible facts. Another question was, would they be satisfied to patch up the wounds of the country for a short period or seek to remedy the disease in its spring and in its sources before it became still more alarming and incurable? The Duke of Kent said he had offered the resolution as it had been put into his hand; and if he had conceived there had been any mention of a course upon which difference of opinion could exist, he hoped they knew him sufficiently to believe that he should have been incapable of requiring their assent to it. He now, therefore, proposed an omission of all that part of the resolution which had any reference whatever to the cause of the present distress. He knew the noble lord well enough--and he had known him in early life--to be assured that he would agree with him, at least in a declaration as to the fact. Their common object, he believed, was to afford relief and to admit its necessity without assigning either one cause or another. For his own part, it had not been his intention to attend a political discussion. He would never enter the arena of politics with the noble lord; but he begged leave to say, he considered himself as competent to plead the cause of humanity, to advocate the interests of the weather-beaten sufferer, as the noble lord could be. There were, however, other times and other places for men to engage in discussion of party politics, and he therefore implored the noble lord not to distract the attention of the meeting by the introduction of these; and to keep solely in view that they had met as the friends of benevolence, not as the advocates of a party. His Royal Highness then proposed to alter the motion as follows:--

 "Resolved that there do at this moment exist a stagnation of employment and a revulsion of trade, deeply affecting the situation of many parts of the community, and producing many instances of great local distress. "

 Lord Cochrane, in reply, stated that he had no wish to excite a difference of opinion on such an occasion, and that, after the alteration in the resolution, nothing gave him more pleasure than the opportunity of withdrawing his amendment; but, in justification of what he had done, it became necessary for him to say that he never would have thought of his amendment if it had not been for the assertion as to the cause of existing distress--he had no doubt in his mind as to the nature of that cause, and he held it but just and honourable that if a cause must be assigned, it should be the true one. After returning thanks to Mr. Wilberforce and the Duke of Kent for their expressions of personal civility, the noble lord consented to withdraw his motion so far as he was personally concerned in it. 

 Considerable opposition, however, from various parts of the hall was manifested to this mode of withdrawing the amendment, and a great deal of disturbance took place. At last the resolution, as altered by the Duke of Kent, was put and carried. 

 The Duke of Cambridge, in his speech, which followed, returned his warm thanks to the noble lord for the handsome manner in which he had withdrawn his amendment. He moved the following resolution, which was unanimously agreed to:--

 "From the experienced generosity of the British nation it may be confidently expected that those who are able to afford the means of relief to their fellow-subjects will contribute their utmost endeavours to remedy or alleviate the sufferings of those who are particularly distressed. "

 The Archbishop of Canterbury moved the following resolution, which was seconded and carried unanimously: "That although it is obviously impossible for any association of individuals to attempt a general relief of difficulties affecting so large a proportion of the public, yet that it has been proved by the experience of this association that most important and extensive benefits may be derived from the co-operation and correspondence of a society in the metropolis encouraging the efforts of those benevolent individuals who may be disposed to associate themselves in the different districts for the relief of their several neighbourhoods. "

 The Duke of Rutland afterwards addressed the meeting, and moved that a subscription be immediately opened, and contributions generally solicited for carrying into effect the objects of this association; which was seconded, and agreed to. 

 The Earl of Manvers, after stating that he had opposed the amendment of the noble lord (Lord Cochrane) solely from his anxiety to preserve the unanimity of the meeting, as it was only by becoming unanimous they could gain their object, moved: "That subscribers of 100_l. _ and upwards be added to the committee of the Association for the Relief of the Manufacturing and Labouring Poor; that the committee have full power to dispose of the funds to be collected, and to name sub-committees for correspondence. "

 The motion was seconded by Sir T. Bell, and unanimously carried. 

 The Bishop of London proposed a vote of thanks to the Duke of York, which Mr. C. Barclay was about to second, but--

 Lord Cochrane again stepped forward and gained the attention of the meeting. He repeated the explanation of the motives for withdrawing his proposed amendment, adding, that he had no wish again to press that amendment upon the consideration of the meeting. But he could not forbear from observing what would have been the fate of such a proposition, if brought forward in another place, which he need not name. For there, instead of being requested to withdraw the proposition, it would have been met by a direct negative or by 'the previous question, ' in support of which, no doubt, a majority of that assembly, miscalled the representatives of the people, would have voted. Yet the manner in which this, a meeting of the people, would have decided, was pretty obvious; and hence it might be inferred how far the people concurred in sentiment and feeling with the House of Commons. That the proposed, or any charitable subscription, must be inadequate to relieve the actual distress of the country was a proposition which could not be disputed, but yet he did not intend to oppose that subscription; on the contrary, he should give it every possible support in his power; and it was, he felt, a consolation to them that there were still some persons in this country who could afford something to relieve the poor; but he was afraid that neither the landowner nor the mercantile interest had the means of doing so; for the former could obtain no rent, and the latter no trade--the only persons, in fact, who were able to assist the poor under present circumstances were the placemen, the sinecurists, and the fund-holders, who must give up at least half of their ill-gotten gains in order to effect the object. With this impression fixed upon his mind, he felt it his duty to propose an additional resolution, that the ministers of the crown, that the Government of the country, who wielded the power of Parliament, were alone competent to remove and to alleviate the national distress. This, indeed, was evident from the statement of our financial situation which he had already made. He had called upon the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who was present, to contradict that statement if he could; but the right honourable gentleman had felt it expedient not to utter one word, as the meeting had witnessed. Yet from that statement it must be obvious, as he had already observed, that the military and naval situation of the country must be abandoned, or at least half the national debt must be extinguished, for the resources of the empire could not endure such burthens. The noble lord concluded with expressing his intention when the present resolutions were got over, to move another, stating the real cause of the present distress, and that the Chancellor of the Exchequer and his majesty's ministers were alone capable of affording serious relief to the present distress. 

 Mr. Barclay seconded the motion of the Right Reverend the Bishop of London, to which Lord Cochrane assured the meeting he entertained no objection. 

 Great confusion prevailed in the meeting, some crying out for Lord Cochrane's motion, while others were equally loud in testifying their anxiety for the vote of thanks. 

 The Duke of Kent then put the motion. 

 Lord Cochrane said that his sole object was to have an opportunity of moving his resolution after the present was disposed of. 

A person from a distant part of the room exclaimed: "That resolutionshall not be put, for it is a libel on the Parliament. " Several otherremarks were made, but they were generally unintelligible from theviolent uproar and confusion that prevailed. Loud cries of "Put LordCochrane's motion first" were mixed with the cry of "Chair, chair. "

The Duke of Kent said that he had attended this meeting with a viewto assist in promoting an object of charity, and he had no doubt thatsuch was the intention of the noble lord (Cochrane). Of this hewas sure from the noble lord's own declaration, as well as from hisknowledge of the noble lord's feelings. The noble lord had, indeed, himself stated that he had no wish to introduce any political, or topress any, measure likely to interfere with the object of themeeting. Therefore, he called upon the noble lord, in consistency, inpoliteness and urbanity, not to urge any political principle; and thenoble lord must be aware that his proposition had a strong politicaltendency. The proposition was indeed such, that the noble lord must beaware that it was calculated to injure the subscription, for those whowere not of the noble lord's opinion in politics were but too likelyto leave the room if that proposition were pressed to a vote, and thusa material object of charity would suffer through a desire to urge adeclaration of a mere political opinion. 

Lord Cochrane disclaimed any wish to provoke political discussion. He expressed his desire merely to declare a truth which no mancould venture to dispute in any popular assembly, in order thatthe Chancellor of the Exchequer, and others present, might have an opportunity of reporting to Government the decided sentiment and real feeling of the people. 

 The Archbishop of Canterbury begged leave to call back the attention of the meeting to the motion before it, and which, he had no doubt, would be unanimously adopted. This motion, the most reverend prelate added, was not intended in any degree to interfere with the motion of the noble lord. 

 Amid loud cries of "Put Lord Cochrane's motion first, for if the motion of thanks be disposed of, the Duke of York will leave the chair, and the noble lord's motion will not be put at all, " the Duke of Kent declared that there could be no intention to get rid of the noble lord's motion by any side-wind. 

 The motion of thanks was then passed while Lord Cochrane was engaged in writing his motion, and the Duke of York, having bowed to the meeting, immediately withdrew, amidst loud hissings, and cries of "Shame! shame! a trick! a trick!"

 The Duke of Kent, whose head was turned towards Lord Cochrane, was much surprised and disappointed at discovering the absence of the chairman. 

 The general cry was then raised: "The Duke of Kent to the chair. "

 His Royal Highness addressed the meeting. Having, he said, pledged himself on proposing the last resolution that there was no intention of getting rid of Lord Cochrane's motion by any side-wind, he felt himself in a very awkward predicament. "But, " he added, "I hope that, as liberal Englishmen, you will consider my situation and who I am; and that after my illustrious relatives have retired from the meeting, you will not insist upon my taking the chair for the purpose of pressing the declaration of a political opinion; but that you will commend my motives, and do justice to those feelings which determine the propriety of my immediate departure. " His Royal Highness accordingly withdrew. 

 The majority of the meeting still remained, calling for the nomination of another chairman, and pressing the adoption of Lord Cochrane's motion; but the noble lord also withdrew, and the meeting separated. 

That meeting was memorable. If Lord Cochrane's bearing at it wasfactious, it must be remembered how greatly he had suffered and howearnestly he desired to save the people at large from the sufferingsentailed upon them by the Government which he and they had learnt toregard with a common dislike. By exposing what appeared to him andmany others to be the hypocrisy of seeming philanthropists, andshowing what he deemed the only real cause and the only real remedyof the national distress, he only acted as a brave and honest man, andhis work was appreciated by the masses in whose interest it was done. A thrill of satisfaction ran through the land. During the ensuingweeks and months congratulations were heaped upon him from allquarters, and from nearly every class of society. If he had lessenedthe resources of the Association for the Belief of the Manufacturingand Labouring Poor, he was thanked even for this, since it wasbelieved to be a good thing for shallow charity to be stayed, in orderthat the cause of real justice might be promoted. 

The thanks were all the heartier because of the fresh persecution towhich Lord Cochrane was subjected on account of his patriotism. Thispersecution was in the shape of legal proceedings instituted againsthim by the Marshal of the King's Bench Prison for his escape therefromon the 10th of March, 1815. The action had been formally commencedalmost immediately after the alleged offence, but on technicalgrounds, and perhaps from the consciousness that he was alreadypunished enough, it was delayed for more than a year. As theprevious punishment, however, had not been enough to silence him, theGovernment determined to revive the old charge as a further act ofvengeance. At the special instigation of Lord Ellenborough, as itwas averred, the prosecution had been renewed in May, 1816, almostimmediately after the rejection by the House of Commons of LordCochrane's charges against the vindictive and unprincipled judge; butthe time was too far gone for trial to take place during the summerterm. It was again renewed, and at length successfully, directly afterLord Cochrane's fresh exhibition of his hostility to the Government atthe London Tavern meeting. 

The trial was at Guildford, on the 17th of August. Its history andissue may best be told in the words of an autobiographical fragment, written by Lord Dundonald shortly before his death. "I was accompaniedto Guildford, " he said, "by Sir Francis Burdett and several otherleading inhabitants of Westminster, whose names are forgotten by me. Itook neither counsel nor witnesses, having determined to rest my caseon the point of law that 'no Member of Parliament can be imprisoned, either for non-payment of a fine to the king, or for any other causethan treason or felony, or refusing to give security to keep thepeace, ' my inference being that as I was illegally imprisoned, I hadcommitted no illegality in escaping. I read to the jury a generalstatement, on which they unequivocally expressed their conviction thatthe trial had better not have been instituted, for that the punishmentalready sustained was more than adequate to the offence alleged tohave been committed. The judge, however, interfered, and told thejury that, as I had admitted the escape in my statement, they had noalternative but to bring in a verdict of guilty, which was reluctantlydone, and judgment was deferred. 

"After the trial I returned to my house in Hampshire, and not hearinganything more of the affair, naturally concluded that, in the face ofthe opinion expressed by the jury, the Government would be ashamed toprosecute the matter further. Not liking, however, to trust to theirmercy, whilst their malevolence might be exercised at an inconvenientseason, or made to depend upon my political conduct, I directed myattorney to inquire whether it was intended to put in execution thesentence at Guildford. The reply was that no steps had been taken, and the impression was, that Government would be against furtherproceedings, lest they should tend to increase my popularity. Considering that this might be a feint to put me off my guard, I wentto London for the purpose of attending a large political meeting, inthe conduct of which I participated. Shortly afterwards I receiveda summons to appear at Westminster Hall and receive judgment on theverdict; the judgment being that I was condemned to pay a fine of100_l. _ to the Crown. 

"On my refusal to pay the fine, on the 21st of November, I was againtaken into custody, I alleging that the sentence would amount toperpetual imprisonment, for that I would never pay a fine imposed forescaping from an illegal detention. 

"On my being taken back to prison, however, a meeting of the electorsof Westminster was held, at which it was determined that the amountof the fine should be paid by a penny subscription, no person beingallowed to subscribe more. This plan was adopted in order that thepublic throughout the kingdom might have an opportunity of manifestingtheir disapprobation of the oppressive way in which I was beingtreated. Though I knew nothing of the intentions of the committee atthe time, it was expected that the subscription would amount to amuch larger sum than the fine, and resolved that the surplus should bedevoted to the re-imbursement of the former fine of 1000_l. _ and of theexpenses to which I had been put at the trial. Receiving-houses wereaccordingly opened in the metropolis and in various other large towns, and the amount of the fine of 100_l. _ was speedily collected in Londonalone. 

"Meanwhile meetings were constantly being held to petition Parliamentfor reform, and at these my name and sufferings formed a prominenttopic, so that the Government would have been glad to be rid ofme. After one of these meetings in Spafields, for the purpose ofrequesting Sir Francis Burdett and myself to present a petition toParliament, a serious riot took place in the city of London, in whicha gentleman was shot by the military. The Government, in alarm lestthe people should proceed to the King's Bench and liberate me, did methe honour to send a company of infantry to guard me, the officers ofthe prison being ordered to admit no strangers whatever. The troopswere further ordered to continue their attendance till I was releasedfrom custody. 

"The subscription having been completed in pence, sent from all partsof the kingdom, my secretary, Mr. Jackson, applied to the Master ofthe Crown Office to receive the amount of the fine in coppers. Thiswas refused, as not being a legal tender. The Master, however, intoken of the suffering to which I had so unworthily been subjected, said that, as payment of the fine in such a manner marked the sense ofthe people on my case, he would not oppose himself to the expressionof public sentiment, but would take 10_l. _ of the sum in coppers. Thiswas accordingly paid, and the remainder in notes and silver, whichwere given by various tradesmen in exchange for the coppers of thepeople, whose money was thus literally appropriated to the payment ofthe fine. 

"Finding, on my liberation, whole chests filled with penny pieces, Iwrote to the committee, stating that sufficient had been collected. The reply was that the subscription should go on till the amount ofthe fine of 1000_l. _ was paid in addition. The whole of the amount ofthe fine was thus realized, with something beyond--I do not recollecthow much--towards my law expenses, which had necessarily beenexcessive. Taking, however, the 1100_l. _ paid in pence, thisalone showed that two million six hundred and forty thousandpersons--composing a very large portion of the adult population ofthe kingdom--sympathised with me. Not one of my persecutors could haveelicited such an expression of public sympathy. "

The fine being thus paid, Lord Cochrane was released from the King'sBench Prison on the 7th of December, after a confinement of sixteendays, which was attended by all the wanton severity shown to himduring his previous incarceration. Having been apprehended on aThursday, he was, on his arrival at the King's Bench, placed in anunhealthy room protected by an iron grating. In the evening, havingcomplained of such unusual treatment, he was informed that it wasunder the express directions of the Marshal. Next day, being seriouslyunwell, a physician was sent to him, who reported that he wassuffering from palpitation of the heart and other symptoms ofdangerous excitement, which made it necessary that he should beremoved to better quarters. Accordingly, worse quarters were found forhim, in a damp, dark, and very imperfectly-ventilated room, entirelydevoid of furniture, in the middle of the building. Stedfastlyrefusing to go there, he was allowed to remain for that night inthe room, first assigned to him. On Saturday morning, just as hewas sitting down to breakfast, he was ordered to proceed to his newdungeon. Again refusing, his untasted breakfast was forcibly takenfrom him until he consented to eat it in the appointed place. Thitherhe accordingly went, and there he was detained for the fortnight thatpassed before his liberation. 

On the 17th of December an enthusiastic meeting of the citizens ofWestminster was held to congratulate Lord Cochrane upon his release. "We, your lordship's constituents, " it was stated in an addressadopted by that meeting, "beg leave, on the present occasion, todeclare that, after having had long and ample means for inquiry andreflection, we remain in the full and entire conviction of the perfectinnocence of your lordship of every part of the offence laid to yourcharge at the outset of that series of persecutions by which, duringthe last three years of your life, you have been incessantly harassed. But, indeed, those persons must have very little knowledge of publicaffairs, and particularly of your distinguished naval and politicalcareer, who do not clearly perceive that all those persecutions havearisen from your public virtues, and who are not well convinced that, if you had not served the people by your exposure of the abuses in theprize courts, by your endeavours to restore to the right ownersthe immense sums unjustly alienated under the names of Droits ofAdmiralty, by your honest explanation of the causes which preventedthe naval renown of your country being complete at Basque Roads, andby having caused to be produced in Parliament, and published to thenation, that memorable account of sinecures, pensions, and grantswhich so usefully enlightened the public, you never would havebeen prosecuted for a pretended fraud on the funds. Your lordship'sconstituents, being thus fully sensible that you have suffered and arestill suffering solely for their and their country's sake, would deemthemselves amongst the most ungrateful of mankind were they to neglectthis occasion to tender you the most solemn assurances of theirunabated attachment and their most resolute support, and, whilst theyare endeavouring to discharge their duty towards your lordship, theyentertain the consoling reflection that the day is not distant whenyou will mainly assist in carrying forward that measure of radicalparliamentary reform which alone can be a safeguard against all sortsof oppressions, and especially oppressions under which your lordshiphas so long and so severely suffered. "

To that honourable address an honourable reply was penned by LordCochrane on the 24th of December, and presented to the electors ofWestminster at another meeting assembled for the purpose on the 1st ofJanuary ensuing. 

The direct persecution which began with the Stock Exchange trial andits antecedents was now at an end, after three years of gross anduntiring vindictiveness. Indirect persecution was to continue for morethan thirty years. 

CHAPTER V. 

THE STATE OF POLITICS IN ENGLAND IN 1817 AND 1818, AND LORD COCHRANE'sSHARE IN THEM. --HIS WORK AS A RADICAL IN AND OUT OF PARLIAMENT. --HISFUTILE ATTEMPTS TO OBTAIN THE PRIZE MONEY DUE FOR HIS SERVICESAT BASQUE ROADS. --THE HOLLY HILL BATTLE. --THE PREPARATIONS FOR HISENTERPRISE IN SOUTH AMERICA. --HIS LAST SPEECH IN PARLIAMENT. 

[1817-1818. ]

The years 1817 and 1818 were years of great political turmoil. TheEnglish people, weary of the European wars, which in two-and-twentyyears had raised the national debt from 230, 000, 000_l. _ to860, 000, 000_l. _, thus causing a taxation which amounted, in the average, to 25_l. _ a year upon every family of five persons, were in no mood tobe made happy even by the restitution of peace. Partly by necessity, partly by the bad management of the Government and its officials, thewar-burdens were continued, and to the starving multitudes they weremore burdensome than ever. Angry complaints were uttered openly, andrepeated again and again with steadily-increasing vehemence, in allparts of the country. That the ministers and agents of the Crown weregrievously at fault was patent to all; and it is not strange that, inthe excitement and the misery that prevailed, they should be blamedeven more than was their due. But the men in power did not choose tobe blamed at all; they denied that any fault attached to them, andfiercely reprobated every complaint as sedition, every opponent as alawless and unpatriotic demagogue. Hence the Government and the peoplecame to be at deadly feud. Most right was with the people, and theirbold assertion of that right, albeit sometimes in wrong ways, hassecured memorable benefits in later times; but power was still withthe Government, and it was used even more roughly than in formeryears. 

That Lord Cochrane, having suffered so much from the vindictivepersecution of the Tories, should have thrown in his lot with itsmost extreme opponents, is not to be wondered at. During 1817 he wasintimately associated with the popular party in all its efforts forthe redress of grievances and in all the assertions of its real andfancied rights. In and out of Parliament he was alike active andoutspoken. The history of his public conduct at this time formsno small section of the history of the Radical movement during theperiod. It resulted naturally from the circumstances in which he hadlately been placed. Energetic in thought and action, a ready writerand an able speaker, his recent sufferings helped to place him in theforemost rank of patriots, as they were called by friends--demagogues, as they were called by enemies. With the exception of Sir FrancisBurdett, than whom he even went further, the people had, outside theirown ranks, no sturdier champion. 

If there had been any doubt before as to his line of action, therecould be no doubt after the re-assembling of Parliament in January, 1817. During the recess, monster meetings had been held in all partsof the country to consider the popular troubles and to insist uponpopular reforms. Lord Cochrane agreed to present to the House ofCommons many of the petitions that resulted from these meetings, andthis he did on the 29th of January, the very day of the re-opening ofParliament. 

In anticipation of this measure, there was a great assembling ofreform delegates from all parts of England, and of others favourableto their purpose, in front of Lord Cochrane's residence at No. 7, Palace Yard, Westminster. Shortly before two o'clock Lord Cochraneshowed himself at the window, and announced that he was now on hisway to the House, there to watch over the rights and liberties of thepeople, and that he would shortly return and let them know what waspassing. This he did at four o'clock, part of the interval beingoccupied with a fervid address from Henry Hunt. On his reappearance, Lord Cochrane stated that the speech with which the Prince Regent hadopened Parliament had not disappointed his expectations, for it waswholly disappointing to the people. The Regent had complained of thedisaffection pervading the country, and had announced his intention ofusing all the power given him by the Constitution for its suppression. Lord Cochrane expressed his confident hope that the people, havingthe right on their side, would so demean themselves as to give theirenemies no ground of charge against them; for those enemies desirednothing so much as riot and disorder. 

Thereupon an immense bundle of petitions was handed him, and hehimself was placed in a chair, and so conveyed on men's shoulders tothe door of Westminster Hall, where the crowd dispersed in an orderlyway. 

In the House, before the motion for an address in answer to the PrinceRegent's speech, Lord Cochrane rose to present a petition, signed bymore than twenty thousand inhabitants of Bristol, setting forth thepresent distress of the country, the increase of paupers and beggars, the grievous lack of employment for industrious persons, andthe misery that resulted from this state of things. In thesecircumstances, the petitioners urged, it was in vain to pretend torelieve the sufferers by giving them soup, while, for the support ofsinecure placemen, pensioners without number, and an insatiablecivil list, half their earnings were taken from them by the enormoustaxation under which the country groaned. After considerableopposition, the petition was allowed to lie on the table. 

Lord Cochrane then presented a smaller but much more outspokenpetition from the inhabitants of Quirk, in Yorkshire. "Thepetitioners, " it was there urged, "have a full and immovableconviction--a conviction which they believe to be universal throughoutthe kingdom--that the House does not, in any constitutional orrational sense, represent the nation; that, when the people haveceased to be represented, the Constitution is subverted; that taxationwithout representation is a state of slavery; that the scourgeof taxation without representation has now reached a severity tooharassing and vexatious, too intolerable and degrading, to be longerendured without resistance by all possible means warranted by theConstitution; that such a condition of affairs has now been reachedthat contending factions are alike guilty of their country's wrongs, alike forgetful of her rights, mocking the public patience withrepeated, protracted, and disgusting debates on questions ofrefinement in the complicated and abstruse science of taxation, as ifin such refinement, and not in a reformed representation, as if in aconsolidated corruption, and not in a renovated Constitution, relief were to be found; that thus there are left no human means ofredressing the people's wrongs or composing their distracted minds, or of preventing the subversion of liberty and the establishment ofdespotism, unless by calling the collected wisdom and virtue of thecommunity into counsel by the election of a free Parliament; andtherefore, considering that, through the usurpation of boroughfactions and other causes, the people have been put even out of acondition to consent to taxes; and considering also that, until theirsacred right of election shall be restored, no free Parliament canhave existence, it is necessary that the House shall, without delay, pass a law for putting the aggrieved and much-aroused people inpossession of their undoubted right to representation co-extensivewith taxation, to an equal distribution of such representationthroughout the community, and to Parliaments of a continuanceaccording to the Constitution, namely, not exceeding one year. "

A long discussion ensued as to whether this petition should beaccepted by the House or rejected as an insulting libel. Severalmembers of the House denounced it. Other members, while objecting toits terms, urged its acceptance. Among them the most notable wasMr. Brougham. The petition, he said, was rudely worded, and itsrecommendations were such as no wise lover of the English Constitutioncould wholly subscribe to; but it pointed to real grievances andrecommended improvements which were necessary to the well-being of theState, and therefore it ought to be admitted. Mr. Canning was one ofthose who insisted upon its rejection, and this was ultimately done bya majority of 87, 48 being in favour of the petition, and 135 againstit. 

Four other petitions presented by Lord Cochrane, being to the sameeffect, were also rejected; and two, more moderate in their language, were accepted. Lord Cochrane thus succeeded, at any rate, in forcingthe House during several hours to take into consideration the troubledstate of the country, and the pressing need, as it seemed to greatmasses of the people, of thorough parliamentary reform. 

"You will see by the 'Debates, '" he wrote next day to a friend, "thatI presented a number of petitions last night, and had a hard battle tofight. Today I am quite indisposed, by reason of the corruption of theHonourable House. It is impossible to support a bad cause by honestmeans. God knows where all these base projects will end. " That his owncause was a good one, and that the means used by him were honest, hehad no doubt. In the same letter he referred to the opposition offeredto him, even by some of his own relatives, on account of his conduct. "Mr. Cochrane has thought proper to disavow, through the publicpapers, any connection with my politics. The consciousness that I amacting as I ought makes that light which I should otherwise feel as aheavy clog in following that course which I think honour and justicerequire. "

Therefore he persevered in his Herculean task. Having presented andspoken upon others in the interval, he presented another monsterpetition to the House on the 5th of February. It was signed, he said, by twenty-four thousand inhabitants of London and the neighbourhood. It complained of the unbearable weight of taxation and the distressesof the country, and of the squandering of the money extracted from thepockets of an oppressed and impoverished people to support sinecureplacemen and pensioners. "It appears to me, " he said, "surprising thatthere should be any set of men so cruel and unjust as to wallow inwealth at the public expense while poor wretches are starving at everycorner of the streets. " He represented that the petition was drawnup in temperate, respectful language, --more temperate, indeed, thanhe should have employed had he dictated its phrases. He urged that thepeople had good cause for complaint as to the way in which Parliamentneglected their interests, and good ground for asserting that thesystem of parliamentary representation then afforded them was no realrepresentation at all. Members entered the House only in pursuit oftheir own selfish ends, and the Government encouraged this state ofthings by fostering a system of wholesale bribery and corruption, degrading in itself and fraught with terrible mischief to thecommunity. What wonder, then, that the people should pray, as they didin this petition, for a thorough reform, and should point to annualParliaments and universal suffrage as the only efficient remedies?

It is needless to recapitulate all the arguments offered againand again by Lord Cochrane, with ever fresh-force and cogency, inpresenting massive petitions to the House, and in introducing intothe occasional debates on reform with which the House amused itselfa vigour and practicalness in which few other members cared tosympathize. Nor need we enumerate all the meetings, in London and theprovinces, in which he took prominent part. It is enough to say thatin Parliament he always spoke with exceeding boldness, and that uponthe people, notwithstanding the contrary assertions of his detractors, he always enjoined, if not conciliation and forbearance, at any ratesuch action as was within the strict letter of the law, and mostlikely, in the end, to obtain the realization of their wishes. On alloccasions he defended them from the charges of sedition and conspiracybrought against them by their opponents, and proved, to all who wereopen to proof, that their objects were patriotic, and were beingsought in patriotic ways. 

Of this, however, the Government did not choose to be convinced. Taking advantage of some intemperate speeches of demagogues, makingmuch of some violent handbills circulated by police-officers undersecret instructions, mightily exaggerating a few lawless acts, --aswhen a drunken old sailor summoned the keepers of the Tower of Londonto surrender, --they procured, on the 26th of February, the suspensionof the Habeas Corpus Act. Therefrom resulted, at any rate, some good. The Whigs, who had hitherto mainly supported the Tory Government, werenow turned against it, and with them the wiser Radicals, like LordCochrane, sought to effect a coalition. "You will perceive by thepapers, " he said in a letter dated February the 28th, "that I haveresolved to steer another political course, seeing that the only meansof averting military despotism from the country is to unite the peopleand the Whigs, so far as they can be induced to co-operate, which theymust do if they wish to preserve the remainder of the Constitution. The 'Times' of yesterday contains the fullest account of the latedebates on the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, and by that reportyou will perceive that the Whigs really made a good stand. "

In that temper, Lord Cochrane spoke at a Westminster meeting, heldon the 11th of March, "to take into consideration the proprietyof agreeing to an address to His Royal Highness the Prince Regent, beseeching that he will, in his well-known solicitude for the freedomand happiness of His Majesty's subjects, remove from his royalcouncils those ministers who appear resolved to adopt no effectualmeasures of economy and retrenchment, but, on the contrary, topersevere in measures calculated to drive a suffering people todespair. "

There was some flattery or some mockery, or something of both, inthat announcement; and both, with much earnest enunciation of populargrievances, were in Lord Cochrane's speech on the subject. He saidthat the Regent had as much cause as the people to complain of hispresent ministers, seeing how shamelessly they sought to hide from himthe real state of the country. It was to be expected, from the earlyhabits and character of the Regent, that he would anxiously pursuethe interests of the nation, if, instead of being in the hands of anodious oligarchy, he could act for himself. This, at any rate, LordCochrane maintained should be urged upon him, for if something werenot quickly done for the relief of the nation, trade and commercewould soon be utterly ruined, and the whole community would share themisery that had so long oppressed the lower orders. He again dweltforcibly on the causes of this misery, and again denounced the conductof the ministers and placemen who, while squandering the hardly-earnedpounds of the people, claimed respect for their exemplary charityin doling out a few farthings for "the relief of the poor. " In theprevious year, he showed, Lord Castlereagh, "the bell-wether of theHouse of Commons, " and thirteen other persons, had drawn from therevenues of the country 309, 861_l. _, and out of that amount had givenback, in "sinecure soup, " only 1505_l. _

On a hundred other occasions, both outside of the House of Commons andwithin its walls, Lord Cochrane continued fearlessly to set forththe troubles of the people and the wrong-doing of its governors. InParliament petitions without number were presented, and, amid allsorts of contumely, defended by him; and he took a no less active partin various important discussions, of which it will suffice, by way ofillustration, to name the debates of the 3rd, 14th, and 28th of March, on the famous Seditious Meetings Bill, and that of the 13th of Marchon the depressed condition of English trade and its causes--a subjectwhich was recurred to by Mr. Brougham in his memorable motion of the11th of July on the state of the nation. 

Six weeks before that, on the 20th of May, Lord Cochrane spoke onanother famous motion--that made by his friend Sir Francis Burdettin favour of parliamentary reform. Once more, he complained that theexisting House of Commons in no way represented the people, and wasentirely regardless of its interests. Nothing better, he alleged, could be hoped for, without a radical change in the system ofrepresentation. "But, " he continued, "reform we must have, whether wewill or no. The state of the country is such that things cannot muchlonger be conducted as they now are. There is a general call forreform. If the call is not obeyed, thank God the evil will produceits own remedy, the mass of corruption will destroy itself, for themaggots it engenders will eat it up. The members of this House are themaggots of the Constitution. They are the locusts that devour it andcause all the evils that are complained of. There is nothing wickedwhich does not emanate from this House. In it originate all knavery, perjury, and fraud. You well know all this. You also know that themeans by which the great majority of the House is returned is onegreat cause of the corruption of the whole people. It has been said, 'Let the people reform themselves;' but if sums of money are offeredfor seats within these walls, there will always be found men ready toreceive them. It is impossible to imagine that the profuse expenditureof the late war would have taken place, had it not been for a corruptmajority devoted to their selfish interests. At least it would havehad a shorter duration, from being carried on in a more effectivemanner, had it not been conducive to the views of many to prevent itsspeedy termination. Much has been said about the glorious result ofthe war; but has not lavish expenditure loaded us with taxation whichis impoverishing the people and annihilating commerce? Are not vesselsseen everywhere with brooms at their mastheads? Are not sailorsstarving? Is not agriculture languishing? Are not our manufactures inthe most distressed state?"

Lord Cochrane asserted that the real revolutionists of England werethe ministers and their followers. "I am persuaded that no man withoutdoors wishes the subversion of the Constitution; but within it, bribery and corruption stand for the Constitution. Mr. Pitt himselfconfessed that no honest man could hold the situation of minister forany length of time. There can be no honest minister until measureshave been taken to purge and purify the House. If this be not done, it is in vain to hope for a renewal of successful enterprise in thiscountry: the sun of the country is set for ever. It may indeed existas a petty military German despotism, with horsemen parading up anddown, with large whiskers, with sabres ringing by their horses' sides, with fantastically-shaped caps of fantastical colours on theirheads; but this country cannot thus be made a great military power. A previous speaker has instanced juries as one of the benefits of theConstitution; but I will affirm, with respect to the manner in whichjuries are chosen under the present system, that justice is muchbetter administered, in a more summary manner, with less expense, andno chicanery, by the Dey of Algiers. If this country were erected atonce into a downright, honest, open despotism, the people would begainers. If a judge or despot then proved a rogue, he would atonce appear in his true character; but now villany can be artfullyconcealed under the verdict of a packed jury. I am satisfied that thepresent system of corruption is more detrimental to the country than adespotism. "

No other speaker spoke so boldly as Lord Cochrane; but his eloquentwords were substantially endorsed by many; by Sir Samuel Romilly andMr. Brougham in especial; and on a division, though 265 votedagainst Sir Francis Burdett's motion, it was supported by aminority--unusually large for the time--of 77. 

Slowly but surely the better principles of government for whichLord Cochrane fought so persistently were gaining ground, destinedultimately to produce the changes in national temper which made plainthe duty and expediency of adopting the changes in political systemsin which the years 1832 and 1867 are epochs. In after years, LordCochrane himself clearly saw that he had been rash in his advocacyof the sweeping reforms which the excited people deemed necessary fortheir welfare in the years of trouble and misgovernment consequent onthe tedious war-time ending with the battle of Waterloo. But he neverhad cause to regret the honest zeal and the generous sympathy withwhich he strove, though in violent ways, to lessen the weight of thepopular distresses. 

Distresses were not wanting to himself during this period. The weightof his former troubles still hung heavily upon him. He could notforget the terrible disgrace--none the less terrible because it wasunmerited--that had befallen him. And in pecuniary ways he was agrievous sufferer by them. In losing his naval employment he lostthe income on which he had counted. His resources were thus seriouslycrippled; and the scientific pursuits, in which he still persevered, failed to bring to him the profit that he anticipated. 

In one characteristic way--only one among many--the Governmentpersecution still clung to him. In the distribution of prize-moneyfor the achievement at Basque Roads all the officers and crews ofLord Grambier's fleet had been considered entitled to share. To thisarrangement Lord Cochrane objected. He urged that as the whole triumphwas due to the _Impérieuse_ and the few ships actually engaged withher, the reward ought to be limited to them. "I am preparing toproceed in the Court of Admiralty on the question of head-money forBasque Roads, " he wrote on the 5th of November, 1816; "my affidavithas reluctantly been admitted, though strenuously opposed, on theground that I was not to be believed on my oath!"

Lord Cochrane's council in this case was Dr. Lushington, afterwardsthe eminent judge of the Admiralty Court. Dr. Lushington showedplainly that the greater part of the fleet, having taken no share inthe action, had no right to head-money, and that therefore all oughtto be divided among those who actually shared with Lord Cochranethe danger and the success of the enterprise. But Sir William Scott(afterwards Lord Stowell), the judge at that time, was not disposedto sanction this view. Therefore he thwarted it by delays. The casehaving been postponed from November, 1816, was brought up again in thefirst term of 1817. "The judge has again delayed his decision, " wroteLord Cochrane on the 28th of February, the day of the announcement, "and I believe has done so until next session. He gave a curiousreason for this, namely, that I took part at the Westminster meetingagainst the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act!"

At the next session it was again postponed, all the time availablefor its consideration being taken up with a frivolous discussion as toLord Cochrane's right to give evidence. "They have gone the length, "wrote his secretary, Mr. Jackson, on the 3rd of May, "of denying LordCochrane's credibility in a court of justice. They had no other wayof answering his affidavit, which would have gained his cause in theCourt of Admiralty, as it proved that the French ships in Basque Roadswere destroyed by his own exertions in fighting without orders fromthe Admiral. The denial-of Lord Cochrane's competency to give evidencehas excited a great deal of interest, and the Court of Admiralty wasquite crowded on Tuesday, when the question came on to be discussed. I thought that our counsel had much the best of the argument, and Ibelieve the judge, Sir William Scott, thought so too, as he put offhis sentence to a future day. " On the future day the judge admitted asmuch. "We have gained a bit of a victory in the Admiralty Court, " saidthe same writer in a letter dated the 9th of June, "the judge havingbeen compelled to pronounce in favour of his lordship's right tobe believed on his oath. " The time taken by him to arrive at thisdecision, however, was so long that the case had to be adjourned toNovember term, and thereby Lord Cochrane's enemies so far attainedtheir object, that it was impossible for him, in November term, torenew the suit. 

In the interval he had gone to France, preparatory to a much longerand more momentous journey to South America, in anticipation of whichhe was winding up his affairs and realizing his property during andafter the summer of 1817. 

In this settlement of accounts there was at any rate one amusingincident. It will be remembered that, on the occasion of his beingelected Member of Parliament for Honiton in 1806, Lord Cochrane hadrefused to follow the almost universal fashion of bribery, but, afterthe election was over, had thoughtlessly yielded to the proposalof his agent that he should entertain his constituents at a publicsupper. [A] This entertainment, either through spite or through wantonextravagance, was turned by those to whom the management of it wasassigned into a great occasion of feasting for all the inhabitants ofthe town; and for defrayment of the expenses thus incurred a claimfor more than 1200_l. _ was afterwards made upon Lord Cochrane. Througheleven years he bluntly refused to pay the preposterous demand; buthis creditors had the law upon their side, and in the spring of 1817an order was granted for putting an execution into his house at HollyHill. 

[Footnote A: 'The Autobiography of a Seaman, ' vol. I. Pp. 203, 204. ]

Lord Cochrane, however, having resisted the demand thus far, determined to resist to the end. For more than six weeks he preventedthe agents of the law from entering the house. "I still hold out, "he said in a letter to his secretary, "though the castle has severaltimes been threatened in great force. The trumpeter is now blowing fora parley, but no one appears on the ramparts. Explosion-bags are setin the lower embrasures, and all the garrison is under arms. " Inthe explosion-bags there was nothing more dangerous than powderedcharcoal; but, supposing they contained gunpowder or some othercombustible, the sheriff of Hampshire and twenty-five officers wereheld at bay by them, until at length one official, more daring thanthe rest, jumped in at an open window, to find Lord Cochrane sittingat breakfast and to be complimented by him upon the wonderful braverywhich he had shown in coming up to a building defended by charcoaldust. 

That battle with the sheriff and bailiffs of Hampshire occupied nearlythe whole of April and May, 1817. In the latter month, if not before, Lord Cochrane began to think seriously of proceeding to join inbattles of a more serious sort in South America, under inducements andwith issues that will presently be detailed. "His lordship has made uphis mind to go to South America, " wrote his secretary on the 31st ofMay. "Numbers of gentlemen of great respectability are desirous ofaccompanying him, and even Sir Francis Burdett has declared that hefeels a great temptation to do so; but Lord Cochrane discourages all. They think he is going to immolate the Spaniards by his secret plans;but he is not going to do anything of the kind, having promised thePrince Regent not to divulge or use them otherwise than in the serviceof his country. "

With this expedition in view, and purposing to start upon it nearly ayear sooner than he found himself able to do, Lord Cochrane sold HollyHill and his other property in Hampshire, in July. In August he wentfor a few months to France, partly for the benefit of Lady Cochrane'shealth, partly, as it would seem, in the hope of introducing intothat country the lamps which he had lately invented, and from which hehoped to derive considerable profit. 

To this matter, and to his efforts to obtain some share, at any rate, of his rights from the English Government, the letters written byhim from France chiefly refer. But there are in them some notes andillustrations of more general interest. "I am quite astonished at thestate of Boulogne, " he wrote thence on the 14th of August. "Neitherthe town nor the heights are fortified; so great was Napoleon'sconfidence in the terror of his name and the knowledge he possessedof the stupidity and ignorance of our Government. " In a letter fromParis, dated the 23rd of August, we read: "Everything is looking muchmore settled than when I was formerly here, and I do really think thatthe Government, from the conciliatory measures wisely adopted, willstand their ground against the adherents of Buonaparte. We are to havea great rejoicing to-morrow. All Paris will be dancing, fiddling, andsinging. They are a light-hearted people. I wish I could join in theirfun. I was hopeful that I should; but the cursed recollection of theinjustice that has been done to me is never out of my mind; so thatall my pleasures are blasted, from whatever source they might beexpected to arise. "

That last sentence fairly indicates the state of Lord Cochrane's mindduring these painful years. Weighed down by troubles heavy enough tobreak the heart of an ordinary man, he fought nobly for the thoroughjustification of his character and for the protection of others fromsuch persecution as had befallen him. In both objects, altogetherpraise-worthy in themselves, he may have sometimes been intemperate;but ample excuse for far greater intemperance would be found in thetroubles that oppressed him. "The cursed recollection of the injusticethat has been done to me is never out of my mind; all my pleasures areblasted!"

In the same temper, after a lapse of nine months, about which it isonly necessary to say that, like their forerunners, they wereemployed in private cares, and, especially after the reassembling ofParliament, in zealous action for the public good, he made his lastspeech in the House of Commons on the 2nd of June, 1818. The occasionwas a debate upon a second motion by Sir Francis Burdett in favour ofparliamentary reform, more cogent and effective than that of the20th of May, 1817, to Lord Cochrane's share in which we have alreadyreferred. The former speech was wholly of public interest. This has apersonal significance, very painful and very memorable. It brings to apathetic close the saddest epoch in Lord Cochrane's life--so very fullof sadness. 

"I rise, sir, " he said, "to second the motion of my honourable friend. In what I have to say, I do not presume to think that I can add tothe able arguments that have just been uttered; but it is my dutydistinctly to declare my opinions on the subject. When I recollect allthe proceedings of this House, I confess that I do not entertain muchhope of a favourable result to the present motion. To me it seemschiefly serviceable as an exhibition of sound principles, and asshowing the people for what they ought to petition. I shall perhaps betold that it is unparliamentary to say there are any representativesof the people in this House who have sold themselves to the purposesand views of any set of men in power; but the history of thedegenerate senate of that once free people, the Romans, will serveto show how far corruption may make inroads upon public virtue orpatriotism. The tyranny inflicted on the Roman people, and on mankindin general, under the form of acts passed by the Roman senate, willever prove a useful memento to nations which have any freedom to lose. It is not for me to prophesy when our case will be like theirs; butthis I will say, that those who are the slaves of a despoticmonarch are far less reprehensible for their actions than those whovoluntarily sell themselves when they have the means of remainingfree. 

"And here, " he continued, in sentences broken by his emotions, "as itis probably the last time I shall ever have the honour of addressingthe House on any subject, I am anxious to tell its members what Ithink of their conduct. It is now nearly eleven years since I havehad the honour of a seat in this House, and since then there havebeen very few measures in which I could agree with the opinions of themajority. To say that these measures were contrary to justice wouldnot be parliamentary. I will not even go into the inquiry whetherthey tend to the national good or not; but I will merely appeal to thefeelings of the landholders present, I will appeal to the knowledgeof those members who are engaged in commerce, and ask them whether theacts of the legislative body have not been of a description, duringthe late war, that would, if not for the timely intervention of theuse of machinery, have sent this nation to total ruin? The country isburthened to a degree which, but for this intervention, it would havebeen impossible for the people to bear. The cause of these measureshaving such an effect upon the country has been examined and goneinto by my honourable colleague (Sir Francis Burdett); they are tobe traced to that patronage and influence which, a number of powerfulindividuals possess over the nomination of a great proportion of themembers of this House; a power which, devolving on a few, becomesthereby the more liable to be affected by the influence of the Crown;and which has in fact been rendered almost entirely subservient tothat influence. To reform the abuses which arise out of this systemis the object of my honourable friend's motion. I will not, cannot, anticipate the success of the motion; but I will say, as has beensaid before by the great Chatham, the father of Mr. Pitt, that, if theHouse does not reform itself from within, it will be reformed witha vengeance from without. The people will take up the subject, anda reform will take place which will make many members regret theirapathy in now refusing that reform which might be rendered efficientand permanent. But, unfortunately, in the present formation of theHouse, it appears to me that from within no reform can be expected, and for the truth of this I appeal to the experience of the fewmembers, less than a hundred, who are now present, nearly six hundredbeing absent; I appeal to their experience to say whether they haveever known of any one instance in which a petition of the people forreform has been taken into consideration, or any redress afforded inconsequence of such a petition? This I regret, because I foresee theconsequence which must necessarily result from it. I do trust andhope that before it is too late some measures shall be adopted forredressing the grievances of the people; for certain I am thatunless some measures are taken to stop the feelings which the peopleentertain towards this House and to restore their confidence in it, you will one day have ample cause to repent the line of conduct youhave pursued. The gentlemen who now sit on the benches oppositewith such triumphant feelings will one day repent their conduct. Thecommotions to which that conduct will inevitably give rise will shake, not only this House, but the whole framework of Government and societyto its foundations. I have been actuated by the wish to prevent this, and I have had no other intention. 

"I shall not trespass longer on your time, " he continued, in a fewbroken sentences, uttered painfully and with agitation that arousedmuch sympathy in the House. "The situation I have held foreleven years in this House I owe to the favour of the electors ofWestminster. The feelings of my heart are gratified by the mannerin which they have acted towards me. They have rescued me from adesperate and wicked conspiracy which has nearly involved me in totalruin. I forgive those who have so done; and I hope when they depart totheir graves they will be equally able to forgive themselves. Allthis is foreign to the subject before the House, but I trust you willforgive me. I shall not trespass on your time longer now--perhapsnever again on any subject. I hope his Majesty's ministers will takeinto their serious consideration what I now say. I do not utter itwith any feelings of hostility--such feelings have now left me--butI trust they will take my warning, and save the country by abandoningthe present system before it is too late. "

CHAPTER VI. 

THE ANTECEDENTS OF LORD COCHRANE'S EMPLOYMENTS IN AMERICA. --THE WAROF INDEPENDENCE IN THE SPANISH COLONIES. --MEXICO. --VENEZUELA. --COLOMBIA. --CHILI. --THE FIRST CHILIAN INSURRECTION. --THE CARRERASAND O'HIGGINS. --THE BATTLE OF BANCAGUA. --O'HIGGINS'S SUCCESSES. --THEESTABLISHMENT OF THE CHILIAN REPUBLIC. --LORD COCHRANE INVITED TO ENTERTHE CHILIAN SERVICE. 

(1810--1817. )

To an understanding of Lord Cochrane's share in the South Americanwars of independence a brief recapitulation of their antecedents, andof the state of affairs at the time of his first connection with them, is necessary. 

The Spanish possessions in both North and South America, which hadreached nearly their full dimensions before the close of the sixteenthcentury, had been retained, with little opposition from without, and with still less from within, down to the close of the eighteenthcentury. These possessions, including Mexico and Central America, NewGranada, Venezuela, Peru, La Plata, and Chili, covered an area largerthan that of Europe, more than twice as large as that of the presentUnited States. Through half a dozen generations they had been governedwith all the short-sighted tyranny for which the Spanish Government isfamous; the resources of the countries had been crippled in order thateach day's greed might be satisfied; and the inhabitants, who, for themost part, were the mixed offspring of Spanish and native parents, had been kept in abject dependence and in ignorant ferocity. Therewas plenty of internal hatred and strife; but no serious thought ofwinning their liberty and working out their own regeneration seems tohave existed among the people of the several provinces, until it wassuggested by the triumphant success of the United States in throwingoff the stronger but much less oppressive thraldom of Great Britain. That success having been achieved, however, it was soon emulated bythe colonial subjects of Spain. 

The first leader of agitation was Francisco Miranda, a VenezuelanCreole. He visited England in 1790, and received some encouragement inhis revolutionary projects from Pitt. He went to France in 1792, andthere, while waiting some years for fit occasion of prosecuting thework on which his heart was set, he helped to fight the battle of therevolution against the Bourbons and the worn-out feudalism of whichthey were representatives. During his absence, in 1794, conspiraciesagainst Spain arose in Mexico and New Granada, and, these continuing, he went in 1794, armed by secret promises of assistance from Pitt, tohelp in fomenting them. They prospered for several years; and in 1806Miranda obtained substantial aid from Sir Alexander Cochrane, LordCochrane's uncle, then the admiral in command of the West Indiastation. But in 1806 Pitt died. The Whigs came into power, and withtheir coming occurred a change in the English policy. In 1807, GeneralCrawfurd was ordered to throw obstacles in the way of Miranda, thenheading a formidable insurrection. The result was a temporary checkto the work of revolution. In 1810 Miranda renewed his enterprisein Venezuela, still with poor success; and in the same year a freshrevolt was stirred up in Mexico by Miguel Hidalgo, of Costilla, apriest of Dolores. Hidalgo's insurrection was foolish in design andbloodthirsty in execution. It was continued, in better spirit, butwith poor success, by Morelos and Rayon, who, sustaining a seriousdefeat in 1815, left the strife to degenerate into a coarse banditstruggle, very disastrous to Spain, but hardly beneficial to the causeof Mexican independence. 

In the meanwhile a more prosperous and worthier contest was beingwaged in South America. Besides the efforts of Miranda in Venezuela, which were renewed between 1810 and 1812, when he was taken prisonerand sent to Spain, there to die in a dungeon, a separate standard ofrevolt was raised in Quito by Narinno and his friends in 1809. Afterfighting desperately, in guerilla fashion, for five years, Narinnowas captured and forced to share Miranda's lot. A greater man, thegreatest hero of South American independence, Simon Bolivar, succeededthem. 

Bolivar, a native of Caraccas, had passed many years in Europe, whenin 1810, at the age of twenty-seven, he went to serve under Mirandain Venezuela. Miranda's defeat in 1812 compelled him to retire to NewGranada, but there he did good service. He improved the fighting waysand extended the fighting area, and in December, 1814, was appointedcaptain-general of Venezuela and New Granada, soon, however, to bedriven back and forced to take shelter in Jamaica by the superiorstrength of Morillo, the Spanish general, who arrived with aformidable army in 1815. In 1816 Bolivar again showed himself in thefield at the head of his famous liberating army, which, crossingover from Trinidad, and gaining reinforcements at every step, plantedfreedom, such as it was, all along the northern parts of SouthAmerica, in which the new republic of Colombia was founded under hispresidency, in the neighbouring district of New Granada, and down tothe La Plata province, where he established the republic of Bolivia, so named in his honour. With these patriotic labours he was busiedupon land, while Lord Cochrane was securing the independence of theSpanish colonies by his brave warfare on the sea. 

As the cause of liberty progressed in South America, it becameapparent that it had poor chance of permanence, while therevolutionists were unable to cope with the Spaniards in navalstrife or to wrest from Spain her strongholds on the coast. This wasespecially the case with the maritime provinces of Chili and Peru. Peru, held firmly by the army garrisoned in Lima, to which Callaoserved as an almost impregnable port, had been unable to share in thecontest waged on the other side of the Andes; and Chili, thoughstrong enough to declare its independence, was too weak to maintain itwithout foreign aid. 

The Chilian struggle began in 1810, when the Spanish captain-general, Carrasco, was deposed, and a native government set up under Count dela Conquista. By this government the sovereignty of Spain was stillrecognised, although various reforms were adopted which Spain couldnot be expected to endorse. Accordingly, in April, 1811, an attemptwas made by the Spanish soldiers to overturn the new order ofthings. The result was that, after brief fighting, the revolutioniststriumphed, and the yoke of Spain was thrown off. 

But the independence of Chili, thus easily begun, was not easilycontinued. Three brothers, Jose Miguel, Juan Jose, and Luis Carreras, and their sister, styled the Anne Boleyn of Chili, determined topervert the public weal to their own aggrandisement. Winning their wayinto popularity, they overturned the national congress that had beenestablished in June, and in December set up a new junta, with JoseMiguel Carrera at its head. A dismal period of misrule ensued, whichencouraged the Spanish generals, Pareja and Sanchez, to attempt thereconquest of Chili in 1813. Pareja and Sanchez were successfullyresisted, and a better man, General Bernardo O'Higgins, the republicanson of an Irishman who had been Viceroy of Peru, was put at thehead of affairs. He succeeded to the command of the Chilian army inNovember, 1813, when a fresh attack from the Spaniards was expected. At first his good soldiership was successful. The enemy, having comealmost to the gates of Santiago, was forced to retire in May, 1814;and the Chilian cause might have continued to prosper under O'Higgins, had not the Carreras contrived, in hopes of reinstating themselves inpower, to divide the republican interests, and so, while encouragingrenewed invasion by the Spaniards from Lima, make their resistancemore difficult. Wisely deeming it right to set aside every otherconsideration than the necessity of saving Chili from the dangerpressing upon it from without, O'Higgins effected a junction with theCarreras, hoping thus to bring the whole force of the republic againstthe royalist army, larger than its predecessors, which was marchingtowards Santiago and Valparaiso. Had his magnanimous proposals beenproperly acted upon, the issue might have been very different. Butthe Carreras, even in the most urgent hour of danger, could not forgettheir private ambitions. Holding aloof with their part of the army, they allowed O'Higgins and his force of nine hundred to be defeatedby four thousand royalists under General Osorio, in the preliminaryfight which took place at the end of September. They were guilty oflike treachery during the great battle of the 1st of October. On thatday the royalists entered Rancagua, the town in which O'Higgins andhis little band had taken shelter. They were fiercely resisted, andthe fighting lasted through thirty-six hours. So brave was the conductof the patriots that the Spanish general was, after some hours'contest, on the point of retreating. He saw that he would have nochance of success, had the Carreras brought up their troops, aswas expected by both sides of the combatants. But the Carreras, short-sighted in their selfishness, and nothing loth that O'Higginsshould be defeated, still held aloof. Thereupon the Spaniards tookheart, and made one more desperate effort. With hatchets and swordsthey forced their way, inch by inch and hour by hour, into the centreof the town. There, in an open square, O'Higgins, with two hundredmen--all the remnant of his little army--made a last resistance. Whenonly a few dozen of his soldiers were left alive, and when he himselfwas seriously wounded, he determined, not to surrender, but to end thebattle. The residue of the patriots dashed through the town, cuttinga road through the astonished crowd of their opponents, and effecteda retreat in which those opponents, though more than twenty times asnumerous, durst not pursue them. 

That memorable battle of Rancagua caused throughout the Americancontinent, and, across the Atlantic, through Europe, a thrill ofsympathy for the Chilian war of independence. But its immediateeffects were most disastrous. The Carreras, too selfish to fightbefore, were now too cowardly. They and their followers fled. O'Higgins had barely soldiers enough left to serve as a weak escortto the fourteen hundred old men, women, and children who crossed theAndes with him on foot, to pass two years and a half in voluntaryexile at Mendoza. 

During those two years and a half the Spaniards were masters inSantiago, and Chili was once more a Spanish province, in which theinhabitants were punished terribly in confiscations, imprisonments, and executions for their recent defection. Deliverance, however, was at hand. General San Martin, through whom chiefly La Plata hadachieved its freedom, gave assistance to O'Higgins and the Chilianpatriots. The main body of the Spanish army, numbering about fivethousand, had been stationed on the heights of Chacabuco, whenceSantiago, Valparaiso, and the other leading towns of Chili wereoverawed. On the 12th of February, 1817, San Martin and O'Higgins, with a force nearly as large, surprised this garrison, and, withexcellent strategy and very little loss of life, to the patriots atany rate, it was entirely subdued. Santiago was entered in triumph onthe 14th of February, and a few weeks served for the entire dispersionof the royalist forces. The supreme directorship of the renovatedrepublic was offered to San Martin. On his declining the honour, itwas assigned, to the satisfaction of all parties, to O'Higgins. 

The new dictator and the wisest of his counsellors, however, were notsatisfied with the temporary advantage that they had achieved. Theyknew that armies would continue to come down from Peru, the defeatof which, even if that could be relied upon, would waste all theresources of the republic. They knew, too, that the Spanish war-shipswhich supplied Peru with troops and ammunition from home, passing theChilian coast on their way, would seriously hinder the commerce onwhich the young state had to depend for its development, even ifthey did not destroy that commerce at its starting-point by seizingValparaiso and the other ports. Therefore they resolved to seekfor efficient help from Europe. With that end Don Jose Alvarez, a high-minded patriot, who had done much good service to Chili inprevious years, was immediately sent to Europe, commissioned to borrowmoney, to build or buy warships, and in all the ways in his power toenlist the sympathies of the English people in the republican cause. In the last of these projects, at any rate, he succeeded beyond allreasonable expectation. 

Beaching London in April, 1817, Alvarez was welcomed by many friendsof South American freedom--Sir Francis Burdett, Sir James Mackintosh, Mr. Henry Brougham, and Mr. Edward Ellice among the number. LordCochrane was just then out of London, fighting his amusing battle withthe sheriffs and bailiffs of Hampshire; but as soon as that businesswas over he took foremost place among the friends of Don Alvarez andthe Chilian cause which he represented. With a message to him, indeed, Alvarez was specially commissioned. He was invited by the ChilianGovernment to undertake the organization and command of an improvednaval force, and so, by exercise of the prowess which he had displayedin the Mediterranean and elsewhere, to render invaluable service tothe young republic. 

He promptly accepted the invitation, being induced thereto by manysufficient reasons. Sick at heart, as we have seen, under the crueltreatment to which for so many years he had been subjected by hisenemies in power, he saw here an opportunity of, at the sametime, escaping from his persecutors, returning to active work ina profession very dear to him, and giving efficient aid to a nobleenterprise. 

CHAPTER VII. 

LORD COCHRANE'S VOYAGE TO CHILI. --HIS RECEPTION AT VALPARAISO ANDSANTIAGO. --THE DISORGANIZATION OF THE CHILIAN FLEET. --FIRST SIGNSOF DISAFFECTION. --THE NAVAL FORCES OF THE CHILIANS AND THESPANIARDS. --LORD COCHRANE'S FIRST EXPEDITION TO PERU. --HIS ATTACK ONCALLAO. --"DRAKE THE DRAGON" AND "COCHRANE THE DEVIL. "--LORD COCHRANE'SSUCCESSES IN OVERAWING THE SPANIARDS, IN TREASURE-TAKING, ANDIN ENCOURAGEMENT OF THE PERUVIANS TO JOIN IN THE WAR OFINDEPENDENCE. --HIS PLAN FOE ANOTHER ATTACK ON CALLAO. --HISDIFFICULTIES IN EQUIPPING THE EXPEDITION. --THE FAILURE OFTHE ATTEMPT. --HIS PLAN FOR STORMING VALDIVIA. --ITS SUCCESSFULACCOMPLISHMENT. 

[1818-1820. ]

Having accepted, in May, 1817, the offer conveyed to him by theChilian Government through Don Jose Alvarez, Lord Cochrane's departurefrom England was delayed for more than a year. This was chiefly onaccount of the war-steamer, the _Rising Star_, which it was arrangedto build and equip in London under his superintendence. But the workproceeded so slowly, in consequence of the difficulty experienced byAlvarez in raising the requisite funds, that, at last, Lord Cochrane, being urgently needed in South America, where the Spaniards weresteadily gaining ground, was requested to leave the superintendenceof the _Rising Star_ in other hands, and to cross the Atlantic withouther. 

Accompanied by Lady Cochrane and his two children, he went first fromRye to Boulogne, and there, on the 15th of August, 1818, embarked inthe _Rose_, a merchantman which had formerly been a warsloop. The longvoyage was uninteresting until Cape Horn was reached. There, and inpassing along the rugged coast-line of Tierra del Fuego, Lord Cochranewas struck by its wild scenery. He watched the lazy penguins thatcrowded on the rocks, among evergreens that showed brightly amid theimposing mass of snow, and caught with hooks the lazier sea-pigeonsthat skimmed the heavy waves and hovered round the bulwarks and gotentangled among the rigging of the _Rose_. He shot several of thehuge albatrosses that floated fearlessly over the deck, but was notsuccessful in his efforts to catch the fish that were seen coming tothe surface of the troubled sea. The sea was made so boisterous byrain and snow, and such a stiff wind blew from the west, that for twoor three days the _Rose_ could not double the Cape. She was forced totack towards the south until a favourable gale set in, which carriedher safely to Valparaiso. 

Valparaiso was reached on the 28th of November, after ten weeks passedon shipboard. There and at Santiago, the seat of government, to whichhe proceeded as soon as the congratulations of his new friendswould allow him, Lord Cochrane was heartily welcomed. So profuse andprolonged were the entertainments in his favour--splendid dinners, at which zealous patriots tendered their hearty compliments, beingfollowed by yet more splendid balls, at which handsome women showedtheir gratitude in smiles, and eagerly sought the honour of being ledby him through the dances which were their chief delight--that he hadto remind his guests that he had come to Chili not to feast but tofight. 

There was prompt need of fighting. The Spaniards had a strong landforce pressing up from the south and threatening to invest Santiago. Their formidable fleet swept the seas, and was being organized for anattack on Valparaiso. Admiral Blanco Encalada had just returned froma cruise in which he had succeeded in capturing, in Talcuanho Bay, afine Spanish fifty-gun frigate, the Maria Isabel; but his fleetwas ill-ordered and poorly equipped, quite unable, without thoroughre-organization, to withstand the superior force of the enemy. Aninstance of the bad state of affairs was induced by Lord Cochrane'sarrival, and seemed likely to cause serious trouble to him and worsemisfortune to his Chilian employers. One of the republican vessels wasthe _Hecate_, a sloop of eighteen guns which had been sold out of theBritish navy and bought as a speculation by Captains Guise and Spry. Having first offered her in vain to the Buenos Ayrean Government, they had brought her on to Chili, and there contrived to sell her withadvantage and to be themselves taken into the Chilian service. Theyand another volunteer, Captain Worcester, a North American, likingthe ascendancy over Admiral Bianco which their experience had wonfor them, formed a cabal with the object of securing Admiral Blanco'scontinuance in the chief command, or its equal division between himand Lord Cochrane. Nothing but the Chilian admiral's disinterestedpatriotism prevented a serious rupture. He steadily withstood alltemptations to his vanity, and avowed his determination to accept nogreater honour--if there could be a greater--than that of serving assecond in command under the brave Englishman who had come to fightfor the independence of Chili. Thus, though some troubles afterwardssprang from the disaffections of Guise, Spry, and Worcester, themischief schemed by them was prevented at starting. 

A few days after his arrival Lord Cochrane received his commission as"Vice-Admiral of Chili, Admiral, and Commander-in-Chief of theNaval Forces of the Republic. " His flag was hoisted, on the 22ndof December, on board the _Maria Isabel_, now rechristened the_O'Higgins_, and fitted out as the principal ship in the small Chilianfleet. The other vessels of the fleet were the _San Martin_, formerlyan Indiaman in the English service, of fifty-six guns; the _Lautaro_, also an old Indiaman, of forty-four guns; the _Galvarino_, as the_Hecate_ of Captains Cruise and Spry was now styled, of eighteen guns;the _Chacabuco_, of twenty guns; the _Aracauno_, of sixteen guns; anda sloop of fourteen guns named the _Puyrredon_. 

The Spanish fleet, which these seven ships had to withstand, comprisedfourteen vessels and twenty-seven gunboats. Of the former three werefrigates, the _Esmeralda_, of forty-four guns, the _Venganza_, offorty-two guns, and the _Sebastiana_, of twenty-eight guns; four werebrigs, the _Maypeu_, of eighteen guns, the _Pezuela_, of twenty-twoguns, the _Potrilla_, of eighteen guns, and another, whose name is notrecorded, also of eighteen guns. There was a schooner, name unknown, which carried one large gun and twenty culverins. The rest were armedmerchantmen, the _Resolution_, of thirty-six guns; the _Cleopatra_, oftwenty-eight guns; the _La Focha_, of twenty guns; the _Guarmey_, ofeighteen guns; the Fernando, of twenty-six guns, and the San Antonio, of eighteen guns. Only ten out of the fourteen, however, were readyfor sea; and before the whole naval force could be got ready forservice, it had been partly broken up by Lord Cochrane. 

There was delay, also, in getting the Chilian fleet under sail. Afterwaiting at Valparaiso as long as he deemed prudent, Lord Cochrane leftthe three smaller vessels to complete their equipment under AdmiralBlanco's direction, and passed out of port on the 16th of January, with the O'Higgins, the San Martin, the Lautaro, and the Chacabuco. Hehad hardly started before a mutiny broke out on board the last-namedvessel, which compelled him to halt at Coquimbo long enough to tryand punish the mutineers. Resuming the voyage, he proceeded along theChilian and Peruvian coast as far northward as Callao Bay, where hecruised about for some days, awaiting an opportunity of attacking theSpanish shipping there collected in considerable force. 

While thus waiting he employed his leisure in observations, great andsmall, of the sort and in the way characteristic of him all throughlife. One of his rough notes runs thus:--"Cormorants resort inenormous nights, coming in the morning from the northward to CallaoBay, and proceeding along shore to the southward, diving in regularsuccession one after another on the fish which, driven at the sametime from below by shoals of porpoises, seem to have no chance but tobe devoured under water or scooped up in the large bags pendent fromthe enormous bills of the cormorants. " "Prodigious seals, " we read inanother note, "inhabit the rocks, whose grave faces and grey beardslook more like the human countenance than the faces of most otheranimals. They are very unwieldy in their movements when on shore, butmost expert in the water. There is a small kind of duck in the bay, which, from the clearness of the water, can be seen flying with itswings under water in chase of small fry, which it speedily overtakesfrom its prodigious speed. "

From note-making of that sort, Lord Cochrane turned to more seriousbusiness. The batteries of Callao and of San Lorenzo, a little islandin the bay which helped to form the port, mounted one hundred andsixty guns, and more than twice as many were at the command of vesselsthere lying-to. Direct attack of a force so very much superior tothat of the Chilian fleet seemed out of the question. ThereforeLord Cochrane bethought him of a subterfuge. Learning that two NorthAmerican war-ships were expected at Callao, he determined to personatethem with the _O'Higgins_ and _Lautaro_, and so enter the port underalien colours. It was then carnival-time, and on the 21st of February, deeming that the Spaniards were more likely to be off their guard, heproposed "to make a feint of sending a boat ashore with despatches, and in the mean time suddenly to dash at the frigates and cut themout. " Unfortunately a dense fog set in, which lasted till the 28th, and made it impossible for him to effect his purpose before thecarnival was over. Let the sequel be told in his own words. 

"On the 28th, hearing heavy firing and imagining that one of the shipswas engaged with the enemy, I stood with the flag-ship into thebay. The other ships, imagining the same thing, also steered in thedirection of the firing, when, the fog clearing for a moment, wediscovered each other, as well as a strange sail near us. This provedto be a Spanish gunboat, with a lieutenant and twenty men, who, onbeing made prisoners, informed us that the firing was a salutein honour of the Viceroy, who had that morning been on a visit ofinspection to the batteries and shipping, and was then on board thebrig-of-war _Pezuela_, which we saw crowding sail in the directionof the batteries. The fog, again coming on, suggested to me thepossibility of a direct attack. Accordingly, still maintaining ourdisguise under American colours, the _O'Higgins_ and _Lautaro_ stoodtowards the batteries, narrowly escaping going ashore in the fog. TheViceroy, having no doubt witnessed the capture of the gunboat, had, however, provided for our reception, the garrison being at their guns, and the crews of the ships-of-war at their quarters. Notwithstandingthe great odds, I determined to persist in an attack, as ourwithdrawing, without firing a shot, would produce an effect upon theminds of the Spaniards the reverse of that intended. I had sufficientexperience in war to know that moral effect, even if the result of adegree of temerity, will not unfrequently supply the place of superiorforce. 

"The wind falling light, I did not venture on laying the flag-ship andthe _Lautaro_ alongside the Spanish frigates, as I at first intended, but anchored with springs on our cables, abreast of the shipping, which was arranged in a half-moon of two lines, the rear-rank beingjudiciously disposed so as to cover the intervals of the ships in thefront line. A dead calm succeeded, and we were for two hours exposedto a heavy fire from the batteries, in addition to that from thetwo frigates, the brigs _Pezuela_ and _Maypeu_, and seven or eightgunboats. Nevertheless the northern angle of one of the principalforts was silenced by our fire. As soon as a breeze sprang up, weweighed anchor, standing to and fro in front of the batteries, and returning their fire, until Captain Guise, who commanded the_Lautaro_, being severely wounded, that ship sheered off and neveragain came within range. As, from want of wind, or doubt of theresult, neither the _San Martin_ nor the _Chacabuco_ had ever gotwithin fire, the flag-ship was thus left alone, and I was reluctantlycompelled to relinquish the attack. I withdrew to the island of SanLorenzo, about three miles distant from the forts; the Spaniards, though nearly quadruple our numbers, exclusive of their gunboats, notventuring to follow us. 

"The action having been commenced in a fog, the Spaniards imaginedthat all the Chilian vessels were engaged. They were not a littlesurprised, as it again cleared, to find that their own frigate, thequondam _Maria Isabella_, was almost their only opponent. So much werethey dispirited by this discovery that, as soon as possible after theclose of the contest, their ships-of-war were dismantled, the topmastsand spars being formed into a double boom across the anchorage, so asto prevent approach. The Spaniards were also previously unaware of mybeing in command of the Chilian squadron. On becoming acquainted withthis fact, they bestowed upon me the not very complimentary title of'El Diablo, ' by which I was afterwards known amongst them. "

Two hundred and forty years before, almost to a day, Sir FrancisDrake--whom, of all English seamen, Lord Cochrane most resembled inchivalrous daring and in chivalrous hatred of oppression--had secretlyled his little _Golden Hind_ into the harbour of Callao, and theredespoiled a Spanish fleet of seventeen vessels; for which and for hisother brave achievements he won the nickname of El Dracone. Drake theDragon and Cochrane the Devil were kinsmen in noble hatred, and noblepunishment, of Spanish wrong-doing. 

Retiring to San Lorenzo, after the fight in Callao Bay on the 28thof February, Lord Cochrane occupied the island, and from it blockadedCallao for five weeks. On the island he found thirty-seven Chiliansoldiers, whom the Spaniards had made prisoners eight years before. "The unhappy men, " he said, "had ever since been forced to work inchains under the supervision of a military guard--now prisoners inturn; their sleeping-place during the whole of this period being afilthy shed, in which they were every night chained by one leg to aniron bar. " Yet worse, as he was informed by the poor fellows whom hefreed from their misery, was the condition of some Chilian officersand seamen imprisoned in Lima, and so cruelly chained that the fettershad worn bare their ankles to the bone. He accordingly, under a flagof truce, sent to the Spanish Viceroy, Don Joaquim de la Pezuela, offering to exchange for these Chilian prisoners a larger number ofSpaniards captured by himself and others. This proposal was bluntlyrefused by the Viceroy, who took occasion, in his letter, to avowhis surprise that a British nobleman should come to fight for arebel community "unacknowledged by all the powers of the globe. "Lord Cochrane replied that "a British nobleman was a free man, andtherefore had a right to assist any country which was endeavouring tore-establish the rights of aggrieved humanity. " "I have, " he added, "adopted the cause of Chili with the same freedom of judgment that Ipreviously exercised when refusing the offer of an admiral's rank inSpain, made to me not long ago by the Spanish ambassador in London. "

Except in blockading Callao and repairing his ships little was done byLord Cochrane during his stay at San Lorenzo. On the 1st of March hewent into the harbour again and opened a destructive fire uponthe Spanish gunboats, but as these soon sought shelter under thebatteries, which the _O'Higgins_ and the _Lautaro_ were not strongenough to oppose, the demonstration did not last long. Unsuccessfulalso was an attempt made upon the batteries, with the aid of anexplosion-vessel, on the 22nd of March. The explosion-vessel, whenjust within musket-range, was struck by a round shot, and foundered, thus spoiling the intended enterprise. But other plans fared better. 

At the beginning of April, Lord Cochrane left San Lorenzo andproceeded to Huacho, a few leagues north of Callao. Its inhabitantswere for the most part in sympathy with the republican cause, and theSpanish garrison fled at almost the first gunshot, leaving a largequantity of government property and specie in the hands of theassailants. Much other treasure, which proved very serviceable tothe impoverished Chilian exchequer, was captured by the little fleetduring a two months' cruise about the coast of Peru, both north andsouth of Callao. Everywhere, too, the Spanish cause was weakened, and the natives were encouraged to share in the great work of SouthAmerican rebellion against a tyranny of three centuries' duration. "Itwas my object, " said Lord Cochrane, "to make friends of the Peruvianpeople, by adopting towards them a conciliatory course, and by strictcare that none but Spanish property should be taken. Confidence wasthus inspired, and the universal dissatisfaction with Spanish rulespeedily became changed into an earnest desire to be freed from it. "

Having cruised about the Peruvian coast during April and May, LordCochrane returned to Valparaiso on the 16th of June. "The objects ofthe first expedition, " he said, "had been fully accomplished, namely, to reconnoitre, with a view to future operations, when the squadronshould be rendered efficient; but more especially to ascertain theinclinations of the Peruvians--a point of the first importance toChili, as being obliged to be constantly on the alert for her ownnewly-acquired liberties so long as the Spaniards were in undisturbedpossession of Peru. To the accomplishment of these objects had beensuperadded the restriction of the Spanish naval force to theshelter of the forts, the defeat of their military forces whereverencountered, and the capture of no inconsiderable amount of treasure. "That was work enough to be done by four small ships, ill-manned andill-provisioned, during a five months' absence from Valparaiso; andthe Chilians were not ungrateful. 

Their gratitude, however, was not strong enough to make them zealousco-operators in his schemes for their benefit. Lord Cochrane was eagerto start upon another expedition, in which he hoped for yet greatersuccess. But for this were needed preparations which the poverty andmismanagement of the Chilian Government made almost impossible. Heasked for a thousand troops with which to facilitate a second attackon Callao. This force, certainly not a large one, was promised, but, when he was about to embark, only ninety soldiers were ready, and eventhen a private subscription had to be raised for giving them decentclothing instead of the rags in which they appeared. For the assaulton Callao, also, an ample supply of rockets was required. An engineernamed Goldsack had gone from England to construct them, and, thatthere might be no stinting in the work, Lord Cochrane offered tosurrender all his share of prize-money. The offer was refused; but, tosave money, their manufacture was assigned to some Spanish prisoners, who showed their patriotism in making them so badly that, when tried, they were found utterly worthless. There were other instances of falseeconomy, whereby Lord Cochrane's intended services to his Chilianemployers were seriously hindered. The vessels were refitted, however, and a new one, an American-built corvette, named the _Independencia_, of twenty-eight guns, was added to the number. 

After nearly three months' stay at Valparaiso, he again set sail onthe 12th of September, 1819. Admiral Blanco was his second in command, and his squadron consisted of the _O'Higgins_, the _San Martin_, the_Lautaro_, the _Independencia_, the _Galvarino_, the _Araucano_, andthe _Puyrredon_, mounting two hundred and twenty guns in all. Therewere also two old vessels, to be used as fireships. 

The fleet entered Callao Roads on the 29th of September. On thisoccasion there was no subterfuge. On the 30th Lord Cochrane despatcheda boat to Callao with a flag of truce, and a challenge to the Viceroyto send out his ships--nearly twice as strong as those of Chili inguns and men--for a fair fight in the open sea. The challenge wasbluntly rejected, and an attack on the batteries and the ships inharbour was then planned. On the 1st of October, the smaller vesselsreconnoitred the bay, and there was some fighting, in which the_Araucano_ was damaged. Throughout the night of the 2nd, a formidableattack was attempted, in which the main reliance was placed in theGoldsack rockets; but, in consequence of the treacherous handlingof the Spanish soldiers who had filled them, they proved worse thanuseless, doing nearly as much injury to the men who fired them asto the enemy. Only one gunboat was sunk by the shells from a raftcommanded by Major Miller, who also did some damage to the forts andshipping. On the night of the 4th, Lord Cochrane amused himself, whilea fireship was being prepared, by causing a burning tar-barrel to bedrifted with the tide towards the enemy's shipping. It was, in thedarkness, supposed to be a much more formidable antagonist, andvolleys of Spanish shot were spent upon it. On the following eveninga fireship was despatched; but this also was a failure. A sudden calmprevented her progress. She was riddled through and through by theenemy's guns, and, rapidly gaining water in consequence, had to befired so much too soon that she exploded before getting near enough towork any serious mischief among the Spanish shipping. 

By these misfortunes Lord Cochrane was altogether disheartened. Therockets, on which he had chiefly relied, had proved worthless, and, one fireship having been wasted, he did not care to risk the loss ofthe other. He found too that the Spaniards, profiting by the warningwhich he had previously given, had so strengthened their booms that itwas quite impossible, with the small force at his command, to get atthem or to reach the port. His store of provisions, also, was nearlyexhausted, and the fresh supply promised from Chili had not arrived. He therefore reluctantly, for the time, abandoned his project fortaking Callao. 

He continued to watch the port for a few weeks, however, hoping forsome chance opportunity of injuring it; and, in the interval, sentthree hundred and fifty soldiers and marines, under Lieutenant-ColonelCharles and Major Miller, in the _Lautaro_, the _Galvarino_, and theremaining fireship, commanded by Captain Guise, to attack Pisco andprocure from it and the neighbourhood the requisite provisions. Thiswas satisfactorily done; but the sickness of many of his men causedhis further detention at Santa, whither he had gone from Callao. Onthe 21st of November the sick were sent to Valparaiso, in the chargeof the _San Martin_, the _Independencia_, and the _Araucano_. With theremaining ships, the _O'Higgins_, the _Lautaro_, the _Galvarino_, andthe _Puyrredon_, Lord Cochrane proceeded to the mouth of the RiverGuayaquil. There, on the 28th of the month, he captured two largeSpanish vessels, one of twenty and the other of sixteen guns, ladenwith timber, and took possession of the village of Puna. At Guayaquilthere was another delay of a fortnight, owing to a mutiny attemptedby Captains Guise and Spry, whose treacherous disposition has alreadybeen mentioned. 

Not till the middle of December was he able to escape from thetroubles brought upon him by others, and to return to work worthy ofhis great name and character. Then, however, sending one of his ships, with the prizes, to Valparaiso, and leaving two others to watchthe Peruvian coast, he started, with only his flag-ship, upon anenterprise as brilliant in conception and execution as any in hiswhole eventful history. "The Chilian people, " he said, "expectedimpossibilities; and I. Had for some time been revolving in my minda plan to achieve one which should gratify them, and allay my ownwounded feelings. I had now only one ship, so that there were noother inclinations to consult; and I felt quite sure of Major Miller'sconcurrence where there was any fighting to be done. My design was, with the flag-ship alone, to capture by a _coup de main_ thenumerous forts and garrison of Valdivia, a fortress previously deemedimpregnable, and thus to counteract the disappointment which wouldensue in Chili from our want of success at Callao. The enterprisewas a desperate one; nevertheless, I was not about to do anythingdesperate, having resolved that, unless I was fully satisfied as toits practicability, I would not attempt it. Rashness, though oftenimputed to me, forms no part of my composition. There is a rashnesswithout calculation of consequences; but with that calculationwell-founded, it is no longer rashness. And thus, now that I wasunfettered by people who did not second my operations as they oughtto have done, I made up my mind to take Valdivia, if the attempt camewithin the scope of my calculations. "

Valdivia was the stronghold and centre of Spanish attack upon Chilifrom the south, just as were Lima and Callao on the north. To reach itLord Cochrane had to sail northwards along the coast of Peru and Chilito some distance below Valparaiso. This he did without loss of time, to work out an excellent strategy which will be best understood fromhis own report of it. 

"The first step, " he said, "clearly was to reconnoitre Valdivia. Theflag-ship arrived on the 18th of January, 1820, under Spanish colours, and made a signal for a pilot, who--as the Spaniards mistook the_O'Higgins_ for a ship of their own--promptly came off, together witha complimentary retinue of an officer and four soldiers, all of whomwere made prisoners as soon as they came on board. The pilot wasordered to take us into the channels leading to the forts, whilst theofficer and his men, knowing there was little chance of their findingtheir way on shore again, thought it most conducive to their intereststo supply all the information demanded, the result being increasedconfidence on my part as to the possibility of a successful attack. Amongst other information obtained was the expected arrival of theSpanish brig _Potrillo_, with money on board for the payment of thegarrison. 

"As we were busily employing ourselves in inspecting the channels, theofficer commanding the garrison began to suspect that our object mightnot altogether be pacific, a suspicion which was confirmed by thedetention of his officer. Suddenly a heavy fire was opened uponus from the various forts, to which we did not reply, but, ourreconnoissance being now complete, withdrew beyond its reach. Two dayswere occupied in reconnoitring. On the third day the _Potrillo_ hovein sight, and she, being also deceived by our Spanish colours, wascaptured without a shot, twenty thousand dollars and some importantdespatches being found on board. "

That first business having been satisfactorily achieved, Lord Cochraneproceeded to Concepcion, there to ask and obtain from its Chiliangovernor, General Freire, a force of two hundred and fifty soldiers, under Major Beauchef, a French volunteer. In Talcahuano Bay, moreover, he found a Chilian schooner, the _Montezuma_, and a Brazilian brig, the _Intrepido_. He attached the former to his service, and acceptedthe volunteered aid of the latter. With this augmented but stillinsignificant force, very defective in some important respects, hereturned to Valdivia. "The flag-ship, " he said, "had only two navalofficers on board, one of these being under arrest for disobedienceof orders, whilst the other was incapable of performing the duty oflieutenant; so that I had to act as admiral, captain and lieutenant, taking my turn in the watch--or rather being constantly on thewatch--as the only available officer was so incompetent. "

"We sailed from Talcahuano on the 25th of January, " the narrativeproceeds, "when I communicated my intentions to the military officers, who displayed great eagerness in the cause--alone questioning theirsuccess from motives of prudence. On my explaining to them that, ifunexpected projects are energetically put in execution, they almostinvariably succeed in spite of odds, they willingly entered into myplans. 

"On the night of the 29th, we were off the island of Quiriquina, ina dead calm. From excessive fatigue in the execution of subordinateduties, I had lain down to rest, leaving the ship in charge ofthe lieutenant, who took advantage of my absence to retire also, surrendering the watch to the care of a midshipman, who fell asleep. Knowing our dangerous position, I had left strict orders that I wasto be called the moment a breeze sprang up; but these orders wereneglected. A sudden wind took the ship unawares, and the midshipman, in attempting to bring her round, ran her upon the sharp edge of arock, where she lay beating, suspended, as it were, upon her keel;and, had the swell increased, she must inevitably have gone to pieces. 

"We were forty miles from the mainland, the brig and schooner beingboth out of sight. The first impulse, both of officers and crew, wasto abandon the ship, but, as we had six hundred men on board, whilstnot more than a hundred and fifty could have entered the boats, thiswould have been but a scramble for life. Pointing out to the men thatthose who escaped could only reach the coast of Arauco, where theywould meet nothing but torture and inevitable death at the hands ofthe Indians, I with some difficulty got them to adopt the alternativeof attempting to save the ship. The first sounding gave five feetof water in the hold, and the pumps were entirely out of order. Ourcarpenter, who was only one by name, was incompetent to repair them;but, having myself some skill in carpentry, I took off my coat, andby midnight, got them into working order, the water in the meanwhilegaining on us, though the whole crew were engaged in baling it outwith buckets. 

"To our great delight, the leak did not increase, upon which I gotout the stream anchor and commenced heaving off the ship; the officersclamoured first to ascertain the extent of the leak; but this Iexpressly forbade, as calculated to damp the energy of the men, whilst, as we now gained on the leak, there was no doubt the shipwould swim as far as Valdivia, which was the chief point to beregarded, the capture of the fortress being my object, after which theship might be repaired at leisure. As there was no lack of physicalforce on board, she was at length floated; but the powder magazinehaving been under water, the ammunition of every kind, except a littleupon deck and in the cartouche-boxes of the troops, was renderedunserviceable; though about this I cared little, as it involved thenecessity of using the bayonet in our anticipated attack; and tofacing this weapon the Spaniards had, in every case, evinced a rootedaversion. "

The _O'Higgins_, thus bravely saved from wreck, was soon joined by the_Intrepido_ and the _Montezuma_, and these vessels being now most fitfor action, as many men as possible were transferred to them, and the_O'Higgins_ was ordered to stand out to sea, only to be made use of incase of need. The _Montezuma_ now became the flag-ship, and with herand her consort Lord Cochrane sailed into Valdivia Harbour on the 2ndof February. 

"The fortifications of Valdivia, " he said, "are placed on both sidesof a channel three quarters of a mile in width, and command theentrance, anchorage, and river leading to the town, crossing theirfire in all directions so effectually that, with proper caution on thepart of the garrison, no ship could enter without suffering severely, while she would be equally exposed at anchor. The principal forts onthe western shore are placed in the following order:--El Ingles, SanCarlos, Amargos, Chorocomayo, Alto, and Corral Castle. Those on theeastern side are Niebla, directly opposite Amargos, and Piojo; whilston the island of Manzanera is a strong fort mounted with guns of largecalibre, commanding the whole range of the entrance channel. Theseforts and a few others, fifteen in all, would render the place in thehands of a skilful garrison almost impregnable, the shores onwhich they stand being inaccessible by reason of the surf, with theexception of a small landing-place at Fort Ingles. 

"It was to this landing-place that we first directed our attention, anchoring the brig and schooner off the guns of Fort Ingles on theafternoon of February the 3rd, amidst a swell which rendered immediatedisembarkation impracticable. The troops were carefully kept below;and, to avert the suspicion of the Spaniards, we had trumped up astory of our having just arrived from Cadiz and being in want of apilot. They told us to send a boat for one. To this we replied thatour boats had been washed away in the passage round Cape Horn. Not being quite satisfied, they began to assemble troops at thelanding-place, firing alarm-guns, and rapidly bringing up thegarrisons of the western forts to Fort Ingles, but not molesting us. 

"Unfortunately for the credit of the story about the loss of theboats, which were at the time carefully concealed under the lee of thevessels, one drifted astern, so that our object became apparent, andthe guns of Fort Ingles, under which we lay, forthwith opened uponus, the first shots passing through the sides of the _Intrepido_ andkilling two men, so that it became necessary to land in spite of theswell. We had only two launches and a gig. I directed the operation inthe gig, whilst Major Miller, with forty-four marines, pushed off inthe first launch, under the fire of the party at the landing-place, on to which they soon leaped, driving the Spaniards before them atthe point of the bayonet. The second launch then pushed off from the_Intrepido_, while the other was returning; and in this way, in lessthan an hour, three hundred men had made good their footing on shore. 

"The most difficult task, the capture of the forts, was to come. Theonly way in which the first, Fort Ingles, could be approached, wasby a precipitous path, along which the men could only pass in singlefile, the fort itself being inaccessible except by a ladder, which theenemy, after being routed by Major Miller, had drawn up. 

"As soon as it was dark, a picked party, under the guidance of oneof the Spanish prisoners, silently advanced to the attack. This partyhaving taken up its position, the main body moved forward, cheeringand firing in the air, to intimate to the Spaniards that theirchief reliance was on the bayonet. The enemy, meanwhile, kept upan incessant fire of artillery and musketry in the direction of theshouts, but without effect, as no aim could be taken in the dark. 

"Whilst the patriots were thus noisily advancing, a gallant youngofficer, Ensign Vidal, got under the inland flank of the fort, and, with a few men, contrived to tear up some pallisades, by which abridge was made across the ditch. In that way he and his small partyentered and formed noiselessly under cover of some branches of trees, while the garrison, numbering about eight hundred soldiers, weredirecting their whole attention in an opposite direction. 

"A volley from Vidal's party convinced the Spaniards that they hadbeen taken in flank. Without waiting to ascertain the number of thosewho had outflanked them, they instantly took to flight, filling with alike panic a column of three hundred men drawn up behind the fort. The Chilians, who were now well up, bayoneted them by dozens as theyattempted to gain the forts; and when the forts were opened to receivethem the patriots entered at the same time, and thus drove them fromfort to fort into the Castle of Corral, together with two hundred morewho had abandoned some guns advantageously placed on a height at FortChorocomayo. The Corral was stormed with equal rapidity, a numberof the enemy escaping in boats to Valdivia, others plunging into theforest. Upwards of a hundred fell into our hands, and on the followingmorning the like number were found to have been bayoneted. Our losswas seven men killed and nineteen wounded. 

"On the 5th, the _Intrepido_ and _Montezuma_, which had been left nearFort Ingles, entered the harbour, being fired at in their passage byFort Niebla, on the eastern shore. On their coming to an anchor at theCorral, two hundred men were again embarked to attack Forts Niebla, Carbonero, and Piojo. The _O'Higgins_ also appeared in sight off themouth of the harbour. The Spaniards thereupon summarily abandoned theforts on the eastern side; no doubt judging that, as the western fortshad been captured without the aid of the frigate, they had, now thatshe had arrived, no chance of successfully defending them. 

"On the 6th, the troops were again embarked to pursue the flyinggarrison up the river, when we received a flag of truce, informing usthat the enemy had abandoned the town, after plundering the privatehouses and magazines, and with the governor, Colonel Montoya, hadfled in the direction of Chiloe. The booty which fell into ourhands, exclusive of the value of the forts and public buildings, wasconsiderable, Valdivia being the chief military depôt in the southernside of the continent. Amongst the military stores were upwards of 50tons of gunpowder, 10, 000 cannon-shot, 170, 000 musket-cartridges, alarge quantity of small arms, 128 guns, of which 53 were brass and theremainder iron, the ship _Dolores_--afterwards sold at Valparaiso fortwenty thousand dollars--with public stores sold for the like value, and plate, of which General Sanchez had previously stripped thechurches of Concepcion, valued at sixteen thousand dollars. "Those prizes compensated over and over again for the loss of the_Intrepido_, which grounded in the channel, and the injuries done tothe _O'Higgins_ on her way to Valdivia. 

But the value of Lord Cochrane's capture of this stronghold was not tobe counted in money. By its daring conception and easy completionthe Spaniards, besides losing their great southern starting-point forattacks on Chili and the other states that were fighting for theirfreedom, lost heart, to a great extent, in their whole South Americanwarfare. They saw that their insurgent colonists had now found achampion too bold, too cautious, too honest, and too prosperous forthem any longer to hope that they could succeed in their efforts towin back the dependencies which were shaking off the thraldom of threecenturies. 

CHAPTER VIII. 

LORD COCHRANE'S RETURN TO VALPARAISO. --HIS ILL-TREATMENT BYTHE CHILIAN SENATE. --THE THIRD EXPEDITION TO PERU. --GENERAL SANMARTIN. --THE CAPTURE OF THE "ESMERALDA, " AND ITS ISSUE. --LORDCOCHRANE'S SUBSEQUENT WORK. --SAN MARTIN'S TREACHERY. --HISASSUMPTION OF THE PROTECTORATE OF PERU. --HIS BASE PROPOSALS TO LORDCOCHRANE. --LORD COCHRANE'S CONDEMNATION OF THEM. --THE TROUBLES OF THECHILIAN SQUADRON. --LORD COCHRANE'S SEIZURE OF TREASURE AT ANCON, AND EMPLOYMENT OF IT IN PAYING HIS OFFICERS AND MEN. --HIS STAY ATGUAYAQUIL. --THE ADVANTAGES OF FREE TRADE. --LORD COCHRANE'SCRUISE ALONG THE MEXICAN COAST IN SEARCH OF THE REMAINING SPANISHFRIGATES. --THEIR ANNEXATION BY PERU. --LORD COCHRANE'S LAST VISIT TOCALLAO. 

[1820-1822. ]

Lord Cochrane returned to Valparaiso on the 27th of February, 1820. By General O'Higgins, the Supreme Director, and by the populace he wasenthusiastically received. But Zenteno, the Minister of Marine, andother members of the Government, jealous of the fresh renown which hehad won by his conquest of Valdivia, showed their jealousy in variousoffensive ways. 

In anticipation of his failure they had prepared an elaborate chargeof insubordination, in that he had not come back direct fromCallao. Now that he had triumphed, they sought at first to have himreprimanded for attempting so hazardous an exploit, and afterwardsto rob him of his due on the ground that his achievement wasinsignificant and valueless. When they were compelled by the voice ofthe people to declare publicly that "the capture of Valdivia was thehappy result of an admirably-arranged plan and of the most daringexecution, " they refused to award either to him or to his comrades anyother recompense than was contained in the verbal compliment; and, on his refusing to give up his prizes until the seamen had beenpaid their arrears of wages, he was threatened with prosecution fordetention of the national property. 

The threat was impotent, as the people of Chili would not for a momenthave permitted such an indignity to their champion. But so irritatingwere this and other attempted persecutions to Lord Cochrane that, onthe 14th of May, he tendered to the Supreme Director his resignationof service under the Chilian Government. That proposal was, of course, rejected; but with the rejection came a promise of better treatment. The seamen were paid in July, and the Valdivian prize-money wasnominally awarded. Lord Cochrane's share amounted to 67, 000 dollars, and to this was added a grant of land at Rio Clara. But the money wasnever paid, and the estate was forcibly seized a few years afterwards. 

Other annoyances, which need not here be detailed, were offered toLord Cochrane, and thus six months were wasted by Zenteno and hisassociates in the Chilian senate. "The senate, " said Lord Cochrane, "was an anomaly in state government. It consisted of five members, whose functions were to remain only during the first struggles of thecountry for independence; but this body had now assumed a permanentright to dictatorial control, whilst there was no appeal from theirarbitrary conduct, except to themselves. They arrogated the titleof 'Most Excellent, ' whilst the Supreme Director was simply 'HisExcellency;' his position, though nominally head of the executive, being really that of mouthpiece to the senate, which, assuming allpower, deprived the Executive Government of its legitimate influence, so that no armament could be equipped, no public work undertaken, no troops raised, and no taxes levied, except by the consent of thisirresponsible body. For such a clique the plain, simple good senseof the Supreme Director was no match. He was led to believe that acrooked policy was a necessary evil of government, and, as such apolicy was adverse to his own nature, he was the more easily inducedto surrender its administration to others who were free from hisconscientious principles. " Those sentences explain the treatment towhich, now and afterwards, Lord Cochrane was subjected. 

He was allowed, however, to do further excellent service to the nationwhich had already begun to reward him with nothing but ingratitude. Assoon as the Chilian Government could turn from its spiteful exerciseto its proper duty of consolidating the independence of the insurgentsfrom Spanish dominion, it was resolved to despatch as strong a forceas could be raised for another and more formidable expedition toPeru, whereby at the same time the Peruvians should be freed from thetyranny by which they were still oppressed, and the Chilians should berid of the constant danger that they incurred from the presence of aSpanish army in Lima, Callao, and other garrisons, ready to bear downupon them again and again, as it had often done before. In 1819 LordCochrane had vainly asked for a suitable land force with which to aidhis attack upon Callao. It was now resolved to organize a LiberatingArmy, after the fashion of that with which Bolivar had nobly scouredthe northern districts of South America, and to place it under thedirection of General San Martin, in co-operation with whom LordCochrane was to pursue his work as chief admiral of the fleet. San Martin had fought worthily in La Plata, and he had earned thegratitude of the Chilians by winning back their freedom in conjunctionwith O'Higgins in 1817. Vanity and ambition, however, had sinceunhinged him, and he now proved himself a champion of liberty veryinferior, both in prowess and in honesty, to Bolivar. 

His army, numbering four thousand two hundred men, was collected bythe 21st of August, and on that day it was embarked at Valparaiso inthe whole Chilian squadron. Lord Cochrane proposed to go at once toChilca, the nearest point both to Lima and to Callao. San Martin, however, decided upon Pisco as a safer landing-place, and there thetroops were deposited on the 8th of September. For fifty days theywere detained there, and the fleet was forced to share their idleness, capturing only a few passing merchantmen. On the 28th of October theywere re-embarked, and Lord Cochrane again urged a vigorous attack onthe capital and its port. Again he was thwarted by San Martin, whorequested to be landed at Ancon, considerably to the north of Callao, and as unsuitable a halting-place as was the southerly town of Pisco. Lord Cochrane had to comply; but he bethought him of a plan forachieving a great work, in spite of San Martin. Sending the main bodyof his fleet to Ancon with the troops, no the 20th, he retainedthe _O'Higgins_, the _Independencia_, and the _Lautaro_, with theprofessed object of merely blockading Callao at a safe distance. "The fact was, " he said, "that, annoyed, in common with the wholeexpedition, at this irresolution on the part of General San Martin, Idetermined that the means of Chili, furnished with great difficulty, should not be wholly wasted, without some attempt at accomplishing theobject of the expedition. I accordingly formed a plan of attack withthe three ships which I had kept back, though, being apprehensivethat my design would be opposed by General San Martin, I had noteven mentioned to him my intentions. This design was, to cut out the_Esmeralda_ frigate from under the fortifications, and also to getpossession of another ship, on board of which we had learned that amillion of dollars was embarked. "

The plan was certainly a bold one. The _Esmeralda_, of forty-fourguns, was the finest Spanish ship in the Pacific Ocean. Now especiallywell armed and manned, in readiness for any work that had to be done, she was lying in Callao Harbour, protected by three hundred piecesof artillery on shore and by a strong boom with chain moorings, by twenty-seven gunboats and several armed block-ships. Theseconsiderations, however, only induced Lord Cochrane to proceedcautiously upon his enterprise. Three days were spent in preparations, the purpose of which was known only to himself and to his chiefofficers. On the afternoon of the 5th of November he issued thisproclamation:--"Marines and seamen, --This night we shall give theenemy a mortal blow. To-morrow you will present yourself proudlybefore Callao, and all your comrades will envy your good fortune. One hour of courage and resolution is all that is required for youto triumph. Remember that you have conquered in Valdivia, and have nofear of those who have hitherto fled from you. The value of all thevessels captured in Callao will be yours, and the same reward will bedistributed amongst you as has been offered by the Spaniards in Limato those who should capture any of the Chilian squadron. The moment ofglory is approaching. I hope that the Chilians will fight as they havebeen accustomed to do, and that the English will act as they have everdone at home and abroad. "

A request was made for volunteers, and the whole body of seamen andmarines on board the three ships offered to follow Lord Cochranewherever he might lead. This was more than he wanted. "A hundredand sixty seamen and eighty marines, " said Lord Cochrane, whose ownnarrative of the sequel will best describe it, "were placed, afterdark, in fourteen boats alongside the flag-ship, each man, armed withcutlass and pistol, being, for distinction's sake, dressed in white, with a blue band on the left arm. The Spaniards, I expected, wouldbe off their guard, and consider themselves safe from attack for thatnight, since, by way of ruse, the other ships had been sent out of thebay under the charge of Captain Foster, as though in pursuit of somevessels in the offing. 

"At ten o'clock all was in readiness, the boats being formed in twodivisions, the first commanded by Flag-Captain Crosbie and the secondby Captain Gruise, --my boat leading. The strictest silence and theexclusive use of cutlasses were enjoined; so that, as the oars weremuffled and the night was dark, the enemy had not the least suspicionof the impending attack. 

"It was just upon midnight when we neared the small opening left inthe boom, our plan being well-nigh frustrated by the vigilance of aguard-boat upon which my launch had unluckily stumbled. The challengewas given, upon which, in an undertone, I threatened the occupants ofthe boat with instant death if they made the least alarm. No replywas made to the threat, and in a few minutes our gallant fellowswere alongside the frigate in line, boarding at several pointssimultaneously. The Spaniards were completely taken by surprise, the whole, with the exception of the sentries, being asleep at theirquarters; and great was the havoc made amongst them by the Chiliancutlasses whilst they were recovering themselves. Retreating to theforecastle, they there made a gallant stand, and it was not until thethird charge that the position was carried. The fight was for a shorttime renewed on the quarterdeck, where the Spanish marines fell toa man, the rest of the enemy leaping overboard and into the hold toescape slaughter. 

"On boarding the ship by the main-chains, I was knocked back by thesentry's musket, and falling on the tholl-pin of the boat, it enteredmy back near the spine, inflicting a severe injury, which caused memany years of subsequent suffering. Immediately regaining my footing, I reascended the side, and, when on deck, was shot through the thigh. But, binding a handkerchief tightly round the wound, I managed, thoughwith great difficulty, to direct the contest to its close. 

"The whole affair, from beginning to end, occupied only a quarter ofan hour, our loss being eleven killed and thirty wounded, whilst thatof the Spaniards was a hundred and sixty, many of whom fell underthe cutlasses of the Chilians before they could stand to their arms. Greater bravery I never saw displayed than by our gallant fellows. Before boarding, the duties of all had been appointed, and a partywas told off to take possession of the tops. We had not been on decka minute, when I hailed the foretop, and was instantly answered by ourown men, an equally prompt answer being returned from the frigate'smain-top. No British man-of-war's crew could have excelled this minuteattention to orders. 

"The uproar speedily alarmed the garrison, who, hastening to theirguns, opened fire on their own frigate, thus paying us the complimentof having taken it; though, even in this case, their own men muststill have been on board, so that firing on them was a wantonproceeding. Several Spaniards were killed or wounded by the shot ofthe fortress. Amongst the wounded was Captain Coig, the commander ofthe _Esmeralda_, who, after he was made prisoner, received a severecontusion by a shot from his own party. 

"The fire from the fortress was, however, neutralized by a successfulexpedient. There were two foreign ships of war present during thecontest, the United States frigate _Macedonian_ and the Britishfrigate _Hyperion_; and these, as had been previously agreed upon withthe Spanish authorities in case of a night attack, hoisted peculiarlights as signals, to prevent being fired upon. This contingency beingprovided for by us, as soon as the fortress commenced its fire on the_Esmeralda_, we also ran up similar lights, so that the garrison didnot know which vessel to fire at. The _Hyperion_ and _Macedonian_were several times struck, while the _Esmeralda_ was comparativelyuntouched. Upon this the neutral vessels cut their cables and movedaway. Contrary to my orders, Captain Gruise then cut the _Esmeralda's_cables also, so that there was nothing to be done but to loose hertopsails and follow. The fortress thereupon ceased its fire. 

"I had distinctly ordered that the cables of the _Esmeralda_ were notto be cut, but that after taking her, the force was to capture the_Maypeu_, a brig of war previously taken from Chili, and then toattack and cut adrift every ship near, there being plenty of timebefore us. I had no doubt that, when the _Esmeralda_ was taken, theSpaniards would desert the other ships as fast as their boats wouldpermit them, so that the whole might have been either captured orburnt. To this end all my previous plans had been arranged; but, onmy being placed _hors de combat_ by my wounds, Captain Gruise, on whomthe command of the prize devolved, chose to interpose his own judgmentand content himself with the _Esmeralda_ alone; the reason assignedbeing that the English had broken into her spirit-room and weregetting drunk, whilst the Chilians were disorganized by plundering. It was a great mistake. If we could capture the _Esmeralda_ with herpicked and well-appointed crew, there would have been little or nodifficulty in cutting the other ships adrift in succession. It wouldonly have been the rout of Valdivia over again, chasing the enemy, without loss, from ship to ship instead of from fort to fort. "

Lord Cochrane's exploit, however, though less complete than he hadintended, was as successful in its issue as it was brilliant in itsachievement. "This loss of the _Esmeralda_, " wrote Captain Basil Hall, then commanding a British war-ship in South American waters, "was adeath-blow to the Spanish naval force in that quarter of the world;for, although there were still two Spanish frigates and some smallervessels in the Pacific, they never afterwards ventured to showthemselves, but left Lord Cochrane undisputed master of the coast. "The speedy liberation of Peru was its direct consequence, althoughthat good work was seriously impaired by the continued and increasingmisconduct of General San Martin, inducing troubles, of which LordCochrane received his full share. 

In the first burst of his enthusiasm at the intelligence of LordCochrane's action, San Martin was generous for once. "The importanceof the service you have rendered to the country, my lord, " he wrote onthe 10th of November, "by the capture of the frigate _Esmeralda_, andthe brilliant manner in which you conducted the gallant officers andseamen under your orders to accomplish that noble enterprise, haveaugmented the gratitude due to your former services by the Government, as well as that of all interested in the public welfare and in yourfame. All those who participated in the risks and glory of the deedalso deserve well of their countrymen; and I have the satisfaction tobe the medium of transmitting the sentiments of admiration which suchtranscendent success has excited in the chiefs of the army under mycommand. " "It is impossible for me to eulogize in proper language, "he also wrote to the Chilian administration, "the daring enterpriseof the 5th of November, by which Lord Cochrane has decided thesuperiority of our naval forces, augmented the splendour and power ofChili, and secured the success of this campaign. "

A few days later, however, San Martin wrote in very different terms. "Before the General-in-Chief left the Vice-Admiral of the squadron, "he said, in a bulletin to the army, "they agreed on the execution ofa memorable project, sufficient to astonish intrepidity itself, and tomake the history of the liberating expedition of Peru eternal. " "Thisglory, " he added, "was reserved for the Liberating Army, whose effortshave snatched the victims of tyranny from its hands. " Thus impudentlydid he arrogate to himself a share, at any rate, in the initiation ofa project which Lord Cochrane, knowing that he would oppose it, hadpurposely kept secret from him, and assign the whole merit of itscompletion to the army which his vacillation and incompetence wereholding in unwelcome inactivity. 

Lord Cochrane was too much accustomed to personal injustice, however, to be very greatly troubled by that fresh indignity. It was a farheavier trouble to him that his first triumph was not allowed to besupplemented by prompt completion of the work on which, and not onany individual aggrandisement, his heart was set--the establishment ofPeruvian as well as Chilian freedom. 

San Martin, having done nothing hitherto but allow his army to wasteits strength and squander its resources, first at Pisco and afterwardsat Ancon, now fixed upon Huacha as another loitering-place. ThitherLord Cochrane had to convey it, before he was permitted to resume theblockade of Callao. This blockade lasted, though not all the whileunder his personal direction, for eight months. 

"Several attempts were now made, " said Lord Cochrane, with referenceto the first few weeks of the blockade, "to entice the remainingSpanish naval force from their shelter under the batteries by placingthe _Esmeralda_ apparently within reach, and the flagship herself insituations of some danger. One day I carried her through an intricatestrait called the Boqueron, in which nothing beyond a fifty-tonschooner was ever seen. The Spaniards, expecting every moment to seethe ship strike, manned their gunboats, ready to attack as soon as shewas aground; of which there was little danger, for we had found, andbuoyed off with small bits of wood invisible to the enemy, a channelthrough which a vessel could pass without much difficulty. At anothertime, the Esmeralda being in a more than usually tempting position, the Spanish gunboats ventured out in the hope of recapturing her, andfor an hour maintained a smart fire; but on seeing the _O'Higgins_manoeuvring to cut them off, they precipitately retreated. "

In ways like those the Spaniards were locked in, and harassed, inCallao Bay. Good result came in the steady weakening of the Spanishcause. On the 3rd of December, six hundred and fifty soldiers desertedto the Chilian army. On the 8th they were followed by forty officers;and after that hardly a day passed without some important defectionsto the patriot force. '

Unfortunately, however, there was weakness also among the patriots. San Martin, idle himself, determined to profit by the advantages, direct and indirect, which Lord Cochrane's prowess had secured andwas securing. It began to be no secret that, as soon as Peru wasfreed from the Spanish yoke, he proposed to subject it to a militarydespotism of his own. This being resented by Lord Cochrane, who onother grounds could have little sympathy or respect for his associate, coolness arose between the leaders. Lord Cochrane, anxious to dosome more important work, if only a few troops might be allowed toco-operate with his sailors, was forced to share some of San Martin'sinactivity. In March, 1821, he offered, if two thousand soldiers wereassigned to him, to capture Lima; and when this offer was rejected, hedeclared himself willing to undertake the work with half the number ofmen. With difficulty he at last obtained a force of six hundred; andby them and the fleet nearly all the subsequent fighting in Peruwas done. Lord Cochrane did not venture upon a direct assault on thecapital with so small an army; but he used it vigorously from point topoint on the coast, between Callao and Arica, and thus compelled thecapitulation of Lima on the 6th of July. 

Again, as heretofore, he was thanked in the first moment of triumph, to be slighted at leisure. Lord Cochrane, on entering the city, waswelcomed as the great deliverer of Peru: the medals distributed onthe 28th of July--the day on which Peru's independence wasproclaimed--testified that the honour was due to General San Martinand his Liberating Army. That, however, was only part of a policy longbefore devised. "It is now became evident to me, " said Lord Cochrane, "that the army had been kept inert for the purpose of preserving itentire to further the ambitious views of the General, and that, withthe whole force now at Lima, the inhabitants were completely at themercy of their pretended liberator, but in reality their conqueror. "

With that policy, however much he reprobated it, Lord Cochrane wiselyjudged that it was not for him to quarrel. "As the existence of thisself-constituted authority, " he said, "was no less at variance withthe institutions of the Chilian Republic than with its solemnpromises to the Peruvians, I hoisted my flag on board the _O'Higgins_, determined to adhere solely to the interests of Chili; but notinterfering in any way with General San Martin's proceedings till theyinterfered with me in my capacity as Commander-in-Chief of the Chiliannavy. " He was not, therefore, in Lima on the 3rd of August, when SanMartin issued a proclamation declaring himself Protector of Peru, andappointing three of his creatures as his Ministers of State. Of theway in which he became acquainted of this violent and lawless measure, a precise description has been given by an eye-witness, Mr. W. B. Stevenson. 

"On the following morning, the 4th of August, " he says, "LordCochrane, uninformed of the change which had taken place in thetitle of San Martin, visited the palace, and began to beg theGeneral-in-Chief to propose some means for the payment of the seamenwho had served their time and fulfilled their contract. To this SanMartin answered that 'he would never pay the Chilian squadron unlessit was sold to Peru, and then the payment should be considered part ofthe purchase-money. ' Lord Cochrane replied that 'by such a transactionthe squadron of Chili would be transferred to Peru by merely payingwhat was due to the officers and crews for services done to thatState. ' San Martin knit his brows and, turning to his ministers, Garcia and Monteagudo, ordered them to retire; to which his lordshipobjected, stating that, 'as he was not master of the Spanish language, he wished them to remain as interpreters, being fearful that someexpression, not rightly understood, might be considered offensive. 'San Martin now turned round to the Admiral and said, 'Are you aware, my lord, that I am Protector of Peru?' 'No, ' said his lordship. 'Iordered my secretaries to inform you of it, ' returned San Martin. 'That is now unnecessary, for you have personally informed me, ' saidhis lordship: 'I hope that the friendship which has existed betweenGeneral San Martin and myself will continue to exist between theProtector of Peru and myself. ' San Martin then, rubbing his hands, said, 'I have only to say that I am Protector of Peru. ' The mannerin which this last sentence was expressed roused the Admiral, who, advancing, said, 'Then it becomes me, as senior officer of Chili, and consequently the representative of the nation, to request thefulfilment of all the promises made to Chili and the squadron; butfirst, and principally, the squadron. ' San Martin returned, 'Chili!Chili! I will never pay a single real to Chili! As to the squadron, you may take it where you please, and go where you choose. A coupleof schooners are quite enough for me. ' On hearing this Garcia left theroom, and Monteagudo walked to the balcony. San Martin paced the roomfor a short time, and, turning to his lordship, said, 'Forget, mylord, what is past. ' The Admiral replied, 'I will when I can, ' andimmediately left the palace. [A] "One thing has been omitted inthe preceding narrative, " said Lord Cochrane. "General San Martin, following me to the staircase, had the temerity to propose to meto follow his example--namely, to break faith with the ChilianGovernment, to which we had both sworn, to abandon the squadron to hisinterests, and to accept the higher grade of First Admiral of Peru. I need scarcely say that a proposition so dishonourable was declined;when, in a tone of irritation, he declared that 'he would neither givethe seamen their arrears of pay nor the gratuity he had promised. '"

[Footnote A: W. B. Stevenson, "Twenty Years' Residence in SouthAmerica. " 1825. ]

Lord Cochrane lost no time in returning to his flagship in CallaoRoads. Thence, however, on the 7th of August, he wrote a letter to SanMartin, couched in terms as temperate and persuasive as he could bringhimself to use. "My dear General, " he there said, "I address youfor the last time under your late designation, being aware that theliberty I may take as a friend might not be deemed decorous to youunder the title of Protector, for I shall not, with a gentleman ofyour understanding, take into account, as a motive for abstaining tospeak truth, any chance of your resentment. Nay, were I certain thatsuch would be the effect of this letter, I would nevertheless performsuch an act of friendship, in repayment of the support you gave meat a time when the basest plots were laid for my dismissal from theChilian service. Permit me to give you the experience of eleven years, during which I sat in the first senate in the world, and to say what Ianticipate on the one hand, and what I fear on the other--nay, whatI foresee. You have it in your power to be the Napoleon of SouthAmerica; but you have also the power to choose your course, and if thefirst steps are false, the eminence on which you stand will, as thoughfrom the brink of a precipice, make your fall the more heavy and themore certain. The real strength of government is public opinion. Whatwould the world say, were the Protector of Peru, as his first act, tocancel the bonds of San Martin, even though gratitude may be a privateand not a public virtue? What would they say, were the Protector torefuse to pay the expense of that expedition which placed him in hispresent elevated situation? What would they say, were it promulgatedto the world that he intended not even to remunerate those employedin the navy which contributed to his success?" Much more to the sameeffect Lord Cochrane wrote, urging honesty upon San Martin as the onlypath by which he could win for himself a permanent success, and makinga special claim upon his honesty in the interests of the seamen andnaval officers, to whom neither pay nor prize-money had been givensince their departure from Chili nearly a year before. 

It was all in vain. San Martin wrote, on the 9th of August, aletter making professions of virtue and acknowledging much personalindebtedness to Lord Cochrane and the fleet, but evading the wholequestion at issue. "I am disposed, " he said, "to recompense valourdisplayed in the cause of the country. But you know, my lord, that thewages of the crews do not come under these circumstances, and that I, never having engaged to pay the amount, am not obliged to do so. Thatdebt is due from Chili, whose Government engaged the seamen. "

Lord Cochrane knew that Chili would decline to pay for work that, ifintended to be done in its interests, had been perverted from thatintention; and his crews, also knowing it, became reasonably mutinous. After much further correspondence--in which San Martin suggested ashis only remedy that Lord Cochrane should accept the dishonourableproposal made to him, and, becoming himself First Admiral of Peru, should induce the fleet to join in the same rebellion against Chili towhich the army had been brought by its general, and in which CaptainsGuise and Spry, always evil-minded, had already joined--Lord Cochraneadopted a bold but altogether justifiable manoeuvre. A large quantityof treasure, seized from the Spaniards, having been deposited by SanMartin at Ancon, he sailed thither, in the middle of September, andquietly took possession of it. So much as lawful owners could befound for was given up to them. With the residue, amounting to 285, 000dollars, Lord Cochrane paid off the year's arrears to every officerand man in his employ, taking nothing for himself, but reserving thesmall surplus for the pressing exigencies and re-equipment of thesquadron. 

It is unnecessary to detail the angry correspondence that arose outof that rough act of justice. Before the money was distributed, treacherous offers to restore it and enter into rebellious league withSan Martin were made to Lord Cochrane; and with these were alternatedmock-virtuous complaints and bombastic threats. Both bribes andthreats were treated by him with equal contempt. 

"After a lapse of nearly forty years' anxious consideration, " he wrotein 1858, "I cannot reproach myself with having done any wrong inthe seizure of the money of the Protectorial Government. General SanMartin and myself had been in our respective departments deputed toliberate Peru from Spain, and to give to the Peruvians the same freeinstitutions which Chili herself enjoyed. The first part of our objecthad been fully effected by the achievements and vigilance of thesquadron; the second part was frustrated by General San Martinarrogating to himself despotic power, which set at naught the wishesand voice of the people. As 'my fortune in common with his own' wasonly to be secured by acquiescence in the wrong he had done to Chiliby casting off his allegiance to her, and by upholding him in thestill greater wrong he was inflicting on Peru, I did not choose tosacrifice my self-esteem and professional character by lending myselfas an instrument to purposes so unworthy. I did all in my powerto warn General San Martin of the consequences of ambition soill-directed, but the warning was neglected, if not despised. Chilitrusted to him to defray the expenses of the squadron, when itsobjects, as laid down by the Supreme Director, should be accomplished;but, in place of fulfilling the obligation, he permitted the squadronto starve, its crews to go in rags, and the ships to be in perpetualdanger for want of the proper equipment which Chili could not affordto give them when they sailed from Valparaiso. The pretence for thisneglect was want of means, though, at the same time, money to avast amount was sent away from the capital to Ancon. Seeing that nointention Existed on the part of the Protector's Government to dojustice to the Chilian squadron, whilst every effort was made toexcite discontent among the officers and men with the purpose ofprocuring their transfer to Peru, I seized the public money, satisfiedthe men, and saved the navy to the Chilian Republic, which afterwardswarmly thanked me for what I had done. Despite the obloquy cast uponme by the Protector's Government, there was nothing wrong in thecourse I pursued, if only for the reason that, if the Chilian squadronwas to be preserved, it was impossible for me to have done otherwise. Years of reflection have only produced the conviction that, were Iagain placed in similar circumstances, I should adopt precisely thesame course. "

In spite of his treachery to the Chilian Government, General SanMartin professed to retain his functions as Commander-in-Chief of theChilian liberating expedition to Peru; and, accordingly, when he foundit useless to make further efforts, by bribes or threats, to seduceLord Cochrane from his allegiance, he ordered him to return at once toValparaiso. This order Lord Cochrane refused to obey, seeing that thework entrusted to him--the entire destruction of the Spanish squadronin the Pacific--had not yet been completed. 

He determined to complete that work, first going to Guayaquil torepair and refit his ships, which San Martin would not allow him to doin any Peruvian port. He was thus employed during six weeks followingthe 18th of October, 1821. 

On his departure, a complimentary address from the townsmen affordedhim an opportunity of offering some good advice on a matter in whichhis long and intelligent political experience showed him that theywere especially at fault. The inhabitants of Guayaquil, like manyother young communities, sought to increase their revenues andstrengthen their independence by violent restrictions upon foreigncommerce and arbitrary support of native monopolists. Lord Cochraneeloquently propounded to them the doctrine of free trade. "Let yourpublic press, " he said, "declare the consequences of monopoly, andaffix your names to the defence of your enlightened system. Let itshow, if your province contains eighty thousand inhabitants, and ifeighty of these are privileged merchants according to the old system, that nine hundred and ninety-nine persons out of a thousand mustsuffer because their cotton, coffee, tobacco, timber, and otherproductions, must come into the hands of the monopolist, as the onlypurchaser of what they have to sell, and the only seller of what theymust necessarily buy; the effect being that he will buy at the lowestpossible rate and sell at the dearest, so that not only are the ninehundred and ninety-nine injured, but the lands will remain waste, themanufactories without workmen, and the people will be lazy and poorfor want of a stimulus, it being a law of nature that no man willlabour solely for the gain of another. Tell the monopolist that thetrue method of acquiring general riches, political power, and even hisown private advantage, is to sell his country's produce as high, andforeign goods as low, as possible, and that public competition canalone accomplish this. Let foreign merchants, who bring capital, and those who practise any art or handicraft, be permitted to settlefreely. Thus a competition will be formed, from which all must reapadvantage. Then will land and fixed property increase in value. Themagazines, instead of being the receptacles of filth and crime, willbe full of the richest foreign and domestic productions; and all willbe energy and activity, because the reward will be in proportion tothe labour. Your river will be filled with ships, and the monopolistdegraded and shamed. You will bless the day in which Omnipotencepermitted to be rent asunder the veil of obscurity, under which thedespotism of Spain, the abominable tyranny of the Inquisition, and thewant of liberty of the press, so long hid the truth from your sight. Let your customs' duties be moderate, in order to promote the greatestpossible consumption of foreign and domestic goods; then smugglingwill cease and the returns to the treasury increase. Let every mando as he pleases as regards his own property, views, and interests;because each individual will watch over his own with more zeal thansenates, ministers, or kings. By your enlarged views set an exampleto the New World; and thus, as Guayaquil is, from its situation, the central republic, it will become the centre of the agriculture, commerce, and riches of the Pacific. "

Lord Cochrane left Guayaquil on the 3rd of December, and cruisednorthwards in search of the _Prueba_ and the _Venganza_, the only tworemaining Spanish frigates, which had made their escape from Callaoand gone in the direction of Mexico. He sailed along the Colombianand Mexican coasts as far as Acapulco, where he called on the 29thof January, 1822, without finding the objects of his search. He therelearned, on the 2nd of February, from an in-coming merchantman, thatthe frigates had eluded him and were now somewhere to the southwards. Upon that he at once retraced his course, and, in spite of a stormwhich nearly wrecked his two best ships, one of them being thecaptured _Esmeralda_, now christened the _Valdivia_, was at Guayaquilagain on the 13th of March. There, as he expected, from informationreceived on the passage, he found the _Venganza. _ Both the frigateshad been compelled, by want of provisions, to run the risk of haltingat Guayaquil, whither also an envoy from San Martin had arrived, instructed to tempt the Guayaquilians into friendship with Peru andjealousy of Chili. On the appearance of the Spanish frigates, he hadpersuaded their captains, as the only means of averting the certainruin that Lord Cochrane was planning for them, quietly to surrender tothe Peruvian Government. In this way Chili was cheated of its prizes, although Lord Cochrane's main object, the entire overthrow of theSpanish war shipping in the Pacific, was accomplished without furtheruse of powder and shot. The _Prueba_ had been sent to Callao, and the_Venganza_ was now being refitted at Guayaquil. 

Lord Cochrane had now done all that it was possible for him to do infulfilment of the naval mission on which he had quitted Chili a yearand a half before. Proceeding southward, he anchored in Callao Roadsfrom the 25th of April till the 10th of May. San Martin's Government, fearing punishment for their misdeeds, prepared to defend Callao. LordCochrane, however, wrote to say that he had no intention of makingwar upon the Peruvians; that all he asked was adequate payment forthe services rendered to them by his officers and seamen. In thesame letter he denounced the new treachery that had been shown withreference to the _Venganza_ and the _Prueba_. 

The answer to that letter was a visit from San Martin's chiefminister, who begged Lord Cochrane to recall it, and impudentlyrepeated the old offers of service under the Peruvian Government, adding that San Martin had written a private letter to the sameeffect. "Tell the Protector from me, " said Lord Cochrane, "that if, after the conduct he has pursued, he had sent me a private letter, itwould certainly have been returned unanswered. You may also tell himthat it is not my wish to injure him, that I neither fear him nor hatehim, but that I disapprove of his conduct. "

Lord Cochrane's brief stay off Callao sufficed to convince him that, though the people of Peru were being for the time subjected to atyranny almost equal to that practised by Spain, no one was likely tobe long in fear of San Martin, as his treacheries and his vices werealready bringing upon him well-deserved disgrace and punishment. Tothat purport Lord Cochrane wrote to O'Higgins on the 2nd of May. "Asthe attached and sincere friend of your excellency, " he said, "I hopeyou will take into your serious consideration the propriety of at oncefixing the Chilian Government upon a base not to be shaken by thefall of the present tyranny in Peru, of which there are not onlyindications, but the result is inevitable--unless, indeed, themischievous counsels of vain and mercenary men can suffice to prop upa fabric of the most barbarous political architecture, serving as ascreen from whence to dart their weapons against the heart of liberty. Thank God, my hands are free from the stain of labouring in any suchwork; and having finished all you gave me to do, I may now rest tillyou shall command my further endeavours for the honour and security ofmy adopted land. "

CHAPTER IX. 

LORD COCHRANE'S RETURN TO VALPARAISO. --HIS FURTHER ILL-TREATMENT BYTHE CHILIAN GOVERNMENT. --HIS RESIGNATION OF CHILIAN EMPLOYMENT, ANDACCEPTANCE OF EMPLOYMENT UNDER THE EMPEROR OF BRAZIL. --HIS SUBSEQUENTCORRESPONDENCE WITH THE GOVERNMENT OF CHILI. --THE RESULTS OF HISCHILIAN SERVICE. 

[1822-1823. ]

Lord Cochrane returned to Valparaiso on the 3rd of June, 1822, havingbeen absent more than twenty months. An enthusiastic welcome awaitedhim. Medals were struck in his honour, and in various ephemeral waysthe public gratitude was expressed. 

It was, however, only ephemeral. There was no substantial recognitionof his great services. His men were left unpaid, and he himself wassubjected to further indignities of the sort already described. It isnot necessary here to give any detailed account of them, or to enterinto a particular rehearsal of his efforts during the next six monthsto continue his beneficial services to Chili. He had done the greatservice for which he had been invited to South America. In the courseof about three years he had scoured the Pacific of the Spanish ships, which had offered an obstacle too serious for the patriots to overcomeby any force or wisdom of their own. He had made it possible forthem to assert their independence of a foreign yoke, and, if theirpatriotism had been genuine enough, to work out internal reforms, bywhich the sometime colonies of Spain in South America might have beenable to vie in greatness with the sometime colonies of England in thenorthern continent. The benefits which he conferred especially uponChili were shared by all the liberated communities along the wholePacific coastline up to Mexico. But all were alike ungrateful, exceptin fitful words and in sentiments that prompted to no action. 

Shortly after his return to Chili, Lord Cochrane went to live upon theestates that had been conferred upon him. Soon, however, he was forcedto go back to Valparaiso, there to look after the interests of theofficers and crews who had served him and Chili during the previousfighting time. His earnest arguments on their behalf were not heeded. The poor fellows were left to starve and be perished by the cold ofa South American winter, against which the pitiful rags in which theywere clothed afforded no protection. And before long fresh incidentsarose which made it impossible for him to persevere in fighting theirbattle. 

General San Martin, having run his course of petty tyranny in Peru, was soon forced to resign his protectorate and seek safety in Chili. He reached Valparaiso on the 12th of October, and then Lord Cochrane, who had long before seen good reasons for suspecting it, was convincedthat Zenteno and many other influential men in Chili were in leaguewith him. He claimed that San Martin should be tried by court-martialfor his treasons, known to all the world. Instead of that San Martinwas loaded with honours, and fresh indignities were heaped uponhis chief accuser. This monstrous action of the ministers led to arevolution, which, if Lord Cochrane had stayed to the end, might haveproved much to his advantage. But the revolution, headed by GeneralFreire, an honest man, had for its object the overthrow of O'Higgins, also an honest man, though too weak to withstand the influencesbrought to bear upon him by the bad men by whom he was surrounded. Lord Cochrane refused Freire's offers to join in opposition toO'Higgins, always, as far as his small powers permitted, his goodfriend. He preferred to abandon Chili, or rather to allow it toabandon one who had done for it so much and had received so little inreturn. "The difficulties, " he said, in a dignified letter addressedto General O'Higgins, still nominally the Supreme Director, in whichhe virtually resigned his appointment as Vice-Admiral of the Republic, "the difficulties which I have experienced in accomplishing the navalenterprises successfully achieved during the period of my command asAdmiral of Chili have not been mastered without responsibility such asI would scarcely again undertake, not because I would hesitate to makeany personal sacrifice in a cause of so much interest, but becauseeven these favourable results have led to the total alienation ofthe sympathies of meritorious officers--whose co-operation wasindispensable--in consequence of the conduct of the Government. That which has made most impression on their minds has been, not theprivations they have suffered, nor the withholding of their payand other dues, but the absence of any public acknowledgment by theGovernment of the honours and distinctions promised for their fidelityand constancy to Chili; especially at a time when no temptation waswithheld that could induce them to abandon the cause of Chili for theservice of the Protector of Peru. Ever since that time, though therewas no want of means or knowledge of facts on the part of the ChilianGovernment, it has submitted itself to the influence of the agentsof an individual whose power, having ceased in Peru, has been againresumed in Chili. The effect of this on me is so keen that I cannottrust myself in words to express my personal feelings. Whatever Ihave recommended or asked for the good of the naval service has beenscouted or denied, though acquiescence would have placed Chili inthe first rank of maritime states in this quarter of the globe. Myrequisitions and suggestions were founded on the practice of the firstnaval service in the world--that of England. They have, however, metwith no consideration, as though their object had been directed tomy own personal benefit. Until now I have never eaten the bread ofidleness. I cannot reconcile to my mind a state of inactivity whichmight even now impose upon the Chilian Republic an annual pension forpast services; especially as an Admiral of Peru is actually in commandof a portion of the Chilian squadron, whilst other vessels are sent tosea without the orders under which they act being communicated tome, and are despatched through the instrumentality of the governor ofValparaiso [Zenteno]. I mention these circumstances incidentally ashaving confirmed me in the resolution to withdraw myself from Chilifor a time, asking nothing for myself during my absence; whilst, asregards the sums owing to me, I forbear to press for their paymenttill the Government shall be more freed from its difficulties. I havecomplied with all that my public duty demanded, and, if I havenot been able to accomplish more, the deficiency has arisen fromcircumstances beyond my control. At any rate, having the world stillbefore me, I hope to prove that it is not owing to me. I have receivedproposals from Mexico, from Brazil, and from a European state, buthave not as yet accepted any of these offers. Nevertheless, the habitsof my life do not permit me to refuse my services to those labouringunder oppression, as Chili was before the annihilation of the Spanishnaval force in the Pacific. In this I am prepared to justify whatevercourse I may pursue. In thus taking leave of Chili, I do so withsentiments of deep regret that I have not been suffered to be moreuseful to the cause of liberty, and that I am compelled to separatemyself from individuals with whom I hoped to live for a long period, without violating such sentiments of honour as, were they broken, would render me odious to myself and despicable in their eyes. "

That letter sufficiently explains the reasons which induced LordCochrane to resign his Chilian command. He had, as he said, receivedinvitations to enter the service of Brazil, of Mexico, and of Greece. The Mexican offer he declined at once, as acceptance of it wouldinvolve little of the active work in fighting which, if for a goodcause, was always attractive to him. Assistance of the Greeks who, ayear and a half before, had begun to throw off their long servitude toTurkey, and who were now fighting desperately for their freedom, was an enterprise on which he would gladly have embarked, butthe invitation from Brazil was more pressing, and he thereforeconditionally accepted it. "The war in the Pacific, " he said, on the29th of November, in answer to two letters written on behalf of thenewly-elected Emperor of Brazil, "having been happily terminated bythe total destruction of the Spanish naval force, I am, of course, free for the crusade of liberty in any other quarter of the globe. Iconfess, however, that I have not hitherto directed my attentionto the Brazils; considering that the struggle for the liberties ofGreece, the most oppressed of modern states, afforded the fairestopportunity for enterprise and exertion. I have to-day tendered myultimate resignation to the Government of Chili, and am not at thismoment aware that any material delay will be necessary previous to mysetting off, by way of Cape Horn, for Rio de Janeiro; it being, in themeantime, understood that I hold myself free to decline, as well asentitled to accept, the offer which has, through you, been made to meby his Imperial Majesty. I only mention this from a desire to preservea consistency of character, should the Government (which I by no meansanticipate) differ so widely in its nature from those which I havebeen in the habit of supporting as to render the proposed situationrepugnant to my principles, and so justly expose me to suspicion, andrender me unworthy the confidence of his Majesty and the nation. "

In accordance with the terms of that letter, Lord Cochrane wrote as wehave seen to the Supreme Director of Chili, not completely resigninghis employment, but proposing to absent himself for an indefiniteperiod. His proposal was at once accepted by the Chilian Government, to whom his honesty and his popularity with the people made himparticularly obnoxious. He thereupon made prompt arrangements for hisdeparture. He quitted Valparaiso on the 18th of January, 1823, in avessel chartered for his own use and that of several European officersand seamen, who, like him, were tired of Chilian ingratitude, and whobegged to be employed under him wherever he might serve. 

Of the subsequent occurrences in the Western States, for which he haddone so much, and tried to do so much more than was permitted, it isenough to say that Peru, sadly abused by San Martin, and almost wonback to Spain, was rescued by the valour and wisdom of Bolivar, andthat Chili, destined to much future trouble through the bad actionof its false patriots, was temporarily benefited by the successfulrevolution which placed General Freire in the Supreme Directorship. 

Lord Cochrane had not been absent three months before a new Ministerof Marine wrote to inform him of Freire's accession and to solicit hisreturn. From this, however, he excused himself, on the grounds thathe had now entered into engagements with Brazil which he was boundto fulfil, and that his past treatment by the Chilian Governmentdiscouraged him from renewal of relations which had been so full ofannoyance to him. "On my quitting Chili, " he said in his reply, "therewas no looking to the past without regret, nor to the future withoutdespair, for I had learned by experience what were the views andmotives which guided the counsels of the State. Believe me thatnothing but a thorough conviction that it was impracticable torender the good people of Chili any further service under existingcircumstances, or to live in tranquillity under such a system, couldhave induced me to remove myself from a country which I had vainlyhoped would have afforded me that tranquil asylum which, afterthe anxieties I had suffered, I felt needful to my repose. Myinclinations, too, were decidedly in favour of a residence in Chili, from a feeling of the congeniality which subsisted between my ownhabits and the manners and customs of the people, those few onlyexcepted who were corrupted by contiguity with the court, or debasedin their minds and practices by that species of Spanish colonialeducation which inculcates duplicity as the chief qualification ofstatesmen in all their dealings, both with individuals and thepublic. I now speak more particularly of the persons lately in power, excepting, however, the Supreme Director, whom I believe to have beenthe dupe of their deceit. Point out to me one engagement that has beenhonourably fulfilled, one military enterprise of which the professedobject has not been perverted, or one solemn pledge that has not beenforfeited. Look at my representations on the necessities of the navy, and see how they were relieved. Look at my memorial, proposing toestablish a nursery for seamen by encouraging the coasting trade, andcompare its principles with the code of Rodriguez, which annihilatedboth. You will see in this, as in all other cases, that whatever Irecommended, in regard to the promotion of the good of the marine, wasset at nought, or opposed by measures directly the reverse. Look tothe orders which I received, and see whether I had more liberty ofaction than a schoolboy in the execution of his task. Sir, that whichI suffered from anxiety of mind whilst in the Chilian service, I willnever again endure for any consideration. To organize new crews, tonavigate ships destitute of sails, cordage, provisions, and stores, to secure them in port without anchors and cables, except so far as Icould supply these essentials by accidental means, were difficultiessufficiently harassing; but to live amongst officers and mendiscontented and mutinous on account of arrears of pay and othernumerous privations, to be compelled to incur the responsibilityof seizing by force from Peru funds for their payment, in order toprevent worse consequences to Chili, and then to be exposed to thereproach of one party for such seizure, and the suspicions ofanother that the sums were not duly applied, are all circumstances sodisagreeable and so disgusting that, until I have certain proof thatthe present ministers are disposed to act in another manner, I cannotpossibly consent to renew my services where, under such circumstances, they would be wholly unavailing to the true interests of the people. "

Writing thus to the Minister of Marine, Lord Cochrane wrote also atthe same time to General Freire, who, as has been said, asked him tojoin his revolutionary movement. "It would give me great pleasure, myrespected friend, to learn that the change which has been effected inthe government of Chili proves alike conducive to your happiness andto the interests of the State. For my own part, like yourself, I havesuffered so long and so much that I could not bear the neglect anddouble-dealing of those in power any longer, but adopted other meansof freeing myself from an unpleasant situation. Not being underthose imperious obligations which, as a native Chilian, rendered itincumbent on you to rescue your country from the mischiefs with whichit was assailed, I could not accept your offer. My heart was with youin the measures you adopted for their removal; and my hand was onlyrestrained by a conviction that my interference, as a foreigner, inthe internal affairs of the State would not only have been improperin itself, but would have tended to shake that confidence in myundeviating rectitude which it was my ambition that the people ofChili should ever justly entertain. Permit me to add my opinion that, whoever may possess the supreme authority in Chili, until after thepresent generation, educated as it has been under the Spanish colonialyoke, shall have passed away, will have to contend with so much errorand so many prejudices as to be disappointed in his utmost endeavoursto pursue steadily the course best calculated to promote the freedomand happiness of the people. I admire the middle and lower classesof Chili, but I have ever found the senate, the ministers, and theconvention actuated by the narrowest policy, which led them to adoptthe worst measures. It is my earnest wish that you may find better mento co-operate with you. If so, you may be fortunate and may succeed inwhat you have most at heart, the promotion of your country's good. "

For the real welfare of Chili Lord Cochrane was always eager; but inthe treatment which he himself experienced he had strong proof, bothduring his four years' active service under the republic and in allafter times, of the difficulties in the way of its advancement. Not only was he subjected to the contumely and neglect of which hecomplained in the letters just quoted from: he was also directlymulcted to a very large extent in the scanty recompense for hisservices to which he was legally entitled, and indirectly injured toa yet larger extent. "I was compelled to quit Chili, " he wrote ata later date, "without any of the emoluments due to my position asCommander-in-Chief of the Navy, or any share of the sums belongingto myself and the officers and seamen; which sums, on the faith ofrepayment, had, at my solicitation, been appropriated to the repairsand maintenance of the squadron generally, but more especially atGuayaquil and Acapulco, when in pursuit of the _Prueba_ and the_Venganza_. Neither was any compensation made for the value of storescaptured and collected by the squadron, whereby its efficiency waschiefly maintained during the whole period of the Peruvian blockade. The Supreme Director of Chili, recognizing the justice of paymentbeing made by the Peruvians for at least the value of the _Esmeralda_, the capture of which inflicted the death-blow on Spanish power, sentme a bill on the Peruvian Government for 120, 000 dollars, whichwas dishonoured, and has never since been paid by any succeedingGovernment. Even the 40, 000 dollars stipulated by the authoritiesat Guayaquil as the penalty for giving up the _Venganza_ was neverliquidated. No compensation for the severe wounds received during thecapture of the _Esmeralda_ was either offered or received. Shortly after my departure for Brazil, the Government forcibly andindefensibly resumed the estate at Rio Clara, which had been awardedto me and my family in perpetuity, as a remuneration for the captureof Valdivia, and my bailiff, who had been left upon it for itsmanagement and direction, was summarily ejected. Unhappily, thisingratitude for services rendered was the least misfortune which mydevotedness to Chili brought upon me. On my return to England in1825, after the termination of my services in Brazil, I found myselfinvolved in litigation on account of the seizure of neutral vesselsby authority of the then unacknowledged Government of Chili. Theselitigations cost me, directly, upwards of 14, 000_l. _, and, indirectly, more than double that amount. Thus, in place of receiving anything formy efforts in the cause of Chilian and Peruvian independence, I was aloser of upwards of 25, 000_l. _, this being more than double thewhole amount I had received as pay whilst in command of the Chiliansquadron. "

CHAPTER X. 

THE ANTECEDENTS OF BRAZILIAN INDEPENDENCE. --PEDRO I. 's ACCESSION. --THEINTERNAL AND EXTERNAL TROUBLES OF THE NEW EMPIRE. --LORD COCHRANE'SINVITATION TO BRAZIL. --HIS ARRIVAL AT RIO DE JANEIRO, AND ACCEPTANCEOF BRAZILIAN SERVICE. --HIS FIRST MISFORTUNES. --THE BAD CONDITION OFHIS SQUADRON, AND THE CONSEQUENT FAILURE OF HIS FIRST ATTACK ON THEPORTUGUESE OFF BAHIA. --HIS PLANS FOR IMPROVING THE FLEET, AND THEIRSUCCESS. --HIS NIGHT VISIT TO BAHIA, AND THE CONSEQUENT FLIGHT OF THEENEMY. --LORD COCHRANE'S PURSUIT OF THEM. --HIS VISIT TO MARANHAM, AND ANNEXATION OF THAT PROVINCE AND OF PARÀ. --HIS RETURN TO RIO DEJANEIRO. --THE HONOURS CONFERRED UPON HIM. 

[1823. ]

In 1808, King John VI. Of Portugal, driven by Buonaparte from hisEuropean dominions, took refuge in his great colonial possession ofBrazil, and the result of his emigration was considerable enlargementof the liberties of the Brazilians. Thereby the immense Portuguesecolony in South America was prevented from following in therevolutionary steps of the numerous Spanish provinces adjoining it. In Brazil, however, during the ensuing years party faction producednearly as much turmoil as attended the struggle for independence inChili and the other Spanish, colonies. Those Brazilians who werestill intimately connected with the inhabitants of the mother countryrallied under Portuguese leaders, and did their utmost to maintainthe Portuguese supremacy over the colony. Quite as many, on the otherhand, were eager to take advantage of the new state of things as ameans of consolidating the freedom of Brazil. Plots and counterplots, broils and insurrections, lasted, almost without intermission, until1821, when King John returned to Portugal, leaving his son, Don Pedro, as lieutenant and regent, to cope with yet greater difficulties. TheCortes of Portugal, able to get back their king, desired also to bringback Brazil to all its former servitude. So great was the oppositionthus provoked that the native or true Brazilian party induced DonPedro to throw off allegiance to his father. In October, 1822, theindependence of the colony was publicly declared, and on the 1st ofDecember Don Pedro assumed the title of Emperor of Brazil. 

Only the southern part of Brazil, however, acknowledged his authority. The northern provinces, including Bahia, Maranham, and Para, wereruled by the Portuguese faction and held by Portuguese troops. Aformidable fleet, moreover, swept the seas, and the independentprovinces were threatened with speedy subjection to the sway ofPortugal. 

That was the state of affairs in the young empire of Brazil during themonths in which Lord Cochrane, having destroyed the Spanish fleetin the Pacific, was being subjected to the worst ingratitude of hisChilian employers. Don Pedro and his advisers, hearing of this, lostno time in inviting him to enter the service of the Brazilian nation. Equal rank and position to those held by him under Chili were offeredto him. "Abandonnez vous, milord, " wrote the official who conveyed theEmperor's message, on the 4th of November, 1822, "à la reconnaisanceBrésilienne, à la munificence du Prince, à la probité sans tache del'actuel Gouvernement; on vous fera justice; on ne rabaisserad'un seul point la haute considération, rang, grade, caractère, etavantages qui vous sont dûs. " In yet stronger terms a second letterwas written soon afterwards. "Venez, milord; l'honneur vous invite;la gloire vous appelle. Venez donner à nos armes navales cet ordremerveilleux et discipline incomparable de puissante Albion. "

Lord Cochrane, as we have seen, accepted this invitation; not, however, without some misgivings, which, in the end, were fullyjustified. Having quitted Valparaiso on the 18th of January, 1823, hearrived at Rio de Janeiro on the 13th of March. He had not been therea week before he discovered that, while all classes were anxious tosecure his aid, the Emperor Pedro I. Stood almost alone in the desireto treat him honourably and in a way worthy of his character andreputation. Vague promises were made to him; but, when a statementof his position was asked for in writing, very different terms wereemployed. He was only to have the rank of a subordinate admiral, withpay of less amount than the Chilian pension that he had resigned. Hisemployment was to be temporary and informal, subjecting him to thechance of dismissal at any moment. When, however, resenting thesetrickeries, he announced his intention of proceeding at once toEurope, and accepting the Greek service offered to him, a differenttone was adopted. Under the Emperor's signature he was appointed, onthe 21st of March, First Admiral of the National and Imperial Navy, with emoluments equal to those he had received from Chili. 

He did not then know, though he was soon to learn it by hardexperience, how strong, even at the imperial court, was the influenceof the Portuguese party, and by what meanness and trickery it soughtto maintain and augment that influence. "Where the Portuguese partywas really to blame, " he afterwards said, "was in this, --that, seeingdisorder everywhere more or less prevalent, they strained every nerveto increase it, hoping to paralyze further attempts at independence byexposing whole provinces to the evils of anarchy and confusion. Theirloyalty also partook more of self-interest than of attachment to thesupremacy of Portugal; for the commercial classes, which formed thereal strength of the Portuguese faction, hoped, by preserving theauthority of the mother country in her distant provinces, to obtain astheir reward the revival of old trade monopolies which, twelve yearsbefore, had been thrown open, enabling the English traders--whomthey cordially hated--to supersede them in their own markets. Beinga citizen of the rival nation, their aversion to me personally wasundisguised--the more so, perhaps, that they believed me capableof achieving at Bahia, whither the squadron was destined, thatirreparable injury to their own cause which the imperial troops hadbeen unable to effect. Had I, at the time, been aware of the influenceand latent power of the Portuguese party in the empire, nothing wouldhave induced me to accept the command of the Brazilian navy; for tocontend with faction is more dangerous than to engage an enemy, and acontest of intrigue is foreign to my nature and inclination. "

Having entered the Brazilian service, however, Lord Cochrane appliedhimself to his work with characteristic energy and success. He hoistedhis flag on board the _Pedro Primiero_ on the 21st of March, andput to sea on the 3rd of April. His squadron consisted of the _PedroPrimiero_, a fine and well-appointed ship, rated rather too highly forseventy-four guns, commanded by Captain Crosbie; of the _Piranga_, afine frigate, entrusted to Captain Jowett; of the _Maria de Gloria_, a showy but comparatively worthless clipper, mounting thirty-twosmall guns, under Captain Beaurepaire; of the _Liberal_, under CaptainGarcaõ. He was accompanied by two old vessels, the _Guarani_ andthe _Real_, to be used as fireships. Two other ships of war, the_Nitherohy_, assigned to Captain Taylor, and the _Carolina_, were leftbehind to complete their equipment, and the first of these joinedthe squadron on its way to Bahia, which, being the nearest of thedisaffected provinces, was the first to be subdued. 

The coast of Bahia was reached on the 1st of May, and Lord Cochranewas arranging to blockade its capital and port, on the 4th, when thePortuguese fleet came out of the harbour. It comprised the _Don Joaõ_, of seventy-four guns; the _Constitucaõ_, of fifty; the _Perola_, offorty-four; the _Princeza Real_, of twenty-eight; the _Regeneracaõ_, the _Dez de Fevereiro_, the _San Gaulter_, the _Principe de Brazil_, and the _Restauracaõ_, of twenty-six each; the _Calypso_ and the_Activa_, of twenty-two; the _Audaz_, of twenty; and the _Canceicaõ_, of eight; being one line-of-battle ship, five frigates, fivecorvettes, a brig, and a schooner. Lord Cochrane did not venture withhis small and as yet untried force to attack the whole squadron, buthe proceeded to cut off the four rearmost ships. This he did with the_Pedro Primiero_, but, to his disgust, the other vessels, heedlessof his orders, failed to follow him. "Had the rest of the Braziliansquadron, " he said, "come down in obedience to signals, the ships cutoff might have been taken or dismantled, as with the flag-ship Icould have kept the others at bay, and no doubt have crippled all ina position to render them assistance. To my astonishment, the signalswere disregarded, and no efforts were made to second my operations. "The _Pedro Primiero_, after fighting alone for some time, and duringthat time even doing but little mischief, by reason of the clumsy wayin which her guns were handled, had to be withdrawn. 

At that failure Lord Cochrane was reasonably chagrined. Worse than thefact that the Portuguese had escaped uninjured for this once, was theknowledge that he could not hope thoroughly to punish them withoutfirst effecting great reform in the materials at his disposal. On the5th of May he wrote to the Government to complain of the miserablecondition of the ships and crews provided for him by the BrazilianGovernment. "From the defective sailing and manning of the squadron, "he said, "it seems to me that the _Pedro Primiero_ is the only onethat can assail an enemy's ship-of-war, or act in the face of asuperior force so as not to compromise the interests of the empire andthe character of the officers commanding. Even this ship, in commonwith the rest, is so ill-equipped as to be much less efficient thanshe otherwise would be. Our cartridges are all unfit for service, and I have been obliged to cut up every flag and ensign that couldbe spared to render them serviceable, so as to prevent the men's armsbeing blown off whilst working the guns. The guns are without locks. The bed of the mortar which I received on board this ship was crushedon the first fire, being entirely rotten. The fuses for the shells areformed of such wretched composition that it will not take fire withthe discharge of the mortar. Even the powder is so bad that six poundswill not throw out shells more than a thousand yards. The marinesunderstand neither gun exercise, the use of small arms, nor the sword, and yet have so high an opinion of themselves that they will notassist to wash the decks, or even to clean out their own berths, butsit and look on whilst these operations are being performed by seamen. I warned the Minister of Marine that every native of Portugal put onboard the squadron, with the exception of officers of known character, would prove prejudicial to the expedition, and yesterday we had clearproof of the fact. The Portuguese stationed in the magazine actuallywithheld the powder whilst this ship was in the midst of the enemy, and I have since learnt that they did so from feelings of attachmentto their own countrymen. I enclose two letters, one from the officercommanding the _Real_, whose crew were on the point of carrying thatvessel into the enemy's squadron for the purpose of delivering herup. I have also reason to believe that the conduct of the _Liberal_yesterday in not bearing down upon the enemy, and not complying withthe signal which I had made to break the line, was owing to her beingmanned by Portuguese. The _Maria de Gloria_ also has a great numberof Portuguese, which is the more to be regretted as otherwise hersuperior sailing, with the zeal and activity of her captain, wouldrender her an effective vessel. To disclose to you the truth, itappears to me that one half of the squadron is necessary to watch overthe other half. Assuredly this is a system which ought to be put anend to without delay. "

Other indignant complaints of that sort, which need not here berepeated, were reasonably made by Lord Cochrane. The bad equipmentof his squadron, both in men and in material, had hindered him, atstarting, from achieving a brilliant success over the enemy, andthough his subsequent achievements were of unsurpassed brilliance, he was to the end seriously hindered by the wilful and accidentalmismanagement of his employers. 

Lord Cochrane lost no time, however, in correcting by his own prudentaction the evil effects of this mismanagement. Not choosing to run therisk of a second failure, and believing that two good ships would bemore serviceable than any number of bad ones, he took his squadron tothe Moro San Paulo, where he transferred all the best men and the mostserviceable fittings to the flag-ship and the _Maria de Gloria_. Therehe left the other vessels to be improved as far as possible, directingthat instruction should be given in seamanship to all the incompetentmen who showed any promise of being made efficient, and that severalsmall prizes which he had taken on his way from Rio de Janeiro shouldbe turned into fireships for future use. With the two refitted shipshe then went back to Bahia, to watch its whole coast and blockade theport. 

The wisdom of this course was at once apparent. Several minor captureswere made; the supplies of Bahia were cut off, and the enemy'ssquadron was locked in the harbour for three weeks. Lord Cochrane wentto the Moro San Paulo on the 26th, leaving the _Maria de Gloria_ tooverlook the port, and then the Portuguese fleet ventured out for afew days. It dared not show fight, however, and was driven back by theflag-ship, which returned on the 2nd of June. "On the 11th of June, "said Lord Cochrane, "information was received that the enemy wasseriously thinking of evacuating the port before the fireships werecompleted. I therefore ordered the _Maria de Gloria_ to water andre-victual for three months, so as to be in readiness for anythingwhich might occur, as, in case the rumour proved correct, ouroperations might take a different turn to those previous intended. The _Piranga_ was also directed to have everything in readiness forweighing immediately on the flag-ship appearing off the Moro andmaking signals to that effect. The whole squadron was at the same timeordered to re-victual, and to place its surplus articles in a largeshed constructed of trees and branches felled in the neighbourhood ofthe Moro. Whilst the other ships were thus engaged, I determined toincrease the panic of the enemy with the flag-ship alone. The positionof their fleet was about nine miles up the bay, under shelter offortifications, so that an attack by day would have been more perilousthan prudent. Nevertheless, it appeared practicable to pay them ahostile visit on the first dark night, when, if we were unableto effect any serious mischief, it would at least be possibleto ascertain their exact position, and to judge what could beaccomplished when the fireships were brought to bear upon them. 

"Accordingly, " the narrative proceeds, "having during the daycarefully taken bearings at the mouth of the river, on the nightof the 12th of June, I decided on making the attempt, which mightpossibly result in the destruction of part of the enemy's fleet, inconsequence of the confused manner in which the ships wereanchored. As soon as it became dark we proceeded up the river; but, unfortunately, when we were within hail of the outermost ship, thewind failed, and, the tide soon after turning, our plan of attack wasrendered abortive. Determined, however, to complete the reconnoisance, we threaded our way amongst the outermost vessels. In spite of thedarkness, the presence of a strange ship under sail was discovered, and some beat to quarters, hailing to know what ship it was. Thereply, 'An English vessel, ' satisfied them, however, and so ourinvestigation was not molested. The chief object thus accomplished, wesucceeded in dropping out with the ebb-tide, now rapidly running, and were enabled to steady our course stern-foremost with the streamanchor adrag, whereby we reached our former position. "

That exploit was more daring than Lord Cochrane's modest descriptionwould imply; and, though the bold hope that it might be possible fora single invading ship to conquer the whole Portuguese squadron in itsmoorings was not realized, the effect was all that could be desired. The Portuguese Admiral and his chief officers were at a ball inBahia while Lord Cochrane was quietly sailing round and amongst theirsquadron, and the report of this achievement was brought to them inthe midst of their festivities. "What!" exclaimed the Admiral, "Lord Cochrane's line-of-battle ship in the very midst of our fleet!Impossible! No large ship can have come up in the dark. " When it wasknown that the thing had really been done, and that the constructionof fireships at the Moro San Paulo was being rapidly proceeded with, the Portuguese authorities, both naval and military, considered thatit would be no longer safe to remain in Bahia Harbour. They wereseriously inconvenienced, moreover, by the success with which LordCochrane had blockaded the port and all its approaches. "The meansof subsistence fail us, and we cannot secure the entrance of anyprovisions, " said the Commander-in-Chief, in the proclamationintimating that the so-called defenders of the province werethinking of abandoning their post. This they did after a fortnight'sconsideration. On the 2nd of July the whole squadron of thirteenwarvessels and about seventy merchantmen and transports, filled with alarge body of troops, evacuated the port. 

That was a movement with which Lord Cochrane was well pleased. He hadbeen in doubt as to the prudence of leading his small fleet into adesperate action in the harbour, by which the inexperience of hiscrews might ruin everything, and which might have to be followedby fighting on land. But now that the Portuguese, both soldiers andsailors, were in the open sea, he could give them chase without muchrisk, as, in the event of their turning round upon him with morevalour than he gave them credit for, the worst that could happen wouldbe his forced abandonment of the pursuit. The valour was not shown. No sooner were the Portuguese out of port, with their sails set forMaranham, where they hoped to join other ships and troops, and soaugment their strength, than Lord Cochrane proceeded to follow themand dog their progress. 

His scheme was a bold one, but as successful as it was bold. Attended first by the _Maria de Gloria_ alone, and afterwards by the_Carolina_, the _Nitherohy_, and a small merchant brig, the _ColonelAllen_, in which he had placed a few guns, he pursued and harassedthe cumbrous crowd of Portuguese warships, troop-ships, and tradingvessels, about eighty in all, through fourteen days. The chase, indeed, was practically conducted by his flag-ship, the _PedroPrimiero_, alone. The other vessels were ordered to look out for anyof the enemy's fleet that lagged behind or were borne away from themain body of the fugitives, either to the right hand or to the left. Of these there were plenty, and none were allowed to escape. Thepursuers had easy work in prize-taking. "I have the honour to informyou, " wrote Lord Cochrane in a concise despatch to the BrazilianMinister of Marine, on the 7th of July, "that half the enemy's army, their colours, cannon, ammunition, stores, and baggage have beentaken. We are still in pursuit, and shall endeavour to intercept theremainder of the troops, and shall then look after the ships of war, which would have been my first object but that, in pursuingthis course, the military would have escaped to occasion furtherhostilities against the Brazilian empire. "

Most of his prizes and prisoners Lord Cochrane sent into Pernambuco, the port then nearest to him, and he despatched two officers to holdBahia for Brazil. With his flag-ship he continued his pursuit of theenemy, losing them once during a fog, and, when, he found them, being prevented from doing all the mischief which he hoped, as a calmenabled them to keep close together and present a front too formidablefor attack by a single assailant. The Portuguese, however, continuedtheir flight as soon as the wind permitted. Lord Cochrane did nottrouble them much during the day, but each night he swept down onthem, like a hawk upon its prey, and harassed them with wonderfuleffect. They were chased past Fernando Island, past the Equator, andmore than half way to Cape Verde. Then, on the 16th of July, LordCochrane, after a parting broadside, left them to make their way inpeace to Lisbon, there to tell how, by one daring vessel, thirteenships of war had been ignominiously driven home, accompanied by onlythirteen out of the seventy vessels that had placed themselves undertheir protection. 

Lord Cochrane would have continued the pursuit still farther, had notsome of the troop-ships contrived to escape; and as he was anxiousthat these should not get into shelter at Maranham, or, if there, should not have time to recover their spirits, he deemed it best tohasten thither. He reached Maranham before them, and thus found itpossible to carry through an excellent expedient which he had devisedon the way. 

Maranham, the wealthiest province of the old Brazilian colony, wasbest guarded by the Portuguese, and now served as the centre andstronghold of resistance to the authority of the new Emperor. LordCochrane's plan had for its object nothing less than the annexation ofthe whole province singlehanded and without a blow. With this intent, he entered the River Maranham, which served as a harbour to the portof the same name, on the 26th of July, with Portuguese colours flyingfrom the mast of the _Pedro Primiero_. The authorities, deceivedthereby, promptly sent a messenger with despatches and congratulationson the safe arrival of what was supposed to be a valuablereinforcement from Portugal. The messenger was soon undeceived, butLord Cochrane at once made him the agent of a much more elaborateand altogether justifiable deception Announcing to him that the swiftsailing of the _Pedro Primiero_ had brought her first to Maranham, butthat she was being followed by a formidable squadron, intended for theinvasion of the province, he sent him back with letters to the sameeffect, addressed to the Portuguese commandant and to the local Juntaof Maranham. "The naval and military forces under my command, " hewrote to the former, "leave me no room to doubt the success ofthe enterprise in which I am about to engage, in order to free theprovince of Maranham from foreign domination, and to allow the peoplefree choice of government. Of the flight of the Portuguese naval andmilitary forces from Bahia you are aware. I have now to inform you ofthe capture of two-thirds of the transports and troops, with all theirstores and ammunition. I am anxious not to let loose the imperialtroops of Bahia upon Maranham, exasperated as they are at the injuriesand cruelties exercised towards themselves and their countrymen, aswell as by the plunder of the people and churches of Bahia. It isfor you to decide whether the inhabitants of these countries shall befurther exasperated by resistance, which appears to me unavailing, andalike prejudicial to the best interests of Portugal and Brazil, " "Theforces of his Imperial Majesty, " he said to the Junta, "having freedthe city and province of Bahia from the enemies of independence, I nowhasten--in conformity with the will of his Majesty that the beautifulprovince of Maranham should be free also--to offer to the oppressedinhabitants whatever aid and protection they need against a foreignyoke; desiring to accomplish their liberation and to hail themas brethren and friends. Should there, however, be any who, fromself-interested motives, oppose themselves to the deliverance of theircountry, let such be assured that the naval and military forces whichhave driven the Portuguese from the south are again ready to draw thesword in the like just cause, and the result cannot be long doubtful. "

Those mingled promises and threats took prompt effect. On thefollowing day, the 27th of July, after a conditional offer ofcapitulation had been rejected, the members of the Junta, the Bishopof Maranham, and other leading persons, went on board the _PedroPrimiero_ to tender their submission to the Emperor of Brazil. Thecity and forts were surrendered without reserve, and in less thantwenty-four hours from Lord Cochrane's first appearance in the riverthe flag of Portugal was replaced by that of Brazil. A great provincehad been added to the dominions of Pedro I. Without bloodshed, andwith no more expenditure of ammunition than was needed for the volleysdischarged in honour of the triumph. 

The liberation of Maranham was publicly celebrated on the 28th ofJuly, and on the following day the Portuguese troops embarked forEurope, special concessions being made to them by Lord Cochrane, whodeemed it well that they should be out of the way before the deviceby which he had outwitted them was made known. No resentment was tobe expected from the civilians, as even those most hearty in theiradherence to the Portuguese faction in Brazil would not dare to offerdirect opposition to the sentiments of the majority. But Lord Cochranewisely set himself to conciliate all. "To the inhabitants of thecity, " he said, "I was careful to accord complete liberty, claimingin return that perfect order should be preserved and property of allkinds respected. The delight of the people was unbounded at beingfreed from a terrible system of exaction and imprisonment which, whenI entered the river, was being carried on with unrelenting rigour bythe Portuguese authorities towards all suspected of a leaning tothe Imperial Government. Instead of retaliating, as would have beengratifying to those so recently labouring under oppression, I directedoaths to the constitution to be administered, not to Brazilians only, but also to all Portuguese who chose to remain and conform to the neworder of things; a privilege of which many influential persons of thatnation availed themselves. "

With the capture of Maranham alone, however, Lord Cochrane was notsatisfied. Without a day's delay, he despatched a Portuguese brigwhich he had seized in the river and christened by its name, underCaptain Grenfell, to follow at Parà, the only important province ofBrazil still under the Portuguese yoke, the same course which hehad just adopted with such wonderful success. He himself found itnecessary to remain at Maranham for more than two months, where he hadto curb with a strong hand the passions of the liberated inhabitants, eager to use their liberty in lawless ways and to retaliate upon thePortuguese still resident among them for all the hardships which theyhad hitherto endured. 

On the 20th of September, having heard that Captain Grenfell hadentirely succeeded in his designs on Parà, he started for Rio deJaneiro, and there he arrived on the 9th of November. "I immediatelyforwarded to the Minister of Marine, " he said, "a recapitulation ofall transactions since my departure seven months before; namely, --theevacuation of Bahia by the Portuguese in consequence of our nocturnalvisit, connected with the dread of my reputed skill in the use offireships, arising from the affair of Basque Roads; the pursuit oftheir fleet beyond the Equator, and the dispersion of its convoy; thecapture and disabling of the transports filled with troops intendedto maintain Portuguese domination on Maranham and Parà; the deviceadopted to obtain the surrender, to the _Pedro Primiero_ alone, ofthe enemy's naval and military forces at Maranham; the capitulation ofParà, with the ships of war, to my summons sent by Captain Grenfell;the deliverance of the Brazilian patriots whom the Portuguese hadimprisoned; the declaration of independence by the intermediateprovinces thus liberated, and their union with the empire; theappointment of provisional governments; the embarkation and departureof every Portuguese soldier from Brazil; and the enthusiasm with whichall my measures--though unauthorised and therefore extra-official--hadbeen, received by the people of the northern provinces, who, thusrelieved from the dread of further oppression, had everywhereacknowledged and proclaimed his Majesty as constitutional Emperor. "

Lord Cochrane's services had, indeed, been, many of them, "unauthorised and therefore extra-official. " He had been sent outmerely to recover Bahia; but, besides doing that, he had gained forBrazil other territories more than half as large as Europe. For this, however, nothing but gratitude could be shown, and the gratitude was, for the time at any rate, unalloyed. On the very day of the _PedroPrimiero's_ return, the Emperor went on board to offer his thanks inperson. Further, thanks were voted by the legislature, and tendered byall classes of the people. 

"Taking into consideration the great services which your excellencyhas just rendered to the nation, " wrote the Emperor on the 25th ofNovember, "and desiring to give your excellency a public testimonialof gratitude for those high and extraordinary services on behalfof the generous Brazilian people, who will ever preserve a livelyremembrance of such illustrious acts, I deem it right to confer uponyour excellency the title of Marquis of Maranham. " The decorationof the Imperial Order of the Cruizeiro was also bestowed upon LordCochrane, and on the 19th of December he was made a Privy Councillorof Brazil, the highest honour which it was in the Emperor's power togrant. On the same day he also received from the Emperor a charterconfirming his rank and emoluments as First Admiral of Brazil, "seeinghow advantageous it would be for the interests of this empire to availitself of the skill of so valuable an officer, " and in recognition of"the valour, intelligence, and activity by which he had distinguishedhimself in the different services with which he had been entrusted. "

CHAPTER XI. 

THE NATURE OF THE REWARDS BESTOWED ON LORD COCHRANE FOR HIS FIRSTSERVICES TO BRAZIL. --PEDRO I. AND THE PORTUGUESE FACTION. --LORDCOCHRANE'S ADVICE TO THE EMPEROR. --THE FRESH TROUBLES BROUGHT UPON HIMBY IT. --THE UNJUST TREATMENT ADOPTED TOWARDS HIM AND THE FLEET. --THEWITHHOLDING OF PRIZE-MONEY AND PAY. --PERSONAL INDIGNITIES TO LORDCOCHRANE. --AN AMUSING EPISODE. --LORD COCHRANE'S THREAT OF RESIGNATION, AND ITS EFFECT. --SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH'S ALLUSION TO LORD COCHRANE INTHE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 

[1823-1824. ]

All the rewards bestowed upon Lord Cochrane for his wonderfulsuccesses in the northern part of Brazil, except the confirmation ofhis patent as First Admiral, be it noted, were unsubstantial. He hadfor ever crushed the power of Portugal in South America; he had addedvast provinces to the imperial dominion, and had thus augmented theimperial revenues by considerably more than a million dollars a-year, besides the great and immediate profits of his prize-taking. And allthis had been done with a small fleet, poorly equipped and unpaid. The ships entrusted to him had been rendered efficient by his owningenuity, unaided by the Government, and with scant addition to hisresources from the numerous captures made by him. In excess of hisinstructions, and with nothing but cheap compliments and cheaperpromises to encourage him, he had acquired Maranham and Parà, and allthe provinces dependent upon them, as well as Bahia. Relying on thehonour of his employers, he had pledged his own honour, that on theirreturning to Rio de Janeiro, his crews, who were clamouring forsome part, at any rate, of the wages due to them, should be fullyrecompensed, and he had the reasonable expectation, that, out ofthe abundant wealth that he had gained for Brazil, he himself shouldreceive his lawful share of the prize-money gained by his exertions. Instead of that he and his subordinates, both officers and men, weresubjected to an unparalleled course of meanness, trickery, and fraud. 

This partly resulted from an unfortunate change in the Government thathad occurred during his absence. When he left Rio de Janeiro, PedroI. 's chief secretary of state had been Don José Bonifacio de Andraday Silva, a wise and patriotic Brazilian. The Emperor and his ministerhad all along been seriously crippled in fulfilment of their goodpurposes by subordinates of the Portuguese faction, who persistentlytwisted their instructions, when they did not act in directopposition to those instructions, so as to promote their own and theircountrymen's selfish and unpatriotic objects; but there had been hopethat the zeal of Pedro and José de Andrada would overcome these evildevices, and secure the healthy consolidation of the empire. When LordCochrane returned, however, he found that the honest minister hadbeen deposed, that his party had been ousted, and that the Emperor wassurrounded by bad counsellors, who, unable to pervert his judgment, were strong enough to restrain its action, and who were robbing him, one by one, of all his constitutional functions, and doing theirbest to bring Brazil into a state of anarchy, with a view to there-establishment of Portuguese authority in its old or in some new butno less obnoxious form. The Emperor, desiring to do well, had hardlyimproved his position, a few days before the _Pedro Primiero's_arrival, by violently dissolving the Legislative Assembly, banishingsome of its members, and threatening to place Rio de Janeiro itselfunder military law. 

That was the state of affairs when Lord Cochrane entered the port. Only five days afterwards, on the 14th of November, 1823, he wrote abold letter to the Emperor. "My sense of the impropriety of intrudingmyself on the attention of your Imperial Majesty on any subjectunconnected with the official position with which your Majesty hasbeen pleased to honour me, " he said, "could only have been overcome byan irresistible desire, under existing circumstances, to contribute tothe service of your Majesty, and the empire. The conduct of the lateLegislative Assembly, which sought to derogate from the dignity andprerogatives of your Majesty, even presuming to require you to divestyourself of your crown in their presence--which deprived you of yourCouncil of State and denied you a voice in the enactment of laws andthe formation of the constitution--and which dared to object to yourexercising the only remaining function of royalty, that of rewardingservices and conferring honours--could no longer be tolerated; andthe justice and wisdom of your Imperial Majesty in dissolving suchan assembly will be duly appreciated by discerning men, and by thosewhose love of good order and their country supersedes their ambitionor personal interests. There are, however, individuals who willwickedly take advantage of the late proceedings to kindle the flamesof discord, and throw the empire into anarchy and confusion, unlesstimely prevented by the wisdom and energy of your Imperial Majesty. The declaration that you will give to your people a practicalconstitution, more free even than that which the late Assemblyprofessed an intention to establish, cannot--considering the spiritwhich now pervades South America--have the effect of avertingimpending evils, unless your Imperial Majesty shall be pleased todissipate all doubts by at once declaring--before the news of therecent events can be dispersed throughout the provinces, and beforethe discontented members of the late congress can return to theirconstituents--what is the precise nature of that constitution whichyour Imperial Majesty intends to bestow. As no monarch is more happyor more truly powerful than the limited monarch of England, surroundedby a free people, enriched by that industry which the security ofproperty by means of just laws never fails to create, permit me humblyand respectfully to suggest, that if your Majesty were to decree thatthe English constitution, in its most perfect practical form--which, with slight alteration, and chiefly in name, is also the constitutionof the United States of North America--shall be the model for thegovernment of Brazil under your Imperial Majesty, with power to theConstituent Assembly to alter particular parts as local circumstancesmay render advisable, it would excite the sympathy of powerful statesabroad, and the firm allegiance of the Brazilian people to yourMajesty's throne. Were your Majesty, by a few brief lines in the'Gazette, ' to announce your intention so to do, and were you to banishall distrust from the public mind by removing from your person for atime, and finding employment on honourable missions abroad for, thosePortuguese individuals of whom the Brazilians are jealous, the purityof your Majesty's motives would be secured from the possibility ofmisrepresentation, the factions which disturb the country would besilenced or converted, and the feelings of the world, especially thoseof England and North America, would be interested in promoting theglory, happiness, and prosperity of your Imperial Majesty. "

That advice, in the main adopted by the Emperor, led to areconstruction of the Brazilian Constitution in its present shape, andso added another to the many great benefits which Brazil owes to LordCochrane. But the whole, and especially the last part of it, beingdirectly at variance with the plans and interests of the Portuguesefaction, it won for him much hatred and many personal troubles. 

"That I, a foreigner, having nothing to do with national politics, " hesaid, "should have counselled his Majesty to banish those who opposedhim, was not to be borne, and the resentment caused by my recentservices was increased to bitter enmity for meddling in affairs which, it was considered, did not concern me; though I could have had noother object than the good of the empire by the establishment ofa constitution which should give it stability in the estimation ofEuropean states. "

Consequently, in return for the great services he had conferred toBrazil, he received, as had been the case in Chili, little but insultand injury, the course of insult and injury being hardly stayedeven during the period in which he was needed to engage in furtherservices. The Emperor honestly tried to be generous; but he could notrid himself of the Portuguese faction, generally dominant in Brazil, and his worthy intentions were thwarted in every possible way. Withdifficulty could he secure for Lord Cochrane the confirmation of hispatent as First Admiral, which has been already referred to. No greatresistance was made to his conferment of the empty title of Marquis ofMaranham, but he was not allowed to make the grant of land which wasintended to go with the title and enable it to be borne with dignity. Prevented from being generous, he was even hindered from exercisingthe barest justice. 

The injustice was shown not only to Lord Cochrane, but also to allthe officers and crews who, serving under him, had enabled Brazilto maintain its resistance to the tyranny of Portugal, though not toshake off the tyranny of the faction which still had the interests ofPortugal at heart. It is not necessary to describe in detail the longcourse of ill-usage to which he and his subordinates were exposed. Part of that ill-usage will be best and most briefly indicated byciting a portion of an eloquent memorial which Lord Cochrane addressedto the Imperial Government on the 30th of January, 1825. 

The memorial began by enumerating the achievements of the fleet atBahia, Maranham, Parà, and elsewhere. "The imperial squadron, " itproceeds, "made sail for Rio de Janeiro, in the full expectation ofreaping a reward for their labours; not only because they had beenmainly instrumental in rescuing from the hands of the Portuguese, and adding to the imperial dominion, one half of the empire; but alsobecause their hopes seemed to be firmly grounded, independently ofsuch services, on the capture of upwards of one hundred transports andmerchant vessels, exclusive of ships of war, all of which, they had ajust right to expect, would, under the existing laws, be adjudged tothe captors. The whole of them were seized under Portuguese colours, with Portuguese registers, manned by Portuguese seamen, having onboard Portuguese troops and ammunition or Portuguese produce andmanufacture. On arriving at Rio de Janeiro, there was no feeling butone of satisfaction among the officers and seamen, and the Brazilianmarine might from that moment, without the expense of one milrei tothe nation, have been rapidly raised to a state of efficiency anddiscipline which had not yet been attained in any marine in SouthAmerica, and which the navies of Portugal and Spain do not possess. It could not, however, be long concealed from the knowledge of thesquadron that political or other reasons had prevented any proceedingsbeing had in the adjudication of their prizes; and the extraordinarydeclaration that was made by the Tribunal of Prizes, --'that they werenot aware that hostilities existed between Brazil and Portugal'--ledto an inquiry of whom that tribunal was composed. All surprise atso extraordinary a declaration then ceased; but other sentimentsinjurious to the imperial service, arose, --those of indignation anddisgust that the power of withholding their rights should be placedin the hands of persons who were natives of that very nation againstwhich they were employed in war. His Imperial Majesty, however, havingsignified to this tribunal his pleasure that they should delay nolonger in proceeding to the adjudication of the captured vessels, the result was that, in almost every instance, at the commencement oftheir proceedings, the vessels were condemned, not as lawful prizes tothe captors, but as droits to the Crown. His Majesty was then pleasedto desire that the said droits should be granted to the squadron, andabout one-fifth part of the value of the prizes taken was eventuallypaid under the denomination of a 'grant of the droits of the Crown. 'But when this decree of his Imperial Majesty was promulgated, the tribunal altered their course of proceeding, and, instead ofcondemning to the Crown, did, in almost every remaining instance, pronounce the acquittal of the vessels captured, and adjudged themto be given up to pretended Brazilian owners, notwithstanding thatBrazilian property embarked in enemy's vessels was, by the law, declared to be forfeited; and that, too, with such indecentprecipitancy that, in cases where the hull only had been claimed, thecargo also was decreed to be given up to the claimants of the hull, without any part of it having, at any time, been even pretended to betheir property. Other ships and cargoes were given up without any formof trial, and without any intimation whatever to the captors and theiragents; and, in most cases, costs and quadruple damages were unjustlydecreed against the captors, to the amount of 300, 000 milreis. Thatthe prizes of which the captors were thus fraudulently deprived, chiefly under the unlawful and false pretence of their belonging toBrazilians, were really the property of Portuguese and well known soto be by the said tribunal, has since been fully demonstrated, bythe arrival in Lisbon of the whole of the vessels liberated by theirdecisions. Thus the charge of a system of wilful injustice, broughtby the squadron against the Portuguese Tribunal of Prizes at Rio deJaneiro, is established beyond the possibility of contradiction. "

It was only an aggravation of that injustice that, when Lord Cochraneclaimed the prompt and equitable adjudication of the prizes, anattempt was made to silence him on the 24th of November by a messagefrom the Minister of Marine, to the effect that the Emperor would doeverything in his power for him personally. "His Majesty, " answeredLord Cochrane, "has already conferred honours upon me quite equal tomy merits, and the greatest personal favour he can bestow is to urgeon the speedy adjudication of the prizes, so that the officers andseamen may reap the reward decreed by the Emperor's own authority. "

A hardship to the fleet even greater than the withholding of itsprize-money was the withholding of the arrears of pay, which had beenaccumulating ever since the departure from Rio de Janeiro in April. Onthe 27th of November, three months' wages were offered to men to whommore than twice the amount was due. This they indignantly refused, andall Lord Cochrane's tact was needed to restrain them from open mutiny. 

In spite of the Emperor's friendship towards Lord Cochrane, or ratherin consequence of it, he was in all sorts of ways insulted by theministry, the head of which was now Severiano da Costa. A new ship, the _Atulanta_, was on the 27th of December, without reference to him, ordered for service at Monte Video. He was on the same day publiclydescribed as "Commander of the Naval Forces in the Port of Rio deJaneiro, " being thus placed on a level with other officers in theservice of which, by the Emperor's patent, he was First Admiral, andno notice was taken of his protest against that insult. On the 24thof February he was gazetted as "Commander-in-Chief of all the NavalForces of the Empire during the present war, " by which his functions, though not now limited in extent, were limited in time. At length, reasonably indignant at these and other violations of the contractmade with him, he offered to resign his command altogether. "IfI thought that the course pursued towards me was dictated by hisImperial Majesty, " he wrote to the Minister of Marine on the 20th ofMarch, "it would be impossible for me to remain an hour longer inhis service, and I should feel it my duty, at the earliest possiblemoment, to lay my commission at his feet. If I have not done sobefore, from the treatment which, in common with the navy. I haveexperienced, it has been solely from an anxious desire to promote hisMajesty's real interests. Indeed, to struggle against prejudices, andat the same time against those in power whose prepossessions are atvariance with the interests of his Majesty and the tranquillity andindependence of Brazil, is a task to which I am by no means equal. I am, therefore, perfectly willing to resign the situation Ihold, rather than contend against difficulties which appear to meinsurmountable. "[A]

[Footnote A: See Appendix (III). ]

That letter was answered with complimentary phrases, and Lord Cochranewas induced to continue in the employment from which he could not bespared; but there was no diminution of the ill-treatment to whichhe was subjected. One special indignity was attended by some amusingincidents. On the 3rd of June, while he was residing on shore, it wasproposed to search his flag-ship, on the pretext that he had thereconcealed large sums of money which were the property of the nation. "Late in the evening, " he said, "I received a visit from MadameBonpland, the talented wife of the distinguished French naturalist. This lady, who had singular opportunities for becoming acquainted withstate secrets, came expressly to inform me that my house was at thatmoment surrounded by a guard of soldiers. She further informed methat, under the pretence of a review to be held at the opposite sideof the harbour early in the following morning, preparations hadbeen made by the ministers to board the flag-ship, which was to bethoroughly overhauled whilst I was detained on shore, and all themoney found taken possession of. Thanking my friend for her timelywarning, I clambered over my garden fence, as the only practicable wayto the stables, selected a horse, and, notwithstanding the latenessof the hour, proceeded to San Christoval, the country palace of theEmperor, where, on my arrival, I demanded to see his Majesty. Therequest being refused by the gentleman in waiting, in such a way as toconfirm the statement of Madame Bonpland, I dared him at his peril torefuse me admission, adding that the matter on which I had come wasfraught with grave consequences to his Majesty and the empire. 'But, 'said he, 'his Majesty has retired to bed long ago. ' 'No matter, ' Ireplied; 'in bed or not in bed, I demand to see him, in virtue of myprivilege of access to him at all times, and, if you refuse to concedepermission, look to the consequences. ' His Majesty was not, however, asleep, and, the royal chamber being close at hand, he recognized myvoice in the altercation with the attendant. Hastily coming out of hisapartments, he asked what could have brought me there at that time ofnight. My reply was that, understanding that the troops ordered forreview were destined to proceed to the flag-ship in search of supposedtreasure, I had come to request his Majesty immediately to appointconfidential persons to accompany me on board, when the keys of everychest in the ship should be placed in their hands and every placethrown open to inspection, but that, if any of his anti-Brazilianadministration ventured to board the ship in perpetration of thecontemplated insult, they would certainly be regarded as pirates andtreated as such; adding at the same time, 'Depend upon it, they arenot more my enemies than the enemies of your Majesty and the empire, and an intrusion so unwarrantable the officers and crew are boundto resist. ' 'Well, ' replied his Majesty, 'you seem to be apprised ofeverything; but the plot is not mine, being, as far as I am concerned, convinced that no money would be found more than we already know offrom yourself. ' I then entreated his Majesty to take such steps formy justification as would be satisfactory to the public. 'There is nonecessity for any, ' he replied. 'But how to dispense with the reviewis the puzzle. I will be ill in the morning; so go home and thinkno more of the matter. I give you my word, your flag shall not beoutraged. ' The Emperor kept his word, and in the night was takensuddenly ill. As his Majesty was really beloved by his Braziliansubjects, all the native respectability of Rio was early next day onits way to the palace to inquire after the royal health, and orderingmy carriage, I also proceeded to the palace, lest my absence mightseem singular. On my entering the room, --where the Emperor was inthe act of explaining the nature of his disease to the anxiousinquirers, --his Majesty burst into a fit of uncontrollable laughter, in which I as heartily joined, the bystanders evidently, from thegravity of their countenances, considering that we had both takenleave of our senses. The ministers looked astounded, but said nothing. His Majesty kept his secret, and I was silent. "

That anecdote fairly illustrates the treatment adopted towards LordCochrane, and the straits to which the Emperor was reduced in hisefforts to protect him from his enemies in power. The ill-treatmentboth of himself and of the whole fleet continuing, he addressed anindignant protest to his Majesty in July. "The time has at lengtharrived, " he there said, "when it is impossible to doubt that theinfluence which the Portuguese faction has so long exerted, with theview of depriving the officers and seamen of their stipulated rights, has succeeded in its object, and has even prevailed against theexpressed wishes and intentions of your Majesty. The determinedperseverance in a course so opposed to justice must come to an end. The general discontent which prevails in the squadron has renderedthe situation in which I am placed one of the most embarrassingdescription; for, though a few may be aware that my own cause ofcomplaint is equal to theirs, many cannot perceive the consistencyof my patient continuance in the service with disapprobation of themeasures pursued. Even the honours which your Majesty has been pleasedto bestow upon me are deemed by most of the officers, and by the wholeof the men, who know not the assiduity with which I have persevered inearnest but unavailing remonstrance, as a bribe by which I have beeninduced to abandon their interests. Much, therefore, as I prize thosehonours, as the gracious gift of your Imperial Majesty, yet, holdingin still dearer estimation my character as an officer and a man, Icannot hesitate in choosing which to sacrifice when the retention ofboth is evidently incompatible. I can, therefore, no longer delay todemonstrate to the squadron and the world that I am no partner in thedeceptions and oppressions which are practised on the naval service;and, as the first and most painful step in the performance of thisimperious duty, I crave permission, with all humility and respect, to return those honours, and lay them at the feet of your ImperialMajesty. I should, however, fall short of my duty to those who wereinduced to enter the service by my example or invitation, were I todo nothing more than convince them that I had been deceived. It isincumbent on me to make every effort to obtain for them the fulfilmentof engagements for which I made myself responsible. As far as I ampersonally concerned, I could be content to quit the service of yourImperial Majesty, either with or without the expectation of obtainingcompensation at a future period. After effectually fighting thebattles of freedom and independence on both sides of South America, and clearing the two seas of every vessel of war, I could submit toreturn to my native country unrewarded; but I cannot submit to adoptany course which shall not redeem my pledge to my brother officers andseamen. "

That and other arguments contained in the same letter, aided byinducements of a different sort, to be presently referred to, hadpartial effect. A small portion of the prize-money and wages due tothe squadron was issued, and Lord Cochrane remained for another yearin the service of Brazil. His weary waiting-time at Rio de Janeiro, however, extending over nearly nine months, was almost at an end. Onthe 2nd of August he left it, never to return. 

While the ingratitude shown to him in Brazil was at its worst it isinteresting to notice that a few, at any rate, of his own countrymenwere remembering his past troubles and his present worth. On the 21stof June, Sir James Mackintosh, in one of the many speeches in theBritish House of Commons in which he nobly advocated the recognitionof the independence of the South American states, both as a politicalduty and as a necessary measure in the interests of commerce, made agraceful allusion to Lord Cochrane. "I know, " he said, "that I am heretouching on a topic of great delicacy; but I must say that commercehas been gallantly protected by that extraordinary man who was once aBritish officer, who once filled a distinguished post in theBritish navy at the brightest period of its annals. I mention thiscircumstance with struggling and mingled emotions--emotions of pridethat the individual I speak of is a Briton, emotions of regret thathe is no longer a British officer. Can any one imagine a more gallantaction than the cutting out of the _Esmeralda_ from Callao? Neverwas there a greater display of judgment, calmness, and enterprisingBritish valour than was shown on that memorable occasion. No man everfelt a more ardent, a more inextinguishable love of country, a moreanxious desire to promote its interests and extend its prosperity, than the gallant individual to whom I allude. I speak for myself. Noperson is responsible for the opinions which I now utter. But ask, what native of this country can help wishing that such a man wereagain amongst us? I hope I shall be excused for saying thus much; butI cannot avoid fervently wishing that such advice may be given tothe Crown by his Majesty's constitutional advisers as will induce hisMajesty graciously to restore Lord Cochrane to the country which heso warmly loves, and to that noble service to the glory of which, I amconvinced, he willingly would sacrifice every earthly consideration. "

CHAPTER XII. 

THE INSURRECTION IN PERNAMBUCO. --LORD COCHRANE's EXPEDITION TOSUPPRESS IT. --THE SUCCESS OF HIS WORK. --HIS STAY AT MARANHAM. --THEDISORGANISED STATE OF AFFAIRS IN THAT PROVINCE. --LORD COCHRANE'sEFFORTS TO RESTORE ORDER AND GOOD GOVERNMENT. --THEIR RESULT IN FURTHERTROUBLE TO HIMSELF. --HIS CRUISE IN THE "PIRANGA, " AND RETURN TOENGLAND. --THE FRESH INDIGNITIES THERE OFFERED TO HIM. --HIS RETIREMENTFROM BRAZILIAN SERVICE. --HIS LETTER TO THE EMPEROR PEDRO I. --THE ENDOF HIS SOUTH AMERICAN EMPLOYMENTS. 

[1824-1825. ]

The political turmoils which Lord Cochrane found to be prevalentin Rio de Janeiro, on his return from Maranham, were, as he hadanticipated, very disastrous to the whole Brazilian empire. Theunpatriotic action of men in power at head-quarters encouraged yetmore unpatriotic action in the outlying and newly-acquired provinces. Portuguese sympathizers in Pernambuco, in Maranham, and in theneighbouring districts, following the policy of the Portuguese factionat the centre of government, and acting even more unworthily, induced serious trouble; and the trouble was aggravated by the fierceopposition which was in many cases offered to them. Before the end of1823 information arrived that an insurrection, having for its objectthe establishment in the northern provinces of a government distinctfrom both Brazil and Portugal, had broken out in Pernambuco, andnearly every week brought fresh intelligence of the spread of thisinsurrection and of the troubles induced by it. The Emperor Pedro I. Was eager to send thither the squadron under Lord Cochrane, and so towin back the allegiance of the inhabitants; and for this Lord Cochranewas no less eager. To the Portuguese partizans, however, whose greateffort was to weaken the resources of the empire, the news of theinsurrection was welcome; and perhaps their strongest inducement tothe long course of injustice detailed in the last chapter was theknowledge that by so doing they were most successfully preventing thedespatch of an armament strong enough to restore order in the northernprovinces. Herein they prospered. For more than six months the Emperorwas prevented from suppressing the insurrection, which all throughthat time was extending and becoming more and more formidable. Nottill July was anything done to satisfy the claims of the seamen forpayment of their prize-money and the arrears of wages due to them, without which they refused to return to their work and render possiblethe equipment and despatch of the squadron; and even then only 200, 000milreis--less than a tenth of the prize-money that was owing--weregranted as an instalment of the payment to be made to them. 

With that money, however, Lord Cochrane, using his great personalinfluence with the officers and crews, induced them to rejoin thefleet. The funds were placed in his hands on the 12th of July, 1824, and equitably disbursed by him during the following three weeks. Onthe 2nd of August he set sail in the _Pedro Primiero_ from Rio deJaneiro, attended by the _Maranham_ and three transports containingtwelve hundred soldiers. 

Having landed General Lima and the troops at Alagoas on the 16th, he arrived off Pernambuco on the 18th. There he found that a strongrepublican Government had been set up under the presidentship ofManoel de Carvalho Pais d'Andrade, whose authority, secret or open, extended far into the interior and along the adjoining coasts. "Knowing that it would take some time for the troops to come up, " hesaid, "I determined to try the effect of a threat of bombardment, andissued a proclamation remonstrating with the inhabitants on the follyof permitting themselves to be deceived by men who lacked the abilityto execute their schemes; pointing out, moreover, that persistence inrevolt would involve both the town and its rulers in one common ruin, for, if forced to the necessity of bombardment, I would reduce theport and city to insignificance. On the other hand, I assured themthat, if they retraced their steps and rallied round the imperialthrone, thus aiding to protect it from foreign influence, it would bemore gratifying to me to act the part of a mediator, and to restorePernambuco to peace, prosperity, and happiness, than to carry out thework of destruction which would be my only remaining alternative. Inanother proclamation I called the attention of the inhabitants to thedistracted state of the Spanish republics on the other side of thecontinent, asking whether it would be wise to risk the benefits oforderly government for social and political confusion, and entreatingthem not to compel me to proceed to extremities, as it would become myduty to destroy their shipping and block up their port, unless, withineight days, the integrity of the empire were acknowledged. "

While waiting to see the result of those proclamations Lord Cochranereceived a message from Carvalho, offering him immediate payment of400, 000 milreis if he would abandon the imperial cause and go over tothe republicans. "Frankness is the distinguishing character of freemen, " wrote Carvalho, "but your excellency has not found it in yourconnection with the Imperial Government. Your not having been rewardedfor the first expedition affords a justifiable inference that you willget nothing for the second. " That audacious proposal, it need hardlybe said, was indignantly resented by Lord Cochrane. "If I shall havean opportunity of becoming personally known to your excellency, " hewrote, "I can afford you proof that the opinion you have formed of mehas had its origin in the misrepresentations of those in power, whosepurposes I was incapable of serving. "

The threats and promises of Lord Cochrane's proclamation did not leadto the peaceable surrender of Pernambuco, and at the end of the eightdays' waiting-time he proceeded to bombard the town. In that, however, he was hindered by bad weather, which made it impossible for him toenter the shallow water without great risk of shipwreck. He was inurgent need, also, of anchors and other fittings. Therefore, aftera brief show of attack, which frightened the inhabitants, but had noother effect, he left the smaller vessels to maintain the blockade, and went on the 4th of September in the flag-ship to Bahia, there toprocure the necessary articles. On his return he found that GeneralLima had marched against Pernambuco on the 11th, and, with theassistance of the blockading vessels, made an easy capture of it. 

There was plenty of other work, however, to be done. All thenorthern provinces were disaffected, if not in actual revolt, and, incompliance with the Emperor's directions, Lord Cochrane proceeded tovisit their ports and reduce them to order. Some other ships havingarrived from Rio de Janeiro, he selected the _Piranga_ and two smallervessels for service with the flag-ship, leaving the others at thedisposal of General Lima, and sailed from Pernambuco on the 10th ofOctober. 

He reached Cearà on the 18th, and then, by his mere presence, compelled the insurgents, who had seized the city, to retire, andenabled the well-disposed inhabitants to organize a vigorous scheme ofself-protection. 

A harder task awaited him at Maranham, at which he arrived on the9th of November. There the utmost confusion prevailed. The Portuguesefaction had the supremacy, and there were special causes of animosityand misconduct among the members of the opposite party of nativeBrazilians. 

"In Maranham, " said Lord Cochrane, "as in the other northern provincesof the empire, there had been no amelioration whatever in thecondition of the people, and, without such amelioration, it was absurdto place reliance on the hyperbolical professions of devotion tothe Emperor which were now abundantly avowed by those who, before myarrival, had been foremost in promoting and cherishing disturbance. The condition of the province, and indeed of all the provinces, wasin no way better than they had been under the dominion of Portugal, though they presented one of the finest fields imaginable forimprovement. All the old colonial imports and duties remained withoutalteration; the manifold hindrances to commerce and agriculture stillexisted; and arbitrary power was everywhere exercised uncontrolled: sothat, in place of being benefited by emancipation from the Portugueseyoke, the condition of the great mass of the population was literallyworse than before. To amend this state of things it was necessaryto begin with the officers of Government, of whose corruption andarbitrary conduct complaints, signed by whole communities, were dailyarriving from every part of the province. To such an extent, indeed, wad this misrule carried that neither the lives nor the property ofthe inhabitants were safe. "

This state of things Lord Cochrane set himself zealously to remedy;and, during his six months' stay at Maranham, he did all that, withthe bad materials at his disposal and in the harassing circumstancesof his position, it was possible for him to do. Unable to break downthe cabals and intrigues, the mutual jealousies and the unworthyambitions that had prevailed previous to his arrival, he held them allin check while he was present and secured the observance of law andthe freedom of all classes of the community. 

Thereby, however, he brought upon himself much fresh hatred. Thegovernor of the province, being devoted to the Portuguese party and achief cause of the existing troubles, had to be suspended and sent toRio de Janeiro; and though the suspension occurred after orders hadbeen despatched by the Emperor for his recall, it afforded an excuseto the governor and his friends in office for denunciation of LordCochrane's conduct, alleged to be greatly in excess of his powers andin contempt of the constituted authority. In fact, the same bad policythat had embarrassed him before, while he was in Rio de Janeiro, continued to embarrass him yet more during his service in Maranham. That that service was very helpful to the best interests of Brazilno one attempted to deny. The French and English consuls, speakingon behalf of all their countrymen resident in the northern provinces, overstepped the line of strict neutrality, and entreated him topersevere in the measures by which he was making it possible forcommerce to prosper and the rules of civilized life to be observed. The Emperor sent to thank him for his work. "His Majesty, " wrote thesecretary on the 2nd of December, "approves of the First Admiral'sdetermination to establish order and obedience in the northernprovinces, a duty which he has so wisely and judiciously undertaken, and in which he must continue until the provinces submit themselvesto the authorities lately appointed, and enjoy the benefits of thepaternal government of his Imperial Majesty. "

The Emperor, however, was at this time almost powerless. The leadersof the Portuguese faction reigned, and by them Lord Cochrane continuedto be treated with every possible indignity and insult. Not daringopenly to dismiss him or even to accept the resignation which hefrequently offered, they determined to wear out his patience, and, ifpossible, to drive him to some act on which they could fasten asan excuse for degrading him. They partly succeeded, though the onlywonder is that Lord Cochrane should have been, for so long a time, aspatient as he proved. His temper is well shown in the numerousletters which he addressed to Pedro I. And the Government during theseharassing months. "The condescension, " he wrote, "with which yourImperial Majesty has been pleased to permit me to approach your royalperson, on matters regarding the public service, and even on thosemore particularly relating to myself, emboldens me to adopt the onlymeans in my power, at this distance, of craving that your Majesty willbe graciously pleased to judge of my conduct in the imperial serviceby the result of my endeavours to promote your Majesty's interests, and not by the false reports spread by those who, for reasons bestknown to themselves, desire to alienate your Majesty's mind from me, and thus to bring about my removal from your Majesty's service. Itrust that your Imperial Majesty will please to believe me to besensible that the honours which you have so graciously bestowed uponme it is my duty not to tarnish, and that your Majesty will furtherbelieve that, highly as I prize those honours, I hold the maintenanceof my reputation in my native country in equal estimation. Irespectfully crave permission to add that, perceiving it is impossibleto continue in the service of your Imperial Majesty without atall times subjecting my professional character, under the presentmanagement of the Marine Department, to great risks, I trust yourMajesty will be graciously pleased to grant me leave to retirefrom your imperial service, in which it appears to me I have nowaccomplished all that can be expected from me, the authority of yourImperial Majesty being established throughout the whole extent ofBrazil. "

That request was not granted, or in any way answered; and thestatement that the whole of Brazil was finally subjected to theEmperor's authority proved to be not quite correct. Fresh turmoilsarose in Parà, and Lord Cochrane had to send thither a small force, by which order was restored. He himself found ample employment inrestraining the factions that could not be suppressed at Maranham. 

That was the state of things in the early months of 1825, untilunlooked-for circumstances arose, by which Lord Cochrane's Brazilianemployment was brought to a termination in a way that he had notanticipated. "The anxiety occasioned by the constant harassing whichI had undergone, unalleviated by any acknowledgment on the part of theImperial Government of the services which had a second time saved theempire from intestine war, anarchy, and revolution, " he said, "beganto make serious inroads on my health; whilst that of the officers andmen, in consequence of the great heat and pestilential exhalations ofthe climate, and of the double duty which they had to perform afloatand ashore, was even less satisfactory. As I saw no advantage inlonger contending with factious intrigues at Maranham, unsupported andneglected as I was by the Administration at Rio de Janeiro, I resolvedupon a short run into a more bracing northerly atmosphere, which wouldanswer the double purpose of restoring our health and of giving us aclear offing for our subsequent voyage to the capital. 

"Accordingly, " the narrative proceeds, "I shifted my flag into the_Piranga_, despatched the _Pedro Primiero_ to Rio, and, leavingCaptain Manson, of the _Cacique_, in charge of the naval departmentat Maranham, put to sea on the 18th of May. On the 21st we crossedthe Equator, and, meeting with a succession of easterly winds, werecarried to the northward of the Azores, passing St. Michael's on the11th of June. It had been my intention to sail into the latitude ofthe Azores, and then to return to Rio de Janeiro. But, strong galescoming on, we made the unpleasant discovery that the frigate'smain-topmast was sprung, and, when putting her about, the main andmain-topsail yards were discovered to be unserviceable. For thecondition of the ship's spars I had depended on others, not deemingit necessary to take upon myself such investigation. It was, however, possible that we might have patched these up, had not the runningrigging been as rotten as the masts, and we had no spare cordage onboard. A still worse disaster was that the salt provisions shipped atMaranham were reported bad, mercantile ingenuity having resorted tothe device of placing good meat at the top and bottom of the barrels, whilst the middle, being composed of unsound articles, had taintedthe whole, thereby rendering it not only unpalatable but positivelydangerous to health. The good provisions on board being little morethan sufficient for a week's subsistence, a direct return to Rio deJaneiro was out of the question. "

It was therefore absolutely necessary to seek some nearer harbour; butLord Cochrane was considerably embarrassed in his choice of aport. Portugal was an enemy's country, and Spain, by reason of hisachievements in Chili and Peru, was no less hostile to him. France hadnot yet recognised the independence of Brazil, and therefore a stay onany part of its coast might lead to difficulties. England afforded theonly safe halting-place, though there Lord Cochrane was uncertain asto the way in which, in consequence of the Foreign Enlistment Act, he might be received. To England, however, he resolved to go; and, sighting its coast on the 25th of June, he anchored at Spithead onthe following day. Salutes were exchanged with a British ship lyingin harbour, and in the afternoon he landed at Portsmouth, to beenthusiastically welcomed by nearly all classes of his countrymen, whose admiration for his personal character and his excellence as anaval officer was heightened by the renown of his exploits in SouthAmerica during an absence of six years and a half. 

His subsequent relations with Brazil can be briefly told. Hisunavoidable return to England afforded just the excuse which hisenemies in Brazil had been seeking for ousting him from his command. They and the Chevalier Manoel Rodriguez Gameiro Pessoa, the BrazilianEnvoy in London, who altogether sympathised with them, chose to regardthis occurrence as an act of desertion. Lord Cochrane lost no time inreporting his arrival and requesting to be provided with the necessarymeans for refitting the _Piranga_ and preparing for a speedy return toRio de Janeiro. To expedite matters, he even advanced 2000_l. _ out ofhis own property--which was never repaid to him--for this purpose. Hisrepeated applications for instructions were either unheeded or onlyanswered with insult. He was ordered to return to Brazil at once, towards which no assistance was given to him; and at the same timehis officers and crew were ordered to repudiate his authority and toreturn without him. 

Lord Cochrane had no room to doubt that by going back to Brazil heshould only expose himself to yet worse treatment than that from whichhe had been suffering during nearly two years; but at the same timehe was resolved to do nothing at variance with his duty to the Emperorfrom whom he had received his commission, and nothing invalidating hisclaims to the recompense which was clearly due to him. At length hewas relieved from some of his perplexities, after they had lasted morethan three months. On the 3rd of November, 1825, peace was declaredbetween Brazil and Portugal; and thereby his relations with hisemployers were materially altered. The work which he had pledgedhimself to do was completed, and he was justified in resigning hiscommand, or at any rate in declining to resume it until the causes ofhis recent troubles were removed. 

This he did in a letter addressed to the Emperor Pedro I. , fromLondon, on the 10th of November. "The gracious condescension which Iexperienced from your Imperial Majesty, from the first moment of myarrival in the Brazils, the honorary distinctions which I receivedfrom your Majesty, and the attention with which you were pleased tolisten to all my personal representations relating to the promotionof the naval power of your empire, " he wrote, "have impressed uponmy mind a high sense of the honour which your Majesty conferred, andforbid my entertaining any other sentiments than those of attachmentto your Majesty and devotion to your true interests. But, whilst Iexpress these my unfeigned sentiments towards your Imperial Majesty, it is with infinite pain and regret that I recall to my recollectionthe conduct that has been pursued towards the naval service, and tomyself personally, since the members of the Brazilian administrationof José Bonifacio de Andrade were superseded by persons devoted tothe views and interests of Portugal, --views and interests which aredirectly opposed to the adoption of that line of conduct which canalone promote and secure the true interests and glory of your ImperialMajesty, founded on the tranquillity and happiness of the Brazilianpeople. Without imputing to such ministers as Severiano, Gomez, andBarboza disaffection to the person of your Imperial Majesty, it issufficient to know that they are men bigoted to the unenlightenedopinions of their ancestors of four centuries ago, that they are menwho, from their limited intercourse with the world, from the paucityof the literature of their native language, and from their want ofall rational instruction in the service of government and politicaleconomy, have no conception of governing Brazil by any other than thesame wretched and crooked policy to which the nation had been so longsubjected in its condition as a colony. Nothing further need be said, while we acquit them of treason, to convict them of unfitness to bethe counsellors of your Imperial Majesty. 

"None but such ministers as these could have endeavoured to impressupon the mind of your Imperial Majesty that the refugee Portuguesefrom the provinces and many thousands from Europe, collected in Riode Janeiro, were the only true friends and supporters of the imperialcrown of Brazil. None but such ministers would have endeavoured toimpress your Imperial Majesty with a belief that the Brazilian peoplewere inimical to your person and the imperial crown, merely becausethey were hostile to the system pursued by those ministers. None butsuch ministers would have placed in important offices of trust thenatives of a nation with which your Imperial Majesty was at war. Nonebut such ministers would have endeavoured to induce your ImperialMajesty to believe that officers who had abandoned their King andnative country for their own private interests could be depended on asfaithful servants to a hostile Government and a foreign land. None butsuch ministers could have induced your Imperial Majesty to placein the command of your fortresses, regiments, and ships of war suchindividuals as these. None but such ministers would have attempted toexcite in the breast of your Imperial Majesty suspicions with respectto the fidelity of myself and of those other officers who, by the mostzealous exertions, had proved our devotion to the best interestsof your Imperial Majesty and your Brazilian people. None but suchministers would have endeavoured by insults and acts of the grossestinjustice, to drive us from the service of your Imperial Majesty andto place Portuguese officers in our stead. And, above all, none butsuch ministers could have suggested to your Imperial Majesty thatextraordinary proceeding which was projected to take place on thenight of the 3rd of June, 1824, a proceeding which, had it not beenaverted by a timely discovery and prompt interposition on my part, would have tarnished for ever the glory of your Imperial Majesty, andwhich, if it had failed to prove fatal to myself and officers, mustinevitably have driven us from your imperial service. When placedin competition with this plot of these ministers and the falseinsinuations by which they induced your Imperial Majesty to listen totheir insidious counsel, all their previous intrigues, and those ofthe whole Portuguese faction, to ruin the naval power of Brazil, sinkinto insignificance. But for the advancement of Portuguese intereststhere was nothing too treacherous or malignant for such ministers andsuch men as these to insinuate to your Imperial Majesty, especiallywhen they had discovered that it was not possible by their unjustconduct to provoke me to abandon the service of Brazil so long as myexertions could be useful to secure its independence, which I believedto be alike the object of your Imperial Majesty and the interest ofthe Brazilian people. 

"If the counsels of such persons should prove fatal to the interestsof your Imperial Majesty, no one will regret the event more sincerelythan myself. My only consolation will be the knowledge that yourImperial Majesty cannot but be conscious that I, individually, havedischarged my duty, both in a military and in a private capacity, towards your Majesty, whose true interest, I may venture to add, Ihave held in greater regard than my own; for, had I connived at theviews of the Portuguese faction, even without dereliction of my dutyas an officer, I might have shared amply in the honours and emolumentswhich such influence has enabled these persons to obtain, instead ofbeing deprived, by their means, of even the ordinary rewards of mylabours in the cause of independence which your Imperial Majesty hadengaged me to maintain, --which cause I neither have abandoned nor willabandon, if ever it should be in my power successfully to renew myexertions for the true interests of your Imperial Majesty and those ofthe Brazilian people. 

"Meanwhile my office as Commander-in-Chief of your Imperial Majesty'sNaval Forces having terminated by the conclusion of peace and by thedecree promulgated on the 28th of February, 1824, I have notified toyour Imperial Majesty's Envoy, the Chevalier de Gameiro, that I havedirected my flag to be struck this day. Praying that the war nowterminated abroad may be accompanied by tranquillity at home, Irespectfully take leave of your Imperial Majesty. "

All Lord Cochrane's subsequent correspondence with Brazil had for itsobject the recovery of the payments due to him and to his officers andcrews for the great services done by them to the empire. Lord Cochranehad saved that empire from being brought back to the position ofa Portuguese colony, and had enabled it to enter on a career ofindependence. In return for it he was subjected to more than two yearsof galling insult, was deprived of his proper share of the prizestaken by him and his squadron, was refused the estate in Maranhamwhich the Emperor, more grateful than his ministers, had bestowed uponhim, and was mulcted of a portion of his pay and of all the pensionto which he was entitled by imperial decree and the ordinances of theGovernment. His services to Brazil, like his services to Chili, addingmuch to his renown as a disinterested champion of liberty and anunrivalled seaman and warrior, brought upon him personally little buttrouble and misfortune. Only near the end of his life, when a worthyEmperor and honest ministers succeeded to power, was any recompenceaccorded to him. 

CHAPTER XIII. 

THE GREEK REVOLUTION AND ITS ANTECEDENTS. --THE MODERN GREEKS. --THEFRIENDLY SOCIETY. --SULTAN MAHMUD AND ALI PASHA'S REBELLION. --THEBEGINNING OF THE GREEK INSURRECTION. --COUNT JOHN CAPODISTRIAS. --PRINCEALEXANDER HYPSILANTES. --THE REVOLUTION IN THE MOREA. --THEODOREKOLKOTRONES. --THE REVOLUTION IN THE ISLANDS. --THE GREEK NAVY AND ITSCHARACTER. --THE EXCESSES OF THE GREEKS. --THEIR BAD GOVERNMENT. --PRINCEALEXANDER MAVROCORDATOS. --THE PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION. --THESPOLIATION OF THE CHIOS. --ENGLISH PHILHELLENES; THOMAS GORDON, FRANKABNEY HASTINGS, LORD BYRON. --THE FIRST GREEK LOAN, AND THE BAD USESTO WHICH IT WAS PUT. --REVERSES OF THE GREEKS. --IBRAHIM AND HISSUCCESSES. --MAVROCORDATOS'S LETTER TO LORD COCHRANE. 

[1820-1825. ]

While Lord Cochrane was rendering efficient service to the cause offreedom in South America, another war of independence was being wagedin Europe; and he had hardly been at home a week before solicitationspressed upon him from all quarters that he should lend his great nameand great abilities to this war also. As he consented to do so, andalmost from the moment of his arrival was intimately connected withthe Greek Revolution, the previous stages of this memorable episode, the incidents that occurred during his absence in Chili and Brazil, need to be here reviewed and recapitulated. 

The Greek Revolution began openly in 1821. But there had been longprevious forebodings of it. The dwellers in the land once peopled bythe noble race which planned and perfected the arts and graces, thetrue refinements and the solid virtues that are the basis of ourmodern civilization, had been for four centuries and more the slavesof the Turks. They were hardly Greeks, if by that name is implieddescent from the inhabitants of classic Greece. With the old stock hadbeen blended, from generation to generation, so many foreign elementsthat nearly all trace of the original blood had disappeared, and themodern Greeks had nothing but their residence and their language tojustify them in maintaining the old title. But their slavery was onlytoo real. Oppressed by the Ottomans on account of their race and theirreligion, the oppression was none the less in that it induced many ofthem to cast off the last shreds of freedom and deck themselves in thecoarser, but, to slavish minds, the pleasanter bondage of trickery andmeanness. During the eighteenth century, many Greeks rose to eminencein the Turkish service, and proved harder task-masters to theirbrethren than the Turks themselves generally were. The hope of furtheraggrandisement, however, led them to scheme the overthrow of theirOttoman employers, and their projects were greatly aided by the truer, albeit short-sighted, patriotism that animated the greater number oftheir kinsmen. They groaned under Turkish thraldom, and yearned tobe freed from it, in the temper so well described and so worthilydenounced by Lord Byron in 1811:--

 "And many dream withal the hour is nigh That gives them back their fathers' heritage: For foreign arms and aid they loudly sigh, Nor solely dare encounter hostile rage. Hereditary bondsmen! know ye not Who would be free themselves must strike the blow? By their right arm the conquest must be wrought. Will Gaul or Muscovite redress ye?--No! True, they may lay your proud despoilers low, But not for you will Freedom's altars flame. "

The Greeks, all but a few genuine patriots, thought otherwise. Theysought deliverance at the hands of Gauls and Muscovites; and, as theMuscovites had good reason for desiring the overthrow of Turkey, theylistened to their prayers, and other ties than that of community inreligion bound the persecuted Greeks to Russia. The Philiké Hetaira, or Friendly Society, chief representative of a very general movement, was founded at Odessa in 1814. It was a secret society, which speedilyhad ramifications among the Greek Christians in every part of Turkey, encouraging them to prepare for insurrection as soon as the CzarAlexander I. Deemed it expedient to aid them by open invasion ofTurkey, or as soon as they themselves could take the initiative, trusting to Russia to complete the work of revolution. The FriendlySociety increased its influence and multiplied its visionary schemesduring many years previous to 1821. 

Its strength was augmented by the political condition of Turkey at thetime. The Sultan Mahmud--a true type of the Ottoman sovereign athis worst--had attempted to perfect his power by a long train ofcruelties, of which murder was the lightest. Defeating his own purposethereby, he aroused the opposition of Mahometan as well as Christiansubjects, and induced the rebellious schemes of Ali Pasha of Joannina, the boldest of his vassals. In Albania Ali ruled with a cruelty thatwas hardly inferior to Mahmud's. Byron tells how his

 "dread command Is lawless law; for with a bloody hand He sways a nation turbulent and told. "

The cruelty could be tolerated; but not opposition to Mahmud'swill. Long and growing jealousy existed between the Sultan and histributary. At length, in 1820, there was an open rupture. Ali wasdenounced as a traitor, and ordered to surrender his pashalik. Insteadof so doing, he organized his army for prompt rebellion, trusting forsuccess partly to the support of the Greeks. Most of the Greeks heldaloof; but the Suliots, a race of Christian marauders, the fiercest ofthe fierce community of Albanians, sided with him, and for more than ayear rendered him valuable aid by reason of their hereditary skill inlawless warfare. Not till January, 1822, was Ali forced to surrender, and then only, perhaps, through the defection of the Suliots. 

The Suliots, dissatisfied with Ali's recompense for their services, had gone over to the Greeks, who, not caring to serve under Ali in hisrebellion, had welcomed that rebellion as a Heaven-sent opportunityfor realising their long-cherished hopes. The Turkish garrisons inGreece being half unmanned in order that the strongest possible forcemight be used in subduing Ali, and Turkish government in the peninsulabeing at a standstill, the Greeks found themselves in an excellentposition for asserting their freedom. Had they been less degraded thanthey were by their long centuries of slavery, or had there been somebetter organization than that which the purposes and the methods ofthe Friendly Society afforded for developing the latent patriotismwhich was honest and wide-spread, they might have achieved a triumphworthy of the classic name they bore and the heroic ancestry that theyclaimed. 

Unfortunately, the Friendly Society, already degenerated from theunworthy aim with which it started, now an elaborate machinery ofpersonal ambition, private greed, and local spite, the willing tool ofRussia, was master of the situation. The mastery, however, was by nomeans thorough. The society had dispossessed all other organizations, but had no organization of its own adequate to the working out ofa successful rebellion. Its machinery was tolerably perfect, butefficient motive-power was wanting. Its exchequer was empty; itscounsels were divided; above all, it had alienated the sympathies ofthe worthiest patriots of Greece. Finding itself suddenly in theway of triumph, it was incapable of rightly progressing in that way. Obstacles of its own raising, and obstacles raised by others, stoodin the path, and only a very wise man had the chance of successfullyremoving them. 

The wise man did not exist, or was not to be obtained. Perhaps thewisest, though, as later history proved, not very wise, was Count JohnCapodistrias, a native of Corfu. Born in 1777, he had gone to Italy tostudy and practise medicine. There also he studied, afterwards to putin practice, the effete Machiavellianism then in vogue. In 1803 heentered political life as secretary to the lately-founded republicof the Ionian Islands. Napoleon's annexation of the Ionian Islands in1807 drove him into the service of Russia, and, as Russian agent, headvocated, at the Vienna Conference of 1815, the reconstruction of theIonian republic. The partial concession of Great Britain towards thatproject, by which the Ionian Islands were established as a sort ofcommonwealth, dependent upon England, enabled him to live and workin Corfu, awaiting the realization of his own patriotic schemes, andwatching the patriotic movement in Greece. Italian in his education, and Russian in his sympathies, he was still an honest Greek, worthierand abler than most other influential Greeks. "He had many virtues andgreat abilities, " says a competent critic. "His conduct was firm anddisinterested, his manners simple and dignified. His personal feelingswere warm, and, as a consequence of this virtue, they were sometimesso strong as to warp his judgment. He wanted the equanimity andimpartiality of mind, and the elevation of soul necessary to makea great man. "[A] In spite of his defects, he might have done goodservice to the Greek Revolution, had he accepted the offer of itsleadership, shrewdly tendered to him by the Friendly Society. But thishe declined, having no liking for the society, and no trust in itsmethods and designs. 

[Footnote A: Finlay, "History of the Greek Revolution" (1861), vol. Ii. , p. 196. Mr. Finlay served as a volunteer in Greece under CaptainAbney Hastings. His work is certainly the best on the subject, thoughwe shall have in later pages to differ widely from its strictures onLord Cochrane's motives and action. But our complaints will be lessagainst his history than against the two other leading ones--GeneralGordon's "History of the Greek Revolution" (1832), and M. Trikoupes's"[Greek: Historia tês Hellênikês Epanastaseôs]" (1853-6), which is notvery much more than a paraphrase of Gordon's work. ]

The Friendly Society then sought and found a leader, far inferiorto Count Capodistrias, in Prince Alexander Hypsilantes, the son of aHospodar of Wallachia who had been deposed in 1806. Hypsilantes hadbeen educated in Russia, and had there risen to some rank, high enoughat any rate to quicken his ambition and vanity, both as a soldier andas a courtier. He was not without virtues; but he was utterly unfitfor the duties imposed upon him as leader of the Greek Revolution. Not a Greek himself, his purpose in accepting the office seems to havebeen to make Greece an appendage of the despotic monarchy, which, bymeans of the political crisis, he hoped to establish in Wallachia, under Russian protection. With that view, in March 1821, he led thefirst crude army of Greek and other Christian rebels into Moldavia. There and in Wallachia he stirred up a brief revolt, attended bymilitary blunders and lawless atrocities which soon brought vengeanceupon himself and made a false beginning of the revolutionary work. Moldavia and Wallachia were quickly restored to Turkish rule, andHypsilantes had in June to fly for safety into Austria. But the badexample that he set, and the evil influence that he and his promotersand followers of the Friendly Society exerted, initiated a falsepolicy and encouraged a pernicious course of action, by which thecause of the Greeks was injured for years. 

The real Greek revolution began in the Morea. There the FriendlySociety did good work in showing the people that the hour for actionhad come; but its direction of that action was for the most partmischievous. The worst Greeks were the leaders, and, under theirguidance, the play of evil passions--inevitable in all efforts of theoppressed to overturn their oppressors--was developed to a grievousextent. Turkish blood was first shed on the 25th of March, 1821, andwithin a week the whole of the Morea was in a ferment of rebellion. Bythe 22nd of April, which was Easter Sunday, it is reckoned that fromten to fifteen thousand Mahometans had been slaughtered in cold blood, and about three thousand Turkish homes destroyed. 

The promoters of all that wanton atrocity were the directors of theFriendly Society, among whom the Archimandrate Gregorios Dikaios, nicknamed Pappa Phlesas, and Petros Mavromichales, or Petro-Bey, werethe most conspicuous. Its principal agents were the klepht or brigandchieftains, best represented by Theodore Kolokotrones. 

Born about 1770, of a family devoted to the use of arms in predatoryways, Kolokotrones had led a lawless life until 1806, when the Greekpeasantry called in the assistance of their Turkish rulers in huntingdown their persecutors of their own race, and when, several of hisfamily being slain, he himself had to seek refuge in Zante. There hemaintained himself, partly by piracy, partly by cattle-dealing. In 1810 the English annexation of the Ionian Islands led to hisemployment, first as captain and afterwards as major, in the Greekcontingent of the British army. He had amassed much wealth, and wasin the prime of life when, in January, 1821, he returned to his earlyhome, to revive his old brigand life under the name of legitimatewarfare. His thorough knowledge of the country, its passes and itsstrongholds, and his familiarity with the modes of fighting proper tothem, his handsome person and agreeable deportment, his shrewd wit andpersuasive oratory, made him one of the most influential agents ofthe Revolution at its commencement, and his influence grew during theensuing years. 

The flame of rebellion, having spread through the Morea during theearly weeks of April, extended rapidly over the adjoining districts ofthe mainland. By the end of June the insurgents were masters ofnearly all the country now possessed by modern Greece. Their causewas heartily espoused by the Suliots of Albania and otherfellow-Christians in the various Turkish provinces, and their kinsmenof the outlying islands were eager to join in the work of nationalregeneration, and to contribute largely to the completion of that workby their naval prowess. 

It was naval prowess, as our later pages will abundantly show, ofa very barbarous and undeveloped sort. Besides the two principalseaports on the mainland, Tricheri on Mount Pelion and Galaxidhi onthe Gulf of Corinth, there were famous colonies of Greek seamen in theislands of Psara and Kasos, and similar colonies of Albanians in Hydraand Spetzas. These and the other islands had long practised irregularcommerce, and protected that commerce by irregular fighting with theTurks. At the first sound of revolution they threw in their lot withthe insurgents of the mainland, and thus a nondescript navy of somefour hundred brigs and schooners, of from sixty to four hundred tons'burthen, and manned by about twelve thousand sailors, adepts alikein trade and piracy, but very unskilled in orderly warfare, and veryfeebly inspired by anything like disinterested patriotism, was readyto use and abuse its powers during the ensuing seven years' fight forGreek independence. 

During the summer of 1821, while the continental Greeks were rushingto arms, murdering the Turkish residents among them by thousands, andthus bringing down upon themselves, or upon those of their own racewho, as peasants and burghers, took no important share in actualfighting, the murderous vengeance of the Turkish troops sent toattempt the suppression of the revolt, these sailors were pursuing aneasier and more profitable game. The Turkish ports were not warlike, and the Turkish trading ships were not prepared for fighting. In May, a formidable crowd of vessels left the islands on a cruise, from whichthey soon returned with an immense store of booty. Early in June, thebest Turkish fleet that could be brought together, consisting of twoline-of-battle ships, three frigates, and three sloops, went out toharass, if not to destroy, the swarm of smaller enemies. JakomakiTombazes, with thirty-seven of these smaller enemies, set off to meetthem, and falling in with one of the ships, gave her chase, till, inthe roads of Eripos, she was attacked on the 8th of June, and, withthe help of a fireship, destroyed with a loss of nearly four hundredmen. That victory caused the flight of the other Turkish vessels, andwas the beginning of much cruel work at sea and with ships, which, not often daring to meet in open fight, wrought terrible mischief tounprotected ports and islands. 

The mischief wrought upon the land was yet more terrible. A seethingtide of Greek and Moslem blood heaved to and fro, as, during thesecond half of 1821, each party in turn gained temporary ascendency inone district after another. Greeks murdered Turks, and Turks murderedGreeks, with equal ferocity; or perhaps the ferocity of the Greeks, stirred by bad leaders to revenge themselves for all their previoussufferings, even surpassed that of the Turks. Of their cruelty aglaring instance occurred in their capture of Navarino. The Turkishinhabitants having held out as long as a mouthful of food was leftin the town, were forced to capitulate on the 19th of August. It waspromised that, upon their surrendering, the Greek vessels were toconvey them, their wearing apparel, and their household furniture, either to Egypt or to Tunis. No sooner were the gates opened thana wholesale plunder and slaughter ensued. A Greek ecclesiastic hasdescribed the scene. "Women wounded with musket-balls and sabre-cutsrushed to the sea, seeking to escape, and were deliberately shot. Mothers robbed of their clothes, with infants in their arms, plungedinto the water to conceal themselves from shame, and they were thenmade a mark for inhuman riflemen. Greeks seized infants from theirmothers' breasts and dashed them against the rocks. Children, threeand four years old, were hurled, living, into the sea, and left todrown. When the massacre was ended, the dead bodies washed ashore, orpiled on the beach, threatened to cause a pestilence. "[A] At the sackof Tripolitza, on the 8th of October, about eight thousand Moslemswere murdered, the last two thousand, chiefly women and children, being taken into a neighbouring ravine, there to be slaughtered atleisure. Two years afterwards a ghastly heap of bones attested theinhuman deed. 

[Footnote A: Finlay, vol. I. ; p. 263, citing Phrantzes. ]

In ways like these the first stage of the Greek Revolution wasachieved. Before the close of 1821, it appeared to the Greeksthemselves, to their Moslem enemies, and to their many friends inEngland, France, and other countries, that the triumph was complete. Unfortunately, the same bad motives and the same bad methods that hadso grievously polluted the torrent of patriotism continued to poisonand disturb the stream which might otherwise have been henceforthclear, steady, and health-giving. Greece was free, but, unless anotherand a much harder revolution could be effected in the temper andconduct of its own people, unfit to put its freedom to good use oreven to maintain it. "The rapid success of the Greeks during the firstfew weeks of the revolution, " says their ablest historian, "threw themanagement of much civil and financial business into the hands of theproësti and demogeronts in office. The primates, who already exercisedgreat official authority, instantly appropriated that which had beenhitherto exercised by murdered voivodes and beys. Every primate stroveto make himself a little independent potentate, and every captain ofa district assumed the powers of a commander-in-chief. The Revolution, before six months had passed, seemed to have peopled Greece with ahost of little Ali Pashas. When the primate and the captain acted inconcert, they collected the public revenues; administered the Turkishproperty, which was declared national; enrolled, paid, and provisionedas many troops as circumstances required, or as they thought fit;named officers; formed a local guard for the primate of the bestsoldiers in the place, who were thus often withdrawn from the publicservice; and organised a local police and a local treasury. This Isystem of local self-government, constituted in a very self-willedmanner, and relieved from almost all responsibility, was soonestablished as a natural result of the Revolution over all Greece. The Sultan's authority having ceased, every primate assumed theprerogatives of the Sultan. For a few weeks this state of things wasunavoidable, and, to an able and honest chief or government, it wouldhave facilitated the establishment of a strong central authority; butby the vices of Greek society it was perpetuated into an organisedanarchy. No improvement was made in financial arrangements, or in thesystem of taxation; no measures were adopted for rendering propertymore secure; no attempt was made to create an equitable administrationof justice; no courts of law were established; and no financialaccounts were published. Governments were formed, constitutions weredrawn up, national assemblies met, orators debated, and laws werepassed according to the political fashion patronised by the liberalsof the day. But no effort was made to prevent the Governmentbeing virtually absolute, unless it was by rendering it absolutelypowerless. The constitutions were framed to remain a dead letter. Thenational assemblies were nothing but conferences of parties, and thelaws passed were intended to fascinate Western Europe, not to operatewith effect in Greece. "[A]

[Footnote A: Finlay, vol. I. , pp. 280, 281. ]

The supreme government of Greece had been assumed in June by PrinceDemetrius Hypsilantes, a worthier man than his brother Alexander, butby no means equal to the task he took in hand. At first the brigandchiefs and local potentates, not willing to surrender any of the powerthey had acquired, were disposed to render to him nominal submission, believing that his name and his Russian influence would be serviceableto the cause of Greece. But Hypsilantes showed himself utterlyincompetent, and it was soon apparent that his sympathies were whollyalien to those both of the Greek people and of their military andcivil leaders. Therefore another master had to be chosen. Kolokotronesmight have succeeded to the dignity, and he certainly had vigourenough of disposition, and enough honesty and dishonesty combined, tomake the position one of power as well as of dignity. For that veryreason, however, his comrades and rivals were unwilling to place himin it. They desired a president skilful enough to hold the reins ofgovernment with a very loose hand, yet so as to keep them from gettinghopelessly entangled--one who should be a smart secretary and adviser, without assuming the functions of a director. 

Such a man they found in Prince Alexander Mavrocordatos, then aboutthirty-two years old. He was a kinsman of a Hospodar of Wallachia, by whom he had in his youth been employed in political matters. Afterthat he had resided in France, where he acquired much fresh knowledge, and where his popularity helped to quicken sympathy on behalf ofthe Greek Revolution at its first outburst. He had lately cometo Missolonghi with a ship-load of ammunition and other material, procured and brought at his own expense, and soon attainedconsiderable influence. Always courteous in his manners, onlyungenerous in his actions where the interests of others came intocollision with his own, less strong-willed and less ambitious thanmost of his associates, those associates were hardly jealous of hispopularity at home, and wholly pleased with his popularity amongforeigners. It was a clear gain to their cause to have Shelley writinghis "Hellas, " and dedicating the poem to Mavrocordatos, as "a token ofadmiration, sympathy, and friendship. "

Mavrocordatos was named President of Greece in the Constitution ofEpidaurus, chiefly his own workmanship, which was proclaimed on the13th of January--New Year's Day, according to the reckoning of theGreek Church--1822. It is not necessary here to detail his own acts orthose of his real or professing subordinates. All we have to do is tofurnish a general account, and a few characteristic illustrations, ofthe course of events during the Greek Revolution, in explanation ofthe state of parties and of politics at the time of Lord Cochrane'sadvent among them. These events were marked by continuance of the sameselfish policy, divided interests, class prejudice, and individualjealousy that have been already referred to. The mass of the Greekpeople were, as they had been from the first, zealous in their desirefor freedom, and, having won it, they were not unwilling to use ithonestly. For their faults their leaders are chiefly to be blamed; andin apology for those leaders, it must be remembered that they were anassemblage of soldiers who had been schooled in oriental brigandage, of priests whose education had been in a corrupt form of Christianitymade more corrupt by persecution, of merchants who had found it hardto trade without trickery, and of seamen who had been taught toregard piracy as an honourable vocation. Perhaps we have less cause tocondemn them for the errors and vices that they exhibited during theirfight for freedom, than to wonder that those errors and vices were notmore reprehensible in themselves and disastrous in their issues. 

For about six years the fight was maintained without foreign aid, savethat given by private volunteers and generous champions in WesternEurope, against a state numerically nearly twenty times as strong asthe little community of revolutionists. In it, along with much wantoncruelty, was displayed much excellent heroism. But the heroism wasreckless and undisciplined, and therefore often worse than useless. 

Memorable instances both of recklessness and of want of disciplineappeared in the attempts made to wrest Chios from the Turks in 1822. The Greek inhabitants of this island, on whom the Turkish yoke pressedlightly, had refused to join in the insurgent movement of theirbrethren on the mainland and in the neighbouring islands. But it wasconsidered that a little coercion would induce them to share inthe Revolution and convert their prosperous island into a Greekpossession. Therefore, in March, a small force of two thousand fivehundred men crossed the archipelago, took possession of Koutari, the principal town, and proceeded to invest the Turkish citadel. The Chiots, though perhaps not very willingly, took part in theenterprise; but the invading party was quite unequal to the work ithad undertaken. In April a formidable Turkish squadron arrived, andby it Chios was easily recovered, to become the scene of vindictiveatrocities, which brought all the terrified inhabitants who werenot slaughtered, or who could not escape, into abject submission. Thereupon, on the 10th of May, a Greek fleet of fifty-six vessels wasdespatched by Mavrocordatos to attempt a more thorough capture of theisland. Its commander was Andreas Miaoulis, a Hydriot merchant, whoproved himself the best sea-captain among the Greeks. Had Miaoulisbeen able, as he wished, to start sooner and meet the Turkish squadronon its way to Chios, a brilliant victory might have resulted, insteadof one of the saddest catastrophes in the whole Greek war. Beingdeterred therefrom by the vacillation of Mavrocordatos and theinsubordination of his captains and their crews, he was only able toreach the island when it was again in the hands of the enemy, and whenall was ready for withstanding him. There was useless fighting on the31st of May and the two following days. On the 18th of June, Miaoulismade another attack; but he was only able to destroy the Turkishflag-ship, and nearly all on board, by means of a fire-vessel. Hisfleet was unmanageable, and he had to abandon the enterprise and toleave the unfortunate Chiots to endure further punishment for offencesthat were not their own. This punishment was so terrible that, in sixmonths, the population of Chios was reduced from one hundred thousandto thirty thousand. Twenty thousand managed to escape. Fifty thousandwere either put to death or sold as slaves in Asia Minor. 

That failure of the Greeks at Chios, quickly followed by theirdefeat on land at Petta, greatly disheartened the revolutionists. Mavrocordatos virtually resigned his presidentship, and there wasanarchy in Greece till 1828. Athens, captured from the Turks in June, 1822, became the centre of jealous rivalry and visionary scheming, mismanagement, and government that was worse than no government atall. Odysseus, the vilest of the vile men whom the Revolution broughtto the surface, was its master for some time; and, when he playedtraitor to the Turks, he was succeeded by others hardly better thanhimself. 

In spite of some heavy disasters, however, the Greeks were so farsuccessful during 1822 that in 1823 they were able to hold theirnewly-acquired territory and to wrest some more fortresses from theirenemies. The real heroism that they had displayed, moreover--the foulcruelties of which they were guilty and the selfish courses which theypursued being hardly reported to their friends, and, when reported, hardly believed--awakened keen sympathy on their behalf. Shelley andByron, and many others of less note, had sung their virtues and theirsufferings in noble verse and enlarged upon them in eloquent prose, and in England and France, in Switzerland, Germany, and the unitedStates, a strong party of Philhellenes was organized to collect moneyand send recruits for their assistance. 

The two Philhellenes of greatest note who served in Greece during theearlier years of the Revolution were Thomas Gordon and Frank AbneyHastings. Gordon, who attained the rank of general in the army ofindependence, had the advantage of a long previous and thoroughacquaintance with the character of both Turks and Greeks and with thelanguages that they spoke. He watched all the revolutionary movementsfrom the beginning, and took part in many of them. In the "Historyof the Greek Revolution, " which he published in 1832, he gave sucha vivid and, in the main, so accurate an account of them that hisnarrative has formed the basis of the more ambitious work of thenative historian, Mr. Trikoupes. Of the vices and errors of thepeople on whose behalf he fought and wrote he spoke boldly. "Whatevernational or individual wrong the Greeks may have endured, " he saidin one place, "it is impossible to justify the ferocity of theirvengeance or to deny that a comparison instituted between them and theOttoman generals, Mehemet Aboulaboud, Omer Vrioni, and the Kehaya Beyof Kurshid, would give to the latter the palm of humanity. Humanity, however, is a word quite out of place when applied either to them orto their opponents. " In another page, further denouncing the Greekleaders, he wrote: "Panourias was the worst of these local despots, whom some writers have elevated into heroes. He was, in fact, anignoble robber, hardened in evil. He enriched himself with the spoilsof the Mahometans; yet he and his retinue of brigands compelled thepeople to maintain them at free quarters, in idleness and luxury, exacting not only bread, meat, wine, and forage, but also sugar andcoffee. Hence springs the reflection that the Greeks had cause torepent their early predilection for the klephts, who were almost all, beginning with Kolokotrones, infamous for the sordid perversity oftheir dispositions. "[A] Gordon's disinterested and brave efforts tobring about a better state of things and to help on the cause ofreal patriotism in Greece were highly praiseworthy; but, as anotherhistorian has truly said, "he did not possess the activity anddecision of character necessary to obtain commanding influence incouncil, or to initiate daring measures in the field. "[B]

[Footnote A: Gordon, vol. I. , pp. 313, 400. ]

[Footnote B: Finlay, vol. Ii. , p. 129. ]

Frank Abney Hastings was an abler man. Born in 1794, he was started inthe naval profession when only eleven years old. Six months after thecommencement of his midshipman's life he was present, on board the_Neptune_, at the battle of Trafalgar, and during the ensuing fourteenyears he served in nearly every quarter of the globe. His independentspirit, however--something akin to Lord Cochrane's--brought him intodisfavour, and, in 1819, for challenging a superior officer who hadinsulted him, he was dismissed from the British navy. Disheartened anddisgusted, he resided in France for about three years. At length heresolved to go and fight for the Greeks, partly out of sympathy fortheir cause, partly as a relief from the misery of forced idleness, partly with the view of developing a plan which he had been devisingfor extending the use of steamships in naval warfare, --to which lastexcellent improvement he greatly contributed. He arrived at Hydra inApril, 1822, just in time to take part in the fighting off Chios. One of his ingenious suggestions, made to Andreas Miaoulis, and itsreception, have been described by himself. "I proposed to direct afireship and three other vessels upon the frigate, and, when near theenemy, to set fire to certain combustibles which should throw outa great flame. The enemy would naturally conclude they were allfireships. The vessels were then to attach themselves to the frigate, fire broadsides, double-shotted, throwing on board the enemy at thesame time combustible balls which gave a great smoke without flame. This would doubtless induce him to believe he was on fire, and givea most favourable opportunity for boarding him. However, the admiralreturned my plan, saying only [Greek: kalo], without asking a singlequestion, or wishing me to explain its details; and I observed a kindof insolent contempt in his manner. This interview with the admiraldisgusted me. They place you in a position in which it is impossibleto render any service, and then they boast of their own superiority, and of the uselessness of the Franks, as they call us, in Turkishwarfare. " Miaoulis, however, soon gained wisdom and made good use ofCaptain Hastings, who spent more than 7000_l. _--all his patrimony--inserving the Greeks. He was almost the only officer in their employwho, during the earlier years of the Revolution, succeeded inestablishing any sort of discipline or good management. 

Lord Byron, the most illustrious of all the early Philhellenes, usedto say, shortly before his death, that with Napier at the head of thearmy and Hastings in command of a fleet the triumph of Greece mightbe insured. Byron was then at Missolonghi, whither he had gone inJanuary, 1824, to die in April. Long before, while stirring up thesympathy of all lovers of liberty for the cause of regeneration inGreece, he had shown that regeneration could be by no means a short oreasy work, and now he had to report that the real work was hardlyyet begun--nay, that it seemed almost further off than ever. "Of theGreeks, " he wrote, "I can't say much good hitherto, and I do not liketo speak ill of them, though they do of one another. "

It was chiefly at Byron's instigation that the first Greek loan wascontracted, in London, early in 1824. Its proceeds, 300, 000_l. _, werespent partly in unprofitable outlay upon ships, ammunition, and thelike, of which the people were in no position to make good use, butmostly in civil war and in pandering to the greed and vanity of themembers of the Government and their subordinate officials. "Phanariotsand doctors in medicine, " says an eye-witness, "who, in the monthof April, 1824, were clad in ragged coats, and who lived on scantyrations, threw off that patriotic chrysalis before summer was past, and emerged in all the splendour of brigand life, fluttering about inrich Albanian habiliments, refulgent with brilliant and unused arms, and followed by diminutive pipe-bearers and tall henchmen. "[A]

[Footnote A: Finky, vol. Ii. P. 39. ]

Even the scanty allowance made by the Greek Government out of itsnewly-acquired wealth for fighting purposes was for the most partsquandered almost as frivolously. One general who drew pay and rationsfor seven hundred soldiers went to fight and die at Sphakteria atthe head of seventeen armed peasants. [A] And that is only a glaringinstance of peculations that were all but universal. 

[Footnote A: Trikoupes, vol. Iii. , p. 206. ]

That being the degradation to which the leaders of the GreekRevolution had sunk, it is not strange that its gains in previousyears should have begun in 1824 to be followed by heavy losses. TheGreek people--the peasants and burghers--were still patriots, thoughill-trained and misdirected. They could defend their own homesteadswith unsurpassed heroism, and hold their own mountains and valleyswith fierce persistency. But they were unfit for distant fighting, even when their chiefs consented to employ them in it. Sultan Mahmud, therefore, who had been profiting by the hard experience of formeryears, and whose strength had been steadily growing while the powerof the insurgents had been rapidly weakening, entered on a new andsuccessful policy. He left the Greeks to waste their energies in theirown possessions, and resolved to recapture, one after another, theoutposts and ill-protected islands. For this he took especial carein augmenting his navy, and, besides developing his own resources, induced his powerful and turbulent vassal, Mohammed Ali, the Pasha ofEgypt, to equip a formidable fleet and entrust it to his son Ibrahim, on whom was conferred the title of Vizier of the Morea. 

Even without that aid Mahmud was able to do much in furtherance of hispurpose. The island of Kasos was easily recovered, and full vengeancewas wreaked on its Greek inhabitants on the 20th of June. Soonafterwards Psara was seized and punished yet more hardly. 

On the 19th of July Ibrahim left Alexandria with a naval force whichswept the southern seas of Greek pirates or privateers. On the 1stof September he effected a junction with the Turkish fleet at Budrun. Their united strength comprised forty-six ships, frigates, andcorvettes, and about three hundred transports, large and small. TheGreek fleet, between seventy and eighty sail, would have been strongenough to withstand it under any sort of good management; but goodmanagement was wanting, and the crews were quite beyond the control oftheir masters. The result was that in a series of small battles duringthe autumn of 1824 the Mahometans were generally successful, and theirenemies found themselves at the close of the year terribly discomfitedThe little organization previously existing was destroyed, and therevolutionists felt that they had no prospect of advantageouslycarrying on their strife at sea without assistance and guidance thatcould not be looked for among themselves. 

Their troubles were increased in the following year. In February andMarch, 1825, Ibrahim landed a formidable army in the Morea, and begana course of operations in which the land forces and the fleetcombined to dispossess the Greeks of their chief strongholds. Thestrongly-fortified island of Sphakteria, the portal of Navarino andPylos, was taken on the 8th of May. Pylos capitulated on the 11th, and Navarino on the 21st of the same month. Other citadels, one afteranother, were surrendered; and Ibrahim and his army spent the summerin scouring the Morea and punishing its inhabitants, with the utmostseverity, for the lawless brigandage and the devoted patriotism ofwhich they had been guilty during the past four years. 

The result was altogether disheartening to the Greeks. They saw thattheir condition was indeed desperate. George Konduriottes, a Hydriotmerchant, an Albanian who could not speak Greek, and who was alikeunable to govern himself or others, had, in June, 1824, been namedpresident of the republic, and since then the rival interests of theprimates, the priests, and the military leaders had been steadilycausing the decay of all that was left of patriotism and increase ofthe selfishness that had so long been rampant. 

There was one consequence of this degradation, however, which promisedto be very beneficial. Seeing that their cause was being rapidlyweakened, and that their hard-fought battle for liberty was in dangerof speedy and ignominious reversal by their own divisions, by thestealthy encroachments of the Ottomans in the north, and by the moreenergetic advances of the Egyptians in the south, the Greeks resolvedto abandon some of their jealousies and greeds, to look for a saviourfrom without, and, on his coming, to try and submit themselveshonestly and heartily to his leadership. The issue of that resolutionwas the following letter, written by Mavrocordatos, then Secretary tothe National Assembly:--

"Milord, --Tandis que vos rares talens étaient consacrés à procurer lebonheur d'un pays séparé par un espace immense de la Grèce, celle-cine voyait pas sans admiration, sans intérêt, sans une espèce dejalousie secrète même, les succès brillants qui ont toujours couronnévos nobles efforts, et rendu à l'indépendance un des plus beaux, desplus riches pays du monde. Votre retour en Angleterre a excité la plusvive joie dans le coeur du citoyen Grèc et de ses représentans parl'espoir flattereur qu'ils commencent à concevoir que, celui qui s'estsi noblement dédié à procurer le bonheur d'une nation, ne refuserapas d'en faire autant pour celui d'une autre, qui ne lui offre pasune carrière moins brillante et moins digne de lui et par son nomhistorique, et par ses malheurs passés et par ses efforts actuels pourreconquérir sa liberté et son indépendance. Les mers qui rappellentles victoires des Thémistocles et des Timon, ne seront pas un théâtreindifférent pour celui qui sait apprécier les grands hommes, et un despremiers amiraux de notre siècle ne verra qu' avec plaisir qu'il estappellé à renouveler les beaux jours de Salamine et de Mycale à latête des Miaoulis, des Sachtouris et des Kanaris. 

"C'est avec la plus grande satisfaction, milord, que je me vois chargéde faire, au nom du Gouvernement, à votre seigneurie, la propositiondu commandement général des forces navales de la Grèce. Si votreseigneurie est disposée à l'accepter, Messieurs les Deputésdu Gouvernement Grèc à Londres ont toute l'autorisation et lesinstructions nécessaires pour combiner avec elle sur les moyens àmettre à sa disposition, afin d'utiliser le plutôt possiblevotre noble décision et accélérer l'heureux moment que la Grècereconnaissante et enthousiasmée vous verra combattre pour la cause desa liberté. 

"Je profite de cette occasion pour prier votre seigneurie de vouloirbien agréer l'assurance de mon respect et de la plus haute estime aveclaquelle j'ai l'honneur d'être, milord, de votre seigneurie le trèshumble et très obéissant serviteur, "A. Mavrocordatos, "Naples de Romanie, "Secre-genl d'Etat. 

"_le 20 Août_, ----------- 1825 1er 7bre

"A Sa Seigneurie le très Honorable Lord Cochrane, à Londres. "

CHAPTER XIV. 

LORD COCHRANE's DISMISSAL FROM BRAZILIAN SERVICE, AND HIS ACCEPTANCEOF EMPLOYMENT AS CHIEF ADMIRAL OF THE GREEKS. --THE GREEK COMMITTEE ANDTHE GREEK DEPUTIES IN LONDON--THE TERMS OF LORD COCHRANE's AGREEMENT, AND THE CONSEQUENT PREPARATIONS. --HIS VISIT TO SCOTLAND--SIR WALTERSCOTT'S VERSES ON LADY COCHRANE. --LORD COCHRANE'S FORCED RETIREMENT TOBOULOGNE, AND THENCE TO BRUSSELS. --THE DELAYS IN FITTING OUT THEGREEK ARMAMENT. --CAPTAIN HASTINGS, MR. HOBHOUSE, AND SIR FRANCESBURDETT. --CAPTAIN HASTINGS'S MEMOIR ON THE GREEK LEADERS ANDTHEIR CHARACTERS. --THE FIRST CONSEQUENCE OF LORD COCHRANE's NEWENTERPRISE. --THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON'S INDIRECT MESSAGE TO LORDCOCHRANE. --THE GREEK DEPUTIES' PROPOSAL TO LORD COCHRANE AND HISANSWER. --THE FINAL ARRANGEMENTS FOR HIS DEPARTURE. --THE MESSIAH OF THEGREEKS. 

[1825-1826. ]

The letter from Mavrocordatos quoted in the last chapter was only partof a series of negotiations that had been long pending. Lord Cochrane, as we have seen, had arrived at Portsmouth on the 26th of June, 1825, in command of a Brazilian war-ship and still holding office as FirstAdmiral of the Empire of Brazil. His intention in visiting Englandhad been only to effect the necessary repairs in his ship before goingback to Rio de Janeiro. He had no sooner arrived, however, than it wasclear to him, from the vague and insolent language of the Brazilianenvoy in London, that it was designed by that official, if not by theauthorities in Rio de Janeiro, to oust him from his command. Duringfour months he remained in uncertainty, determined not willingly toretire from his Brazilian service, but gradually convinced by theincreasing insolence of the envoy's treatment of him that it wouldbe inexpedient for him hastily to return to Brazil, where, beforehis departure, he had experienced the grossest ingratitude for hisbrilliant achievements and neglect and abuse of all sorts. At length, in November, upon learning that his captain and crew had been formallyinstructed to "cast off all subordination" to him, he deemed that hehad no alternative but to consider himself dismissed from Brazilianemployment and free to enter upon a new engagement. 

That engagement had been urged upon him even while he was in SouthAmerica by his friends in England, who were also devoted friends tothe cause of Greek independence, and the proposal had been renewedvery soon after his arrival at Portsmouth. It was so freely talked ofamong all classes of the English public and so openly discussed in thenewspapers before the middle of August that by it Lord Cochrane's lastrelations with the Brazilian envoy were seriously complicated. "LordCochrane is looking very well, after eight years of harassing andungrateful service, " wrote Sir Francis Burdett on the 20th of August, "and, I trust, will be the liberator of Greece. What a glorioustitle!"

It is needless to say that Sir Francis Burdett, always the nobleand disinterested champion of the oppressed, and the far-seeing andfearless advocate of liberty both at home and abroad, was a leadingmember of the Greek Committee in London. This committee was acounterpart--though composed of more illustrious members than any ofthe others--of Philhellenic associations that had been organized innearly every capital of Europe and in the chief towns of the UnitedStates. Everywhere a keen sympathy was aroused on behalf of thedown-trodden Greeks; and the sympathy only showed itself morezealously when it appeared that the Greeks were still burdened withthe moral degradation of their long centuries of slavery, and neededthe guidance and support of men more fortunately trained than theyhad been in ways of freedom. Such a man, and foremost among such men, always generous, wise, and earnest, was Sir Francis Burdett, LordCochrane's oldest and best political friend, his readiest adviserand stoutest defender all through the weary time of his subjection tounmerited disgrace and heartless contumely. Another leading memberof the Greek Committee was Mr. John Cam Hobhouse, afterwards LordBroughton, Lord Byron's friend and fellow-traveller, now Sir FrancisBurdett's colleague in the representation of Westminster as successorto Lord Cochrane. Another of high note was Mr. Edward Ellice, eminentalike as a merchant and as a statesman. Another, no less eminent, wasJoseph Hume. Another was Mr. (afterwards Sir) John Bowring, secretaryto the Greek Committee. By them and many others the progress of theGreek Revolution was carefully watched and its best interests werestrenuously advocated, and by all the return of Lord Cochrane toEngland and the prospect of his enlistment in the Philhellenicenterprise afforded hearty satisfaction. To them the real liberty ofGreece was a cherished object; and one and all united in welcoming thegreat promoter of Chilian and Brazilian independence as the liberatorof Greece. 

Other honest friends of Greece were less sanguine, and more disposedto urge caution upon Lord Cochrane. "My very dear friend, " wrote oneof them, Dr. William Porter, from Bristol on the 25th of August, "Iwill not suffer you to be longer in England without welcoming you; foryour health, happiness, and fame are all dear to me. I have followedyou in your Transatlantic career with deep feelings of anxiety foryour life, but none for your glory: I know you too well to entertaina fear for that. I had hoped that you would repose on your laurels andenjoy the evening of life in peace, but am told that you are about tolaunch a thunderbolt against the Grand Seignior on behalf of Greece. I wish to see Greece free; but could also wish you to rest from yourlabours. For a sexagenarian to command a fleet in ordinary war is aneasy task, and even threescore and ten might do it; but fifty yearsare too many to conduct a naval war for a people whose pretensions tonautical skill you will find on a thousand occasions to give rise tojealousies against you. You will also find that on some important daythey will withhold their co-operation, in order to rob you of yourglory. The cause of Greece is, nevertheless, a glorious cause. Ourremembrance of what their ancestors did at Salamis, at Marathon, atThermopylae, gives an additional interest to all that concerns them. But, to say the truth of them, they are a race of tigers, and theirancestors were the same. I shall be glad to see them fall upon theiraigretted keeper and his pashas; but, confound them! I would notanswer for their destroying the man that would break their fetters andset them loose in all the power of recognised freedom. "

There was much truth in those opinions, and Lord Cochrane was notblind to it. That he, though now in his fiftieth year, was too oldfor any difficult seamanship or daring warfare that came in his wayhe certainly was not inclined to admit; but he was not quite asenthusiastic as Sir Francis Burdett and many of his other friendsregarding the immediate purposes and the ultimate issue of the GreekRevolution. He was now as hearty a lover of liberty, and as willingto employ all his great experience and his excellent ability in itsservice, as he had been eight years before when he went to aid thecause of South American independence. But both in Chili and in Brazilhe had suffered much himself, and, what was yet more galling to oneof his generous disposition, had seen how grievously his disinterestedefforts for the benefit of others had been stultified, by theselfishness and imprudence, the meanness and treachery of those whomhe had done his utmost to direct in a sure and rapid way of freedom. He feared, and had good reason for fearing, like disappointments inany relations into which he might enter with Greece. Therefore, thoughhe readily consented to work for the Hellenic revolutionists, as hehad worked for the Chilians and Brazilians, he did so withsomething of a forlorn hope, with a fear--which in the end was fullyjustified--that thereby his own troubles might only be augmented, andthat his philanthropic plans might in great measure be frustrated. Coming newly to England, where the real state of affairs in Greece, the selfishness of the leaders, the want of discipline amongthe masses, and the consequent weakness and embarrassment to therevolutionary cause, were not thoroughly understood, and where thisunderstanding was especially difficult for him without previousacquaintance even with all the details that were known and apprehendedby his friends, he yet saw enough to lead him to the belief thatthe work they wished him to do in Greece would be harder and morethankless than they supposed. 

This must be remembered as an answer to the first of themisstatements--misstatements that will have to be controvertedat every stage of the ensuing narrative--which were carefullydisseminated, and have been persistently recorded by politicalopponents and jealous rivals of Lord Cochrane. It has been allegedthat he was induced by mercenary motives, and by them alone, to enterthe service of the Greeks. His sole inducements were a desire to dohis best on all occasions towards the punishment of oppressors andthe relief of the oppressed, and a desire, hardly less strong, to seekrelief in the naval enterprise that was always very dear to himfrom the oppression under which he himself suffered so heavily. The ingratitude that he had lately experienced in Chili and Brazil, however, bringing upon him much present embarrassment in lawsuits andother troubles, led him to use what was only common prudence in hisnegotiations with the Greek Committee and with the Greek deputies, John Orlando and Andreas Luriottis, who were in London at the time, and on whom devolved the formal arrangements for employing him andproviding him with suitable equipments for his work. 

These were done with help of a second Greek loan, contracted in Londonin 1825, for 2, 000, 000_l. _ Out of this sum it was agreed that LordCochrane was to receive 37, 000_l. _ at starting, and a further sum of20, 000_l. _ on the completion of his services; and that he was to beprovided with a suitable squadron, for which purpose 150, 000_l. _ wereto be expended in the construction of six steamships in England, and alike sum on the building and fitting out of two sixty-gun frigates inthe United States. With the disappointments that he had experiencedin Chili and Brazil fresh in his mind, he refused to enter on this newengagement without a formidable little fleet, manned by English andAmerican seamen, and under his exclusive direction; and he furtherstipulated that the entire Greek fleet should be at his solecommand, and that he should have full power to carry out his viewsindependently of the Greek Government. 

These arrangements were completed on the 16th of August, except thatLord Cochrane, not having yet been actually dismissed by the Brazilianenvoy, refused formally to pledge himself to his new employers. Inconjunction with Sir Francis Burdett, Mr. Hobhouse, Mr. Ellice, andthe Ricardos, as contractors, however, he made all the preliminaryarrangements, and before the end of August he went for a two months'visit to his native county and other parts of Scotland, from which hehad been absent more than twenty years. 

One incident in that visit was noteworthy. On the 3rd of October, Lordand Lady Cochrane, being in Edinburgh, went to the theatre, wherean eager crowd assembled to do them honour. Into the after-piece anallusion to South America was specially introduced. Upon thatthe whole audience rose and, turning to the seats occupied by thevisitors, showed their admiration by plaudits so long and so vehementthat Lady Cochrane, overpowered by her feelings, burst into tears. Thereupon Sir Walter Scott, who was in the theatre, wrote thefollowing verses:--

 "I knew thee, lady, by that glorious eye, By that pure brow and those dark locks of thine, I knew thee for a soldier's bride, and high My full heart bounded: for the golden mine Of heavenly thought kindled at sight of thee, Radiant with all the stars of memory. 

 "I knew thee, and, albeit, myself unknown, I called on Heaven to bless thee for thy love, The strength, the constancy thou long hast shown, Each selfish aim, each womanish fear above: And, lady, Heaven is with thee; thou art blest, Blest in whatever thy immortal soul loves best. 

 "Thy name, ask Brazil, for she knows it well; It is a name a hero gave to thee; In every letter lurks there not a spell, -- The mighty spell of immortality? Ye sail together down time's glittering stream; Around your heads two glittering haloes gleam. 

 "Even now, as through the air the plaudits rung, I marked the smiles that in her features came; She caught the word that fell from every tongue, And her eye brightened at her Cochrane's name; And brighter yet became her bright eyes' blaze; It was his country, and she felt the praise, --

 "Ay, even as a woman, and his bride, should feel, With all the warmth of an o'erflowing soul: Unshaken she had seen the ensanguined steel, Unshaken she had heard war's thunders roll, But now her noble heart could find relief In tears alone, though not the tears of grief. 

 "May the gods guard thee, lady, whereso'er Thou wanderest in thy love and loveliness! For thee may every scene and sky be fair, Each hour instinct with more than happiness! May all thou valuest be good and great, And be thy wishes thy own future fate!"

Those aspirations were very far from realised. Even during his briefholiday in Scotland, Lord Cochrane was troubled by the news that Mr. Galloway, the engineer to whom had been entrusted the chief work inconstructing steam-boilers for the Greek vessels, was proceeding veryslowly with his task. "My conviction is, " wrote Mr. Ellice, "thatGalloway, in undertaking so much, has promised what he can neverperform, and that it will be Christmas, if not later, before thewhole work is completed. No engines are to be got either in Glasgow orLiverpool. You know I am not sanguine, and the sooner you are here tojudge for yourself the better. There has been no hesitation about themeans from the beginning, but money will not produce steam-engines andvessels in these times. "

In consequence of that letter, Lord Cochrane hurried up to London atonce, intending personally to superintend and hasten on the work. Hearrived on the 3rd of November; but only to find that fresh troubleswere in store for him. He had already been exposed to vexatiouslitigation, arising out of groundless and malicious prosecutions withreference to his Brazilian enterprise. He was now informed that a moreserious prosecution was being initiated. The Foreign Enlistment Act, passed shortly after his acceptance of service under the ChilianRepublic, and at the special instigation of the Spanish Government, had made his work in South America an indictable offence; but it wassupposed that no action would be taken against him now that he hadreturned to England. As soon as it was publicly known, however, thathe was about to embark in a new enterprise, on behalf of Greece, stepswere taken to restrain him by means of an indictment on the score ofhis former employment. "There is a most unchristian league againstus, " he wrote to his secretary, "and fearful odds too. To beprosecuted at home, and not permitted to go abroad, is the devil. Howcan I be prosecuted for fighting in Brazil for the heir-apparentto the throne, who, whilst his father was held in restraint by therebellious Cortes, contended for the legitimate rights of the royalHouse of Braganza, then the ally of England, who had, during thecontest, by the presence of her consuls and other official agents, sanctioned the acts of the Prince Regent of Brazil?"

It soon became clear, however, that the Government had found somejustification of its conduct, and that active measures were beingadopted for Lord Cochrane's punishment. He was warned by Mr. Broughamthat, if he stayed many days longer in England, he would be arrestedand so prevented not only from facilitating the construction of theGreek vessels, but even from going to Greece at all. Therefore, at theearnest advice of his friends, he left London for Calais on the 9thof November, soon to proceed to Boulogne, where he was joined by hisfamily, and where he waited for six weeks, vainly hoping that inhis absence the contractors and their overseers would see that theship-building was promptly and properly executed. 

While at Boulogne, foreseeing the troubles that would ensue fromthese new difficulties, he was half inclined to abandon his Greekengagement, and in that temper he wrote to Sir Francis Burdett foradvice. "I have taken four-and-twenty hours, " wrote his good friendin answer, on the 18th of November, "to consider your last letter, andhave not one moment varied in my first opinion as to the proprietyof your persevering in your glorious career. According to Brougham'sopinion, you cannot be put in a worse situation, --that is, more inperil of Government here, --by continuing foreign service in the Greekcause than you already stand in by having served the Emperor of theBrazils. In my opinion you will be in a great deal less; for, thegreater your renown, the less power will your enemies have, whatevermay be their inclination, to meddle with you. Perhaps they only atpresent desist to look out for a better opportunity, 'reculer pourmieux sauter, ' like the tiger. I don't mean to accuse them of thisbaseness; but, should it be the case, the less you do the more powerthey will have to injure you, if so inclined. Were they to prosecuteyou for having served the Brazilian Emperor, it would call forth nopublic sympathy, or but slight, in your favour. The case would bethought very hard, to be sure; but that would be all. Not so, shouldyou triumph in the Greek cause. Transcendent glory would not onlycrown but protect you. No minister would dare to wag a finger--no, noreven Crown lawyer a tongue--against you; and, if they did, the feelingof the whole English public would surround you with an impenetrableshield. Fines would be paid; imprisonment protested and petitionedagainst; in short, I am convinced the nation would be in a flame, andyou in far less danger of any attempt to your injury than at present. This, my dear Lord Cochrane, is my firm conviction. "

Encouraged by that letter and other like expressions of opinion fromhis English friends, Lord Cochrane determined to persevere in hisGreek enterprise, and to reside at Boulogne until the fleet that wasbeing prepared for him was ready for service. He had to wait, however, very much longer than had been anticipated, and he was unable to waitall the time in Boulogne. There also prosecution threatened him. Aboutthe middle of December he heard that proceedings were about to beinstituted against him for his detention, while in the Pacific, of aFrench brig named _La Gazelle_, the real inducement thereto being inthe fact, as it was reported, that the French Government had espousedthe cause of the Pasha of Egypt, and so was averse to such a planfor destroying the Egyptian fleet under Ibrahim as Lord Cochranewas concocting. Therefore, he deemed it expedient to quit Frenchterritory, and accordingly he left Boulogne on the 23rd of December, and took up his residence at Brussels, with his family, on the 28th ofthe same month. 

Through four weary months and more he was waiting at Brussels, harassed by the prosecutions arising out of the lawsuits that havebeen already alluded to, in reference to which he said in one letter, "I think I must make up my mind, though it is a hard task, to quitEngland for ever;" harassed even more by the knowledge that thebuilding and fitting out of the vessels for his Greek expedition werebeing delayed on frivolous pretexts and for selfish ends, which hispresence in London, if that had been possible, might, to a greatextent, have averted. "The welfare of Greece at this moment rests muchon your lordship, " wrote Orlando, the chief deputy in London, "andI dare hope that you will hasten her triumph:" yet Orlando and hisfellows were idling in London, profiting by delays that increasedtheir opportunities of peculation, and doing nothing to quicken theconstruction of the fleet. Galloway, the engineer, wrote again andagain to promise that his work should be done in three weeks, --it wasalways "three weeks hence;" yet he was well informed that Gallowaywas wilfully negligent, though he did not know till afterwards thatGalloway, having private connections with the Pasha of Egypt, neverintended to do the work which he was employed to do. Lord Cochrane hadgood friends at home in Sir Francis Burdett, Mr. Hobhouse, and others;but they were not competent to take personal supervision of thedetails. He had an experienced deputy in Captain Abney Hastings, whohad come from Greece some time before, and who was now to returnas Lord Cochrane's second in command; but Captain Hastings, single-handed, could not exert much influence upon the rogues withwhom he had to deal. "The _Perseverance_, " he wrote of the largest ofthe ships, which was to be ready first, on the 10th of December, "mayperhaps be ready to sail in six weeks--Mr. Galloway has said threeweeks for the last month; but to his professions I do not, and havenot for a length of time, paid the slightest attention. I believe hedoes all he can do; all I object against him is that he promisesmore than he can perform, and promises with the determination of notperforming it. The _Perseverance_ is a fine vessel. Her power of twoforty-horses will, however, be feeble. I suspect you are not quiteaware of the delay which will take place. " Lord Cochrane soon becamequite aware of the delay, but was unable to prevent it, and thenext few months were passed by him in tedious anxiety and ceaselesschagrin. 

There was one desperate mode of lessening the delay--for Lord Cochraneto go out in the _Perseverance_ as soon as it was ready to start, leaving the other vessels to follow as soon as they were ready. Captain Abney Hastings went to Brussels on purpose to urge him to thatcourse, and Mr. Hobhouse also recommended it. "There are two points, "he wrote on the 23rd of December, "to which your attention willprobably be chiefly directed by Captain Hastings. These are, theexpediency of your going with the _Perseverance_, instead of waitingfor the other boats, and the propriety of immediately disposing of thetwo frigates in America"--about which frequent reports had arrived, showing that their preparation was in even worse hands than was thatof the London vessels--"to the highest bidder. As to the first, Iam confident that, although it would have been desirable to have gottogether the whole force in the first instance, yet, as the salvationof Greece is a question of time only, and as it will be probably solate either as May or June next before the two larger boats can leavethe river, it would be in every way inexpedient for you to wait untilyou could have the whole armament under your orders. Be assured, yourpresence in Greece would do more than the activity of any man living, and, as far as anything can be done in pushing forward the business athome, neither time nor pains shall be spared. I wish indeed you couldhave the whole of the boats at once; but Galloway has determinedotherwise, and we must do the next best thing. Captain Hastings willtell you how much may be done even by one steam-vessel, commanded byyou, and directing the operations of the fire-vessels. On such atopic I should not have the presumption to enlarge to you. As to theAmerican frigates, it is Mr. Ellice's decided opinion, as well as myown, that you should have the money instead of the frigates. First andlast, the frigates _never will be finished_. The rogues at New Yorkdemand 60, 000_l. _ above the 157, 000_l. _ which they have already received, and protest they will not complete their work without the additionalsum. Now 70, 000_l. _ in your hands will be better than the _hopes_--andthey will be nothing but _hopes_--of having the frigates. If you agreein this view, perhaps you will be so good as to state it in writing, which may remove Mr. Ricardo's objections. "

Lord Cochrane was tempted to follow Captain Hastings's and Mr. Hobhouse's advice; but he first, as was his wont, sought Sir FrancisBurdett's opinion; and Sir Francis dissuaded him, for the time, at anyrate. "I would by no means have you proceed with the first vessel, norat all without adequate means, " he wrote on the 15th of January, 1826;"for besides thinking of the Greeks, for whom I am, I own, greatlyinterested, I must think, and certainly not with less interest, ofyou, and, I may add, in some degree of myself too; for I am placedunder much responsibility, and I don't mean to be a party to makingshipwreck of you and your great naval reputation; nor will I everconsent to your going upon a forlorn and desperate attempt--that is, without the means necessary for the fair chance of success--in otherwords, adequate means. Although you have worked miracles, we can neverbe justified in expecting them, and still less in requiring them. "

Following that sound advice, Lord Cochrane resolved to wait until, atany rate, a good part of his fleet was ready. He wrote to that effect, and in as good spirits as he could muster, to Mr. Hobhouse, who inthe answer which he despatched on the 5th of February acknowledged thewisdom of the decision. "I am very glad to perceive, " he said in thatanswer, "that you have good heart and hope for the great cause. I assure you we have been doing all we can to induce the partiesconcerned to second your wishes in every respect; and I now learn fromMr. Hastings, who is our sheet anchor, that matters go on pretty well. I hope you write every now and then to Galloway, in whose hands is thefate of Greece--the worse our luck, for he is the great cause of oursad delay. "

"You see our House is opened, " said Mr. Hobhouse in the same letter. "Not a word of Greece in the Speech, and I spoke to Hume and Wilson, and begged them not to touch upon the subject. It is much better tokeep all quiet, in order to prevent angry words from the ministers, who, if nothing is said, will, I think, shut their eyes at what we aredoing. There is a very prevalent notion here that the (Holy) Alliancehave resolved to recommend something to Turkey in favour of theGreeks. Whether this is true or not signifies nothing. The Turks willpromise anything, and do just what suits them. They have always lostin war, for more than a hundred years, and have uniformly gained bydiplomacy. They will never abandon the hope of reconquering Greeceuntil driven out of Europe themselves, which they ought to be. Bythe way, the Greeks really appear to have been doing a little betterlately; but I still fear these disciplined Arabians. I have writtena very strong letter to Prince Mavrocordatos, telling them to holdout:--no surrender on any terms. I have not mentioned your name; but Ihave stated vaguely that they may expect the promised assistance earlyin the spring. It would indeed be a fine thing if you could commenceoperations during the Rhamadan; but I fear that is impossible. Anytime, however, will do against the stupid, besotted Turks. Were theynot led by Frenchmen, even the Greeks would beat them. "

Of the leisure forced upon him, Lord Cochrane made good use instudying for himself the character of "the stupid, besotted Turks, "and the nature of the war that was being waged against them by theGreeks; and he asked Mr. Hobhouse to procure for him all the bookspublished on the subject or in any way related to it, of which he wasnot already master. "With respect to books, " wrote Mr. Hobhouse, inreply to this request, "there are very few that are not what you havefound those you have read to be, namely, romances; but I will takecare to send out with you such as are the best, together with themost useful map that can be got. " More than fifty volumes were thuscollected for Lord Cochrane's use. 

From Captain Abney Hastings, moreover, he obtained precise informationabout Greek waters, forts, and armaments, as well as "a list of thenames of the principal persons in Greece, with their characters. " Thislist, as showing the opinions of an intelligent Englishman, basedon personal knowledge, as to the parties and persons with whom LordCochrane was soon to deal, is worth quoting entire, especially as itwas the chief basis of Lord Cochrane's own judgment during this timeof study and preparation. 

I. Archontes, or men influential by their riches. 

Lazaros Konduriottes. --A Hydriot merchant, the elder of the twobrothers, who are the most wealthy men in that island, and even in allGreece. This one, by intrigue, by distributing his money adroitlyin Hydra, and keeping in pay the most dissolute and unruly of thesailors, and protecting them in the commission of their crimes, has acquired almost unlimited power at Hydra. He asserts democracy, appealing on all occasions to the people, who are his creatures. Theother primates hate him, of course. Lazaros has the reputation ofbeing clever. He never quits Hydra for an instant, for fear of findinghimself supplanted on his return. 

George Konduriottes. --Brother of the former, and, like him a Hydriotmerchant; an ignorant weak man; said to be vindictive; espouses theparty of his brother at Hydra, by which means he has obtained thePresidency [of Greece]. He made the land captains his enemies, and hadnot good men enough to form an army of his own, viz. , regular troops. His penetration went no further than bribing one captain to destroyanother; which had for effect merely the changing the names ofchieftains without diminishing the power. I understand he has latelyretired to Hydra, and takes no active part in affairs. 

EMANUEL TOMBAZES. --A Hydriot merchant and captain. There are twobrothers, at the head of the party opposed to Konduriottes. Thisman was the first who ventured on the voyage from the Black Sea toMarseilles in a latteen-rigged vessel. This traffic afterwards gavebirth to the colossal fortunes in Hydra. These men are the mostenlightened in Hydra. This one is dignified, energetic, and a goodsailor. However, he lost in Candia much of the reputation he hadpreviously acquired; but with all the errors he committed there, theloss of that island is not attributable to him. 'Twould have beenlost, under similar circumstances, had Cæsar commanded there. Konduriottes and his adherents hate him, of course, and did all theycould to paralyze his operations in Crete. All considered, this man ismore capable of introducing order and regularity into the ships thanany other Greek. 

JAKOMAKI TOMBAZES. --A Hydriot merchant and captain, brother of theformer. He commanded the fleet the first year of the Revolution, andto him is due the introduction of fire-vessels, by which he destroyedthe first Turkish line-of-battle ship at Mytelene. He is perhaps thebest-informed Hydriot; but he wants decision, and demands the adviceof everybody at the moment he should be acting. This man takes littlepart in politics and follows his mercantile pursuits. His hobby-horseis ship-building, in which art he is such a proficient as to bequite the Seppings of Hydra. As to the rest, he is a very worthy, warm-hearted man, but excessively phlegmatic. 

MIAOULIS. --A Hydriot merchant and captain, who obtained command of theHydriot fleet after Jakomaki resigned. He is a very dignified, worthy old man, possesses personal courage and decision, and is lessintriguing than any Greek that I know. 

SAKTOURES. --A Hydriot captain. He has risen from a sailor, and isconsidered by the Archontes rather in the light of a _parvenu_. He iscourageous and enterprising, but a bit of a pirate. 

BONDOMES, SAMADHOFF, GHIKA, ORLANDO. --Hydriot merchants withoutanything but their money to recommend them. 

PEPINOS. --A Hydriot sailor of the clan of Tombazes, who hasdistinguished himself frequently in fireships. 

KANARIS. --A Psarian sailor; the most distinguished of the commandersof fire-vessels. 

BOTAZES. --A Spetziot merchant; the most influential person in hisisland. But the Hydriot merchants possess so much property in Spetziotvessels that, in some measure, they rule that island. 

PETRO-BEY [or PETROS MAVROMICHALES]. --The principal Archonte of Maina;was governor of that province under the Turks. A fat, stupid, worthyman; is sincere in the cause, in which he has lost two if not threesons. 

DELIYANNES. --A Moreot Archonte, and one of the most intriguing andambitious; was formerly sworn enemy to Kolokotrones and the captains, but, having betrothed his daughter to Kolokotrones's son, they havebecome allies. This man, if not the richest Archonte in the Morea, isthe one who affected the most pomp in the time of the Turks, andhe cannot now easily brook his diminished influence. He is reportedclever and unprincipled. 

NOTABAS. --A Moreot Archonte, considered the most ancient of the noblefamilies in the Morea; is a well-meaning old blockhead; has a son, agood-looking youth, who commanded the Government forces against thecaptains in 1824; is said to be an egregious coward. 

LONDOS. --A Moreot Archonte; was much flattered by the Government, butafterwards leagued against them. He is a drunkard, and a man of noconsideration but for his wealth. [A]

[Footnote A: Lord Byron used to describe an evening passed in thecompany of Londos at Vostitza, when both were young men. After supperLondos, who had the face and figure of a chimpanzee, sprang upona table, and commenced singing through his nose Rhiga's "Hymn toLiberty. " A new cadi, passing near the house, inquired the cause ofthe discordant hubbub. A native Mussulman replied, "It is only theyoung primate Londos, who is drunk, and is singing hymns to the newfranaghia of the Greeks, whom they call 'Eleftheria. '"--Finlay, vol. Ii. , p. 35. ]

ZAIMES. --A Moreot Archonte; said to possess considerable talent, andhe exercises a very considerable influence. His brother was formerly adeputy in England. 

SISSINES. --A Moreot Archonte; was formerly a doctor at Patras; hasrisen into wealth and consequence since the Revolution; has greattalent, and is a great rogue. 

SOTIRES XARALAMBI. --A Moreot Archonte of influence. I do not know hischaracter. 

SPELIOTOPOLOS. --A Moreot Archonte, whose name would never havebeen heard by a foreigner, if he had not been made a member of theexecutive body; a stupid old man, possessing little influence of anykind. 

KOLETTES. --A Romeliot; was formerly doctor to Ali Pasha; possessessome talent; has held various situations in the ministry; is detested, yet I know not why. I never could ascertain any act of his thatmerited the dislike he has inspired a large party with. I fancy 'tisalone attributable to jealousy--the peculiar feature of the Greekcharacter. It must nevertheless be acknowledged that he has sometimesmade himself ridiculous by assuming the sword, for which professionhe is totally incapacitated by want of courage. He is, however, poor, although in employment since the commencement of the Revolution. 

THIKOUPES. --An Archonte of Missolonghi; of some importance from theEnglish education he has received from Lord Guildford; a worthy man, possessed of instruction, but, I think, not genius. He has marriedMavrocordatos's sister. 

II. Phanaeiots. 

[DEMETRIUS] HYPSILANTES. --Is of a Phanariot family; was a Russianofficer; although young, is bald and feeble. His appearance and voiceare much against him. He does not so much want talent as ferocity. Hepossesses personal courage and probity, and may be said to be the onlyhonest man that has figured upon the stage of the Revolution. He doesnot favour, but has never openly opposed, the party of the captains. He felt he had not the power to do it with success, and thereforeshowed his good sense in refraining. The Archontes, fearing theinfluence he might acquire would destroy theirs, have uniformlyopposed him, secretly and openly; and they hate one another socordially now that it is impossible they should ever unite. 

MAVROCORDATOS. --Of a Phanariot family; came forward under the auspicesof Hypsilantes, and then tried to supplant him; and to do this he madehimself the tool of the Hydriots, who, as soon as they had obtainedall power in their hands, endeavoured to kick down the stepping-stoolby which they had mounted. Perceiving this, he entered intonegotiations with the captains, and frightened the Hydriots into anacknowledgment of some power for himself. He possesses quickness andintrigue; but I doubt if he has solid talent, and it is reported thathe is particularly careful not to court danger. 

III. Captains or Land-Chieftains. 

KOLOKOTRONES. --A captain of the Morea, and the most powerful one inall Greece. He owes this partly to the numerous ramifications of hisfamily, partly to his reputation as a hereditary robber, and alsoto the wealth he has amassed in his vocation. He is a fine, decided-looking man, and knows perfectly all the localities of thecountry for carrying on mountain warfare, and he knows also, betterthan any other, how to manage the Greek mountaineers. He is, however, entirely ignorant of any other species of warfare, and is notsufficiently civilized to look forward for any other advantage tohimself or his country than that of possessing the mountains andkeeping the Turks at bay. He proposed destroying all the fortressesexcept Nauplia. 'Twas an error of Mavrocordatos to have made this manan open enemy to himself and to organization. Had he been allowed tohave profited by order, he would have espoused it. At present he maybe considered irreconcilably opposed to order and the Hydriot party. 

NIKETAS. --There are two of this name; but the only one that meritsnotice is the Moreot captain, a relation of Kolokrotones. He isas ignorant and dirty as the rest of his brethren, but bears thereputation of being disinterested and courageous. He is always poor. All the chieftains are good bottle-men; but this one excels them somuch that 'tis confidently asserted he drinks three bottles of rum perday. 

STAIKOS. --A Moreot captain who took part early with the Hydriot partyfrom jealousy of Kolokotrones. When that party gained the ascendency, not finding himself sufficiently rewarded, he joined the captains. 

MOMGINOS. --A Mainot chieftain, a rival of Petro-Bey; isundistinguished, except by his colossal stature and ferociouscountenance. 

GOURA. --A Romeliot captain; was a soldier of Odysseus, and employedby him in various assassinations, and thus he rose to preferment andsupplanted his protector, and at length assassinated him. This manpossesses courage and extreme ferocity, but is remarkably ignorant. In the hands of a similar master, he would have been a perfect Tristanl'Hermite. To supplant Odysseus, he was obliged to range himself withthe Hydriot party. 

CONSTANTINE BOTZARES. --A Suliot captain; nephew to the celebratedMakrys, who, from all accounts, was a phenomenon among the captains. This man bears a good character. 

KARAÏSKAKES, RANGO, KALTZAS, ZAVELLA, &c. &c. --Romeliot captains; allmore or less opposed to order, according as they see it suits theirimmediate interest. 

That estimate of the Greek heroes--in the main wonderfullyaccurate--was certainly not encouraging to Lord Cochrane. Hedetermined, however, to go on with the work he had entered upon, andin doing his duty to the Greeks, to try to bring into healthy play thereal patriotism that was being perverted by such unworthy leaders. 

Great benefit was conferred upon the Greeks by his entering into theirservice from its very beginning, in spite of the obstacles which werethrown in his way at starting, and which materially damaged all hissubsequent work on their behalf. No sooner was it known that he wascoming to aid them with his unsurpassed bravery and his unrivalledgenius than they took heart and held out against the Turkish andEgyptian foes to whom they had just before been inclined to yield. And his enlistment in their cause had another effect, of which theythemselves were ignorant. The mere announcement that he intended tofight and win for them, as he had fought and won for Chili, for Peru, and for Brazil, while it caused both England and France to do theirutmost in hindering him from achieving an end which was more thoroughthan they desired, forced both England and France to shake off thelistlessness with which they had regarded the contest during nearlyfive years, and initiate the temporizing action by which Greece wasprevented from becoming as great and independent a state as it mighthave been, yet by which a smaller independence was secured for it. Hardly had Lord Cochrane consented to serve as admiral of the Greeksthan the Duke of Wellington was despatched, in the beginning of 1826, on a mission to Russia, which issued in the protocol of April, 1826, and the treaty of July, 1827--both having for their avowed object thepacification of Greece--and in the battle of Navarino, by which thatpacification was secured. 

The Duke of Wellington passed through Brussels, on his way toSt. Petersburg, in March, 1826. Halting there, he informed thehotel-keeper that he could see no one _except Lord Cochrane_, whichwas as distinct an intimation that he desired an interview as, in accordance with the rules of etiquette, he could make. Thehotel-keeper, however, was too dull to take the hint. He did notacquaint Lord Cochrane of the indirect message intended for himuntil the Duke of Wellington had proceeded on his journey. Thus wasprevented a meeting between one of England's greatest soldiers and oneof her greatest sailors, which could not but have been very memorablein itself, and which might have been far more memorable in itspolitical consequences. 

The meeting was hindered, and, without listening either to thepersonal courtesies or to the diplomatic arguments of the Duke ofWellington, Lord Cochrane continued his preparations for activeservice in Greek waters. The details of these preparations and theirpractical execution, as has been shown, he was forced to leave inother and less competent hands, and their actual supervision was stillimpossible to him. Gradually the irritating and wasteful obstacles forwhich Mr. Galloway was chiefly responsible induced him to resolve uponfollowing the advice tendered in December by Mr. Hobhouse and CaptainHastings--that is, to go to Greece with a small portion only ofthe naval armament for which he had stipulated, and which his mostcautious friends deemed necessary to his enterprise. To this he wasdriven, not only by a desire to do something worthy of his great name, and something really helpful to the cause which he had espoused, but also by the knowledge that the tedious delays that arose weresquandering all the money with which he had counted upon rendering hiswork efficient when he could get to Greece. 

Of this he received frequent and clear intimation from all hisfriends in London, though from none so emphatically as from the Greekdeputies, Orlando and Luriottis, who, being themselves grievously toblame for their peculations and their bad management, threw all theblame upon Mr. Galloway and the other defaulters. Finding that theproceeds of the second Greek loan were being rapidly exhausted bytheir own and others' wrong-doing, they were even audacious enough topropose to Lord Cochrane that, not abandoning his Greek engagement, but rather continuing it under conditions involving much greater riskand anxiety than had been anticipated, he should return the 37, 000_l. _which had been handed over to Sir Francis Burdett on his account, andtake as sole security for his ultimate recompense the two frigateshalf built in America, acknowledged to be of so little value that nopurchaser could be found for them. "Our only desire. " they said, "is to rescue the millions of souls that are praying with a thousandsupplications that they may not fall victims to the despair which isonly averted by the hope of your lordship's arrival. "

To that preposterous request Lord Cochrane made a very temperateanswer. "I have perused your letter of the 18th, " he wrote on the 28thof February, "with the utmost attention, and have since considered itscontents with the most anxious desire to promote the objects you havein view in all ways in my power. But I have not been able to convincemyself that, under existing circumstances, there is any means by whichGreece can be so readily saved as by steady perseverance in equippingthe steam-vessels, which are so admirably calculated to cut off theenemies' communication with Alexandria and Constantinople, and fortowing fire-vessels and explosion-vessels by night into ports andplaces where the hostile squadrons anchor on the shores of Greece. With steam-vessels constructed for such purposes, and a few gunboatscarrying heavy cannon, I have no doubt but that the Morea might in afew weeks be cleared of the enemy's naval force. I wish I could giveyou, without writing a volume, a clear view of the numerous reasons, derived from thirty-five years' experience, which induce me to prefera force that can move in all directions in the obscurity of nightthrough narrow channels, in shoal water, and with silence andcelerity, over a naval armament of the usual kind, though of farsuperior force. You would then perceive with what efficacy the counselof Demosthenes to your countrymen might be carried into effect bydesultory attacks on the enemy; and, in fact, you would perceive thatsteam-vessels, whenever they shall be brought into war for hostilepurposes, will prove the most formidable means that ever has beenemployed in naval warfare. Indeed, it is my opinion that twenty-fourvessels moved by steam (such as the largest constructed foryour service) could commence at St. Petersburg, and finish atConstantinople, the destruction of every ship of war in the Europeanports. I therefore hold that you ought to strain every nerve to getthe steam-vessels equipped. For on these, next to the valour ofthe Greeks themselves, depends the fate of Greece, and not on largeunwieldy ships, immovable in calms, and ill-calculated for nocturnaloperations on the shores of the Morea and adjacent islands. Havingthus repeated to you my opinions, I have only to add that, ifyou judge you can follow a better course, I release you from theengagement you entered into with me, and I am ready to return you the37, 000_l. _ on your receiving as part thereof 72, 500 Greek scrip, atthe price I gave for it on the day following my engagement (under thefaith of the stipulations then entered into), as a further stimulusto my exertion, by casting my property, as well as my life, into thescale with Greece. This release I am ready to make at once; but Icannot consent to accept as security, for the fruits of seven years'toil, vessels manned by Americans, whose pay and provisions I see noadequate or regular means of providing. But should the 150, 000_l. _placed at the disposal of the Committee not prove sufficient for theobjects _I have required_, I will advance the 37, 000_l. _ for the payand provisions necessary for the steamboats on the security of theboats themselves. Thus you have the option of releasing me fromthe service, or of continuing my engagement, although I shall loseseverely by my temporary acceptance of your offer. "

In that letter Lord Cochrane conceded more than ought to have beenexpected of him. In a supplementary letter written on the same dayhe added: "I again assure you that I am ready to do whatever isreasonable for the interest of Greece; but it cannot be expected thatfor such interest I ought to sacrifice totally those of my familyand myself, as would be the case were I to give up both the means Ipossess to obtain justice in South America and my indemnification, onso slender a security as that offered to me. Believe me, I should havetendered the 37, 000_l. _, without reference to the Greek scrip Ihad purchased, had it not been evident to me that, under suchcircumstances, the security of your public funds would be dependenton chances which I cannot foresee, and over which I should have nocontrol. "

Thus temperately rebuked, the Greek deputies did not urge theirproposal any further. They only wrote to promise all possibleexpedition in completing the steam-vessels. Lord Cochrane, however, voluntarily acceded to one of their wishes. Hearing that the largestof the steamers, the _Perseverance_, was nearly ready for sea, andthat Mr. Galloway had again solemnly pledged himself to complete theothers in a short time, he determined not to wait for the whole force, but to start at once for the Mediterranean. It had been all alongdecided that the _Perseverance_ should be placed under CaptainHastings's command; and it was now arranged that he should take her toGreece as soon as she was ready, and that Lord Cochrane should followin a schooner, the _Unicorn_, of 158 tons. It was not intended, ofcourse, that with that boat alone he should go all the way to Greece;but it was considered--perhaps not very wisely--that if he wereactually on his way to Greece, the completion of the other fivesteamships would be proceeded with more rapidly; and he agreed that, as soon as he was joined in the Mediterranean by the first two ofthese, the _Enterprise_ and the _Irresistible_, he would hasten onto the Archipelago, and there make the best of the small force at hisdisposal. Not only was it supposed that Mr. Galloway and the otheragents would thus be induced to more vigorous action: it was alsodeemed that the effect of this step upon the Hellenic nation wouldbe very beneficial. "As soon as the Greek Government know that yourlordship is on your way to Greece, " wrote the London deputies on the13th of April, "their courage will be animated, and their confidencerenewed. We may with truth assert that your lordship is regarded byall classes of our countrymen as a Messiah, who is to come to theirdeliverance; and, from the enthusiasm which will prevail amongst thepeople, we may venture to predict that your lordship's valour andsuccess at sea will give energy and victory to their arms on land. "

With the new arrangements necessitated by this change of plans thelast two or three weeks of April and the first of May were occupied. Lord Cochrane put to sea on the 8th of May. "As a Greek citizen, " oneof the deputies in London, Andreas Luriottis, had written on the17th of April, "I cannot refrain from expressing my sincere gratitudetowards your lordship for the resolution which you have taken todepart almost immediately for Greece. This generous determination, ata moment when my country is really in want of every assistance, cannotbe regarded with indifference by my countrymen, who already look uponyour lordship as a Messiah. Your talents and intrepidity cannot allowus for a moment to doubt of success. My countrymen will afford youevery assistance, and confer on you all the powers necessary for yourundertaking; although your lordship must be aware that Greece, afterfive years' struggle, cannot be expected to present a very favourableaspect to a stranger. Your lordship will, however, find men full ofdevotion and courage--men who have founded, their best hopes on you, and from whom, under such a leader, everything may be expected. Yourlordship's previous exploits encourage me to hope that Greece will notbe less successful than the Brazils, since the materials she offersfor cultivation are superior. With patience and perseverance in theoutset, all difficulties will soon vanish, and the course will bedirect and unimpeded. The resources of Greece are not to be despised, and, if successful, she will find ample means to reward those who willhave devoted themselves to her service and to the cause of liberty. "

CHAPTER XV. 

LORD COCHRANE'S DEPARTURE FOR GREECE. --HIS VISIT TO LONDON ANDVOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. --HIS STAY AT MESSINA, AND AFTERWARDSAT MARSEILLES. --THE DELAYS IN COMPLETING THE STEAMSHIPS, AND THECONSEQUENT INJURY TO THE GREEK CAUSE, AND SERIOUS EMBARRASSMENTTO LORD COCHRANE. --HIS CORRESPONDENCE WITH MESSRS. J. AND S. RICARDO. --HIS LETTER TO THE GREEK GOVERNMENT. --CHEVALIER EYNARD, ANDTHE CONTINENTAL PHILHELLENES. --LORD COCHRANE'S FINAL DEPARTURE, ANDARRIVAL IN GREECE. 

[1826-1827. ]

Lord Cochrane, having passed from Brussels to Flushing, sailed thencein the _Unicorn_ on the 8th of May, 1826. Before proceeding to theMediterranean, he determined, in spite of the personal risk he wouldthus be subjected to through the Foreign Enlistment Act, to see forhimself in what state were the preparations for his enterprise inGreece. He accordingly landed at Weymouth, and hurrying up to London, spent the greater part of Sunday, the 16th of May, in Mr. Galloway'sbuilding yard at Greenwich. 

He found that the _Perseverance_ was apparently completed, thoughwaiting for some finishing touches to be put to her boilers. "The twoother vessels, " he said, "were filled with pieces of the high-pressureengines, all unfixed, and scattered about in the engine-room and ondeck. The boilers were in the small boats, and occupied nearly onehalf of their length, Mr. Galloway having, through inattention orotherwise, caused them to be made of the same dimensions as theboilers for the great vessels, which, by the by, had been improperlyincreased from sixteen feet, the length determined on, to twenty-threefeet. " The inspection was unsatisfactory; but Mr. Galloway pledgedhimself on his honour that the _Perseverance_ should start in a day ortwo, that the _Enterprise_ and the _Irresistible_ should be completedand sent to sea within a fortnight, and that the other three vesselsshould be out of hand in less than a month. 

Trusting to that promise, or at any rate hoping that it might befulfilled, and after a parting interview with Sir Francis Burdett, Mr. Ellice, and other friends, Lord Cochrane left London on Monday, andjoined the _Unicorn_, at Dartford, on the 20th of May. It hadbeen arranged that he should wait in British waters for the firstinstalment of his little fleet, at any rate. With that object hecalled at Falmouth, and, receiving no satisfactory information there, went to make a longer halt in Bantry Bay. At length, hearing that the_Perseverance_ had actually started, with Captain Hastings for itscommander, and that the other two large vessels were on the point ofleaving the Thames, he left the coast of Ireland on the 12th of June. 

He vainly hoped that the vessels would promptly join him in theMediterranean, and that within four or five weeks' time he shouldbe at work in Greek waters. The journey, however, was to last ninemonths. The mismanagement and the wilful delays of Mr. Galloway andthe other contractors and agents continued as before. The urgentneed of Greece was unsatisfied; the funds collected for promoting herdeliverance were wantonly perverted; and the looked-for deliverer wasdoomed to nearly a year of further inactivity--hateful to him at alltimes, but now a special source of annoyance, as it involved notonly idleness to himself, but also serious injury to the cause he hadespoused. 

He passed Oporto on the 18th, Lisbon on the 20th, and Gibraltar on the26th of June. He was off Algiers on the 3rd of July, and on the 12thhe anchored in the harbour of Messina. There, and in the adjoiningwaters, he waited nearly three months, in daily expectation ofthe arrival of his vessels, Messina having been the appointedmeeting-place. No vessels came, but instead only dismal andprocrastinating letters. "We deeply lament, " wrote Messrs. J. And S. Ricardo, the contractors for the Greek loan, in one of them, dated the9th of September, "that, after all the exertions which have been used, we have not yet been able to despatch the two large steam-vessels. Everything has been ready for some time; but Mr. Galloway's failurein the engines will now occasion a much longer detention. We leave toyour brother, who writes by the same opportunity, to explain fully toyour lordship how all this has arisen, and what measures it has beenconsidered expedient to adopt. In the whole of this unfortunate affairwe have endeavoured to follow your wishes; and our conduct towards Mr. Galloway, who has much to answer for, has been chiefly directed byhis representations. " "Galloway is the evil genius that pursues useverywhere, " wrote the same correspondents on the 25th of September;"his presumption is only equalled by his incompetency. Whatever he hasto do with is miserably deficient. We do not think his misconduct hasbeen intentional; but it has proved most fatal to the interests ofGreece, and of those engaged in her behalf. On your lordship it haspressed peculiarly hard; and most sincerely do we lament that anundertaking, which promised so fairly in the commencement shouldhitherto have proved unavailing, and that your power of assistingthis unhappy country should have been rendered nugatory by the want ofmeans to put it in effect. "

Those letters, and others written before and after, did not reach LordCochrane till the end of October. In the meanwhile, finding that theexpected vessels did not arrive at Messina, and that in that place itwas impossible even for him to receive accurate information as to theprogress of affairs in London, he called at Malta about the middleof September, and thence proceeded to Marseilles, as a convenienthalting-place, in which he had better chance of hearing how matterswere proceeding, and from which he could easily go to meet the vesselswhen, if ever, they were ready to join him. He reached Marseilleson the 12th of October, and on the same day he forwarded a letterto Messrs. Ricardo. "I wrote to you a few days ago, " he said, "fromMalta, and, as the packet sailed with a fair wind, you will receivethat letter very shortly. You will thereby perceive the distressingsuspense in which I have been held, and the inconvenience to whichI have been exposed, by remaining on board this small vessel for aperiod of five months, during all the heat of a Mediterranean summer, without exercise or recreation. This situation has been renderedthe more unpleasant, as I have had no means to inform myself, exceptthrough the public papers, relative to the concern in which we are nowengaged. My patience, however, is now worn out, and I have come hereto learn whether I am to expect the steam-vessels or not, --whetherthe scandalous blunders of Mr. Galloway are to be remedied bythose concerned, or if an ill-timed parsimony is to doom Greece toinevitable destruction; for such will be the consequence, if Ibrahim'sresources are not cut up before the period at which it is usual forhim to commence operations. You know my opinions so well, that it isunnecessary to repeat them to you. I shall, however, add, thatthe intelligence and plans I have obtained since my arrival in theMediterranean confirm these opinions, and enable me to predict, withas much certainty as I ever could do on any enterprise, that if thevessels and the means to pay six months' expenses are forwarded, thereshall not be a Turkish or Egyptian ship in the Archipelago at thetermination of the winter. It may have been expected that I shouldimmediately proceed to Greece in this vessel. I might have done so atan earlier period of my life, before I had proved by experience thatadvice is thrown away upon persons in the situation and circumstancesin which the Greek rulers and their people are unfortunately placed. Having made up my mind on this subject, I must entreat you to let meknow by the earliest possible means what I am to expect in regard tothe steamships. I see by the 'Globe' of the 2nd of last month that theholders of Greek stock were to have a meeting. I conclude they cameto some resolution, and this resolution I want to know. I wish I couldgive them my eyes to see with--they would then pursue a course whichwould secure their interests. This, however, is impossible; thereforethey must, like the Greeks, be left to follow their own notions. I have, however, no objections to your stating to these gentlemen, either publicly or privately, that I pledge my reputation to freeGreece if they will, by the smallest additional sacrifice that may berequired, put the stipulated force at my disposal. "[A]

[Footnote A: This letter, like some others of this nature, is partlywritten in cypher, the key to which is lost. Its concluding sentences, therefore, are not given. ]

At Marseilles, Lord Cochrane received information, dishearteningenough, though more encouraging than was justified by the real stateof affairs, with reference to his intended fleet. On the 14th ofOctober he wrote to explain his position, as he himself understood it, to the Greek Government. "By the most fortunate accident, " he said, "Ihave met Mr. Hobhouse here, who, from his correspondence with Messrs. Ricardo and others in London, enables me to state to you that the twolarge steamboats will be completed on the 28th day of this month, andthat they will proceed on the following day for the _rendezvous_ whichI had assigned to them previous to my departure. You may, therefore, count on their being in Greece about the 14th of next month. TheAmerican frigate is said to be completed and on her way, and I feel aconfident hope that I shall be able here to add a very efficient shipof war to the before-mentioned vessels. [A] It is probable, " he added, "that many idle reports will be circulated here and through the publicprints, because, under existing circumstances, I find it necessary toappear now as a person travelling about for private amusement. I canassure you, however, that the hundred and sixty days which I havealready spent in this small vessel, without ever having my foot onshore till the day before yesterday, has been a sacrifice which Ishould not have made for any other cause than that in which Iam engaged; but I considered it essential to conceal the realinsignificance of my situation and allow rumours to circulate ofsquadrons collecting in various parts, judging that the effect wouldbe to embarrass the operations of the enemy. "

[Footnote A: It should here be explained that the building and fittingout of the two frigates contracted for in New York, at a cost of150, 000_l. _, having been assigned to persons whose mismanagement wasas scandalous as that which perplexed the Greek cause in London, oneof them had been sold, and with the proceeds and some other funds theother had been completed and fitted out, more than 200, 000_l. _ havingbeen spent upon her. She reached Greece at the end of 1826, there tobe known as the _Hellas_. ]

That concealment had to be maintained, and the wearisome delayscontinued, for three months more. All the promises of Mr. Galloway andall the efforts, real or pretended, of the Greek deputies in London, were vain. The completion of the steam-vessels was retarded on allsorts of pretexts, and when each little portion of the work was saidto be done, it was found to be so badly executed that it had to becancelled and the whole thing done afresh. In this way all the residueof the loan of 1825 was exhausted, and all for worse than nothing. 

Lord Cochrane would never have been able to proceed to Greece at all, had the Greek deputies, Orlando and Luriottis, who had contracted forhis employment, been his only supporters. Fortunately, however, he hadother and worthier coadjutors. The Greek Committee in Paris didmuch on his behalf, and yet more was done by the Philhellenes ofSwitzerland, with Chevalier Eynard at their head, of whom one zealousmember, Dr. L. A. Gosse, of Geneva, "well-informed, very zealous, fullof genuine enthusiasm for the cause of humanity, and an excellentphysician, " as M. Eynard described him, was about to go in personto Greece, as administrator of the funds collected by the SwissCommittee. Lord Cochrane's disconsolate arrival at Marseilles, and themiserable failure of the plans for his enterprise, had not been knownto M. Eynard and his friends a week, before they set themselves toremedy the mischief as far as lay in their power. As a first andchief movement they proposed to buy a French corvette, then lyingin Marseilles Harbour, and fit her out as a stout auxiliary to LordCochrane's little force expected from London and New York. LordCochrane, being consulted on the scheme, eagerly acceded to it in aletter written on the 25th of October. "As I have yet no certainty, "he said, "that the person employed to fit the machinery of thesteam-vessels will now perform his task better than he has heretoforedone, I recommend purchasing the corvette, provided that she can bepurchased for the sum of 200, 000 francs, and, if funds are wanting, Ipersonally am willing to advance enough to provision the corvette, and am ready to proceed in that or any fit vessel. But I am quiteresolved, without a moral certainty of something following me, notto ruin and disgrace the cause by presenting myself in Greece in aschooner of two carronades of the smallest calibre. "

The corvette was bought and equipped; but in this several weekswere employed. In the interval, for a week or two after the 8th ofDecember, Lord Cochrane went to Geneva, there to be the guest ofChevalier Eynard, to be introduced to Dr. Gosse, and to becomepersonally acquainted with many other Philhellenes. 

Neither Lord Cochrane nor his friends could quite abandon hope of theultimate completion of the London steam-vessels. They felt, too, that with nothing but the new vessel, the American frigate, and the_Perseverance_, Lord Cochrane would have very poor provision for hisundertaking. "I have this moment received a letter from his lordship, "wrote M. Eynard to Mr. Hobhouse on the 12th of January, 1827, "whereinhe appears rather disappointed with respect to the scantiness of theforces and the means placed at his disposal. He informs me that he hasno officers, few sailors; and that, in case the steamers shouldnot arrive, he will not feel qualified to encounter the Turkish andEgyptian naval forces, as well as the Algerines, who of all are thebest manned. 'I therefore shall not be able to undertake anythingof moment, ' continues his lordship. 'Thus to stake my character andexistence would be a mere Quixotic act. I will put to sea, however, but still with a heavy heart; yet not until I have with me allrequisites, and my stores and ammunition be embarked likewise. 'Discouragement appears throughout his lordship's letter. "

The discouragement is not to be wondered at. It is hardly necessary, however, to give further illustration of it, or of the troublesincident to this long waiting-time. Enough has been said to show LordCochrane's position in relation to this deplorable state of affairs, and to exonerate him from all blame in the matter. That he should havebeen blamed at all is only part of the wanton injustice that attendedhim nearly all through his life. He had consented, in the autumnof 1825, to enter the service of the Greeks, on the distinctunderstanding that six English-built steamships should be placed athis disposal, and to facilitate the arrangements he did and borefar more than could have been expected of him. For the delays anddisasters that befel those arrangements he was in no way responsible:he was only thereby a very great sufferer. But his sufferings wouldhave been greater, and he would have been really at fault, had heconsented to go to Greece without any sort of provision, as a fewrash friends and many eager enemies desired him to do, and afterwardsblamed him for not doing. 

As it was, he greatly increased his difficulties by at last proceedingto Greece with the miserable equipment provided for him. In his littleschooner, the _Unicorn_, he left Marseilles on the 14th of February, 1827, and proceeded to St. Tropezy, where the French corvette, the_Sauveur_, was being fitted out under the direction of Captain Thomas, a brave and energetic officer. Thence he set sail, with the twovessels, on the 23rd of February. He reached Poros, and enteredupon his service in Greek waters, on the 19th of March. "He had beenwandering about the Mediterranean in a fine English yacht, purchasedfor him out of the proceeds of the loan, in order to accelerate hisarrival in Greece, ever since the month of June, 1826, " says theablest historian of the Greek Revolution. [A] The preceding paragraphswill show how much truth is contained in that sarcastic sentence. 

[Footnote A: Finlay, vol. Ii. , p. 137. ]

CHAPTER XVI. 

THE PROGRESS OF AFFAIRS IN GREECE. --THE SIEGE OF MISSOLONGHI. --ITSFALL. --THE BAD GOVERNMENT AND MISMANAGEMENT OF THE GREEKS. --GENERALPONSONBY'S ACCOUNT OF THEM. --THE EFFECT OF LORD COCHRANE'S PROMISEDASSISTANCE. --THE FEARS OF THE TURKS, AS SHOWN IN THEIR CORRESPONDENCEWITH MR. CANNING. --THE ARRIVAL OF CAPTAIN HASTINGS IN GREECE, WITH THE"KARTERIA. "--HIS OPINION OF GREEK CAPTAINS AND SAILORS. --THE FRIGATE"HELLAS. "--LETTERS TO LORD COCHRANE FROM ADMIRAL MIAOULIS AND THEGOVERNING COMMISSION OF GREECE. 

[1826-1827. ]

During the one-and-twenty weary months that elapsed between LordCochrane's acceptance of service in the Greek War of Independence andhis actual participation in the work, the Revolution passed through anew and disastrous stage. In the summer of 1825, when the invitationwas sent to him, the disorganisation of the Greeks and the superiorstrength of the Turks, and yet more of their Egyptian and Arabianallies under Ibrahim Pasha, were threatening to undo all that had beenachieved in the previous years. One bold stand had begun to be made, in which, throughout nearly a whole year, the Greeks fought withunsurpassed heroism, and then the whole struggle for liberty fell intothe lawless and disordered condition which already had prevailed inmany districts, and which was then to become universal and to offerobstacles too great even for Lord Cochrane's genius to overcome inhis efforts to revive genuine patriotism and to render thoroughlysuccessful the cause that he had espoused. 

The last great stand was at Missolonghi. Built on the edge of a marshyplain, bounded on the north by the high hills of Zygos and protectedon the south by shallow lagoons at the mouth of the Gulf of Lepanto, and chiefly tenanted by hardy fishermen, this town had been the firstin Western Greece to take part in the Revolution. Here in June, 1821, nearly all the Moslem residents had been slaughtered, the wealthiestand most serviceable only being spared to become the slaves of theirChristian masters. In the last two months of 1822 the Ottomanshad made a desperate attempt to win back the stronghold; but itsinhabitants, led by Mavrocordatos, who had lately come to join in thework of regeneration, had resolutely beaten off the invaders and takenrevenge upon the few Turks still resident among them. "The wife of oneof the Turkish inhabitants of Missolonghi, " said an English visitorin 1824, "imploring my pity, begged me to allow her to remain undermy roof, in order to shelter her from the brutality and cruelty of theGreeks. They had murdered all her relations. A little girl, nine yearsold, remained to be the only companion of her misery. "[A] Missolonghicontinued to be one of the chief strongholds of independence incontinental Greece; and, the revolutionists being forced into it bythe Turks, who scoured the districts north and east of it in 1824 and1825, it became in the latter year the main object of attack and thescene of most desperate resistance. Here were concentrated the chiefenergies of the Greek warriors and of their Moslem antagonists, andhere was exhibited the last and most heroic effort of the patriots, unaided by foreign champions of note, in their long and hard-foughtbattle for freedom. 

[Footnote A: Millingen, "Memoirs on the Affairs of Greece, " p. 99. ]

Reshid Pasha, the ablest of the Turkish generals, having advanced intothe neighbourhood of Missolonghi towards the end of April, began tobesiege it in good earnest, at the head of an army of some sevenor eight thousand picked followers, on the 7th of May. While he wasforming his entrenchments and erecting his batteries, the townsmen, augmented by a number of fierce Suliots and others, were strengtheningtheir defences. They increased their ramparts, and organised agarrison of four thousand soldiers and armed peasants, with a thousandcitizens and boatmen as auxiliaries. At first the tide of fortune waswith them. The Turks had to defend themselves as best they could fromnumerous sorties, well-planned and well-executed, in May and June; andfresh courage came to the Greeks with the intelligence that AdmiralMiaoulis was on his way to the port, with as powerful a fleet as hecould muster. While he was being expected, however, on the 10th ofJuly, the Turkish Capitan Pasha of Greece arrived with fifty-fivevessels. Miaoulis, with forty Greek sail, made his appearance on the2nd of August. Thus the naval and military forces of both sides werebrought into formidable opposition. 

At first the Greeks triumphed on the sea. In the night of the 3rd ofAugust, Miaoulis, finding that Missolonghi was being greatly troubledby the blockade established by the Turks, cleverly placed himself towindward of the enemy's line, and at daybreak on the 4th he dispersedthe squadron nearest the shore. At noon the whole Turkish force cameagainst him. He met them bravely, but being able to do no morethan hold his own by the ordinary method of warfare, he sent threefireships against them in the afternoon. The Turks did not wait to beinjured by them. They fled at once, going all the way to Alexandriain search of safety. Miaoulis then lost no time in seconding his firstexploit by another. A detachment of the army of Eastern Greece, underthe brave generals Karaïskakes and Zavellas, having been sent toharass Reshid Pasha's operations, the admiral assisted them in asuccessful piece of strategy. The Turks were, on the 6th of August, attacked simultaneously by the ships and by the outlying battalionof Greeks, while fifteen hundred of the garrison rushed out upon theinvaders. Four Turkish batteries were seized, and a great number oftheir defenders were killed and captured; the remainder, after toughfighting during three hours and a half, being driven so far back thatmuch of the besieging work had to be done over again. 

Miaoulis then went in search of the Ottoman fleet, leaving thetownsmen, who were enabled, by the raising of the blockade, to receivefresh supplies of food, ammunition, and men, to continue theirdefence with a good heart. Reshid Pasha vigorously restored his siegeoperations, but, attempting to force his way into the town on the 21stof September, was again seriously repulsed. The Turks were allowed, and even tempted, to advance to a point which had been skilfullyundermined by the besieged. The mine was then fired, and a greatnumber of Moslems were blown into the air, while their comrades, fleeing in disorder, were further injured by a storm of shot from theramparts. A similar device was resorted to, with like success, on the13th of October. Reshid had to retire to a safe distance andthere build winter quarters for his diminished and starving army. Karaïskakes and Zavellas entered Missolonghi without hindrance, thereto concert measures which, had they been promptly adopted, might haveutterly destroyed the besieging force. 

They delayed their plans too long. The Capitan Pasha having in Augustfled in a cowardly way to Alexandria, there effected a junction withthe Egyptians, and returned to the neighbourhood of Missolonghi inthe middle of November with a huge fleet of a hundred and thirty-fivevessels, well supplied with troops and provisions. These he landed atPatras on the 18th, just in time to be free from any annoyance thatmight have been occasioned by Miaoulis, who returned to Missolonghion the 28th with a fleet of only thirty-three sail. He had vainlyattacked a part of the Moslem force on its way, and now, after landingsome stores at Missolonghi, made several vain attempts to overcome aforce four times as strong as his own. He soon retired, intending toreturn as promptly as he could collect a large fleet and bring withhim further supplies of the provisions of which the Missolonghiteswere beginning to be in need. 

The need was greater even than he imagined. Not only had the CapitanPasha brought temporary assistance, in men and food, to the besiegingforce. Yet greater assistance soon came in the shape of an Egyptianarmy, led by Ibrahim Pasha himself. An overwhelming power wasthus organized during the last weeks of 1825, and the defenders ofMissolonghi were left to succumb to it, almost unaided. Their previoussuccesses had induced the Greeks of other districts to believe thatthey could continue their defence alone, and almost the only reliefobtained by them was from the Zantiots, who had all along been zealousin the despatch of money and provisions, and from Miaoulis and thesmall fleet and equipment that he was able to collect from the islandsof the Archipelago. Miaoulis returned in January, 1826, and did muchinjury to the Turkish and Egyptian vessels. But he could offer nohindrance to the action of the Turks and Egyptians upon land. Therainy months of December and January, in which no important attackcould be entered upon, were spent by Ibrahim and his companions inpreparation for future work. The invaders were now well providedwith every requisite. The besieged were in want of nearly everything. "Invested for ten months, " says the contemporary historian, "frequently on the verge of starvation, thinned by fatigue, watching, and wounds, they had already buried fifteen hundred soldiers. Thetown was in ruins, and they lived amongst the mire and water of theirditches, exposed to the inclemency of a rigorous season, without shoesand in tattered clothing. As far as their vision stretched over thewaves they beheld only Turkish flags. The plain was studded withMussulman tents and standards; and the gradual appearance of newbatteries more skilfully disposed, the field days of the Arabs, andthe noise of saws and hammers, gave fearful warning. Yet these gallantAcarnanians, Etolians, and Epirots never flinched for an instant. "[A]

[Footnote A: Gordon, vol. Ii. , p. 253. ]

On the 13th of January, Ibrahim Pasha sent to say that he was willingto treat with them for an honourable surrender if they would conveytheir terms by deputies who could speak Albanian, Turkish, and French. "We are illiterate, and do not understand so many languages, " wastheir blunt reply; "pashas we do not recognize; but we know how tohandle the sword and gun. "[A]

[Footnote A: Ibid. ]

Sword and gun were handled with desperate prowess during February andMarch and the early part of April. In April, offers of capitulationwere renewed by Ibrahim, and more disinterested attempts to avertthe worst calamity were made by Sir Frederick Adam, the Lord HighCommissioner of the Ionian Islands. Both proposals were stoutlyrejected. The Missolonghiotes declared that they would defend theirtown to the last, and trust only in God and in their own strong arms. But on the 1st of April the last scanty distribution of public rationswas exhausted. For three weeks the inhabitants subsisted upon nothingbut cats, rats, hides, seaweed, and whatever other refuse and verminthey could collect. At length, on the 22nd of April, finding itimpossible to hold out for a day longer, they resolved to evacuate thetown in a body, and, cutting their way through the enemy, to try tojoin Karaïskakes and his small force, who, hiding among the mountainfastnesses, were vainly seeking for some way of assisting them, and towhom they now despatched a message, asking them to advance and help toclear a passage for their flight. 

After sunset four bridges of planks were secretly laid over the outerditch of Missolonghi, and the inhabitants were ordered to prepare toleave in two hours. Many--about two thousand--lost heart at last; somebetaking themselves to the powder stores, there, when all hope wasover, to end their lives by easier death than the enemy might allowthem; others, crouching in corners of their homesteads, deeming itbetter to be murdered there than in the open country. The rest obeyedthe orders of the generals. All the women dressed themselves as men, with swords or daggers at their waists. Every child who could hold aweapon had one placed in his hand. There was bitter leave-taking, anddesperate words of encouragement passed from one to another, as thepatriots were marshalled in the order of their departure;--threethousand fighting men to open a passage and four thousand women andchildren to follow;--the whole being divided into three separateparties. At length all was ready, and the first party silently passedout of the town and advanced to the bridges. To their amazement, they no sooner appeared than they were met by volley after volley ofTurkish fire. A traitor had revealed their plan, and every measure hadbeen taken for their destruction. Some rushed on in despite; othershurried back, to fall into confusion, which it was hard indeed toovercome. They felt, however, that this deadly chance was their onlychance of life, and they pressed on through the fire, and the swordsof their foes, and by the sheer heroism of despair forced a passageto the mountains. Karaiskakes's aid--apparently through no fault ofhis--was only obtained when the worst dangers had been surmounted orsuccumbed to. Of the nine thousand persons who were in Missolonghi onthe day of the evacuation, four thousand were killed in the town or onthe way out of it. Only thirteen hundred men and two hundred women andchildren lived to reach Salona after more than a week of wandering andhiding among the mountains. 

The long siege of Missolonghi illustrates all the best and some ofthe worst features of the Greek Revolution. In it there was patriotismworthy, in its bursts of splendour, of the nation that claimed descentfrom the heroes of Plataea and Thermopylae. But the patriotism wasoften fitful in its working, and oftener wholly wanting. The Greekscould not shake off the pernicious influences that sprang, almostnecessarily, from their long centuries of thraldom. Heroism wasclosely linked with treachery and meanness. The worthiest and mostdisinterested energy was intimately associated with ignorance as tothe right methods of action, and with wilful action in wrong ways. Theelements of weakness that had been apparent from the first were moreand more developed as the painful struggle reached its termination. It seems as if, in spite of Reshid Pasha and Ibrahim and theirfierce armies, it would have been easy for Missolonghi and itsbrave defenders to have been saved. But rival ambitions andpaltry jealousies divided the leaders of the Revolution. They werequarrelling while the power that each one coveted for himself was, step by step, being wrested from them all; and when they tried to dowell their want of discipline often rendered their efforts of smallavail. No adequate attempt was made to relieve Missolonghi by land, and the brave conduct of Miaoulis on the sea was almost neutralizedby the disorganization of his crews and the selfish policy of theislanders who sent him out. 

"With respect to the Greek army, " wrote General Ponsonby to the Dukeof Wellington, from Corfu, on the 15th of June, "it is, generallyspeaking, a mob; and a chief can only calculate upon keeping ittogether as long as he has provisions to give it or the prospect ofplunder without danger. There is nothing to oppose the Egyptianarmy but a mob kept together by the small sums sent by the differentcommittees in foreign countries. The Greeks have a great horror ofthe bayonet, which, however, they have never seen near, except atMissolonghi. The Suliots, who chiefly formed the garrison of thatplace, are fine men, and certainly fought with great courage. Muchhas been said of naval actions, but there is no truth in any of theaccounts. The Greeks are better sailors than the Turks, but no actionhas been fought since the beginning of the war, if it is understood byaction that there is risk and loss on both sides. The Greeks, however, have done wonders with their fleet. They have destroyed many largeships, and, in the month of February last, with twenty-three brigs, they out-manoeuvred the Turkish fleet of sixty sail, and threwprovisions into Missolonghi. This, though done by seamanship, and notfighting, was called a great battle and a great victory. I waswithin two miles of the fleets, and the cannonade for six hours wastremendous; but when I spoke to Miaoulis the following morning he toldme he had not lost a man in his fleet. "[A]

[Footnote A: "Despatches of the Duke of Wellington, " vol. Iii. , p. 338. ]

During the summer and winter following the fall of Missolonghi aseries of small disasters, the aggregate of which was by no meanssmall, befel the Greeks. It was the opinion of all parties, andadmitted even by jealous rivals, that the tottering cause ofindependence was only sustained by the constant and eager expectationof the arrival of the powerful fleet which was supposed to be on itsway to the Archipelago, under the able leadership of Lord Cochrane, the world-famous champion of Chilian and Brazilian freedom. 

His approach was hardly more a cause of hope to the Greeks than asubject of fear to the Turks. No sooner was it publicly known that hehad espoused the cause of the insurgents than angry complaints weremade by the Turkish Government to the British ministry, and Mr. Canning, then Foreign Secretary, had more than once to avow that theauthorities in England knew nothing of his movements, and had done allthat the law rendered possible to restrain him. He had also to promisethat everything legal should be done to keep him in check on hisarrival in Greek waters. "We have heard, " he wrote in August to hiscousin, Mr. Stratford Canning, afterwards Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, the ambassador at Constantinople, "that Lord Cochrane is gone tothe Mediterranean; whether it be really so, we know not. " He thenproceeded to define the bearing of English and international lawin the existing circumstances. "Lord Cochrane may enter the Greekservice, and continue therein. He may even, as a Greek commander, institute (as he did in Brazil) blockades which British officers willrespect, and exercise the belligerent rights of search on Britishmerchant-ships, without exposing himself to any other penalty thanthat which the law will inflict upon him if ever hereafter he shallagain bring himself within its reach, and be duly convicted of theoffence for the punishment of which that law was enacted. If, indeed, he should do any of such things without a commission he would become apirate, and liable to the summary justice to which, without referenceto the municipal laws of his country, he would, as an enemy of thehuman race, be liable; and liable just as much from the officers ofany other country as of his own. "[A]

[Footnote A: "Despatches of the Duke of Wellington, " vol. Iii. , pp. 357, 358. ]

While that correspondence was going on, Lord Cochrane, as we haveseen, was battling with a long series of delays, as irksome to himselfas they were unfortunate to the Greeks. It was not till the 14th ofSeptember, about eight months after the time fixed for the arrival ofhis whole fleet, that the first instalment of it, the _Perseverance_, which he had sent on as soon as it was completed, with Captain AbneyHastings as its commander, entered the harbour of Nauplia. On the 26thof October, Captain Hastings wrote a letter, giving curious evidenceof the estimate formed by him of the Greek character. It was leftat Nauplia and addressed to "the commander of the first Americanor English vessel that arrives in Greece to join the Greeks. " "Anapprenticeship in Greece tolerably long, " he wrote, "has taught me therisks to which anybody newly arrived, and possessed of some place andpower, is exposed. They know me, and they also know that I know them;yet they have not ceased, and never will cease, intriguing to get thisvessel out of my hands and into their own, which would betantamount to ruining her. Knowing all this, I take the libertyof leaving this letter, to be delivered to the first officerthat arrives in Greece in the command of a vessel, to cautionhim not to receive on board his vessel any Greek captain. Theywill endeavour, under various pretences, to introduce themselves onboard, and when once they have got a footing, they will graduallyencroach until they feel themselves strong enough to turn out theoriginal commander. The presence of such men can only be attended withinconvenience, for, if you are obliged to take a certain number ofGreek sailors, these captains will render subordination among themimpossible by their own irregularity and bad example. If you wantseamen, take some from Hydra, Spetzas, Kranidi, or Poros. The Psariansmay be trusted in very small numbers. Take a few men from one, a fewfrom another island, and thus you will be best enabled to establishsome kind of discipline. Take a good number of marines. Choose themfrom the peasantry and foreign Greeks, and you may make something ofthem. You must see, sir, that, in this my advice to the first officerarriving in command of a vessel, I can have no interest any furtherthan inasmuch as I wish well to the Greek cause, and therefore do notwish to see a force that can be of great service rendered ineffectiveby falling into the hands of people totally incapable and unwilling toadopt a single right measure. In Greece there cannot be any militaryoperations except such as are carried on by foreigners in theirservice. "

That letter was written after Captain Hastings had endured a month'sannoyance from the trouble brought upon him by the Hydriot officersand seamen who tried to oust him from the command of his fine vessel, whose name was now changed from the _Perseverance_ to the _Karteria_. Unfortunately, his letter, left at Nauplia, did not reach the captainof the next reinforcement, the American frigate, which arrived atEgina on the 8th of December. "She was one of the finest ships in theworld, " we are told, "carrying sixty-four guns--long 32-pounders onthe main, and 42-pound carronades on the upper deck--and was filledwith flour, ammunition, medicines, and marine stores for eighteenmonths' consumption. The Greeks contemplated her with delight, but, upon the departure of the American officers and seamen who navigatedher out, they discovered that she would be more embarrassing thanuseful to them. To manage vessels of such a size was beyond theircapacity, and the mutual jealousy of the islanders suggested to theGovernment the absurd notion of putting the frigate into commission, Hydra, Spetzas, and the Psarian community being desired to send quotasof men. This plan was now found to be impracticable. Repeated fightsoccurred on board. The ship was twice in danger of being wrecked atEgina, and at Poros she actually drifted ashore, luckily on soft mud. She was finally given up to Miaoulis, with a Hydriot crew of his ownselection. "[A]

[Footnote A: Gordon, vol. Ii. , p. 326. ]

This frigate, christened the _Hellas_, came too late to be of muchservice to Admiral Miaoulis, before the arrival of Lord Cochrane. Inthe previous summer and autumn, however, he had been harassing andkeeping at bay the Turkish and Egyptian fleets--work in which Hastingswas in time to assist him. 

Andreas Miaoulis, one of the least obtrusive, was almost the worthiestof all the Greek patriots. During five years he had never ceased to dothe best that it was possible for him to do with the bad materialsat his disposal. When the Greek Revolution was at its height, hehad contributed largely to its success; and in the ensuing yearsof disaster upon land, he had maintained its dignity on the sea byoffering bold resistance to the great naval power of the combinedTurkish and Egyptian fleets. No better proof of his patriotism couldbe given than in the zeal with which he surrendered to Lord Cochranethe leadership of the fleet which had devolved upon him for so longand been so ably conducted by him. "I received four days ago, " hewrote from Poros on the 23rd of February, 1827, "your amiableletter of the 19th of last month, and my great satisfaction at theannouncement of your approaching arrival in Greece is joined with aspecial pleasure at the honour you do me in associating me with yourimportant operations. I shall be happy, my admiral, if, in servingyou, I can do my duty. I await you with impatience. "

Just a month before that, on the 23rd of January, a like letterof congratulation was addressed to Lord Cochrane from Egina by theGoverning Commission of Greece. "The intelligence of your speedycoming to Greece, " they said, "has awakened the liveliest joy andsatisfaction, and has already begun to rekindle in the hearts ofthe Greeks that enthusiasm which is the most powerful weapon and thesurest support of a nation that has devoted itself to the recovery ofits most sacred rights. The Government of Greece is waiting withthe utmost impatience for the most zealous defender of the nation'sliberty. It hopes to see you in its midst as soon as possible afteryour arrival at Hydra, and then to make you acquainted with the actualstate of Greece, and to furnish you with all the means in its powerfor the achievement of the grand results proposed by your lordship. "The letter was signed by Andreas Zaimes, as President ofthe Commission, and by seven of its members, among whom wereMavromichales, or Petro-Bey, who, with Zaimes and two others, represented the Morea, Spiridion Trikoupes, the deputy for Roumelia, Zamados from Hydra, Monarchides from Psara, and Demetrakopoulos fromthe islands of the Egean Sea. 

By the same body was issued, on the 21st of February, a preliminarycommission, intended to protect him in case of any opposition beingraised to his progress by the authorities of other nations. "TheGoverning Commission of Greece, " it was written, "makes known thatAdmiral Lord Cochrane is recognised as being in the service of Greece, and accordingly has the permission of the Government to hoist theGreek flag on all the vessels that are under his command. He haspower, also, to fight the enemies of Greece to the utmost of hispower. Therefore the officers of neutral powers, being informed ofthis, are implored, not only to offer no opposition to his movements, but also, if necessary, to supply him with any assistance he mayrequire, seeing that it is our custom to do the same to all friendlynations. " Armed with this document, and provided with the necessarymeans by the Philhellenes of England, France, and Switzerland, LordCochrane proceeded from Marseilles to Greece. 

APPENDIX. 

I. 

(Page 22. )

The following "Resumé of the Services of the late Earl of Dundonald, none of which have been Requited or Officially Recognized, " waswritten by his son, one of the authors of the present work, andprinted for private circulation in 1861. 

1. The destruction of three heavily-armed French corvettes, near themouth of the Garonne, the crew of Lord Cochrane's frigate, _Pallas_, being at the time, with the exception of forty men, engaged in cuttingout the _Tapageuse_, lying under the protection of two batteriesthirty miles up the river, in which operation they were alsosuccessful, four ships of war being thus captured or destroyed in asingle day. For these services Lord Cochrane obtained nothing buthis share of the _Tapageuse_, sold by auction for a trifling sum, the Government refusing to purchase her as a ship of war, though ofadmirable build and construction. Contrary to the usual rule, no shipever taken by Lord Cochrane, throughout his whole career, was everallowed to be bought into the navy. For the corvettes, which LordCochrane destroyed with so small a crew, he never received reward orthanks, the alleged reason being, that, having become wrecks, theywere not in existence, and therefore could not have value attachedto them. This decision of the Admiralty was contrary to custom, asadmitted to the present day. In the late Russian war a gunboat of theenemy having been driven on shore and wrecked, compensation is said tohave been awarded to the officers and crew of the British vesselwhich drove her on shore. The importance of wrecking a gunboat, incomparison with the destruction of three fast-sailing ships, whichwere picking up our merchantmen, in all directions, needs no comment. 

2. Lord Cochrane's services on the coast of Catalonia, of which LordCollingwood, then commander-in-chief in the Mediterranean, testifiedof his lordship to the Admiralty that by his energy and foresighthe had, with a single frigate, stopped a French army from occupyingEastern Spain. The services by which this was effected were asfollows:--Preventing the reinforcement of the French garrison inBarcelona, by harassing the newly-arrived troops in their march alongthe coast, and organising and assisting the Spanish militia to opposetheir progress, Lord Cochrane himself capturing one of their forts onshore, and taking the garrison prisoners. 

On the approach of a powerful French _corps d'armée_ towardsBarcelona, Lord Cochrane blew up the roads along the coast, and taughtthe Spanish peasantry how to do so inland. By blowing up the cliffroads, near Mongat, Lord Cochrane interposed an insurmountableobstacle between the army and its artillery, capturing and throwinginto the sea a considerable number of field-pieces, so that theoperations of the French were rendered nugatory. For these services, Lord Cochrane, notwithstanding the strong representations of LordCollingwood to the Board of Admiralty, neither received thanks norreward of any kind; notwithstanding that whilst so engaged, and thatvoluntarily, in successfully accomplishing the work of an army, hepatriotically gave up all chances of prize money, though easily to beobtained by cruising after the enemy's vessels. In place of this, heneither searched for nor captured a single prize, whilst engagedin harassing the French army on shore, devoting his whole energiestowards the enterprise which he considered most conducive to theinterests of his country. 

3. Having effected his object, Lord Cochrane sailed for the Gulfof Lyons, with the intention of cutting off the enemy's shorecommunications. This he accomplished by destroying their signalstations, telegraphs, and shore batteries along nearly the wholecoast, navigating his frigate with perfect safety throughout thisproverbially perilous part of the Mediterranean. In order furtherto paralyse the enemy's movements, Lord Cochrane made a practiceof burning paper near the demolished stations, so as to deceive theFrench into the belief that he had burned their signal books; herightly judging that from this circumstance they might not deem itnecessary to alter their code of signals. The ruse succeeded, and, transmitting the signal books to Lord Collingwood, then watching theenemy's preparations in Toulon, the commander-in-chief was thusfully apprised, by the enemy's signals, not only of all their navalmovements, but also of the position and movements of all Britishships of war on the French coast. Lord Cochrane's single frigatethus performed the work of many vessels of observation, and LordCollingwood testified of him to the Admiralty that "his resourcesseemed to have no end. " Notwithstanding this testimony from hiscommander-in-chief, Lord Cochrane neither received reward nor thanksfor the service rendered. 

4. On his return to the Spanish coast, Lord Cochrane found the Frenchbesieging Rosas, the Spaniards maintaining possession of the citadel, whilst Fort Trinidad had just been evacuated by the British officerwho had been co-operating with the Spaniards in the larger fortress. Lord Cochrane, believing that if Fort Trinidad were held tillreinforcements arrived, the French must be compelled to raise thesiege of Rosas, persuaded the Spanish Governor not to surrender, as hewas about to do, on its evacuation by the British officer aforesaid, and threw himself into the fort with a detachment from the seamenand marines of the _Impérieuse_, with which frigate he maintaineduninterrupted communication, in spite of the enemy, who, onascertaining it to be Lord Cochrane who was keeping them at bay, redoubled their efforts to capture the fort, the gallant defence ofwhich is amongst the most remarkable events of naval warfare. LordCochrane held Fort Trinidad till, the Spaniards surrendering thecitadel, he would not allow his men to run further risk in theirbehalf, and withdrew the seamen and marines in safety. For thisremarkable exploit Lord Cochrane, though himself severely wounded, neither received reward nor thanks, except from Lord Collingwood, who again, without effect, warmly applauded his gallantry to theAdmiralty. 

5. Immediately on his arrival at Plymouth, on leave of absence inconsequence of ill health from his extraordinary exertions, LordCochrane was immediately summoned by the Admiralty to Whitehall, and asked for a plan whereby the French fleet in Basque Roads, thenthreatening our West India possessions, might be destroyed at oneblow; this extraordinary request from a junior captain, after the mostexperienced officers in the navy had pronounced its impracticability, forcibly proving the very high opinion entertained by the Admiraltyof Lord Cochrane's skill and resources. He gave in a plan, and wasordered to execute it, which order he reluctantly obeyed, having doneall in his power to decline an invidious command, for fear of arousingthe jealousy of officers to whom he was junior in the service. Whatfollowed is matter of history, and needs not to be recapitulated. Yet for the destruction of that powerful armament he neither receivedreward nor thanks from the Admiralty, though rewarded by his sovereignwith the highest order of the Bath, a distinction which marked hisMajesty's sense of the important service rendered. 

Nine years afterwards head money was awarded to the whole fleet, of which only the vessels directed by Lord Cochrane and a few sentafterwards, when too late for effective measures, took part in theaction. The alleged reason of this award was that the _Calcutta_, oneof the ships driven ashore by Lord Cochrane, did not surrender to him, but to ships sent to his assistance. This was not true, though afterprotracted deliberation so ruled by the Admiralty Court, and officersnow living and present in the action have recently come forward totestify to the ship being in Lord Cochrane's possession before thearrival of the ships which subsequently came to his assistance. Asmall sum was therefore only awarded to him as a junior captain, incommon with those who had been spectators only, and this he declinedto receive. Such was his recompense for a service to the high merit ofwhich Napoleon himself afterwards testified in the warmest manner; andit may be mentioned as a further testimony that a French Court Martialshot Captain Lafont, the commander of the _Calcutta_, because hesurrendered to a vessel of inferior power, viz. , Lord Cochrane'sfrigate, the _Impérieuse_ of forty-four guns, the _Calcutta_ carryingsixty guns. [A]

[Footnote A: Captain Lafont was shot on board the _Ocean_, onSeptember 9, 1809, _for surrendering the Calcutta to a ship ofinferior force_, thus proving that she surrendered to Lord Cochranealone, though Sir William Scott ruled in opposition to the factsadopted by the French Court Martial, which condemned Captain Lafontto death for the act. The surrender to Lord Cochrane alone is furtherproved by the additional fact, that the captains of the _Ville deVarsovie_ and _Aquilon_, which _did_ surrender to the other ships inconjunction with Lord Cochrane's frigate, were not even accused, muchless punished for so doing. ]

The exploits of Lord Cochrane in the _Speedy_ and _Pallas_ are toowell known in naval history to require recapitulation, and of theseit may be said that the numerous prizes captured by these vesselsconstituted their own reward. It may here be mentioned in confirmationof what has previously been said, that the _Gamo_, a magnificentxebeque frigate of thirty-two guns, was not allowed to be bought intothe navy, but was sold for a small sum to one of the piratical BarbaryStates, notwithstanding that Lord Cochrane had said that if hewere allowed to have her in place of the _Speedy_, then in a verydilapidated condition, he would sweep the Mediterranean of the enemy'scruisers and privateers. His capacity so to do may be judged from whathe effected with the _Speedy_, mounting only fourteen 4-pounders. 

With regard to the services previously enumerated, the case isdifferent, notwithstanding their national importance in comparisonwith his minor acts, which may be classed as brilliant exploits only. But that no reward should have been conferred for doing effectivelythe work of an army, and that without the cost of a shilling to thenation beyond the ordinary expenditure of a small frigate, necessaryto be disbursed whether she performed any effective service or not, is a neglect which, unless repaired in the persons of his successors, will for ever remain a blot on the British Government. Still more sowill the worse neglect of not having in any way rewarded him for thedestruction of the French fleet in Basque Roads, for though only fourships were destroyed at the moment, the whole fleet of the enemy wasso damaged by having been driven on shore from terror of the explosivevessel, fired with Lord Cochrane's own hand, that it eventually becamea wreck; and thus our West India commerce, then the most importantbranch of national export and import, was in a month after LordCochrane's arrival from the Mediterranean relieved from the panicwhich paralysed it, and restored to its wonted security;--a servicewhich can only be estimated by the gloom and panic which hadpreviously pervaded the whole country. 

Were reference made to the pension list, and note taken of thepensions granted to other officers and their successors for serviceswhich in point of national importance do not admit of comparison withthose of Lord Cochrane, the present generation would be surprised atthe national ingratitude manifested towards one, who, in his greatexploits, had so patriotically sacrificed every considerationof private interest to his country's service. His cruise in the_Impérieuse_, which has no parallel in naval history, procured forLord Cochrane nothing whatever but shattered health from theincessant anxiety and exertion he had undergone in the profitless buthigh-minded course he adopted to thwart the French in their attemptsto establish a permanent footing in Eastern Spain. His exploits inBasque Roads procured him nothing but absolute ruin; for, from hisrefusal as a Member of Parliament to acquiesce in a vote of thanks toLord Gambier, even though the same thanks were promised to himself, may be dated that active political persecution which commenced bydepriving him of further naval employment and did not cease till ithad accomplished his utter ruin, even to striking his name out of the_Navy List_. 

The animosity of this political partisanship towards one who hadeffected so much for his country is an anomaly even in politicalhistory. That amended representation of the people in Parliament, forwhich he strove up to 1818, had only fourteen years afterwards becomethe law of the land, and the boast of some who had persecuted LordCochrane for no offence beyond having been amongst the first to giveexpression to the popular will subsequently adopted by themselves. 

The efforts of Lord Cochrane in favour of reforming the abuses of theNavy and of Greenwich Hospital, which at that time brought upon himthe wrath of the Administration, are at this moment seriously engagingthe attention of parliament, as being of paramount national necessity. The doctrine then openly laid down, that no naval officer inparliament had a right to interfere with naval administration, haslong been abrogated, and many of the brightest ornaments of the navyare now amongst the foremost to denounce naval abuses in the House ofCommons. It is, in fact, to them that the country now looks forthat vigilance which shall preserve the navy in a proper state ofefficiency. Yet for these very things was Lord Cochrane persecuted, though modern Governments, which have been liberal enough to acquiescein popular reforms, of which he was the early advocate, have not beenliberal enough to make him amends for the wrongs he suffered as one ofthe indefatigable originators of their now-cherished measures. Stillless have they deemed it inconsistent with the honour of this greatcountry to refrain from rewarding him in the ordinary manner for hismost important services, rendered when others shrank from them, as wasthe case at Basque Roads, where his plans, declined by his seniors inthe service, were successfully executed by himself under the greatestpossible discouragement and disadvantage. 

But the injustice manifested towards the late Earl of Dundonald didnot end here. Driven from the service of his own country, and withoutfortune, he was compelled by his necessities to embark in the serviceof foreign states. With his own hand, directed by his own genius, which had to supply the place of adequate naval force, he liberatedChili, Peru, and Brazil from thraldom, consolidating the rebelliousprovinces of the latter empire on so permanent a basis, that itsinternal peace has never again been disturbed. Yet not one of thesestates has to this day satisfied the stipulated and indisputablearrangements by which he was induced to espouse their cause; thereason of their breach of contract being distinctly traceable to thecourse pursued towards Lord Dundonald in England. Seeing that theBritish Government paid no attention to the yet more important claimshe had upon its gratitude, the South American States believed thatthey might with impunity disregard their own stipulations, and thedictates of national honour; the chief of one of them having had theaudacity to tell Lord Cochrane that he would find no sympathy in theBritish Government. 

Three of the most distinguished officers in the British service, SirThomas Hastings, Sir John Burgoyne, and Colonel Colquhoun, have feltit their duty, when officially reporting on the efficacy of LordDundonald's war plans, to give him the highest credit for having kepthis secret "_under peculiarly trying circumstances_, " and frompure love of his native country. The "trying circumstances" werethese, --that he had been driven from the service of that country bythe machinations of a political faction, which, in the conscientiousperformance of his parliamentary duties, he had offended. Even thisinjury, which blasted his whole life and prospects, did not detractone _iota_ from the love of country, which to the day of his deathwas with him a passion; his acute mind well knowing how to draw thedistinction between his country and those who were sacrificing itsbest interests to their love of power, if not to less worthy purposes. Never was praise more honourably given, than in the Ordnance Reportof the above-named distinguished officers, and never was it more noblydeserved. 

Another "peculiarly trying circumstance" alluded to by those officers, was that, when compelled by actual pecuniary necessity, in consequenceof the deprivation of his rank and pay, and the demands of increasingfamily, to accept service under a foreign state as his only means ofsubsistence, he lay before the castles of Callao, into which had beenremoved for security the whole wealth of the rich capital of Peru, including bullion and plate, estimated at upwards of a millionsterling, he preserved his war secret, though strongly urged to putit in execution. Had he listened to the temptation, in six hoursthe whole of that wealth must have been in his possession. For notlistening to it, he incurred the enmity of his employers, who urgedthat they were entitled to all his professional skill and knowledge, as a part of his bargain with them; and his non-compliance with theirwishes is doubtless amongst the chief reasons why they have not, tothis day, satisfied their own offered stipulations for his services. Yet, at the very moment when he was displaying this self-sacrificingpatriotism, lest his country might suffer from his secret beingdivulged, the Government of Great Britain had, at the suggestion ofthe Spanish Government, passed a "Foreign Enlistment Act, " with theexpress intention of enveloping him in its meshes. [A]

[Footnote A: On Lord Cochrane's return from Brazil, having occasionto go before the Attorney-General, on the subject of a patent, thatlearned functionary rudely asked him, "_Whether he was not afraid toappear in his presence?_" Lord Cochrane's reply was, "_No, nor inthe presence of any man living_. " Evidence exists that theAttorney-General asked the Ministry if he should prosecute LordCochrane under the Foreign Enlistment Act, the reply being in thenegative. ]

II. 

(Page 23. )

As a striking instance of Lord Cochrane's method of exposing navalabuses, part of a speech delivered by him in the House of Commons, onthe 11th of May, 1809, is here copied from his "Autobiography, " vol. Ii. Pp. 142-144. 

 An admiral, worn out in the service, is superannuated at 410_l. _. A year, a captain at 210_l. _. , a clerk of the ticket office retires on 700_l. _. A year! The widow of Admiral Sir Andrew Mitchell has one third of the allowance given to the widow of a Commissioner of the Navy. 

 I will give the House another instance. Four daughters of the gallant Captain Courtenay have 12l. 10s. Each, the daughter of Admiral Sir Andrew Mitchell has 25l. , two daughters of Admiral Epworth have 25l. Each, the daughter of Admiral Keppel 24l. , the daughter of Captain Mann, who was killed in action, 25l. , four children of Admiral Moriarty 25l. Each. That is--thirteen daughters of admirals and captains, several of whose fathers fell in the service of their country, receive from the gratitude of the nation a sum less than Dame Mary Saxton, the widow of a commissioner. 

 The pension list is not formed on any comparative rank or merit, length of service, or other rational principle, but appears to me to be dependent on parliamentary influence alone. Lieutenant Ellison, who lost his arm, is allowed 91l. 5s. , Captain Johnstone, who lost his arm, has only 45l. 12s. 6d. , Lieutenant Arden, who lost his arm, has 9l. 5s. , Lieutenant Campbell, who lost his leg, 40_l. _. , and poor Lieutenant Chambers, who lost both his legs, has only 80_l. _. , whilst Sir A. S. Hamond retires on 1500_l. _. Per annum. The brave Sir Samuel Hood, who lost his arm, has only 500_l. _. , whilst the late Secretary of the Admiralty retires, in full health, on a pension of 1500_l. _. Per annum. 

To speak less in detail, 32 flag officers, 22 captains, 50lieutenants, 180 masters, 36 surgeons, 23 pursers, 91 boatswains, 97gunners, 202 carpenters, and 41 cooks, in all 774 persons, cost thecountry 4028l. Less than the nett proceeds of the sinecures of LordsArden (20, 358_l. _), Camden (20, 536_l. _), and Buckingham (20, 693_l. _). 

All the superannuated admirals, captains, and lieutenants puttogether, have but 1012l. More than Earl Camden's sinecure alone! Allthat is paid to the wounded officers of the whole British navy, andto the wives and children of those dead or killed in action, donot amount by 214l. To as much as Lord Arden's sinecure alone, viz. 20, 358_l. _. What is paid to the mutilated officers themselves is but halfas much. 

Is this justice? Is this the treatment which the officers of thenavy deserve at the hands of those who call themselves his Majesty'sGovernment? Does the country know of this injustice? Will this too bedefended? If I express myself with warmth I trust in the indulgenceof the House. I cannot suppress my feelings. Should 31 commissioners, commissioners' wives, and clerks have 3899l. More amongst them thanall the wounded officers of the navy of England?

I find upon examination that the Wellesleys receive from the public34, 729_l. _, a sum equal to 426 pairs of lieutenants' legs, calculated atthe rate of allowance of Lieutenant Chambers's legs. Calculatingfor the pension of Captain Johnstone's arm, viz. 45l. , Lord Arden'ssinecure is equal to the value of 1022 captains' arms. The Marquisof Buckingham's sinecure alone will maintain the whole ordinaryestablishment of the victualling department at Chatham, Dover, Gibraltar, Sheerness, Downs, Heligoland, Cork, Malta, Mediterranean, Cape of Good Hope, Rio de Janeiro, and leave 5460_l. _ in the Treasury. Two of these comfortable sinecures would victual the officers and menserving in all the ships in ordinary in Great Britain, viz. 117 sailof the line, 105 frigates, 27 sloops, and 50 hulks. Three of themwould maintain the dockyard establishments at Portsmouth and Plymouth. The addition of a few more would amount to as much as the wholeordinary establishments of the royal dockyards at Chatham, Woolwich, Deptford, and Sheerness; whilst the sinecures and offices executedwholly by deputy would more than maintain the ordinary establishmentof all the royal dockyards in the kingdom. 

Even Mr. Ponsonby, who lately made so pathetic an appeal to the goodsense of the people of England against those whom he was pleased toterm demagogues, actually receives, for having been thirteen months inoffice, a sum equal to nine admirals who have spent their lives inthe service of their country; three times as much as all the pensionsgiven to all the daughters and children of all the admirals, captains, lieutenants, and other officers who have died in indigentcircumstances, or who have been killed in the service. 

III. 

(Page 258. )

The following letter, too long to be quoted in the body of the work, but too important to be omitted, was addressed by Lord Cochrane tothe Brazilian Secretary of State. It gives memorable evidence ofthe treatment to which he was subjected by the Portuguese faction inBrazil. 

Rio de Janeiro, May 3rd, 1824. 

MOST EXCELLENT SIR, I have received the honour of your excellency's reply to my letterof the 30th of March, and as I am thereby taught that the subjects onwhich I wrote are not now considered so intimately connected with yourexcellency's department as they were by your immediate predecessor, nor even so far relevant as to justify a direct communication to yourexcellency, I should feel it my duty to avoid troubling you fartheron those subjects, were it not that you at the same time have freelyexpressed such opinions with respect to my conduct and motives asjustice to myself requires me to controvert and refute. 

With regard to your excellency's assurance that it has ever beenthe intention of his Imperial Majesty and Council to act favourablytowards me, I can in return assure your excellency that I have neverdoubted the just and benign intention of his Imperial Majesty himself, neither have I doubted that a part of his Privy Council has thoughtwell of my services; and if I have imagined that a majority has beenprejudiced against me, I have formed that conclusion merely from theeffects which I have seen and experienced, and not from any undueprepossession against particular individuals, whether Brazilian orPortuguese. But when your excellency adds that those transactionsbetween the late minister and myself, which, owing to their havingbeen conducted verbally, have been ill-understood, have invariablybeen decided in a manner favourable to me, I confess myself at a lossto understand your excellency's meaning, not having any recollectionof such favourable decisions, and therefore not feeling myselfcompetent either to admit or deny unless in the first place yourexcellency shall be pleased to descend to particulars. I do indeedrecollect that the late ministers, professing to have the authority ofhis Imperial Majesty, and which, from the personal countenance Ihave experienced from that august personage, I am sure they did notclandestinely assume, proffered to me the command of the imperialsquadron, with every privilege, emolument, and advantage whichI possessed in the command of the navy of Chili; and this, yourexcellency is desired to observe, was not a verbal transaction, buta written one, and therefore not liable to any of thosemisunderstandings to which verbal transactions, as your excellencyobserves, are naturally subject. Now, in Chili my commission was thatof commander-in-chief of the squadron, without limitation as to timeor any other restriction. My command, of course, was only to cease bymy own voluntary resignation, or by sentence of court-martial, or bydeath, or other uncontrollable event. And accordingly the appointmentwhich I accepted in the service of his Imperial Majesty, and in virtueof which I sailed in command of the expedition to Bahia, was that ofcommander-in-chief of the whole squadron, without limitation as totime or otherwise; and this, too, your excellency will be pleasedto observe, was not a verbal transaction, but a solemn engagementin writing, bearing date the 26th day of March, 1823, and now in mypossession. I had also the assurance in writing of the Minister ofMarine, that the formalities of engrossment and registration ofsuch appointment were only deferred from want of time, and should beexecuted immediately after my return. 

And now I most respectfully put it home to your excellency whetherthese engagements have or have not been fully confirmed and compliedwith under the present administration. I ask your excellency whetherthe patent which I received, bearing date the 25th November, 1823, did not contain a clause of limitation by which I might at any time bedismissed from the service under any pretence or without any pretencewhatever--without even the form of a hearing in my own defence. Thenagain I ask your excellency whether my office as commander-in-chief ofthe squadron was not reduced for a period of three months--as appearsby every official communication of the Minister of Marine to me duringthat period--to the command only of the vessels of war anchoredin this port?[A] and further on this subject I ask your excellencywhether after my repeated remonstrances against this injuriouslimitation of my stipulated authority, it was not pretended by thedecree published in the Gazette of the 28th February, that I was thenfor the first time, as a mark of special favour, elevated to the rankof commander-in-chief of the squadron, and that too during the periodonly of the existing war: although nothing less than the chief commandhad been offered to me at the first, without any restriction as totime, and although it was only in that capacity I had consented toenter into the service, and under a written appointment as such I hadthen been in the service nearly twelve months. And then I ask yourexcellency whether the limitation introduced into the patent of the25th of November last, in violation of the original agreement, andconfirmed and defined by the decree published on the 28th of Februaryfollowing; to which may be added the communication which I receivedfrom your excellency, excluding me from taking the oath, and becominga party to the constitution, the 149th article of which provides forthe protection of officers until lawfully deprived by sentence ofcourt-martial; I say that I respectfully ask your excellency whetherthese proceedings were not well adapted for the purpose of casting meoff with the utmost facility at the earliest moment that conveniencemight dictate; either with or without the admission of those claimsfor the future to which past services are usually considered entitled, as might best suit the inclination of those with whom my dismissalmight originate. And is it not most probable that their inclinationwould run counter to those claims, especially when it is consideredthat my letter of the 6th of March to the Minister of Marine, in whichI made the inquiry whether my right to half-pay would be recognizedon the termination of the war, has never been answered, although myapplication for a reply has been repeated?[B] If then the explicitengagements in writing between the late minister of his ImperialMajesty and myself have, as I have shown, been set aside by thepresent ministry and council, and other arrangements far lessfavourable to me, and destructive of the lawful security of my presentand future rights, have without my consent been substituted in theirstead, where, I entreat your excellency, am I to look for thosefavourable constructions of "ill-understood verbal transactions, "which your excellency requires me to accept as a proof that theintentions of the present ministry and council, in respect to me, haveever been of the most favourable and obliging nature?

[Footnote A: This was resorted to, in order to prevent Lord Cochranefrom stationing the cruisers to annoy the enemy, to deprive him ofany interest in future captures, and prevent his opposition to theunlawful restoration of enemy's property. ]

[Footnote B: An answer was at last given, a few days before LordCochrane's assistance was called for to put down the revolutionat Pernambuco; and _half_ of the originally-granted _half-pay_ wasdecreed when he should return, after the termination of hostilities, to his native country. ]

I would beg permission, too, to inquire how it happened thatportarias[A] from the Minister of Marine, charging me unjustly fromtime to time with neglecting to obey the command of his ImperialMajesty, were constantly made public, while my answers in refutationwere always suppressed. And why, when I remonstrated against thisinjustice, was I answered that the same course should be persistedin, and that I had no alternative but to acquiesce, or to descend toa newspaper controversy by publishing my exculpations myself? Is itpossible not to perceive that the _ex parte_ publication ofthese accusatory portarias was intended to lower me in the publicestimation, and to prepare the way for the exercise of that power ofsummary dismissal which was so unfairly acquired by the means abovedescribed?

[Footnote A: Official communications. ]

On the subject of the prizes your excellency is pleased to state: "Lesdifficultés survenues dans le jugement des prizes ont eu des motifs siconnus et positifs qu'il est assez doloureux de les voir attribuir àla mauvaise volonté du Conseil de S. M. I. " To this I reply that I knowof no just cause for the delay which has arisen in the decision of theprizes, and consequently I have a right to impute blame for that delayto those who have the power to cause it or remove it. If the majorityof the voices in council had been for a prompt condemnation to thecaptors of the prizes taken from the Portuguese nation, isit possible that individuals of that nation would be sufferedto continue to be the judges of those prizes after an experienceof many months has demonstrated either their determinationto do nothing, or nothing favourable to the captors? Therepugnance of Portuguese judges to condemn property captured fromtheir fellow-countrymen, as a reward to those who have engaged inhostilities against Portugal, is natural enough, and is the onlywell-known and positive cause of the delay with which I am acquainted;but it is not such a cause for delay as ought to have been permittedto operate by the ministers and council of his Imperial Majesty, whoare bound in honour and duty to act with fidelity towards those whohave been engaged as auxiliaries in the attainment and maintenance ofthe independence of the empire. I did, however, inform your excellencythat I had heard it stated that another difficulty had arisen in theapprehension that this Government might be under the necessity ofeventually restoring the prizes to the original Portuguese owners asa condition of peace. But this, your excellency assures me, provesnothing but that I am a listener to "rapporteurs, " whom I oughtto drive from my presence. Unfortunately, however, for this boldexplanation of your excellency, the individual whom I heard make theobservation was no other than his excellency the present Minister ofMarine, Francisco Villala Barboza. If your excellency considers thatgentleman in the light of a "rapporteur, " or talebearer, it is not forme to object; but the imputation of being a listener to or encouragerof talebearers, so rashly advanced by your excellency against me, is without foundation in truth. It may be necessary for ministersof state to have their eavesdroppers and informers, but mine is astraightforward course, which needs no such precautions. And if therebe any who volunteer information or advice, I can appreciate the valueof it, and the motives of those who offer it. Those who know me muchbetter than your excellency does, will admit that I am in the habit ofthinking for myself, and not apt to act on the suggestions of others, especially if officiously tendered. 

As to the successive appointment and removal of incompetent auditorsof marine, for which your excellency gives credit to the council, I can only say that the benefit of such repeated changes is by nomeans apparent. And to revert again to the difficulty of decision, forwhich your excellency intimates there is sufficient cause, I beg leaveto ask your excellency what just reason can exist for not condemningthese prizes to the captors. Can it be denied that the ordersunder which I sailed for the blockade of Bahia authorized me to acthostilely against the ships and property of the crown and subjects ofPortugal? Can it be denied that war was regularly declared betweenthe two nations? Was it not even promulgated under the sanction of hisImperial Majesty in a document giving to privateers certain privilegeswhich it is admitted were possessed by the ships of war in the makingand sale of captures? And yet did not the Prize Tribunal (consistingchiefly, as I before observed, of Portuguese), on the return of thesquadron, eight months afterwards, pretend to be ignorant whether hisImperial Majesty was at war or at peace with the kingdom of Portugal?And did they not under that pretence avoid proceeding to adjudication?Was not this pretence a false one, or is it one of those well-foundedcauses of difficulty to which your excellency alludes? Can it bedenied that the squadron sailed and acted in the full expectation, grounded on the assurance and engagements of the Government, that allcaptures made under the flag of the enemy, whether ships of war ormerchant vessels, were to be prize to the captors? and yet whenthe prize judges were at length under the necessity of commencingproceedings, did they not endeavour to set aside the claims of thecaptors by the monstrous pretence that they had no interest in theircaptures when made within the distance of two leagues from the shore?Will your excellency contend that this was a good and sufficientreason? Was it founded in common sense, or on any rational precedent, or indeed any precedent whatever? Was it either honest to the squadronor faithful to the country? Was it not calculated to prevent thesquadron from ever again assailing an invading enemy, or againexpelling him from the shores of the empire? Then, in the next place, did not these most extraordinary judges pretend that at least allvessels taken in ports and harbours should be condemned as droits tothe crown, and not as prize to the captors? Was not this another mostpernicious attempt to deprive the imperial squadron not only of itsreward for the past but of any adequate motive for the risk offuture enterprise? And in effect, were not these successive pretencescalculated to operate as invitations to invasions? Did they not tendto encourage the enemy to resume his occupation of the port of Bahia, and generally to renew his aggressions against the independence ofthe empire on her shores and in her ports without the probabilityof resistance by the squadrons of his Imperial Majesty? And have notthese same judges actually condemned almost every prize as a droitto the crown, thereby doing as much as in them lay to defraud thesquadron and to damp its zeal and destroy its energies? Nay, havenot the auditors of marine actually issued decrees pronouncing thecaptures made at Maranhão to have been illegal, alleging that theywere seized under the Brazilian flag, although in truth the flagof the enemy was flying at the time both in the forts and ships;declaring me a violator of the law of nations and law of the land;accusing me of having been guilty of an insult to the Emperor andthe empire, and decreeing costs and damages against me under theseinfamous pretences? Can your excellency perceive either justice ordecency in these decrees? Do they in any degree breathe the spirit ofgratitude for the union of so important a province to the empire, orare they at all in accordance with the distinguished approbation whichhis Imperial Majesty himself has evinced of my services at Maranhão?

Can it be unknown to your excellency that the late ministers, actingdoubtless under the sanction of his Imperial Majesty, and assuredlyunder the guidance of common sense, held out that the value of shipsof war taken from the enemy was to be the reward of the enterprise ofthe captors? And yet are we not now told that a law exists decreeingall captured men-of-war to the crown, and so rendering the engagementsof the late ministers illegal and nugatory? Can anything be morecontrary to justice, to good faith, to common sense, or to soundpolicy? Was it ever expected by any government employing foreignseamen in a war in which they can have no personal rights at stake, that those seamen will incur the risk of attacking a superior, or evenan equal, force, without prospect of other reward than their ordinarypay? Is it not notorious that even in England it is found essential, or at least highly advantageous, to reward the officers and seamen, though fighting their own battles, not only with the full value ofcaptured vessels of war, but even with additional premiums; and wasit ever doubted that such liberal policy has mainly contributed to thesurpassing magnitude of the naval power of that little island, and herconsequent greatness as a nation?

Can your excellency deny that the delay, the neglect, and the conductgenerally of the prize judges, have been the cause of an immensediminution in the value of the captures? Have not the consequencesbeen a wanton and shameful waste of property by decay and plunder?Can your excellency really believe in the existence of a good andsufficient motive for consigning such property to destruction, ratherthan at once awarding it to the captors in recompense for theirservices to the empire? Is it not true that all control over the salesand cargoes of the vessels, most of which are without invoices, havebeen taken from the captors and their agents and placed in the handsof individuals over whom they have no authority or influence, and fromwhom they can have no security of receiving a just account? And canit be doubted that the gracious intentions of his Imperial Majesty, asannounced by himself, of rewarding the captors with the value ofthe prizes, are in the utmost danger of being defeated by suchproceedings?

Since the 12th day of February, when his Imperial Majesty wasgraciously pleased to signify his pleasure in his own handwriting thatthe prizes, though condemned to the crown, should be paid for tothe captors, and that valuators should be appointed to estimate theamount, is it not true that nothing whatever, up to the date of myformer letter to your excellency, had been done by his ministersand council in furtherance of such his gracious intentions? On thecontrary, is it not notorious that, since the announcement of theimperial intention, numerous vessels and cargoes have been arbitrarilydisposed of by authority of the auditors of marine, by being deliveredto pretended owners and others without legal adjudication, and evenwithout the decency of acquainting the captors or their agents thatthe property had been so transferred? And has not the whole costof litigation, watching and guarding the vessels and cargoes, beenentirely at the expense of the captors, notwithstanding the disposalof the property and the receipt of the proceeds by the agents ofGovernment and others?

So little hope of justice has been presented by the proceedings of thePrize Tribunal, that it has appeared quite useless to label the storesfound in the naval and military arsenals of Maranhão, or the 66, 000dollars in the chests of the Treasury and Custom House, with doublethat sum in bills, all of which was left for the use of the province, or permitted to be disbursed to satisfy the clamorous troops of Cearaand Pianhy. Has any remuneration been offered to the navy for thesesacrifices, of which ministers were duly informed by my officialdespatches? or has any recompense been awarded for the Portuguese brigand schooner of war, both completely stored and equipped, which weresurrendered at Maranhão, and which have ever since been employed inthe naval service? To a proportion of all this I should have beenentitled in Chili, as well as in the English service; and why, I ask, must I here be contented to be deprived of every hope of these thefruits of my labours? In addition to the prize vessels delivered toclaimants without trial, have not the ministers appropriated others_to the uses of the state without valuation or recompense_?[A]

[Footnote A: This conduct was afterwards more flagrantly exemplifiedon the arrival of the new and noble prize frigate _Imperatrice_, theequipment whereof had cost the captors 12, 000 milreas, which sum hasnever been returned. ]

In short, is it not true that though more than a year has elapsedsince the sailing of the imperial squadron under my command, andnearly half a year since its return, after succeeding in expelling thenaval and military forces of the enemy from Bahia, and liberating thenorthern provinces, and uniting them to the empire; I say is it nottrue that not one shilling of prize money has yet been distributedto the squadron, and that no prospect is even now apparent of anydistribution being speedily made? Is it not true that the onlysubstantial reward of the officers and seamen of the squadron for theimportant services they have rendered has hitherto been nothingmore than their mere pittance of ordinary pay; and even that inmany instances vexatiously delayed and miserably curtailed? And withrespect to myself individually, is it not notorious that I necessarilyconsume my whole pay in my current expenses; that my official rankcannot be upheld with less, and that it is wholly inadequate to thedue support of the dignity of those high honours which his ImperialMajesty has been graciously pleased to confer?

Under all these circumstances, it is in vain that I endeavour tomake that discovery which your excellency assures me requires onlya moment's reflection: "Au reste" (your excellency says), "que V'e. Ex'ce. Réfléchisse un moment, celle trouverá que le Gouvernement deS. M. I. Simplement et uniquement pour faire plaisir à V'e. Ex'ce. ás'est attiré une enormé responsabilité dans les engagemens prisavec V'e. Ex'ce. " It is not one moment only nor one hour that I havereflected on these words, but without making the promised discovery, or any probable guess at your excellency's meaning. I would thereforeentreat your excellency to tell me what it is that the Governmenthas engaged to do. All that I know is they have engaged to pay me acertain sum per annum as commander-in-chief of the squadron; and thisengagement, I admit, they have so far fulfilled. But the amount islittle more than is received by the commander-in-chief of an Englishsquadron; and is it not found in that service, and in every regularor established naval service, that for one officer qualified for anyconsiderable command there are probably ten that are not qualified;though all have necessarily been reared and paid at the nationalexpense? Whereas, in this case, so far from your having been at theexpense of money in order to procure a few that are effective, youobtained at once, without any previous cost whatever, the servicesof myself and the officers that accompanied me, all of whom wereexperienced and efficient. Now, the united amount of the salaries youare engaged to pay to myself and the officers whom I brought withme does not exceed 25, 000 dollars a year. To speak of this as an"enormous responsibility" as an empire, requires more than a "moment'sreflection" to be clearly understood. The Government did, however, engage to pay to myself and my brother officers and seamen the valueof our captures from the enemy, pursuant to the practice of allmaritime belligerents, but this engagement has not hitherto beenfulfilled. If, however, your excellency admits the responsibility ofthe Government to fulfil this engagement also, I am still equally ata loss to conceive in what sense that responsibility can be consideredenormous, inasmuch as these prizes were not the property of the state, nor of individuals belonging to this nation, but were the property ofPortugal, with whom this nation was and is engaged in lawful war. The payment, therefore, of the value of these prizes to the captors, supposing even the full value to be paid, does not in effect takeone penny out of the national treasury, or out of the pocket of anyBrazilian. If it be false--and your excellency appears to scout theidea--that any danger exists of having to pay twice for these prizes;if there really is no danger of being compelled to purchase peacewith a defeated enemy by restoring them their forfeited property--itfollows that the responsibility of the Government in fulfilling itsengagement with the captors is so far from being enormous, that it isliterally nothing. How the fulfilment of a lawful engagement by thesimple act of paying over to the squadron the value of its prizestaken in time of war from the foreign enemies of the state (suchpayment occasioning no expense, and no loss to the state itself) canbe attended with an enormous responsibility, I am utterly unable tocomprehend. So far as the engagements of the Government with me, or with the captors in general of the Portuguese prizes, are ofa pecuniary nature, they appear to me to lay no great weight ofresponsibility on the herculean shoulders of this vast empire. And itis only in a pecuniary sense that I can conceive it to be possible foryour excellency to have thought of complaining of the responsibilityattending the fulfilment of the engagements of the Government with me. 

It is no less difficult to comprehend how this supposed enormousresponsibility has been incurred, "simplement et uniquement pour faireplaisir" to me; and it is still more difficult to comprehend how ithappens that your excellency, "after all that you have heard and seen"(après ce que j'ai entendu et vu), should be at a loss to know in whatmanner I am to be contented (je ne saurais pas dequelle maniére onpuisse vous contenter). If, indeed, your excellency imagines that Iought to be contented with honorary distinctions alone, however highlyI may prize them as the free gift of his Imperial Majesty; ifyour excellency is of opinion that I ought with "remercimens etsatisfaction" to put up with those honours in lieu of those stipulatedsubstantial rewards, which even those very honours render morenecessary; if your excellency thinks that I ought, like the dog in thefable, to resign the substance for a grasp at the shadow; if this isall that your excellency knows on the subject of giving me content, itis then very true that your excellency does not know in what manner itis to be done. But if, "after all that your excellency has heard andseen, " you would be pleased to render yourself conversant with thosewritten engagements under which I was induced to enter into theservice, all that your excellency and the rest of the ministers andcouncil of his Imperial Majesty would then have to do in orderto content me to the full, would be to desist from evading theperformance of those engagements, and to cause them at once tobe fully and honourably fulfilled. And I do believe that my"Correspondance Officielle une fais rendue publique, en faira foi;"for I am not conscious that I have ever called on the Government toincur one farthing of expense on my account beyond the fulfilment oftheir written engagements, which were the same as those which I hadwith Chili, which were formed precisely on the practice of England. There was, indeed, a verbal and conditional engagement with the lateministers that certain losses which I might incur in consequence ofleaving the service of Chili should be made good;[A] and the questionas to the obligation of fulfilling that engagement I submitted (inmy letter of the 6th of March to the Minister of Marine) to theconsideration of their successors. It will be fortunate for me if thisshould prove to be one of those "ill-understood verbal transactions"which your excellency assures me the present ministers and councilalways decide in my favour. I shall not in that case be backward toreceive the benefit of the decision with "thanks and satisfaction;"but I am willing to resign it rather than it should add anoverwhelming weight to that "enormous responsibility" which yourexcellency complains has already been incurred with a view tomy contentment. I repeat that I have never asked for more than Ipossessed in Chili, or than any officer of the same rank is entitledto in England; though British officers have heretofore received in theservice of Portugal double the amount of their English pay; and thoughthe burning climate of Brazil is injurious to health, while thoseof Chili and Portugal are salubrious. Your excellency, therefore, isperfectly welcome to publish the whole of my official correspondence, because instead of proving, as your excellency asserts, the greatdifficulty of contenting me, it would go far to prove the much greaterdifficulty of inducing those with whom I have to do to take any onestep for that purpose. 

[Footnote A: As the Brazilian Government had obtained possession of anew corvette, named the _Maria de Gloria_, which cost the Governmentof Chili 90, 000 dollars, without reimbursing to that State one singlefarthing; and by the said act had deprived Lord Cochrane of thebenefit he would have derived, as commander-in-chief, from theservices of that ship in the Pacific, the non-fulfilment of thisengagement seems the more unjust. ]

I confess, however, that in order to content me effectually it isnecessary to fulfil not only all written engagements with myselfindividually, but generally with all the officers and seamen withwhom, while I hold the command, I consider myself identified; and themore particularly because, in my own firm reliance on the good faithof the Government, I did in some sort become responsible for that goodfaith to my brother officers and seamen. But with whom, I put it toyour excellency, has good faith been kept? Is it not notorious thatprevious to the departure of the expedition to Bahia, declarationswere made to the seamen in writing by the late Minister of Marine, through my medium, and in printed proclamations, that their duesshould be paid with all possible regularity, and all their arrearsdischarged immediately on their return? And is not your excellencyaware that specific contracts were entered into by the accreditedagent of his Imperial Majesty in England, with a number of officersand seamen, who, in consequence, were induced to quit their nativecountry and enter into the employ of his Imperial Majesty? Can it bedenied that these declarations and contracts, written and printed, were known to, and are actually in the possession of the ministers, orin the hands of the officers of the pay department, and yet is it nottrue that they were neglected to be fulfilled for a period of upwardsof three months after the return of the _Pedro Primiero_; and wasnot the tardy fulfilment which at length took place procured by myincessant representations and remonstrances?

Permit me also to ask whether the good effects of prompt paymentwere not illustrated on the arrival of the frigates _Nitherohy_ and_Caroline_, which happened just at the period I had succeeded inprocuring payment to be made. Was it not in consequence of immediatepayment that the greater part of the English crew of the _Nitherohy_remained quietly on board, and are now actually engaged on animportant service to his Imperial Majesty? And, on the other hand, isit not equally true that the English seamen of the _Pedro Primiero_were so disheartened and disgusted with the long delay which in theircase had occurred, and the manifest bad faith which had been evinced, that by far the greater part of them actually abandoned the ship?And generally, is it not true that the violations of promise, theobstructions of justice, and the arbitrary acts of severity, haveproduced dissatisfaction and irritation in the minds of the officersand seamen, and done infinite prejudice to the service of his ImperialMajesty and to the interests and prospects of the empire?

Can it be denied that the treatment to which the officers are exposedis in the highest degree cruel and unjust? Have they not in manyinstances been confined in a fortress or prison-ship without beingtold who is their accuser or what is the accusation? And are they notkept for many months at a time in that cruel state of suspenseand restraint without the means or opportunity of justification ordefence? Have not some of them while incarcerated in the fortress ofthe Island of Cobras been deprived of their pay for a great length oftime, and even denied the provisions necessary for their subsistence?And if, after all, they are brought to trial, are not their judgescomposed of the natives of a nation with whom they are at war? Is itpossible that English, or other foreign officers in the service, can be satisfied with such a system? Can your excellency entertain adoubt, that open accusation, prompt trial, unsuspected justice, andspeedy punishment, if merited, are essential to the good government ofa naval service? Nay, is it possible that your excellency should notknow that the system of government in the naval service of Portugal isthe most wretched in the world, and consequently the last that oughtto have been adopted for the naval service of Brazil?

And here I would respectfully ask your excellency whether you know ofany one thing recommended by me for the benefit of the naval servicebeing complied with? Have the laws been revised to adapt them to thebetter government of the service? Has a corps of marine artillerybeen formed and taught their duty? Have young gentlemen intended forofficers been sent on board to learn their profession? Have young menbeen enlisted and sent on board to be bred up as seamen? Or hasany encouragement been given to the employment of Brazilians in thecommerce of the coast?[A]

[Footnote A: It was the policy of Portugal to navigate thecoasting-trade of Brazil by slaves; and that of Spain to allow nonebut Indians to exercise the trade of fishermen on the shores of theirSouth American colonies. ]

With regard to those difficulties, delays, and other impediments ofwhich I have complained as existing in the arsenal and other offices, and which your excellency supposes me to have represented as beingcaused, or at least tolerated, by the minister, and which you arepleased to characterise as "tout a fait imaginaires, et n'ayantd'outré source que l'ambition sordide de quelque intrigant, " I shallnot now enter into them again at any length, as much that I havealready written tends to refute your excellency's notions on thesubject. That such abuses do really exist I have proved beyond thepower of contradiction; and that they are at least tolerated bythose--whoever they may be--who possess without exercising the meansof preventing, does not require the ingenuity of an "intrigant" todiscover, as the fact is self-evident. I cannot, therefore, admit thateither my complaints or suspicions are "tout a fait imaginaires, "or that they are "des petitesses, " as your excellency is pleasedcontemptuously to term them; but whatever they are, they originate inmy own observation, without any assistance from the spectacles ofan "intrigant, " with which I am so gratuitously accommodated by yourexcellency. 

In still further proof, however, of the real existence of the evilsin question, I may just observe that since the return of the _PedroPrimiero_, that ship has been kept in constant disorder by the delayin commencing and the idle and negligent mode of executing even thetrifling alterations in the channels, which were necessary to enablethe rigging to be set up, and which, after the lapse of upwards offive months, is now scarcely finished, though it might have beenaccomplished in forty-eight hours. Even the time of caulking wasspun out to a period nearly as long as was occupied last year in theaccomplishment of that thorough repair which the ship then underwent;and the painting is far from being completed after sixteen or eighteendays' labour, though a British ship of war is usually painted in aday. Even my own cabin is in such a state that when I am on boardI have no place to sit down in. All these things may appear to yourexcellency as "des petitesses, " or even "tout a fait imaginaires, "but to me they appear matters of a serious nature, injurious anddisgraceful to the service. 

I may not, perhaps, succeed in convincing your excellency, but I havethe satisfaction of being inwardly conscious that, independent of mynatural desire to obtain justice for myself and for all the officersand men of the squadron, no small part of my anxiety for thefulfilment of the engagements of the Government proceeds from a desireto see the navy of his Imperial Majesty rendered efficient; which itcan never be unless the same good faith is observed with the officersand men as is kept between the Government and navy of England, andunless indeed many other important considerations are attended to, which appear to have hitherto escaped the regard of the ImperialGovernment. Why, for instance, is there that indifference in regardto the clothing of the men? What but discontent, debasement, andenervation, can be the effects of that ragged and almost nakedcondition in which they have so long been suffered to remain, notwithstanding the numerous applications that have been made for thenecessary clothing? I would also inquire the reason that officers andmen, strangers to each other, and destitute of attachment and mutualconfidence, are hastily shipped together in vessels of war going onactive service, when better arrangements might easily be made. Whatcan be expected from the vessels of war just gone out, in case theyshould meet with any serious opposition, but disgrace to those by whomthey were so imperfectly and improperly equipped?

If this communication were not already too long, or if, after theletter I have received from your excellency, it were possible for meto continue my representations in the hope of redress, I could add tothe list of those causes of complaint which I have already pointed outmany particulars which none but those who are blindly attached to thatwretched system which has been so injurious to the marine and kingdomof Portugal could consider either trifling or imaginary. But as mypresent object has been chiefly to repel those imputations in whichyour excellency has so freely indulged, and believing that I havefully succeeded in that object, and have shown clearly that yourexcellency has unjustly and untruly accused me of encouragingtalebearers, making unfounded complaints, and of being of a nature soavaricious as never to be satisfied--which latter, by-the-by, isan extraordinary accusation to prefer against me--a man whom yourexcellency must know has not hitherto been benefited, after beingmore than a year in the service, to the amount of one shilling for theimportant services he has rendered, but who, on the contrary, ashe can show by his accounts, has necessarily expended more in hisofficial situation than he has received in the service; so that the"remercimens" and the "satisfaction, " which your excellency accuseshim of being deficient in, can scarcely yet be due, unless it isproper to be satisfied and grateful too for less than nothing--having, I say, fully repelled and refuted these unjust accusations, I shallavoid troubling your excellency with any further detail. But I repeatthat your excellency has my free consent to cause the whole of myofficial correspondence to be published; for in all that I haveadvanced with respect to the violations of contracts, and on thesubject of the unsatisfied claims of the squadron, and relative tothe ill-usage of officers under arrest, and to the misconduct of thejudges of prizes, and of those who have the management of the civildepartment of the marine, [A] and in all matters whatever in questionbetween the Government of Brazil and myself, I am confident I maysafely rely on the decision of the public. And if, at the same time, your excellency can give a satisfactory explanation of the motives ofthat line of conduct on the part of the ministers and council, which, without such explanation, would have the appearance of originating inbad faith, the publication would be doubly beneficial by placing theconduct and character of all parties in a proper point of view. 

[Footnote A: Also Portuguese. ]

 I have the honour to be, Most excellent sir, Your respectful and most obedient Servant, COCHRANE AND MARANHAM. 

 His Excellency, João Sereriano Maciele da Costa, Secretary of State for the Home Department, &c. , &c. , &c. 

END OF VOL. I. 

LONDON: PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, STAMFORD STREET ANDCHARING CROSS.