THE

LIFE

OF

GEORGE WASHINGTON, COMMANDER IN CHIEF OF THE

AMERICAN FORCES, DURING THE WAR WHICH ESTABLISHED THE INDEPENDENCE OF HIS COUNTRY, AND

FIRST PRESIDENT

OF THE

UNITED STATES. 

COMPILED UNDER THE INSPECTION OF

THE HONOURABLE BUSHROD WASHINGTON, FROM

_ORIGINAL PAPERS_

BEQUEATHED TO HIM BY HIS DECEASED RELATIVE, AND NOW IN POSSESSION OFTHE AUTHOR. 

TO WHICH IS PREFIXED, AN INTRODUCTION, CONTAINING A COMPENDIOUS VIEW OF THE COLONIES PLANTED BY THE ENGLISHON THE

CONTINENT OF NORTH AMERICA, FROM THEIR SETTLEMENT TO THE COMMENCEMENT OF THAT WAR WHICH TERMINATEDIN THEIR

INDEPENDENCE. 

BY JOHN MARSHALL. 

VOL. IV. 

THE CITIZENS' GUILDOF WASHINGTON'S BOYHOOD HOMEFREDERICKSBURG, VA. 

1926

Printed in the U. S. A. 

[Illustration: George Washington

_From the painting by James Sharples_

_Sharples is distinguished for having painted what the Washingtonfamily regarded as the most faithful likenesses of the Father of HisCountry. This portrait in particular is the best resemblance we haveof Washington during the period between his resignation asCommander-in-Chief of the Continental Army and his inauguration asFirst President of the United States. The Sharples portraits ofWashington were commissioned by Robert Cary, a London merchant andadmirer of our First President, who sent the artist on a special tripto America to do the work. This and other portraits by Sharples ofWashington and his compeers long remained in England, but are now inthe Collection of Herbert L. Pratt, New York. _]

CONTENTS

CHAPTER I. 

Greene invests Camden.... Battle of Hobkirk's Hill.... Progress ofMarion and Lee.... Lord Rawdon retires into the lower country.... Greene invests Ninety Six.... Is repulsed.... Retires from thatplace.... Active movements of the two armies.... After a short reposethey resume active operations.... Battle of Eutaw.... The British armyretires towards Charleston. 

CHAPTER II. 

Preparations for another campaign.... Proceedings in the Parliament ofGreat Britain. Conciliatory conduct of General Carleton.... Transactions in the south.... Negotiations for peace.... Preliminaryand eventual articles agreed upon between the United States and GreatBritain.... Discontents of the American army.... Peace.... Mutiny of apart of the Pennsylvania line.... Evacuation of New York.... GeneralWashington resigns his commission and retires to Mount Vernon. 

CHAPTER III. 

General Washington devotes his time to rural pursuits.... To theduties of friendship.... And to institutions of public utility.... Resolves of Congress and of the Legislature of Virginia for erectingstatues to his honour.... Recommends improvement in inlandnavigation.... Declines accepting a donation made to him by his nativestate.... The society of the Cincinnati.... He is electedPresident.... The causes which led to a change of the government ofthe United States.... Circular letter of General Washington to thegovernors of the several states. 

CHAPTER IV. 

Differences between Great Britain and the United States.... Mr. Adamsappointed minister to Great Britain.... Discontents excited by thecommercial regulations of Britain.... Parties in the United States.... The convention at Annapolis.... Virginia appoints deputies to aconvention at Philadelphia.... General Washington chosen one ofthem.... Insurrection at Massachusetts.... Convention atPhiladelphia.... A form of government submitted to the respectivestates, as ratified by eleven of them.... Correspondence of GeneralWashington respecting the chief magistracy.... He is electedpresident.... Meeting of the first congress. 

CHAPTER V. 

The election of General Washington officially announced to him.... Hisdeparture for the seat of government.... Marks of affection shown himon his journey.... His inauguration and speech to Congress.... Hissystem of intercourse with the world.... Letters on this and othersubjects.... Answers of both houses of Congress to the speech.... Domestic and foreign relations of the United States.... Debates on theimpost and tonnage bills.... On the power of removal from office.... On the policy of the secretary of the treasury reporting plans ofrevenue.... On the style of the President.... Amendments to theconstitution.... Appointment of executive officers, and of thejudges.... Adjournment of the first session of congress.... ThePresident visits New England.... His reception.... North Carolinaaccedes to the union. 

CHAPTER VI. 

Meeting of congress.... President's speech.... Report of the secretaryof the treasury on public credit.... Debate thereon.... Bill forfixing the permanent seat of government.... Adjournment ofcongress.... Treaty with the Creek Indians.... Relations of the UnitedStates with Great Britain and Spain.... The President visits MountVernon.... Session of congress.... The President's speech.... Debateson the excise.... On a national bank.... The opinions of the cabineton the law.... Progress of parties.... War with the Indians.... Defeatof Harmar.... Adjournment of congress. 

CHAPTER VII. 

General St. Clair appointed Commander-in-chief.... The President makesa tour through the southern states.... Meeting of congress.... President's speech.... Debate on the bill for apportioningrepresentatives.... Military law.... Defeat of St. Clair.... Opposition to the increase of the army.... Report of the Secretary ofthe Treasury for raising additional supplies.... Congress adjourns.... Strictures on the conduct of administration, with a view ofparties.... Disagreement between the Secretaries of State andTreasury.... Letters from General Washington.... Opposition to theexcise law.... President's proclamation.... Insurrection and massacrein the island of St. Domingo.... General Wayne appointed to thecommand of the army.... Meeting of congress.... President's speech.... Resolutions implicating the Secretary of the Treasury, rejected.... Congress adjourns.... Progress of the French revolution, and itseffects on parties in the United States. 

THE LIFE

OF

GEORGE WASHINGTON

CHAPTER I. 

 Greene invests Camden.... Battle of Hobkirk's Hill.... Progress of Marion and Lee.... Lord Rawdon retires into the lower country.... Greene invests Ninety Six.... Is repulsed.... Retires from that place.... Active movements of the two armies.... After a short repose they resume active operations.... Battle of Eutaw.... The British army retires towards Charleston. 

{1781}

In South Carolina and Georgia, the campaign of 1781 was uncommonlyactive. The importance of the object, the perseverance with which itwas pursued, the talents of the generals, the courage, activity, andsufferings of the armies, and the accumulated miseries of theinhabitants, gave to the contest for these states, a degree ofinterest seldom bestowed on military transactions, in which greaternumbers have not been employed. 

When Lord Cornwallis entered North Carolina, the military operationsin the more southern states were committed to Lord Rawdon. For thepreservation of his power, a line of posts slightly fortified had beencontinued from Charleston, by the way of Camden and Ninety Six, toAugusta, in Georgia. The spirit of resistance was still kept up in thenorth-western and north-eastern parts of the state, by GeneralsSumpter and Marion, who respectively commanded a corps of militia. Their exertions, though great, seem not to have been successful; andthey excited no alarm, because no addition to their strength wasapprehended. 

Such was the situation of the country when General Greene formed thebold resolution of endeavouring to reannex it to the American union. His army consisted of about eighteen hundred men. The prospect ofprocuring subsistence was unpromising, and the chance ofreinforcements precarious. He was apprized of the dangers to beencountered, but believed it to be for the public interest to meetthem. "I shall take every measure, " said this gallant officer, in aletter communicating his plan of operations to General Washington, "toavoid a misfortune. But necessity obliges me to commit myself tochance, and if any accident should attend me, I trust my friends willdo justice to my reputation. "

The extensive line of posts maintained by Lord Rawdon, presented toGreene many objects, at which, it was probable he might strike withadvantage. The day preceding his march from the camp on Deep river, hedetached Lee to join General Marion, and communicated his intention ofentering South Carolina to General Pickens with a request that hewould assemble the western militia, and lay siege to Ninety Six, andAugusta. 

{April. }

[Sidenote: Green invests Camden. ]

Having made these arrangements, he moved from Deep river on theseventh of April, and encamped before Camden on the nineteenth of thesame month, within half a mile of the British works. Lord Rawdon hadreceived early notice of his approach, and was prepared for hisreception. 

{April 24. }

Camden stands on a gentle elevation, and is covered on the south andsouth-west by the Wateree, [1] and on the east by Pine-tree creek. Astrong chain of redoubts, extending from the river to the creek, protected the north and west sides of the town. Being unable to stormthe works or to invest them on all sides, Greene contented himselfwith lying before the place in the hope of being reinforced bymilitia, or of some event which might bring on an action in the openfield. With this view he retired a small distance, and encamped onHobkirk's hill, about a mile and a half from the town. While in thissituation, he received information that Colonel Watson was marching upthe Santee with about four hundred men. A junction between these twodivisions of the British army, could be prevented only by interceptingWatson while at a distance from Camden. For this purpose, he crossedSand-hill creek and encamped east of Camden, on the road leading toCharleston. It being impracticable to transport the artillery andbaggage over the deep marshes adjoining the creek, Colonel Carringtonwith the North Carolina militia was directed to convey them to a placeof safety, and to guard them till farther orders. The army continued afew days in its new encampment, during which the troops subsisted onthe scanty supplies furnished by the neighbourhood. Greene wascompelled at length, by the want of provisions, to relinquish thisposition. About the same time he received intelligence which inducedhim to doubt the approach of Watson. On which he ordered LieutenantColonel Carrington to rejoin him; and on the 24th, returned to thenorth side of the town, and again encamped on Hobkirk's hill, a ridgecovered with uninterrupted wood through which the great Waxhaw roadpasses. The army was encamped in order of battle, its left covered bythe swamp of Pine-tree creek. 

 [Footnote 1: Higher up, this river is called the Catawba. ]

{April 25. }

A drummer, who deserted on the morning after Greene's return, andbefore he was rejoined by Lieutenant Colonel Carrington, gaveinformation to Lord Rawdon that the artillery and militia had beendetached. His lordship determined to seize this favourable occasionfor fighting his enemy to advantage, and, at the head of nine hundredmen, marched out of town on the morning of the twenty-fifth to attackthe American army. 

Lieutenant Colonel Carrington had arrived in camp that morning, andbrought with him a supply of provisions which had been issued to thetroops, some of whom were employed in cooking and others in washingtheir clothes. Notwithstanding those occupations, they were in reachof their arms, and were in readiness to take their ground and engageat a moment's warning. 

[Sidenote: Battle of Hobkirk's Hill. ]

By keeping close to the swamp, and making a circuit of some distance, Lord Rawdon gained the American left without being perceived; andabout eleven, his approach was announced by the fire of the advancedpiquets, who were half a mile in front of Greene's encampment. Orderswere instantly given to form the American line of battle. 

The Virginia brigade commanded by General Huger, consisting of tworegiments under Campbell and Hawes, was drawn up on the right of thegreat road. The Maryland brigade commanded by Colonel Williams, consisting also of two regiments, under Gunby and Ford, was on theleft, and the artillery was placed in the centre. The North Carolinamilitia under Colonel Read formed a second line; and Captain Kirkwoodwith the light infantry was placed in front for the purpose ofsupporting the piquets, and retarding the advance of the enemy. General Greene remained on the right, with Campbell's regiment. 

Captain Morgan of Virginia, and Captain Benson of Maryland, whocommanded the piquets, gave the enemy a warm reception; but were sooncompelled to retire. Captain Kirkwood also was driven in, and theBritish troops appeared in view. Rawdon continued his march throughthe wood along the low ground in front of the Maryland brigade whichwas in the act of forming, until he reached the road, where hedisplayed his column. 

Perceiving that the British advanced with a narrow front, Greeneordered Colonel Ford, whose regiment was on the extreme left, andLieutenant Colonel Campbell, whose regiment was on the extreme right, severally to attack their flanks, while Gunby and Hawes should advanceupon their front with charged bayonets. To complete their destructionby cutting off their retreat to the town, Lieutenant ColonelWashington was ordered to pass their left flank and charge them in therear. 

The regiments commanded by Ford and Campbell, being composed chieflyof new levies, did not change their ground, and perform the evolutionsnecessary for the duty assigned to them, with the requisite rapidityand precision; in consequence of which Rawdon, who instantly perceivedthe danger that threatened his flanks, had time to extend his front bybringing the volunteers of Ireland into his line. 

This judicious movement disconcerted the design on his flanks, andbrought the two armies into action fronting each other. But theregiments of Ford and Campbell were thrown into some confusion by theabortive attempt to gain the flanks of the British. 

Colonel Washington too was compelled by the thick underwood and felledtrees which obstructed his direct course, to make so extensive acircuit, that he came into the rear of the British at a greaterdistance from the scene of action than was intended, in consequence ofwhich he fell in with their medical and other staff, and with a numberof the followers of the army and idle spectators, who took no part inthe action. Too humane to cut his way through this crowd, he employedso much time in taking their verbal parole, that he could not reachthe rear of the British line until the battle was ended. Thesecasualties disappointed this very interesting part of Greene'sintended operations. [2]

 [Footnote 2: This account of the battle of Hobkirk's Hill varies in several particulars from that contained in the first edition. In making the alteration the author has followed the letter of General Davie, published in Mr. Johnson's biography of General Greene. General Davie was known to the author to be a gentleman in whose representations great confidence is to be placed on every account, and his situation in the army enabled him to obtain the best information. ]

The artillery, however, played on the enemy with considerable effect;and the regiments of Gunby and Hawes advanced on the British frontwith resolution. Some companies on the right of the Maryland regimentreturned the fire of the enemy, and their example was followed by theothers. Notwithstanding this departure from orders, they continued toadvance with intrepidity, and Greene entertained sanguine hopes ofvictory. His prospects were blasted by one of those incidents againstwhich military prudence can make no provision. 

Captain Beaty, who commanded on the right of Gunby's regiment, waskilled, upon which his company with that adjoining it got intoconfusion and dropped out of the line. Gunby ordered the othercompanies, which were still advancing, to fall back, and form, withthe two companies, behind the hill which the British were ascending. This retrograde movement was mistaken for a retreat, and the regimentgave way. Encouraged by this circumstance, the British pressed forwardwith increased ardour, and all the efforts of Colonel Williams, and ofGunby and Howard, to rally the regiment were, for a time, ineffectual. This veteran regiment, distinguished alike for its discipline andcourage, which with the cavalry of Washington, had won the battle ofthe Cowpens, and nearly won that at Guilford court house, was seizedwith an unaccountable panic which, for a time, resisted all theefforts of their officers. 

The flight of the first Maryland regiment increased the confusionwhich the change of ground had produced in the second; and, inattempting to restore order, Colonel Ford was mortally wounded. LordRawdon improved these advantages to the utmost. His right gained thesummit of the hill, forced the artillery to retire, and turned theflank of the second Virginia regiment, commanded by Lieutenant ColonelHawes, which had advanced some distance down the hill. By this timethe first Virginia regiment, which Greene had endeavoured to lead inperson against the left flank of the British, being also in somedisorder, began to give ground. Perceiving this reverse in hisaffairs, and knowing that he could not rely on his second line, Greenethought it most adviseable to secure himself from the hazard of atotal defeat by withdrawing the second Virginia regiment from theaction. 

The Maryland brigade was in part rallied; but Lord Rawdon had gainedthe hill, and it was thought too late to retrieve the fortune of theday. Greene determined to reserve his troops for a more auspiciousmoment, and ordered a retreat. 

Finding that the infantry had retreated, Colonel Washington alsoretired with the loss of only three men, bringing with him about fiftyprisoners, among whom were all the surgeons belonging to the Britisharmy. 

The Americans retreated in good order about four miles from the fieldof battle, and proceeded, next day, to Rugeley's mills. The pursuitwas continued about three miles. In the course of it, some sharpskirmishing took place, which was terminated by a vigorous charge madeby Colonel Washington on a corps of British horse who led their van. This corps being broken and closely pursued, the infantry in its rearretreated precipitately into Camden. 

{April 26. }

The number of continental troops engaged in this action amounted toabout twelve hundred[3] men, and the loss in killed, wounded, andmissing, to two hundred and sixty-six. Among the killed was CaptainBeaty, of Maryland, who was mentioned by General Greene as an ornamentto his profession; and among the wounded was Colonel Ford, ofMaryland, a gallant officer, whose wounds proved mortal. The militiaattached to the army amounted to two hundred and sixty-six, of whomtwo were missing. The total loss sustained by the British army hasbeen stated at two hundred and fifty-eight, of whom thirty-eight werekilled in the field. 

 [Footnote 3: There is some variance between this statement and that which has been made by Mr. Ramsay and Mr. Gordon, although their estimates are supposed to have been formed on the same document--the field return made by the adjutant general of the southern army, dated the 26th of April. This return contains a column of the present fit for duty, and also exhibits the killed, wounded, and missing, but contains no column of total numbers. Mr. Ramsay and Mr. Gordon are supposed to have taken the column of present fit for duty as exhibiting the strength of the army on the day of the battle; but as this return was made the day after the action, the author has supposed that the killed, wounded, and missing, must be added to the numbers fit for duty on the day of the return, to give the actual strength of the army at the time of the engagement. ]

The plan which the strength of Camden and his own weakness had inducedGeneral Greene originally to adopt, was still substantially pursued. He remained in the vicinity of that place, and by the activity of hiscavalry, straightened the communication of the garrison with theneighbouring country. Their distress for provisions had beenconsiderably increased by the progress of Marion and Lee. 

[Sidenote: Several British posts taken. ]

Lieutenant Colonel Lee joined Marion a few days after he was detachedfrom the camp on Deep river; and these two officers commenced theiroperations against the line of communication between Camden andCharleston, by laying siege to fort Watson, which capitulated in a fewdays. The acquisition of this fort afforded the means of interruptingthe intercourse between Camden and Charleston, and opposed an obstacleto the retreat of Lord Rawdon which he would have found it difficultto surmount. 

From the increasing perils of his situation, his lordship was relievedby the arrival of Colonel Watson. 

In attempting to obey the orders, which were given by Lord Rawdon onthe approach of Greene, to join him at Camden, that officer foundhimself opposed by Marion and Lee, who had seized the passes over thecreeks in his route; and had thus completely arrested his march. Toelude these vigilant adversaries, Watson returned down the Santee, andcrossing that river near its mouth, marched up its southern side, andrecrossing it above the American detachment, and, eluding all themeasures taken to intercept him, accomplished his object with muchtoil and hazard. 

This reinforcement gave the British general a decided superiority; andGreene entertained no doubt of its being immediately employed. On theday of its arrival, therefore, he withdrew from the neighbourhood ofCamden, and took a strong position behind Sawney's creek. 

{May 7. }

On the night of the seventh, as had been conjectured, Rawdon passedthe Wateree at Camden ferry, intending to turn the flank of his enemy, and to attack his rear, where the ground was less difficult than infront. On being informed that the American army had changed itsposition, he followed it to its new encampment. This was sojudiciously chosen that he despaired of being able to force it; and, after some ineffectual manoeuvres to draw Greene from it, returned toCamden. 

{Eighth. }

Lord Rawdon had been induced to relinquish, thus hastily, his designsupon Greene, by the insecurity of his situation. The state of theBritish power in South Carolina was such as to require a temporarysurrender of the upper country. Marion and Lee, after completelydestroying his line of communication on the north side of the Santee, had crossed that river, and permitted no convoy from Charleston toescape their vigilance. On the eighth of May, after Watson had passedthem, they laid siege to a post at Motte's house, on the south side ofthe Congaree, near its junction with the Wateree, which had been madethe depot of all the supplies designed for Camden. 

From the energy of this party as well as from the defection of theinhabitants, Lord Rawdon had reason to apprehend the loss of all hislower posts, unless he should take a position which would supportthem. He had therefore determined to evacuate Camden, unless the issueof a battle with Greene should be such as to remove all fears offuture danger from that officer. 

[Sidenote: Lord Rawdon retires into the lower country. ]

{May 12. }

Having failed in his hope of bringing on a general engagement, heevacuated Camden, and marched down the river on its north side toNeilson's ferry. Among the objects to be obtained by this movement wasthe security of the garrison at Motte's house. But the siege of thatplace had been so vigorously prosecuted that, on crossing the river, his lordship received the unwelcome intelligence that it hadsurrendered on the twelfth, and that its garrison, consisting of onehundred and sixty-five men, had become prisoners. On the precedingday, the post at Orangeburg had surrendered to Sumpter. 

On the evening of the fourteenth, Lord Rawdon moved from Neilson'sferry, and marched to Monk's Corner, a position which enabled him tocover those districts from which Charleston drew its supplies. 

{May. }

While the British army was thus under the necessity of retiring, theAmerican force was exerted with a degree of activity which could notbe surpassed. After the post at Motte's house had fallen, Marionproceeded against Georgetown, on the Black river, which place hereduced; and Lee marched against fort Granby, a post on the south ofthe Congaree, which was garrisoned by three hundred and fifty-two men, principally militia. The place was invested on the evening of thefourteenth, and the garrison capitulated the next morning. 

The late movement of the British army had left the garrison of NinetySix and of Augusta exposed to the whole force of Greene, and hedetermined to direct his operations against them. Lee was ordered toproceed against the latter, while the general should march in personto the former. 

The post at Ninety Six was fortified. The principal work, which, fromits form, was called the Star, and which was on the right of thevillage, consisted of sixteen salient and reentering angles, and wassurrounded by a dry ditch, fraize, and abattis. On the left was avalley, through which ran a rivulet that supplied the place withwater. This valley was commanded on one side by the town prison, whichhad been converted into a block-house, and on the other by a stockadefort, in which a block-house had been erected. The garrison, commandedby Lieutenant Colonel Cruger, was ample for the extent of the place, but was furnished with only three pieces of artillery. 

On evacuating Camden, Lord Rawdon had given directions that thegarrison of Ninety Six should retire to Augusta; but his messengerswere intercepted; and Cruger, remaining without orders, determined toput his post in the best possible state of defence. 

[Sidenote: Greene invests Ninety Six. ]

On the 22nd of May the American army, consisting of about one thousandcontinental troops, appeared before the town, and encamped in a wood, within cannon shot of the place. On the following night they brokeground, within seventy yards of the British works; but the besiegedhaving mounted several guns in the star, made a vigorous sally undertheir protection, and drove the advanced party of the besiegers fromtheir trenches, put several of them to the bayonet, and brought offtheir intrenching tools. 

This sortie was made with such rapidity, that, though General Greeneput his whole army in motion, the party making it had accomplished theobject and retired into the fort, before he could support his troopsin the trenches. After this check, the siege was conducted with morecaution, but with indefatigable industry. 

On the 8th of June, Lee rejoined the army with the troops under hiscommand. 

The day after the fall of fort Granby, that active officer proceededwith great celerity to join General Pickens, and lay siege to Augusta. On the march, he took possession of fort Golphin, on the northern bankof the Savannah, which surrendered on the 21st of May; immediatelyafter which the operations against Augusta were commenced. 

The place was bravely defended by Lieutenant Colonel Brown; but theapproaches of the besiegers were so well conducted, that on the 5th ofJune he was reduced to the necessity of capitulating; and theprisoners, amounting to about three hundred, were conducted by Lee tothe main army. 

This reinforcement enabled General Greene, who had till then made hisapproaches solely against the star, to commence operations against theworks on the left also. The direction of the advances to be made inthat quarter was entrusted to Lieutenant Colonel Lee. While thebesiegers urged their approaches in the confidence that the place mustsoon capitulate, Lord Rawdon received a reinforcement which enabledhim once more to overrun the state of South Carolina. 

{June 7. }

On the third of June three regiments arrived from Ireland; and, on theseventh of that month, Lord Rawdon marched at the head of two thousandmen to the relief of Ninety Six. Greene received intelligence of hisapproach on the eleventh, and ordered Sumpter, to whose aid thecavalry was detached, to continue in his front, and to impede hismarch by turning to the best account every advantage afforded by theface of the country. But Lord Rawdon passed Sumpter below the junctionof the Saluda and Broad rivers, after which that officer was probablyunable to regain his front. 

Greene had also intended to meet the British and fight them at somedistance from Ninety Six, but found it impossible to draw togethersuch aids of militia as would enable him to execute that intentionwith any prospect of success. The only remaining hope was to press thesiege so vigorously as to compel a surrender before Lord Rawdon couldarrive. 

{June 17. }

In the execution of this plan, the garrison was reduced toextremities, when the near approach of his lordship was communicatedto Cruger, by a loyalist who passed through the American lines, andextinguished every hope of carrying the place otherwise than by storm. Unwilling to relinquish a prize he was on the point of obtaining, Greene resolved to essay every thing which could promise success; butthe works were so strong that it would be madness to assault them, unless a partial attempt to make a lodgement on one of the curtains ofthe star redoubt, and at the same time to carry the fort on the left, should the first succeed. 

{June 18. }

[Sidenote: Is repulsed and retires from before that place. ]

The proper dispositions for this partial assault being made, Lieutenant Colonel Lee, at the head of the legion infantry andKirkwood's company, was ordered to assault the works on the left ofthe town; while Lieutenant Colonel Campbell was to lead the firstregiment of Maryland, and the first of Virginia, against the starredoubt. The lines of the third parallel were manned, and all theartillery opened on the besieged. About noon the detachments on thisservice marched cheerfully to the assault. Lee's attack on the leftwas successful. He forced the works in that quarter and tookpossession of them. But the resistance on the right was moredetermined, and Campbell, though equally brave, was less fortunate. Lieutenants Duval of Maryland, and Selden of Virginia, led the forlornhope, and entered the ditch with great intrepidity; but its depth, andthe height of the parapet opposed obstructions which could not besurmounted. After a severe conflict of more than half an hour, duringwhich Lieutenants Duval and Selden were both badly wounded, and nearlyall the forlorn hope were either killed or wounded, the assault wasrelinquished, and the few who remained alive were recalled from theditch. The next day, Greene raised the siege, and, crossing theSaluda, encamped on Little River. The loss of the besieging army, inkilled and wounded, amounted to one hundred and fifty-five men, amongthe former of whom was Captain Armstrong of Maryland. That of thegarrison has been stated at eighty-five. 

On the morning of the 21st of June, Lord Rawdon arrived at Ninety Six;and, on the evening of the same day, marched in quest of the Americanarmy. In the preceding operations of the campaign, he had felt thewant of cavalry so severely that, while at Monk's Corner, and inCharleston, he had formed a corps of one hundred and fifty horse. 

[Sidenote: Active movements of the two armies. ]

Greene, foreseeing that his active adversary would avail himself tothe utmost of his superiority, had sent his sick and woundednorthward; and, as soon as Rawdon had crossed the Saluda, he retreatedtowards Virginia. Lord Rawdon pursued him to the Eunora, whence hereturned to Ninety Six. 

The retreat ceased with the pursuit. General Greene halted near thecross roads, on the north of Broad River. 

As Rawdon retired, he was followed close by the legion as far asNinety Six, at which place he remained but two days. Still retainingthe opinion that circumstances required him to contract his posts, heleft the principal part of his army, under the command of LieutenantColonel Cruger, to protect the loyalists while removing within thoselimits which were to be maintained by the British forces; and, at thehead of less than one thousand men, marched in person towards theCongaree. 

Supposing that his adversary intended to preserve the post at NinetySix, where the royalists were numerous, and to establish one or two onthe Congaree, where provisions were more plentiful than in any otherpart of the state, Greene determined to interrupt the execution of theplan which he believed to have been formed. Leaving his sick andbaggage at Wynnsborough, to be conducted to Camden, he marched withthe utmost expedition for Friday's ferry on the Congaree, at whichplace Lord Rawdon had arrived two days before him. As Greene drew nearto his enemy, a detachment from the legion under the command ofCaptain Eggleston, announced his approach by attacking a foragingparty within a mile of the British camp, and bringing off a troopconsisting of forty-five men, with their officers and horses. Rawdonretreated the next day to Orangeburg, where he formed a junction witha detachment from Charleston, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Stuart. 

{July 11. }

On the Congaree, Greene was reinforced by Sumpter and Marion withabout one thousand men; and, on the 11th of July, marched towardsOrangeburg with the intention of attacking the British army at thatplace. He arrived there the next day, but found it so strongly postedas to be unassailable. He offered battle, but prudence restrained himfrom attacking the enemy in his camp. 

{July 13. }

At this place, intelligence was received of the evacuation of NinetySix, and that Lieutenant Colonel Cruger was marching down toOrangeburg. The north branch of the Edisto, which, for thirty miles, was passable only at the place occupied by Rawdon, interposed aninsuperable obstacle to any attempt on Cruger; and Greene thought itmost adviseable to force the British out of the upper country bythreatening their lower posts at Monk's corner and at Dorchester. Sumpter, Marion, and Lee, were detached on this service; and, on thesame day, Greene moved towards the high hills of Santee, a healthysituation, where he purposed to give some refreshment and repose tohis harassed army, and where he hoped to be joined by a fewcontinental troops and militia from North Carolina. 

The detachments ordered against the posts in the north-eastern partsof the state, under the command of Sumpter, were not so completelysuccessful as their numbers, courage, and enterprise deserved. Theseveral corps took distinct routes, intending to fall on the differentposts between Ashley and Cooper rivers, at the same time. That atDorchester was broken up, on the approach of Lee, who captured horses, military stores, and baggage to a considerable amount, and obtainedsome trivial successes over the flying enemy. Lieutenant Colonel WadeHampton, of the state cavalry, fell in with a body of mountedrefugees, dispersed the whole, and made forty or fifty prisoners. 

Sumpter advanced against Monk's corner. This post was defended byLieutenant Colonel Coates with the 19th British regiment, and a troopof horse. He had taken possession of a brick church at a bridge overBiggin creek, the most northern of the water courses which form thewest branch of Cooper river. After passing Biggin, the road toCharleston crosses first Wattoo, and then Quinby creek; neither ofwhich is passable except at the bridges over which the road leads, andat a ferry over Quinby. 

On the sixteenth, Sumpter approached Monk's corner, but, not supposinghimself strong enough to hazard an attack until all his detachmentsshould be collected, sent a party to seize the bridge over Wattoo, andeither to hold or to destroy it. This party being attacked by asuperior force, retired from the bridge without completing itsdestruction, and without informing Sumpter that his orders had notbeen fully executed. 

Marion had joined Sumpter. Lee arrived late in the evening, and theresolution was taken to attack Coates early next morning. 

In the course of the night he set fire to the church, in order todestroy the stores which were collected in it, and commenced his marchto Charleston, by the road east of Cooper. Having repaired the bridgeover Wattoo, he met with no obstruction; and proceeded with hisinfantry on the road leading to Quinby bridge, directed his cavalry totake a road turning to the right, and crossing the creek at the ferry. 

About three next morning, the flames bursting through the roof of thechurch announced the retreat of the British; and the pursuit wasimmediately commenced. Sumpter was preceded by the legion, supportedby the state cavalry. A detachment from this regiment followed theBritish horse, in the vain hope of overtaking the troop at the ferry, while Lee pursued the infantry. Within a short distance of the bridge, which is eighteen miles from Monk's corner, he perceived the rearguard of the British, consisting of about one hundred men, commandedby Captain Campbell, which the cavalry charged, sword in hand. Theythrew down their arms, and begged for quarter; upon which they wereplaced under the care of a few militia horsemen, and the Americancavalry resumed the pursuit. 

They had not proceeded far, when Lee was called to the rear, byinformation that the prisoners had been ordered to resume their arms. At this critical moment, Armstrong, at the head of the leadingsection, came in sight of Coates, who having passed the bridge, andloosened the planks, lay, unapprehensive of danger, intending todestroy it as soon as his rear guard should cross the creek. Armstrong, in obedience to orders, given in the expectation that hewould overtake Coates before passing the creek, dashed over the bridgeon the guard stationed at the opposite end with a howitzer, which heseized. In this operation, his horses threw off some of the loosenedplanks, and made a chasm, over which the following section, led byLieutenant Carrington, leaped with difficulty. In doing this someother planks were thrown off, and the horses of the third sectionrefused to take the leap. At this time Lee came up, and every effortwas made to replace the planks, but without success. The creek was toodeep and miry to afford foot hold to those who attempted to raise themfrom the water. 

This halt revived the courage of the British soldiers, who returned tothe support of their commander, then engaged in an equal conflict withthe cavalry who had passed the bridge. These gallant men[4] findingthemselves overpowered by numbers, and that their comrades could notsupport them, pressed over the causeway, and wheeling into the woods, made their escape. 

 [Footnote 4: Mr. Johnson states that Captain M'Cauley, of South Carolina, had joined Armstrong and Carrington. Some of the troopers were killed on the bridge. ]

After finding the impracticability of replacing the planks on thebridge, in attempting which, Doctor Irvin, surgeon of the legioncavalry, and several of the troopers were wounded, Lee withdrew fromthe contest, and moved some distance up the creek, to a ford where hewas soon joined by the infantry of the legion. 

Coates then completed the demolition of the bridge, and retired to anadjoining plantation, where he took possession of the dwelling houseand out buildings that surrounded it. 

As the Americans were obliged to make a considerable circuit, Sumpter, who unfortunately left his artillery behind, did not arrive on theground till three in the afternoon, and at four the house wasattacked. The fire was kept up chiefly by Marion's division, from afence near the house, till evening, when the ammunition was exhausted, and the troops were called off. In the course of the night, it wasperceived that the loss had fallen almost entirely on Marion. Greatdiscontent prevailed, and many of the men left him. The infection wascommunicated to Sumpter's troops, and there being reason to fear theapproach of Lord Rawdon, the enterprise was abandoned. Sumpter crossedthe Santee; and the legion rejoined the army, then encamped at thehigh hills of that river. 

The intense heat of this sultry season demanded some relaxation fromthe unremitting toils which the southern army had encountered. Fromthe month of January, it had been engaged in one course of incessantfatigue, and of hardy enterprise. All its powers had been strained, nor had any interval been allowed to refresh and recruit the almostexhausted strength and spirits of the troops. 

The continued labours and exertions of all were highly meritorious;but the successful activity of one corps will attract particularattention. The legion, from its structure, was peculiarly adapted tothe partisan war of the southern states; and, by being detachedagainst the weaker posts of the enemy, had opportunities fordisplaying with advantage all the energies it possessed. In thatextensive sweep which it made from the Santee to Augusta, whichemployed from the 15th of April to the 5th of June, this corps, actingin conjunction, first with Marion, afterwards with Pickens, andsometimes alone, had constituted an essential part of the force whichcarried five British posts, and made upwards of eleven hundredprisoners. Its leader, in the performance of these services, displayeda mind of so much fertility of invention and military resource, as toadd greatly to his previous reputation as a partisan. 

The whole army had exhibited a degree of activity, courage, andpatient suffering, surpassing any expectation that could have beenformed of troops composed chiefly of new levies; and its general hadmanifested great firmness, enterprise, prudence, and skill. 

The suffering sustained in this ardent struggle for the southernstates was not confined to the armies. The inhabitants of the countryfelt all the miseries which are inflicted by war in its most savageform. Being almost equally divided between the two contending parties, reciprocal injuries had gradually sharpened their resentments againsteach other, and had armed neighbour against neighbour, until it becamea war of extermination. As the parties alternately triumphed, opportunities were alternately given for the exercise of theirvindictive passions. They derived additional virulence from theexamples occasionally afforded by the commanders of the Britishforces. After overrunning Georgia and South Carolina, they seem tohave considered those states as completely reannexed to the Britishempire; and they manifested a disposition to treat those as rebels, who had once submitted and again taken up arms, although the temporaryascendency of the continental troops should have induced the measure. One of these executions, that of Colonel Hayne, took place on thethird of August, while Lord Rawdon[5] was in Charleston, preparing tosail for Europe. The American army being at this time in possession ofgreat part of the country, the punishment inflicted on this gentlemanwas taken up very seriously by General Greene, and was near producinga system of retaliation. The British officers, pursuing this policy, are stated to have executed several of the zealous partisans of therevolution who fell into their hands. These examples hadunquestionably some influence in unbridling the revengeful passions ofthe royalists, and letting loose the spirit of slaughter which wasbrooding in their bosoms. The disposition to retaliate to the fullextent of their power, if not to commit original injury, was equallystrong in the opposite party. When fort Granby surrendered, themilitia attached to the legion manifested so strong a disposition tobreak the capitulation, and to murder the most obnoxious among theprisoners who were inhabitants of the country, as to produce a solemndeclaration from General Greene, that any man guilty of so atrociousan act should be executed. When fort Cornwallis surrendered, noexertions could have saved Colonel Brown, had he not been sent toSavannah protected by a guard of continental troops. LieutenantColonel Grierson, of the royal militia, was shot by unknown marksmen;and, although a reward of one hundred guineas was offered to anyperson who would inform against the perpetrator of the crime, he couldnever be discovered. "The whole country, " said General Greene in oneof his letters, "is one continued scene of blood and slaughter. "

 [Footnote 5: The execution of Colonel Hayne has been generally ascribed to Lord Rawdon, and that gallant nobleman has been censured throughout America for an act which has been universally execrated. A letter addressed by him to the late General Lee, on receiving the memoirs of the southern war, written by that gentleman, which has been published in the "View of the Campaign of 1781, in the Carolinas, by H. Lee, " gives the British view of that transaction, and exonerates Lord Rawdon from all blame. Lieutenant Colonel Balfour commanded, and Lord Rawdon sought to save Colonel Hayne. ]

Greene was too humane, as well as too judicious, not to discouragethis exterminating spirit. Perceiving in it the total destruction ofthe country, he sought to appease it by restraining the excesses ofthose who were attached to the American cause. 

At the high hills of Santee the reinforcements expected from NorthCarolina were received. The American army, counting every personbelonging to it, was augmented to two thousand six hundred men; butits effective force did not exceed sixteen hundred. 

[Sidenote: Active movements of the two armies. ]

After the retreat of General Greene from Orangeburg, Lord Rawdon wasinduced by ill health to avail himself of a permit to return to GreatBritain, and the command of the British forces in South Carolinadevolved on Lieutenant Colonel Stuart. He again advanced to theCongaree; and encamping near its junction with the Wateree, manifesteda determination to establish a permanent post at that place. Thoughthe two armies were within sixteen miles of each other on a rightline, two rivers ran between them which could not be crossed withoutmaking a circuit of seventy miles; in consequence of which LieutenantColonel Stuart felt himself so secure, that his foraging parties werespread over the country. To restrain them, and to protect theinhabitants, General Greene detached Marion towards Combahee ferry, and Washington over the Wateree. Frequent skirmishes ensued, which, from the superior courage and activity of the American cavalry, uniformly terminated in their favour. 

Finding that Lieutenant Colonel Stuart designed to maintain hisimportant position on the Congaree, Greene prepared to recommenceactive operations. Breaking up his camp at the high hills of Santee, he crossed the Wateree near Camden, and marched towards Friday'sferry. 

[Sidenote: After a short repose, they resume active operations. ]

On being informed of his approach, the British army retired to Eutaw, where it was reinforced by a detachment from Charleston. Greenefollowed by slow and easy marches, for the double purpose ofpreserving his soldiers from the effects of fatigue under a hot sun, and of giving Marion, who was returning from a critical expedition tothe Edisto, time to rejoin him. In the afternoon of the seventh thatofficer arrived; and it was determined to attack the British camp nextday. 

{September 8. }

[Sidenote: Battle of Eutaw. ]

At four in the morning of the eighth, the American army moved from itsground, which was seven miles from Eutaw, in the following order: Thelegion of Lee and the state troops of South Carolina formed theadvance. The militia moved next, and were followed by the regulars. The cavalry of Washington and the infantry of Kirkwood brought up therear. The artillery moved between the columns. 

At eight in the morning, about four miles from the British camp, thevan fell in with a body of horse and foot, who were escorting anunarmed foraging party, and a brisk action ensued. The British wereinstantly routed. The cavalry made their escape at the sight of thelegion dragoons, and the infantry were killed or taken. About forty, including their captain, were made prisoners. The foraging party whichfollowed in the rear saved themselves by flight, on hearing the firstmusket. Supposing this party to be the van of the English, Greenearranged his army in order of battle. 

The militia, commanded by Generals Marion and Pickens, composed thefirst line. The second was formed of the continental infantry. TheNorth Carolina brigade, commanded by General Sumner, was placed on theright; the Virginians, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Campbell, formed the centre; and the Marylanders, commanded by Colonel Williams, the left. The legion of Lee was to cover the right flank; the statetroops of South Carolina, commanded by Colonel Henderson, the left;and the cavalry of Washington, with the infantry of Kirkwood, formedthe reserve. Captain Lieutenant Gaines, with two three-pounders, wasattached to the first line; and Captain Brown, with two sixes, to thesecond. 

The British line also was immediately formed. It was drawn up acrossthe road, in an oblique direction, in a wood, on the heights near theEutaw springs, having its right flank on Eutaw creek. This flank wasalso covered by a battalion commanded by Major Majoribanks, which wasposted in a thicket, in a line forming an obtuse angle with the mainbody. The left flank was protected by the cavalry commanded by MajorCoffin, and by a body of infantry held in reserve. A detachment ofinfantry was pushed forward about a mile, with a field piece to employthe Americans until his arrangements should be completed. 

The American van continuing to move forward, encountered the Britishadvanced party; upon which Captain Lieutenant Gaines came up with hisfield pieces, which opened on the enemy with considerable effect. General Greene also ordered up his first line with directions to moveon briskly, and to advance as they fired. As this line came intoaction, the legion formed on its right flank, and the state troops ofSouth Carolina on its left. 

The British advanced party was soon driven in; and the Americans, continuing to press forward, were engaged with the main body. Lieutenant Colonel Stuart, perceiving the materials of which this linewas composed, and probably anticipating its speedy discomfiture, toavoid exposing his flanks to the American cavalry, had directed histroops not to change their position. His design was to meet theAmerican regulars without any alteration of the arrangement originallymade. But the militia, many of whom had frequently faced an enemy, being commanded by generals of experience and courage, exhibited adegree of firmness not common to that species of force, and maintainedtheir ground with unexpected obstinacy. In the ardour of action, theorder not to advance was disregarded, and the British pressed forwardas the militia retired. The artillery which was placed in the road waswell served on both sides, and did great execution till both thethree-pounders commanded by Captain Lieutenant Gaines were dismounted. About the same time, one of the British shared the same fate. 

When the militia gave way, Lee and Henderson still maintained theengagement on the flanks, General Sumner was ordered up to fill theplace from which Marion and Pickens were receding; and his brigade, ranging itself with the legion infantry, and the state regiment ofSouth Carolina, came into action with great intrepidity. The British, who had advanced upon the militia, fell back to their first ground, upon which Stuart ordered the corps of infantry posted in the rear ofhis left wing into the line, and directed Major Coffin with hiscavalry to guard that flank. About this time Henderson received awound which disabled him from keeping the field, and the command ofhis corps devolved on Lieutenant Colonel Hampton. 

After sustaining the fire of the enemy with considerable resolution, Sumner's brigade began to give way, and the British rushed forward insome disorder. Greene then directed Williams and Campbell to chargewith the bayonet, and at the same time ordered Washington to bring upthe reserve, and to act on his left. Williams charged without firing amusket; but the soldiers of Campbell's regiment, being chiefly newlevies, returned the fire of the enemy as they advanced. In thiscritical moment, Lee, perceiving that the American right extendedbeyond the British left, ordered Captain Rudolph, of the legioninfantry, to turn their flank and give them a raking fire. This orderwas instantly executed with precision and effect. Charged thus both infront and flank, 'the British broke successively on the left, till theexample was followed by all that part of the line. The Marylandersunder Williams, had already used the bayonet, and before the troopsopposed to them gave way, several had fallen on both sides, transfixedwith that weapon. 

The British left, when driven off the field, retreated through theirencampment towards Eutaw creek, near which stood a three story brickhouse, surrounded with offices, and connected with a strongly enclosedgarden, into which Major Sheridan, in pursuance of orders previouslygiven by Lieutenant Colonel Stuart, threw himself with the New Yorkvolunteers. The Americans pursued them closely, and took three hundredprisoners and two pieces of cannon. Unfortunately for their hopes ofvictory, the refreshments found in camp furnished a temptation toostrong to be resisted; and many of the soldiers left their ranks, and, under cover of the tents, seized the spirits and food within theirview. The legion infantry, however, pressed the rear so closely as tomake a serious struggle to enter the house with the British. The doorwas forcibly shut in their faces, and several British officers and menwere excluded. These were made prisoners, and mixed with theAmericans, so as to save them from the fire of the house whileretiring from it. 

As the British left gave way, Washington was directed to charge theirright. He advanced with his accustomed impetuosity, but found itimpossible, with cavalry, to penetrate the thicket occupied byMajoribanks. Perceiving an interval between the British right and thecreek, he determined to pass through it round their flank and tocharge them in the rear. In making the attempt, he received a firewhich did immense execution. The British occupied a thicket almostimpervious to horse. In attempting to force it, Lieutenant Stuart whocommanded the leading section was badly wounded, his horse killedunder him, and every man in his section killed or wounded. CaptainWatts, the second in command, fell pierced with two balls. ColonelWashington was wounded, and his horse was killed. They fell together;and, before he could extricate himself, he was made a prisoner. 

After nearly all the officers, and a large portion of the men werekilled or wounded, the residue of the corps was drawn off by CaptainParsons, assisted by Lieutenant Gordon. Soon after the repulse ofWashington, Lieutenant Colonel Hampton and Captain Kirkwood with hisinfantry, came up and renewed the attack on Majoribanks. Great effortswere made to dislodge him, but they were ineffectual. Finding itimpracticable to employ horse to advantage on that ground, Hamptondrew off his troops and retired to the road. 

The corps commanded by Sheridan kept up a continual and destructivefire from the house in which they had taken shelter; and Greeneordered up the artillery to batter it. The guns were too light to makea breach in the walls, and, having been brought within the range ofthe fire from the house, almost every artillerist was killed, and thepieces were abandoned. 

The firm stand made by Majoribanks, and the disorder which had takenplace among a part of the Americans, gave Stuart an opportunity ofrallying his broken regiments, and bringing them again into action. They were formed between the thicket occupied by Majoribanks, and thehouse in possession of Sheridan. 

Major Coffin, who had repulsed the legion cavalry about the time theBritish infantry was driven off the field, still maintained aformidable position on their left; and no exertions could dislodgeMajoribanks or Sheridan from the cover under which they fought. Perceiving that the contest was maintained on ground, and undercircumstances extremely disadvantageous to the Americans, Greenewithdrew them a small distance, and formed them again in the wood inwhich the battle had been fought. Thinking it unadviseable to renewthe desperate attempt which had just failed, he collected his wounded, and retired with his prisoners to the ground from which he had marchedin the morning, determined again to fight the British army when itshould retreat from the Eutaws. 

Every corps engaged in this hard fought battle received the applauseof the general. Almost every officer whose situation enabled him toattract notice was named with distinction. "Never, " he said, "wasartillery better served;" but, "he thought himself principallyindebted for the victory he had gained, to the free use made of thebayonet by the Virginians and Marylanders, and by the infantry of thelegion and of Kirkwood. " To Colonel Williams he acknowledged himselfto be particularly indebted. He gave that praise too to the valour ofhis enemy which it merited. "They really fought, " he said, "withcourage worthy a better cause. "

The loss on both sides bore a great proportion to the numbers engaged. That of the Americans was five hundred and fifty-five, including sixtyofficers. One hundred and thirty were killed on the spot. Seventeencommissioned officers were killed, and four mortally wounded. "Thisloss of officers, " said their general, "is still more heavy on accountof their value than their numbers. "

Among the slain was Lieutenant Colonel Campbell, who received a mortalwound while leading the Virginia brigade to that bold and decisivecharge which broke the adverse line. 

The loss of the British army was stated by themselves at six hundredand ninety-three men, of whom only eighty-five were killed in thefield. If this statement be correct, [6] the American dead greatlyexceeded that of the adversary, which was probably the fact, as thecarnage of the former, during their unavailing efforts to dislodge thelatter from the house and strong adjoining ground, was immense. 

 [Footnote 6: The British accounts acknowledge only two hundred and fifty-seven missing; but General Greene, in his letter of the ninth of September, says, that including seventy wounded who were left at Eutaw, he made five hundred prisoners. ]

Each party had pretensions to the victory, and each claimed the meritof having gained it with inferior numbers. The truth probably is thattheir numbers were nearly equal. 

Nor can the claim of either to the victory be pronounced unequivocal. Unconnected with its consequences, the fortune of the day was nearlybalanced. But if the consequences be taken into the account, thevictory unquestionably belonged to Greene. The result of this, as ofthe two preceding battles fought by him in the Carolinas, was theexpulsion of the hostile army from the territory which was theimmediate object of contest. 

Four six-pounders, two of which had been taken in the early part ofthe day, were brought to play upon the house, and, being pushed sonear as to be within the command of its fire, were unavoidablyabandoned; but a three-pounder which had been also taken, was broughtoff by Captain Lieutenant Gaines, whose conduct was mentioned withdistinction by General Greene. Thus the trophies of victory weredivided. 

The thanks of congress were voted to every corps in the army; and aresolution was passed for "presenting to Major General Greene, as anhonourable testimony of his merit, a British standard, and a goldenmedal, emblematic of the battle and of his victory. "

{September 9. }

On the day succeeding the action, Lieutenant Colonel Stuart marchedfrom Eutaw to meet Major M'Arthur, who was conducting a body of troopsfrom Charleston. The junction was effected about fourteen miles fromEutaw; and this movement saved M'Arthur from Marion and Lee, who hadbeen detached on the morning of the same day to intercept anyreinforcement which might be coming from below. Stuart continued hisretreat to Monk's corner, to which place he was followed by Greene, who, on finding that the numbers and position of the British army weresuch as to render an attack unadviseable, returned to the high hillsof Santee. 

The ravages of disease were added to the loss sustained in battle, andthe army remained for some time in too feeble a condition for activeenterprise. 

{Nov. 18. }

{Nov. 28. }

The capitulation at Yorktown was soon followed by the evacuation ofWilmington, in North Carolina, and the British seemed to limit theirviews in the south to the country adjacent to the sea coast. As thecool season approached, the diseases of the American army abated; andGreene, desirous of partaking in the abundance of the lower country, marched from the high hills of Santee towards the Four Holes, a branchof the Edisto. Leaving the army to be conducted by Colonel Williams, he proceeded in person at the head of his cavalry, supported by abouttwo hundred infantry, towards the British posts at Dorchester, wheresix hundred and fifty regular troops and two hundred royal militiawere understood to be stationed. 

[Sidenote: The British army retires towards Charleston. ]

Though his march was conducted with the utmost secrecy, the countrythrough which he passed contained so many disaffected, that it wasimpossible to conceal this movement; and intelligence of his approachwas communicated to the officer commanding in Dorchester, the nightbefore he reached that place. The advance, commanded by LieutenantColonel Hampton, met a small party, which he instantly charged, and, after killing and taking several, drove the residue over the bridgeunder cover of their works. In the course of the following night, thestores at Dorchester were burnt, and the garrison retired to theQuarter House, where their principal force was encamped. Greenereturned to the army at the Round O, at which place he purposed toawait the arrival of the reinforcements marching from the north underthe command of General St. Clair. In the mean time, General Marion andLieutenant Colonel Lee were stationed on each side of Ashley, so as tocover the country between the Cooper and the Edisto; thus confiningthe influence of the British arms to Charleston neck, and the adjacentislands. [7]

 [Footnote 7: During this campaign a very effective expedition against the Cherokees was conducted by General Pickens. When the struggle for South Carolina recommenced, those savages were stimulated to renew their incursions into the settlements of the whites. At the head of about four hundred mounted militia, Pickens penetrated into their country, burned thirteen of their villages, killed upwards of forty Indians, and took a number of prisoners, without the loss of a single man. On this occasion a new and formidable mode of attack was introduced. The militia horse rushed upon the Indians, and charged them sword in hand. Terrified at the rapidity of the pursuit, the Cherokees humbly sued for peace, which was granted on terms calculated to restrain depredations in future. ]

While in his camp at the Round O, General Greene was informed thatlarge reinforcements from Ireland and from New York were expected bythe army in Charleston. This intelligence excited the more alarm, because the term of service for which the levies from Virginia wereengaged was about expiring, and no adequate measures had been takenfor supplying their places. It proved untrue; but such was itsimpression, that the general addressed a letter to the governors ofSouth Carolina, in which, after taking a serious view of the state ofhis army, he recommended that it should be recruited from the slaves. The governor thought the proposition of sufficient importance to belaid before the legislature, which was soon afterwards convened; butthe measure was not adopted. 

On the fourth of January, General St. Clair, who conducted thereinforcement from the north, arrived in camp, and, five daysafterward, General Wayne, [8] with his brigade, and the remnant of thethird regiment of dragoons, commanded by Colonel White, was detachedover the Savannah for the recovery of Georgia. 

 [Footnote 8: In the judicious orders given to Wayne, Greene endeavoured to impress on that officer the importance of a course of conduct, always observed by himself, which might tend to conciliate parties. "Try, " says he, "by every means in your power, to soften the malignity and dreadful resentments subsisting between the Whig and Tory; and put a stop as much as possible to that cruel custom of putting men to death after they surrender themselves prisoners. The practice of plundering you will endeavour to check as much as possible; and point out to the militia the ruinous consequences of the policy. Let your discipline be as regular and as rigid as the nature and constitution of your troops will admit. "--2 _Johnson_, 277. ]

General Greene crossed the Edisto and took post six miles in advanceof Jacksonborough, on the road leading to Charleston, for the purposeof covering the state legislature, which assembled at that place onthe eighteenth. Thus was civil government re-established in SouthCarolina, and that state restored to the union. 

It is impossible to review this active and interesting campaignwithout feeling that much is due to General Greene; and that he amplyjustified the favourable opinion of the Commander-in-chief. He foundthe country completely conquered, and defended by a regular armyestimated at four thousand men. The inhabitants were so divided, as toleave it doubtful to which side the majority was attached. At no timedid the effective continental force which he could bring into thefield, amount to two thousand men; and of these a considerable partwere raw troops. Yet he could keep the field without being forced intoaction; and by a course of judicious movement, and of hardyenterprise, in which invincible constancy was displayed, and in whichcourage was happily tempered with prudence, he recovered the southernstates. It is a singular fact, well worthy of notice, which marksimpressively the soundness of his judgment, that although he nevergained a decisive victory, he obtained, to a considerable extent, evenwhen defeated, the object for which he fought. 

A just portion of the praise deserved by these achievements, isunquestionably due to the troops he commanded. These real patriotsbore every hardship and privation[9] with a degree of patience andconstancy which can not be sufficiently admired. And never was ageneral better supported by his inferior officers. Not shackled by menwho, without merit, held stations of high rank obtained by politicalinfluence, he commanded young men of equal spirit and intelligence, formed under the eye of Washington, and trained in the schoolfurnished in the severe service of the north, to all the hardships anddangers of war. 

 [Footnote 9: The distresses of the southern army were such that, if plainly described, truth would wear the appearance of fiction. They were almost naked and barefooted, frequently without food, and always without pay. That he might relieve them when in the last extremity, without diminishing the exertions of their general to derive support from other sources, by creating an opinion that supplies could be drawn from him, Mr. Morris, as was stated by himself in conversation with the author, employed an agent to attend the southern army as a volunteer, whose powers were unknown to General Greene. This agent was instructed to watch its situation; and, whenever it appeared impossible for the general to extricate himself from his embarrassments, to furnish him, on his pledging the public faith for repayment, with a draught on the financier for such a sum as would relieve the urgency of the moment. Thus was Greene occasionally rescued from impending ruin by aids which appeared providential, and for which he could not account. ]

A peculiar importance was given to these successes in the south by theopinion that a pacific temper was finding its way into the cabinets ofthe belligerent powers of Europe. The communications from the court ofVersailles rendered it probable that negotiations for peace would takeplace in the course of the ensuing winter; and dark hints had beengiven on the part of Great Britain to the minister of his mostChristian Majesty, that all the American states could not reasonablyexpect to become independent, as several of them were subdued. Referring to the precedent of the low countries, it was observed thatof the seventeen provinces originally united against the Spanishcrown, only seven obtained their independence. 

Additional motives for exertion were furnished by other communicationsfrom the French monarch. These were that, after the present campaign, no farther pecuniary or military aids were to be expected from France. The situation of affairs in Europe would, it was said, demand all theexertions which that nation was capable of making; and the forces ofhis most Christian Majesty might render as much real service to thecommon cause elsewhere as in America. [10]

 [Footnote 10: Secret Journals of Congress, vol. 2, pp. 305, 399, 400, 452. ]

CHAPTER II. 

 Preparations for another campaign.... Proceedings in the Parliament of Great Britain.... Conciliatory conduct of General Carleton.... Transactions in the south.... Negotiations for peace.... Preliminary and eventual articles agreed upon between the United States and Great Britain.... Discontents of the American army.... Peace.... Mutiny of a part of the Pennsylvania line.... Evacuation of New York.... General Washington resigns his commission and retires to Mount Vernon. 

{1782}

[Sidenote: Preparations for another campaign. ]

The splendid success of the allied arms in Virginia, and the greatadvantages obtained still farther south, produced no disposition inGeneral Washington to relax those exertions which might be necessaryto secure the great object of the contest. "I shall attempt tostimulate congress, " said he, in a letter to General Greene written atMount Vernon, "to the best improvement of our late success, by takingthe most vigorous and effectual measures to be ready for an early anddecisive campaign the next year. My greatest fear is, that viewingthis stroke in a point of light which may too much magnify itsimportance, they may think our work too nearly closed, and fall into astate of languor and relaxation. To prevent this error, I shall employevery means in my power, and, if unhappily we sink into this fatalmistake, no part of the blame shall be mine. "

On the 27th of November he reached Philadelphia, and congress passed aresolution granting him an audience on the succeeding day. On hisappearance the President addressed him in a short speech, informinghim that a committee was appointed to state the requisitions to bemade for the proper establishment of the army, and expressing theexpectation that he would remain in Philadelphia, in order to aid theconsultations on that important subject. 

The secretary of war, the financier, and the secretary of foreignaffairs, assisted at these deliberations; and the business wasconcluded with unusual celerity. 

A revenue was scarcely less necessary than an army; and it was obviousthat the means for carrying on the war must be obtained, either byimpressment, or by a vigorous course of taxation. But both thesealternatives depended on the states; and the government of the unionresorted to the influence of the Commander-in-chief in aid of itsrequisitions. 

But no exertions on the part of America alone could expel the invadingarmy. A superiority at sea was indispensable to the success ofoffensive operations against the posts which the British still heldwithin the United States. To obtain this superiority, GeneralWashington pressed its importance on the minister of France andcommanding officers of the French troops, as well as on the Marquis deLafayette, who was about to return to his native country. 

[Sidenote: Proceedings in the British parliament. ]

The first intelligence from Europe was far from being calculated todiminish the anxieties still felt in America by the enlightenedfriends of the revolution. The parliament of Great Britain reassembledin November. The speech from the throne breathed a settled purpose tocontinue the war; and the addresses from both houses, which werecarried by large majorities, echoed the sentiment. 

In the course of the animated debates which these addressesoccasioned, an intention was indeed avowed by some members of theadministration to change their system. The plan indicated for thefuture was to direct the whole force of the nation against France andSpain; and to suspend offensive operations in the interior of theUnited States, until the strength of those powers should be broken. Inthe mean time, the posts then occupied by their troops were to bemaintained. 

This development of the views of administration furnished additionalmotives to the American government for exerting all the faculties ofthe nation, to expel the British garrisons from New York andCharleston. The efforts of the Commander-in-chief to produce theseexertions were earnest and unremitting, but not successful. The statelegislatures declared the inability of their constituents to paytaxes. Instead of filling the continental treasury, some were devisingmeans to draw money from it; and some of those who passed billsimposing heavy taxes, directed that the demands of the state should befirst satisfied, and that the residue only should be paid to thecontinental receiver. By the unwearied attention and judiciousarrangements of the minister of finance, the expenses of the nationhad been greatly reduced. The bank established in Philadelphia, andhis own high character, had enabled him to support in some degree asystem of credit, the advantages of which were incalculably great. 

He had through the Chevalier de la Luzerne obtained permission fromhis most Christian Majesty to draw for half a million of livresmonthly, until six millions should be received. To prevent thediversion of any part of this sum from the most essential objects, hehad concealed the negotiation even from congress, and had communicatedit only to the Commander-in-chief; yet, after receiving the firstinstalment, it was discovered that Doctor Franklin had anticipated theresidue of the loan, and had appropriated it to the purposes of theUnited States. At the commencement of the year 1782, not a dollarremained in the treasury; and, although congress had required thepayment of two millions on the 1st of April, not a cent had beenreceived on the twenty-third of that month; and, so late as the 1st ofJune, not more than twenty thousand dollars had reached the treasury. Yet to the financier every eye was turned; to him the empty hand ofevery public creditor was stretched forth; and against him, instead ofthe state governments, the complaints and imprecations of everyunsatisfied claimant were directed. In July, when the second quarterannual payment of taxes ought to have been received, the minister offinance was informed by some of his agents, that the collection of therevenue had been postponed in some of the states, in consequence ofwhich the month of December would arrive before any money could comeinto the hands of the continental receivers. In a letter communicatingthis unpleasant intelligence to the Commander-in-chief, he added, "with such gloomy prospects as this letter affords, I am tied here tobe baited by continual clamorous demands; and for the forfeiture ofall that is valuable in life, and which I hoped at this moment toenjoy, I am to be paid by invective. Scarce a day passes in which I amnot tempted to give back into the hands of congress the power theyhave delegated, and to lay down a burden which presses me to theearth. Nothing prevents me but a knowledge of the difficulties I amobliged to struggle under. What may be the success of my efforts Godonly knows; but to leave my post at present, would, I know, beruinous. This candid state of my situation and feelings I give to yourbosom, because you who have already felt and suffered so much, will beable to sympathize with me. "

[Illustration: Livingston Manor, Dobbs Ferry, New York

_A monument erected by the Sons of the Revolution on the lawn of thishistoric mansion, overlooking the Hudson River, states that here, onJuly 6, 1781, the French allies under Rochambeau joined the AmericanArmy. Here also, on August 14, 1781, Washington planned the Yorktowncampaign which brought to a triumphant end the War for AmericanIndependence; and here, on May 6, 1783, Washington and Sir GuyCarleton arranged for the evacuation of American soil by the British. A concluding paragraph reads: "And opposite this point, May 8, 1783, aBritish sloop of war fired 17 guns in honor of the AmericanCommander-in-Chief, the first salute by Great Britain to the UnitedStates of America. "_]

Fortunately for the United States, the temper of the British nation onthe subject of continuing the war did not accord with that of itssovereign. That war, into which the people had entered with at leastas much eagerness as the minister, had become almost universallyunpopular. 

{February 27. }

{March 4. }

Motions against the measures of administration respecting America wererepeated by the opposition; and, on every experiment, the strength ofthe minority increased. At length, on the 27th of February, GeneralConway moved in the house of commons, "that it is the opinion of thishouse that a farther prosecution of offensive war against Americawould, under present circumstances, be the means of weakening theefforts of this country against her European enemies, and tend toincrease the mutual enmity so fatal to the interests both of GreatBritain and America. " The whole force of administration was exerted toget rid of this resolution, but was exerted in vain; and it wascarried. An address to the king, in the words of the resolution, wasimmediately voted, and was presented by the whole house. The answer ofthe crown being deemed inexplicit, it was on the 4th of Marchresolved, "that the house will consider as enemies to his majesty andthe country, all those who should advise, or attempt a fartherprosecution of offensive war on the continent of North America. "

These votes were soon followed by a change of ministers, and byinstructions to the officers commanding the forces in America, whichconformed to them. 

While General Washington was employed in addressing circular lettersto the state governments, suggesting all those motives which mightstimulate them to exertions better proportioned to the exigency, English papers containing the debates in parliament on the variouspropositions respecting America, reached the United States. Alarmed atthe impression these debates might make, he introduced the opinions itwas deemed prudent to inculcate respecting them, into the letters hewas then about to transmit to the governors of the several states. "Ihave perused these debates, " he said, "with great attention and care, with a view, if possible, to penetrate their real design; and upon themost mature deliberation I can bestow, I am obliged to declare it asmy candid opinion, that the measure, in all its views, so far as itrespects America, is merely delusory, having no serious intention toadmit our independence upon its true principles, but is calculated toproduce a change of ministers to quiet the minds of their own people, and reconcile them to a continuance of the war, while it is meant toamuse this country with a false idea of peace, to draw us from ourconnexion with France, and to lull us into a state of security andinactivity, which taking place, the ministry will be left to prosecutethe war in other parts of the world with greater vigour and effect. Your excellency will permit me on this occasion to observe, that, evenif the nation and parliament are really in earnest to obtain peacewith America, it will undoubtedly be wisdom in us to meet them withgreat caution and circumspection, and by all means to keep our armsfirm in our hands, and instead of relaxing one iota in our exertions, rather to spring forward with redoubled vigour, that we may take theadvantage of every favourable opportunity, until our wishes are fullyobtained. No nation yet suffered in treaty by preparing (even in themoment of negotiation) most vigorously for the field. 

"The industry which the enemy is using to propagate their pacificreports, appears to me a circumstance very suspicious; and theeagerness with which the people, as I am informed, are catching atthem, is, in my opinion, equally dangerous. "

{May. }

[Sidenote: Conciliatory conduct of General Carleton. ]

Early in May, Sir Guy Carleton, who had succeeded Sir Henry Clinton inthe command of all the British forces in the United States, arrived atNew York. Having been also appointed in conjunction with AdmiralDigby, a commissioner to negotiate a peace, he lost no time inconveying to General Washington copies of the votes of the BritishParliament, and of a bill which had been introduced on the part ofadministration, authorizing his Majesty to conclude a peace or trucewith those who were still denominated "the revolted colonies of NorthAmerica. " These papers, he said, would manifest the dispositionsprevailing with the government and people of England towards those ofAmerica; and, if the like pacific temper should prevail in thiscountry, both inclination and duty would lead him to meet it with themost zealous concurrence. He had addressed to congress, he said, aletter containing the same communications, and he solicited a passportfor the person who should convey it. 

At this time, the bill enabling the British monarch to conclude apeace or truce with America had not become a law; nor was anyassurance given that the present commissioners were empowered to offerother terms than those which had been formerly rejected. GeneralCarleton therefore could not hope that negotiations would commence onsuch a basis; nor be disappointed at the refusal of the passports herequested by congress, to whom the application was, of course, referred. The letter may have been written for the general purpose ofconciliation, and of producing a disposition in the United States onthe subject of hostilities, corresponding with that which had beenexpressed in the House of Commons. But the situation of the UnitedStates justified a suspicion of different motives; and prudencerequired that their conduct should be influenced by that suspicion. The repugnance of the king to a dismemberment of the empire wasunderstood; and it was thought probable that the sentiments expressedin the House of Commons might be attributable rather to a desire ofchanging ministers, than to any fixed determination to relinquish thedesign of reannexing America to the crown. 

Under these impressions, the overtures now made were considered asopiates, administered to lull the spirit of vigilance which theguardians of the public safety laboured to keep up, into a state offatal repose; and to prevent those measures of security which it mightyet be necessary to adopt. 

This jealousy was nourished by all the intelligence received fromEurope. The utmost address of the British cabinet had been employed todetach the belligerents from each other. The mediation of Russia hadbeen accepted to procure a separate peace with Holland; propositionshad been submitted both to France and Spain, tending to anaccommodation of differences with each of those powers singly; andinquiries had been made of Mr. Adams, the American minister at theHague, which seemed to contemplate the same object with regard to theUnited States. These political manoeuvres furnished additional motivesfor doubting the sincerity of the English cabinet. Whatever viewsmight actuate the court of St. James on this subject, the resolutionof the American government to make no separate treaty wasunalterable. [11]

 [Footnote 11: Secret Journals of Congress, v. 2, pp. 412, 418, 454. ]

But the public votes which have been stated, and probably his privateinstructions, restrained Sir Guy Carleton from offensive war; and thestate of the American army disabled General Washington from making anyattempt on the posts in possession of the British. The campaign of1782 consequently passed away without furnishing any militaryoperations of moment between the armies under the immediate directionof the respective commanders-in-chief. 

{August. }

[Sidenote: Negotiations for peace. ]

Early in August a letter was received by General Washington from SirGuy Carleton and Admiral Digby, which, among other communicationsmanifesting a pacific disposition on the part of England, containedthe information that Mr. Grenville was at Paris, invested with fullpowers to treat with all the parties at war, that negotiations for ageneral peace were already commenced, and that his Majesty hadcommanded his minister to direct Mr. Grenville, that the independenceof the thirteen provinces should be proposed by him in the firstinstance, instead of being made a condition of a general treaty. Butthat this proposition would be made in the confidence that theloyalists would be restored to their possessions, or a fullcompensation made them for whatever confiscations might have takenplace. 

This letter was, not long afterwards, followed by one from Sir GuyCarleton, declaring that he could discern no further object ofcontest, and that he disapproved of all farther hostilities by sea orland, which could only multiply the miseries of individuals, without apossible advantage to either nation. In pursuance of this opinion, hehad, soon after his arrival in New York, restrained the practice ofdetaching parties of Indians against the frontiers of the UnitedStates, and had recalled those which were previously engaged in thosebloody incursions. 

These communications appear to have alarmed the jealousy of theminister of France. To quiet his fears, congress renewed theresolution "to enter into no discussion of any overtures forpacification, but in confidence and in concert with his most ChristianMajesty;"[12] and again recommend to the several states to adopt suchmeasures as would most effectually guard against all intercourse withany subjects of the British crown during the war. 

 [Footnote 12: Secret Journals of Congress, v. 3, p. 249. ]

The same causes which produced this inactivity in the north, operatedto a considerable extent with the armies of the south. 

When General Wayne entered Georgia, the British troops in that stateretired to the town of Savannah; and the Americans advanced toEbenezer. Though inferior to their enemy in numbers, they interruptedhis communications with the country, and even burned some magazineswhich had been collected and deposited under the protection of hisguns. 

Not receiving the aids from the militia which he had expected, Waynepressed Greene for reinforcements, which that officer was unable tofurnish, until Lieutenant Colonel Posey arrived from Virginia withabout two hundred men. He proceeded immediately to Georgia, andreached the camp at Ebenezer on the 1st of April. 

These troops, though new levies, were veteran soldiers, who, havingserved the times for which they enlisted, had become the substitutesof men who were designated, by lot, for tours of duty they wereunwilling to perform. Being commanded by old officers of approvedcourage and experience, the utmost confidence was to be placed inthem; and Wayne, though still inferior to his enemy in numbers, soughtfor opportunities to employ them. 

The Indians, who occupied the southern and western parts of Georgia, were in the habit of assembling annually at Augusta, for the purposeof receiving those presents which were indispensable to thepreservation of British influence over them. The usual time forholding these meetings was arrived; but the Americans being inpossession of Augusta, it was necessary to transfer them to a Britishpost, and the Indians were invited to keep down the south side of theAltamaha to its mouth, whence they were to be conveyed through theinland passage to Savannah. Arrangements had been made for bringing astrong party of Creeks and Choctaws, assembled on the south side ofAltamaha, to Harris's bridge, on the Ogechee, about seven miles fromthat town, and Colonel Brown marched at the head of a strongdetachment to convoy them into it. The Indians having quarrelled, instead of proceeding to Ogechee, returned home, and Brown marchedback his detachment. 

Wayne received intelligence of this movement; and, determining toavail himself of the opportunity given by this division of his enemyto fight him in detail, immediately put his army in motion. He wassoon informed that Brown was on his return, and would reach Savannahthat night. Disregarding the danger of throwing himself with inferiornumbers between the two divisions of the British army, he determinedon hazarding an action, and his advance, consisting of a troop ofVirginia cavalry, commanded by Captain Hughes and Lieutenant Boyer, and a light company of Virginia infantry, commanded by Captain Parker, entered the road along which Brown was marching about twelve at night, just as his front appeared in view. A vigorous charge was instantlymade, which, being entirely unexpected, was completely successful. TheBritish, struck with a panic, dispersed among the thickets and fled inall directions. Colonel Douglass and about forty men were killed, wounded, or taken. The American loss was five men killed and twowounded. The next day, after parading in view of Savannah, Wayneresumed his position at Ebenezer. 

The resolution of Parliament against the farther prosecution of activewar in America was followed by instructions to the officers commandingthe armies of Britain, in consequence of which propositions for thesuspension of hostilities were made in the southern department, aboutthe time that they were rejected in the north. The same motivescontinuing to influence congress, they were rejected in the southalso, and the armies still continued to watch each other withvigilance. To avoid surprise, Wayne frequently changed his ground, andwas continually on the alert. While his whole attention was directedtowards Savannah, an enemy entirely unlooked for came upon his rear, entered his camp in the night, and, had not his army been composed ofthe best materials, must have dispersed it. 

A strong party of Creeks, led by a gallant warrior, Emistasigo, orGuristersego, instead of moving down on the south side of theAltamaha, passed through the centre of Georgia with the determinationof engaging the American posts. Marching entirely in the night, through unfrequented ways, subsisting on meal made of parched corn, and guided by white men, they reached the neighbourhood of theAmerican army then encamped at Gibbon's plantation, near Savannah, without being perceived, and made arrangements to attack it. In thenight they emerged from the deep swamp in which they had beenconcealed, and, approaching the rear of the American camp with theutmost secrecy, reached it about three in the morning. The sentinelwas killed before he could sound the alarm, and the first notice wasgiven by the fire and the yell of the enemy. The Indians rushed intothe camp, and, killing the few men they fell in with, seized theartillery. Fortunately some time was wasted in the attempt to turn thepieces on the Americans. Captain Parker, who commanded the lightcompany, had been employed on a very fatiguing tour of duty nearSavannah, and had returned that evening to camp. To allow his harassedsoldiers some repose, he was placed in the rear near the artillery, and was asleep when the Indians entered the camp. Roused by the fire, and perceiving that the enemy was amidst them, he judiciously drew offhis men in silence, and formed them with the quarter guard behind thehouse in which the general was quartered. Wayne was instantly onhorseback, and, believing the whole garrison from Savannah to be uponhim, determined to repulse the enemy or die in the attempt. Parker wasdirected to charge immediately with the bayonet, and orders weredespatched to Posey, the commanding officer in camp, to bring up thetroops without delay. The orders to Parker were so promptly executed, that Posey, although he moved with the utmost celerity, could notreach the scene of action in time to join in it. The light troops andquarter guard under Parker drove every thing before them at the pointof the bayonet. The Indians, unable to resist the bayonet, soon fled, leaving their chief, his white guides, and seventeen of his warriorsdead upon the spot. Wayne, who accompanied his light troops, now firstdiscovered the character of his enemy, and adapted his pursuit to it. Yet only twelve prisoners were made. The general's horse was shotunder him, and twelve privates were killed and wounded. [13]

 [Footnote 13: In addition to the public documents and accounts, the author received a statement of this action in a letter from his friend Captain Parker. ]

This sharp conflict terminated the war in Georgia. Information wassoon given of the determination to withdraw the British troops fromSavannah; and arrangements being made, with the sanction of the civilgovernment, for the security of such individuals as might remain intown, the place was evacuated. The regular troops retired toCharleston, and Colonel Brown conducted his loyalists through theislands into Florida. Wayne was directed to rejoin General Greene. 

In South Carolina the American army maintained its position in frontof Jacksonborough, and that of the British was confined to Charlestonand its immediate vicinity. The situation of the ground as well as thecondition of his army, was unfavourable to offensive operations on thepart of General Greene; and General Leslie, who commanded inCharleston, was not strong enough to attempt the recovery of the lowercountry. While the two armies continued to watch each other, occasional enterprises were undertaken by detachments, in some ofwhich a considerable degree of merit was displayed. In one of them, the corps of Marion, its general being attending in the legislature, was surprised and dispersed by the British Colonel Thompson; and inanother, an English guard galley, mounting twelve guns, and mannedwith forty-three seamen, was captured by Captain Rudolph, of thelegion. 

From the possession of the lower country of South Carolina, which wasknown to contain considerable quantities of rice and beef cattle, thearmy had anticipated more regular and more abundant supplies of foodthan it had been accustomed to receive. This hope was disappointed bythe measures of the government. 

The generals, and other agents acting under the authority of congress, had been accustomed in extreme cases, which too frequently occurred, to seize provisions for the use of the armies. This questionable powerhad been exercised with forbearance, most commonly in concert with thegovernment of the state, and under the pressure of such obviousnecessity as carried its justification with it. 

The war being transferred to the south at a time when the depreciationof paper money had deprived congress of its only fund, it becameindispensably necessary to resort more generally to coercive means inorder to procure subsistence for the troops. Popular discontent wasthe natural consequence of this odious measure, and the feelings ofthe people were communicated to their representatives. After thetermination of the very active campaign of 1781 in Virginia, thelegislature of that state passed a law prohibiting all impressment, "unless it be by warrant from the executive in time of actualinvasion;" and the assembly of South Carolina, during the session atJacksonborough, also passed a law forbidding impressment, andenacting, "that no other persons than those who shall be appointed bythe governor for that purpose, shall be allowed or permitted toprocure supplies for the army. "

The effect of this measure was soon felt. The exertions of the agentappointed by the governor failed to procure subsistence for thetroops, and General Greene, after a long course of suffering, wascompelled to relieve his urgent wants by an occasional recurrence tomeans forbidden by the law. 

Privations, which had been borne without a murmur under the excitementof active military operations, produced great irritation during theleisure which prevailed after the enemy had abandoned the open field;and, in the Pennsylvania line, which was composed chiefly offoreigners, the discontent was aggravated to such a point as toproduce a treasonable intercourse with the enemy, in which a plot isunderstood to have been laid for seizing General Greene and deliveringhim to a detachment of British troops, which would move out ofCharleston for the purpose of favouring the execution of the design. It was discovered when it is supposed to have been on the point ofexecution; and a sergeant Gornell, believed to be the chief of theconspiracy, was condemned to death by a court martial, and executed onthe 22nd of April. Some others, among whom were two domestics in thegeneral's family, were brought before the court on suspicion of beingconcerned in the plot, but the testimony was not sufficient to convictthem; and twelve deserted the night after it was discovered. There isno reason to believe that the actual guilt of this transactionextended farther. 

{July 11. }

Charleston was held until the 14th of December. Previous to itsevacuation, General Leslie had proposed a cessation of hostilities, and that his troops might be supplied with fresh provisions, inexchange for articles of the last necessity in the American camp. Thepolicy of government being adverse to this proposition, General Greenewas under the necessity of refusing his assent to it, and the Britishgeneral continued to supply his wants by force. This produced severalskirmishes with foraging parties, to one of which importance was givenby the death of Lieutenant Colonel Laurens, whose loss was universallylamented. 

This gallant and accomplished young gentleman had entered into thefamily of the Commander-in-chief at an early period of the war, andhad always shared a large portion of his esteem. Brave to excess, hesought every occasion to render service to his country, and to acquirethat military fame which he pursued with the ardour of a youngsoldier, whose courage seems to have partaken largely of that romanticspirit which youth and enthusiasm produce in a fearless mind. No smalladdition to the regrets occasioned by his loss was derived from thereflection that he fell unnecessarily, in an unimportant skirmish, inthe last moments of the war, when his rash exposure to the dangerwhich proved fatal to him could no longer be useful to his country. 

From the arrival of Sir Guy Carleton at New York, the conduct of theBritish armies on the American continent was regulated by the spiritthen recently displayed in the house of commons; and all thesentiments expressed by their general were pacific and conciliatory. But to these nattering appearances it was dangerous to yield implicitconfidence. With a change of men, a change of measures might also takeplace; and, in addition to the ordinary suggestions of prudence, themilitary events in the West Indies were calculated to keep alive theattention, and to continue the anxieties of the United States. 

After the surrender of Lord Cornwallis, the arms of France and Spainin the American seas had been attended with such signal success, thatthe hope of annihilating the power of Great Britain in the West Indieswas not too extravagant to be indulged. Immense preparations had beenmade for the invasion of Jamaica; and, early in April, Admiral Countde Grasse sailed from Martinique with a powerful fleet, having onboard the land forces and artillery which were to be employed in theoperations against that island. His intention was to form a junctionwith the Spanish Admiral Don Solano, who lay at Hispaniola; afterwhich the combined fleet, whose superiority promised to render itirresistible, was to proceed on the important enterprise which hadbeen concerted. On his way to Hispaniola, De Grasse was overtaken byRodney, and brought to an engagement, in which he was totallydefeated, and made a prisoner. This decisive victory disconcerted theplans of the combined powers, and gave security to the Britishislands. In the United States, it was feared that this alteration inthe aspect of affairs might influence the councils of the Englishcabinet on the question of peace; and these apprehensions increasedthe uneasiness with which all intelligent men contemplated the stateof the American finances. 

It was then in contemplation to reduce the army, by which many of theofficers would be discharged. While the general declared, in aconfidential letter to the secretary of war, his conviction of thealacrity with which they would retire into private life, could they beplaced in a situation as eligible as they had left to enter into theservice, he added--"Yet I cannot help fearing the result of themeasure, when I see such a number of men goaded by a thousand stingsof reflection on the past, and of anticipation on the future, about tobe turned on the world, soured by penury, and what they call theingratitude of the public; involved in debts, without one farthing ofmoney to carry them home, after having spent the flower of their days, and, many of them, their patrimonies, in establishing the freedom andindependence of their country; and having suffered every thing whichhuman nature is capable of enduring on this side of death. I repeatit, when I reflect on these irritating circumstances, unattended byone thing to soothe their feelings, or brighten the gloomy prospect, Icannot avoid apprehending that a train of evils will follow of a veryserious and distressing nature. 

"I wish not to heighten the shades of the picture so far as the reallife would justify me in doing, or I would give anecdotes ofpatriotism and distress which have scarcely ever been paralleled, never surpassed, in the history of mankind. But you may rely upon it, the patience and long sufferance of this army are almost exhausted, and there never was so great a spirit of discontent as at thisinstant. While in the field, I think it may be kept from breaking outinto acts of outrage; but when we retire into winter quarters (unlessthe storm be previously dissipated) I can not be at ease respectingthe consequences. It is high time for a peace. "

To judge rightly of the motives which produced this uneasy temper inthe army, it will be necessary to recollect that the resolution ofOctober, 1780, granting half pay for life to the officers, stood onthe mere faith of a government possessing no funds enabling it toperform its engagements. From requisitions alone, to be made onsovereign states, the supplies were to be drawn which should satisfythese meritorious public creditors; and the ill success attendingthese requisitions while the dangers of war were still impending, furnished melancholy presages of their unproductiveness in time ofpeace. In addition to this reflection, of itself sufficient to disturbthe tranquillity which the passage of the resolution had produced, were other considerations of decisive influence. The dispositionsmanifested by congress itself were so unfriendly to the half payestablishment as to extinguish the hope that any funds the governmentmight acquire, would be applied to that object. Since the passage ofthe resolution, the articles of confederation, which required theconcurrence of nine states to any act appropriating public money, hadbeen adopted; and nine states had never been in favour of the measure. Should the requisitions of congress therefore be respected, or shouldpermanent funds be granted by the states, the prevailing sentiment ofthe nation was too hostile to the compensation which had beenstipulated, to leave a probability that it would be substantiallymade. This was not merely the sentiment of the individuals thenadministering the government, which might change with a change of men. It was known to be the sense of the states they represented; andconsequently the hope could not be indulged that, on this subject, afuture congress would be more just, or would think more liberally. Astherefore the establishment of that independence for which they hadfought and suffered appeared to become more certain, --as the end oftheir toils approached--the officers became more attentive to theirown situation; and the inquietude of the army increased with theprogress of the negotiation. 

In October, the French troops marched to Boston, in order to embarkfor the West Indies; and the Americans retired into winter quarters. The apparent indisposition of the British general to act offensively, the pacific temper avowed by the cabinet of London, and the strengthof the country in which the American troops were cantoned, gave ampleassurance that no military operations would be undertaken during thewinter, which could require the continuance of General Washington incamp. But the irritable temper of the army furnished cause for seriousapprehension; and he determined to forego every gratification to bederived from a suspension of his toils, in order to watch itsdiscontents. 

While the situation of the United States thus loudly called for peace, the negotiations in Europe were protracted by causes which, inAmerica, were almost unknown, and which it would have been dangerousto declare. Although, so far as respected the dismemberment of theBritish empire, the war had been carried on with one common design, the ulterior views of the belligerent powers were not only different, but, in some respects, incompatible with each other. To depress aproud and hated rival was so eagerly desired by the house of Bourbon, that France and Spain might be disposed to continue hostilities forthe attainment of objects in which America could feel no commoninterest. This circumstance, of itself, furnished motives forprolonging the war, after the causes in which it originated wereremoved; and additional delays were produced by the discordant viewswhich were entertained in regard to those claims which were thesubject of negotiation. These were, the boundaries which should beassigned to the United States, and the participation which should beallowed them in the fisheries. On both these points, the wishes ofFrance and Spain were opposed to those of America; and the cabinetsboth of Versailles and Madrid, seemed disposed to intrigue with thatof London, to prevent such ample concessions respecting them, as theBritish minister might be inclined to make. 

[Sidenote: Preliminary and eventual articles agreed upon between theUnited States and Great Britain. ]

{Nov. 30. }

After an intricate negotiation, in which the penetration, judgment, and firmness, of the American commissioners were eminently displayed, eventual and preliminary articles were signed on the 30th of November. By this treaty every reasonable wish of America, especially on thequestions of boundary and of the fisheries, was gratified. 

The liberality of the articles on these points attests the successwhich attended the endeavours of the plenipotentiaries of the UnitedStates, to prove that the real interests of England required thatAmerica should become independent in fact, as well as name; and thatevery cause of future discord between the two nations should beremoved. 

{1783}

The effect of this treaty was suspended until peace should beconcluded between France and Great Britain. The connexions betweentheir most Christian and Catholic Majesties not admitting of aseparate peace on the part of either, the negotiations between thebelligerent powers of Europe had been protracted by the perseveringendeavours of Spain to obtain the cession of Gibraltar. At length, theformidable armament which had invested that fortress was repulsed withimmense slaughter; after which the place was relieved by Lord Howe, and the besiegers abandoned the enterprise in despair. Negotiationswere then taken up with sincerity; and preliminary articles of peacebetween Great Britain, France, and Spain, were signed on the 20th ofJanuary, 1783. 

[Sidenote: Discontents of the American Army. ]

In America, the approach of peace, combined with other causes, produced a state of things alike interesting and critical. Theofficers who had wasted their fortunes and their prime of life inunrewarded service, fearing, with reason, that congress possessedneither the power nor the inclination to comply with its engagementsto the army, could not look with unconcern at the prospect which wasopening to them. In December, soon after going into winter quarters, they presented a petition to congress, respecting the money actuallydue to them, and proposing a commutation of the half pay stipulated bythe resolutions of October, 1780, for a sum in gross, which, theynattered themselves, would encounter fewer prejudices than the halfpay establishment. Some security that the engagements of thegovernment would be complied with was also requested. A committee ofofficers was deputed to solicit the attention of congress to thismemorial, and to attend its progress through the house. 

Among the most distinguished members of the federal government, werepersons sincerely disposed to do ample justice to the public creditorsgenerally, and to that class of them particularly whose claims werefounded in military service. But many viewed the army with jealouseyes, acknowledged its merit with unwillingness, and betrayed, involuntarily, their repugnance to a faithful observance of the publicengagements. With this question, another of equal importance wasconnected, on which congress was divided almost in the same manner. One party was attached to a state, the other to a continental system. The latter laboured to fund the public debts on solid continentalsecurity, while the former opposed their whole weight to measurescalculated to effect that object. 

In consequence of these divisions on points of the deepest interest, the business of the army advanced slowly, and the important questionrespecting the commutation of their half pay remained undecided, whenintelligence was received of the signature of the preliminary andeventual articles of peace between the United States and GreatBritain. 

[Sidenote: Anonymous letters and the proceedings in consequencethereof. ]

The officers, soured by their past sufferings, their present wants, and their gloomy prospects--exasperated by the neglect which theyexperienced, and the injustice which they apprehended, manifested anirritable and uneasy temper, which required only a slight impulse togive it activity. To render this temper the more dangerous, an opinionhad been insinuated that the Commander-in-chief was restrained, byextreme delicacy, from supporting their interests with that zeal whichhis feelings and knowledge of their situation had inspired. Early inMarch, a letter was received from their committee in Philadelphia, showing that the objects they solicited had not been obtained. On the10th of that month, an anonymous paper was circulated, requiring ameeting of the general and field officers at the public building onthe succeeding day at eleven in the morning; and announcing theexpectation that an officer from each company, and a delegate from themedical staff would attend. The object of the meeting was avowed tobe, "to consider the late letter from their representatives inPhiladelphia, and what measures (if any) should be adopted to obtainthat redress of grievances which they seemed to have solicited invain. "

On the same day an address to the army was privately circulated, whichwas admirably well calculated to work on the passions of the moment, and to lead to the most desperate resolutions. Full justice can not bedone to this eloquent paper without inserting it entire. 

"To the officers of the army. 

"Gentlemen, "A fellow soldier, whose interests and affections bend him strongly toyou, whose past sufferings have been as great, and whose futurefortune may be as desperate as yours, would beg leave to address you. 

"Age has its claims, and rank is not without its pretensions, toadvise; but though unsupported by both, he flatters himself that theplain language of sincerity and experience will neither be unheard norunregarded. 

"Like many of you, he loved private life, and left it with regret. Heleft it, determined to retire from the field with the necessity thatcalled him to it, and not until then--not until the enemies of hiscountry, the slaves of power, and the hirelings of injustice, werecompelled to abandon their schemes, and acknowledge America asterrible in arms as she had been humble in remonstrance. With thisobject in view, he has long shared in your toils, and mingled in yourdangers. He has felt the cold hand of poverty without a murmur, andhas seen the insolence of wealth without a sigh. But too much underthe direction of his wishes, and sometimes weak enough to mistakedesire for opinion, he has until lately--very lately--believed in thejustice of his country. He hoped that, as the clouds of adversityscattered, and as the sunshine of peace and better fortune broke inupon us, the coldness and severity of government would relax, and thatmore than justice, that gratitude would blaze forth upon those handswhich had upheld her in the darkest stages of her passage fromimpending servitude to acknowledged independence. But faith has itslimits, as well as temper, and there are points beyond which neithercan be stretched without sinking into cowardice, or plunging intocredulity. This, my friends, I conceive to be your situation. Hurriedto the very verge of both, another step would ruin you for ever. To betame and unprovoked when injuries press hard upon you, is more thanweakness; but to look up for kinder usage without one manly effort ofyour own, would fix your character, and show the world how richly youdeserve those chains you broke. To guard against this evil, let ustake a review of the ground upon which we now stand, and from thencecarry our thoughts forward for a moment into the unexplored field ofexpedient. 

"After a pursuit of seven long years, the object for which we set outis at length brought within our reach. --Yes, my friends, thatsuffering courage of yours was active once. --It has conducted theUnited States of America through a doubtful and a bloody war. --It hasplaced her in the chair of independency; and peace returns again tobless--whom?--A country willing to redress your wrongs, cherish yourworth, and reward your services? A country courting your return toprivate life with tears of gratitude and smiles of admiration--longingto divide with you that independency which your gallantry has given, and those riches which your wounds have preserved? Is this the case?Or is it rather a country that tramples upon your rights, disdainsyour cries, and insults your distresses? Have you not more than oncesuggested your wishes and made known your wants to congress? Wants andwishes which gratitude and policy would have anticipated rather thanevaded; and have you not lately, in the meek language of entreatingmemorials, begged from their justice what you could no longer expectfrom their favour? How have you been answered? Let the letter whichyou are called to consider to-morrow reply. 

"If this then be your treatment while the swords you wear arenecessary for the defence of America, what have you to expect frompeace, when your voice shall sink, and your strength dissipate bydivision? When those very swords, the instruments and companions ofyour glory, shall be taken from your sides, and no remaining mark ofmilitary distinction left but your wants, infirmities, and scars? Canyou then consent to be the only sufferers by this revolution, and, retiring from the field, grow old in poverty, wretchedness, andcontempt? Can you consent to wade through the vile mire of dependency, and owe the miserable remnant of that life to charity which hashitherto been spent in honour? If you can--go--and carry with you thejest of tories, and the scorn of whigs;--the ridicule, and, what isworse, the pity of the world. Go, --starve and be forgotten. But ifyour spirit should revolt at this; if you have sense enough todiscover, and spirit enough to oppose, tyranny under whatever garb itmay assume; whether it be the plain coat of republicanism, or thesplendid robe of royalty; if you have yet learned to discriminatebetween a people and a cause, between men and principles, --awake;attend to your situation, and redress yourselves. If the presentmoment be lost, every future effort is in vain; and your threats thenwill be as empty as your entreaties now. 

"I would advise you therefore to come to some final opinion upon whatyou can bear, and what you will suffer. If your determination be inany proportion to your wrongs, carry your appeal from the justice tothe fears of the government. Change the milk-and-water style of yourlast memorial. Assume a bolder tone, --decent, but lively, spirited, and determined; and suspect the man who would advise to moremoderation and longer forbearance. Let two or three men who can feelas well as write, be appointed to draw up your _last remonstrance_;for I would no longer give it the sueing, soft, unsuccessful epithetof memorial. Let it be represented in language that will neitherdishonour you by its rudeness, nor betray you by its fears, what hasbeen promised by congress, and what has been performed;--how long andhow patiently you have suffered;--how little you have asked, and howmuch of that little has been denied. Tell them that, though you werethe first, and would wish to be the last to encounter danger; thoughdespair itself can never drive you into dishonour, it may drive youfrom the field;--that the wound often irritated and never healed, mayat length become incurable; and that the slightest mark of indignityfrom congress now must operate like the grave, and part you forever;that in any political event, the army has its alternative. If peace, that nothing shall separate you from your arms but death; if war, thatcourting the auspices, and inviting the directions of your illustriousleader, you will retire to some unsettled country, smile in your turn, and 'mock when their fear cometh on. ' But let it represent also that, should they comply with the request of your late memorial, it wouldmake you more happy and them more respectable. That while war shouldcontinue you would follow their standard into the field; and when itcame to an end, you would withdraw into the shade of private life, andgive the world another subject of wonder and applause;--an armyvictorious over its enemies, victorious over itself. "

Persuaded as the officers in general were of the indisposition ofgovernment to remunerate their services, this eloquent and impassionedaddress, dictated by genius and by feeling, found in almost everybosom a kindred though latent sentiment prepared to receive itsimpression. Quick as the train to which a torch is applied, thepassions caught its flame, and nothing seemed to be required but theassemblage proposed for the succeeding day, to communicate theconflagration to the combustible mass, and to produce an explosionruinous to the army and to the nation. 

Fortunately, the Commander-in-chief was in camp. His characteristicfirmness and decision did not forsake him in this crisis. The occasionrequired that his measures should be firm, but prudent andconciliatory, --evincive of his fixed determination to oppose any rashproceedings, but calculated to assuage the irritation which wasexcited, and to restore confidence in government. 

Knowing well that it was much easier to avoid intemperate measuresthan to correct them, he thought it of essential importance to preventthe immediate meeting of the officers; but, knowing also that a senseof injury and a fear of injustice had made a deep impression on them, and that their sensibilities were all alive to the proceedings ofcongress on their memorial, he thought it more adviseable to guidetheir deliberations on that interesting subject, than todiscountenance them. 

With these views, he noticed in his orders, the anonymous paperproposing a meeting of the officers, and expressed his conviction thattheir good sense would secure them from paying any "attention to suchan irregular invitation; but his own duty, he conceived, as well asthe reputation and true interest of the army, required hisdisapprobation of such disorderly proceedings. At the same time, herequested the general and field officers, with one officer from eachcompany, and a proper representation from the staff of the army, toassemble at twelve on Saturday, the 15th, at the new building, to hearthe report of the committee deputed by the army to congress. Aftermature deliberation they will devise what farther measures ought to beadopted as most rational and best calculated to obtain the just andimportant object in view. " The senior officer in rank present wasdirected to preside, and report the result of the deliberations to theCommander-in-chief. 

The day succeeding that on which these orders were published, a secondanonymous address appeared, from the same pen which had written thefirst. Its author, acquainted with the discontents of the army, didnot seem to despair of impelling the officers to the desired point. Heaffected to consider the orders in a light favourable to hisviews:--"as giving system to their proceedings, and stability to theirresolves. "

But Washington would not permit himself to be misunderstood. Theinterval between his orders and the general meeting they invited, wasemployed in impressing on those officers individually who possessedthe greatest share of the general confidence, a just sense of the trueinterests of the army; and the whole weight of his influence wasexerted to calm the agitations of the moment, and conduct them to ahappy termination. This was a work of no inconsiderable difficulty. Soconvinced were many that government designed to deal unfairly by them, that only the reliance they placed on their general, and theirattachment to his person and character, could have moderated theirresentments so far as to induce them to adopt the measures herecommended. 

On the 15th, the convention of officers assembled, and GeneralGates[14] took the chair. The Commander-in-chief then addressed themin the following terms. 

 [Footnote 14: By a resolution of the preceding year, the inquiry into his conduct had been dispensed with, and he had been restored to his command in the army. ]

"Gentlemen, --

"By an anonymous summons, an attempt has been made to convene youtogether. How inconsistent with the rules of propriety, howunmilitary, and how subversive of all order and discipline, let thegood sense of the army decide. 

"In the moment of this summons, another anonymous production was sentinto circulation, addressed more to the feelings and passions than tothe judgment of the army. The author of the piece is entitled to muchcredit for the goodness of his pen; and I could wish he had as muchcredit for the rectitude of his heart; for as men see throughdifferent optics, and are induced by the reflecting faculties of themind, to use different means to attain the same end, the author of theaddress should have had more charity, than to mark for suspicion theman who should recommend moderation and longer forbearance; or, inother words, who should not think as he thinks, and act as he advises. But he had another plan in view, in which candour and liberality ofsentiment, regard to justice, and love of country, have no part; andhe was right to insinuate the darkest suspicion to effect the blackestdesign. That the address was drawn with great art, and is designed toanswer the most insidious purposes; that it is calculated to impressthe mind with an idea of premeditated injustice, in the sovereignpower of the United States, and rouse all those resentments which mustunavoidably flow from such a belief; that the secret mover of thisscheme, whoever he may be, intended to take advantage of the passions, while they were warmed by the recollection of past distresses, withoutgiving time for cool deliberate thinking, and that composure of mindwhich is so necessary to give dignity and stability to measures, isrendered too obvious by the mode of conducting the business to needother proof than a reference to the proceedings. 

"Thus much, gentlemen, I have thought it incumbent on me to observe toyou, to show upon what principles I opposed the irregular and hastymeeting which was proposed to have been held on Tuesday last, and notbecause I wanted a disposition to give you every opportunityconsistent with your own honour, and the dignity of the army, to makeknown your grievances. If my conduct heretofore has not evinced toyou, that I have been a faithful friend to the army, my declaration ofit at this time would be equally unavailing and improper. But as I wasamong the first who embarked in the cause of our common country; as Ihave never left your side one moment but when called from you onpublic duty; as I have been the constant companion and witness of yourdistresses, and not among the last to feel and acknowledge yourmerits; as I have ever considered my own military reputation asinseparably connected with that of the army; as my heart has everexpanded with joy when I have heard its praises, and my indignationhas arisen when the mouth of detraction has been opened against it; itcan scarcely be supposed, at this last stage of the war, that I amindifferent to its interests. But how are they to be promoted? The wayis plain, says the anonymous addresser. --If war continues, remove intothe unsettled country; there establish yourselves, and leave anungrateful country to defend itself! But who are they to defend? Ourwives, our children, our farms and other property which we leavebehind us? Or, in this state of hostile separation, are we to take thetwo first (the latter can not be removed) to perish in a wildernesswith hunger, cold, and nakedness?

"'If peace takes place, never sheath your swords, ' says he, 'until youhave obtained full and ample justice. ' This dreadful alternative ofeither deserting our country in the extremest hour of her distress, orturning our arms against it, which is the apparent object, unlessCongress can be compelled into instant compliance, has something soshocking in it, that humanity revolts at the idea. My God! what canthis writer have in view by recommending such measures. Can he be afriend to the army? Can he be a friend to this country? Rather is henot an insidious foe: some emissary, perhaps, from New York, plottingthe ruin of both, by sowing the seeds of discord and separationbetween the civil and military powers of the continent? And what acompliment does he pay to our understandings, when he recommendsmeasures, in either alternative, impracticable in their nature? Buthere, gentlemen, I will drop the curtain, because it would be asimprudent in me to assign my reasons for this opinion, as it would beinsulting to your conception to suppose you stood in need of them. Amoment's reflection will convince every dispassionate mind of thephysical impossibility of carrying either proposal into execution. There might, gentlemen, be an impropriety in my taking notice, in thisaddress to you, of an anonymous production, --but the manner in whichthat performance has been introduced to the army, together with someother circumstances, will amply justify my observations on thetendency of that writing. 

"With respect to the advice given by the author, to suspect the manwho shall recommend moderate measures and longer forbearance, I spurnit, as every man who regards that liberty, and reveres that justicefor which we contend, undoubtedly must; for if men are to be precludedfrom offering their sentiments on a matter which may involve the mostserious and alarming consequences that can invite the consideration ofmankind, reason is of no use to us. The freedom of speech may be takenaway, and dumb and silent, we may be led like sheep to the slaughter. I can not in justice to my own belief, and what I have great reason toconceive is the intention of congress, conclude this address, withoutgiving it as my decided opinion, that that honourable body entertainexalted sentiments of the services of the army, and, from a fullconviction of its merits and sufferings, will do it complete justice. That their endeavours to discover and establish funds for this purposehave been unwearied, and will not cease until they have succeeded, Ihave not a doubt. 

"But, like all other large bodies, where there is a variety ofdifferent interests to reconcile, their determinations are slow. Whythen should we distrust them? And, in consequence of that distrust, adopt measures which may cast a shade over that glory which has beenso justly acquired, and tarnish the reputation of an army which iscelebrated through all Europe for its fortitude and patriotism? Andfor what is this done? To bring the object we seek nearer? No: mostcertainly, in my opinion, it will cast it at a greater distance. Formyself, (and I take no merit in giving the assurance, being induced toit from principles of gratitude, veracity, and justice, and a gratefulsense of the confidence you have ever placed in me, ) a recollection ofthe cheerful assistance, and prompt obedience I have experienced fromyou, under every vicissitude of fortune, and the sincere affection Ifeel for an army I have so long had the honour to command, will obligeme to declare in this public and solemn manner, that in the attainmentof complete justice for all your toils and dangers, and in thegratification of every wish, so far as may be done consistently withthe great duty I owe my country, and those powers we are bound torespect, you may freely command my services to the utmost extent of myabilities. 

"While I give these assurances, and pledge myself in the mostunequivocal manner to exert whatever abilities I am possessed of inyour favour, let me entreat you, gentlemen, on your part, not to takeany measures which, viewed in the calm light of reason, will lessenthe dignity, and sully the glory you have hitherto maintained. Let merequest you to rely on the plighted faith of your country, and place afull confidence in the purity of the intentions of congress;--that, previous to your dissolution as an army, they will cause all youraccounts to be fairly liquidated, as directed in the resolutions whichwere published to you two days ago; and that they will adopt the mosteffectual measures in their power to render ample justice to you foryour faithful and meritorious services. And let me conjure you, in thename of our common country, as you value your own honour, as yourespect the rights of humanity, and as you regard the military andnational character of America, to express your utmost horror anddetestation of the man who wishes, under any specious pretences, tooverturn the liberties of our country, and who wickedly attempts toopen the flood gates of civil discord, and deluge our rising empire inblood. 

"By thus determining, and thus acting, you will pursue the plain anddirect road to the attainment of your wishes; you will defeat theinsidious designs of our enemies, who are compelled to resort fromopen force to secret artifice. You will give one more distinguishedproof of unexampled patriotism and patient virtue, rising superior tothe pressure of the most complicated sufferings; and you will by thedignity of your conduct, afford occasion for posterity to say, whenspeaking of the glorious example you have exhibited to mankind, hadthis day been wanting, the world had never seen the last stage ofperfection to which human nature is capable of attaining. "

These sentiments from a person whom the army had been accustomed tolove, to revere, and to obey; the solidity of whose judgment, and thesincerity of whose zeal for their interests, were alike unquestioned, could not fail to be irresistible. No person was hardy enough tooppose the advice he had given; and the general impression wasapparent. A resolution moved by General Knox, and seconded byBrigadier General Putnam, "assuring him that the officers reciprocatedhis affectionate expressions with the greatest sincerity of which thehuman heart is capable, " was unanimously voted. On the motion ofGeneral Putnam, a committee consisting of General Knox, ColonelBrooks, and Captain Howard was then appointed, to prepare resolutionson the business before them, and to report in half an hour. The reportof the committee being brought in and considered, the followingresolutions were passed. 

"Resolved unanimously, that at the commencement of the present war, the officers of the American army engaged in the service of theircountry from the purest love and attachment to the rights andprivileges of human nature; which motives still exist in the highestdegree; and that no circumstances of distress or danger shall induce aconduct that may tend to sully the reputation and glory which theyhave acquired at the price of their blood, and eight years faithfulservices. 

"Resolved unanimously, that the army continue to have an unshakenconfidence in the justice of congress and their country, and are fullyconvinced that the representatives of America will not disband ordisperse the army until their accounts are liquidated, the balancesaccurately ascertained, and adequate funds established for payment;and in this arrangement, the officers expect that the half pay, or acommutation for it, shall be efficaciously comprehended. 

"Resolved unanimously, that his excellency the Commander-in-chief, berequested to write to his excellency the president of congress, earnestly entreating the most speedy decision of that honourable bodyupon the subject of our late address, which was forwarded by acommittee of the army, some of whom are waiting upon congress for theresult. In the alternative of peace or war, this event would be highlysatisfactory, and would produce immediate tranquillity in the minds ofthe army, and prevent any farther machinations of designing men, tosow discord between the civil and military powers of the UnitedStates. 

"On motion, resolved unanimously, that the officers of the Americanarmy view with abhorrence and reject with disdain, the infamouspropositions contained in a late anonymous address to the officers ofthe army, and resent with indignation the secret attempts of someunknown person to collect the officers together in a manner totallysubversive of all discipline and good order. 

"Resolved unanimously, that the thanks of the officers of the army begiven to the committee who presented to congress the late address ofthe army; for the wisdom and prudence with which they have conductedthat business; and that a copy of the proceedings of this day betransmitted by the president to Major General M'Dougal; and that he berequested to continue his solicitations at congress until the objectsof his mission are accomplished. "

The storm which had been raised so suddenly and unexpectedly beingthus happily dissipated, the Commander-in-chief exerted all hisinfluence in support of the application the officers had made tocongress. The following letter, written by him on the occasion, willshow that he was not impelled to this measure by the engagements hehad entered into more strongly than by his feelings. 

"The result of the proceedings of the grand convention of theofficers, which I have the honour of enclosing to your excellency forthe inspection of congress, will, I flatter myself, be considered asthe last glorious proof of patriotism which could have been given bymen who aspired to the distinction of a patriot army; and will notonly confirm their claim to the justice, but will increase their titleto the gratitude of their country. 

"Having seen the proceedings on the part of the army terminate withperfect unanimity, and in a manner entirely consonant to my wishes, being impressed with the liveliest sentiments of affection for thosewho have so long, so patiently, and so cheerfully, suffered and foughtunder my direction; having from motives of justice, duty, andgratitude, spontaneously offered myself as an advocate for theirrights; and having been requested to write to your excellency, earnestly entreating the most speedy decision of congress upon thesubjects of the late address from the army to that honourable body; itnow only remains for me to perform the task I have assumed, and tointercede in their behalf, as I now do, that the sovereign power willbe pleased to verify the predictions I have pronounced of, and theconfidence the army have reposed in, the justice of their country. 

"And here I humbly conceive it is altogether unnecessary (while I ampleading the cause of an army which have done and suffered more thanany other army ever did in the defence of the rights and liberties ofhuman nature) to expatiate on their claims to the most amplecompensation for their meritorious services, because they areperfectly known to the whole world, and because (although the topicsare inexhaustible) enough has already been said on the subject. Toprove these assertions, to evince that my sentiments have ever beenuniform, and to show what my ideas of the rewards in question havealways been, I appeal to the archives of congress, and call on thosesacred deposites to witness for me. And in order that my observationsand arguments in favour of a future adequate provision for theofficers of the army may be brought to remembrance again, andconsidered in a single point of view, without giving congress thetrouble of having recourse to their files, I will beg leave totransmit herewith an extract from a representation made by me to acommittee of congress, so long ago as the 20th of January, 1778, andalso the transcript of a letter to the president of congress, datednear Passaic falls, October the 11th, 1780. 

"That in the critical and perilous moment when the last mentionedcommunication was made, there was the utmost danger a dissolution ofthe army would have taken place unless measures similar to thoserecommended had been adopted, will not admit a doubt. That theadoption of the resolution granting half pay for life has beenattended with all the happy consequences I foretold, so far asrespected the good of the service, let the astonishing contrastbetween the state of the army at this instant and at the formerperiod, determine. And that the establishment of funds, and securityof the payment of all the just demands of the army, will be the mostcertain means of preserving the national faith, and futuretranquillity of this extensive continent, is my decided opinion. 

"By the preceding remarks, it will readily be imagined that, insteadof retracting and reprehending (from farther experience andreflection) the mode of compensation so strenuously urged in theenclosures, I am more and more confirmed in the sentiment; and if inthe wrong, suffer me to please myself in the grateful delusion. Forif, besides the simple payment of their wages, a farther compensationis not due to the sufferings and sacrifices of the officers, then haveI been mistaken indeed. If the whole army have not merited whatever agrateful people can bestow, then have I been beguiled by prejudice, and built opinion on the basis of error. If this country should not inthe event perform every thing which has been requested in the latememorial to congress, then will my belief become vain, and the hopethat has been excited void of foundation. 'And if (as has beensuggested for the purpose of inflaming their passions) the officers ofthe army are to be the only sufferers by this revolution; if, retiringfrom the field, they are to grow old in poverty, wretchedness, andcontempt; if they are to wade through the vile mire of dependency, andowe the miserable remnant of that life to charity which has hithertobeen spent in honour, ' then shall I have learned what ingratitude is;then shall I have realized a tale which will embitter every moment ofmy future life. 

"But I am under no such apprehensions. A country rescued by their armsfrom impending ruin, will never leave unpaid the debt of gratitude. 

"Should any intemperate and improper warmth have mingled itself amongthe foregoing observations, I must entreat your excellency andcongress that it may be attributed to the effusions of an honest zealin the best of causes, and that my peculiar situation may be myapology; and I hope I need not, on this momentous occasion, make anynew protestations of disinterestedness, having ever renounced formyself the idea of pecuniary reward. The consciousness of havingattempted faithfully to discharge my duty, and the approbation of mycountry, will be a sufficient recompense for my services. "

{March 24. }

[Sidenote: Peace concluded. ]

{April 19. }

These proceedings of the army produced a concurrence of nine states infavour of a resolution commuting the half pay into a sum in grossequal to five years full pay; immediately after the passage of which, the fears still entertained in America that the war might continue, were dissipated by a letter from the Marquis de Lafayette, announcinga general peace. This intelligence, though not official, was certain;and orders were immediately issued, recalling all armed vesselscruising under the authority of the United States. Early in April, thecopy of a declaration published in Paris, and signed by the Americancommissioners, announcing the exchange of ratifications of thepreliminary articles between Great Britain and France, was received;and on the 19th of that month, the cessation[15] of hostilities wasproclaimed. 

 [Footnote 15: See note, No. I. At the end of the volume. ]

[Sidenote: Measures for disbanding the army. ]

The attention of congress might now be safely turned to the reductionof the army. This, in the empty state of the treasury, was a criticaloperation. In addition to the anxieties which the officers wouldnaturally feel respecting their provision for the future, which ofnecessity remained unsecured, large arrears of pay were due to them, the immediate receipt of part of which was required by the most urgentwants. To disband an army to which the government was greatlyindebted, without furnishing the individuals who composed it with themeans of conveyance to their respective homes, was a perilous measure;and congress was unable to advance the pay of a single month. 

Although eight millions had been required for the year 1782, thepayments into the public treasury had amounted to only four hundredand twenty thousand and thirty-one dollars, and twenty-nineninetieths; and the foreign loans had not been sufficient to defrayexpenses it was impossible to avoid, at the close of that year, theexpenditures of the superintendent of the finances had exceeded hisreceipts four hundred and four thousand seven hundred and thirteendollars and nine ninetieths; and the excess continued to increaserapidly. 

Congress urged the states to comply so far with the requisitions as toenable the superintendent of the finances to advance a part of thearrears due to the soldiers; but, as the foreign danger diminished, they became still less attentive to these demands; and the financierwas under the necessity of making farther anticipations of therevenue. Measures were taken to advance three months pay in his notes;but, before they could be prepared, orders were issued for complyingwith a resolution of Congress for granting unlimited furloughs to thenon-commissioned officers and privates who were engaged to serveduring the war. These orders produced a serious alarm. The generals, and officers commanding regiments and corps cantoned on the Hudson, assembled, and presented an address to the Commander-in-chief, inwhich the most ardent affection to his person, and confidence in hisattachment to the interests of the army, were mingled with expressionsof profound duty and respect for the government. But they declaredthat, after the late explanation on their claims, they had confidentlyexpected that their accounts would be liquidated, the balancesascertained, and adequate funds for the payment of those balancesprovided, before they should be dispersed or disbanded. 

Bound to the army by the strongest ties of affection and gratitude, intimately convinced of the justice of their claims, and of thepatriotic principles by which they were influenced, the General wasinduced by sentiment not less than by prudence, to regard thisapplication. He returned an answer, on the succeeding day, in which, after declaring "that as no man could possibly be better acquaintedthan himself with the past merits and services of the army, so no onecould possibly be more strongly impressed with their presentineligible situation; feel a keener sensibility at their distresses;or more ardently desire to alleviate or remove them. " He added, "although the officers of the army very well know my officialsituation, that I am only a servant of the public, and that it is notfor me to dispense with orders which it is my duty to carry intoexecution, yet as furloughs in all services are considered as a matterof indulgence, and not of compulsion; as congress, I am persuaded, entertain the best disposition towards the army; and as I apprehend ina very short time, the two principal articles of complaint will beremoved; until the farther pleasure of congress can be known, I shallnot hesitate to comply with the wishes of the army, under thesereservations only, that officers sufficient to conduct the men whochoose to receive furloughs, will attend them, either on furlough orby detachment. "

This answer satisfied the officers. The utmost good temper wasmanifested; and the arrangements for retiring on furlough were madewithout a murmur. In the course of the summer, a considerableproportion of the troops enlisted for three years were also permittedto return to their homes; and, in October, a proclamation was issuedby congress, declaring all those who had engaged for the war to bedischarged on the third of December. 

[Illustration: The Long Room in Fraunces' Tavern, New York City

_It was here that Washington took formal leave of his officers, preparatory to resigning his commission as Commander-in-Chief of theContinental Army. Controlling his emotion with difficulty, the Generalarose, at the conclusion of a light repast, and proposed the followinghealth: "With a heart full of love and gratitude I must now take myleave of you. I most devoutly wish that your latter days may be asprosperous and happy as your former ones have been glorious andhonorable. " The toast was drunk in silence, and Washington added: "Icannot come to each of you to take my leave, but shall be obliged toyou if each will come and take me by the hand. "_]

[Sidenote: Mutiny of a part of the Pennsylvania line. ]

While these excellent dispositions were manifested by the veteransserving under the immediate eye of their patriot chief, the governmentwas exposed to insult and outrage from the mutinous spirit of a smallparty of new levies. About eighty men of this description belonging toPennsylvania, were stationed at Lancaster. Revolting against theauthority of their officers, they marched in a body to Philadelphia, with the avowed purpose of obtaining redress of their grievances fromthe executive council of the state. The march of these insolentmutineers was not obstructed; and, after arriving in Philadelphia, their numbers were augmented by the junction of some troops quarteredin the barracks. They then marched in military parade, with fixedbayonets, to the state-house, in which congress and the executivecouncil of the state were sitting; and, after placing sentinels at thedoors, sent in a written message, threatening the executive of thestate with the vengeance of an enraged soldiery, if their demands werenot gratified in twenty minutes. Although these threats were notdirected particularly against congress, the government of the unionwas grossly insulted, and those who administered it were blockaded forseveral hours by licentious soldiers. After remaining in thissituation about three hours, the members separated, having agreed toreassemble at Princeton. 

On receiving information of this outrage, the Commander-in-chiefdetached fifteen hundred men under the command of Major General Howe, to suppress the mutiny. His indignation at this insult to the civilauthority, and his mortification at this misconduct of any portion ofthe American troops, were strongly marked in his letter to thepresident of congress. 

"While, " said he, "I suffer the most poignant distress in observingthat a handful of men, contemptible in numbers, and equally so inpoint of service, (if the veteran troops from the southward have notbeen seduced by their example, ) and who are not worthy to be calledsoldiers, should disgrace themselves and their country as thePennsylvania mutineers have done by insulting the sovereign authorityof the United States, and that of their own, I feel an inexpressiblesatisfaction, that even this behaviour can not stain the name of theAmerican soldiery. It can not be imputed to, or reflect dishonour on, the army at large; but, on the contrary, it will, by the strikingcontrast it exhibits, hold up to public view the other troops in themost advantageous point of light. Upon taking all the circumstancesinto consideration, I can not sufficiently express my surprise andindignation at the arrogance, the folly, and the wickedness of themutineers; nor can I sufficiently admire the fidelity, the bravery, and patriotism, which must forever signalize the unsullied characterof the other corps of our army. For when we consider that thesePennsylvania levies, who have now mutinied, are recruits, and soldiersof a day, who have not borne the heat and burden of the war, and whocan have in reality very few hardships to complain of; and when we atthe same time recollect that those soldiers, who have lately beenfurloughed from this army, are the veterans who have patiently enduredhunger, nakedness, and cold; who have suffered and bled without amurmur, and who, with perfect good order, have retired to their homes, without a settlement of their accounts, or a farthing of money intheir pockets; we shall be as much astonished at the virtues of thelatter, as we are struck with horror and detestation at theproceedings of the former, and every candid mind, without indulgingill-grounded prejudices, will undoubtedly make the properdiscrimination. "

Before the detachment from the army could reach Philadelphia, thedisturbances were, in a great degree, quieted without bloodshed; butGeneral Howe was ordered by congress to continue his march intoPennsylvania, "in order that immediate measures might be taken toconfine and bring to trial all such persons belonging to the army ashave been principally active in the late mutiny; to disarm theremainder; and to examine fully into all the circumstances relatingthereto. "

The interval between the treaty with Great Britain and his retiringinto private life, was devoted by the Commander-in-chief to objects ofpermanent utility. 

The independence of his country being established, he looked forwardwith anxiety to its future destinies. These might greatly depend onthe systems to be adopted on the return of peace, and to those systemsmuch of his attention was directed. The future peace establishment ofthe United States was one of the many interesting subjects whichclaimed the consideration of congress. As the experience of GeneralWashington would certainly enable him to suggest many useful ideas onthis important point, his opinions respecting it were requested by thecommittee to whom it was referred. His letter on this occasion, whichwas deposited, it is presumed, in the archives of state, will longdeserve the attention of those to whom the interests of the UnitedStates may be confided. His strongest hopes of securing the futuretranquillity, dignity and respectability of his country were placed ona well regulated and well disciplined militia, and his sentiments onthis subject are entitled to the more regard, as a long course ofsevere experience had enabled him to mark the total incompetency ofthe existing system to the great purposes of national defence. 

[Sidenote: Evacuation of New York. ]

At length the British troops evacuated New York, and a detachment fromthe American army took possession of that town. 

Guards being posted for the security of the citizens, GeneralWashington, accompanied by Governor Clinton, and attended by manycivil and military officers, and a large number of respectableinhabitants on horseback, made his public entry into the city; wherehe was received with every mark of respect and attention. His militarycourse was now on the point of terminating; and he was about to bidadieu to his comrades in arms. This affecting interview took place onthe 4th of December. At noon, the principal officers of the armyassembled at Frances' tavern, soon after which, their belovedcommander entered the room. His emotions were too strong to beconcealed. Filling a glass, he turned to them and said, "With a heartfull of love and gratitude, I now take leave of you; I most devoutlywish that your latter days may be as prosperous and happy, as yourformer ones have been glorious and honourable. " Having drunk, headded, "I can not come to each of you to take my leave, but shall beobliged if each of you will come and take me by the hand. " GeneralKnox, being nearest, turned to him. Washington, incapable ofutterance, grasped his hand, and embraced him. In the sameaffectionate manner he took leave of each succeeding officer. The tearof manly sensibility was in every eye; and not a word was articulatedto interrupt the dignified silence, and the tenderness of the scene. Leaving the room, he passed through the corps of light infantry, andwalked to White Hall, where a barge waited to convey him to PowlesHook. The whole company followed in mute and solemn procession, withdejected countenances, testifying feelings of delicious melancholy, which no language can describe. Having entered the barge, he turned tothe company, and, waving his hat, bid them a silent adieu. They paidhim the same affectionate compliment; and, after the barge had leftthem, returned in the same solemn manner to the place where they hadassembled. [16]

 [Footnote 16: Gordon. ]

Congress was then in session at Annapolis, in Maryland, to which placeGeneral Washington repaired, for the purpose of resigning into theirhands the authority with which they had invested him. [17] He arrivedon the 19th of December. The next day he informed that body of hisintention to ask leave to resign the commission he had the honour ofholding in their service; and requested to know whether it would betheir pleasure that he should offer his resignation in writing, or atan audience. 

 [Footnote 17: See note, No. II. At the end of the volume. ]

To give the more dignity to the act, they determined that it should beoffered at a public audience on the following Tuesday, at twelve. 

[Sidenote: General Washington resigns his commission and retires toMount Vernon. ]

When the hour arrived for performing a ceremony so well calculated torecall the various interesting scenes which had passed since thecommission now to be returned was granted, the gallery was crowdedwith spectators, and several persons of distinction were admitted onthe floor of congress. The members remained seated and covered. Thespectators were standing, and uncovered. The general was introduced bythe secretary, and conducted to a chair. After a short pause, thepresident[18] informed him that "The United States in congressassembled were prepared to receive his communications. " With nativedignity improved by the solemnity of the occasion, the general roseand delivered the following address. 

 [Footnote 18: General Mifflin. ]

"Mr. President, "The great events on which my resignation depended, having at lengthtaken place, I have now the honour of offering my sincerecongratulations to congress, and of presenting myself before them, tosurrender into their hands the trust committed to me, and to claim theindulgence of retiring from the service of my country. 

"Happy in the confirmation of our independence and sovereignty, andpleased with the opportunity afforded the United States of becoming arespectable nation, I resign with satisfaction the appointment Iaccepted with diffidence; a diffidence in my abilities to accomplishso arduous a task, which however was superseded by a confidence in therectitude of our cause, the support of the supreme power of the union, and the patronage of heaven. 

"The successful termination of the war has verified the most sanguineexpectations; and my gratitude for the interposition of Providence, and the assistance I have received from my countrymen, increases withevery review of the momentous contest. 

"While I repeat my obligations to the army in general, I should doinjustice to my own feelings not to acknowledge in this place, thepeculiar services and distinguished merits of the gentlemen who havebeen attached to my person during the war. It was impossible thechoice of confidential officers to compose my family should have beenmore fortunate. Permit me, sir, to recommend in particular, those whohave continued in the service to the present moment, as worthy of thefavourable notice and patronage of congress. 

"I consider it as an indispensable duty to close this last act of myofficial life, by commending the interests of our dearest country tothe protection of Almighty God, and those who have the superintendenceof them to his holy keeping. 

"Having now finished the work assigned me, I retire from the greattheatre of action, and, bidding an affectionate farewell to thisaugust body, under whose orders I have so long acted, I here offer mycommission, and take my leave of all the employments of public life. "

After advancing to the chair and delivering his commission to thepresident, he returned to his place, and received standing thefollowing answer of congress, which was delivered by the president. 

"Sir, "The United States in congress assembled, receive with emotions tooaffecting for utterance, the solemn resignation of the authoritiesunder which you have led their troops with success through a perilousand a doubtful war. Called upon by your country to defend its invadedrights, you accepted the sacred charge, before it had formedalliances, and whilst it was without funds or a government to supportyou. You have conducted the great military contest with wisdom andfortitude, invariably regarding the rights of the civil power, throughall disasters and changes. You have by the love and confidence of yourfellow citizens, enabled them to display their martial genius, andtransmit their fame to posterity. You have persevered until theseUnited States, aided by a magnanimous king and nation, have beenenabled under a just Providence, to close the war in freedom, safety, and independence; on which happy event we sincerely join you incongratulations. 

"Having defended the standard of liberty in this new world, havingtaught a lesson useful to those who inflict and to those who feeloppression, you retire from the great theatre of action with theblessings of your fellow citizens. But the glory of your virtues willnot terminate with your military command; it will continue to animateremotest ages. 

"We feel with you our obligations to the army in general, and willparticularly charge ourselves with the interests of those confidentialofficers who have attended your person to this affecting moment. 

"We join you in commending the interests of our dearest country to theprotection of Almighty God, beseeching him to dispose the hearts andminds of its citizens, to improve the opportunity afforded them ofbecoming a happy and respectable nation. And for you, we address tohim our earnest prayers that a life so beloved, may be fostered withall his care; that your days may be as happy as they have beenillustrious; and that he will finally give you that reward which thisworld can not give. "

This scene being closed, a scene rendered peculiarly interesting bythe personages who appeared in it, by the great events it recalled tothe memory, and by the singularity of the circumstances under which itwas displayed, the American chief withdrew from the hall of congress, leaving the silent and admiring spectators deeply impressed with thosesentiments which its solemnity and dignity were calculated to inspire. 

Divested of his military character, General Washington retired toMount Vernon, followed by the enthusiastic love, esteem, andadmiration of his countrymen. Relieved from the agitations of adoubtful contest, and from the toils of an exalted station, hereturned with increased delight to the duties and the enjoyments of aprivate citizen. He indulged the hope that, in the shade ofretirement, under the protection of a free government, and thebenignant influence of mild and equal laws, he might taste thatfelicity which is the reward of a mind at peace with itself, andconscious of its own purity. 

CHAPTER III. 

 General Washington devotes his time to rural pursuits.... To the duties of friendship.... And to institutions of public utility.... Resolves of Congress and of the Legislature of Virginia for erecting statues to his honour.... Recommends improvement in inland navigation.... Declines accepting a donation made to him by his native state.... The society of the Cincinnati.... He is elected President.... The causes which led to a change of the government of the United States.... Circular letter of General Washington to the governors of the several states. 

{1783 to 1787}

[Sidenote: After retiring to private life, General Washington devoteshis time to rural pursuits, to the duties of friendship, and toinstitutions of public utility. ]

When an individual, long in possession of great power, and almostunlimited influence, retires from office with alacrity, and resumesthe character of a private citizen with pleasure, the mind isgratified in contemplating the example of virtuous moderation, anddwells upon it with approving satisfaction. We look at man in his mostestimable character; and this view of him exalts our opinion of humannature. Such was the example exhibited by General Washington to hiscountry and to the world. His deportment, and his language, equallyattest that he returned with these feelings to the employments ofprivate life. In a letter to Governor Clinton, written only three daysafter his arrival at Mount Vernon, he says, "The scene is at lengthclosed. I feel myself eased of a load of public care, and hope tospend the remainder of my days in cultivating the affections of goodmen, and in the practice of the domestic virtues. " "At length, my dearmarquis, " said he to his noble and highly valued friend, Lafayette, "Ihave become a private citizen on the banks of the Potomac; and underthe shadow of my own vine, and my own fig tree, free from the bustleof a camp, and the busy scenes of public life, I am solacing myselfwith those tranquil enjoyments, of which the soldier who is ever inpursuit of fame--the statesman whose watchful days and sleeplessnights are spent in devising schemes to promote the welfare of hisown--perhaps the ruin of other countries, as if this globe wasinsufficient for us all--and the courtier who is always watching thecountenance of his prince in the hope of catching a gracioussmile--can have very little conception. I have not only retired fromall public employments, but am retiring within myself, and shall beable to view the solitary walk, and tread the paths of private life, with heartfelt satisfaction. Envious of none, I am determined to bepleased with all; and this, my dear friend, being the order of mymarch, I will move gently down the stream of life, until I sleep withmy fathers. "

But a mind accustomed to labour for a nation's welfare, does notimmediately divest itself of ancient habits. That custom of thinkingon public affairs, and that solicitude respecting them, which belongto the patriot in office, follow him into his retreat. In a letter toGeneral Knox, written soon after his resignation, General Washingtonthus expressed the feelings attendant upon this sudden transition frompublic to private pursuits. "I am just beginning to experience theease and freedom from public cares, which, however desirable, takessome time to realize; for strange as it may seem, it is neverthelesstrue, that it was not until lately, I could get the better of my usualcustom of ruminating, as soon as I awoke in the morning, on thebusiness of the ensuing day; and of my surprise at finding, afterrevolving many things in my mind, that I was no longer a public man, or had any thing to do with public transactions. I feel now, however, as I conceive a wearied traveller must do, who, after treading many apainful step with a heavy burden on his shoulders, is eased of thelatter, having reached the haven to which all the former weredirected; and from his house-top is looking back, and tracing with aneager eye, the meanders by which he escaped the quick-sands and mireswhich lay in his way, and into which none but the all powerful Guideand Dispenser of human events could have prevented his falling. "

For several months after arriving at Mount Vernon, almost every daybrought him the addresses of an affectionate and grateful people. Theglow of expression in which the high sense universally entertained ofhis services was conveyed, manifested the warmth of feeling whichanimated the American bosom. This unexampled tribute of voluntaryapplause, paid by a whole people, to an individual no longer in power, made no impression on the unassuming modesty of his character anddeportment. The same firmness of mind, the same steady and welltempered judgment, which had guided him through the most perilousseasons of the war, still regulated his conduct; and the enthusiasticapplauses of an admiring nation served only to cherish sentiments ofgratitude, and to give greater activity to the desire still further tocontribute to the general prosperity. 

[Sidenote: Resolves of Congress and of the legislature of Virginia forerecting statues in honour of him. ]

It was not by addresses alone that his country manifested itsattachment to him. Soon after peace was proclaimed, congressunanimously passed a resolution for the erection of an equestrianstatue of their general, [19] at the place which should be establishedfor the residence of the government. 

 [Footnote 19: "Resolved that the statue be of bronze: the general to be represented in a Roman dress, holding a truncheon in his right hand, and his head encircled with a laurel wreath. The statue to be supported by a marble pedestal on which are to be represented, in basso relievo, the following principal events of the war, in which General Washington commanded in person: the evacuation of Boston:--the capture of the Hessians at Trenton:--the battle of Princeton:--the action of Monmouth:--and the surrender of York. --On the upper part of the front of the pedestal to be engraved as follows: the United States in congress assembled, ordered this statue to be erected in the year of our Lord 1783, in honour of George Washington, the illustrious Commander-in-chief of the armies of the United States of America, during the war which vindicated and secured their liberty, sovereignty and independence. "]

The legislature of Virginia too, at its first session after hisresignation, passed the following resolution. [20]

 [Footnote 20: This resolution has been carried into execution. The statue it ordained now stands in the capitol of Virginia, in a spacious area in the centre of the building. A bust of the Marquis de Lafayette, which was also directed by the legislature, is placed in a niche of the wall in the same part of the building. ]

"Resolved, that the executive be requested to take measures forprocuring a statue of General Washington, to be of the finest marbleand best workmanship, with the following inscription on its pedestal:

"The general assembly of the commonwealth of Virginia have caused thisstatue to be erected as a monument of affection and gratitude toGEORGE WASHINGTON, who, uniting to the endowments of the HERO, thevirtues of the PATRIOT, and exerting both in establishing theliberties of his country, has rendered his name dear to his fellowcitizens, and given the world an immortal example of true glory. "

Although the toils of General Washington were no longer exhibited tothe public eye, his time continued to be usefully employed. Thejudicious cultivation of the earth is justly placed among the mostvaluable sources of national prosperity, and nothing could be morewretched than the general state of agriculture in America. To itsmelioration by examples which might be followed, and by theintroduction of systems adapted to the soil, the climate, and to thesituation of the people, the energies of his active and intelligentmind were now in a great degree directed. No improvement of theimplements to be used on a farm, no valuable experiments in husbandry, escaped his attention. His inquiries, which were equally minute andcomprehensive, extended beyond the limits of his own country; and heentered into a correspondence on this interesting subject with thoseforeigners who had been most distinguished for their additions to thestock of agricultural science. 

[Illustration: The Old Senate Chamber at Annapolis, Maryland, WhereWashington Resigned His Commission

_The fate of the Republic was in the hands of Washington when heresigned his commission to Congress, then sitting at Annapolis, December 23, 1783, and retired to private life. Had he so desired, itis probable that he could have founded a monarchy, sustained by hisarmy. Instead, as he wrote to Lafayette, shortly after his return toMount Vernon: "I have not only retired from all public employments butam retiring within myself, and shall be able to view the solitarywalk, and tread the paths of private life, with heartfeltsatisfaction. Envious of none, I am determined to be pleased with all;and this, my dear friend, being the order of my march, I will movegently down the stream of life, until I sleep with my fathers. "_]

Mingled with this favourite pursuit, were the multiplied avocationsresulting from the high office he had lately filled. He was engaged inan extensive correspondence with the friends most dear to hisheart--the foreign and American officers who had served under himduring the late war--and with almost every conspicuous politicalpersonage of his own, and with many of other countries. Literary menalso were desirous of obtaining his approbation of their works, andhis attention was solicited to every production of American genius. His countrymen who were about to travel, were anxious to receive fromthe first citizen of this rising republic, some testimonial of theirworth; and all those strangers of distinction who visited this newlycreated empire, were ambitious of being presented to its founder. Among those who were drawn across the Atlantic by curiosity, andperhaps by a desire to observe the progress of the popular governmentswhich were instituted in this new world, was Mrs. Macauley Graham. Bythe principles contained in her History of the Stuarts, this lady hadacquired much reputation in republican America, and by all wasreceived with marked attention. For the sole purpose of paying herrespects to a person whose fame had spread over Europe, she paid avisit to Mount Vernon; and, if her letters may be credited, theexalted opinion she had formed of its proprietor, was "not diminishedby a personal acquaintance with him. "

To these occupations, which were calculated to gratify an intelligentmind, or which derived a value from the indulgence they afforded tothe feelings of the heart, others were unavoidably added, in thecomposition of which, no palatable ingredient was intermixed. Of theseunwelcome intrusions upon his time, General Washington thus complainedto an intimate military friend. "It is not, my dear sir, the lettersof my friends which give me trouble, or add aught to my perplexity. Ireceive them with pleasure, and pay as much attention to them as myavocations will permit. It is references to old matters with which Ihave nothing to do--applications which oftentimes can not be compliedwith--inquiries, to satisfy which would employ the pen of ahistorian--letters of compliment, as unmeaning perhaps as they aretroublesome, but which must be attended to; and the common-placebusiness--which employ my pen and my time often disagreeably. Indeed, these, with company, deprive me of exercise; and, unless I can obtainrelief, must be productive of disagreeable consequences. Already Ibegin to feel their effects. Heavy and painful oppressions of thehead, and other disagreeable sensations often trouble me. I amdetermined therefore to employ some person who shall ease me of the_drudgery_ of this business. At any rate, if the whole of it isthereby suspended, I am determined to use exercise. My private affairsalso require infinitely more attention than I have given, or can givethem, under present circumstances. They can no longer be neglectedwithout involving my ruin. "

It was some time after the date of this letter before he couldintroduce into his family a young gentleman, whose education andmanners enabled him to fill the station of a private secretary and ofa friend. 

This multiplicity of private avocations could not entirely withdrawthe mind of Washington from objects tending to promote and secure thepublic happiness. His resolution never again to appear in the busyscenes of political life, though believed by himself, and by his bosomfriends, to be unalterable, could not render him indifferent to thosemeasures on which the prosperity of his country essentially depended. 

To a person looking beyond the present moment, it was only necessaryto glance over the map of the United States, to be impressed with theimportance of connecting the western with the eastern territory, byfacilitating the means of intercourse between them. To this subject, the attention of General Washington had been directed in the earlypart of his life. While the American states were yet British colonies, he had obtained the passage of a bill for opening the Potomac so as torender it navigable from tide water to Wills creek. [21] The riverJames had also been comprehended in this plan; and he had triumphed sofar over the opposition produced by local interests and prejudices, that the business was in a train which promised success, when therevolutionary war diverted the attention of its patrons, and of allAmerica, from internal improvements to the still greater objects ofliberty and independence. As that war approached its termination, subjects which for a time had yielded their pretensions toconsideration, reclaimed that place to which their real magnitudeentitled them; and internal navigation again attracted the attentionof the wise and thinking part of society. Accustomed to contemplateAmerica as his country, and to consider with solicitude the interestsof the whole, Washington now took a more enlarged view of theadvantages to be derived from opening both the eastern and the westernwaters; and for this, as well as for other purposes, after peace hadbeen proclaimed, he traversed the western parts of New England and NewYork. "I have lately, " said he in a letter to the Marquis ofChastellux, a nobleman in pursuit of literary as well as of militaryfame, "made a tour through the lakes George and Champlain as far asCrown Point;--then returning to Schenectady, I proceeded up the Mohawkriver to fort Schuyler, crossed over to Wood creek which empties intothe Oneida lake, and affords the water communication with Ontario. Ithen traversed the country to the head of the eastern branch of theSusquehanna, and viewed the lake Otswego, and the portage between thatlake and the Mohawk river at Cotnajohario. Prompted by these actualobservations, I could not help taking a more contemplative andextensive view of the vast inland navigation of these United States, and could not but be struck with the immense diffusion and importanceof it; and with the goodness of that Providence which has dealt hisfavours to us with so profuse a hand. Would to God we may have wisdomenough to improve them. I shall not rest contented until I haveexplored the western country, and traversed those lines (or great partof them) which have given bounds to a new empire. "

 [Footnote 21: About one hundred and fifty miles. ]

Scarcely had he answered those spontaneous offerings of the heart, which flowed in upon him from every part of a grateful nation, whenhis views were once more seriously turned to this truly interestingsubject. Its magnitude was also impressed on others; and the value ofobtaining the aid which his influence and active interference wouldafford to any exertions for giving this direction to the public mind, and for securing the happy execution of the plan which might bedevised, was perceived by all those who attached to the great work itsreal importance. A gentleman[22] who had taken an expanded view of it, concluded a letter to General Washington, containing a detailedstatement of his ideas on the subject in these terms:

 [Footnote 22: Mr. Jefferson. ]

"But a most powerful objection always arises to propositions of thiskind. It is, that public undertakings are carelessly managed, and muchmoney spent to little purpose. To obviate this objection is thepurpose of my giving you the trouble of this discussion. You haveretired from public life. You have weighed this determination, and itwould be impertinence in me to touch it. But would the superintendenceof this work break in too much on the sweets of retirement and repose?If they would, I stop here. Your future time and wishes are sacred inmy eye. If it would be only a dignified amusement to you, what amonument of your retirement would it be! It is one which would followthat of your public life, and bespeak it the work of the same greathand. I am confident, that would you either alone, or jointly with anypersons you think proper, be willing to direct this business, it wouldremove the only objection, the weight of which I apprehend. "

[Sidenote: Recommends the opening and improving the inland navigationof the great rivers in Virginia. ]

In the autumn of 1784, General Washington made a tour as far west asPittsburgh; after returning from which, his first moments of leisurewere devoted to the task of engaging his countrymen in a work whichappeared to him to merit still more attention from its political, thanfrom its commercial influence on the union. In a long and interestingletter to Mr. Harrison, then governor of Virginia, he detailed theadvantages which might be derived from opening the great rivers, thePotomac and the James, as high as should be practicable. After statingwith his accustomed exactness the distances, and the difficulties tobe surmounted in bringing the trade of the west to different points onthe Atlantic, he expressed unequivocally the opinion, that the riversof Virginia afforded a more convenient, and a more direct course thancould be found elsewhere, for that rich and increasing commerce. Thiswas strongly urged as a motive for immediately commencing the work. But the rivers of the Atlantic constituted only a part of the greatplan he contemplated. He suggested the appointment of commissioners ofintegrity and abilities, exempt from the suspicion of prejudice, whoseduty it should be, after an accurate examination of the James and thePotomac, to search out the nearest and best portages between thosewaters and the streams capable of improvement, which run into theOhio. Those streams were to be accurately surveyed, the impediments totheir navigation ascertained, and their relative advantages examined. The navigable waters west of the Ohio, towards the great lakes, werealso to be traced to their sources, and those which empty into thelakes to be followed to their mouths. "These things being done, and anaccurate map of the whole presented to the public, he was persuadedthat reason would dictate what was right and proper. " For theexecution of this latter part of his plan he had also much reliance oncongress; and in addition to the general advantages to be drawn fromthe measure, he laboured, in his letters to the members of that body, to establish the opinion, that the surveys he recommended would add tothe revenue, by enhancing the value of the lands offered for sale. "Nature, " he said, "had made such an ample display of her bounties inthose regions, that the more the country was explored, the more itwould rise in estimation. "

The assent and co-operation of Maryland being indispensable to theimprovement of the Potomac, he was equally earnest in his endeavoursto impress a conviction of its superior advantages on thoseindividuals who possessed most influence in that state. In doing so, he detailed the measures which would unquestionably be adopted by NewYork and Pennsylvania, for acquiring the monopoly of the westerncommerce, and the difficulty which would be found in diverting it fromthe channel it had once taken. "I am not, " he added, "for discouragingthe exertions of any state to draw the commerce of the western countryto its sea-ports. The more communications we open to it, the closer webind that rising world (for indeed it may be so called) to ourinterests, and the greater strength shall we acquire by it. Those towhom nature affords the best communication, will, if they are wise, enjoy the greatest share of the trade. All I would be understood tomean, therefore, is, that the gifts of Providence may not beneglected. "

But the light in which this subject would be viewed with mostinterest, and which gave to it most importance, was its politicalinfluence on the union. "I need not remark to you, sir, " said he inhis letter to the governor of Virginia, "that the flanks and rear ofthe United States are possessed by other powers, --and formidable onestoo: need I press the necessity of applying the cement ofinterest to bind all parts of the union together by indissolublebonds, --especially of binding that part of it which lies immediatelywest of us, to the middle states. For what ties, let me ask, should wehave upon those people, how entirely unconnected with them shall webe, and what troubles may we not apprehend, if the Spaniards on theirright, and Great Britain on their left, instead of throwingimpediments in their way as they now do, should hold out lures fortheir trade and alliance? when they get strength, which will be soonerthan most people conceive, what will be the consequence of theirhaving formed close commercial connexions with both, or either ofthose powers? it needs not, in my opinion, the gift of prophecy toforetell. "

This idea was enlarged and pressed with much earnestness, in hisletters to several members of congress. 

The letter to the governor was communicated to the assembly ofVirginia, and the internal improvements it recommended were zealouslysupported by the wisest members of that body. While the subjectremained undecided, General Washington, accompanied by the Marquis deLafayette, who had crossed the Atlantic, and had devoted a part of histime to the delights of an enthusiastic friendship, paid a visit tothe capital of the state. Never was reception more cordial, or moredemonstrative of respect and affection, than was given to thesebeloved personages. But amidst the display of addresses and ofentertainments which were produced by the occasion, the great businessof internal improvements was not forgotten; and the ardour of themoment was seized to conquer those objections to the plan, which yetlingered in the bosoms of members who could perceive in it no futureadvantages to compensate for the present expense. 

An exact conformity between the acts of Virginia and of Maryland, being indispensable to the improvement of the Potomac, the friends ofthe measure deemed it adviseable to avail themselves of the sameinfluence with the latter state, which had been successfully employedwith the former; and a resolution was passed, soon after the return ofGeneral Washington to Mount Vernon, requesting him[23] to attend thelegislature of Maryland, in order to agree on a bill which mightreceive the sanction of both states. This agreement being happilycompleted, the bills were enacted which form the first essay towardsconnecting the navigation of the eastern with the western waters ofthe United States. 

 [Footnote 23: General Gates was associated with him in the mission. ]

These acts were succeeded by one, which conveys the liberal wishes ofthe legislature, with a delicacy scarcely less honourable to itsframers, than to him who was its object. The treasurer had beeninstructed to subscribe, in behalf of the state, for a specifiednumber of shares in each company. Just at the close of the session, when no refusal of their offer could be communicated to them, a billwas suddenly brought in, which received the unanimous assent of bothhouses, authorizing the treasurer to subscribe for the benefit ofGeneral Washington, the same number of shares in each company as wereto be taken for the state. A preamble was prefixed to the enactingclause of this bill[24] in which its greatest value consisted. Withsimple elegance, it conveyed the sentiment, that in seizing thisoccasion, to make a donation which would in some degree testify theirsense of the merits of their most favoured and most illustriouscitizen, the donors would themselves be the obliged. 

 [Footnote 24: It is in these words; "whereas it is the desire of the representatives of this commonwealth to embrace every suitable occasion of testifying their sense of the unexampled merits of George Washington, esquire, towards his country, and it is their wish in particular that those great works for its improvement, which both as springing from the liberty which he has been so instrumental in establishing, and as encouraged by his patronage, will be durable monuments of his glory, may be made monuments also of the gratitude of his country. Be it enacted, &c. " This bill is understood to have been drawn by Mr. Madison. ]

However delightful might be the sensations produced by this delicateand flattering testimony of the affection of his fellow citizens, itwas not without its embarrassments. From his early resolution toreceive no pecuniary compensation for his services, he could notpermit himself to depart; and yet this mark of the gratitude andattachment of his country, could not easily be rejected withoutfurnishing occasion for sentiments he was unwilling to excite. To thefriend[25] who conveyed to him the first intelligence of this bill, his difficulties were thus expressed. 

 [Footnote 25: Mr. Madison. ]

[Sidenote: He declines accepting a donation made to him by his nativestate. ]

"It is not easy for me to decide by which my mind was most affectedupon the receipt of your letter of the sixth instant--surprise orgratitude. Both were greater than I had words to express. Theattention and good wishes which the assembly has evidenced by theiract for vesting in me one hundred and fifty shares in the navigationof the rivers Potomac and James, is more than mere compliment, --thereis an unequivocal and substantial meaning annexed. But, believe me, sir, no circumstance has happened since I left the walks of publiclife which has so much embarrassed me. On the one hand, I considerthis act, as I have already observed, as a noble and unequivocal proofof the good opinion, the affection, and disposition of my country toserve me; and I should be hurt, if by declining the acceptance of it, my refusal should be construed into disrespect, or the smallest slightupon the generous intention of the legislature; or that anostentatious display of disinterestedness, or public virtue, was thesource of refusal. 

"On the other hand, it is really my wish to have my mind and myactions, which are the result of reflection, as free and independentas the air, that I may be more at liberty (in things which myopportunities and experience have brought me to the knowledge of) toexpress my sentiments, and if necessary, to suggest what may occur tome, under the fullest conviction that, although my judgment may bearraigned, there will be no suspicion that sinister motives had thesmallest influence in the suggestion. Not content then with the bareconsciousness of my having in all this navigation business, acted uponthe clearest conviction of the political importance of the measure, Iwould wish that every individual who may hear that it was a favouriteplan of mine, may know also, that I had no other motive for promotingit, than the advantage of which I conceived it would be productive tothe union at large, and to this state in particular, by cementing theeastern and western territory together, at the same time that it willgive vigour and increase to our commerce, and be a convenience to ourcitizens. "

At length he determined, in the same letter which should convey hisresolution not to retain the shares for his private emolument, tosignify his willingness to hold them in trust for such publicinstitution as the legislature should approve. The following letterconveyed this resolution to the general assembly, through the governorof the state. 

(October, 1785. )

"Sir, "Your excellency having been pleased to transmit me a copy of the actappropriating to my benefit certain shares in the companies foropening the navigation of James and Potomac rivers, I take the libertyof returning to the general assembly through your hands, the profoundand grateful acknowledgments inspired by so signal a mark of theirbeneficent intentions towards me. I beg you, sir, to assure them, thatI am filled on this occasion with every sentiment which can flow froma heart warm with love for my country, sensible to every token of itsapprobation and affection, and solicitous to testify in every instancea respectful submission to its wishes. 

"With these sentiments in my bosom, I need not dwell on the anxiety Ifeel in being obliged, in this instance, to decline a favour which isrendered no less flattering by the manner in which it is conveyed, than it is affectionate in itself. In explaining this, I pass over acomparison of my endeavours in the public service, with the manyhonourable testimonies of approbation which have already so faroverrated, and overpaid them--reciting one consideration only whichsupersedes the necessity of recurring to every other. 

"When I was first called to the station with which I was honouredduring the late conflict for our liberties, to the diffidence which Ihad so many reasons to feel in accepting it, I thought it my duty tojoin a firm resolution to shut my hand against every pecuniaryrecompense. To this resolution I have invariably adhered, and from it(if I had the inclination) I do not consider myself at liberty now todepart. 

"Whilst I repeat therefore my fervent acknowledgments to thelegislature, for their very kind sentiments and intentions in myfavour, and at the same time beg them to be persuaded that aremembrance of this singular proof of their goodness towards me, willnever cease to cherish returns of the warmest affection and gratitude, I must pray that their act, so far as it has for its object mypersonal emolument, may not have its effect; but if it should pleasethe general assembly to permit me to turn the destination of the fundvested in me, from my private emolument, to objects of a publicnature, it will be my study, in selecting these, to prove thesincerity of my gratitude for the honour conferred upon me, bypreferring such as may appear most subservient to the enlightened andpatriotic views of the legislature. "

The wish suggested in this letter, immediately received the sanctionof the legislature; and at a subsequent time, the trust was executedby conveying the shares respectively to the use of a seminary oflearning established in the vicinity of each river. 

General Washington felt too strong an interest in the success of theseworks, to refuse the presidency of the companies instituted for theircompletion. In conducting the affairs of the Potomac company, he tookan active part: to that formed for opening the navigation of theJames, he could only give his counsel. 

These were not the only institutions which occasionally drew thefarmer of Mount Vernon from his retreat, and continued him in thepublic view. 

The sentiments with which the officers of the American armycontemplated a final separation from each other, will be comprehendedby all who are conversant with the finest feelings of the human heart. Companions in virtuous suffering, in danger, and in glory--attached toeach other by common exertions made in a severe struggle for theattainment of a common object--they felt that to part for ever was acalamity too afflicting to be supported. The means of perpetuatingthose friendships which had been formed, and of renewing thatendearing social intercourse which had taken place in camp, wereuniversally desired. Perhaps, too, that _esprit de corps_ which, identifying the individual with the community, transfers to theaggregate of the society a portion of that self-love which is felt byevery private person, and which inspires in the members with arepugnance to the dissolution of the political, not unlike in effectto that which is excited at the dissolution of the natural body, wasnot without its influence in suggesting some expedient which mightpreserve the memory of the army, while it cheered the officers whowere on the point of separating, with the hope that the separationwould not be eternal: that at distant intervals, they might stillcommunicate with each other: that the bonds by which they wereconnected would not be totally dissolved: and that, for manybeneficial purposes, the patriots of the American army would stillform one great society. 

[Sidenote: Establishment of the society of the Cincinnati of which heis elected president. ]

This idea was suggested by General Knox, and was matured in a meetingcomposed of the generals, and of deputies from the regiments, at whichMajor General the Baron Steuben presided. An agreement was thenentered into, by which the officers were to constitute themselves intoone society of friends, to endure as long as they should endure, orany of their eldest male posterity; and, in failure thereof, anycollateral branches who might be judged worthy of becoming itssupporters and members, were to be admitted into it. To mark theirveneration for that celebrated Roman between whose situation and theirown they found some similitude, they were to be denominated, "TheSociety of the Cincinnati. " Individuals of the respective states, distinguished for their patriotism and abilities, might be admitted ashonorary members for life, provided their numbers should at no timeexceed a ratio of one to four. 

The society was to be designated by a medal of gold representing theAmerican eagle bearing on its breast the devices of the order, whichwas to be suspended by a ribbon of deep blue edged with white, descriptive of the union of America and France. To the ministers whohad represented his Most Christian Majesty at Philadelphia, to theadmirals who had commanded in the American seas, to the Count deRochambeau, and the generals and colonels of the French troops who hadserved in the United States, the insignia of the order were to bepresented, and they were to be invited to consider themselves asmembers of the society; at the head of which the Commander-in-chiefwas respectfully solicited to place his name. An incessant attention, on the part of the members, to the preservation of the exalted rightsand liberties of human nature for which they had fought and bled, andan unalterable determination to promote and cherish between therespective states, union and national honour, were declared to be theimmutable principles of the society. Its objects were, to perpetuatethe remembrance of the American revolution, as well as cordialaffection and the spirit of brotherly kindness among the officers; andto extend acts of beneficence to those officers and their families, whose situation might require assistance. To give effect to thecharitable object of the institution, a common fund was to be createdby the deposite of one month's pay on the part of every officerbecoming a member; the product of which fund, after defraying certainnecessary charges, was to be sacredly appropriated to this humanepurpose. 

The military gentlemen of each state were to constitute a distinctsociety, deputies from which were to assemble triennially, in order toform a general meeting for the regulation of general concerns. 

Without encountering any open opposition, this institution was carriedinto complete effect; and its honours were sought, especially by theforeign officers, with great avidity. But soon after it was organized, those jealousies which in its first moments had been concealed, burstforth into open view. In October, 1783, a pamphlet was published byMr. Burk of South Carolina, for the purpose of rousing theapprehensions of the public, and of directing its resentments againstthe society. Perceiving or believing that he perceived, in theCincinnati, the foundation of an hereditary order, whose base, fromassociating with the military the chiefs of the powerful families ineach state, would acquire a degree of solidity and strength admittingof any superstructure, he portrayed, in the fervid and infectiouslanguage of passion, the dangers to result from the fabric which wouldbe erected on it. The ministers of the United States too in Europe, and the political theorists who cast their eyes towards the west forsupport to favourite systems, having the privileged orders constantlyin view, were loud in their condemnations of an institution from whicha race of nobles was expected to spring. The alarm was spreadthroughout every state, and a high degree of jealousy pervaded themass of the people. In Massachusetts, the subject was even taken up bythe legislature; and it was well understood that, in congress, thesociety was viewed with secret disapprobation. 

"It was impossible for General Washington to view with indifferencethis state of the public feeling. Bound to the officers of his army bythe strictest ties of esteem and affection, conscious of their merits, and assured of their attachment to his person, he was alive to everything which might affect their reputation, or their interests. Howeverinnocent the institution might be in itself, or however laudable itsreal objects, if the impression it made on the public mind was such asto draw a line of distinction between the military men of America andtheir fellow citizens, he was earnest in his wishes to adopt suchmeasures as would efface that impression. However ill founded thepublic prejudices might be, he thought this a case in which they oughtto be respected; and, if it should be found impracticable to convincethe people that their fears were misplaced, he was disposed to yieldto them in a degree, and not to suffer that which was intended for thebest of purposes, to produce a bad one. "

A general meeting was to be held in Philadelphia in May, 1784; and, inthe mean time, he had been appointed the temporary president. 

To prepare the officers for those fundamental changes in theprinciples of the society, which he contemplated as a necessarysacrifice to the public apprehensions, his ideas were suggested to hismilitary correspondents; and to give weight to the measures whichmight be recommended, his utmost influence was exerted to obtain afull assemblage of deputies, which should be respectable for itsnumbers, and for its wisdom. 

Officers of high respectability entertained different opinions onsurrendering those parts of the institution which were deemedobjectionable. By some, the public clamour was attributed to a spiritof persecution, which only attached them more closely to the order. Many, it was said, were in quest of a cause of quarrel with their lateprotectors; and the removal of one ground of accusation against them, would only induce the substitution of some other. The source of theuneasiness which had been manifested was to be found in the temper ofthe people, not in the matters of which they complained; and if thepresent cause of irritation was removed, their ill humour would beopenly and avowedly directed against the commutation. 

General Washington was too much in the habit of considering subjectsof difficulty in various points of view, and of deciding on them withcoolness and deliberation, to permit his affections to influence hisjudgment. The most exact inquiries, assiduously made into the truestate of the public mind, resulted in a conviction that opinionsunfriendly to the institution, in its actual form, were extensivelyentertained; and that those opinions were founded, not in hostility tothe late army, but in real apprehensions for equal liberty. 

A wise and necessary policy required, he thought, the removal of theseapprehensions; and, at the general meeting in May, the hereditaryprinciple, and the power of adopting honorary members, wererelinquished. The result demonstrated the propriety of thisalteration. Although a few who always perceive most danger where noneexists, and the visionaries then abounding in Europe, continued theirprophetic denunciations against the order, America dismissed herfears; and, notwithstanding the refusal of one or two of the statesocieties to adopt the measures recommended by the general meeting, the members of the Cincinnati were received as brethren into the bosomof their country. 

[Sidenote: The causes which led to a change of the government of theUnited States. ]

While General Washington thus devoted a great part of his time torural pursuits, to the duties of friendship, and to institutions ofpublic utility, the political state of his country, becoming dailymore embarrassed, attracted more and more deeply the anxioussolicitude of every enlightened and virtuous patriot. From peace, fromindependence, and from governments of their own choice, the UnitedStates had confidently anticipated every blessing. The glorioustermination of their contest with one of the most powerful nations ofthe earth; the steady and persevering courage with which that contesthad been maintained; and the unyielding firmness with which theprivations attending it had been supported, had surrounded the infantrepublics with a great degree of splendour, and had bestowed upon thema character which could be preserved only by a national and dignifiedsystem of conduct. A very short time was sufficient to demonstrate, that something not yet possessed was requisite, to insure the publicand private prosperity expected to flow from self government. After ashort struggle so to administer the existing system, as to make itcompetent to the great objects for which it was instituted, the effortbecame apparently desperate; and American affairs were impelledrapidly to a crisis, on which the continuance of the United States, asa nation, appeared to depend. 

In tracing the causes which led to this interesting state of things, it will be necessary to carry back our attention to the conclusion ofthe war. 

A government authorized to declare war, but relying on independentstates for the means of prosecuting it; capable of contracting debts, and of pledging the public faith for their payment, but depending onthirteen distinct sovereignties for the preservation of that faith, could not be rescued from ignominy and contempt, but by finding thosesovereignties administered by men exempt from the passions incident tohuman nature. 

The debts of the union were computed, on the first of January, 1783, at somewhat more than forty millions of dollars. "If, " say congress, in an address to the states, urging that the means of payment shouldbe placed in their hands, "other motives than that of justice could berequisite on this occasion, no nation could ever feel stronger; for towhom are the debts to be paid?

"_To an ally_, in the first place, who to the exertion of his arms insupport of our cause has added the succours of his treasure; who tohis important loans has added liberal donations, and whose loansthemselves carry the impression of his magnanimity and friendship. 

"_To individuals in a foreign country_, in the next place, who werethe first to give so precious a token of their confidence in ourjustice, and of their friendship for our cause, and who are members ofa republic which was second in espousing our rank among nations. 

"Another class of creditors is, that _illustrious and patriotic band offellow citizens_, whose blood and whose bravery have defended theliberties of their country, who have patiently borne, among otherdistresses, the privation of their stipends, whilst the distresses oftheir country disabled it from bestowing them: and who, even now, askfor no more than such a portion of their dues, as will enable them toretire from the field of victory and glory, into the bosom of peaceand private citizenship, and for such effectual security for theresidue of their claims, as their country is now unquestionably ableto provide. 

"The remaining class of creditors is composed partly of such of ourfellow citizens as originally lent to the public the use of theirfunds, or have since manifested most confidence in their country, byreceiving transfers from the lenders; and partly of those whoseproperty has been either advanced or assumed for the public service. To discriminate the merits of these several descriptions of creditors, would be a task equally unnecessary and invidious. If the voice ofhumanity plead more loudly in favour of some than of others, the voiceof policy, no less than of justice, pleads in favour of all. A wisenation will never permit those who relieve the wants of their country, or who rely most on its faith, its firmness, and its resources, wheneither of them is distrusted, to suffer by the event. "

In a government constituted like that of the United States, it wouldreadily be expected that great contrariety of sentiment would prevail, respecting the principles on which its affairs should be conducted. Ithas been already stated that the continent was divided into two greatpolitical parties, the one of which contemplated America as a nation, and laboured incessantly to invest the federal head with powerscompetent to the preservation of the union. The other attached itselfto the state government, viewed all the powers of congress withjealousy, and assented reluctantly to measures which would enable thehead to act, in any respect, independently of the members. Men ofenlarged and liberal minds who, in the imbecility of a generalgovernment, by which alone the capacities of the nation could beefficaciously exerted, could discern the imbecility of the nationitself; who, viewing the situation of the world, could perceive thedangers to which these young republics were exposed, if not heldtogether by a cement capable of preserving a beneficial connexion; whofelt the full value of national honour, and the full obligation ofnational faith; and who were persuaded of the insecurity of both, ifresting for their preservation on the concurrence of thirteen distinctsovereigns; arranged themselves generally in the first party. Theofficers of the army, whose local prejudices had been weakened byassociating with each other, and whose experience had furnishedlessons on the inefficacy of requisitions which were not soon to beforgotten, threw their weight almost universally into the same scale. 

The other party, if not more intelligent, was more numerous, and morepowerful. It was sustained by prejudices and feelings which grewwithout effort, and gained strength from the intimate connexionssubsisting between a state and its citizens. It required a concurrenceof extrinsic circumstances to force on minds unwilling to receive thedemonstration, a conviction of the necessity of an effective nationalgovernment, and to give even a temporary ascendency to that partywhich had long foreseen and deplored the crisis to which the affairsof the United States were hastening. 

Sensible that the character of the government would be decided, in aconsiderable degree, by the measures which should immediately followthe treaty of peace, gentlemen of the first political abilities andintegrity sought a place in the congress of 1783. Combining theirefforts for the establishment of principles on which the honour andthe interest of the nation were believed to depend, they exerted alltheir talents to impress on the several states, the necessity ofconferring on the government of the union, powers which might becompetent to its preservation, and which would enable it to complywith the engagements it had formed. With unwearied perseverance theydigested and obtained the assent of congress to a system, which, though unequal to what their wishes would have prepared, or theirjudgments have approved, was believed to be the best that wasattainable. The great object in view was, "to restore and supportpublic credit, " to effect which it was necessary, "to obtain from thestates substantial funds for funding the whole debt of the UnitedStates. "

The committee[26] to whom this interesting subject was referred, reported sundry resolutions, recommending it to the several states, tovest in congress permanent and productive funds adequate to theimmediate payment of the interest on the national debt, and to thegradual extinction of the principal. A change in the rule by which theproportions of the different states were to be ascertained, was alsorecommended. In lieu of that article of the confederation whichapportions on them the sums required for the public treasury, according to the value of their located lands with the improvementsthereon, it was proposed to substitute another more capable ofexecution, which should make the population of each state the measureof its contribution. [27]

 [Footnote 26: Mr. Fitzsimmons, and Mr. Rutledge. ]

 [Footnote 27: On a subsequent occasion, an attempt was made to obtain a resolution of congress, recommending as an additional amendment to the eighth article of the confederation, that the taxes for the use of the continent should be laid and levied separate from any other tax, and should be paid directly into the national treasury; and that the collectors respectively should be liable to an execution to be issued by the treasurer, or his deputy, under the direction of congress, for any arrears of taxes by him to be collected, which should not be paid into the treasury in conformity with the requisitions of congress. 

 Such was the prevalence of state policy, even in the government of the union, or such the conviction of the inutility of recommending such an amendment, that a vote of congress could not be obtained for asking this salutary regulation as a security for the revenue only for eight years. ]

To the application which congress had made during the war for power tolevy an impost of five per cent on imported and prize goods, one statehad never assented, and another had withdrawn the assent it hadpreviously given. 

It was impossible to yield to some of the objections which had beenmade to this measure, because they went to the certain destruction ofthe system itself; but in points where the alterations demanded, though mischievous, were not fatal to the plan, it was thoughtadviseable to accommodate the recommendations of the government to theprejudices which had been disclosed. It had been insisted that thepower of appointing persons to collect the duties, would enablecongress to introduce into a state, officers unknown and unaccountableto the government thereof; and that a power to collect an indefinitesum for an indefinite time, for the expenditure of which that bodycould not be accountable to the states, would render it independent ofits constituents, and would be dangerous to liberty. To obviate theseobjections, the proposition now made was so modified, that the grantwas to be limited to twenty-five years; was to be strictlyappropriated to the debt contracted on account of the war; and was tobe collected by persons to be appointed by the respective states. 

After a debate, which the tedious mode of conducting businessprotracted for several weeks, the report was adopted; and a committee, consisting of Mr. Madison, Mr. Hamilton, and Mr. Ellsworth, wasappointed to prepare an address, which should accompany therecommendation to the several states. 

After a full explanation of the principles on which the system hadbeen framed, this address proceeds:--"The plan thus communicated andexplained by congress, must now receive its fate from theirconstituents. All the objects comprised in it are conceived to be ofgreat importance to the happiness of this confederated republic, arenecessary to render the fruits of the revolution a full reward for theblood, the toils, the cares and the calamities which have purchasedit. But the object of which the necessity will be peculiarly felt, andwhich it is peculiarly the duty of congress to inculcate, is theprovision recommended for the national debt. Although this debt isgreater than could have been wished, it is still less on the wholethan could have been expected; and when referred to the cause in whichit has been incurred, and compared with the burthens which wars ofambition and of vain glory have entailed on other nations, ought to beborne not only with cheerfulness but with pride. But the magnitude ofthe debt makes no part of the question. It is sufficient that the debthas been fairly contracted, and that justice and good faith demandthat it should be fully discharged. Congress had no option but betweendifferent modes of discharging it. The same option is the only onethat can exist with the states. The mode which has, after long andelaborate discussion, been preferred, is, we are persuaded, the leastobjectionable of any that would have been equal to the purpose. Underthis persuasion, we call upon the justice and plighted faith of theseveral states to give it its proper effect, to reflect on theconsequences of rejecting it, and to remember that congress will notbe answerable for them. "

After expatiating on the merits of the several creditors, the reportconcludes, "let it be remembered finally, that it ever has been thepride and boast of America, that the rights for which she contended, were the rights of human nature. By the blessing of the Author ofthese rights, on the means exerted for their defence, they haveprevailed against all opposition, and formed the basis of thirteenindependent states. No instance has heretofore occurred, nor can anyinstance be expected hereafter to occur, in which the unadulteratedforms of republican government can pretend to so fair an opportunityof justifying themselves by their fruits. In this view, the citizensof the United States are responsible for the greatest trust everconfided to a political society. If justice, good faith, honour, gratitude, and all the other good qualities which ennoble thecharacter of a nation, and fulfil the ends of government, be thefruits of our establishments, the cause of liberty will acquire adignity and lustre which it has never yet enjoyed; and an example willbe set, which can not but have the most favourable influence on therights of mankind. If, on the other side, our governments should beunfortunately blotted with the reverse of these cardinal and essentialvirtues, the great cause which we have engaged to vindicate will bedishonoured and betrayed; the last and fairest experiment in favour ofthe rights of human nature will be turned against them, and theirpatrons and friends exposed to be insulted and silenced by thevotaries of tyranny and usurpation. "

For the complete success of the plan recommended by congress, noperson felt more anxious solicitude than General Washington. Of thevital importance of UNION, no man could be more entirely persuaded;and of the obligations of the government to its creditors, no mancould feel a stronger conviction. His conspicuous station had renderedhim peculiarly sensible to their claims; and he had unavoidably beenpersonally instrumental in the creation of a part of them. All thefeelings of his heart were deeply engaged in the payment of some ofthe creditors, and that high sense of national honour, of nationaljustice, and of national faith, of which elevated minds endowed withintegrity can never be divested, impelled him to take a stronginterest in the security of all. Availing himself of the usage ofcommunicating on national subjects with the state governments, and ofthe opportunity, which his approaching resignation of the command ofthe army gave, impressively to convey his sentiments to them, he haddetermined to employ all the influence which the circumstances of hislife had created, in a solemn recommendation of measures, on which hebelieved the happiness and prosperity of his country to depend. On theeighth of June, 1783, he addressed to the governors of the severalstates respectively, the paternal and affectionate letter whichfollows. 

[Sidenote: Letters of General Washington to the governors of theseveral states. ]

"Sir, "The great object for which I had the honour to hold an appointment inthe service of my country being accomplished, I am now preparing toresign it into the hands of congress, and to return to that domesticretirement which, it is well known, I left with the greatestreluctance; a retirement for which I have never ceased to sigh througha long and painful absence, and in which (remote from the noise andtrouble of the world) I meditate to pass the remainder of life in astate of undisturbed repose. But before I carry this resolution intoeffect, I think it a duty incumbent upon me, to make this my lastofficial communication; to congratulate you on the glorious eventswhich heaven has been pleased to produce in our favour; to offer mysentiments respecting some important subjects which appear to me to beintimately connected with the tranquillity of the United States: totake my leave of your excellency as a public character: and to give myfinal blessing to that country in whose service I have spent the primeof my life, for whose sake I have consumed so many anxious days andwatchful nights, and whose happiness, being extremely dear to me, willalways constitute no inconsiderable part of my own. 

"Impressed with the liveliest sensibility on this pleasing occasion, Iwill claim the indulgence of dilating the more copiously on thesubjects of our mutual felicitation. When we consider the magnitude ofthe prize we contended for, the doubtful nature of the contest, andthe favourable manner in which it has terminated, we shall find thegreatest possible reason for gratitude and rejoicing. This is a themethat will afford infinite delight to every benevolent and liberalmind, whether the event in contemplation be considered as the sourceof present enjoyment, or the parent of future happiness: and we shallhave equal occasion to felicitate ourselves on the lot whichProvidence has assigned us, whether we view it in a natural, apolitical, or moral point of light. 

"The citizens of America, placed in the most enviable condition, asthe sole lords and proprietors of a vast tract of continent, comprehending all the various soils and climates of the world, andabounding with all the necessaries and conveniencies of life, are now, by the late satisfactory pacification, acknowledged to be possessed ofabsolute freedom and independency. They are from this period, to beconsidered as the actors on a most conspicuous theatre, which seems tobe peculiarly designated by Providence for the display of humangreatness and felicity. Here they are not only surrounded with everything which can contribute to the completion of private and domesticenjoyment; but heaven has crowned all its other blessings, by giving afairer opportunity for political happiness, than any other nation hasever been favoured with. Nothing can illustrate these observationsmore forcibly, than a recollection of the happy conjuncture of timesand circumstances, under which our republic assumed its rank among thenations. The foundation of our empire was not laid in the gloomy ageof ignorance and superstition, but at an epoch when the rights ofmankind were better understood, and more clearly defined, than at anyformer period. The researches of the human mind after social happinesshave been carried to a great extent; the treasures of knowledgeacquired by the labours of philosophers, sages, and legislators, through a long succession of years, are laid open for our use; andtheir collected wisdom may be happily employed in the establishment ofour forms of government. The free cultivation of letters; theunbounded extension of commerce; the progressive refinement ofmanners; the growing liberality of sentiment; and above all, the pureand benign light of revelation; have had a meliorating influence onmankind, and increased the blessings of society. At this auspiciousperiod, the United States came into existence as a nation; and iftheir citizens should not be completely free and happy, the fault willbe entirely their own. 

"Such is our situation, and such are our prospects. Butnotwithstanding the cup of blessing is thus reached out to us;notwithstanding happiness is ours, if we have a disposition to seizethe occasion, and make it our own; yet, it appears to me, there is anoption still left to the United States of America; that it is in theirchoice, and depends upon their conduct, whether they will berespectable and prosperous, or contemptible and miserable as a nation. This is the time of their political probation; this is the moment whenthe eyes of the whole world are turned upon them; this is the momentto establish or ruin their national character forever; this is thefavourable moment to give such a tone to our federal government, aswill enable it to answer the ends of its institution, or this may bethe ill-fated moment for relaxing the powers of the union, annihilating the cement of the confederation, and exposing us tobecome the sport of European politics, which may play one stateagainst another, to prevent their growing importance, and to servetheir own interested purposes. For according to the system of policythe states shall adopt at this moment, they will stand or fall; and bytheir confirmation or lapse, it is yet to be decided, whether therevolution must ultimately be considered a blessing or a curse:--ablessing or a curse not to the present age alone, for with our fatewill the destiny of unborn millions be involved. 

"With this conviction of the importance of the present crisis, silencein me would be a crime. I will therefore speak to your excellency thelanguage of freedom and of sincerity, without disguise. I am aware, however, that those who differ from me in political sentiment, mayperhaps remark that I am stepping out of the proper line of my duty, and may possibly ascribe to arrogance or ostentation, what I know isalone the result of the purest intentions. But the rectitude of my ownheart, which disdains such unworthy motives; the part I have hithertoacted in life; the determination I have formed of not taking any sharein public business hereafter; the ardent desire I feel, and shallcontinue to manifest, of quietly enjoying, in private life, after allthe toils of war, the benefits of a wise and liberal government: will, I flatter myself, sooner or later convince my countrymen, that I couldhave no sinister views in delivering with so little reserve theopinions contained in this address. 

"There are four things which I humbly conceive are essential to thewell being, I may even venture to say, to the existence of the UnitedStates as an independent power. 

1st. An indissoluble union of the states under one federal head. 

2d. A sacred regard to public justice. 

3d. The adoption of a proper peace establishment, and, 4th. The prevalence of that pacific and friendly disposition, amongthe people of the United States, which will induce them to forgettheir local prejudices and politics, to make those mutual concessionswhich are requisite to the general prosperity, and in some instances, to sacrifice their individual advantages to the interest of thecommunity. 

"These are the pillars on which the glorious fabric of ourindependency and national character must be supported. Liberty is thebasis, and whoever would dare to sap the foundation, or overturn thestructure, under whatever specious pretext he may attempt it, willmerit the bitterest execration, and the severest punishment, which canbe inflicted by his injured country. 

"On the three first articles, I will make a few observations, leavingthe last to the good sense and serious consideration of thoseimmediately concerned. 

"Under the first head, although it may not be necessary or proper forme, in this place, to enter into a particular disquisition of theprinciples of the union, and to take up the great question which hasfrequently been agitated, whether it be expedient and requisite forthe states to delegate a larger proportion of power to congress ornot; yet it will be a part of my duty, and that of every true patriot, to assert without reserve, and to insist upon the following positions:that unless the states will suffer congress to exercise thoseprerogatives they are undoubtedly invested with by the constitution, every thing must very rapidly tend to anarchy and confusion: that itis indispensable to the happiness of the individual states, that thereshould be lodged somewhere a supreme power to regulate and govern thegeneral concerns of the confederated republic, without which the unioncan not be of long duration: that there must be a faithful and pointedcompliance, on the part of every state, with the late proposals anddemands of congress, or the most fatal consequences will ensue: thatwhatever measures have a tendency to dissolve the union, or contributeto violate or lessen the sovereign authority, ought to be consideredas hostile to the liberty and independence of America, and the authorsof them treated accordingly: and lastly, that unless we can beenabled, by the concurrence of the states, to participate of thefruits of the revolution, and enjoy the essential benefits of civilsociety, under a form of government so free and uncorrupted, sohappily guarded against the danger of oppression as has been devisedand adopted by the articles of confederation, it will be a subject ofregret, that so much blood and treasure have been lavished for nopurpose; that so many sufferings have been encountered without acompensation; and that so many sacrifices have been made in vain. Manyother considerations might here be adduced to prove, that without anentire conformity to the spirit of the union, we can not exist as anindependent power. It will be sufficient for my purpose to mention oneor two, which seem to me of the greatest importance. It is only in ourunited character that we are known as an empire, that our independenceis acknowledged, that our power can be regarded, or our creditsupported among foreign nations. The treaties of the European powerswith the United States of America, will have no validity on adissolution of the union. We shall be left nearly in a state ofnature, or we may find, by our own unhappy experience, that there is anatural and necessary progression from the extreme of anarchy to theextreme of tyranny; and that arbitrary power is most easilyestablished on the ruins of liberty abused to licentiousness. 

"As to the second article, which respects the performance of publicjustice, congress have in their late address to the United States, almost exhausted the subject. They have explained their ideas sofully, and have enforced the obligations the states are under, torender complete justice to all the public creditors, with so muchdignity and energy, that in my opinion, no real friend to the honourand independency of America, can hesitate a single moment respectingthe propriety of complying with the just and honourable measuresproposed. If their arguments do not produce conviction, I know ofnothing that will have greater influence; especially when we recollectthat the system referred to, being the result of the collected wisdomof the continent, must be esteemed, if not perfect, certainly theleast objectionable of any that could be devised; and that if itshould not be carried into immediate execution, a national bankruptcy, with all its deplorable consequences, will take place before anydifferent plan can possibly be proposed and adopted. So pressing arethe present circumstances, and such is the alternative now offered tothe states. 

"The ability of the country to discharge the debts which have beenincurred in its defence is not to be doubted; an inclination I flattermyself will not be wanting. The path of our duty is plain beforeus--honesty will be found, on every experiment, to be the best andonly true policy. Let us then as a nation, be just; let us fulfil thepublic contracts which congress had undoubtedly a right to make, forthe purpose of carrying on the war, with the same good faith wesuppose ourselves bound to perform our private engagements. In themean time, let an attention to the cheerful performance of theirproper business as individuals, and as members of society, beearnestly inculcated on the citizens of America. Then will theystrengthen the hands of government, and be happy under its protection. Every one will reap the fruit of his labours; every one will enjoy hisown acquisitions, without molestation, and without danger. 

"In this state of absolute freedom and perfect security, who willgrudge to yield a very little of his property to support the commoninterest of society, and insure the protection of government? Who doesnot remember the frequent declarations, at the commencement of thewar, that we should be completely satisfied, if at the expense of onehalf, we could defend the remainder of our possessions? Where is theman to be found who wishes to remain indebted for the defence of hisown person and property, to the exertions, the bravery, and the bloodof others, without making one generous effort to repay the debt ofhonour and of gratitude? In what part of the continent shall we findany man or body of men, who would not blush to stand up and proposemeasures purposely calculated to rob the soldier of his stipend, andthe public creditor of his due? And were it possible that such aflagrant instance of injustice could ever happen, would it not excitethe general indignation, and tend to bring down upon the authors ofsuch measures, the aggravated vengeance of heaven? If, after all, aspirit of disunion, or a temper of obstinacy and perverseness, shouldmanifest itself in any of the states; if such an ungraciousdisposition should attempt to frustrate all the happy effects thatmight be expected to flow from the union; if there should be a refusalto comply with the requisitions for funds to discharge the annualinterest of the public debts; and if that refusal should revive againall those jealousies, and produce all those evils, which are nowhappily removed; congress, who have in all their transactions, shown agreat degree of magnanimity and justice, will stand justified in thesight of God and man; and the state alone which puts itself inopposition to the aggregate wisdom of the continent, and follows suchmistaken and pernicious counsels, will be responsible for all theconsequences. 

"For my own part, conscious of having acted while a servant of thepublic, in the manner I conceived best suited to promote the realinterests of my country; having, in consequence of my fixed belief, insome measure pledged myself to the army, that their country wouldfinally do them complete and ample justice; and not wishing to concealany instance of my official conduct from the eyes of the world; I havethought proper to transmit to your excellency the enclosed collectionof papers, relative to the half pay and commutation granted bycongress to the officers of the army. From these communications, mydecided sentiments will be clearly comprehended, together with theconclusive reasons which induced me, at an early period, to recommendthe adoption of the measure, in the most earnest and serious manner. As the proceedings of congress, the army, and myself, are open to all, and contain, in my opinion, sufficient information to remove theprejudices, and errors, which may have been entertained by any, Ithink it unnecessary to say any thing more than just to observe, thatthe resolutions of congress now alluded to, are undoubtedly asabsolutely binding upon the United States, as the most solemn acts ofconfederation or legislation. As to the idea which I am informed, hasin some instances prevailed, that the half pay and commutation are tobe regarded merely in the odious light of a pension, it ought to beexploded for ever. That provision should be viewed as it really was, areasonable compensation offered by congress, at a time when they hadnothing else to give to the officers of the army, for services then tobe performed. It was the only means to prevent a total dereliction ofthe service. --It was a part of their hire. --I may be allowed to say itwas the price of their blood, and of your independence. It istherefore more than a common debt; it is a debt of honour. It cannever be considered as a pension, or gratuity; nor be cancelled untilit is fairly discharged. 

"With regard to a distinction between officers and soldiers, it issufficient that the uniform experience of every nation of the world, combined with your own, proves the utility and propriety of thediscrimination. Rewards in proportion to the aids the public derivesfrom them, are unquestionably due to all its servants. In some lines, the soldiers have perhaps generally had as ample a compensation fortheir services, by the large bounties which have been paid to them, astheir officers will receive in the proposed commutation; in others, ifbesides the donation of lands, the payment of arrearages, of clothingand wages, (in which articles all the component parts of the army mustbe put upon the same footing, ) we take into the estimate the bountiesmany of the soldiers have received, and the gratuity of one year'sfull pay which is promised to all, possibly their situation (everycircumstance duly considered) will not be deemed less eligible thanthat of the officers. Should a further reward, however, be judgedequitable, I will venture to assert, no one will enjoy greatersatisfaction than myself, on seeing an exemption from taxes for alimited time, (which has been petitioned for in some instances, ) orany other adequate immunity or compensation, granted to the bravedefenders of their country's cause. But neither the adoption norrejection of this proposition will in any manner affect, much lessmilitate against, the act of congress, by which they have offered fiveyears full pay, in lieu of the half pay for life, which had beenbefore promised to the officers of the army. 

"Before I conclude the subject of public justice, I can not omit tomention the obligations this country is under to that meritoriousclass of veteran non-commissioned officers and privates who have beendischarged for inability, in consequence of the resolution of congressof the 23d April, 1782, on an annual pension for life. Their peculiarsufferings, their singular merits, and claims to that provision, needonly be known, to interest all the feelings of humanity in theirbehalf. Nothing but a punctual payment of their annual allowance canrescue them from the most complicated misery, and nothing could be amore melancholy and distressing sight, than to behold those who haveshed their blood or lost their limbs in the service of their country, without a shelter, without a friend, and without the means ofobtaining any of the necessaries or comforts of life; compelled to begtheir daily bread from door to door. Surfer me to recommend those ofthis description, belonging to your state, to the warmest patronage ofyour excellency and your legislature. 

"It is necessary to say but a few words on the third topic which wasproposed, and which regards particularly the defence of the republic, as there can be little doubt but congress will recommend a properpeace establishment for the United States, in which a due attentionwill be paid to the importance of placing the militia of the unionupon a regular and respectable footing. If this should be the case, Iwould beg leave to urge the great advantage of it in the strongestterms. The militia of this country must be considered as the palladiumof our security, and the first effectual resort in case of hostility. It is essential, therefore, that the same system should pervade thewhole; that the formation and discipline of the militia of thecontinent should be absolutely uniform, and that the same species ofarms, accoutrements, and military apparatus should be introduced inevery part of the United States. No one who has not learned it fromexperience, can conceive the difficulty, expense, and confusion, whichresult from a contrary system, or the vague arrangements which havehitherto prevailed. 

"If in treating of political points, a greater latitude than usual hasbeen taken in the course of this address, the importance of thecrisis, and magnitude of the objects in discussion, must be myapology. It is, however, neither my wish nor expectation, that thepreceding observations should claim any regard, except so far as theyshall appear to be dictated by a good intention, consonant to theimmediate rules of justice, calculated to produce a liberal system ofpolicy, and founded on whatever experience may have been acquired by along and close attention to public business. Here I might speak withthe more confidence, from my actual observations; and, if it would notswell this letter (already too prolix) beyond the bounds I hadprescribed myself, I could demonstrate to every mind open toconviction, that in less time, and with much less expense than hasbeen incurred, the war might have been brought to the same happyconclusion, if the resources of the continent could have been properlydrawn forth; that the distresses and disappointments which have veryoften occurred, have, in too many instances, resulted more from a wantof energy in the continental government, than a deficiency of means inthe particular states: that the inefficacy of measures, arising fromthe want of an adequate authority in the supreme power, from a partialcompliance with the requisitions of congress in some of the states, and from a failure of punctuality in others, while it tended to dampthe zeal of those which were more willing to exert themselves, servedalso to accumulate the expenses of the war, and to frustrate the bestconcerted plans; and that the discouragement occasioned by thecomplicated difficulties and embarrassments in which our affairs wereby this means involved, would have long ago produced the dissolutionof any army less patient, less virtuous, and less persevering, thanthat which I have had the honour to command. But while I mention thesethings which are notorious facts, as the defects of our federalconstitution, particularly in the prosecution of a war, I beg it maybe understood, that as I have ever taken a pleasure in gratefullyacknowledging the assistance and support I have derived from everyclass of citizens, so shall I always be happy to do justice to theunparalleled exertions of the individual states, on many interestingoccasions. 

"I have thus freely disclosed what I wished to make known before Isurrendered up my public trust to those who committed it to me. Thetask is now accomplished. I now bid adieu to your excellency as thechief magistrate of your state; at the same time I bid a last farewellto the cares of office and all the employments of public life. 

"It remains then to be my final and only request, that your excellencywill communicate these sentiments to your legislature at their nextmeeting; and that they may be considered as the legacy of one who hasardently wished, on all occasions, to be useful to his country; andwho, even in the shade of retirement, will not fail to implore thedivine benediction upon it. 

"I now make it my earnest prayer that God would have you, and thestate over which you preside, in his holy protection, that he wouldincline the hearts of the citizens to cultivate a spirit ofsubordination and obedience to government; to entertain a brotherlyaffection and love for one another, for their fellow citizens of theUnited States at large, and particularly for their brethren who haveserved in the field, and finally, that he would most graciously bepleased to dispose us all to do justice, to love mercy, and to demeanourselves with that charity, humility, and pacific temper of mind, which were the characteristics of the Divine Author of our blessedreligion; without an humble imitation of whose example in these thingswe can never hope to be a happy nation. "

The impression made by this solemn and affecting admonition could notbe surpassed. The circumstances under which it was given, added to theveneration with which it was received; and, like the counsel of aparent on whom the grave is about to close forever, it sunk deep intothe hearts of all. But, like the counsels of a parent withdrawn fromview, the advice was too soon forgotten, and the impression it hadmade was too soon effaced. 

The recommendations of congress did not receive that promptconsideration which the public exigence demanded, nor did they meetthat universal assent which was necessary to give them effect. 

Not immediately perceiving that the error lay in a system which wasunfit for use, the distinguished patriots of the revolutioncontemplated with increasing anxiety, the anti-American temper whichdisplayed itself in almost every part of the union. The lettersaddressed to the late Commander-in-chief, by many of those who hadborne a conspicuous part in the arduous struggle for independence, manifest the disappointment and chagrin occasioned by this temper. Thevenerable Trumbull, who had rendered great service to the cause ofunited America; who, like Washington, had supported the burden ofoffice throughout a hazardous contest, and like Washington, haddetermined to withdraw from the cares of a public station when thatcontest should be terminated, in a letter communicating to his friendand compatriot the resolution he had taken, thus disclosed the fearswhich the dispositions manifested by many of his countrymen inspired. "The fruits of our peace and independence do not at present wear sopromising an appearance as I had fondly painted to my mind. Theprejudices, the jealousies, and turbulence of the people, at times, almost stagger my confidence in our political establishments; andalmost occasion me to think that they will show themselves unworthy ofthe noble prize for which we have contended, and which, I had pleasedmyself with the hope, we were so near enjoying. But again, I checkthis rising impatience, and console myself under the present prospectwith the consideration, that the same beneficent and wise Providencewhich has done so much for this country, will not eventually leave usto ruin our own happiness, to become the sport of chance, or the scoffof a once admiring world; but that great things are yet in store forthis people, which time, and the wisdom of the Great Director willproduce in its best season. "

"It is indeed a pleasure, " said General Washington in reply, "from thewalks of private life to view in retrospect the difficulties throughwhich we have waded, and the happy haven into which our ship has beenbrought. Is it possible after this that it should founder? will notthe all wise and all powerful Director of human events preserve it? Ithink he will. He may, however, for some wise purpose of his own, suffer our indiscretions and folly to place our national character lowin the political scale;--and this, unless more wisdom and lessprejudice take the lead in our government, will most certainlyhappen. "

That the imbecility of the federal government, the impotence of itsrequisitions, and the inattention of some of the states to itsrecommendations, would, in the estimation of the world, abase theAmerican character, could scarcely be termed a prediction. That courseof national degradation had already commenced. 

As the system recommended to the states on the 18th of April, 1783, had been matured by the best wisdom in the federal councils, acompliance with it was the last hope of the government; and congresscontinued to urge its adoption on the several states. While its fateremain undecided, requisitions for the intermediate supply of thenational demands were annually repeated, and were annually neglected. Happily, a loan had been negotiated in Holland by Mr. Adams, after thetermination of the war, out of which the interest of the foreign debthad been partly paid; but that fund was exhausted, and the UnitedStates possessed no means of replacing it. Unable to pay the interest, they would, in the course of the succeeding year, be liable for thefirst instalment of the principal; and the humiliating circumstancewas to be encountered of a total failure to comply with the mostsolemn engagements, unaccompanied with the prospect of being enabledto give assurances, that, at any future time, their situation would bemore eligible. If the condition of the domestic creditors was notabsolutely desperate, the prospect of obtaining satisfaction for theirclaims was so distant and uncertain, that their evidences of debt weretransferred at an eighth, and even at a tenth of their nominal value. The distress consequent on this depreciation was great and afflicting. "The requisitions of congress for eight years past, " say the committeein February, 1786, to whom the subject of the revenue had beenreferred, "have been so irregular in their operation, so uncertain intheir collection, and so evidently unproductive, that a reliance onthem in future as a source from whence moneys are to be drawn todischarge the engagements of the confederacy, definite as they are intime and amount, would be not less dishonourable to the understandingsof those who entertain such confidence, than it would be dangerous tothe welfare and peace of the union. " Under public embarrassments whichwere daily increasing, it had become, it was said, "the duty ofcongress to declare most explicitly that the crisis _had_ arrived, when the people of the United States, by whose will, and for whosebenefit, the federal government was instituted, must decide whetherthey will support their rank as a nation, by maintaining the publicfaith at home and abroad, or whether, for want of a timely exertion inestablishing a general revenue, and thereby giving strength to theconfederacy, they will hazard not only the existence of the union, butof those great and invaluable privileges for which they have soarduously and so honourably contended. "

The revenue system of the 18th of April, 1783, was again solemnlyrecommended to the consideration of the several states, and theirunanimous and early accession to it was declared to be the onlymeasure which could enable congress to preserve the public faith, andto avoid the fatal evils which will inevitably flow from "a violationof those principles of justice which are the only solid basis of thehonour and prosperity of nations. "

In framing this system, a revenue adequate to the funding of the wholenational debt had been contemplated, and no part of it was to go intooperation until the whole should be adopted. By suspending partialrelief to the pressing necessities of the government, it was believedthat complete relief would be the more certainly secured. 

The enlightened and virtuous statesmen with whom that measureoriginated, thought it impossible that their countrymen would be sounmindful of the obligations of honour and of justice, or could somistake their real interests, as to withhold their assent from theentire plan, if convinced that no partial compliance with it would bereceived. In the progress of the business, however, there was reasonto believe that the impost might be conceded, but that the applicationfor internal taxes would encounter difficulties not to be surmounted. In the impoverished state of the federal treasury, an incompetentrevenue was preferred to no revenue; and it was deemed more adviseableto accept a partial compliance with the recommendations of congress, than, by inflexibly adhering to the integrity of the system, to losethe whole. The states therefore, were requested to enable congress, "to carry into effect that part which related to impost so soon as itshould be acceded to. " In the course of the year 1786, every state inthe union had acted upon the recommendation, and, with the exceptionof New York, had granted the impost duty which had been required. NewYork had passed an act upon the subject; but, influenced by itsjealousy of the federal government, had not vested in congress thepower of collection, but had reserved to itself the sole right oflevying the duties according to its own laws. Neither did the actpermit the collectors to be made accountable to congress. To the stateonly were they amenable. In addition to these deviations from the planrecommended, New York had emitted bills of credit, which were liableto depreciation, and in them the duties were payable. As the failureon the part of this single state, suspended the operation of thegrants made by all the others, the executive thereof was requestedagain to convene the legislature, in order to lay the subject oncemore before them. To a similar resolution Governor Clinton had alreadyreplied, that "he had not power to convene the legislature before thetime fixed by law for their stated meeting, except on extraordinaryoccasions, and as the present business proposed for theirconsideration had already been repeatedly laid before them, and sorecently as at their last session had received their determination, itcould not come within that description. " This second resolution wasnot more successful than that which preceded it, and thus was finallydefeated the laborious and persevering effort made by the federalgovernment to obtain from the states the means of preserving, in wholeor in part, the faith of the nation. General Washington's letters ofthat period abound with passages showing the solicitude with which hewatched the progress of this recommendation, and the chagrin withwhich he viewed the obstacles to its adoption. In a letter of October, 1785, he said, "the war, as you have very justly observed, hasterminated most advantageously for America, and a fair field ispresented to our view; but I confess to you freely, my dear sir, thatI do not think we possess wisdom or justice enough to cultivate itproperly. Illiberality, jealousy, and local policy, mix too much inour public councils, for the good government of the union. In a word, the confederation appears to me to be little more than a shadowwithout the substance; and congress a nugatory body, theirordinances being little attended to. To _me_, it is a solecism inpolitics:--indeed it is one of the most extraordinary things innature, that we should confederate as a nation, and yet be afraid togive the rulers of that nation, who are the creatures of our ownmaking, appointed for a limited and short duration, and who areamenable for every action, recallable at any moment, and subject toall the evils which they may be instrumental in producing, --sufficientpowers to order and direct the affairs of the same. By such policy asthis, the wheels of government are clogged, and our brightestprospects, and that high expectation which was entertained of us bythe wondering world, are turned into astonishment; and from the highground on which we stood, we are descending into the vale of confusionand darkness. 

"That we have it in our power to become one of the most respectablenations upon earth, admits, in my humble opinion, of no doubt, if wewould but pursue a wise, just, and liberal policy towards one another, and would keep good faith with the rest of the world:--that ourresources are ample and increasing, none can deny; but while they aregrudgingly applied, or not applied at all, we give a vital stab topublic faith, and will sink in the eyes of Europe, into contempt. "

CHAPTER IV. 

 Differences between Great Britain and the United States.... Mr. Adams appointed minister to Great Britain.... Discontents excited by the commercial regulations of Britain.... Parties in the United States.... The convention at Annapolis.... Virginia appoints deputies to a convention at Philadelphia.... General Washington chosen one of them.... Insurrection at Massachusetts.... Convention at Philadelphia.... A form of government submitted to the respective states, as ratified by eleven of them.... Correspondence of General Washington respecting the chief magistracy.... He is elected president.... Meeting of the first congress. 

{1783 to 1787}

While the friends of the national government were making theseunavailing efforts to invest it with a revenue which might enable itto preserve the national faith, many causes concurred to prepare thepublic mind for some great and radical change in the political systemof America. 

[Sidenote: Misunderstandings between Great Britain and the UnitedStates. ]

Scarcely had the war of the revolution terminated, when the UnitedStates and Great Britain reciprocally charged each other withviolations of the treaty of peace. On the construction of that part ofthe seventh article which stipulates against the "destruction orcarrying away of any negroes, or other property of the Americaninhabitants, " a serious difference of opinion prevailed which couldnot be easily accommodated. As men seldom allow much weight to thereasoning of an adversary, the construction put upon that article bythe cabinet of London was generally treated in America as a mereevasion; and the removal of the negroes who had joined the Britisharmy on the faith of a proclamation offering them freedom, wasconsidered as a flagrant breach of faith. In addition to thiscircumstance, the troops of his Britannic Majesty still retainedpossession of the posts on the American side of the great lakes. Asthose posts gave their possessors a decided influence over the warliketribes of Indians in their neighbourhood, this was a subject to whichthe United States were peculiarly sensible. 

On the other hand, the United States were charged with infringing thefourth, fifth, and sixth articles, which contain agreements respectingthe payment of debts, the confiscation of property, and prosecution ofindividuals for the part taken by them during the war. 

On the 14th of January, 1784, the day on which the definitive articleswere ratified, congress passed a resolution containing arecommendation in the words of the treaty, respecting confiscatedproperty, which was transmitted without delay to the several states. They considered this resolution as merely formal; and contended thatneither the American nor the British government expected from it anybeneficial results. But other stipulations which are explicit, theperformance of which was not to rest on the recommendation of thegovernment, especially that respecting the payment of debts, were alsoneglected. These causes of mutual complaint being permitted to ranklefor some time in the bosoms of both nations, produced a considerabledegree of irritation. The British merchants had large credits inAmerica. Those engaged in the colonial trade had been nearly ruined bythe rupture between the two countries; and, without taking into theaccount the embarrassments in which the war had involved theirdebtors, they calculated, after the restoration of peace, on theprompt collection of the vast sums which were due to them. But theimpediments to the recovery of debts were, in many instances, permitted to remain; and the dispositions manifested by those statesin which they were chiefly due, did not authorize a belief that anyfavourable change of measures was about to take place. The complaintsof the creditors were loud and incessant. They openly charged theAmerican government with violating the most solemn obligations whichpublic and private contract could create; and this charge affected thenational character the more seriously, because the terms of the treatywere universally deemed highly advantageous to the United States. Therecriminations on the part of individuals in America, were alsouttered with the angry vehemence of men who believe themselves to besuffering unprovoked injuries. The negroes in possession of theBritish armies at the restoration of peace, belonged, in many cases, to actual debtors; and in all, to persons who required the labour ofwhich they were thus deprived, to repair the multiplied lossesproduced by the war. To the detention of the posts on the lakes wasascribed the hostile temper manifested by the Indians; and thus, tothe indignity of permitting a foreign power to maintain garrisonswithin the limits of the nation, were superadded the murdersperpetrated by the savages, and the consequent difficulty of settlingthe fertile and vacant lands of the west. [28] On the north-easternfrontier too, the British were charged with making encroachments onthe territory of the United States. On that side, the river St. Croix, from its source to its mouth in the bay of Passamaquoddy, is theboundary between the two nations. Three rivers of that name empty intothe bay. The Americans claimed the most eastern, as the real St. Croix, while settlements were actually made under the authority of thegovernment of Nova Scotia to the middle river, and the town of St. Andrews was established on its banks. 

 [Footnote 28: See note, No. III. At the end of the volume. ]

[Sidenote: Mr. Adams appointed to negotiate with the British cabinet. ]

But the cause of most extensive disquiet was the rigorous commercialsystem pursued by Great Britain. While colonists, the Americans hadcarried on a free and gainful trade with the British West Indies. Those ports were closed against them as citizens of an independentstate; and their accustomed intercourse with other parts of the empirealso was interrupted by the navigation act. To explore new channelsfor the commerce of the nation was, in the actual state of things, opposed by obstacles which almost discouraged the attempt. On everyside they met with rigorous and unlooked for restrictions. Their tradewith the colonies of other powers, as well as with those of England, was prohibited; and in all the ports of Europe they encounteredregulations which were extremely embarrassing. From the Mediterranean, they were excluded by the Barbary powers, whose hostility they had noforce to subdue, and whose friendship they had no money to purchase. Thus, the characteristic enterprise of their merchants, which, inbetter times, has displayed their flag in every ocean, was then in agreat measure restrained from exerting itself by the scantiness oftheir means. These commercial difficulties suggested the idea ofcompelling Great Britain to relax the rigour of her system, byopposing it with regulations equally restrictive; but to rendersuccess in such a conflict possible, it was necessary that the wholepower of regulating commerce should reside in a single legislature. Few were so sanguine as to hope that thirteen independent governments, jealous of each other, could be induced to concur for a length oftime, in measures capable of producing the desired effect. With many, therefore, the desire of counteracting a system which appeared to themso injurious, triumphed over their attachment to state sovereignty;and the converts to the opinion that congress ought to be empowered toregulate trade, were daily multiplied. Meanwhile, the United Stateswere unremitting in their endeavours to form commercial treaties inEurope. Three commissioners had been appointed for that purpose; andat length, as the trade with England was peculiarly important, and thegrowing misunderstandings between the two countries threatened seriousconsequences should their adjustment be much longer delayed, Mr. JohnAdams was appointed minister plenipotentiary to the court of St. James. His endeavours to form a commercial treaty were not successful. His overtures were declined by the cabinet of London, because thegovernment of the United States was unable to secure the observance ofany general commercial regulations; and it was deemed unwise to enterinto stipulations which could not be of reciprocal obligation. Infact, it is not probable that, had even this difficulty beensurmounted, Britain could have been induced to grant advantages thatwould have been satisfactory to America. The latter expected greatrelaxations of the navigation act, and a free admission into thecolonies of the former; and believed its commerce of sufficientimportance to obtain these objects, if it could be regulated by asingle legislature. The reflecting part of America did not requirethis additional evidence of the sacrifice which had been made ofnational interest on the altars of state jealousy, to demonstrate thedefectiveness of the existing system. On the mind of no person hadthis impression been more strongly made, than on that of GeneralWashington. His extensive correspondence bears ample testimony to thesolicitude with which he contemplated the proceedings of the states onthis interesting subject. 

The opinion he sought to inculcate was, that the trade between theUnited States and Great Britain was equally important to each; andtherefore, that a commercial intercourse between the two nations mightbe established on equal terms, if the political arrangements inAmerica would enable its government to guard its interests; butwithout such arrangements, those interests could not be protected, andAmerica must appear in a very contemptible point of view to those withwhom she was endeavouring to form commercial treaties, withoutpossessing the means of carrying them into effect:--who "must see andfeel that the union, or the states individually are sovereign as bestsuits their purposes:--in a word, that we are one nation to day, andthirteen to-morrow. Who, " he added, "will treat with us on suchterms?"

About this time, General Washington received a long and affectionateletter from the Marquis de Lafayette, who had just returned from atour through the north of Europe. In communicating the occurrences atthe courts he had visited, and especially at that of Prussia, whoseaged and distinguished monarch, uniting the acquirements of thescholar and the statesman with the most profound skill in the art ofwar, could confer either literary or military fame, he dwelt withenthusiasm on the plaudits which were universally bestowed on hismilitary patron and paternal friend. "I wish, " he added, "the othersentiments I have had occasion to discover with respect to America, were equally satisfactory with those that are personal to yourself. Ineed not say that the spirit, the firmness, with which the revolutionwas conducted, has excited universal admiration:--That every friend tothe rights of mankind is an enthusiast for the principles on whichthose constitutions are built:--but I have often had the mortificationto hear, that the want of powers in congress, of union between thestates, of energy in their government, would make the confederationvery insignificant. By their conduct in the revolution, " he added, "the citizens of America have commanded the respect of the world; butit grieves me to think they will in a measure lose it, unless theystrengthen the confederation, give congress power to regulate theirtrade, pay off their debt, or at least the interest of it, establish awell regulated militia, and, in a word, complete all those measureswhich you have recommended to them. "

"Unhappily for us, " said the general in reply, "though the reports youmention are greatly exaggerated, our conduct has laid the foundationfor them. It is one of the evils of democratic governments, that thepeople, not always seeing, and frequently misled, must often feelbefore they act right. But evils of this nature seldom fail to worktheir own cure. It is to be lamented, nevertheless, that the remediesare so slow, and that those who wish to apply them seasonably, are notattended to before they suffer in person, in interest, and inreputation. I am not without hopes that matters will soon take afavourable turn in the federal constitution. The discerning part ofthe community have long since seen the necessity of giving adequatepowers to congress for national purposes, and those of a differentdescription must yield to it ere long. "

[Sidenote: Discontents of the Americans against the commercialregulations of Britain. ]

While the recommendation of the 30th of April, 1784, was before thestates, many causes contributed to diffuse through the community sucha general dissatisfaction with the existing state of things, as toprepare the way for some essential change in the American system. Inthe course of the long war which had been carried on in the bosom oftheir country, the people of the United States had been greatlyimpoverished. Their property had been seized for the support of botharmies; and much of their labour had been drawn from agriculture forthe performance of military service. The naval power of their enemyhad almost annihilated their commerce; from which resulted thetwo-fold calamity, that imported commodities were enhanced to anenormous price, while those for exportation were reduced much belowtheir ordinary value. The inevitable consequence was, that thoseconsumable articles which habit had rendered necessary, wereexhausted; and peace found the American people, not only destitute ofthe elegancies, and even of the conveniences of life, but also withoutthe means of procuring them, otherwise than by anticipating theproceeds of future industry. On opening their ports, an immensequantity of foreign merchandise was introduced into the country, andthey were tempted by the sudden cheapness of imported goods, and bytheir own wants, to purchase beyond their capacities for payment. Intothis indiscretion, they were in some measure beguiled by their ownsanguine calculations on the value which a free trade would bestow onthe produce of their soil, and by a reliance on those evidences of thepublic debt which were in the hands of most of them. So extravagantlytoo did many estimate the temptation which equal liberty and vacantlands would hold out to emigrants from the old world, as to entertainthe opinion that Europe was about to empty itself into America, andthat the United States would derive from that source such an increaseof population, as would enhance their lands to a price heretofore noteven conjectured. Co-operating with the cause last mentioned, was theimpression which had been made by paper money on public morals, and onpublic opinion. It had not escaped observation that every purchaser oncredit, however excessive the price might apparently be, had not onlybeen relieved by the depreciation, but had derived great gains fromhis contract. Speculating on a similar course of things, manyindividuals had made extensive purchases at high prices; and had thuscontributed to continue for a time, the deception imposed onthemselves by those who supposed that the revolution was a talisman, whose magic powers were capable of changing the nature of things. Thedelusive hopes created by these visionary calculations were soondissipated, and a great proportion of the inhabitants found themselvesinvolved in debts they were unable to discharge. One of theconsequences resulting from this unprosperous state of things was ageneral discontent with the course of trade. It had commenced with thenative merchants of the north, who found themselves incapable ofcontending in their own ports with foreigners; and was sooncommunicated to others. The gazettes of Boston contained some veryanimated and angry addresses, which produced resolutions for thegovernment of the citizens of that town, applications to their statelegislature, a petition to congress, and a circular letter to themerchants of the several sea-ports throughout the United States. Afterdetailing the disadvantages under which the trade and navigation ofAmerica laboured, and expressing their confidence that the necessarypowers to the federal government would be soon, if not already, delegated, the petition to congress thus concludes: "Impressed withthese ideas, your petitioners beg leave to request of the very augustbody which they have now the honour to address, that the numerousimpositions of the British, on the trade and exports of these states, may be forthwith contravened by similar expedients on our part: elsemay it please your excellency and honours, the commerce of thiscountry, and of consequence its wealth, and perhaps the union itself, may become victims to the artifice of a nation whose arms have been invain exerted to accomplish the ruin of America. "

The merchants of the city of Philadelphia presented a memorial to thelegislature of that state, in which, after lamenting it as afundamental defect in the constitution that full and entire power overthe commerce of the United States had not been originally vested incongress, "as no concern common to many could be conducted to a goodend, but by a unity of councils;" they say, "hence it is that theintercourses of the states are liable to be perplexed and injured byvarious and discordant regulations, instead of that harmony ofmeasures on which the particular, as well as general interests depend;productive of mutual disgusts, and alienation among the severalmembers of the empire. 

"But the more certain inconveniences foreseen and now experimentallyfelt, flow from the unequal footing this circumstance puts us on withother nations, and by which we stand in a very singular anddisadvantageous situation; for while the whole of our trade is laidopen to these nations, they are at liberty to limit us to suchbranches of theirs as interest or policy may dictate:--unrestrained byany apprehensions, as long as the power remains severally with thestates, of being met and opposed by any consistent and effectualrestrictions on our part. "

This memorial prayed that the legislature would endeavour to procurefrom congress, a recommendation to the several states, to vest in thatbody the necessary powers over the commerce of the United States. 

It was immediately taken into consideration, and resolutions werepassed conforming to its prayer. Similar applications were made byother commercial towns. 

From these proceedings, and from the general representations made bythe American merchants, General Washington had augured the most happyeffects. 

In a letter to the Marquis de Lafayette, he thus expressed his hope ofthe consequences which would attend the efforts then making to enlargethe powers of congress. "However unimportant America may be consideredat present, and however Britain may affect to despise her trade, therewill assuredly come a day when this country will have some weight inthe scale of empires. "

But a concurrence of the states in granting to the general governmentthe beneficial powers in question, was not so near being effected aswas hoped by its friends. A resolution was moved in congress, recommending it to the several states to vest in that body fullauthority to regulate their commerce, both external and internal, andto impose such duties as might be necessary for that purpose. Thispower was to be fettered with several extraordinary limitations, whichmight render it more acceptable to the governments who were asked tobestow it, among which was a provision that the duties should be"collectible under the authority, and accrue to the use of the statein which the same should be made payable. " Notwithstanding theserestrictions, marking the keen sighted jealousy with which anydiminution of state sovereignty was watched, this resolutionencountered much opposition even in congress. 

During these transactions, the public attention was called to anothersubject which served to impress still more powerfully on everyreflecting mind, the necessity of enlarging the powers of the generalgovernment, were it only to give efficacy to those which in theory italready possessed. 

The uneasiness occasioned by the infractions of the treaty of peace onthe part of Great Britain, has been already noticed. To obtain itscomplete execution, constituted one of the objects for which Mr. Adamshad been deputed to the court of St. James. A memorial presented bythat minister in December, 1785, urging the complaints of America, andpressing for a full compliance with the treaty, was answered by anenumeration of the violations of that compact on the part of theUnited States. The Marquis of Carmarthen acknowledged explicitly theobligation created by the seventh article to withdraw the Britishgarrisons from every post within the United States; but insisted thatthe obligation created by the fourth article, to remove every lawfulimpediment to the recovery of _bona fide_ debts, was equally clear andexplicit. 

"The engagements entered into by a treaty ought, " he said, "to bemutual, and equally binding on the respective contracting parties. Itwould, therefore, be the height of folly as well as injustice, tosuppose one party alone obliged to a strict observance of the publicfaith, while the other might remain free to deviate from its ownengagements as often as convenience might render such deviationnecessary, though at the expense of its own credit and importance. "

He concluded with the assurance, "that whenever America shouldmanifest a real determination to fulfil her part of the treaty, GreatBritain would not hesitate to prove her sincerity to co-operate inwhatever points depended upon her, for carrying every article of itinto real and complete effect. "

This letter was accompanied by a statement of the infractions of thefourth article. 

Copies of both documents were immediately transmitted by Mr. Adams tocongress, by whom they were referred to Mr. Jay, the secretary forforeign affairs. The report of that upright minister did not, bycontravening facts, affect to exculpate his country. "Some of thefacts, " said he in a letter to General Washington, written afterpermission to communicate the papers had been given, "are inaccuratelystated and improperly coloured; but it is too true that the treaty hasbeen violated. On such occasions, I think it better fairly to confessand correct errors, than attempt to deceive ourselves and others, byfallacious though plausible palliations and excuses. 

"To oppose popular prejudices, to censure the proceedings and exposethe impropriety of states, is an unpleasant task, but it must bedone. "[29]

 [Footnote 29: The facts relative to this negotiation were stated in the correspondence of General Washington. The statement is supported by the Secret Journals of Congress, vol. 4, p. 329, and those which follow. ]

That the United States might with reason be required to fulfil thetreaty before they could entitle themselves to demand a strictperformance of it on the part of Great Britain, was a position thepropriety of which they were prevented from contesting by themiserably defective organization of the government. If their treatieswere obligatory in theory, the inability of congress to enforce theirexecution had been demonstrated in practice. Restrained by this defectin the constitution from insisting that the evacuation of the westernposts should precede the removal of the impediments to the _bona fide_execution of the treaty on the part of America, government exerted itsearnest endeavours to prevail on the several states to repeal allexisting laws which might be repugnant to that compact. Theresolutions which were passed on that subject, and the circularletters which accompanied them to the several governors, containarguments which ought to have demonstrated to all, the constitutionalobligation of a treaty negotiated under the authority of congress, andthe real policy, as well as the moral duty of faithfully executingthat which had been formed with Great Britain. To the deepmortification of those who respected the character of the nation, these earnest representations did not produce the effect which wasexpected from them. "It was impolitic and unfortunate, if not unjustin these states, " said General Washington to a member of congress bywhom the objectionable conduct of America was first intimated to him, "to pass laws which by fair construction might be considered asinfractions of the treaty of peace. It is good policy at all times toplace one's adversary in the wrong. Had we observed good faith, andthe western posts had been withheld from us by Great Britain, we mighthave appealed to God and man for justice. "

"What a misfortune it is, " said he in reply to the secretary forforeign affairs, "that the British should have so well grounded apretext for their palpable infractions, and what a disgraceful part, out of the choice of difficulties before us, are we to act!"

[Sidenote: Rise of parties in the United States. ]

The discontents arising from the embarrassments in which individualswere involved, continued to increase. At length, two great partieswere formed in every state, which were distinctly marked, and whichpursued distinct objects, with systematic arrangement. 

The one struggled with unabated zeal for the exact observance ofpublic and private engagements. By those belonging to it, the faith ofa nation, or of a private man was deemed a sacred pledge, theviolation of which was equally forbidden by the principles of moraljustice, and of sound policy. The distresses of individuals were, theythought, to be alleviated only by industry and frugality, not by arelaxation of the laws, or by a sacrifice of the rights of others. They were consequently the uniform friends of a regular administrationof justice, and of a vigorous course of taxation which would enablethe state to comply with its engagements. By a natural association ofideas, they were also, with very few exceptions, in favour ofenlarging the powers of the federal government, and of enabling it toprotect the dignity and character of the nation abroad, and itsinterests at home. 

The other party marked out for themselves a more indulgent course. Viewing with extreme tenderness the case of the debtor, their effortswere unceasingly directed to his relief. To exact a faithfulcompliance with contracts was, in their opinion, a harsh measure whichthe people would not bear. They were uniformly in favour of relaxingthe administration of justice, of affording facilities for the paymentof debts, or of suspending their collection, and of remitting taxes. The same course of opinion led them to resist every attempt totransfer from their own hands into those of congress, powers, which byothers were deemed essential to the preservation of the union. In manyof these states, the party last mentioned, constituted a decidedmajority of the people; and in all of them, it was very powerful. Theemission of paper money, the delay of legal proceedings, and thesuspension of the collection of taxes, were the fruits of their rulewherever they were completely predominant. Even where they failed tocarry their measures, their strength was such as to encourage the hopeof succeeding in a future attempt; and annual elections held forth tothem the prospect of speedily repairing the loss of a favouritequestion. Throughout the union, the contest between these parties wasperiodically revived; and the public mind was perpetually agitatedwith hopes and fears on subjects which essentially affected thefortunes of a considerable proportion of the society. 

These contests were the more animated, because, in the stategovernments generally, no principle had been introduced which couldresist the wild projects of the moment, give the people an opportunityto reflect, and allow the good sense of the nation time for exertion. This uncertainty with respect to measures of great importance to everymember of the community, this instability in principles which ought, if possible, to be rendered immutable, produced a long train of ills;and is seriously believed to have been among the operating causes ofthose pecuniary embarrassments, which, at that time, were so generalas to influence the legislation of almost every state in the union. Its direct consequence was the loss of confidence in the government, and in individuals. This, so far as respected the government, waspeculiarly discernible in the value of state debts. 

The war having been conducted by nations in many respects independentof each other, the debts contracted in its prosecution were due, inpart from the United States, and in part from the individual stateswho became immediately responsible to the creditors, retaining theirclaim against the government of the union for any balances which mightappear to be due on a general settlement of accounts. 

That the debt of the United States should have greatly depreciatedwill excite no surprise, when it is recollected that the government ofthe union possessed no funds, and, without the assent of jealous andindependent sovereigns, could acquire none, to pay the accruinginterest: but the depreciation of the debt due from those states whichmade an annual and adequate provision for the interest, can beascribed only to a want of confidence in governments which werecontrolled by no fixed principles; and it is therefore not entirelyunworthy of attention. In many of those states which had repelledevery attempt to introduce into circulation a depreciated medium ofcommerce, or to defeat the annual provision of funds for the paymentof the interest, the debt sunk in value to ten, five, and even lessthan four shillings in the pound. However unexceptionable might be theconduct of the existing legislature, the hazard from those which wereto follow was too great to be encountered without an immense premium. In private transactions, an astonishing degree of distrust alsoprevailed. The bonds of men whose ability to pay their debts wasunquestionable, could not be negotiated but at a discount of thirty, forty, and fifty _per centum_: real property was scarcely vendible;and sales of any article for ready money could be made only at aruinous loss. The prospect of extricating the country from theseembarrassments was by no means flattering. Whilst every thing elsefluctuated, some of the causes which produced this calamitous state ofthings were permanent. The hope and fear still remained, that thedebtor party would obtain the victory at the elections; and instead ofmaking the painful effort to obtain relief by industry and economy, many rested all their hopes on legislative interference. The mass ofnational labour, and of national wealth, was consequently diminished. In every quarter were found those who asserted it to be impossible forthe people to pay their public or private debts; and in someinstances, threats were uttered of suspending the administration ofjustice by violence. 

By the enlightened friends of republican government, this gloomy stateof things was viewed with deep chagrin. Many became apprehensive thatthose plans from which so much happiness to the human race had beenanticipated, would produce only real misery; and would maintain but ashort and a turbulent existence. Meanwhile, the wise and thinking partof the community, who could trace evils to their source, labouredunceasingly to inculcate opinions favourable to the incorporation ofsome principles into the political system, which might correct theobvious vices, without endangering the free spirit of the existinginstitutions. 

While the advocates for union were exerting themselves to impress itsnecessity on the public mind, measures were taken in Virginia, which, though originating in different views, terminated in a proposition fora general convention to revise the state of the union. 

To form a compact relative to the navigation of the rivers Potomac andPocomoke, and of part of the bay of Chesapeake, commissioners wereappointed by the legislatures of Virginia and Maryland, who assembledin Alexandria, in March, 1785. While at Mount Vernon on a visit, theyagreed to propose to their respective governments, the appointment ofother commissioners, with power to make conjoint arrangements, towhich the assent of congress was to be solicited, for maintaining anaval force in the Chesapeake; and to establish a tariff of duties onimports, to which the laws of both states should conform. When thesepropositions received the assent of the legislature of Virginia, anadditional resolution was passed, directing that which respected theduties on imports to be communicated to all the states in the union, who were invited to send deputies to the meeting. 

On the 21st of January, 1786, a few days after the passage of theseresolutions, another was adopted appointing certain commissioners, [30]"who were to meet such as might be appointed by the other states inthe union, at a time and place to be agreed on, to take intoconsideration the trade of the United States; to examine the relativesituation and trade of the said states; to consider how far a uniformsystem in their commercial relations may be necessary to their commoninterest, and their permanent harmony; and to report to the severalstates such an act relative to this great object, as, when unanimouslyratified by them, will enable the United States in congress assembledeffectually to provide for the same. "

 [Footnote 30: Edmund Randolph, James Madison, Walter Jones, St. George Tucker, and Meriwether Smith. ]

In the circular letter transmitting these resolutions to therespective states, Annapolis in Maryland was proposed as the place, and the ensuing September as the time of meeting. 

Before the arrival of the period at which these commissioners were toassemble, the idea was carried by those who saw and deplored thecomplicated calamities which flowed from the intricacy of the generalgovernment, much further than was avowed by the resolution ofVirginia. "Although, " said one of the most conspicuous patriots[31] ofthe revolution, in a letter to General Washington, dated the 16th ofMarch, 1786, "you have wisely retired from public employments, andcalmly view from the temple of fame, the various exertions of thatsovereignty and independence which Providence has enabled you to be sogreatly and gloriously instrumental in securing to your country, yet Iam persuaded you can not view them with the eye of an unconcernedspectator. 

 [Footnote 31: Mr. Jay. ]

"Experience has pointed out errors in our national government whichcall for correction, and which threaten to blast the fruit we expectedfrom our tree of liberty. The convention proposed by Virginia may dosome good, and would perhaps do more, if it comprehended more objects. An opinion begins to prevail that a general convention for revisingthe articles of confederation would be expedient. Whether the peopleare yet ripe for such a measure, or whether the system proposed to beattained by it is only to be expected from calamity and commotion, isdifficult to ascertain. 

"I think we are in a delicate situation, and a variety ofconsiderations and circumstances give me uneasiness. It is incontemplation to take measures for forming a general convention. Theplan is not matured. If it should be well connected and take effect, Iam fervent in my wishes that it may comport with the line of life youhave marked out for yourself, to favour your country with yourcounsels on such an important and _single_ occasion. I suggest thismerely as a hint for consideration. "

In the moment of tranquillity, and of real or imaginary security, themind delights to retrace the intricate path by which this point ofrepose has been attained. The patriots who accomplished that greatrevolution which has given to the American people a nationalgovernment capable of maintaining the union of the states, and ofpreserving republican liberty, must be gratified with the review ofthat arduous and doubtful struggle, which terminated in the triumph ofhuman reason, and the establishment of that government. Even to himwho was not an actor in the busy scene, who enjoys the fruits of thelabour without participating in the toils or the fears of the patriotswho have preceded him, the sentiments entertained by the mostenlightened and virtuous of America at the eventful period between therestoration of peace and the adoption of our present free andeffective constitution, can not be uninteresting. 

"Our affairs, " said the same gentleman in a letter of the 27th ofJune, "seem to lead to some crisis, some revolution--something that Ican not foresee or conjecture. I am uneasy and apprehensive, more sothan during the war. _Then_, we had a fixed object, and though themeans and time of obtaining it were often problematical, yet I didfirmly believe that we should ultimately succeed, because I did firmlybelieve that justice was with us. The case is now altered; we aregoing, and doing wrong, and therefore I look forward to evils andcalamities, but without being able to guess at the instrument, nature, or measure of them. 

"That we shall again recover, and things again go well, I have nodoubt. Such a variety of circumstances would not, almost miraculously, have combined to liberate and make us a nation, for transient andunimportant purposes. I therefore believe we are yet to become a greatand respectable people--but when or how, only the spirit of prophecycan discern. 

"There doubtless is much reason to think and to say that we arewofully, and, in many instances, wickedly misled. Private rage forproperty suppresses public considerations, and personal rather thannational interests have become the great objects of attention. Representative bodies will ever be faithful copies of their originals, and generally exhibit a chequered assemblage of virtue and vice, ofabilities and weakness. The mass of men are neither wise nor good, andthe virtue, like the other resources of a country, can only be drawnto a point by strong circumstances, ably managed, or stronggovernments, ably administered. New governments have not the aid ofhabit and hereditary respect, and being generally the result ofpreceding tumult and confusion, do not immediately acquire stabilityor strength. Besides, in times of commotion, some men will gainconfidence and importance who merit neither; and who, like politicalmountebanks, are less solicitous about the health of the credulouscrowd, than about making the most of their nostrums and prescriptions. 

"What I most fear is, that the better kind of people (by which I meanthe people who are orderly and industrious, who are content with theirsituations, and not uneasy in their circumstances) will be led by theinsecurity of property, the loss of confidence in their rulers, andthe want of public faith and rectitude, to consider the charms ofliberty as imaginary and delusive. A state of uncertainty andfluctuation must disgust and alarm such men, and prepare their mindsfor almost any change that may promise them quiet and security. "

To this interesting letter, General Washington made the followingreply: "Your sentiments that our affairs are drawing rapidly to acrisis, accord with my own. What the event will be is also beyond thereach of my foresight. We have errors to correct; we have probably hadtoo good an opinion of human nature in forming our confederation. Experience has taught us that men will not adopt and carry intoexecution measures the best calculated for their own good, without theintervention of coercive power. I do not conceive we can exist long asa nation, without lodging somewhere a power which will pervade thewhole union in as energetic a manner, as the authority of the stategovernments extends over the several states. To be fearful ofinvesting congress, constituted as that body is, with ampleauthorities for national purposes, appears to me the very climax ofpopular absurdity and madness. Could congress exert them for thedetriment of the people, without injuring themselves in an equal orgreater proportion? Are not their interests inseparably connected withthose of their constituents? By the rotation of appointment, must theynot mingle frequently with the mass of citizens? Is it not rather tobe apprehended, if they were possessed of the powers before described, that the individual members would be induced to use them, on manyoccasions, very timidly and inefficaciously, for fear of losing theirpopularity and future election? We must take human nature as we findit: perfection falls not to the share of mortals. Many are of opinionthat congress have too frequently made use of the suppliant humbletone of requisition in applications to the states, when they had aright to assert their imperial dignity, and command obedience. Be thatas it may, requisitions are a perfect nullity, where thirteensovereign, independent, disunited states, are in the habit ofdiscussing, and refusing or complying with them at their option. Requisitions are actually little better than a jest and a bye-wordthroughout the land. If you tell the legislatures they have violatedthe treaty of peace, and invaded the prerogatives of the confederacy, they will laugh in your face. What then is to be done? Things can notgo on in the same train for ever. It is much to be feared, as youobserve, that the better kind of people, being disgusted with thesecircumstances, will have their minds prepared for any revolutionwhatever. We are apt to run from one extreme into another. Toanticipate and prevent disastrous contingencies, would be the part ofwisdom and patriotism. 

"What astonishing changes a few years are capable of producing! I amtold that even respectable characters speak of a monarchical form ofgovernment without horror. From thinking, proceeds speaking, thence toacting is often but a single step. But how irrevocable and tremendous!what a triumph for our enemies to verify their predictions!--what atriumph for the advocates of despotism to find that we are incapableof governing ourselves, and that systems founded on the basis of equalliberty are merely ideal and fallacious! Would to God that wisemeasures may be taken in time to avert the consequences we have buttoo much reason to apprehend. 

"Retired as I am from the world, I frankly acknowledge I can not feelmyself an unconcerned spectator. Yet having happily assisted inbringing the ship into port, and having been fairly discharged, it isnot my business to embark again on a sea of troubles. 

"Nor could it be expected that my sentiments and opinions would havemuch weight on the minds of my countrymen. --They have been neglected, though given as a last legacy in the most solemn manner. --I had thenperhaps some claims to public attention. --I consider myself as havingnone at present. "

[Sidenote: The convention at Annapolis. ]

The convention at Annapolis was attended by commissioners from onlysix states. [32] These, after appointing Mr. Dickinson their chairman, proceeded to discuss the objects for which they had convened. Perceiving that more ample powers would be required to effect thebeneficial purposes which they contemplated, and hoping to procure arepresentation from a greater number of states, the conventiondetermined to rise without coming to any specific resolutions on theparticular subject which had been referred to them. Previous to theiradjournment, however, they agreed on a report to be made to theirrespective states, in which they represented the necessity ofextending the revision of the federal system to all its defects, andrecommended that deputies for that purpose be appointed by the severallegislatures, to meet in convention in the city of Philadelphia, onthe second day of the ensuing May. 

 [Footnote 32: New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, and Virginia. ]

The reasons for preferring a convention to a discussion of thissubject in congress were stated to be, "that in the latter body, itmight be too much interrupted by the ordinary business before them, and would, besides, be deprived of the valuable counsels of sundryindividuals who were disqualified by the constitution or laws ofparticular states, or by peculiar circumstances, from a seat in thatassembly. "

A copy of this report was transmitted to congress in a letter from thechairman, stating the inefficacy of the federal government, and thenecessity of devising such further provisions as would render itadequate to the exigencies of the union. 

[Sidenote: Virginia appoints deputies to meet those of other states atPhiladelphia for the purpose of revising the federal system. ]

On receiving this report, the legislature of Virginia passed an actfor the appointment of deputies to meet such as might be appointed byother states; to assemble in convention at Philadelphia, at the time, and for the purposes, specified in the recommendation from theconvention which had met at Annapolis. 

In communicating this act to General Washington, its principaladvocate[33] thus intimated the intention of aiding it by theinfluence and character of the chief of the revolution. "It has beenthought adviseable to give the subject a very solemn dress, and allthe weight which could be derived from a single state. This idea willalso be pursued in the selection of characters to represent Virginiain the federal convention. You will infer our earnestness on thispoint, from the liberty which will be used of placing your name at thehead of them. How far this liberty may correspond with the ideas bywhich you ought to be governed, will be best decided where it mustultimately be decided. In every event it will assist powerfully inmarking the zeal of our legislature, and its opinion of the magnitudeof the occasion. "

 [Footnote 33: Mr. Madison. ]

"Although, " said the general in reply, "I have bid a public adieu tothe public walks of life, and had resolved never more to tread thattheatre; yet, if upon an occasion so interesting to the well being ofthe confederacy, it had been the wish of the assembly that I should bean associate in the business of revising the federal system, I shouldfrom a sense of the obligation I am under for repeated proofs ofconfidence in me, more than from any opinion I could entertain of myusefulness, have obeyed its call; but it is now out of my power to dothis with any degree of consistency--the cause I will mention. 

"I presume you heard, sir, that I was first appointed, and have sincebeen rechosen president of the society of the Cincinnati; and you mayhave understood also, that the triennial general meeting of this bodyis to be held in Philadelphia the first Monday in May next. Someparticular reasons combining with the peculiar situation of my privateconcerns, the necessity of paying attention to them, a wish forretirement and relaxation from public cares, and rheumatic pains whichI begin to feel very sensibly, induced me, on the 31st ultimo, toaddress a circular letter to each state society, informing them of myintention not to be at the next meeting, and of my desire not to berechosen president. The vice-president is also informed of this, thatthe business of the society may not be impeded by my absence. Underthese circumstances, it will readily be perceived that I could notappear at the same time and place on any other occasion, withoutgiving offence to a very respectable and deserving part of thecommunity--the late officers of the American army. "

[Sidenote: Washington chosen one of them. ]

Notwithstanding this letter, the name of General Washington was notwithdrawn, and he was unanimously chosen a member of the convention. On receiving private information of this appointment, he addressed asecond letter to his confidential friend, in which he detailed more atlarge, the motives which induced him to decline a service, theimportance of which he felt sensibly, and which he would willinglyhave undertaken but for the peculiar circumstances which were stated. 

His name, however, was continued in the appointment. The gloomy aspectof affairs in the north rendered this the more necessary, and it wasthus explained by his correspondent. "I have considered well thecircumstances which it (your letter) confidentially discloses, as wellas those contained in your preceding favour. The difficulties whichthey oppose to an acceptance of the appointment in which you areincluded, can as little be denied, as they can fail to be regretted. But I still am inclined to think, that the posture of our affairs, ifit should continue, would prevent any criticism on the situation whichthe contemporary meetings would place you in; and wish that at least adoor could be kept open for your acceptance hereafter, in case thegathering clouds should become so dark and menacing as to supersedeevery consideration but that of our national existence or safety. Asuspense of your ultimate determination would be nowise inconvenientin a public view, as the executive are authorized to fill vacancies, and can fill them at any time; and in any event, three out of sevendeputies are authorized to represent the state. How far it may beadmissible in another view, will depend perhaps in some measure on thechance of your finally undertaking the service, but principally on thecorrespondence which is now passing on the subject, between yourselfand the governor. "

The governor of Virginia, [34] who was himself also elected to theconvention, transmitted to General Washington the act, and the vote ofthe assembly in the following letter. "By the enclosed act you willreadily discover that the assembly are alarmed at the storms whichthreaten the United States. What our enemies have foretold seems to behastening to its accomplishment, and can not be frustrated but by aninstantaneous, zealous, and steady union among the friends of thefederal government. To you I need not press our present dangers. Theinefficiency of congress you have often felt in your officialcharacter; the increasing languor of our associated republics youhourly see; and a dissolution would be, I know, to you, a source ofthe deepest mortification. 

 [Footnote 34: Mr. Randolph. ]

"I freely then entreat you to accept the unanimous appointment of thegeneral assembly to the convention at Philadelphia. For the gloomyprospect still admits one ray of hope, that those who began, carriedon, and consummated the revolution, can yet rescue America from theimpending ruin. "

"Sensible as I am, " said the general in reply, "of the honourconferred on me by the general assembly of this commonwealth, inappointing me one of the deputies to a convention proposed to be heldin the city of Philadelphia in May next, for the purpose of revisingthe federal constitution; and desirous as I am on all occasions oftestifying a ready obedience to the calls of my country--yet, sir, there exist at this moment, circumstances which I am persuaded willrender this fresh instance of confidence incompatible with othermeasures which I had previously adopted, and from which seeing littleprospect of disengaging myself, it would be disingenuous not toexpress a wish that some other character, on whom greater reliance canbe had, may be substituted in my place, the probability of mynon-attendance being too great to continue my appointment. 

"As no mind can be more deeply impressed than mine is with thecritical situation of our affairs, resulting in a great measure fromthe want of efficient powers in the federal head, and due respect toits ordinances, so consequently those who do engage in the importantbusiness of removing these defects, will carry with them every goodwish of mine, which the best dispositions towards their attainment canbestow. "

The executive, unwilling to relinquish the advantages which thelegislature had expected to derive from exhibiting the name ofWashington at the head of the Virginia delegation, refused to considerhim as having declined the appointment. That his judgment had notcompletely decided on the course which duty and patriotism requiredhim to pursue; that in a crisis on which probably depended the unionof the states, and the happiness of America, he refused himselfreluctantly to the anxious wishes of his countrymen; were too apparentnot to leave a hope that events might yet determine him to yield totheir desires. He was therefore emphatically requested not to decideabsolutely, and was informed that as no inconvenience would resultfrom not appointing a successor, the option of complying with theearnest solicitations of those who considered the effort about to bemade as the last hope of the union, would, as long as possible, bepermitted to remain with him. In the mean time, those who persuadedthemselves that much good might result from the proposed convention, continued to urge him with delicacy but with earnestness, not towithhold on this great and particular occasion, those inestimableservices which the confidence so justly reposed by the public in histalents and character, enabled him alone to render. 

Placed in these circumstances, General Washington weighed deliberatelyin his own mind the arguments for and against accepting theappointment which was so seriously pressed upon him. That the proposedconvention was, in any point of view in which it could becontemplated, an object of the first magnitude, appeared to him to beundeniable. It was apparent that the actual government could not existmuch longer without additional means. It was therefore necessary tomeet the solemn question whether it ought to be supported orannihilated. Those who embraced the former part of the alternativemust consider the convention as the only remaining experiment fromwhich the federal government could derive powers sufficiently amplefor its preservation. Those who embraced the latter, who thought thaton a full and dispassionate revision of the system, its continuancewould be adjudged impracticable or unwise, could not hesitate to admitthat their opinion would derive great additional weight from thesanction of so respectable a body as that which was about to assemble:and that in such an event, it was greatly desirable, and would affordsome security against civil discord, to put the public in possessionof a plan prepared and digested by such high authority. "I mustcandidly confess, " he added in a letter to Colonel Humphries, "as wecould not remain quiet more than three or four years in time of peace, under the constitutions of our own choosing, which were believed inmany states to have been formed with deliberation and wisdom, I seelittle prospect either of our agreeing on any other, or that we shouldremain long satisfied under it, if we could. Yet I would wish anything and every thing essayed to prevent the effusion of blood, and toavert the humiliating and contemptible figure we are about to make inthe annals of mankind!"

Earnestly as General Washington wished success to the experiment aboutto be made, he could not surrender his objections to the step itsfriends urged him to take, without the most serious consideration. Inaddition to that which grew out of his connexion with the Cincinnati, and to the reluctance with which he could permit himself to be drawn, on any occasion, into a political station, there were others whichcould not be disregarded. A convention, not originating in arecommendation of congress, was deemed by many an illegitimatemeeting; and as the New England states had neglected the invitation toappear by their representatives at Annapolis, there was reason toapprehend they might be equally inattentive to the request now madethem to assemble at Philadelphia. To appear in a public character, fora purpose not generally deemed of the utmost importance, would notonly be unpleasant to himself, but might diminish his capacity to beuseful on occasions which subsequent events might produce. "If, " saidhe in a private letter to a military friend, "this second attempt toconvene the states for the purposes proposed by the report of thepartial representation at Annapolis in September, should also proveabortive, it may be considered as unequivocal evidence that the statesare not likely to agree on any general measure which is to pervade theunion, and of course, that there is an end of the federal government. The states which make this last dying essay to avoid this misfortunewould be mortified at the issue, and their deputies would return homechagrined at their ill success and disappointment. This would be adisagreeable circumstance to any one of them, but more particularly toa person in my situation. " His letters of consultation therefore, witha few confidential friends, also requested information respectingthose points on which his own judgment might ultimately be formed. Hewas particularly desirous of knowing how the proposition made byVirginia was received in the other states, and what measures weretaken to contravene, or to give it effect. He inquired too with theutmost solicitude how the members of the Cincinnati would receive hisappearance in convention, after declining to be rechosen the presidentof that society. 

The enlightened friends of the union and of republican government, generally regarded the convention as a measure which afforded the bestchance for preserving liberty and internal peace. And those whosehopes predominated over their fears, were anxious to increase theprobability of deriving from it every practicable good, by retainingon the list of its members, the most conspicuous name of which Americacould boast. But this opinion was not universal. Among those who feltthe importance of the crisis, and who earnestly wished that a freegovernment, competent to the preservation of the union, might beestablished, there were some who despaired of a favourable issue tothe attempt, and who were therefore anxious to rescue their generalfrom the increased mortification which would attend its failure, should he be personally engaged in it. They believed that all thestates would not be represented in the convention. In a letter of the20th of January, 1787, Colonel Humphries, who was himself under thisimpression, thus accounts for the omission of the federal men in theassembly of Connecticut, to press the appointment of deputies. "Thereason, " he said, "was a conviction that the persons who could beelected were some of the best anti-federal men in the state, whobelieved, or acted as if they believed, that the powers of congresswere already too unlimited, and who would wish, apparently, to see theunion dissolved. These demagogues, " continued the letter, "reallyaffect to persuade the people (to use their own phraseology) that theyare only in danger of having their liberties stolen away by an artfuldesigning aristocracy. But should the convention be formed under themost favourable auspices, and should the members be unanimous inrecommending, in the most forcible, the most glowing, and the mostpathetic terms which language can afford, that it is indispensable tothe salvation of the country, congress should be clothed with moreample powers, the states, " he thought, "would not all comply with therecommendation. They have a mortal reluctance to divest themselves ofthe smallest attribute of independent separate sovereignties. " Afterassigning many reasons against accepting the appointment, thisgentleman added: "the result of the convention may not perhaps be soimportant as is expected, in which case your character would bematerially affected. Other people can work up the present scene. Iknow your personal influence and character is justly considered thelast stake which America has to play. Should you not reserve yourselffor the united call of a continent entire?

"If you should attend on this convention, and concur in recommendingmeasures which should be generally adopted, but opposed in some partsof the union, it would doubtless be understood that you had in adegree pledged yourself for their execution. This would at once sweepyou back inevitably into the tide of public affairs. "

The same opinion was also intimated by another military friend[35] whohad always possessed a large portion of the esteem and affection ofhis general. After stating the various and contradictory plans ofgovernment which were suggested by the schemers of the day, he added:"you will see by this sketch, my dear sir, how various are theopinions of men, and how difficult it will be to bring them to concurin any effective government. I am persuaded, if you were determined toattend the convention, and it should be generally known, it wouldinduce the eastern states to send delegates to it. I should thereforebe much obliged for information of your decision on this subject. Atthe same time, the principles of the purest and most respectfulfriendship induce me to say, that however strongly I wish for measureswhich would lead to national happiness and glory, yet I do not wishyou to be concerned in any political operations, of which there aresuch various opinions. There may indeed arise some solemn occasion, inwhich you may conceive it to be your duty again to exert your utmosttalents to promote the happiness of your country. But this occasionmust be of an unequivocal nature, in which the enlightened andvirtuous citizens should generally concur. "

 [Footnote 35: General Knox. ]

While the confidential friends of General Washington were thus dividedon the part which it behoved him to act, there was much reason to fearthat a full representation of the states would not be obtained. Amongthose who were disinclined to a convention, were persons who wereactuated by different, and even by opposite motives. There wereprobably some who believed that a higher toned[36] government than wascompatible with the opinions generally prevailing among the friends oforder, of real liberty, and of national character, was essential tothe public safety. They believed that men would be conducted to thatpoint only through the road of misery into which their follies wouldlead them, and that "times must be worse before they could be better. "Many had sketched in their own minds a plan of government stronglyresembling that which had been actually adopted, but despaired ofseeing so rational a system accepted, or even recommended; "somegentlemen, " said the correspondent last mentioned, "are apprehensivethat a convention of the nature proposed to meet in May next, mightdevise some expedient to brace up the present defective confederation, so as just to serve to keep us together, while it would prevent thoseexertions for a national character which are essential to ourhappiness: that in this point of view it might be attended with thebad effect of assisting us to creep on in our present miserablecondition, without a hope of a generous constitution, that should, atthe same time, shield us from the effects of faction, and ofdespotism. "[37] Many discountenanced the convention, because the modeof calling it was deemed irregular, and some objected to it, becauseit was not so constituted as to give authority to the plan whichshould be devised. But the great mass of opposition originated in adevotion to state sovereignty, and in hostility to any considerableaugmentation of federal power. 

 [Footnote 36: This sentiment was far from being avowed by any correspondent of General Washington, but is stated in the private letters to him, to have been taken up by some. ]

 [Footnote 37: In a subsequent part of the same letter, this gentleman draws the outlines of a constitution such as he would wish. It is essentially the same with that which was recommended by the convention. ]

The ultimate decision of the states on this interesting propositionseems to have been in no inconsiderable degree influenced by thecommotions which about that time agitated all New England, andparticularly Massachusetts. 

[Sidenote: Insurrection in Massachusetts. ]

Those causes of discontent which existed, after the restoration ofpeace, in every part of the union, were particularly operative in NewEngland. The great exertions which had been made by those states inthe course of the war, had accumulated a mass of debt, the taxes forthe payment of which were the more burdensome, because their fisherieshad become unproductive. The restlessness produced by the uneasysituation of individuals, connected with lax notions concerning publicand private faith, and erroneous opinions which confound liberty withan exemption from legal control, produced a state of things whichalarmed all reflecting men, and demonstrated to many the indispensablenecessity of clothing government with powers sufficiently ample forthe protection of the rights of the peaceable and quiet, from theinvasions of the licentious and turbulent part of the community. 

This disorderly spirit was cherished by unlicensed conventions, which, after voting their own constitutionality, and assuming the name of thepeople, arrayed themselves against the legislature, and detailed atgreat length the grievances by which they alleged themselves to beoppressed. Its hostility was principally directed against thecompensation promised to the officers of the army, against taxes, andagainst the administration of justice: and the circulation of adepreciated currency was required, as a relief from the pressure ofpublic and private burdens which had become, it was alleged, too heavyto be borne. Against lawyers and courts, the strongest resentmentswere manifested; and to such a dangerous extent were thesedispositions indulged, that, in many instances, tumultuous assemblagesof people arrested the course of law, and restrained the judges fromproceeding in the execution of their duty. The ordinary recourse tothe power of the country was found an insufficient protection, and theappeals made to reason were attended with no beneficial effect. Theforbearance of the government was attributed to timidity rather thanto moderation, and the spirit of insurrection appeared to be organizedinto a regular system for the suppression of courts. 

In the bosom of Washington, these tumults excited attention and alarm. "For God's sake tell me, " said he in a letter to Colonel Humphries, "what is the cause of all these commotions? Do they proceed fromlicentiousness, British influence disseminated by the tories, or realgrievances which admit of redress? if the latter, why was redressdelayed until the public mind had become so much agitated? if theformer, why are not the powers of government tried at once? It is aswell to be without, as not to exercise them. Commotions of this sort, like snow-balls, gather strength as they roll, if there is noopposition in the way to divide and crumble them. "

"As to your question, my dear general, " said Colonel Humphries inreply, "respecting the cause and origin of these commotions, I hardlyfind myself in condition to give a certain answer. If from all theinformation I have been able to obtain, I might be authorized tohazard an opinion, I should attribute them to all the three causeswhich you have suggested. In Massachusetts particularly, I believethere are a few real grievances; and also some wicked agents oremissaries who have been busy in magnifying the positive evils, andfomenting causeless jealousies and disturbances. But it rather appearsto me, that there is a licentious spirit prevailing among many of thepeople; a levelling principle; a desire of change; and a wish toannihilate all debts, public and private. " "It is indeed a fact, " saidGeneral Knox, after returning from a visit to the eastern country, "that high taxes are the ostensible cause of the commotion, but thatthey are the real cause, is as far remote from truth, as light is fromdarkness. The people who are the insurgents have never paid any, orbut very little taxes. But they see the weakness of government. Theyfeel at once their own poverty compared with the opulent, and theirown force; and they are determined to make use of the latter, in orderto remedy the former. Their creed is, that the property of the UnitedStates has been protected from confiscation by the joint exertions ofall, and therefore ought to be common to all. And he that attemptsopposition to this creed is an enemy to equity and justice, and oughtto be swept from the face of the earth. "

The force of this party throughout New England was computed by GeneralKnox at twelve or fifteen thousand men. "They were chiefly, " he said, "of the young and active part of the community, who were more easilycollected than kept together. Desperate and unprincipled, they wouldprobably commit overt acts of treason which would compel them, fortheir own safety, to embody and submit to discipline. Thus would therebe a formidable rebellion against reason, the principle of allgovernment, and the very name of liberty. This dreadful situation, " headded, "has alarmed every man of principle and property in NewEngland. They start as from a dream, and ask--what has been the causeof our delusion? What is to afford us security against the violence oflawless men? Our government must be braced, changed, or altered, tosecure our lives and our property. We imagined that the mildness ofthe government, and the virtue of the people were so correspondent, that we were not as other nations, requiring brutal force to supportthe laws. But we find that we are men, actual men, possessing all theturbulent passions belonging to that animal; and that we must have agovernment proper and adequate for him. Men of reflection andprinciple are determined to endeavour to establish a government whichshall have the power to protect them in their lawful pursuits, andwhich will be efficient in cases of internal commotions, or foreigninvasions. They mean that liberty shall be the basis, a libertyresulting from the equal and firm administration of the laws. "

Deeply affected by these commotions, General Washington continued hisanxious inquiries respecting the course they threatened to take. "Ifeel, my dear General Knox, " said he, in answer to the letter fromwhich the foregoing extracts are taken, "infinitely more than I canexpress to you, for the disorders which have arisen in these states. Good God! who besides a tory could have foreseen, or a Briton havepredicted them? I do assure you that even at this moment, when Ireflect upon the present aspect of our affairs, it seems to me likethe visions of a dream. My mind can scarcely realize it as a thing inactual existence:--so strange, so wonderful does it appear to me. Inthis, as in most other matters, we are too slow. When this spiritfirst dawned, it might probably have been easily checked; but it isscarcely within the reach of human ken, at this moment, to say when, where, or how it will terminate. There are combustibles in everystate, to which a spark might set fire. 

"In bewailing, which I have often done with the keenest sorrow, thedeath of our much lamented friend General Greene, [38] I haveaccompanied my regrets of late with a query, whether he would not havepreferred such an exit to the scenes which it is more than probable, many of his compatriots may live to bemoan. "

 [Footnote 38: This valuable officer died in Georgia in the year 1786. ]

Ostensibly, on account of the danger which threatened the frontiers, but, really, with a view to the situation of Massachusetts, congresshad agreed to augment the military establishment to a legionary corpsof two thousand and forty men, and had detached the secretary of war, General Knox, to that state, with directions to concert measures withits government for the safety of the arsenal at Springfield. Soinauspicious was the aspect of affairs, as to inspire serious fearsthat the torch of civil discord, about to be lighted up inMassachusetts, would communicate its flame to all New England, andperhaps to the union. Colonel Lee, a member of congress, drew thefollowing picture of the condition of the eastern country at thattime. "General Knox has just returned, and his report, grounded on hisown knowledge, is replete with melancholy information. A majority ofthe people of Massachusetts are in opposition to the government. Someof the leaders avow the subversion of it to be their object, togetherwith the abolition of debts, the division of property, and a reunionwith Great Britain. In all the eastern states, same temper prevailsmore or less, and will certainly break forth whenever the opportunemoment may arrive. The malcontents are in close connexion withVermont, and that district, it is believed, is in negotiation with thegovernment of Canada. In one word, my dear general, we are all in direapprehension that a beginning of anarchy with all its calamities ismade, and we have no means to stop the dreadful work. Knowing yourunbounded influence, and believing that your appearance among theseditious might bring them back to peace and reconciliation, individuals suggest the propriety of an invitation to you fromcongress to pay us a visit. This is only a surmise, and I take theliberty to mention it to you, that, should the conjuncture of affairsinduce congress to make this request, you may have some previous timefor reflection on it. "

"The picture which you have exhibited, " replied the general, "and theaccounts which are published of the commotions and temper of numerousbodies in the eastern country, present a state of things equally to belamented and deprecated. They exhibit a melancholy verification ofwhat our transatlantic foes have predicted; and of another thingperhaps which is still more to be regretted, and is yet moreunaccountable--that mankind when left to themselves are unfit fortheir own government. I am mortified beyond expression when I view theclouds which have spread over the brightest morn that ever dawned uponany country. In a word, I am lost in amazement when I behold whatintrigue, the interested views of desperate characters, ignorance andjealousy of the minor part, are capable of effecting as a scourge onthe major part of our fellow citizens of the union; for it is hardlyto be supposed that the great body of the people, though they will notact, can be so short sighted or enveloped in darkness, as not to seerays of a distant sun through all this mist of intoxication and folly. 

"You talk, my good sir, of employing influence to appease the presenttumults in Massachusetts. I know not where that influence is to befound; nor if attainable, that it would be a proper remedy for thesedisorders. _Influence_ is not _government_. Let us have a_government_, by which our lives, liberties, and properties will besecured; or let us know the worst at once. Under these impressions, myhumble opinion is, that there is a call for decision. Know preciselywhat the insurgents aim at. If they have _real_ grievances, redressthem if possible; or acknowledge the justice of them, and yourinability to do it in the present moment. If they have not, employ theforce of the government against them at once. If this is inadequate, _all_ will be convinced that the superstructure is bad, or wantssupport. To be more exposed in the eyes of the world, and morecontemptible than we already are, is hardly possible. To delay one orthe other of these expedients, is to exasperate on the one hand, or togive confidence on the other, and will add to their numbers; for likesnow-balls, such bodies increase by every movement, unless there issomething in the way to obstruct and crumble them before their weightis too great and irresistible. 

"These are my sentiments. Precedents are dangerous things. Let thereins of government then be braced, and held with a steady hand; andevery violation of the constitution be reprehended. If defective, letit be amended, but not suffered to be trampled upon while it has anexistence. "

In a letter written about the same period, Colonel Humphries, afterstating his apprehensions that the insurgents would seize thecontinental magazine at Springfield, proceeded to add: "a generalfailure to comply with the requisitions of congress for money, seemsto prognosticate that we are rapidly advancing to a crisis. The wheelsof the great political machine can scarcely continue to move muchlonger, under their present embarrassment. Congress, I am told, areseriously alarmed, and hardly know which way to turn, or what toexpect. Indeed, my dear general, nothing but a good Providence canextricate us from our present difficulties, and prevent some terribleconclusion. 

"In case of civil discord I have already told you it was seriously myopinion that you could not remain neuter; and that you would beobliged in self defence, to take part on one side or the other, orwithdraw from the continent. Your friends are of the same opinion; andI believe you are convinced that it is impossible to have moredisinterested or zealous friends, than those who have been about yourperson. "

"It is, " said the general in reply, "with the deepest and mostheartfelt concern, I perceive by some late paragraphs extracted fromthe Boston papers, that the insurgents of Massachusetts, far frombeing satisfied with the redress offered by their general court, arestill acting in open violation of law and government, and have obligedthe chief magistrate, in a decided tone, to call upon the militia ofthe state to support the constitution. What, gracious God, is man!that there should be such inconsistency and perfidiousness in hisconduct. It is but the other day that we were shedding our blood toobtain the constitutions under which we now live--constitutions of ourown choice and making--and now, we are unsheathing the sword tooverturn them. The thing is so unaccountable, that I hardly know howto realize it; or to persuade myself that I am not under the illusionof a dream. 

"My mind, previous to the receipt of your letter of the first ultimo, had often been agitated by a thought similar to the one you expressedrespecting an old friend of yours: but heaven forbid that a crisisshould come when he shall be driven to the necessity of making achoice of either of the alternatives there mentioned. "

Finding that the lenient measures which had been taken by thelegislature to reclaim the insurgents, only enlarged their demands;and that they were proceeding systematically to organize a militaryforce for the subversion of the constitution; Governor Bowdoindetermined, with the advice of council, on a vigorous exertion of allthe powers he possessed, for the protection and defence of thecommonwealth. Upwards of four thousand militia were ordered intoservice, and were placed under the command of the veteran GeneralLincoln. "His military reputation, " says Mr. Minot, "and mildness oftemper, rendered him doubly capacitated for so delicate and importanta trust. " But the public treasury did not afford the means of keepingthis force in the field a single week; and, the legislature not beingin session, the government was incapable of putting the troops inmotion. This difficulty was removed by individual patriotism. From thecommencement of the commotions, the citizens of Boston had manifested, unequivocally, their fidelity to the constitution. On this occasion, anumber of gentlemen, preceded by the governor, subscribed, in a fewhours, a sufficient sum to carry on the proposed expedition. 

In the depth of winter, the troops from the eastern part of the stateassembled near Boston, and marched towards the scene of action. Thosefrom the western counties met in arms under General Shepard, and tookpossession of the arsenal at Springfield. Before the arrival ofLincoln, a party of the insurgents attempted to dislodge Shepard, butwere repulsed with some loss. Not being pursued by that officer, whocould not venture to weaken his post by detachments, they continuedembodied, but did not venture again to undertake offensive operations. 

Urging his march with the utmost celerity, Lincoln soon came up; and, pressing the insurgent army, endeavoured, by a succession of rapidmovements, in which the ardour of his troops triumphed over theseverity of the season, to disperse, or to bring it to action. Theirgenerals retreated from post to post with a rapidity which for sometime eluded his designs; and, rejecting every proposition to lay downtheir arms, used all their address to produce a suspension ofhostilities until an accommodation might be negotiated with thelegislature. "Applications were also made, " says General Lincoln, "bycommittees and select men of the several towns in the counties ofWorcester and Hampshire, praying that the effusion of blood might beavoided, while the real design of these applications was supposed tobe, to stay our operations until a new court should be elected. Theyhad no doubt, if they could keep up their influence until anotherchoice of the legislature and of the executive, that matters might bemoulded in general court to their wishes. To avoid this, was the dutyof government. " In answer to these applications, Lincoln exhortedthose towns who sincerely wished to put an end to the rebellionwithout the effusion of blood, "to recall their men now in arms, andto aid in apprehending all abettors of those who should persist intheir treason, and all who should yield them any comfort or supplies. "

The army of government continued to brave the rigours of the climate, and to press the insurgents without intermission. At length, with theloss of a few killed, and several prisoners, the rebels weredispersed, their leaders driven out of the state, and this formidableand wicked rebellion was quelled. 

The same love of country which had supported the officers and soldiersof the late army through a perilous war, still glowed in their bosoms;and the patriot veterans of the revolution, uninfected by the widespreading contagion of the times, arranged themselves almostuniversally under the banners of the constitution and of the laws. This circumstance lessened the prejudices which had been excitedagainst them as creditors of the public, and diminished the odiumwhich, in the eastern states, especially, had been directed againstthe order of the Cincinnati. But the most important effect of thisunprovoked rebellion was, a deep conviction of the necessity ofenlarging the powers of the general government; and the consequentdirection of the public mind towards the convention which was toassemble at Philadelphia. 

In producing this effect, a resolution of congress had alsoconsiderable influence. New York had given her final _veto_ to theimpost system, and in doing so, had virtually decreed the dissolutionof the existing government. The confederation was apparently expiringfrom mere debility. The last hope of its friends having beendestroyed, the vital necessity of some measure which might prevent theseparation of the integral parts of which the American empire wascomposed, became apparent even to those who had been unwilling toperceive it; and congress was restrained from giving its sanction tothe proposed convention, only by an apprehension that their taking aninterest in the measure would impede rather than promote it. From thisembarrassment, the members of that body were relieved by thelegislature of New York. A vote of that state, which passed in thesenate by a majority of only one voice, instructed its delegation tomove in congress, a resolution, recommending to the several states, toappoint deputies to meet in convention, for the purpose of revisingand proposing amendments to the federal constitution. On the 21st ofFebruary, 1787, the day succeeding the instructions given by New York, the subject, which had been for some time under consideration, wasfinally acted upon: and it was declared, "in the opinion of congress, to be expedient that, on the second Monday in May next, a conventionof delegates, who shall have been appointed by the several states, beheld at Philadelphia, for the sole and express purpose of revising thearticles of confederation, and reporting to congress and the severallegislatures, such alterations and provisions therein, as shall, whenagreed to in congress, and confirmed by the states, render the federalconstitution adequate to the exigencies of government, and thepreservation of the union. "

This recommendation removed all objections to the regularity of theconvention; and co-operated with the impressions made by thelicentious and turbulent spirit which had lately endangered the peaceand liberty of New England, to incline those states to favour themeasure. By giving the proposed meeting a constitutional sanction, andby postponing it to a day subsequent to that on which the Cincinnatiwere to assemble, it also removed one impediment, and diminishedanother, to the attendance of General Washington as a member. Hepersuaded himself that by repairing to Philadelphia previous to thesecond Monday in May, in order to attend the general meeting of theCincinnati, he should efface any impressions unfavourable to theattachment he felt to his military friends, which might otherwise beexcited in their bosoms by his appearing in a public character, afterdeclining the presidency of their society. The increasing probabilitythat the convention would be attended by a full representation of thestates, and would propose a scheme of government which, if accepted, might conduce to the public happiness, and would not be unworthy ofhis character, had also its influence on his mind. An opinion toobegan to prevail, that the government must be invigorated by agreementor by force, and that a part of the opposition to the conventionoriginated in a desire to establish a system of greater energy thancould spring from consent. The idea that his refusing his aid in thepresent crisis might be attributed to a dereliction of republicanprinciples, furnished additional motives for yielding to the wishes ofhis fellow citizens. On the 28th of March, he addressed a letter tothe governor of Virginia, in which, after stating the reasons whichhad induced him to decline attending the convention, the influence ofwhich he still felt, he added--"However, as my friends, with a degreeof solicitude which is unusual, seem to wish for my attendance on thisoccasion, I have come to a resolution to go if my health will permit, provided from the lapse of time between your excellency's letter andthis reply, the executive may not (the reverse of which would behighly pleasing to me) have turned their thoughts to some othercharacter. "

After communicating this determination to the executive of Virginia, he received a letter from the secretary of war, one of the smallnumber of his friends who had endeavoured to dissuade him from theresolution he had ultimately taken, in which that officer avowed anentire change of opinion on this subject. "It is, " said he, "thegeneral wish that you should attend. It is conceived to be highlyimportant to the success of the propositions which may be made by theconvention. 

"The mass of the people feel the inconvenience of the presentgovernment, and ardently wish for such alterations as would remedythem. These must be effected by reason and by agreement, or by force. The convention appears to be the only mean by which to effect thempeaceably. If it should not be attended by a proper weight of wisdomand character to carry into execution its propositions, we are to lookto events, and to force, for a remedy. Were you not then to attend theconvention, slander and malice might suggest that force would be themost agreeable mode of reform to you. When civil commotion rages, nopurity of character, no services, however exalted, can afford a secureshield from the shafts of calumny. 

"On the other hand, the unbounded confidence the people have in yourtried patriotism and wisdom, would exceedingly facilitate the adoptionof any important alterations that might be proposed by a convention ofwhich you were a member; and (as I before hinted) the president. "

[Sidenote: Convention at Philadelphia. ]

At the time and place appointed, the representatives of twelve statesconvened. In Rhode Island alone a spirit sufficiently hostile to everyspecies of reform was found, to prevent the election of deputies on anoccasion so generally deemed momentous. Having unanimously chosenGeneral Washington for their president, the convention proceeded, withclosed doors, to discuss the interesting and extensive subjectsubmitted to their consideration. 

On the great principles which should constitute the basis of theirsystem, not much contrariety of opinion is understood to haveprevailed. But on the various and intricate modifications of thoseprinciples, an equal degree of harmony was not to be expected. Morethan once, there was reason to fear that the rich harvest of nationalfelicity, which had been anticipated from the ample stock of worthcollected in convention, would all be blasted by the rising of thatbody without effecting the object for which it was formed. At lengththe high importance attached to union triumphed over local interests;and, on the 17th of September, that constitution which has been alikethe theme of panegyric and invective, was presented to the Americanpublic. 

The instrument with its accompanying resolutions was by the unanimousorder of the convention, transmitted to congress in a lettersubscribed by the president, in which it was said to be, "the resultof a spirit of amity, and of that mutual deference and concession, which the peculiarity of their political situation renderedindispensable. 

[Sidenote: A form of government for the United States is submitted tothe respective states, which is ratified by eleven of them. ]

"That it will meet the full and entire approbation of every state, "continued the letter, "is not, perhaps, to be expected; but each willdoubtless consider, that had her interests been alone consulted, theconsequences might have been particularly disagreeable or injurious toothers. That it is liable to as few exceptions as could reasonablyhave been expected, we hope and believe; that it may promote thelasting welfare of that country so dear to us all, and secure herfreedom and happiness, is our most ardent wish. "

Congress resolved unanimously, that the report with the letteraccompanying it be transmitted to the several legislatures, in orderto be submitted to a convention of delegates chosen in each state bythe people thereof. 

Neither the intrinsic merits of the constitution nor the imposingweight of character by which it was supported, gave assurance to itsfriends that it would be ultimately adopted. A comparison of the viewsand interests by which a powerful party was actuated, with particularprovisions in the constitution which were especially designed tocounteract those views and interests, prepared them to expect a massof zealous and active opposition, against which the powers of reasonwould be in vain directed, because the real motives in which itoriginated would not be avowed. There were also many individuals, possessing great influence and respectable talents, who, fromjudgment, or from particular causes, seemed desirous of retaining thesovereignty of the states unimpaired, and of reducing the union to analliance between independent nations. To these descriptions ofpersons, joined by those who supposed that an opposition of interestsexisted between different parts of the continent, was added a numerousclass of honest men, many of whom possessed no inconsiderable share ofintelligence, who could identify themselves perfectly with the stategovernment, but who considered the government of the United States asin some respects foreign. The representation of their particular statenot composing a majority of the national legislature, they could notconsider that body as safely representing the people, and weredisposed to measure out power to it with the same sparing hand withwhich they would confer it on persons not chosen by themselves, notaccountable to them for its exercise, nor having any common interestwith them. That power might be abused, was, to persons of thisopinion, a conclusive argument against its being bestowed; and theyseemed firmly persuaded that the cradle of the constitution would bethe grave of republican liberty. The friends and the enemies of thatinstrument were stimulated to exertion by motives equally powerful;and, during the interval between its publication and adoption, everyfaculty of the mind was strained to secure its reception or rejection. The press teemed with the productions of temperate reason, of genius, and of passion; and it was apparent that each party believed power, sovereignty, liberty, peace, and security;--things most dear to thehuman heart;--to be staked on the question depending before thepublic. From that oblivion which is the common destiny of fugitivepieces, treating on subjects which agitate only for the moment, wasrescued, by its peculiar merit, a series of essays which firstappeared in the papers of New York. To expose the real circumstancesof America, and the dangers which hung over the republic; to detectthe numerous misrepresentations of the constitution; to refute thearguments of its opponents; and to confirm, and increase, its friends, by a full and able development of its principles; three gentlemen, [39]distinguished for their political experience, their talents, and theirlove of union, gave to the public a series of numbers which, collectedin two volumes under the title of the FEDERALIST, will be read andadmired when the controversy in which that valuable treatise ongovernment originated, shall be no longer remembered. 

 [Footnote 39: Colonel Hamilton, Mr. Madison, and Mr. Jay. ]

To decide the interesting question which agitated a continent, thebest talents of the several states were assembled in their respectiveconventions. So balanced were parties in some of them, that, evenafter the subject had been discussed for a considerable time, the fateof the constitution could scarcely be conjectured; and so small, inmany instances, was the majority in its favour, as to afford strongground for the opinion that, had the influence of character beenremoved, the intrinsic merits of the instrument would not have securedits adoption. Indeed, it is scarcely to be doubted that, in some ofthe adopting states, a majority of the people were in the opposition. In all of them, the numerous amendments which were proposed, demonstrate the reluctance with which the new government was accepted;and that a dread of dismemberment, not an approbation of theparticular system under consideration, had induced an acquiescence init. The interesting nature of the question, the equality of theparties, the animation produced inevitably by ardent debate, had anecessary tendency to embitter the dispositions of the vanquished, andto fix more deeply, in many bosoms, their prejudices against a plan ofgovernment, in opposition to which all their passions were enlisted. 

{1788}

At length, the conventions of eleven states[40] assented to andratified the constitution; and the preparatory measures were taken forbringing it into operation. 

 [Footnote 40: North Carolina and Rhode Island did not at first accept the constitution, and New York was apparently dragged into it by a repugnance to being excluded from the confederacy. By the convention of that state a circular letter was addressed to the several states in the union inviting them to unite in calling a general convention to revise the constitution. Its friends seem to have been persuaded that this measure, if successful, would effectually destroy the edifice they had erected with so much labour, before an experience of its advantages could dissipate the prejudices which had been excited against it. "You will have seen, " said one of its most effective advocates, "the circular letter from the convention of this state. It has a most pernicious tendency. If an early general convention can not be parried, it is seriously to be feared that the system which has resisted so many direct attacks, may be at length successfully undermined by its enemies. It is now perhaps to be wished that Rhode Island may not accede until this new crisis of danger be over; some think it would be better if even New York had held out until the operation of the government could have dissipated the fears which artifice had created, and the attempts resulting from those fears and artifices. "]

From the moment the public was possessed of this new arrangement oftheir political system, the attention of all was directed to GeneralWashington as the first President of the United States. He alone wasbelieved to fill so pre-eminent a station in the public opinion, thathe might be placed at the head of the nation without exciting envy;and he alone possessed the confidence of the people in so unlimited adegree that under his auspices, the friends of the government mighthope to see it introduced with a degree of firmness which would enableit to resist the open assaults, and secret plots of its numerousadversaries. By all who knew him, fears were entertained that hispreference for private life would prevail over the wishes of thepublic; and, soon after the adoption of the constitution wasascertained, his correspondents began to press him on a point whichwas believed essential to the completion of the great work on whichthe grandeur and happiness of America was supposed to depend. "We cannot, " said Mr. Johnson, a gentleman of great political eminence inMaryland, "do without you, and I, and thousands more can explain toany body but yourself, why we can not do without you. " "I have everthought, " said Mr. Gouverneur Morris, a gentleman who had been amongthe most valuable members of congress through great part of the war, and who had performed a most splendid part in the general convention, "and have ever said that you must be president; no other man can fillthat office. No other man can draw forth the abilities of our countryinto the various departments of civil life. You alone can awe theinsolence of opposing factions, and the greater insolence of assumingadherents. I say nothing of foreign powers, nor of their ministers. With these last you will have some plague. As to your feelings on thisoccasion, they are, I know, both deep and affecting; you embarkproperty most precious on a most tempestuous ocean: for, as youpossess the highest reputation, so you expose it to the perilouschance of popular opinion. On the other hand, you will, I firmlyexpect, enjoy the inexpressible felicity of contributing to thehappiness of all your countrymen. You will become the father of morethan three millions of children; and while your bosom glows withparental tenderness, in theirs, or at least in a majority of them, youwill excite the duteous sentiments of filial affection. This, I repeatit, is what I firmly expect; and my views are not directed by thatenthusiasm which your public character has impressed on the publicmind. Enthusiasm is generally short sighted and too often blind. Iform my conclusions from those talents and virtues which the world_believes_, and which your friends _know_ you possess. "

To those who attribute human action in every case to the motives whichmost usually guide the human mind, it will appear scarcely possiblethat the supreme magistracy could possess no charms for a man longaccustomed to command others; and that ambition had no share intempting the hero of the American revolution to tread once more thepaths of public life. Yet, if his communications to friends to whom heunbosomed the inmost sentiments of his soul be inspected, it will bedifficult to resist the conviction that the struggle produced by theoccasion was unaffected, and that, in accepting the presidency of theUnited States, no private passion was gratified; but a decidedpreference for private life yielded to a sense of duty, and a deepconviction of his obligations to his country. 

As this is an important æra in the life of Washington, and the motivesby which he was actuated will assist in developing his real character, the American reader, at least, will be gratified at seeing copiousextracts from his correspondence on this interesting occasion. 

In a letter detailing those arrangements which were making for theintroduction of the new government, Colonel Lee proceeded thus tospeak of the presidency of the United States. "The solemnity of themoment, and its application to yourself, have fixed my mind incontemplations of a public and a personal nature, and I feel aninvoluntary impulse which I can not resist, to communicate withoutreserve to you some of the reflections which the hour has produced. Solicitous for our common happiness as a people, and convinced as Icontinue to be that our peace and prosperity depend on the properimprovement of the present period, my anxiety is extreme that the newgovernment may have an auspicious beginning. To effect this, and toperpetuate a nation formed under your auspices, it is certain thatagain you will be called forth. 

"The same principles of devotion to the good of mankind, which haveinvariably governed your conduct, will no doubt continue to rule yourmind, however opposite their consequences may be to your repose andhappiness. It may be wrong, but I can not suppress, in my wishes fornational felicity, a due regard for your personal fame and content. 

"If the same success should attend your efforts on this importantoccasion which has distinguished you hitherto, then, to be sure, youwill have spent a life which Providence rarely if ever before gave tothe lot of one man. It is my anxious hope, it is my belief, that thiswill be the case; but all things are uncertain, and perhaps nothingmore so than political events. " He then proceeded to state hisapprehensions, that the government might sink under the activehostility of its foes, and in particular, the fears which heentertained from the circular letter of New York, around which theminorities in the several states might be expected to rally. 

To counteract its baneful influence with the legislature of Virginia, he expressed his earnest wish, that Mr. Madison might be prevailed onto take a seat in that assembly, and then added, "It would certainly be unpleasant to you, and obnoxious to all whofeel for your just fame, to see you at the head of a trembling system. It is a sacrifice on your part unjustifiable in any point of view. Buton the other hand no alternative seems to be presented. 

"Without you, the government can have but little chance of success;and the people, of that happiness which its prosperity must yield. "

{1789}

[Sidenote: Letters from Gen. Washington respecting the chiefmagistracy of the new government. ]

In reply to this letter General Washington said, "Your observations onthe solemnity of the crisis, and its application to myself, bringbefore me subjects of the most momentous and interesting nature. Inour endeavours to establish a new general government, the contest, nationally considered, seems not to have been so much for glory, asexistence. It was for a long time doubtful whether we were to surviveas an independent republic, or decline from our federal dignity intoinsignificant and wretched fragments of empire. The adoption of theconstitution so extensively, and with so liberal an acquiescence onthe part of the minorities in general, promised the former; butlately, the circular letter of New York has manifested, in myapprehension, an unfavourable, if not an insidious tendency to acontrary policy. I still hope for the best; but before you mentionedit, I could not help fearing it would serve as a standard to which thedisaffected might resort. It is now evidently the part of all honestmen, who are friends to the new constitution, to endeavour to give ita chance to disclose its merits and defects, by carrying it fairlyinto effect, in the first instance. 

"The principal topic of your letter, is to me a point of greatdelicacy indeed;--insomuch that I can scarcely, without someimpropriety, touch upon it. In the first place, the event to which youallude may never happen, among other reasons, because, if thepartiality of my fellow citizens conceive it to be a mean by which thesinews of the new government would be strengthened, it will ofconsequence be obnoxious to those who are in opposition to it, many ofwhom, unquestionably, will be placed among the electors. 

"This consideration alone would supersede the expediency of announcingany definitive and irrevocable resolution. You are among the smallnumber of those who know my invincible attachment to domestic life, and that my sincerest wish is to continue in the enjoyment of itsolely, until my final hour. But the world would be neither so wellinstructed, nor so candidly disposed, as to believe me to beuninfluenced by sinister motives, in case any circumstance shouldrender a deviation from the line of conduct I had prescribed formyself indispensable. Should the contingency you suggest take place, and (for argument sake alone, let me say) should my unfeignedreluctance to accept the office be overcome by a deference for thereasons and opinions of my friends; might I not, after thedeclarations I have made, (and heaven knows they were made in thesincerity of my heart, ) in the judgment of the impartial world, and ofposterity, be chargeable with levity and inconsistency, if not withrashness and ambition? Nay, farther, would there not even be someapparent foundation for the two former charges? Now, justice tomyself, and tranquillity of conscience require that I should act apart, if not above imputation, at least capable of vindication. Norwill you conceive me to be too solicitous for reputation. Though Iprize as I ought the good opinion of my fellow citizens, yet, if Iknow myself, I would not seek or retain popularity at the expense ofone social duty, or moral virtue. While doing what my conscienceinformed me was right, as it respected my God, my country, and myself, I could despise all the party clamour and unjust censure which must beexpected from some, whose personal enmity might be occasioned by theirhostility to the government. I am conscious, that I fear alone to giveany real occasion for obloquy, and that I do not dread to meet withunmerited reproach. And certain I am, whensoever I shall be convincedthe good of my country requires my reputation to be put in risque, regard for my own fame will not come in competition with an object ofso much magnitude. 

"If I declined the task, it would be upon quite another principle. Notwithstanding my advanced season of life, my increasing fondness foragricultural amusements, and my growing love of retirement, augmentand confirm my decided predilection for the character of a privatecitizen, yet it will be no one of these motives, nor the hazard towhich my former reputation might be exposed, or the terror ofencountering new fatigues and troubles, that would deter me from anacceptance;--but a belief that some other person, who had lesspretence and less inclination to be excused, could execute all theduties full as satisfactorily as myself. To say more would beindiscreet; as a disclosure of a refusal before hand might incur theapplication of the fable, in which the fox is represented asundervaluing the grapes he could not reach. You will perceive, my dearsir, by what is here observed (and which you will be pleased toconsider in the light of a confidential communication), that myinclinations will dispose and decide me to remain as I am, unless aclear and insurmountable conviction should be impressed on my mind, that some very disagreeable consequences must in all human probabilityresult from the indulgence of my wishes. "

About the same time, Colonel Hamilton concluded a letter onmiscellaneous subjects with the following observations. "I take it forgranted, sir, you have concluded to comply with what will, no doubt, be the general call of your country in relation to the new government. You will permit me to say that it is indispensable you should lendyourself to its first operations. It is to little purpose to haveintroduced a system, if the weightiest influence is not given to itsfirm establishment in the outset. "

"On the delicate subject, " said General Washington in reply, "withwhich you conclude your letter, I can say nothing; because the eventalluded to may never happen; and because in case it should occur, itwould be a point of prudence to defer forming one's ultimate andirrevocable decision, so long as new data might be afforded for one toact with the greater wisdom and propriety. I would not wish to concealmy prevailing sentiment from you. For you know me well enough, my goodsir, to be persuaded that I am not guilty of affectation, when I tellyou it is my great and sole desire to live and die in peace andretirement on my own farm. Were it even indispensable a different lineof conduct should be adopted, while you and some others who areacquainted with my heart would _acquit_, the world and posterity mightprobably _accuse_ me of _inconsistency_ and _ambition_. Still I hope, I shall always possess firmness and virtue enough to maintain (what Iconsider the most enviable of all titles) the character of _an honestman_. "

This answer drew from Colonel Hamilton the following reply: "I shouldbe deeply pained, my dear sir, if your scruples in regard to a certainstation should be matured into a resolution to decline it; though I amneither surprised at their existence, nor can I but agree in opinionthat the caution you observe in deferring the ultimate determinationis prudent. I have, however, reflected maturely on the subject, andhave come to a conclusion (in which I feel no hesitation) that everypublic and personal consideration will demand from you an acquiescencein what will _certainly_ be the unanimous wish of your country. 

"The absolute retreat which you meditated at the close of the late warwas natural and proper. Had the government produced by the revolutiongone on in a _tolerable_ train, it would have been most adviseable tohave persisted in that retreat. But I am clearly of opinion that thecrisis which brought you again into public view left you noalternative but to comply; and I am equally clear in the opinion thatyou are by that act _pledged_ to take a part in the execution of thegovernment. I am not less convinced that the impression of thenecessity of your filling the station in question is so universal, that you run no risk of any uncandid imputation by submitting to it. But even if this were not the case, a regard to your own reputation, as well as to the public good, calls upon you in the strongest mannerto run that risk. 

"It can not be considered as a compliment to say, that on youracceptance of the office of president, the success of the newgovernment in its commencement may materially depend. Your agency andinfluence will be not less important in preserving it from the futureattacks of its enemies, than they have been in recommending it in thefirst instance to the adoption of the people. Independent of allconsiderations drawn from this source, the point of light in which youstand at home and abroad, will make an infinite difference in therespectability with which the government will begin its operations, inthe alternative of your being or not being at the head of it. Iforbear to mention considerations which might have a more personalapplication. What I have said will suffice for the inferences I meanto draw. 

"First. In a matter so essential to the well being of society as theprosperity of a newly instituted government, a citizen of so muchconsequence as yourself to its success, has no option but to lend hisservices if called for. Permit me to say, it would be inglorious, insuch a situation, not to hazard the glory, however great, which hemight have previously acquired. 

"Secondly. Your signature to the proposed system, pledges yourjudgment for its being such an one as upon the whole was worthy of thepublic approbation. If it should miscarry, (as men commonly decidefrom success or the want of it) the blame will in all probability belaid on the system itself. And the framers of it will have toencounter the disrepute of having brought about a revolution ingovernment, without substituting any thing that was worthy of theeffort; they pulled down one Utopia, it will be said, to build upanother. This view of the subject, if I mistake not, my dear sir, willsuggest to your mind greater hazard to that fame, which must be, andought to be dear to you, in refusing your future aid to the system, than in affording it. I will only add, that in my estimate of thematter, that aid is indispensable. 

"I have taken the liberty to express these sentiments, and to laybefore you my view of the subject. I doubt not the considerationsmentioned have fully occurred to you, and I trust, they will finallyproduce in your mind the same result which exists in mine. I flattermyself the frankness with which I have delivered myself, will not bedispleasing to you. It has been prompted by motives which you wouldnot disapprove. "

In answer to this letter General Washington opened himself withoutreserve. "In acknowledging, " said he, "the receipt of your candid andkind letter by the last post, little more is incumbent on me than tothank you sincerely for the frankness with which you communicated yoursentiments, and to assure you that the same manly tone of intercoursewill always be more than barely welcome, --indeed it will be highlyacceptable to me. 

"I am particularly glad, in the present instance, that you have dealtthus freely and like a friend. Although I could not help observingfrom several publications and letters that my name had been sometimesspoken of, and that it was possible the _contingency_ which is thesubject of your letter might happen, yet I thought it best to maintaina guarded silence, and to lack the counsel of my best friends (which Icertainly hold in the highest estimation) rather than to hazard animputation unfriendly to the delicacy of my feelings. For, situated asI am, I could hardly bring the question into the slightest discussion, or ask an opinion even in the most confidential manner, withoutbetraying, in my judgment, some impropriety of conduct, or withoutfeeling an apprehension that a premature display of anxiety, might beconstrued into a vain glorious desire of pushing myself into notice asa candidate. Now; if I am not grossly deceived in myself, I shouldunfeignedly rejoice, in case the electors, by giving their votes infavour of some other person, would save me from the dreadful dilemmaof being forced to accept or refuse. If that may not be, I am in thenext place, earnestly desirous of searching out the truth, and ofknowing whether there does not exist a probability that the governmentwould be just as happily and effectually carried into executionwithout my aid, as with it. I am _truly_ solicitous to obtain all theprevious information which the circumstances will afford, and todetermine (when the determination can with propriety be no longerpostponed) according to the principles of right reason, and thedictates of a clear conscience; without too great a reference to theunforeseen consequences which may affect my person or reputation. Until that period, I may fairly hold myself open to conviction, thoughI allow your sentiments to have weight in them; and I shall not passby your arguments without giving them as dispassionate a considerationas I can possibly bestow upon them. 

"In taking a survey of the subject, in whatever point of light I havebeen able to place it, I will not suppress the acknowledgment, my dearsir, that I have always felt a kind of gloom upon my mind, as often asI have been taught to expect I might, and perhaps must ere long becalled to make a decision. You will, I am well assured, believe theassertion (though I have little expectation it would gain credit fromthose who are less acquainted with me) that if I should receive theappointment, and should be prevailed upon to accept it; the acceptancewould be attended with more diffidence and reluctance, than ever Iexperienced before in my life. It would be, however, with a fixed andsole determination of lending whatever assistance might be in my powerto promote the public weal, in hopes that at a convenient and an earlyperiod, my services might be dispensed with; and that I might bepermitted once more to retire--to pass an unclouded evening after thestormy day of life, in the bosom of domestic tranquillity. "

This correspondence was thus closed by Colonel Hamilton. "I feel aconviction that you will finally see your acceptance to beindispensable. It is no compliment to say that no other man cansufficiently unite the public opinion, or can give the requisiteweight to the office, in the commencement of the government. Theseconsiderations appear to me of themselves decisive. I am not sure thatyour refusal would not throw every thing into confusion. I am surethat it would have the worst effect imaginable. 

"Indeed, as I hinted in a former letter, I think circumstances leaveno option. "

Although this correspondence does not appear to have absolutelydecided General Washington on the part he should embrace, it could nothave been without its influence on his judgment, nor have failed todispose him to yield to the wish of his country. "I would willingly, "said he to his estimable friend General Lincoln, who had also pressedthe subject on him, "pass over in silence that part of your letter, inwhich you mention the persons who are candidates for the two firstoffices in the executive, if I did not fear the omission might seem tobetray a want of confidence. Motives of delicacy have prevented mehitherto from conversing or writing on this subject, whenever I couldavoid it with decency. I may, however, with great sincerity, and Ibelieve without offending against modesty or propriety, _say_ to_you_, that I most heartily wish the choice to which you allude mightnot fall upon me: and that if it should, I must reserve to myself theright of making up my final decision, at the last moment, when it canbe brought into one view, and when the expediency or inexpediency of arefusal can be more judiciously determined than at present. But beassured, my dear sir, if from any inducement I shall be persuadedultimately to accept, it will not be (so far as I know my own heart)from any of a private or personal nature. Every personal considerationconspires, to rivet me (if I may use the expression) to retirement. Atmy time of life, and under my circumstances, nothing in this world canever draw me from it, unless it be a _conviction_ that the partialityof my countrymen had made my services absolutely necessary, joined toa _fear_ that my refusal might induce a belief that I preferred theconservation of my own reputation and private ease, to the good of mycountry. After all, if I should conceive myself in a mannerconstrained to accept, I call heaven to witness, that this very actwould be the greatest sacrifice of my personal feelings and wishes, that ever I have been called upon to make. It would be to foregorepose and domestic enjoyment for trouble, perhaps for public obloquy:for I should consider myself as entering upon an unexplored field, enveloped on every side with clouds and darkness. 

"From this embarrassing situation I had naturally supposed that mydeclarations at the close of the war would have saved me; and that mysincere intentions, then publicly made known, would have effectuallyprecluded me forever afterwards from being looked upon as a candidatefor any office. This hope, as a last anchor of worldly happiness inold age, I had still carefully preserved; until the public papers andprivate letters from my correspondents in almost every quarter, taughtme to apprehend that I might soon be obliged to answer the question, whether I would go again into public life or not?"

"I can say little or nothing new, " said he in a letter to the Marquisde Lafayette, "in consequence of the repetition of your opinion on theexpediency there will be, for my accepting the office to which yourefer. Your sentiments indeed coincide much more nearly with those ofmy ether friends, than with my own feelings. In truth, my difficultiesincrease and magnify as I draw towards the period, when, according tothe common belief, it will be necessary for me to give a definitiveanswer in one way or other. Should circumstances render it, in amanner, inevitably necessary to be in the affirmative, be assured, mydear sir, I shall assume the task with the most unfeigned reluctance, and with a real diffidence, for which I shall probably receive nocredit from the world. If I know my own heart, nothing short of aconviction of duty will induce me again to take an active part inpublic affairs. And in that case, if I can form a plan for my ownconduct, my endeavours shall be unremittingly exerted (even at thehazard of former fame or present popularity) to extricate my countryfrom the embarrassments in which it is entangled through want ofcredit; and to establish a general system of policy, which, ifpursued, will ensure permanent felicity to the commonwealth. I think Isee a path, as clear and as direct as a ray of light, which leads tothe attainment of that object. Nothing but harmony, honesty, industry, and frugality, are necessary to make us a great and happy people. Happily, the present posture of affairs, and the prevailingdisposition of my countrymen, promise to co-operate in establishingthose four great and essential pillars of public felicity. "

[Illustration: The Room in Which the First Constitutional ConventionMet in Philadelphia

_Delegates from twelve of the thirteen States (Rhode Island alonebeing unrepresented) assembled at Philadelphia, where the openingsessions of the first Constitutional Convention were held in this roomin Independence Hall, May 14, 1787. George Washington presided duringthe four months taken to draft the Constitution of the United States. When it was completed on September 17th, it is said that many of thedelegates seemed awe-struck and that Washington himself sat with hishead bowed in deep meditation. As the Convention adjourned, Franklin, who was then over eighty-one years of age, arose and pointing to thePresident's quaint armchair on the back of which was emblazoned a halfsun, brilliant with gilded rays, observed: "As I have been sittinghere all these weeks, I have often wondered whether yonder sun isrising or setting, but now I know that it is a rising sun. "_]

[Sidenote: He is unanimously elected president. ]

After the elections had taken place, a general persuasion prevailedthat the public will, respecting the chief magistrate of the union, had been too unequivocally manifested not to be certainly obeyed; andseveral applications were made to General Washington for those officesin the respective states, which would be in the gift of the presidentof the United States. 

As marking the frame of mind with which he came into the government, the following extract is given from one of the many letters written topersons whose pretensions he was disposed to favour. "Should it becomeabsolutely necessary for me to occupy the station in which your letterpresupposes me, I have determined to go into it, perfectly free fromall engagements of every nature whatsoever. --A conduct in conformityto this resolution, would enable me, in balancing the variouspretensions of different candidates for appointments, to act with asole reference to justice and the public good. This is, in substance, the answer that I have given to all applications (and they are notfew) which have already been made. Among the places sought after inthese applications, I must not conceal that the office to which youparticularly allude is comprehended. This fact I tell you merely asmatter of information. My general manner of thinking, as to thepropriety of holding myself totally disengaged, will apologize for mynot enlarging farther on the subject. 

"Though I am sensible that the public suffrage which places a man inoffice, should prevent him from being swayed, in the execution of it, by his private inclinations, yet he may assuredly, without violatinghis duty, be indulged in the continuance of his former attachments. "

[Sidenote: Meeting of the first congress. ]

The impotence of the late government, added to the dilatorinessinseparable from its perplexed mode of proceeding on the publicbusiness, and to its continued session, had produced among the membersof congress such an habitual disregard of punctuality in theirattendance on that body, that, although the new government was tocommence its operations on the 4th of March, 1789, a house ofrepresentatives was not formed until the first, nor a senate until the6th day of April. 

At length, the votes for the president and vice president of theUnited States were opened and counted in the senate. Neither theanimosity of parties, nor the preponderance of the enemies of the newgovernment in some of the states, could deprive General Washington ofa single vote. By the unanimous voice of an immense continent, he wascalled to the chief magistracy of the nation. The second number ofvotes was given to Mr. John Adams. George Washington and John Adamswere therefore declared to be duly elected president and vicepresident of the United States, to serve for four years from the 4thof March, 1789. [41]

 [Footnote 41: The reluctance with which General Washington assumed his new dignity, and that genuine modesty which was a distinguished feature of his character, are further illustrated by the following extract from a letter to General Knox. "I feel for those members of the new congress, who, hitherto, have given an unavailing attendance at the theatre of action. For myself, the delay may be compared to a reprieve; for in confidence, I tell _you_ (with the _world_ it would obtain _little credit_, ) that my movements to the chair of government will be accompanied by feelings not unlike those of a culprit who is going to the place of his execution; so unwilling am I in the evening of life, nearly consumed in public cares, to quit a peaceful abode for an ocean of difficulties, without that competency of political skill, abilities, and inclination, which are necessary to manage the helm. I am sensible that I am embarking the voice of the people, and a good name of my own on this voyage; but what returns will be made for them heaven alone can foretell. --Integrity and firmness are all I can promise; these, be the voyage long or short, shall never forsake me, although I may be deserted by all men; for of the consolations which are to be derived from these, under any circumstances, the world can not deprive me. "]

CHAPTER V. 

 The election of General Washington officially announced to him.... His departure for the seat of government.... Marks of affection shown him on his journey.... His inauguration and speech to Congress.... His system of intercourse with the world.... Letters on this and other subjects.... Answer of both houses of Congress to the speech.... Domestic and foreign relations of the United States.... Debates on the impost and tonnage bills.... On the power of removal from office.... On the policy of the secretary of the treasury reporting plans of revenue.... On the style of the President.... Amendments to the constitution.... Appointment of executive officers, and of the judges.... Adjournment of the first session of Congress.... The President visits New England.... His reception.... North Carolina accedes to the union. 

{1789}

[Sidenote: The election of General Washington officially announced tohim. ]

The election of General Washington to the office of chief magistrateof the United States, was announced to him at Mount Vernon on the 14thof April, 1789. Accustomed to respect the wishes of his fellowcitizens, he did not think himself at liberty to decline anappointment conferred upon him by the suffrage of an entire people. His acceptance of it, and his expressions of gratitude for this freshproof of the esteem and confidence of his country, were connected withdeclarations of diffidence in himself. "I wish, " he said, "that theremay not be reason for regretting the choice, --for indeed, all I canpromise, is to accomplish that which can be done by an honest zeal. "

[Sidenote: His departure for the seat of government. ]

As the public business required the immediate attendance of thepresident at the seat of government, he hastened his departure; and, on the second day after receiving notice of his appointment, tookleave of Mount Vernon. 

In an entry made by himself in his diary, the feelings inspired by anoccasion so affecting to his mind are thus described, "About teno'clock I bade adieu to Mount Vernon, to private life, and to domesticfelicity; and with a mind oppressed with more anxious and painfulsensations than I have words to express, set out for New York incompany with Mr. Thompson, and Colonel Humphries, with the bestdispositions to render service to my country in obedience to its call, but with less hope of answering its expectations. "

[Sidenote: Marks of respect and affection shown him on his journey. ]

He was met by a number of gentlemen residing in Alexandria, andescorted to their city, where a public dinner had been prepared towhich he was invited. The sentiments of veneration and affection whichwere felt by all classes of his fellow citizens for their patriotchief, were manifested by the most flattering marks of heartfeltrespect; and by addresses which evinced the unlimited confidencereposed in his virtues and his talents. A place can not be given tothese addresses: but that from the citizens of Alexandria derives suchpretensions to particular notice from the recollection that it is tobe considered as an effusion from the hearts of his neighbours andprivate friends, that its insertion may be pardoned. It is in thefollowing words:

"Again your country commands your care. Obedient to its wishes, unmindful of your ease, we see you again relinquishing the bliss ofretirement; and this too at a period of life, when nature itself seemsto authorize a preference of repose!

"Not to extol your glory as a soldier; not to pour forth our gratitudefor past services; not to acknowledge the justice of the unexampledhonour which has been conferred upon you by the spontaneous andunanimous suffrages of three millions of freemen, in your election tothe supreme magistracy; nor to admire the patriotism which directsyour conduct, do your neighbours and friends now address you. Themesless splendid but more endearing, impress our minds. The first andbest of citizens must leave us: our aged must lose their ornament; ouryouth their model; our agriculture its improver; our commerce itsfriend; our infant academy its protector; our poor their benefactor;and the interior navigation of the Potomac (an event replete with themost extensive utility, already, by your unremitted exertions, broughtinto partial use) its institutor and promoter. 

"Farewell!--go! and make a grateful people happy, a people, who willbe doubly grateful when they contemplate this recent sacrifice fortheir interest. 

"To that Being who maketh and unmaketh at his will, we commend you;and after the accomplishment of the arduous business to which you arecalled, may he restore to us again, the best of men, and the mostbeloved fellow citizen!"

To this affectionate address General Washington returned the followinganswer:

"Gentlemen, "Although I ought not to conceal, yet I can not describe the painfulemotions which I felt in being called upon to determine whether Iwould accept or refuse the presidency of the United States. Theunanimity in the choice, the opinion of my friends communicated fromdifferent parts of Europe, as well as from America, the apparent wishof those who were not entirely satisfied with the constitution in itspresent form; and an ardent desire on my own part to be instrumentalin connecting the good will of my countrymen towards each other, haveinduced an acceptance. Those who know me best (and you my fellowcitizens are, from your situation, in that number) know better thanany others, my love of retirement is so great, that no earthlyconsideration, short of a conviction of duty, could have prevailedupon me to depart from my resolution, 'never more to take any share intransactions of a public nature. ' For, at my age, and in mycircumstances, what prospects or advantages could I propose to myself, from embarking again on the tempestuous and uncertain ocean of publiclife?

"I do not feel myself under the necessity of making publicdeclarations, in order to convince you, gentlemen, of my attachment toyourselves, and regard for your interests. The whole tenor of my lifehas been open to your inspection; and my past actions, rather than mypresent declarations, must be the pledge of my future conduct. 

"In the mean time, I thank you most sincerely for the expressions ofkindness contained in your valedictory address. It is true, just afterhaving bade adieu to my domestic connexions, this tender proof of yourfriendships is but too well calculated still further to awaken mysensibility, and increase my regret at parting from the enjoyments ofprivate life. 

"All that now remains for me is to commit myself and you to theprotection of that beneficent Being who, on a former occasion, hathhappily brought us together, after a long and distressing separation. Perhaps, the same gracious Providence will again indulge me. Unutterable sensations must then be left to more expressive silence;while from an aching heart, I bid you all, my affectionate friends, and kind neighbours, farewell!"

In the afternoon of the same day, he left Alexandria, and was attendedby his neighbours to Georgetown, where a number of citizens from thestate of Maryland had assembled to receive him. 

Throughout his journey the people continued to manifest the samefeeling. Crowds flocked around him wherever he stopped; and corps ofmilitia, and companies of the most respectable citizens, escorted himthrough their respective streets. At Philadelphia, he was receivedwith peculiar splendour. Gray's bridge, over the Schuylkill, washighly decorated. In imitation of the triumphal exhibitions of ancientRome, an arch, composed of laurel, in which was displayed the simpleelegance of true taste, was erected at each end of it, and on eachside was a laurel shrubbery. As the object of universal admirationpassed under the arch, a civic crown was, unperceived by him, let downupon his head by a youth ornamented with sprigs of laurel, who wasassisted by machinery. The fields and avenues leading from theSchuylkill to Philadelphia, were crowded with people, through whomGeneral Washington was conducted into the city by a numerous andrespectable body of citizens; and at night the town was illuminated. The next day, at Trenton, he was welcomed in a manner as new as it waspleasing. In addition to the usual demonstrations of respect andattachment which were given by the discharge of cannon, by militarycorps, and by private persons of distinction, the gentler sex preparedin their own taste, a tribute of applause indicative of the gratefulrecollection in which they held their deliverance twelve years beforefrom a formidable enemy. On the bridge over the creek which passesthrough the town, was erected a triumphal arch highly ornamented withlaurels and flowers: and supported by thirteen pillars, each entwinedwith wreaths of evergreen. On the front arch was inscribed in largegilt letters, THE DEFENDER OF THE MOTHERS

WILL BE THE

PROTECTOR OF THE DAUGHTERS. 

On the centre of the arch above the inscription, was a dome or cupolaof flowers and evergreens, encircling the dates of two memorableevents which were peculiarly interesting to New Jersey. The first wasthe battle of Trenton, and the second the bold and judicious standmade by the American troops at the same creek, by which the progressof the British army was arrested on the evening preceding the battleof Princeton. 

At this place, he was met by a party of matrons leading theirdaughters dressed in white, who carried baskets of flowers in theirhands, and sang, with exquisite sweetness, an ode of two stanzascomposed for the occasion. 

At Brunswick, he was joined by the governor of New Jersey, whoaccompanied him to Elizabethtown Point. A committee of congressreceived him on the road, and conducted him with military parade tothe Point, where he took leave of the governor and other gentlemen ofJersey, and embarked for New York in an elegant barge of thirteenoars, manned by thirteen branch pilots prepared for the purpose by thecitizens of New York. 

"The display of boats, " says the general, in his private journal, "which attended and joined on this occasion, some with vocal, andothers with instrumental music on board, the decorations of the ships, the roar of cannon, and the loud acclamations of the people, whichrent the sky as I passed along the wharves, filled my mind withsensations as painful (contemplating the reverse of this scene, whichmay be the case after all my labours to do good) as they werepleasing. "

At the stairs on Murray's wharf, which had been prepared andornamented for the purpose, he was received by the governor of NewYork, and conducted with military honours, through an immenseconcourse of people, to the apartments provided for him. These wereattended by all who were in office, and by many private citizens ofdistinction, who pressed around him to offer their congratulations, and to express the joy which glowed in their bosoms at seeing the manin whom all confided, at the head of the American empire. This day ofextravagant joy was succeeded by a splendid illumination. 

It is no equivocal mark of the worth of Washington, and of thesoundness of his judgment, that it could neither be corrupted normisguided by these flattering testimonials of attachment. 

Two days before the arrival of the President, the Vice President tookhis seat in the senate, and addressed that body in a dignified speechadapted to the occasion, in which, after manifesting the high opinionthat statesman always entertained of his countrymen, he thus expressedhis sentiments of the executive magistrate. 

"It is with satisfaction that I congratulate the people of America onthe formation of a national constitution, and the fair prospect of aconsistent administration of a government of laws: on the acquisitionof a house of representatives, chosen by themselves; of a senate thuscomposed by their own state legislatures; and on the prospect of anexecutive authority, in the hands of one whose portrait I shall notpresume to draw. --Were I blessed with powers to do justice to hischaracter, it would be impossible to increase the confidence oraffection of his country, or make the smallest addition to his glory. This can only be effected by a discharge of the present exalted truston the same principles, with the same abilities and virtues which haveuniformly appeared in all his former conduct, public or private. May Inevertheless be indulged to inquire, if we look over the catalogue ofthe first magistrates of nations, whether they have been denominatedpresidents or consuls, kings, or princes, where shall we find one, whose commanding talents and virtues, whose overruling good fortune, have so completely united all hearts and voices in his favour? whoenjoyed the esteem and admiration of foreign nations, and fellowcitizens, with equal unanimity? qualities so uncommon, are no commonblessings to the country that possesses them. By these greatqualities, and their benign effects, has Providence marked out thehead of this nation, with a hand so distinctly visible, as to havebeen seen by all men, and mistaken by none. "

[Illustration: Washington Taking the Oath of Office

_From the painting by Alonzo Chappell_

_On the balcony of the old City Hall, Broad and Wall Streets, NewYork, Washington was sworn in as first President of the United States, April 30, 1789. The artist here accurately depicts him wearing a suitof dark brown, at his side a dress sword, and his hair powdered in thefashion of the period. White silk stockings and shoes with simplesilver buckles completed his attire. On one side of him stoodChancellor Livingstone, who administered the oath. On the other sidewas Vice-President John Adams. Washington solemnly repeated the wordsof the oath, clearly enunciating, "I swear": adding in a whisper, withclosed eyes, "So help me, God". _]

[Sidenote: He forms a system of conduct to be observed in hisintercourse with the world. ]

A President of the United States being a new political personage, to agreat portion of whose time the public was entitled, it became properto digest a system of conduct to be observed in his intercourse withthe world, which would keep in view the duties of his station, withoutentirely disregarding his personal accommodation, or the course ofpublic opinion. In the interval between his arrival in New York, andentering on the duties of his office, those most capable of advisingon the subject were consulted; and some rules were framed by GeneralWashington for his government in these respects. As one of them, theallotment of a particular hour for receiving visits not on business, became the subject of much animadversion; and, being considered merelyas an imitation of the levee days established by crowned heads, hasconstituted not the least important of the charges which have beenmade against this gentleman. The motives assigned by himself for therule may not be unworthy of attention. 

[Sidenote: Letters from him on this and other subjects. ]

Not long after the government came into operation, Doctor Stuart, agentleman nearly connected with the President in friendship and bymarriage, addressed to him a letter stating the accusations which werecommonly circulating in Virginia on various subjects, and especiallyagainst the regal manners of those who administered the affairs of thenation. In answer to this letter the President observed, "while theeyes of America, perhaps of the world, are turned to this government, and many are watching the movements of all those who are concerned inits administration, I should like to be informed, through so good amedium, of the public opinion of both men and measures, and of nonemore than myself;--not so much of what may be thought commendableparts, if any, of my conduct, as of those which are conceived to be ofa different complexion. The man who means to commit no wrong willnever be guilty of enormities, consequently can never be unwilling tolearn what are ascribed to him as foibles. --If they are really such, the knowledge of them in a well disposed mind will go half way towardsa reform. --If they are not errors, he can explain and justify themotives of his actions. 

"At a distance from the theatre of action, truth is not always relatedwithout embellishment, and sometimes is entirely perverted from amisconception of the causes which produced the effects that are thesubject of censure. 

"This leads me to think that a system which I found it indispensablynecessary to adopt upon my first coming to this city, might haveundergone severe strictures, and have had motives very foreign fromthose that governed me, assigned as causes thereof. --I mean first, returning _no_ visits: second, appointing certain days to receive themgenerally (not to the exclusion however of visits on any other daysunder particular circumstances;) and third, at first entertaining nocompany, and afterwards (until I was unable to entertain any at all)confining it to official characters. A few days evinced the necessityof the two first in so clear a point of view, that had I not adoptedit, I should have been unable to have attended to any sort ofbusiness, unless I had applied the hours allotted to rest andrefreshment to this purpose; for by the time I had done breakfast, andthence until dinner--and afterwards until bed-time, I could not getrelieved from the ceremony of one visit before I had to attend toanother. In a word, I had no leisure to read or to answer thedespatches that were pouring in upon me from all quarters. "

In a subsequent letter written to the same gentleman, after his leveeshad been openly-censured by the enemies of his administration, he thusexpressed himself:

"Before the custom was established, which now accommodates foreigncharacters, strangers, and others who from motives of curiosity, respect to the chief magistrate, or any other cause, are induced tocall upon me, I was unable to attend to any business whatsoever. Forgentlemen, consulting their own convenience rather than mine, werecalling from the time I rose from breakfast--often before--until I satdown to dinner. This, as I resolved not to neglect my public duties, reduced me to the choice of one of these alternatives; either torefuse them _altogether_, or to appropriate a time for the receptionof them. The first would, I well knew, be disgusting to many;--thelatter I expected, would undergo animadversion from those who wouldfind fault with or without cause. To please every body was impossible. I therefore adopted that line of conduct which combined publicadvantage with private convenience, and which, in my judgment, wasunexceptionable in itself. 

"These visits are optional. They are made without invitation. Betweenthe hours of three and four every Tuesday, I am prepared to receivethem. Gentlemen, often in great numbers, come and go;--chat with eachother;--and act as they please. A porter shows them into the room; andthey retire from it when they choose, and without ceremony. At theirfirst entrance, they salute me, and I them, and as many as I can talkto, I do. What pomp there is in all this I am unable to discover. Perhaps it consists in not sitting. To this two reasons are opposed:first, it is unusual; secondly, (which is a more substantial one)because I have no room large enough to contain a third of the chairswhich would be sufficient to admit it. If it is supposed thatostentation, or the fashions of courts (which by the by I believeoriginate oftener in convenience, not to say necessity, than isgenerally imagined) gave rise to this custom, I will boldly affirmthat _no_ supposition was ever more erroneous; for were I to indulgemy inclinations, every moment that I could withdraw from the fatiguesof my station should be spent in retirement. That they are not, proceeds from the sense I entertain of the propriety of giving toevery one as free access as consists with that respect which is due tothe chair of government;--and that respect, I conceive, is neither tobe acquired nor preserved, but by maintaining a just medium betweentoo much state, and too great familiarity. 

"Similar to the above, but of a more familiar and sociable kind, arethe visits every Friday afternoon to Mrs. Washington, where I alwaysam. These public meetings, and a dinner once a week to as many as mytable will hold, with the references to and from the differentdepartments of state, and other communications with all parts of theunion, is as much if not more than I am able to undergo; for I havealready had within less than a year, two severe attacks;--the lastworse than the first, --a third, it is more than probable will put meto sleep with my fathers--at what distance this may be, I know not. "

[Sidenote: His inauguration and speech to congress. ]

The ceremonies of the inauguration having been adjusted by congress, the President attended in the senate chamber, on the 30th of April, inorder to take, in the presence of both houses, the oath prescribed bythe constitution. 

To gratify the public curiosity, an open gallery adjoining the senatechamber had been selected by congress, as the place in which the oathshould be administered. Having taken it in the view of an immenseconcourse of people, whose loud and repeated acclamations attested thejoy with which his being proclaimed President of the United Statesinspired them, he returned to the senate chamber, where he deliveredthe following address:

"_Fellow citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:_

"Among the vicissitudes incident to life, no event could have filledme with greater anxieties than that of which the notification wastransmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the presentmonth. On the one hand, I was summoned by my country, whose voice Ican never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which Ihad chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years: aretreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as moredear to me, by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequentinterruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it bytime. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust towhich the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken inthe wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutinyinto his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence, one, who, inheriting inferior endowments from nature, and unpractisedin the duties of civil administration, ought to be peculiarlyconscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions, all Idare aver is, that it has been my faithful study to collect my dutyfrom a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might beeffected. All I dare hope is, that, if in accepting this task, I havebeen too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, orby an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of theconfidence of my fellow citizens: and have thence too little consultedmy incapacity, as well as disinclination for the weighty and untriedcares before me; my ERROR will be palliated by the motives whichmisled me, and its consequences be judged by my country, with someshare of the partiality in which they originated. 

"Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to thepublic summons, repaired to the present station, it will be peculiarlyimproper to omit in this first official act, my fervent supplicationsto that Almighty Being who rules over the universe--who presides inthe councils of nations--and whose providential aids can supply everyhuman defect, that his benediction may consecrate to the liberties andhappiness of the people of the United States, a government institutedby themselves for these essential purposes: and may enable everyinstrument employed in its administration, to execute with success, the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to thegreat Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that itexpresses your sentiments not less than my own; nor those of my fellowcitizens at large, less than either. No people can be bound toacknowledge and adore the invisible hand which conducts the affairs ofmen, more than the people of the United States. Every step by whichthey have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems tohave been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and inthe important revolution just accomplished in the system of theirunited government, the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent ofso many distinct communities, from which the event has resulted, cannot be compared with the means by which most governments have beenestablished, without some return of pious gratitude along with anhumble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem topresage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, haveforced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You willjoin with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none, under theinfluence of which the proceedings of a new and free government canmore auspiciously commence. 

"By the article establishing the executive department, it is made theduty of the President 'to recommend to your consideration, suchmeasures as he shall judge necessary and expedient. ' The circumstancesunder which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into thatsubject, farther than to refer to the great constitutional charterunder which you are assembled, and which in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It willbe more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenialwith the feelings which actuate me, to substitute in place of arecommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to thetalents, the rectitude, and the patriotism, which adorn the charactersselected to devise and adopt them. In these honourable qualifications, I behold the surest pledges that, as on one side, no local prejudicesor attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, willmisdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch overthis great assemblage of communities and interests: so, on another, that the foundations of our national policy will be laid in the pureand immutable principles of private morality; and the pre-eminence offree government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win theaffections of its citizens, and command the respect of the world. Idwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent lovefor my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughlyestablished than that there exists, in the economy and course ofnature, an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness--betweenduty and advantage--between the genuine maxims of an honest andmagnanimous policy, and the solid rewards of public prosperity andfelicity; since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitioussmiles of heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards theeternal rules of order and right which heaven itself has ordained: andsince the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty, and the destinyof the republican model of government, are justly considered asDEEPLY, perhaps as FINALLY staked, on the experiment entrusted to thehands of the American people. 

"Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remainwith your judgment to decide, how far an exercise of the occasionalpower delegated by the fifth article of the constitution is renderedexpedient, at the present juncture, by the nature of objections whichhave been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietudewhich has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking particularrecommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by nolights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way tomy entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the publicgood: for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid everyalteration which might endanger the benefits of a united and effectivegovernment, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen, and a regard forthe public harmony, will sufficiently influence your deliberations onthe question how far the former can be more impregnably fortified, orthe latter be safely and advantageously promoted. 

"To the preceding observations I have one to add, which will be mostproperly addressed to the house of representatives. It concernsmyself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. When I was firsthonoured with a call into the service of my country, then on the eveof an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which Icontemplated my duty required that I should renounce every pecuniarycompensation. From this resolution I have in no instance departed. Andbeing still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline, as inapplicable to myself, any share in the personal emoluments whichmay be indispensably included in a permanent provision for theexecutive department; and must accordingly pray that the pecuniaryestimates for the station in which I am placed, may, during mycontinuance in it, be limited to such actual expenditures as thepublic good may be thought to require. 

"Having thus imparted to you my sentiments, as they have been awakenedby the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my presentleave; but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of thehuman race, in humble supplication, that since he has been pleased tofavour the American people with opportunities for deliberating inperfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleledunanimity on a form of government, for the security of their union, and the advancement of their happiness, so his divine blessing may beequally _conspicuous_ in the enlarged views, the temperateconsultations, and the wise measures on which the success of thisgovernment must depend. "

[Sidenote: Answer of both houses of congress to the speech. ]

In their answer to this speech, the senate say: "The unanimoussuffrage of the elective body in your favour, is peculiarly expressiveof the gratitude, confidence, and affection of the citizens ofAmerica, and is the highest testimonial at once of your merit, andtheir esteem. We are sensible, sir, that nothing but the voice of yourfellow citizens could have called you from a retreat, chosen with thefondest predilection, endeared by habit, and consecrated to the reposeof declining years. We rejoice, and with us all America, that, inobedience to the call of our common country, you have returned oncemore to public life. In you all parties confide; in you all interestsunite; and we have no doubt that your past services, great as theyhave been, will be equalled by your future exertions; and that yourprudence and sagacity, as a statesman, will tend to avert the dangersto which we were exposed, to give stability to the present government, and dignity and splendour to that country, which your skill and valouras a soldier, so eminently contributed to raise to independence and toempire. "

The affection for the person and character of the President with whichthe answer of the house of representatives glowed, promised thatbetween this branch of the legislature also and the executive, themost harmonious co-operation in the public service might be expected. 

"The representatives of the people of the United States, " says thisaddress, "present their congratulations on the event by which yourfellow citizens have attested the pre-eminence of your merit. You havelong held the first place in their esteem. You have often receivedtokens of their affection. You now possess the only proof thatremained of their gratitude for your services, of their reverence foryour wisdom, and of their confidence in your virtues. You enjoy thehighest, because the truest honour, of being the first magistrate, bythe unanimous choice of the freest people on the face of the earth. "

After noticing the several communications made in the speech, intenseof deep felt respect and affection, the answer concludes thus:

"Such are the sentiments with which we have thought fit to addressyou. They flow from our own hearts, and we verily believe that amongthe millions we represent, there is not a virtuous citizen whose heartwill disown them. 

"All that remains is, that we join in your fervent supplications forthe blessing of heaven on our country; and that we add our own for thechoicest of these blessings on the most beloved of her citizens. "

[Sidenote: Situation of the United States at this period in theirdomestic and foreign relations. ]

A perfect knowledge of the antecedent state of things being essentialto a due administration of the executive department, its attainmentengaged the immediate attention of the President; and he required thetemporary heads of departments to prepare and lay before him suchstatements and documents as would give this information. 

But in the full view which it was useful to take of the interior, manyobjects were to be contemplated, the documents respecting which werenot to be found in official records. The progress which had been madein assuaging the bitter animosities engendered in the sharp contestrespecting the adoption of the constitution, and the means which mightbe used for conciliating the affections of all good men to the newgovernment, without enfeebling its essential principles, were subjectsof the most interesting inquiry. 

The agitation had been too great to be suddenly calmed; and for theactive opponents of the system to become suddenly its friends, or evenindifferent to its fate, would have been a victory of reason overpassion, or a surrender of individual judgment to the decision of amajority, examples of which are rarely given in the progress of humanaffairs. 

In some of the states, a disposition to acquiesce in the decisionwhich had been made, and to await the issue of a fair experiment ofthe constitution, was avowed by the minority. In others, the chagrinof defeat seemed to increase the original hostility to the instrument;and serious fears were entertained by its friends, that a secondgeneral convention might pluck from it the most essential of itspowers, before their value, and the safety with which they might beconfided where they were placed, could be ascertained by experience. 

From the same cause, exerting itself in a different direction, thefriends of the new system had been still more alarmed. In all thosestates where the opposition was sufficiently formidable to inspire ahope of success, the effort was made to fill the legislature with thedeclared enemies of the government, and thus to commit it, in itsinfancy, to the custody of its foes. Their fears were quieted for thepresent. In both branches of the legislature, the federalists, anappellation at that time distinguishing those who had supported theconstitution, formed the majority; and it soon appeared that a newconvention was too bold an experiment to be applied for by therequisite number of states. The condition of individuals too, wasvisibly becoming more generally eligible. Industry, notwithstandingthe causes which had diminished its profits, was gradually improvingtheir affairs; and the new course of thinking, inspired by theadoption of a constitution prohibiting all laws impairing theobligation of contracts, had, in a great measure, restored thatconfidence which is essential to the internal prosperity of nations. From these, or from other causes, the crisis of the pressure onindividuals seemed to be passing away, and brighter prospects to beopening on them. 

But, two states still remained out of the pale of the union; and amass of ill humour existed among those who were included within it, which increased the necessity of circumspection in those whoadministered the government. 

To the western parts of the continent, the attention of the executivewas attracted by discontents which were displayed with some violence, and which originated in circumstances, and in interests, peculiar tothat country. 

Spain, in possession of the mouth of the Mississippi, had refused topermit the citizens of the United States to follow its waters into theocean; and had occasionally tolerated or interdicted their commerce toNew Orleans, as had been suggested by the supposed interest or capriceof the Spanish government, or of its representatives in America. Theeyes of the inhabitants adjacent to the waters which emptied into thatriver, were turned down it, as the only channel through which thesurplus produce of their luxuriant soil could be conveyed to themarkets of the world. Believing that the future wealth and prosperityof their country depended on the use of that river, they gave someevidence of a disposition to drop from the confederacy, if thisvaluable acquisition could not otherwise be made. This temper couldnot fail to be viewed with interest by the neighbouring powers, whohad been encouraged by it, and by the imbecility of the government, toenter into intrigues of an alarming nature. 

Previous to his departure from Mount Vernon, the President hadreceived intelligence, too authentic to be disregarded, of privatemachinations by real or pretended agents both of Spain and GreatBritain, which were extremely hostile to the peace, and to theintegrity of the union. 

Spain had intimated that the navigation of the Mississippi could neverbe conceded, while the inhabitants of the western country remainedconnected with the Atlantic states, but might be freely granted tothem, if they should form an independent empire. 

On the other hand, a gentleman from Canada, whose ostensible businesswas to repossess himself of some lands on the Ohio which had beenformerly granted to him, frequently discussed the vital importance ofthe navigation of the Mississippi, and privately assured severalindividuals of great influence, that if they were disposed to asserttheir rights, he was authorized by Lord Dorchester, the governor ofCanada, to say, that they might rely confidently on his assistance. With the aid it was in his power to give, they might seize NewOrleans, fortify the Balise at the mouth of the Mississippi, andmaintain themselves in that place against the utmost efforts of Spain. 

The probability of failing in any attempt to hold the mouth of theMississippi by force, and the resentments against Great Britain whichprevailed generally throughout the western country, diminished thedanger to be apprehended from any machinations of that power; butagainst those of Spain, the same security did not exist. 

In contemplating the situation of the United States in their relationsnot purely domestic, the object demanding most immediate considerationwas the hostility of several tribes of Indians. The military strengthof the nations who inhabited the country between the lakes, theMississippi, and the Ohio, was computed at five thousand men, of whomabout fifteen hundred were at open war with the United States. Treaties had been concluded with the residue; but the attachmentof young savages to war, and the provocation given by theundistinguishing vengeance which had been taken by the whites in theirexpeditions into the Indian country, furnished reasons forapprehending that these treaties would soon be broken. 

In the south, the Creeks, who could bring into the field six thousandfighting men, were at war with Georgia. In the mind of their leader, the son of a white man, some irritation had been produced by theconfiscation of the lands of his father, who had resided in thatstate; and several other refugees whose property had also beenconfiscated, contributed still further to exasperate the nation. Butthe immediate point in contest between them was a tract of land on theOconee, which the state of Georgia claimed under a purchase, thevalidity of which was denied by the Indians. 

The regular force of the United States was less than six hundred men. 

Not only the policy of accommodating differences by negotiation whichthe government was in no condition to terminate by the sword; but areal respect for the rights of the natives, and a regard for theclaims of justice and humanity, disposed the President to endeavour, in the first instance, to remove every cause of quarrel by a treaty;and his message to congress on this subject evidenced his preferenceof pacific measures. 

Possessing many valuable articles of commerce for which the bestmarket was often found on the coast of the Mediterranean, strugglingto export them in their own bottoms, and unable to afford a single gunfor their protection, the Americans could not view with unconcern thedispositions which were manifested towards them by the Barbary powers. A treaty had been formed with the emperor of Morocco; but fromAlgiers, Tunis, and Tripoli, peace had not been purchased; and thoseregencies consider all as enemies to whom they have not sold theirfriendship. The unprotected vessels of America presented a temptingobject to their rapacity; and their hostility was the more terrible, because by their public law, prisoners became slaves. 

The United States were at peace with all the powers of Europe; butcontroversies of a delicate nature existed with some of them, theadjustment of which required a degree of moderation and firmness, which there was reason to fear, might not, in every instance, beexhibited. 

The early apprehensions with which Spain had contemplated the futurestrength of the United States, and the consequent disposition of thehouse of Bourbon to restrict them to narrow limits, have been alreadynoticed. After the conclusion of the war, the attempt to form a treatywith that power had been repeated; but no advance towards an agreementon the points of difference between the two governments had been made. A long and intricate negotiation between the secretary of foreignaffairs, and Don Guardoqui, the minister of his Catholic majesty, hadterminated with the old government; and the result was an inflexibleadherence on the part of Mr. Guardoqui to the exclusion of thecitizens of the United States from navigating the Mississippi belowtheir southern boundary. On this point there was much reason to fearthat the cabinet of Madrid would remain immoveable. The violence withwhich the discontents of the western people were expressed, furnishedSpain with additional motives for perpetuating the evil of which theycomplained. Aware of the embarrassments which this display ofrestlessness must occasion, and sensible of the increased difficultyand delay with which a removal of its primary cause must be attended, the executive perceived in this critical state of things, abundantcause for the exercise of its watchfulness, and of its prudence. WithSpain, there was also a contest respecting boundaries. The treaty ofpeace had extended the limits of the United States to the thirty-firstdegree of north latitude, but the pretensions of the Catholic Kingwere carried north of that line, to an undefined extent. He claimed asfar as he had conquered from Britain, but the precise limits of hisconquest were not ascertained. 

The circumstances attending the points of difference with GreatBritain, were still more serious; because, in their progress, a temperunfavourable to accommodation had been uniformly displayed. 

The resentments produced by the various calamities war had occasioned, were not terminated with their cause. The idea that Great Britain wasthe natural enemy of America had become habitual. Believing itimpossible for that nation to have relinquished its views of conquest, many found it difficult to bury their animosities, and to act upon thesentiment contained in the declaration of independence, "to hold themas the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends. " In additionto the complaints respecting the violation of the treaty of peace, events were continually supplying this temper with fresh aliment. Thedisinclination which the cabinet of London had discovered to acommercial treaty with the United States was not attributedexclusively to the cause which had been assigned for it. It was inpart ascribed to that jealousy with which Britain was supposed to viewthe growing trade of America. 

The general restrictions on commerce by which every maritime powersought to promote its own navigation, and that part of the Europeansystem in particular, by which each aimed at a monopoly of the tradeof its colonies, were felt with peculiar keenness when enforced byEngland. The people of America were perhaps the more sensible to theBritish resolutions on this subject, because, having composed a partof that empire, they had grown up in the habit of a free intercoursewith all its ports; and, without accurately appreciating the cause towhich a change of this usage was to be ascribed, they attributed it toa jealousy of their prosperity, and to an inclination to diminish thevalue of their independence. In this suspicious temper, almost everyunfavourable event which occurred was traced up to British hostility. 

That an attempt to form a commercial treaty with Portugal had failed, was attributed to the influence of the cabinet of London; and to themachinations of the same power were also ascribed the danger from thecorsairs of Barbary, and the bloody incursions of the Indians. Theresentment excited by these causes was felt by a large proportion ofthe American people; and the expression of it was common and public. That correspondent dispositions existed in England is by no meansimprobable, and the necessary effect of this temper was to increasethe difficulty of adjusting the differences between the two nations. 

With France, the most perfect harmony subsisted. Those attachmentswhich originated in the signal services received from his mostChristian Majesty during the war of the revolution, had sustained nodiminution. Yet, from causes which it was found difficult tocounteract, the commercial intercourse between the two nations was notso extensive as had been expected. It was the interest, and ofconsequence the policy of France, to avail herself of themisunderstandings between the United States and Great Britain, inorder to obtain such regulations as might gradually divert theincreasing trade of the American continent from those channels inwhich it had been accustomed to flow; and a disposition was feltthroughout the United States to co-operate with her, in enabling hermerchants, by legislative encouragements, to rival those of Britain inthe American market. 

A great revolution had commenced in that country, the first stage ofwhich was completed by limiting the powers of the monarch, and by theestablishment of a popular assembly. In no part of the globe was thisrevolution hailed with more joy than in America. The influence itwould have on the affairs of the world was not then distinctlyforeseen: and the philanthropist, without becoming a politicalpartisan, rejoiced in the event. On this subject, therefore, but onesentiment existed. 

The relations of the United States with the other powers of Europe, did not require particular attention. Their dispositions were ratherfriendly than otherwise; and an inclination was generally manifestedto participate in the advantages, which the erection of an independentempire on the western shores of the Atlantic, held forth to thecommercial world. 

By the ministers of foreign powers in America, it would readily besupposed, that the first steps taken by the new government would, notonly be indicative of its present system, but would probably affectits foreign relations permanently, and that the influence of thePresident would be felt in the legislature. Scarcely was the exerciseof his executive functions commenced, when the President received anapplication from the Count de Moustiers, the minister of France, requesting a private conference. On being told that the department offoreign affairs was the channel through which all official businessshould pass, the Count replied that the interview he requested was, not for the purpose of actual business, but rather as preparatory toits future transaction. 

The next day, at one in the afternoon, was named for the interview. The Count commenced the conversation with declarations of his personalregard for America, the manifestations of which, he said, had beenearly and uniform. His nation too was well disposed to be upon termsof amity with the United States: but at his public reception, therewere occurrences which he thought indicative of coolness in thesecretary of foreign affairs, who had, he feared, while in Europe, imbibed prejudices not only against Spain, but against France also. Ifthis conjecture should be right, the present head of that departmentcould not be an agreeable organ of intercourse with the President. Hethen took a view of the modern usages of European courts, which, hesaid, favoured the practice he recommended of permitting foreignministers to make their communications directly to the chief of theexecutive. "He then presented a letter, " says the President in hisprivate journal, "which he termed confidential, and to be consideredas addressed to me in my private character, which was too stronglymarked with an intention, as well as a wish, to have no person betweenthe Minister and President, in the transaction of business between thetwo nations. "

In reply to these observations, the President gave the most explicitassurances that, judging from his own feelings, and from the publicsentiment, there existed in America a reciprocal disposition to be onthe best terms with France. That whatever former difficulties mighthave occurred, he was persuaded the secretary of foreign affairs hadoffered no intentional disrespect, either to the minister, or to hisnation. Without undertaking to know the private opinions of Mr. Jay, he would declare that he had never heard that officer express, directly or indirectly, any sentiment unfavourable to either. 

Reason and usage, he added, must direct the mode of treating nationaland official business. If rules had been established, they must beconformed to. If they were yet to be framed, it was hoped that theywould be convenient and proper. So far as ease could be made tocomport with regularity, and with necessary forms, it ought to beconsulted; but custom, and the dignity of office, were not to bedisregarded. The conversation continued upwards of an hour, but nochange was made in the resolution of the President. 

The subjects which pressed for immediate attention on the firstlegislature assembled under the new government, were numerous andimportant. Much was to be created, and much to be reformed. 

The subject of revenue, as constituting the vital spring without whichthe action of government could not long be continued, was taken up inthe house of representatives, as soon as it could be introduced. Thequalification of the members was succeeded by a motion for the houseto resolve itself into a committee of the whole on the state of theunion; and in that committee, a resolution was moved by Mr. Madison, declaring the opinion that certain duties ought to be levied on goods, wares, and merchandise, imported into the United States; and on thetonnage of vessels. 

As it was deemed important to complete a temporary system in time toembrace the spring importations, Mr. Madison presented the scheme ofimpost which had been recommended by the former congress, and hadalready received the approbation of a majority of the states; to whichhe added a general proposition for a duty on tonnage. By this schemespecific duties were imposed on certain enumerated articles; and anad-valorem duty on those not enumerated. Mr. Fitzsimmons, ofPennsylvania, moved an amendment, enlarging the catalogue ofenumerated articles. 

[Sidenote: Debates on the impost and tonnage bills. ]

Mr. Madison having consented to subjoin the amendment proposed by Mr. Fitzsimmons to the original resolution, it was received by thecommittee; but in proceeding to fill up the blanks with the sumtaxable on each article, it was soon perceived that gentlemen hadviewed the subject in very different lights. The tax on many articleswas believed to press more heavily on some states than on others; andapprehensions were expressed that, in the form of protecting duties, the industry of one part of the union would be encouraged by premiumscharged on the labour of another part. On the discrimination betweenthe duty on the tonnage of foreign and American bottoms, a greatdegree of sensibility was discovered. The citizens of the UnitedStates not owning a sufficient number of vessels to export all theproduce of the country, it was said that the increased tonnage onforeign bottoms operated as a tax on agriculture, and a premium tonavigation. This discrimination, it was therefore contended, ought tobe very small. 

In answer to these arguments, Mr. Madison said, "If it is expedientfor America to have vessels employed in commerce at all, it will beproper that she have enough to answer all the purposes intended; toform a school for seamen; to lay the foundation of a navy: and to beable to support itself against the interference of foreigners. I donot think there is much weight in the observations that the duty weare about to lay in favour of American vessels is a burden on thecommunity, and particularly oppressive to some parts. But if therewere, it may be a burden of that kind which will ultimately save usfrom one that is greater. 

"I consider an acquisition of maritime strength essential to thiscountry; should we ever be so unfortunate as to be engaged in war, what but this can defend our towns and cities upon the sea coast? Orwhat but this can enable us to repel an invading enemy? Those partswhich are said to bear an undue proportion of the burden of theadditional duty on foreign shipping, are those which will be mostexposed to the operations of a predatory war, and will require thegreatest exertions of the union in their defence. If therefore somelittle sacrifice be made by them to obtain this important object, theywill be peculiarly rewarded for it in the hour of danger. Granting apreference to our own navigation will insensibly bring it forward tothat perfection so essential to American safety; and though it mayproduce some little inequality at first, it will soon ascertain itslevel, and become uniform throughout the union. "

But no part of the system was discussed with more animation than thatwhich proposed to make discriminations in favour of those nations withwhom the United States had formed commercial treaties. In the debateon this subject, opinions and feelings with respect to foreign powerswere disclosed, which, strengthening with circumstances, afterwardsagitated the whole American continent. 

While the resolutions on which the bills were to be framed were underdebate, Mr. Benson rose to inquire on what principle the proposeddiscriminations between foreign nations was founded? "It was certainlyproper, " he said, "to comply with existing treaties. But thosetreaties stipulated no such preference. Congress then was at libertyto consult the interests of the United States. If those interestswould be promoted by the measure, he should be willing to adopt it, but he wished its policy to be shown. "

The resolutions, as reported, were supported by Mr. Madison, Mr. Baldwin, Mr. Fitzsimmons, Mr. Clymer, Mr. Page, and Mr. Jackson. 

They relied much upon the public sentiment which had, they said, beenunequivocally expressed through the several state legislatures andotherwise, against placing foreign nations generally, on a footingwith the allies of the United States. So strong was this sentiment, that to its operation the existing constitution was principally to beascribed. They thought it important to prove to those nations who haddeclined forming commercial treaties with them, that the United Statespossessed and would exercise the power of retaliating any regulationsunfavourable to their trade, and they insisted strongly on theadvantages of America in a war of commercial regulation, should thismeasure produce one. 

The disposition France had lately shown to relax with regard to theUnited States, the rigid policy by which her counsels had generallybeen guided, ought to be cultivated. The evidence of this dispositionwas an edict by which American built ships purchased by Frenchsubjects became naturalized. There was reason to believe that theperson charged with the affairs of the United States at that court, had made some favourable impressions, which the conduct of theAmerican government ought not to efface. 

With great earnestness it was urged, that from artificial oradventitious causes, the commerce between the United States and GreatBritain had exceeded its natural boundary. It was wise to give suchpolitical advantages to other nations as would enable them to acquiretheir due share of the direct trade. It was also wise to impart somebenefits to nations that had formed commercial treaties with theUnited States, and thereby to impress on those powers which hadhitherto neglected to form such treaties, the idea that someadvantages were to be gained by a reciprocity of friendship. 

That France had claims on the gratitude of the American people whichought not to be overlooked, was an additional argument in favour ofthe principle for which they contended. 

The discrimination was opposed by Mr. Benson, Mr. Lawrence, Mr. Wadsworth, and Mr. Sherman. 

They did not admit that the public sentiment had been unequivocallyexpressed; nor did they admit that such benefits had flowed fromcommercial treaties as to justify a sacrifice of interest to obtainthem. There was a commercial treaty with France; but neither thattreaty, nor the favours shown to that nation, had produced anycorrespondent advantages. The license to sell ships could not be ofthis description, since it was well known that the merchants of theUnited States did not own vessels enough for the transportation of theproduce of the country, and only two, as was believed, had been soldsince the license had been granted. The trade with Great Britain, viewed in all its parts, was upon a footing as beneficial to theUnited States as that with France. 

That the latter power had claims upon the gratitude of America wasadmitted, but that these claims would justify premiums for theencouragement of French commerce and navigation, to be drawn from thepockets of the American people, was not conceded. The state of therevenue, it was said, would not admit of these experiments. 

The observation founded on the extensiveness of the trade between theUnited States and Great Britain was answered by saying, that this wasnot a subject proper for legislative interposition. It was one ofwhich the merchants were the best judges. They would consult theirinterest as individuals; and this was a case in which the interest ofthe nation and of individuals was the same. 

At length, the bills passed the house of representatives, and werecarried to the senate, where they were amended by expunging thediscrimination made in favour of the tonnage and distilled spirits ofthose nations which had formed commercial treaties with the UnitedStates. 

These amendments were disagreed to; and each house insisting on itsopinion, a conference took place, after which the point wasreluctantly yielded by the house of representatives. The proceedingsof the senate being at that time conducted with closed doors, thecourse of reasoning on which this important principle was rejected cannot be stated. 

This debate on the impost and tonnage bills was succeeded by one on asubject which was believed to involve principles of still greaterinterest. 

[Sidenote: On the President's power of removal from office. ]

In organizing the departments of the executive, the question in whatmanner the high officers who filled them should be removeable, came onto be discussed. Believing that the decision of this question wouldmaterially influence the character of the new government, the memberssupported their respective opinions with a degree of earnestnessproportioned to the importance they attributed to the measure. In acommittee of the whole house on the bill "to establish an executivedepartment to be denominated the[42] department of foreign affairs, "Mr. White moved to strike out the clause which declared the secretaryto be removeable by the President. The power of removal, where noexpress provision existed, was, he said, in the nature of things, incidental to that of appointment. And as the senate was, by theconstitution, associated with the President in making appointments, that body must, in the same degree, participate in the power ofremoving from office. 

 [Footnote 42: This has since been denominated the department of state. ]

Mr. White was supported by Mr. Smith of South Carolina, Mr. Page, Mr. Stone, and Mr. Jackson. 

Those gentlemen contended that the clause was either unnecessary orimproper. If the constitution gave the power to the President, arepetition of the grant in an act of congress was nugatory: if theconstitution did not give it, the attempt to confer it by law wasimproper. If it belonged conjointly to the President and senate, thehouse of representatives should not attempt to abridge theconstitutional prerogative of the other branch of the legislature. However this might be, they were clearly of opinion that it was notplaced in the President alone. In the power over all the executiveofficers which the bill proposed to confer upon the President, themost alarming dangers to liberty were perceived. It was in the natureof monarchical prerogative, and would convert them into the mere toolsand creatures of his will. A dependence so servile on one individual, would deter men of high and honourable minds from engaging in thepublic service; and if, contrary to expectation, such men should bebrought into office, they would be reduced to the necessity ofsacrificing every principle of independence to the will of the chiefmagistrate, or of exposing themselves to the disgrace of being removedfrom office, and that too at a time when it might be no longer intheir power to engage in other pursuits. 

Gentlemen they feared were too much dazzled with the splendour of thevirtues which adorned the actual President, to be able to look intofuturity. But the framers of the constitution had not confined theirviews to the person who would most probably first fill thepresidential chair. The house of representatives ought to follow theirexample, and to contemplate this power in the hands of an ambitiousman, who might apply it to dangerous purposes; who might from capriceremove the most worthy men from office. 

[Illustration: View of the Old City or Federal Hall, New York, in 1789

_On the balcony of this building, the site of which is now occupied bythe United States Sub-Treasury, at the corner of Broad and WallStreets, George Washington took the oath of office as First Presidentof the United States, April 30, 1789. In the near distance, at theintersection of Wall and Broadway, may be seen the original TrinityChurch structure which was completed in 1697. It was replaced by thepresent edifice in 1846. President Washington, who was anEpiscopalian, did not attend Trinity, but maintained a pew in St. Paul's Chapel, Broadway and Vesey Street, which remains as it was whenhe worshipped there. _]

By the friends of the original bill, the amendment was opposed witharguments of great force drawn from the constitution and from generalconvenience. On several parts of the constitution, and especially onthat which vests the executive power in the President, they reliedconfidently to support the position, that, in conformity with thatinstrument, the power in question could reside only with the chiefmagistrate: no power, it was said, could be more completely executivein its nature than that of removal from office. 

But if it was a case on which the constitution was silent, theclearest principles of political expediency required that neitherbranch of the legislature should participate in it. 

The danger that a President could ever be found who would remove goodmen from office, was treated as imaginary. It was not by the splendourattached to the character of the present chief magistrate alone thatthis opinion was to be defended. It was founded on the structure ofthe office. The man in whose favour a majority of the people of thiscontinent would unite, had probability at least in favour of hisprinciples; in addition to which, the public odium that wouldinevitably attach to such conduct, would be an effectual securityagainst it. 

After an ardent discussion which consumed several days, the committeedivided: and the amendment was negatived by a majority of thirty-fourto twenty. The opinion thus expressed by the house of representativesdid not explicitly convey their sense of the constitution. Indeed theexpress grant of the power to the President, rather implied a right inthe legislature to give or withhold it at their discretion. To obviateany misunderstanding of the principle on which the question had been'decided, Mr. Benson moved in the house, when the report of thecommittee of the whole was taken up, to amend the second clause in thebill so as clearly to imply the power of removal to be solely in thePresident. He gave notice that if he should succeed in this, he wouldmove to strike out the words which had been the subject of debate. Ifthose words continued, he said the power of removal by the Presidentmight hereafter appear to be exercised by virtue of a legislativegrant only, and consequently be subjected to legislative instability;when he was well satisfied in his own mind, that it was by fairconstruction, fixed in the constitution. The motion was seconded byMr. Madison, and both amendments were adopted. As the bill passed intoa law, it has ever been considered as a full expression of the senseof the legislature on this important part of the Americanconstitution. 

[Sidenote: On the policy of the secretary of the treasury reportingplans for the management of the revenue. ]

The bill to establish the treasury department, contained a clausemaking it the duty of the secretary "to digest and report plans forthe improvement and management of the revenue, and for the support ofpublic credit. "

Mr. Page moved to strike out these words, observing, that to permitthe secretary to go further than to prepare estimates would be adangerous innovation on the constitutional privilege of that house. Itwould create an undue influence within those walls, because membersmight be led by the deference commonly paid to men of abilities, whogave an opinion in a case they have thoroughly considered, to supportthe plan of the minister even against their own judgment. Nor wouldthe mischief stop there. A precedent would be established which mightbe extended until ministers of the government should be admitted onthat floor, to explain and support the plans they had digested andreported, thereby laying a foundation for an aristocracy, or adetestable monarchy. 

Mr. Tucker seconded the motion of Mr. Page, and observed, that theauthority contained in the bill to prepare and report plans wouldcreate an interference of the executive with the legislative powers, and would abridge the particular privilege of that house to originateall bills for raising a revenue. How could the business originate inthat house, if it was reported to them by the minister of finance? Allthe information that could be required might be called for withoutadopting a clause that might undermine the authority of the house, andthe security of the people. The constitution has pointed out theproper method of communication between the executive and legislativedepartments. It is made the duty of the President to give from time totime information to congress of the state of the union, and torecommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judgenecessary and expedient. If revenue plans are to be prepared andreported to congress, he is the proper person to perform this service. He is responsible to the people for what he recommends, and will bemore cautious than any other person to whom a less degree ofresponsibility was attached. 

He hoped the house was not already weary of executing and sustainingthe powers vested in them by the constitution; and yet the adoption ofthis clause would argue that they thought themselves less adequatethan an individual, to determine what burdens their constituents wereable to bear. This was not answering the high expectation that hadbeen formed of their exertions for the general good, or of theirvigilance in guarding their own and the people's rights. 

The arguments of Mr. Page and Mr. Tucker were enforced and enlarged byMr. Livermore and Mr. Gerry. The latter gentleman said, "that he hadno objection to obtaining information, but he could not help observingthe great degree of importance gentlemen were giving to this and theother executive officers. If the doctrine of having prime and greatministers of state was once well established, he did not doubt but heshould soon see them distinguished by a green or red ribbon, insigniaof court favour and patronage. "

It was contended that the plans of the secretary, being digested, would be received entire. Members would be informed that each part wasnecessary to the whole, and that nothing could be touched withoutinjuring the system. Establish this doctrine, and congress wouldbecome a useless burden. 

The amendment was opposed by Mr. Benson, Mr. Goodhue, Mr. Ames, Mr. Sedgewick, Mr. Boudinot, Mr. Lawrence, Mr. Madison, Mr. Stone, Mr. Sherman, and Mr. Baldwin. It was insisted that to prepare and reportplans for the improvement of the revenue, and support of publiccredit, constituted the most important service which could be renderedby the officer who should be placed at the head of the department offinance. When the circumstances under which the members of that housewere assembled, and the various objects for which they were convenedwere considered, it was no imputation upon them to suppose that theymight receive useful information from a person whose peculiar duty itwas to direct his attention to systems of finance, and who would be insome measure selected on account of his fitness for that object. Itwas denied that the privileges of the house would be infringed by themeasure. The plans of the secretary could not be termed bills, norwould they even be reported in that form. They would only constituteinformation which would be valuable, and which could not be receivedin a more eligible mode. "Certainly, " said Mr. Goodhue, "we carry ourdignity to the extreme, when we refuse to receive information from anybut ourselves. "

"If we consider the present situation of our finances, " said Mr. Ames, "owing to a variety of causes, we shall no doubt perceive a greatthough unavoidable confusion throughout the whole scene. It presentsto the imagination a deep, dark, and dreary chaos, impossible to bereduced to order, unless the mind of the architect be clear andcapacious, and his power commensurate to the object. He must not bethe flitting creature of the day; he must have time given himcompetent to the successful exercise of his authority. It is with theintention of letting a little sunshine into the business, that thepresent arrangement is proposed. "

It was not admitted that the plans of the secretary would possess aninfluence to which their intrinsic value would not give them a justclaim. There would always be sufficient intelligence in that house todetect, and independence to expose any oppressive or injurious schemewhich might be prepared for them. Nor would a plan openly andofficially reported possess more influence on the mind of any member, than if given privately at the secretary's office. 

Mr. Madison said, the words of the bill were precisely those used bythe former congress on two occasions. The same power had been annexedto the office of superintendent of the finances; and he had neverheard that any inconvenience had been experienced from the regulation. Perhaps if the power had been more fully and more frequentlyexercised, it might have contributed more to the public good. "Thereis, " continued this gentleman, "a small probability, though it is butsmall, that an officer may derive weight from this circumstance, andhave some degree of influence upon the deliberations of thelegislature. But compare the danger likely to result from this cause, with the danger and inconvenience of not having well formed anddigested plans, and we shall find infinitely more to apprehend fromthe latter. Inconsistent, unproductive, and expensive schemes, willproduce greater injury to our constituents, than is to be apprehendedfrom any undue influence which the well digested plans of a wellinformed officer can have. From a bad administration of thegovernment, more detriment will arise than from any other source. Wantof information has occasioned much inconvenience, and many unnecessaryburdens in some of the state governments. Let it be our care to avoidthose rocks and shoals in our political voyage which have injured, andnearly proved fatal to many of our contemporary navigators. "

The amendment was rejected. 

[Sidenote: On the style by which the president should be addressed. ]

Among the interesting points which were settled in the first congress, was the question by what style the President and Vice President shouldbe addressed. Mr. Benson, from the committee appointed to confer witha committee of the senate on this subject reported, "that it is notproper to annex any style or title to the respective styles or titlesof office expressed in the constitution;" and this report was, withoutopposition, agreed to in the house of representatives. In the senate, the report was disapproved, and a resolution passed requesting thehouse of representatives to appoint another committee, again to conferwith one from the senate, on the same subject. This message beingtaken up in the house of representatives, a resolution was moved byMr. Parker, seconded by Mr. Page, declaring that it would be improperto accede to the request of the senate. Several members were in favourof this motion; but others who were opposed to receding from theground already taken, seemed inclined to appoint a committee as ameasure properly respectful to the other branch of the legislature. 

After a warm debate, the resolution proposed by Mr. Parker was setaside by the previous question, and a committee of conference wasappointed. They could not agree upon a report, in consequence of whichthe subject was permitted to rest; and the senate, conforming to theprecedent given by the house of representatives, addressed thePresident in their answer to his speech by the terms used in theconstitution. 

While the representatives were preparing bills for organizing thegreat executive departments, the senate was occupied with digestingthe system of a national judiciary. This complex and extensive subjectwas taken up in the commencement of the session, and was completedtowards its close. 

[Sidenote: Amendment to the constitution proposed by congress andratified by the states. ]

In the course of this session Mr. Madison brought forward aproposition for recommending to the consideration and adoption of thestates, several new articles to be added to the constitution. 

Many of those objections to it which had been urged with all thevehemence of conviction, and which, in the opinion of some of itsadvocates, were entitled to serious consideration, were believed bythe most intelligent to derive their sole support from erroneousconstruction of the instrument. Others were upon points on which theobjectors might be gratified without injury to the system. Toconciliate the affections of their brethren to the government, was anobject greatly desired by its friends. Disposed to respect, what theydeemed, the errors of their opponents, where that respect could bemanifested without a sacrifice of essential principles, they wereanxious to annex to the constitution those explanations and barriersagainst the possible encroachments of rulers on the liberties of thepeople, which had been loudly demanded, however unfounded, in theirjudgments, might be the fears by which those demands were suggested. These dispositions were perhaps, in some measure, stimulated toexertion by motives of the soundest policy. The formidable minoritiesin several of the conventions, which in the legislatures of somepowerful states had become majorities, and the refusal of two statesto complete the union, were admonitions not to be disregarded, of thenecessity of removing jealousies, however misplaced, which operated onso large a portion of society. Among the most zealous friends of theconstitution therefore, were found some of the first and warmestadvocates for amendments. 

To meet the various ideas expressed by the several conventions; toselect from the mass of alterations which they had proposed thosewhich might be adopted without stripping the government of itsnecessary powers; to condense them into a form and compass which wouldbe acceptable to persons disposed to indulge the caprice, and to adoptthe language of their particular states; were labours not easily to beaccomplished. But the greatest difficulty to be surmounted was, thedisposition to make those alterations which would enfeeble, andmaterially injure, the future operations of the government. At length, ten articles in addition to and amendment of the constitution, wereassented to by two-thirds of both houses of congress, and proposed tothe legislatures of the several states. Although the necessity ofthese amendments had been urged by the enemies of the constitution, and denied by its friends, they encountered scarcely any otheropposition in the state legislatures, than was given by the leaders ofthe anti-federal party. Admitting the articles to be good andnecessary, it was contended that they were not sufficient for thesecurity of liberty; and the apprehension was avowed that theiradoption would quiet the fears of the people, and check the pursuit ofthose radical alterations which would afford a safe and adequateprotection to their rights. They were at length ratified by thelegislatures of three-fourths of the states, and probably contributed, in some degree, to diminish the jealousies which had been imbibedagainst the constitution. 

[Sidenote: Appointment of the officers of the cabinet, council and ofthe judges. ]

The government being completely organized, and a system of revenueestablished, the important duty of filling the offices which had beencreated, remained to be performed. In the execution of this delicatetrust, the purest virtue and the most impartial judgment wereexercised in selecting the best talents, and the greatest weight ofcharacter, which the United States could furnish. The unmingledpatriotism of the motives by which the President was actuated, wouldreceive its clearest demonstration from a view of all his privateletters on this subject: and the success of his endeavours is attestedby the abilities and reputation which he drew into the public service. 

At the head of the department of foreign affairs, since denominatedthe department of state, he placed Mr. Jefferson. 

This gentleman had been bred to the bar, and at an early period oflife, had acquired considerable reputation for extensive attainmentsin the science of politics. He had been a distinguished member of thesecond congress, and had been offered a diplomatic appointment, whichhe had declined. Withdrawing from the administration of continentalaffairs, he had been elected governor of Virginia, which office hefilled for two years. He afterwards again represented his native statein the councils of the union, and in the year 1784, was appointed tosucceed Dr. Franklin at the court of Versailles. In that station, hehad acquitted himself much to the public satisfaction. His Notes onVirginia, which were read with applause, were believed to evince thesoundness of his political opinions; and the Declaration ofIndependence was universally ascribed to his pen. He had long beenplaced by America amongst the most eminent of her citizens, and hadlong been classed by the President with those who were most capable ofserving the nation. Having lately obtained permission to return for ashort time to the United States, he was, while on his passage, nominated to this important office; and, on his arrival in Virginia, found a letter from the President, giving him the option of becomingthe secretary of foreign affairs, or of retaining his station at thecourt of Versailles. He appears rather to have inclined to continue inhis foreign appointment; and, in changing his situation, to haveconsulted the wishes of the first magistrate more than the preferenceof his own mind. 

The task of restoring public credit, of drawing order and arrangementfrom the chaotic confusion in which the finances of America wereinvolved, and of devising means which should render the revenueproductive, and commensurate with the demand, in a manner leastburdensome to the people, was justly classed among the most arduous ofthe duties which devolved on the new government. In discharging it, much aid was expected from the head of the treasury. This important, and, at that time, intricate department, was assigned to ColonelHamilton. 

This gentleman was a native of the island of St. Croix, and, at a veryearly period of life, had been placed by his friends, in New York. Possessing an ardent temper, he caught fire from the concussions ofthe moment, and, with all the enthusiasm of youth, engaged first hispen, and afterwards his sword, in the stern contest between theAmerican colonies and their parent state. Among the first troopsraised by New York was a corps of artillery, in which he was appointeda captain. Soon after the war was transferred to the Hudson, hissuperior endowments recommended him to the attention of theCommander-in-chief, into whose family, before completing histwenty-first year, he was invited to enter. Equally brave andintelligent, he continued, in this situation, to display a degree offirmness and capacity which commanded the confidence and esteem of hisgeneral, and of the principal officers in the army. 

After the capitulation at Yorktown, the war languished throughout theAmerican continent, and the probability that its termination wasapproaching daily increased. 

The critical circumstances of the existing government rendered theevents of the civil, more interesting than those of the militarydepartment; and Colonel Hamilton accepted a seat in the congress ofthe United States. In all the important acts of the day, he performeda conspicuous part; and was greatly distinguished among thosedistinguished men whom the crisis had attracted to the councils oftheir country. He had afterwards been active in promoting thosemeasures which led to the convention at Philadelphia, of which he wasa member, and had greatly contributed to the adoption of theconstitution by the state of New York. In the pre-eminent part he hadperformed, both in the military and civil transactions of his country, he had acquired a great degree of well merited fame; and the franknessof his manners, the openness of his temper, the warmth of hisfeelings, and the sincerity of his heart, had secured him manyvaluable friends. 

To talents equally splendid and useful, he united a patient industry, not always the companion of genius, which fitted him, in a peculiarmanner, for subduing the difficulties to be encountered by the man whoshould be placed at the head of the American finances. 

The department of war was already filled by General Knox, and he wasagain nominated to it. 

Throughout the contest of the revolution, this officer had continuedat the head of the American artillery, and from being the colonel of aregiment, had been promoted to the rank of a major general. In thisimportant station, he had preserved a high military character; and, onthe resignation of General Lincoln, had been appointed secretary ofwar. To his past services, and to unquestionable integrity, he wasadmitted to unite a sound understanding; and the public judgment, aswell as that of the chief magistrate, pronounced him in all respectscompetent to the station he filled. 

The office of attorney general was filled by Mr. Edmund Randolph. To adistinguished reputation in the line of his profession, this gentlemanadded a considerable degree of political eminence. After having beenfor several years the attorney general of Virginia, he had beenelected its governor. While in this office, he was chosen a member ofthe convention which framed the constitution, and was also elected tothat which was called by the state for its adoption or rejection. After having served at the head of the executive the term permitted bythe constitution of the state, he entered into its legislature, wherehe preserved a great share of influence. 

Such was the first cabinet council of the President. In itscomposition, public opinion as well as intrinsic worth had beenconsulted, and a high degree of character had been combined with realtalent. 

In the selection of persons for high judicial offices, the Presidentwas guided by the same principles. At the head of this department heplaced Mr. John Jay. 

From the commencement of the revolution, this gentleman had filled alarge space in the public mind. Remaining, without intermission, inthe service of his country, he had passed through a succession of highoffices, and, in all of them, had merited the approbation of hisfellow citizens. To his pen, while in congress, America was indebtedfor some of those masterly addresses which reflected most honour uponthe government; and to his firmness and penetration, was to beascribed, in no inconsiderable degree, the happy issue of thoseintricate negotiations, which were conducted, towards the close of thewar, at Madrid, and at Paris. On returning to the United States, hehad been appointed secretary of foreign affairs, in which station hehad conducted himself with his accustomed ability. A sound judgmentimproved by extensive reading and great knowledge of public affairs, unyielding firmness, and inflexible integrity, were qualities of whichMr. Jay had given frequent and signal proofs. Although for some yearswithdrawn from that profession to which he was bred, the acquisitionsof his early life had not been lost; and the subjects on which hismind had been exercised, were not entirely foreign from those whichwould, in the first instance, employ the courts in which he was topreside. 

John Rutledge of South Carolina, James Wilson of Pennsylvania, WilliamCushing of Massachusetts, Robert Harrison of Maryland, and John Blairof Virginia were nominated as associate justices. Some of thesegentlemen had filled the highest law offices in their respectivestates; and all of them had received distinguished marks of the publicconfidence. 

In the systems which had been adopted by the several states, officescorresponding to those created by the revenue laws of congress, hadbeen already established. Uninfluenced by considerations of personalregard, the President could not be induced to change men whom he foundin place, if worthy of being employed; and where the man who hadfilled such office in the former state of things was unexceptionablein his conduct and character, he was uniformly re-appointed. Indeciding between competitors for vacant offices, the law he prescribedfor his government was to regard the fitness of candidates for theduties they would be required to discharge; and, where an equality inthis respect existed, former merits and sufferings in the publicservice, gave claims to preference which could not be overlooked. 

In the legislative, as well as in the executive and judicialdepartments, great respectability of character was also associatedwith an eminent degree of talents. The constitutional prohibition toappoint any member of the legislature to an office created during thetime for which he had been elected, did not exclude men of the mostdistinguished abilities from the first congress. Impelled by ananxious solicitude respecting the first measures of the government, its zealous friends had pressed into its service: and, in bothbranches of the legislature, men were found who possessed the fairestclaims to the public confidence. 

From the duties attached to his office, the Vice President of theUnited States, and President of the senate, though not a member of thelegislature, was classed, in the public mind, with that department notless than with the executive. Elected by the whole people of Americain common with the President, he could not fail to be taken from themost distinguished citizens, and to add to the dignity of the bodyover which he presided. 

Mr. John Adams was one of the earliest and most ardent patriots of therevolution. Bred to the bar, he had necessarily studied theconstitution of his country, and was among the most determinedasserters of its rights. Active in guiding that high spirit whichanimated all New England, he became a member of the congress of 1774, and was among the first who dared to avow sentiments in favour ofindependence. In that body he soon attained considerable eminence;and, at an early stage of the war, was chosen one of the commissionersto whom the interests of the United States in Europe were confided. Inhis diplomatic character, he had contributed greatly to those measureswhich drew Holland into the war; had negotiated the treaty between theUnited States and the Dutch republic: and had, at critical points oftime, obtained loans of money which were of great advantage to hiscountry. In the negotiations which terminated the war, he had alsorendered important services; and, after the ratification of thedefinitive articles of peace, had been deputed to Great Britain forthe purpose of effecting a commercial treaty with that nation. Thepolitical situation of America having rendered this objectunattainable, he solicited leave to return, and arrived in the UnitedStates soon after the adoption of the constitution. 

As a statesman, this gentleman had, at all times, ranked high in theestimation of his countrymen. He had improved a sound understanding byextensive political and historical reading; and perhaps no Americanhad reflected more profoundly on the subject of government. Theexalted opinion he entertained of his own country was flattering tohis fellow citizens; and the purity of his mind, the unblemishedintegrity of a life spent in the public service, had gained him theirconfidence. 

A government, supported in all its departments by so much characterand talent, at the head of which was placed a man whose capacity wasundoubted, whose life had been one great and continued lesson ofdisinterested patriotism, and for whom almost every bosom glowed withan attachment bordering on enthusiasm, could not fail to make a rapidprogress in conciliating the affection of the people. That allhostility to the constitution should subside, that public measuresshould receive universal approbation; that no particular disgusts andindividual irritations should be excited; were expectations whichcould not reasonably be indulged. Exaggerated accounts were indeedoccasionally circulated of the pomp and splendour which were affectedby certain high officers, of the monarchical tendencies of particularinstitutions, and of the dispositions which prevailed to increase thepowers of the executive. That the doors of the senate were closed, andthat a disposition had been manifested by that body to distinguish thePresident of the United States by a title, [43] gave considerableumbrage, and were represented as evincing inclinations in that branchof the legislature, unfriendly to republicanism. The exorbitance ofsalaries was also a subject of some declamation, and the equality ofcommercial privileges with which foreign bottoms entered Americanports, was not free from objection. But the apprehensions of danger toliberty from the new system, which had been impressed on the minds ofwell meaning men, were visibly wearing off; the popularity of theadministration was communicating itself to the government; and thematerials with which the discontented were furnished, could not yet beefficaciously employed. 

 [Footnote 43: The following extract from a letter written July 1789, to Doctor Stuart, who had communicated to him this among other private insinuations, shows the ideas entertained by the President on this subject. "It is to be lamented that a question has been stirred which has given rise to so much animadversion, and which I confess has given me much uneasiness, lest it should be supposed by some unacquainted with facts that the object in view was not displeasing to me. The truth is, the question was moved before I arrived, without any privity or knowledge of it on my part, and urged after I was apprised of it contrary to my opinion;--for I foresaw and predicted the reception it has met with, and the use that would be made of it by the enemies of the government. Happily the matter is now done with, I hope never to be revived. "]

Towards the close of the session, a report on a petition which hadbeen presented at an early period by the creditors of the publicresiding in the state of Pennsylvania, was taken up in the house ofrepresentatives. Though many considerations rendered a postponement ofthis interesting subject necessary, two resolutions were passed; theone, "declaring that the house considered an adequate provision forthe support of the public credit, as a matter of high importance tothe national honour and prosperity;" and the other directing, "thesecretary of the treasury to prepare a plan for that purpose, and toreport the same to the house at its next meeting. "

[Sidenote: Adjournment of the first session of congress. ]

On the 29th of September, congress adjourned to the first Monday inthe succeeding January. 

Throughout the whole of this laborious and important session, perfectharmony subsisted between the executive and the legislature; and nocircumstance occurred which threatened to impair it. The modes ofcommunication between the departments of government were adjusted in asatisfactory manner, and arrangements were made on some of thosedelicate points in which the senate participate of executive power. 

[Sidenote: The president visits the New England states. ]

Anxious to visit New England, to observe in person the condition ofthe country and the dispositions of the people towards the governmentand its measures, the President was disposed to avail himself of theshort respite from official cares afforded by the recess of congress, to make a tour through the eastern states. His resolution being taken, and the executive business which required his immediate personalattendance being despatched, [44] he commenced his tour on the 15th ofOctober; and, passing through Connecticut and Massachusetts, as far asPortsmouth in New Hampshire, returned by a different route to NewYork, where he arrived on the 13th of November. 

 [Footnote 44: Just before his departure from New York the President received from the Count de Moustiers, the minister of France, official notice that he was permitted by his court to return to Europe. By the orders of his sovereign he added, "that His Majesty was pleased at the alteration which had taken place in the government, and congratulated America on the choice they had made of a President. " As from himself, he observed that the government of this country had been hitherto of so fluctuating a nature, that no dependence could be placed on its proceedings; in consequence of which foreign nations had been cautious of entering into treaties, or engagements of any kind with the United States: but that in the present government there was a head to look up to, and power being placed in the hands of its officers, stability in its measures might be expected. The disposition of his Christian Majesty to cultivate the good will of the new government was also manifested by his conduct in the choice of a minister to replace the Count de Moustiers. Colonel Ternan was named as a person who would be particularly acceptable to America, and his appointment was preceded by the compliment of ascertaining the sense of the President respecting him. ]

With this visit, the President had much reason to be satisfied. Tocontemplate the theatre on which many interesting military scenes hadbeen exhibited, and to review the ground on which his first campaignas Commander-in-chief of the American army had been made, were sourcesof rational delight. To observe the progress of society, theimprovements in agriculture, commerce, and manufactures; and thetemper, circumstances, and dispositions of the people, could not failto be grateful to an intelligent mind, and an employment in allrespects, worthy of the chief magistrate of the nation. Thereappearance of their general, in the high station he now filled, brought back to recollection the perilous transactions of the war; andthe reception universally given to him, attested the unabated lovewhich was felt for his person and character, and indicatedunequivocally the growing popularity, at least in that part of theunion, of the government he administered. 

[Sidenote: His reception. ]

The sincerity and warmth with which he reciprocated the affectionexpressed for his person in the addresses presented to him, was wellcalculated to preserve the sentiments which were generally diffused. "I rejoice with you my fellow citizens, " said he in answer to anaddress from the inhabitants of Boston, "in every circumstance thatdeclares your prosperity;--and I do so most cordially because you havewell deserved to be happy. 

"Your love of liberty--your respect for the laws--your habits ofindustry--and your practice of the moral and religious obligations, are the strongest claims to national and individual happiness. Andthey will, I trust, be firmly and lastingly established. "

But the interchange of sentiments with the companions of his militarytoils and glory, will excite most interest, because on both sides, theexpressions were dictated by the purest and most delicious feelings ofthe human heart. From the Cincinnati of Massachusetts he received thefollowing address:

"Amidst the various gratulations which your arrival in this metropolishas occasioned, permit us, the members of the society of theCincinnati in this commonwealth, most respectfully to assure you ofthe ardour of esteem and affection you have so indelibly fixed in ourhearts, as our glorious leader in war, and illustrious example inpeace. 

"After the solemn and endearing farewell on the banks of the Hudson, which our anxiety presaged as final, most peculiarly pleasing is thepresent unexpected meeting. On this occasion we can not avoid therecollection of the various scenes of toil and danger through whichyou conducted us; and while we contemplate various trying periods ofthe war, and the triumphs of peace, we rejoice to behold you, inducedby the unanimous voice of your country, entering upon other trials, and other services alike important, and, in some points of view, equally hazardous. For the completion of the great purposes which agrateful country has assigned you, long, very long, may yourinvaluable life be preserved. And as the admiring world, whileconsidering you as a soldier, have long wanted a comparison, may yourvirtue and talents as a statesman leave them without a parallel. 

"It is not in words to express an attachment founded like ours. We canonly say that when soldiers, our greatest pride was a promptitude ofobedience to your orders; as citizens, our supreme ambition is tomaintain the character of firm supporters of that noble fabric offederal government over which you preside. 

"As members of the society of the Cincinnati, it will be our endeavourto cherish those sacred principles of charity and fraternal attachmentwhich our institution inculcates. And while our conduct is thusregulated, we can never want the patronage of the first of patriotsand the best of men. "

To this address the following answer was returned:

"In reciprocating with gratitude and sincerity the multiplied andaffecting gratulations of my fellow citizens of this commonwealth, they will all of them with justice allow me to say, that none can bedearer to me than the affectionate assurances which you haveexpressed. Dear, indeed, is the occasion which restores an intercoursewith my faithful associates in prosperous and adverse fortune; andenhanced are the triumphs of peace, participated with those whosevirtue and valour so largely contributed to procure them. To thatvirtue and valour your country has confessed her obligations. Be minethe grateful task to add the testimony of a connexion which it was mypride to own in the field, and is now my happiness to acknowledge inthe enjoyments of peace and freedom. 

"Regulating your conduct by those principles which have heretoforegoverned your actions as men, soldiers, and citizens, you will repeatthe obligations conferred on your country, and you will transmit toposterity an example that must command their admiration and gratefulpraise. Long may you continue to enjoy the endearments of fraternalattachments, and the heartfelt happiness of reflecting that you havefaithfully done your duty. 

"While I am permitted to possess the consciousness of this worth, which has long bound me to you by every tie of affection and esteem, Iwill continue to be your sincere and faithful friend. "

Soon after his return to New York, the President was informed of theill success which had attended his first attempt to negotiate a peacewith the Creek Indians. General Lincoln, Mr. Griffin, and ColonelHumphries, had been deputed on this mission, and had met M'Gillivraywith several other chiefs, and about two thousand men, at Rocklanding, on the Oconee, on the frontiers of Georgia. The treatycommenced with favourable appearances, but was soon abruptly brokenoff by M'Gillivray. Some difficulties arose on the subject of aboundary, but the principal obstacles to a peace were supposed to growout of his personal interests, and his connexions with Spain. 

[Sidenote: North Carolina accedes to the union. ]

This intelligence was more than counterbalanced by the accession ofNorth Carolina to the union. In the month of November, a secondconvention had met under the authority of the legislature of thatstate, and the constitution was adopted by a great majority. 

CHAPTER VI. 

 Meeting of congress.... President's speech.... Report of the secretary of the treasury on public credit.... Debate thereon.... Bill for fixing the permanent seat of government.... Adjournment of congress.... Treaty with the Creek Indians.... Relations of the United States with Great Britain and Spain.... The President visits Mount Vernon.... Session of congress.... The President's speech.... Debates on the excise.... On a national bank.... The opinions of the cabinet on the law.... Progress of parties.... War with the Indians.... Defeat of Harmar.... Adjournment of congress. 

{1790}

On the eighth of January, 1790, the President met both houses ofcongress in the senate chamber. 

[Sidenote: Meeting of the second session of the first congress. ]

In his speech, which was delivered from the chair of the vicepresident, after congratulating congress on the accession of theimportant state of North Carolina to the union, and on the prosperousaspect of American affairs, he proceeded to recommend certain greatobjects of legislation to their more especial consideration. 

"Among the many interesting objects, " continued the speech, "whichwill engage your attention, that of providing for the common defencewill merit your particular regard. To be prepared for war is one ofthe most effectual means of preserving peace. 

"A free people ought not only to be armed but disciplined; to whichend, a uniform and well digested plan is requisite; and their safetyand interest require that they should promote such manufactories astend to render them independent on others for essential, particularlyfor military supplies. "

As connected with this subject, a proper establishment for the troopswhich they might deem indispensable, was suggested for their maturedeliberation; and the indications of a hostile temper given by severaltribes of Indians, were considered as admonishing them of thenecessity of being prepared to afford protection to the frontiers, andto punish aggression. 

The interests of the United States were declared to require that themeans of keeping up their intercourse with foreign nations should beprovided; and the expediency of establishing a uniform rule ofnaturalization was suggested. 

After expressing his confidence in their attention to manyimprovements essential to the prosperity of the interior, thePresident added, "nor am I less persuaded that you will agree with mein opinion that there is nothing which can better deserve yourpatronage than the promotion of science and literature. Knowledge isin every country the surest basis of public happiness. In one, inwhich the measures of government receive their impression soimmediately from the sense of the community as in ours, it isproportionably essential. To the security of a free constitution itcontributes in various ways: by convincing those who are intrustedwith the public administration, that every valuable end of governmentis best answered by the enlightened confidence of the people; and byteaching the people themselves to know and to value their own rights;to discern and provide against invasions of them; to distinguishbetween oppression and the necessary exercise of lawful authority;between burdens proceeding from a disregard to their convenience, andthose resulting from the inevitable exigencies of society; todiscriminate the spirit of liberty from that of licentiousness, cherishing the first, avoiding the last, and uniting a speedy buttemperate vigilance against encroachments, with an inviolable respectto the laws. 

"Whether this desirable object will be best promoted by affording aidsto seminaries of learning already established, by the institution of anational university, or by any other expedients, will be well worthyof a place in the deliberations of the legislature. "

Addressing himself then particularly to the representatives he said:"I saw with peculiar pleasure at the close of the last session, theresolution entered into by you, expressive of your opinion, that anadequate provision for the support of the public credit is a matter ofhigh importance to the national honour and prosperity. In thissentiment I entirely concur; and to a perfect confidence in your bestendeavours to devise such a provision as will be truly consistent withthe end, I add an equal reliance on the cheerful co-operation of theother branch of the legislature. It would be superfluous to specifyinducements to a measure in which the character and permanentinterests of the United States are so obviously and so deeplyconcerned; and which has received so explicit a sanction from yourdeclaration. "

Addressing himself again to both houses, he observed, that theestimates and papers respecting the objects particularly recommendedto their attention would be laid before them; and concluded withsaying, "the welfare of our country is the great object to which ourcares and efforts ought to be directed: and I shall derive greatsatisfaction from a co-operation with you in the pleasing thougharduous task of insuring to our fellow citizens the blessings whichthey have a right to expect from a free, efficient, and equalgovernment. "

The answers of both houses were indicative of the harmony whichsubsisted between the executive and legislative departments. 

Congress had been so occupied during its first session with thosebills which were necessary to bring the new system into fulloperation, and to create an immediate revenue, that some measureswhich possessed great and pressing claims to immediate attention hadbeen unavoidably deferred. That neglect under which the creditors ofthe public had been permitted to languish could not fail to cast animputation on the American republics, which had been sincerelylamented by the wisest among those who administered the formergovernment. The power to comply substantially with the engagements ofthe United States being at length conferred on those who were bound bythem, it was confidently expected by the friends of the constitutionthat their country would retrieve its reputation, and that its famewould no longer be tarnished with the blots which stain a faithlesspeople. 

[Sidenote: Report of the secretary of the treasury of a plan for thesupport of public credit. ]

On the 9th of January, a letter from the secretary of the treasury tothe speaker of the house of representatives was read, stating that inobedience to the resolution of the 21st of September, he had prepareda plan for the support of public credit, which he was ready to reportwhen the house should be pleased to receive it; and, after a shortdebate in which the personal attendance of the secretary for thepurpose of making explanations was urged by some, and opposed byothers, it was resolved that the report should be received in writingon the succeeding Thursday. 

Availing himself of the latitude afforded by the terms of theresolution under which he acted, the secretary had introduced into hisreport an able and comprehensive argument elucidating and supportingthe principles it contained. After displaying, with strength andperspicuity, the justice and the policy of an adequate provision forthe public debt, he proceeded to discuss the principles on which itshould be made. 

"It was agreed, " he said, "by all, that the foreign debt should beprovided for according to the precise terms of the contract. It was tobe regretted that, with respect to the domestic debt, the sameunanimity of sentiment did not prevail. "

The first point on which the public appeared to be divided, involvedthe question, "whether a discrimination ought not to be made betweenoriginal holders of the public securities, and present possessors bypurchase. " After reviewing the arguments generally urged in itssupport, the secretary declared himself against this discrimination. He deemed it "equally unjust and impolitic; highly injurious even tothe original holders of public securities, and ruinous to publiccredit. " To the arguments with which he enforced these opinions, headded the authority of the government of the union. From the circularaddress of congress to the states, of the 26th of April, 1783, accompanying their revenue system of the 18th of the same month, passages were selected indicating unequivocally, that in the view ofthat body the original creditors, and those who had become so byassignment, had equal claims upon the nation. 

After reasoning at great length against a discrimination between thedifferent creditors of the union, the secretary proceeded to examinewhether a difference ought to be permitted to remain between them andthe creditors of individual states. 

Both descriptions of debt were contracted for the same objects, andwere in the main the same. Indeed, a great part of the particulardebts of the states had arisen from assumptions by them on account ofthe union; and it was most equitable that there should be the samemeasure of retribution for all. There were many reasons, some of whichwere stated, for believing this would not be the case, unless thestate debts should be assumed by the nation. 

In addition to the injustice of favouring one class of creditors morethan another which was equally meritorious, many arguments were urgedin support of the policy of distributing to all with an equal handfrom the same source. 

After an elaborate discussion of these and some other points connectedwith the subject, the secretary proposed that a loan should be openedto the full amount of the debt, as well of the particular states, asof the union. 

The terms to be offered were, --

First. That for every one hundred dollars subscribed payable in thedebt, as well interest as principal, the subscriber should be entitledto have two-thirds funded on a yearly interest of six per cent, (thecapital redeemable at the pleasure of government by the payment of theprincipal) and to receive the other third in lands of the westernterritory at their then actual value. Or, Secondly. To have the whole sum funded at a yearly interest of fourper cent. , irredeemable by any payment exceeding five dollars perannum both on account of principal and interest, and to receive as acompensation for the reduction of interest, fifteen dollars and eightycents, payable in lands as in the preceding case. Or, Thirdly. To have sixty-six and two-thirds of a dollar funded at ayearly interest of six per cent. , irredeemable also by any paymentexceeding four dollars and two-thirds of a dollar per annum on accountboth of principal and interest, and to have at the end of ten yearstwenty-six dollars and eighty-eight cents funded at the like interestand rate of redemption. 

In addition to these propositions the creditors were to have an optionof vesting their money in annuities on different plans; and it wasalso recommended to open a loan at five per cent, for ten millions ofdollars, payable one half in specie, and the other half in the debt, irredeemable by any payment exceeding six dollars per annum both ofprincipal and interest. 

By way of experiment, a tontine on principles stated in the report wasalso suggested. 

The secretary was restrained from proposing to fund the whole debtimmediately at the current rate of interest, by the opinion, "thatalthough such a provision might not exceed the abilities of thecountry, it would require the extension of taxation to a degree, andto objects which the true interest of the creditors themselves wouldforbid. It was therefore to be hoped and expected, that they wouldcheerfully concur in such modifications of their claims, on fair andequitable principles, as would facilitate to the government anarrangement substantial, durable, and satisfactory to the community. Exigencies might ere long arise which would call for resources greatlybeyond what was now deemed sufficient for the current service; andshould the faculties of the country be exhausted, or even strained toprovide for the public debt, there could be less reliance on thesacredness of the provision. 

"But while he yielded to the force of these considerations, he did notlose sight of those fundamental principles of good faith which dictatethat every practicable exertion ought to be made, scrupulously tofulfil the engagements of government; that no change in the rights ofits creditors ought to be attempted without their voluntary consent;and that this consent ought to be voluntary in fact, as well as inname. Consequently, that every proposal of a change ought to be in theshape of an appeal to their reason and to their interest, not to theirnecessities. To this end it was requisite that a fair equivalentshould be offered, for what might be asked to be given up, andunquestionable security for the remainder. " This fair equivalent forthe proposed reduction of interest was, he thought, offered in therelinquishment of the power to redeem the whole debt at pleasure. 

That a free judgment might be exercised by the holders of publicsecurities in accepting or rejecting the terms offered by thegovernment, provision was made in the report for paying tonon-subscribing creditors, a dividend of the surplus which shouldremain in the treasury after paying the interest of the proposedloans: but as the funds immediately to be provided, were calculated toproduce only four per cent, on the entire debt, the dividend, for thepresent, was not to exceed that rate of interest. 

To enable the treasury to support this increased demand upon it, anaugmentation of the duties on imported wines, spirits, tea, andcoffee, was proposed, and a duty on home made spirits was alsorecommended. 

This celebrated report, which has been alike the fruitful theme ofextravagant praise and bitter censure, merits the more attention, because the first regular and systematic opposition to the principleson which the affairs of the union were administered, originated in themeasures which were founded on it. 

On the 28th of January, this subject was taken up; and, after someanimadversions on the speculations in the public debt to which thereport, it was said, had already given birth, the business waspostponed until the eighth of February, when it was again broughtforward. 

[Sidenote: Debate thereon. ]

Several resolutions affirmative of the principles contained in thereport, were moved by Mr. Fitzsimmons. To the first, which respected aprovision for the foreign debt, the house agreed without a dissentingvoice. The second, in favour of appropriating permanent funds forpayment of the interest on the domestic debt, and for the gradualredemption of the principal, gave rise to a very animated debate. 

Mr. Jackson declared his hostility to funding systems generally. Toprove their pernicious influence, he appealed to the histories ofFlorence, Genoa, and Great Britain; and, contending that the subjectought to be deferred until North Carolina should be represented, moved, that the committee should rise. This question being decided inthe negative, Mr. Scott declared the opinion that the United Stateswere not bound to pay the domestic creditors the sums specified in thecertificates of debts in their possession. He supported this opinionby urging, not that the public had received less value than wasexpressed on the face of the paper which had been issued, but thatthose to whom it had been delivered, by parting with it at twoshillings and sixpence in the pound, had themselves fixed the value oftheir claims, and had manifested their willingness to add to theirother sacrifices this deduction from their demand upon the nation. Hetherefore moved to amend the resolution before the committee so as torequire a resettlement of the debt. 

The amendment was opposed by Mr. Boudinot, Mr. Lawrence, Mr. Ames, Mr. Sherman, Mr. Hartley, and Mr. Goodhue. They stated at large the termson which the debt had been contracted, and urged the confidence whichthe creditors had a right to place in the government for its dischargeaccording to settlements already made, and acknowledgments alreadygiven. The idea that the legislative body could diminish anascertained debt was reprobated with great force, as being at the sametime unjust, impolitic, and subversive of every principle on whichpublic contracts are founded. The evidences of debt possessed by thecreditors of the United States were considered as public bonds, forthe redemption of which the property and the labour of the people werepledged. 

After the debate had been protracted to some length, the question wastaken on Mr. Scott's amendment, and it passed in the negative. 

Mr. Madison then rose, and, in an eloquent speech, replete withargument, proposed an amendment to the resolution, the effect of whichwas to discriminate between the public creditors, so as to pay thepresent holder of assignable paper the highest price it had borne inthe market, and give the residue to the person with whom the debt wasoriginally contracted. Where the original creditor had never partedwith his claim, he was to receive the whole sum acknowledged to be dueon the face of the certificate. 

This motion was supported by Mr. Jackson, Mr. White, Mr. Moore, Mr. Page, Mr. Stone, Mr. Scott, and Mr. Seney. 

It was opposed with great earnestness and strength of argument, by Mr. Sedgewick, Mr. Lawrence, Mr. Smith, of South Carolina, Mr. Ames, Mr. Gerry, Mr. Boudinot, Mr. Wadsworth, Mr. Goodhue, Mr. Hartley, Mr. Bland, Mr. Benson, Mr. Burke, and Mr. Livermore. 

The argument was ably supported on both sides, was long, animated, andinteresting. At length the question was put, and the amendment wasrejected by a great majority. 

This discussion deeply engaged the public attention. The propositionwas new and interesting. That the debt ought to be diminished for thepublic advantage, was an opinion which had frequently been advanced, and was maintained by many. But a reduction from the claims of itspresent holders for the benefit of those who had sold their rights, was a measure which saved nothing to the public purse, and wastherefore recommended only by considerations, the operation of whichcan never be very extensive. Against it were arranged all who had madepurchases, and a great majority of those who conceived that soundpolicy and honest dealing require a literal observance of publiccontracts. 

Although the decision of congress against a discrimination in favourof the original creditor produced no considerable sensation, thedetermination on that part of the secretary's report which was thesucceeding subject of deliberation, affecting political interests andpowers which are never to be approached without danger, seemed tounchain all those fierce passions which a high respect for thegovernment and for those who administered it, had in a great measurerestrained. 

The manner in which the several states entered into and conducted thewar of the revolution, will be recollected. Acting in some respectsseparately, and in others conjointly, for the attainment of a commonobject, their resources were exerted, sometimes under the authority ofcongress, sometimes under the authority of the local government, torepel the enemy wherever he appeared. The debt incurred in support ofthe war was therefore, in the first instance, contracted partly by thecontinent, and partly by the states. When the system of requisitionswas adopted, the transactions of the union were carried on, almostentirely, through the agency of the states; and when the measure ofcompensating the army for the depreciation of their pay becamenecessary, this burden, under the recommendation of congress, wasassumed by the respective states. Some had funded this debt, and paidthe interest upon it. Others had made no provision for the interest;but all, by taxes, paper money, or purchase, had, in some measure, reduced the principal. In their exertions some degree of inequalityhad obtained; and they looked anxiously to a settlement of accounts, for the ascertainment of claims which each supposed itself to haveupon the union. Measures to effect this object had been taken by theformer government; but they were slow in their progress, and intrinsicdifficulties were found in the thing itself, not easily to beovercome. 

The secretary of the treasury proposed to assume these debts, and tofund them in common with that which continued to be the proper debt ofthe union. 

The resolution which comprehended this principle of the report, wasvigorously opposed. 

It was contended that the general government would acquire an undueinfluence, and that the state governments would be annihilated by themeasure. Not only would all the influence of the public creditors bethrown into the scale of the former, but it would absorb all thepowers of taxation, and leave to the latter only the shadow of agovernment. This would probably terminate in rendering the stategovernments useless, and would destroy the system so recentlyestablished. The union, it was said, had been compared to a rope ofsand; but gentlemen were cautioned not to push things to the oppositeextreme. The attempt to strengthen it might be unsuccessful, and thecord might be strained until it should break. 

The constitutional authority of the federal government to assume thedebts of the states was questioned. Its powers, it was said, werespecified, and this was not among them. 

The policy of the measure, as it affected merely the government of theunion, was controverted, and its justice was arraigned. 

On the ground of policy it was objected, that the assumption wouldimpose on the United States a burden, the weight of which wasunascertained, and which would require an extension of taxation beyondthe limits which prudence would prescribe. An attempt to raise theimpost would be dangerous; and the excise added to it would notproduce funds adequate to the object. A tax on real estate must beresorted to, objections to which had been made in every part of theunion. It would be more adviseable to leave this source of revenueuntouched in the hands of the state governments, who could apply to itwith more facility, with a better understanding of the subject, andwith less dissatisfaction to individuals, than could possibly be doneby the government of the United States. 

There existed no necessity for taking up this burden. The statecreditors had not required it. There was no petition from them uponthe subject. There was not only no application from the states, butthere was reason to believe that they were seriously opposed to themeasure. Many of them would certainly view it with a jealous, --ajaundiced eye. The convention of North Carolina, which adopted theconstitution, had proposed, as an amendment to it, to deprive congressof the power of interfering between the respective states and theircreditors: and there could be no obligation to assume more than thebalances which on a final settlement would be found due to creditorstates. 

That the debt by being thus accumulated would be perpetuated was alsoan evil of real magnitude. Many of the states had already madeconsiderable progress in extinguishing their debts, and the processmight certainly be carried on more rapidly by them than by the union. A public debt seemed to be considered by some as a public blessing;but to this doctrine they were not converts. If, as they believed, apublic debt was a public evil, it would be enormously increased byadding those of the states to that of the union. 

The measure was unwise too as it would affect public credit. Such anaugmentation of the debt must inevitably depreciate its value; sinceit was the character of paper, whatever denomination it might assume, to diminish in value in proportion to the quantity in circulation. 

It would also increase an evil which was already sensibly felt. Thestate debts when assumed by the continent, would, as that of the unionhad already done, accumulate in large cities; and the dissatisfactionexcited by the payment of taxes, would be increased by perceiving thatthe money raised from the people flowed into the hands of a fewindividuals. Still greater mischief was to be apprehended. A greatpart of this additional debt would go into the hands of foreigners;and the United States would be heavily burdened to pay an interestwhich could not be expected to remain in the country. 

The measure was unjust, because it was burdening those states whichhad taxed themselves highly to discharge the claims of theircreditors, with the debts of those which had not made the sameexertions. It would delay the settlement of accounts between theindividual states and the United States; and the supporters of themeasure were openly charged with intending to defeat that settlement. 

It was also said that, in its execution, the scheme would be foundextremely embarrassing, perhaps impracticable. The case of a partialaccession to the measure by the creditors, a case which would probablyoccur, presented a difficulty for which no provision was made, and ofwhich no solution had been given. Should the creditors in some statescome into the system, and those in others refuse to change theirsecurity, the government would be involved in perplexities from whichno means of extricating itself had been shown. Nor would it bepracticable to discriminate between the debts contracted for generaland for local objects. 

In the course of the debate, severe allusions were made to the conductof particular states; and the opinions advanced in favour of themeasure, were ascribed to local interests. 

In support of the assumption, the debts of the states were traced totheir origin. America, it was said, had engaged in a war, the objectof which was equally interesting to every part of the union. It wasnot the war of a particular state, but of the United States. It wasnot the liberty and independence of a part, but of the whole, forwhich they had contended, and which they had acquired. The cause was acommon cause. As brethren, the American people had consented to hazardproperty and life in its defence. All the sums expended in theattainment of this great object, whatever might be the authority underwhich they were raised or appropriated, conduced to the same end. Troops were raised, and military stores purchased, before congressassumed the command of the army, or the control of the war. Theammunition which repulsed the enemy at Bunker's Hill, was purchased byMassachusetts; and formed a part of the debt of that state. 

Nothing could be more erroneous than the principle which had beenassumed in argument, that the holders of securities issued byindividual states were to be considered merely as state creditors;--asif the debt had been contracted on account of the particular state. Itwas contracted on account of the union, in that common cause in whichall were equally interested. 

From the complex nature of the political system which had been adoptedin America, the war was, in a great measure, carried on through theagency of the state governments; and the debts were, in truth, thedebts of the union, for which the states had made themselvesresponsible. Except the civil list, the whole state expenditure was inthe prosecution of the war; and the state taxes had undeniablyexceeded the provision for their civil list. The foundation for theseveral classes of the debt was reviewed in detail; and it wasaffirmed to be proved from the review, and from the books in thepublic offices, that, in its origin, a great part of it, even in form, and the whole, in fact, was equitably due from the continent. Thestates individually possessing all the resources of the nation, becameresponsible to certain descriptions of the public creditors. But theywere the agents of the continent in contracting the debt; and itsdistribution among them for payment, arose from the division ofpolitical power which existed under the old confederation. A newarrangement of the system had taken place, and a power over theresources of the nation was conferred on the general government. Withthe funds, the debt also ought to be assumed. This investigation ofits origin demonstrated that the assumption was not the creation of anew debt, but the reacknowledgment of liability for an old one, thepayment of which had devolved on those members of the system, who, atthe time, were alone capable of paying it. And thence was inferred, not only the justice of the measure, but a complete refutation of thearguments drawn from the constitution. If, in point of fact, the debtwas in its origin continental, and had been transferred to the statesfor greater facility of payment, there could be no constitutionalobjection to restoring its original and real character. 

The great powers of war, of taxation, and of borrowing money, whichwere vested in congress to pay the debts, and provide for the commondefence and general welfare of the United States, comprised that inquestion. There could be no more doubt of their right to chargethemselves with the payment of a debt contracted in the past war, thanto borrow money for the prosecution of a future war. The impolicy ofleaving the public creditors to receive payment from different sourceswas also strongly pressed; and the jealousy which would exist betweenthe creditors of the union and of the states, was considered as apowerful argument in favour of giving them one common interest. Thisjealousy, it was feared, might be carried so far, as even to create anopposition to the laws of the union. 

If the states should provide for their creditors, the same sum ofmoney must be collected from the people, as would be required if thedebt should be assumed; and it would probably be collected in a mannermore burdensome, than if one uniform system should be established. Ifall should not make such provision, it would be unjust to leave thesoldier of one state unpaid, while the services of the man who foughtby his side were amply compensated; and, after having assumed thefunds, it would dishonour the general government to permit a creditorfor services rendered, or property advanced for the continent, toremain unsatisfied, because his claim had been transferred to thestate, at a time when the state alone possessed the means of payment. By the injured and neglected creditor, such an arrangement mightjustly be considered as a disreputable artifice. 

Instead of delaying, it was believed to be a measure which wouldfacilitate the settlement of accounts between the states. Itsadvocates declared that they did not entertain, and never hadentertained any wish to procrastinate a settlement. On the contrary, it was greatly desired by them. They had themselves brought forwardpropositions for that purpose; and they invited their adversaries toassist in improving the plan which had been introduced. 

The settlement between the states, it was said, either would or wouldnot be made. Should it ever take place, it would remedy anyinequalities which might grow out of the assumption. Should it nevertake place, the justice of the measure became the more apparent. Thatthe burdens in support of a common war, which from various causes haddevolved unequally on the states, ought to be apportioned among them, was a truth too clear to be controverted; and this, if the settlementshould never be accomplished, could be effected only by the measurenow proposed. Indeed, in any event, it would be the only certain, aswell as only eligible plan. For how were the debtor states to becompelled to pay the balances which should be found against them?

If the measure was recommended by considerations which rendered itsultimate adoption inevitable, the present was clearly preferable toany future time. It was desirable immediately to quiet the minds ofthe public creditors by assuring them that justice would be done; tosimplify the forms of public debt; and to put an end to thatspeculation which had been so much reprobated, and which could beterminated only by giving the debt a real and permanent value. 

That the assumption would impair the just influence of the states wascontroverted with great strength of argument. The diffusiverepresentation in the state legislatures, the intimate connexionbetween the representative and his constituents, the influence of thestate legislatures over the members of one branch of the nationallegislature, the nature of the powers exercised by the stategovernments which perpetually presented them to the people in a pointof view calculated to lay hold of the public affections, wereguarantees that the states would retain their due weight in thepolitical system, and that a debt was not necessary to the solidity orduration of their power. 

But the argument it was said proved too much. If a debt was nowessential to the preservation of state authority, it would always beso. It must therefore never be extinguished, but must be perpetuated, in order to secure the existence of the state governments. If, forthis purpose, it was indispensable that the expenses of therevolutionary war should be borne by the states, it would not be lessindispensable that the expenses of future wars should be borne in thesame manner. Either the argument was unfounded, or the constitutionwas wrong; and the powers of the sword and the purse ought not to havebeen conferred on the government of the union. Whatever speculativeopinions might be entertained on this point, they were to administerthe government according to the principles of the constitution as itwas framed. But, it was added, if so much power follows the assumptionas the objection implies, is it not time to ask--is it safe to forbearassuming? if the power is so dangerous, it will be so when exercisedby the states. If assuming tends to consolidation, is the reverse, tending to disunion, a less weighty objection? if it is answered thatthe non-assumption will not necessarily tend to disunion; neither, itmay be replied, does the assumption necessarily tend to consolidation. 

It was not admitted that the assumption would tend to perpetuate thedebt. It could not be presumed that the general government would beless willing than the local governments to discharge it; nor could itbe presumed that the means were less attainable by the former than thelatter. 

It was not contended that a public debt was a public blessing. Whethera debt was to be preferred to no debt was not the question. The debtwas already contracted: and the question, so far as policy might beconsulted, was, whether it was more for the public advantage to giveit such a form as would render it applicable to the purposes of acirculating medium, or to leave it a mere subject of speculation, incapable of being employed to any useful purpose. The debt wasadmitted to be an evil; but it was an evil from which, if wiselymodified, some benefit might be extracted; and which, in its presentstate, could have only a mischievous operation. 

If the debt should be placed on adequate funds, its operation onpublic credit could not be pernicious: in its present precariouscondition, there was much more to be apprehended in that respect. 

To the objection that it would accumulate in large cities, it wasanswered it would be a monied capital, and would be held by those whochose to place money at interest; but by funding the debt, the presentpossessors would be enabled to part with it at its nominal value, instead of selling it at its present current rate. If it should centrein the hands of foreigners, the sooner it was appreciated to itsproper standard, the greater quantity of specie would its transferbring into the United States. 

To the injustice of charging those states which had made greatexertions for the payment of their debts with the burden properlybelonging to those which had not made such exertions, it was answered, that every state must be considered as having exerted itself to theutmost of its resources; and that if it could not, or would not makeprovision for creditors to whom the union was equitably bound, theargument in favour of an assumption was the stronger. 

The arguments drawn from local interests were repelled, and retorted, and a great degree of irritation was excited on both sides. 

After a very animated discussion of several days, the question wastaken, and the resolution was carried by a small majority. Soon afterthis decision, while the subject was pending before the house, thedelegates from North Carolina took their seats, and changed thestrength of parties. By a majority of two voices, the resolution wasrecommitted; and, after a long and ardent debate, was negatived by thesame majority. 

This proposition continued to be supported with a degree ofearnestness which its opponents termed pertinacious, but not a singleopinion was changed. It was brought forward in the new and lessexceptionable form of assuming specific sums from each state. Underthis modification of the principle, the extraordinary contributions ofparticular states during the war, and their exertions since the peace, might be regarded; and the objections to the measure, drawn from theuncertainty of the sum to be assumed, would be removed. But thesealterations produced no change of sentiment; and the bill was sent upto the senate with a provision for those creditors only whosecertificates of debt purported to be payable by the union. 

In this state of things, the measure is understood to have derived aidfrom another, which was of a nature strongly to interest particularparts of the union. 

From the month of June, 1783, when congress was driven fromPhiladelphia by the mutiny of a part of the Pennsylvania line, thenecessity of selecting some place for a permanent residence, in whichthe government of the union might exercise sufficient authority toprotect itself from violence and insult, had been generallyacknowledged. Scarcely any subject had occupied more time, or had moreagitated the members of the former congress than this. 

[Sidenote: Bill for fixing the permanent seat of government. ]

In December, 1784, an ordinance was passed for appointingcommissioners to purchase land on the Delaware, in the neighbourhoodof its falls, and to erect thereon the necessary public buildings forthe reception of congress, and the officers of government; but thesouthern interest had been sufficiently strong to arrest the executionof this ordinance by preventing an appropriation of funds, whichrequired the assent of nine states. Under the existing government, this subject had received the early attention of congress; and manydifferent situations from the Delaware to the Potomac inclusive, hadbeen earnestly supported; but a majority of both houses had notconcurred in favour of any one place. With as little success, attemptshad been made to change the temporary residence of congress. AlthoughNew York was obviously too far to the east, so many conflictinginterests were brought into operation whenever the subject wastouched, that no motion designating a more central place, couldsucceed. At length, a compact respecting the temporary and permanentseat of government was entered into between the friends ofPhiladelphia, and the Potomac, stipulating that congress shouldadjourn to and hold its sessions in Philadelphia, for ten years, during which time, buildings for the accommodation of the governmentshould be erected at some place on the Potomac, to which thegovernment should remove at the expiration of the term. This compacthaving united the representatives of Pennsylvania and Delaware withthe friends of the Potomac, in favour both of the temporary andpermanent residence which had been agreed on between them, a majoritywas produced in favour of the two situations, and a bill which wasbrought into the senate in conformity with this previous arrangement, passed both houses by small majorities. This act was immediatelyfollowed by an amendment to the bill then pending before the senatefor funding the debt of the union. The amendment was similar inprinciple to that which had been unsuccessfully proposed in the houseof representatives. By its provisions, twenty-one millions fivehundred thousand dollars of the state debts were assumed in specifiedproportions; and it was particularly enacted that no certificateshould be received from a state creditor which could be "ascertainedto have been issued for any purpose other than compensations andexpenditures for services or supplies towards the prosecution of thelate war, and the defence of the United States, or of some partthereof, during the same. "

When the question was taken in the house of representatives on thisamendment, two members representing districts on the Potomac, who, inall the previous stages of the business, had voted against theassumption, declared themselves in its favour; and thus the majoritywas changed. [45]

 [Footnote 45: It has ever been understood that these members were, on principle, in favour of the assumption as modified in the amendment made by the senate; but they withheld their assent from it when originally proposed in the house of representatives, in the opinion that the increase of the national debt, added to the necessity of giving to the departments of the national government a more central residence. It is understood that a greater number would have changed had it been necessary. ]

Thus was a measure carried, which was supported and opposed with adegree of zeal and earnestness not often manifested; and whichfurnished presages, not to be mistaken, that the spirit with which theopposite opinions had been maintained, would not yield, contentedly, to the decision of a bare majority. This measure has constituted oneof the great grounds of accusation against the first administration ofthe general government; and it is fair to acknowledge, that though, inits progress, it derived no aid from the President, whose opinionremained in his own bosom, it received the full approbation of hisjudgment. 

A bill, at length, passed both houses, funding the debt uponprinciples which lessened considerably the weight of the publicburdens, and was entirely satisfactory to the public creditors. Theproceeds of the sales of the lands lying in the western territory, and, by a subsequent act of the same session, the surplus product ofthe revenue after satisfying the appropriations which were chargedupon it, with the addition of two millions, which the President wasauthorized to borrow at five per centum, constituted a sinking fund tobe applied to the reduction of the debt. 

The effect of this measure was great and rapid. The public papersuddenly rose, and was for a short time above par. The immense wealthwhich individuals acquired by this unexpected appreciation, could notbe viewed with indifference. Those who participated in its advantages, regarded the author of a system to which they were so greatlyindebted, with an enthusiasm of attachment to which scarcely anylimits were assigned. To many others, this adventitious collection ofwealth in particular hands, was a subject rather of chagrin than ofpleasure; and the reputation which the success of his plans gave tothe secretary of the treasury, was not contemplated with unconcern. Asif the debt had been created by the existing government, not by a warwhich gave liberty and independence to the United States, its beingfunded was ascribed by many, not to a sense of justice, and to aliberal and enlightened policy, but to the desire of bestowing on thegovernment an artificial strength, by the creation of a moniedinterest which would be subservient to its will. 

The effects produced by giving the debt a permanent value, justifiedthe predictions of those whose anticipations had been most favourable. The sudden increase of monied capital derived from it, invigoratedcommerce, and gave a new stimulus to agriculture. 

About this time, there was a great and visible improvement in thecircumstances of the people. Although the funding system was certainlynot inoperative in producing this improvement, it can not be justlyascribed to any single cause. Progressive industry had graduallyrepaired the losses sustained by the war; and the influence of theconstitution on habits of thinking and acting, though silent, wasconsiderable. In depriving the states of the power to impair theobligation of contracts, or to make any thing but gold and silver atender in payment of debts, the conviction was impressed on thatportion of society which had looked to the government for relief fromembarrassment, that personal exertions alone could free them fromdifficulties; and an increased degree of industry and economy was thenatural consequence of this opinion. 

[Sidenote: Adjournment of congress. ]

On the 12th of August, after an arduous session, congress adjourned, to meet in Philadelphia the first Monday in the following December. 

While the discussions in the national legislature related to subjects, and were conducted in a temper, well calculated to rouse the activespirit of party, the external relations of the United States wore anaspect not perfectly serene. To the hostile temper manifested by theIndians on the western and southern frontiers, an increased degree ofimportance was given by the apprehension that their discontents werefomented by the intrigues of Britain and of Spain. From Canada, theIndians of the north-west were understood to be furnished with themeans of prosecuting a war which they were stimulated to continue;and, to the influence of the governor of the Floridas had been partlyattributed the failure of the negotiation with the Creeks. That thisinfluence would still be exerted to prevent a friendly intercoursewith that nation was firmly believed; and it was feared that Spainmight take a part in the open hostilities threatened by the irritabledispositions of individuals in both countries. From the intimateconnexion subsisting between the members of the house of Bourbon, thisevent was peculiarly deprecated; and the means of avoiding it weresought with solicitude. These considerations determined the Presidentto make another effort at negotiation; but, to preserve the respect ofthese savages for the United States, it was at the same time resolvedthat the agent to be employed should visit the country on otherpretexts, and should carry a letter of introduction to M'Gillivray, blending with other subjects a strong representation of the miserieswhich a war with the United States would bring upon his people; and anearnest exhortation to repair with the chiefs of his nation to theseat of the federal government, in order to effect a solid andsatisfactory peace. Colonel Willett was selected for this service; andhe acquitted himself so well of the duty assigned to him, as to inducethe chiefs of the nation, with M'Gillivray at their head, to repair toNew York, where negotiations were opened which terminated in a treatyof peace, [46] signed on the 7th day of August. [47]

 [Footnote 46: On the first information at St. Augustine that M'Gillivray was about to repair to New York, the intelligence was communicated to the governor at the Havanna, and the secretary of East Florida came to New York, with a large sum of money to purchase flour, as it was said; but to embarrass the negotiations with the Creeks was believed to be his real design. He was closely watched, and measures were taken to render any attempts he might make abortive. ]

 [Footnote 47: See note, No. IV. At the end of the volume. ]

[Sidenote: Treaty with the Creek Indians. ]

The pacific overtures made to the Indians of the Wabash and the Miamisnot having been equally successful, the western frontiers were stillexposed to their destructive incursions. A long course of experiencehad convinced the President that, on the failure of negotiation, soundpolicy and true economy, not less than humanity, required theimmediate employment of a force which should carry death anddestruction into the heart of the hostile settlements. Either notfeeling the same impressions, or disposed to indulge the wishes of thewestern people, who declared openly their preference for desultorymilitary expeditions, congress did not adopt measures correspondingwith the wishes of the executive, and the military establishment[48]was not equal to the exigency. The distresses of the frontierestablishment, therefore, still continued; and the hostility they hadoriginally manifested to the constitution, sustained no diminution. 

 [Footnote 48: On giving his assent to the bill "regulating the military establishment of the United States, " the President subjoined to the entry in his diary the remark, that although he gave it his sanction, "he did not conceive that the military establishment was adequate to the exigencies of the government, and to the protection it was intended to afford. " It consisted of one regiment of infantry, and one battalion of artillery, amounting in the total, exclusive of commissioned officers, to twelve hundred and sixteen men. ]

[Sidenote: United States in relations with Great Britain and Spain. ]

No progress had been made in adjusting the points of controversy withSpain and Britain. With the former power, the question of boundaryremained unsettled; and the cabinet of Madrid discovered nodisposition to relax the rigour of its pretensions respecting thenavigation of the Mississippi. Its general conduct furnished nofoundation for a hope that its dispositions towards the United Stateswere friendly, or that it could view their growing power withoutjealousy. 

The non-execution of the 4th, 5th, 6th, and 7th articles of the treatyof peace, still furnished the United States and Great Britain withmatter for reciprocal crimination, which there was the more difficultyin removing, because no diplomatic intercourse was maintained betweenthem. The cabinet of St. James having never appointed a minister tothe United States, and Mr. Adams having returned from London withouteffecting the object of his mission, the American government felt somedifficulty in repeating advances which had been treated with neglect. Yet there was much reason to desire full explanations with the Englishgovernment, and to understand perfectly its views and intentions. Thesubjects for discussion were delicate in their nature, and could notbe permitted to remain in their present state, without hazarding themost serious consequences. The detention of a part of the territory ofthe United States, was a circumstance of much importance to thehonour, as well as to the interests of the nation, and the commercialintercourse between the two countries was so extensive, as to requireamicable and permanent regulations. The early attention of thePresident had been directed to these subjects; and, in October, 1789, he had resolved on taking informal measures to sound the Britishcabinet, and to ascertain its views respecting them. This negotiationwas entrusted to Mr. Gouverneur Morris, who had been carried byprivate business to Europe; and he conducted it with ability andaddress, but was unable to bring it to a happy conclusion. The resultof his conferences with the Duke of Leeds, and with Mr. Pitt, was aconviction that the British government, considering the posts theyoccupied on the southern side of the great lakes as essential to theirmonopoly of the fur trade, would surrender them reluctantly, and wasnot desirous of entering into a commercial treaty. Those ministersexpressed a wish to be on the best terms with America; but repeatedthe complaints which had been previously made by Lord Carmarthen, ofthe non-execution of the treaty of peace on the part of the UnitedStates. To the observations made by Mr. Morris, that the constitutionlately adopted, and the courts established under it, amounted to afull compliance with that treaty on the part of the Americangovernment, it was answered, that losses had already been sustained inconsequence of the obstructions given by the states to the fairoperation of that instrument, which rendered a faithful observance ofit, at present, impossible; and, in a note, the Duke of Leeds avowedthe intention, if the delay on the part of the American government tofulfil its engagements made in the treaty should have rendered theirfinal completion impracticable, to retard the fulfilment of thosewhich depended entirely on Great Britain, until redress should begranted to the subjects of his majesty on the specific points of thetreaty itself, or a fair and just compensation obtained for thenon-performance of those stipulations which the United States hadfailed to observe. Though urged by Mr. Morris to state explicitly inwhat respects, and to what degree, he considered the final completionof those engagements to which the United States were bound, as havingbeen rendered impracticable, no such statement was given; and theBritish government seemed inclined to avoid, for the present, thosefull and satisfactory explanations, which were sought on the part ofthe United States. 

After detailing the motives which in his opinion influenced theEnglish cabinet in wishing to suspend for a time all discussions withAmerica, Mr. Morris observed, "perhaps there never was a moment inwhich this country felt herself greater; and consequently, it is themost unfavourable moment to obtain advantageous terms from her in anybargain. "

Whilst these negotiations were pending, intelligence was received atLondon of the attack made on the British settlement at Nootka Sound;and preparations were instantly made to resent the insult alleged tohave been offered to the nation. The high ground taken on thisoccasion by the government, and the vigour with which it armed insupport of its pretensions, furnished strong reasons for the opinionthat a war with Spain, and probably with France, would soon becommenced. 

In America, this was considered as a favourable juncture for urgingthe claims of the United States to the free navigation of theMississippi. Mr. Carmichael, their charge d'affaires at the court ofMadrid, was instructed not only to press this point with earnestness, but to use his utmost endeavours to secure the unmolested use of thatriver in future, by obtaining a cession of the island of New Orleans, and of the Floridas. A full equivalent for this cession would befound, it was said, in the sincere friendship of the United States, and in the security it would give to the territories of Spain, west ofthe Mississippi. 

Mr. Carmichael was also instructed to point the attention of theSpanish government to the peculiar situation of the United States. Toone half of their territory, the use of the Mississippi wasindispensable. No efforts could prevent their acquiring it. That theywould acquire it, either by acting separately, or in conjunction withGreat Britain, was one of those inevitable events against which humanwisdom could make no provision. To the serious consideration of theSpanish government, therefore, were submitted the consequences whichmust result to their whole empire in America, either from hostilitieswith the United States, or from a seizure of Louisiana by GreatBritain. 

The opinion, that in the event of war between Great Britain and Spain, Louisiana would be invaded from Canada, was not a mere suggestion forthe purpose of aiding the negotiations at Madrid. It was seriouslyadopted by the American government; and the attention of the executivewas turned to the measures which it would be proper to take, shouldapplication be made for permission to march a body of troops, throughthe unsettled territories of the United States, into the dominions ofSpain; or should the attempt be made to march them, withoutpermission. 

Among the circumstances which contributed to the opinion that, in theevent of war, the arms of Great Britain would be directed against thesettlements of Spain in America, was the continuance of LordDorchester in the government of Canada. This nobleman had intimated awish to visit New York on his return to England; but the prospect of arupture with Spain had determined him to remain in Canada. Under thepretext of making his acknowledgments for the readiness with which hisdesire to pass through New York had been acceded to, his lordshipdespatched Major Beck with, a member of his family, to sound theAmerican government, and if possible, to ascertain its dispositionstowards the two nations. Alluding to the negotiations which had beencommenced in London, this gentleman endeavoured to assign asatisfactory cause for the delays which had intervened. It was notimprobable, he said, that these delays, and some other circumstances, might have impressed Mr. Morris with an idea of backwardness on thepart of the British ministry. His lordship, however, had directed himto say, that an inference of this sort would not, in his opinion, bewell founded, as he had reason to believe that the British cabinet wasinclined not only towards a friendly intercourse, but towards analliance with the United States. 

Major Beckwith represented the particular ground of quarrel as onewhich ought to interest all commercial nations in favour of the viewsof Great Britain; and, from that circumstance, he presumed that, should a war ensue, the United States would find their interest intaking part with Britain, rather than with Spain. 

After expressing the concern with which Lord Dorchester had heard ofthe depredations of the savages on the western frontier of the UnitedStates, he declared that his lordship, so far from countenancing thesedepredations, had taken every proper opportunity to impress upon theIndians a pacific disposition; and that, on his first hearing of theoutrages lately committed, he had sent a messenger to endeavour toprevent them. Major Beckwith further intimated, that the perpetratorsof the late murders were banditti, composed chiefly of Creeks andCherokees, in the Spanish interest, over whom the governor of Canadapossessed no influence. 

These communications were laid before the President, and appeared tohim to afford an explanation of the delays experienced by Mr. Morris. He was persuaded that a disposition existed in the cabinet of Londonto retain things in their actual situation, until the intentions ofthe American government should be ascertained with respect to the warsupposed to be approaching. If the United States would enter into analliance with Great Britain, and would make a common cause with heragainst Spain, the way would be smoothed to the attainment of alltheir objects: but if America should be disinclined to such aconnexion, and especially, if she should manifest any partialitytowards Spain, no progress would be made in the attempt to adjust thepoint of difference between the two nations. Taking this view of thesubject, he directed that the further communications of Mr. Beckwithshould be heard civilly, and that their want of official authenticityshould be hinted delicately, without using any expressions whichmight, in the most remote degree, impair the freedom of the UnitedStates, to pursue, without reproach, in the expected war, such a lineof conduct as their interests or honour might dictate. 

In the opinion that it would not only be useless but dishonourablefurther to press a commercial treaty, or the exchange of ministers, and that the subject of the western posts ought not again to be movedon the part of the United States, until they should be in a conditionto speak a decisive language, the powers given to Mr. Morris werewithdrawn. Should the interest of Britain produce a dispositionfavourable to an amicable arrangement of differences, and to a liberalcommercial intercourse secured by compact, it was believed that shewould make the requisite advances; until then, or until some otherchange of circumstances should require a change of conduct, thingswere to remain in their actual situation. 

About the time of adopting this resolution, the dispute betweenBritain and Spain was adjusted. Finding France unwilling to engage inhis quarrel, his Catholic Majesty, too weak to encounter alone theforce of the British empire, yielded every point in controversy; andthus were terminated for the present, both the fear of inconveniences, and the hope of advantages which might result to America fromhostilities between the two powers, whose dominions were in herneighbourhood, and with each of whom she was already engaged incontroversies not easily to be accommodated. 

[Sidenote: The president visits Mount Vernon. ]

Incessant application to public business, and the consequent change ofactive for sedentary habits, had greatly impaired the constitution ofthe President; and, during the last session of congress, he had, forthe second time since entering on the duties of his present station, been attacked by a severe disease which reduced him to the brink ofthe grave. Exercise and a temporary relief from the cares of officebeing essential to the restoration of his health, he determined, forthe short interval afforded by the recess of the legislature, toretire to the tranquil shades of Mount Vernon. After returning from avisit to Rhode Island, [49] which state not having then adopted theAmerican constitution, had not been included in his late tour throughNew England, he took leave of New York; and hastened to that peacefulretreat, and those rural employments, his taste for which neithermilitary glory, nor political power, could ever diminish. 

 [Footnote 49: Rhode Island had adopted the constitution in the preceding May, and had thus completed the union. ]

After a short indulgence in these favourite scenes, it becamenecessary to repair to Philadelphia, in order to meet the nationallegislature. 

[Sidenote: The president's speech. ]

In the speech delivered to congress at the commencement of their thirdsession, the President expressed much satisfaction at the favourableprospect of public affairs; and particularly noticed the progress ofpublic credit, and the productiveness of the revenue. 

Adverting to foreign nations, [50] he said, "the disturbed situation ofEurope, and particularly the critical posture of the great maritimepowers, whilst it ought to make us more thankful for the general peaceand security enjoyed by the United States, reminds us at the same timeof the circumspection with which it becomes us to preserve theseblessings. It requires also, that we should not overlook the tendencyof a war, and even of preparations for war among the nations mostconcerned in active commerce with this country, to abridge the means, and thereby at least to enhance the price, of transporting itsvaluable productions to their proper market. " To the seriousreflection of congress was recommended the prevention ofembarrassments from these contingencies, by such encouragement toAmerican navigation as would render the commerce and agriculture ofthe United States less dependent on foreign bottoms. 

 [Footnote 50: In a more confidential message to the senate, all the objects of the negotiation in which Mr. Morris had been employed were detailed, and the letters of that gentleman, with the full opinion of the President were communicated. ]

After expressing to the house of representatives his confidencearising from the sufficiency of the revenues already established, forthe objects to which they were appropriated, he added, "allow memoreover to hope that it will be a favourite policy with you notmerely to secure a payment of the interest of the debt funded, but asfar, and as fast as the growing resources of the country will permit, to exonerate it of the principal itself. " Many subjects relative tothe interior government were succinctly and briefly mentioned; and thespeech concluded with the following impressive and admonitorysentiment. "In pursuing the various and weighty business of thepresent session, I indulge the fullest persuasion that yourconsultations will be marked with wisdom, and animated by the love ofcountry. In whatever belongs to my duty, you shall have all theco-operation which an undiminished zeal for its welfare can inspire. It will be happy for us both, and our best reward, if by a successfuladministration of our respective trusts, we can make the establishedgovernment more and more instrumental in promoting the good of ourfellow citizens, and more and more the object of their attachment andconfidence. "

The addresses of the two houses, in answer to the speech, proved thatthe harmony between the executive and legislative departments, withwhich the government had gone into operation, had sustained noessential interruption. But in the short debate which took place onthe occasion, in the house of representatives, a direct disapprobationof one of the measures of the executive government was, for the firsttime, openly expressed. 

In the treaty lately concluded with the Creeks, an extensive territoryclaimed by Georgia, under treaties, the validity of which wascontested by the Indian chiefs, had been entirely, or in great part, relinquished. This relinquishment excited serious discontents in thatstate; and was censured by General Jackson with considerable warmth, as an unjustifiable abandonment of the rights and interests ofGeorgia. No specific motion, however, was made, and the subject waspermitted to pass away for the present. 

Scarcely were the debates on the address concluded, when severalinteresting reports were received from the secretary of the treasury, suggesting such further measures as were deemed necessary for theestablishment of public credit. 

It will be recollected that in his original report on this subject, the secretary had recommended the assumption of the state debts; andhad proposed to enable the treasury to meet the increased demand uponit, which this measure would occasion, by an augmentation of theduties on imported wines, spirits, tea, and coffee, and by imposingduties on spirits distilled within the country. The assumption nothaving been adopted until late in the session, the discussion on therevenue which would be required for this portion of the public debtdid not commence, until the house had become impatient for anadjournment. As much contrariety of opinion was disclosed, and thesubject did not press, [51] it was deferred to the ensuing session; andan order was made, requiring the secretary of the treasury to prepareand report such further provision as might, in his opinion, benecessary for establishing the public credit. In obedience to thisorder, several reports had been prepared, the first of which repeatedthe recommendation of an additional impost on foreign distilledspirits, and of a duty on spirits distilled within the United States. The estimated revenue from these sources was eight hundred andseventy-seven thousand five hundred dollars, affording a small excessover the sum which would be required to pay the interest on theassumed debt. The policy of the measure was discussed in a welldigested and able argument, detailing many motives, in addition tothose assigned in his original report, for preferring the system nowrecommended, to accumulated burdens on commerce, or to a direct tax onlands. 

 [Footnote 51: The interest on the assumed debt was to commence with the year 1792. ]

A new tax is the certain rallying point for all those who areunfriendly to the administration, or to the minister by whom it isproposed. But that recommended by the secretary, contained intrinsiccauses of objection which would necessarily add to the number of itsenemies. All that powerful party in the United States, which attacheditself to the local, rather than to the general government, wouldinevitably contemplate any system of internal revenue with jealousdisapprobation. They considered the imposition of a tax by congress onany domestic manufacture, as the intrusion of a foreign power intotheir particular concerns, which excited serious apprehensions forstate importance, and for liberty. In the real or supposed interestsof many individuals was also found a distinct motive for hostility tothe measure. A large portion of the American population, especiallythat which had spread itself over the extensive regions of the west, consuming imported articles to a very inconsiderable amount, was notmuch affected by the impost on foreign merchandize. But the duty onspirits distilled within the United States reached them, andconsequently rendered them hostile to the tax. 

{1791}

[Sidenote: Debate on the excise law. ]

A bill, which was introduced in pursuance of the report, was opposedwith great vehemence by a majority of the southern and westernmembers. By some of them it was insisted that no sufficient testimonyhad yet been exhibited, that the taxes already imposed would not beequal to the exigencies of the public. But, admitting the propriety ofadditional burdens on the people, it was contended that other sourcesof revenue, less exceptionable and less odious than this, might beexplored. The duty was branded with the hateful epithet of an excise, a species of taxation, it was said, so peculiarly oppressive as to beabhorred even in England; and which was totally incompatible with thespirit of liberty. The facility with which it might be extended toother objects, was urged against its admission into the Americansystem; and declarations made against it by the congress of 1775, werequoted in confirmation of the justice with which inherent vices wereascribed to this mode of collecting taxes. So great was the hostilitymanifested against it in some of the states, that the revenue officersmight be endangered from the fury of the people; and, in all, it wouldincrease a ferment which had been already extensively manifested. Resolutions of Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina, reprobating theassumption, were referred to as unequivocal evidences of growingdissatisfaction; and the last mentioned state had even expressed itsdecided hostility to any law of excise. The legislature of NorthCarolina had rejected with scorn, a proposal for taking an oath tosupport the constitution of the United States; had refused to admitpersons sentenced to imprisonment under the laws of the United Statesinto their jails; and another circumstance was alluded to, but notexplained, which was said to exhibit a temper still more hostile tothe general government than either of those which had been stated. 

When required to produce a system in lieu of that which they so muchexecrated, the opponents of the bill alternately mentioned anincreased duty on imported articles generally, a particular duty onmolasses, a direct tax, a tax on salaries, pensions, and lawyers; aduty on newspapers, and a stamp act. 

The friends of the bill contended, that the reasons for believing theexisting revenue would be insufficient to meet the engagements of theUnited States, were as satisfactory as the nature of the case wouldadmit, or as ought to be required. The estimates were founded on thebest data which were attainable, and the funds already provided, hadbeen calculated by the proper officer to pay the interest on that partof the debt only for which they were pledged. Those estimates werereferred to as documents, from which it would be unsafe to depart. They were also in possession of official statements, showing theproductiveness of the taxes from the time the revenue bill had been inoperation; and arguments were drawn from these, demonstrating thedanger to which the infant credit of the United States would beexposed, by relying on the existing funds for the interest on theassumed debt. It was not probable that the proposed duties would yielda sum much exceeding that which would be necessary; but should theyfortunately do so, the surplus revenue might be advantageouslyemployed in extinguishing a part of the principal. They were not, theysaid, of opinion, that a public debt was a public blessing, or that itought to be perpetuated. 

An augmentation of the revenue being indispensable to the solidity ofthe public credit, a more eligible system than that proposed in thebill, could not, it was believed, be devised. Still further to burdencommerce, would be a hazardous experiment which might afford no realsupplies to the treasury. Until some lights should be derived fromexperience, it behoved the legislature to be cautious not to lay suchimpositions upon trade as might probably introduce a spirit ofsmuggling, which, with a nominal increase, would occasion a realdiminution of revenue. In the opinion of the best judges, the imposton the mass of foreign merchandise could not safely be carried furtherfor the present. The extent of the mercantile capital of the UnitedStates would not justify the attempt. Forcible arguments were alsodrawn from the policy and the justice of multiplying the subjects oftaxation, and diversifying them by a union of internal with externalobjects. 

Neither would a direct tax be adviseable. The experience of the worldhad proved, that a tax on consumption was less oppressive, and moreproductive, than a tax on either property or income. Withoutdiscussing the principles on which the fact was founded, the factitself was incontestable, that, by insensible means, much larger sumsmight be drawn from any class of men, than could be extracted fromthem by open and direct taxes. To the latter system there were stillother objections. The difficulty of carrying it into operation, nocensus having yet been taken, would not be inconsiderable; and theexpense of collection through a country thinly settled, would beenormous. Add to this, that public opinion was believed to be moredecidedly and unequivocally opposed to it, than to a duty on ardentspirits. North Carolina had expressed her hostility to the one as wellas to the other, and several other states were known to disapprove ofdirect taxes. From the real objections which existed against them, andfor other reasons suggested in the report of the secretary, theyought, it was said, to remain untouched, as a resource when some greatemergency should require an exertion of all the faculties of theUnited States. 

Against the substitution of a duty on internal negotiations, it wassaid, that revenue to any considerable extent could be collected fromthem only by means of a stamp act, which was not less obnoxious topopular resentment than an excise, would be less certainly productivethan the proposed duties, and was, in every respect, less eligible. 

The honour, the justice, and the faith of the United States werepledged, it was said, to that class of creditors for whose claims thebill under consideration was intended to provide. No means of makingthe provision had been suggested, which, on examination, would befound equally eligible with a duty on ardent spirits. Much of thepublic prejudice which appeared in certain parts of the United Statesagainst the measure, was to be ascribed to their hostility to the term"excise, " a term which had been inaccurately applied to the duty inquestion. When the law should be carried into operation, it would befound not to possess those odious qualities which had excitedresentment against a system of excise. In those states where thecollection of a duty on spirits distilled within the country hadbecome familiar to the people, the same prejudices did not exist. Onthe good sense and virtue of the nation they could confidently relyfor acquiescence in a measure which the public exigencies renderednecessary, which tended to equalize the public burdens, and which inits execution would not be oppressive. 

A motion made by Mr. Jackson, to strike out that section which imposeda duty on domestic distilled spirits, was negatived by thirty-six tosixteen; and the bill was carried by thirty-five to twenty-one. 

Some days after the passage of this bill, another question was broughtforward, which was understood to involve principles of deep interestto the government. 

[Sidenote: On a national bank. ]

The secretary of the treasury had been the uniform advocate of anational bank. Believing that such an institution would be "of primaryimportance to the prosperous administration of the finances; and ofthe greatest utility in the operations connected with the support ofpublic credit, " he had earnestly recommended its adoption in the firstgeneral system which he presented to the view of congress; and, at thepresent session, had repeated that recommendation in a special report, containing a copious and perspicuous argument on the policy of themeasure. A bill conforming to the plan he suggested was sent down fromthe senate, and was permitted to proceed, unmolested, in the house ofrepresentatives, to the third reading. On the final question, a great, and, it would seem, an unexpected opposition was made to its passage. Mr. Madison, Mr. Giles, Mr. Jackson, and Mr. Stone spoke against it. The general utility of banking systems was not admitted, and theparticular bill before the house was censured on its merits; but thegreat strength of the argument was directed against the constitutionalauthority of congress to pass an act for incorporating a nationalbank. 

The government of the United States, it was said, was limited; and thepowers which it might legitimately exercise were enumerated in theconstitution itself. In this enumeration, the power now contended forwas not to be found. Not being expressly given, it must be impliedfrom those which were given, or it could not be vested in thegovernment. The clauses under which it could be claimed were thenreviewed and critically examined; and it was contended that, on fairconstruction, no one of these could be understood to imply soimportant a power as that of creating a corporation. 

The clause which enables congress to pass all laws necessary andproper to execute the specified powers, must, according to the naturaland obvious force of the terms and the context, be limited to means_necessary_ to the _end_ and _incident_ to the _nature_ of thespecified powers. The clause, it was said, was in fact merelydeclaratory of what would have resulted by unavoidable implication, asthe appropriate, and as it were technical means of executing thosepowers. Some gentlemen observed, that "the true exposition of anecessary mean to produce a given end was that mean without which theend could not be produced. "

The bill was supported by Mr. Ames, Mr. Sedgwick, Mr. Smith, of SouthCarolina, Mr. Lawrence, Mr. Boudinot, Mr. Gerry, and Mr. Vining. 

The utility of banking institutions was said to be demonstrated bytheir effects. In all commercial countries they had been resorted toas an instrument of great efficacy in mercantile transactions; andeven in the United States, their public and private advantages hadbeen felt and acknowledged. 

Respecting the policy of the measure, no well founded doubt could beentertained; but the objections to the constitutional authority ofcongress deserved to be seriously considered. 

That the government was limited by the terms of its creation was notcontroverted; and that it could exercise only those powers which wereconferred on it by the constitution, was admitted. If, on examination, that instrument should be found to forbid the passage of the bill, itmust be rejected, though it would be with deep regret that its friendswould suffer such an opportunity of serving their country to escapefor the want of a constitutional power to improve it. 

In asserting the authority of the legislature to pass the bill, gentlemen contended, that incidental as well as express powers mustnecessarily belong to every government: and that, when a power isdelegated to effect particular objects, all the known and usual meansof effecting them, must pass as incidental to it. To remove all doubton this subject, the constitution of the United States had recognizedthe principle, by enabling congress to make all laws which may benecessary and proper for carrying into execution the powers vested inthe government. They maintained the sound construction of this grantto be a recognition of an authority in the national legislature, toemploy all the known and usual means for executing the powers vestedin the government. They then took a comprehensive view of thosepowers, and contended that a bank was a known and usual instrument bywhich several of them were exercised. 

After a debate of great length, which was supported on both sides withability, and with that ardour which was naturally excited by theimportance attached by each party to the principle in contest, thequestion was put, and the bill was carried in the affirmative by amajority of nineteen voices. 

[Sidenote: The opinions of the cabinet on the constitutionality ofthis last law. ]

The point which had been agitated with so much zeal in the house ofrepresentatives, was examined with equal deliberation by theexecutive. The cabinet was divided upon it. The secretary of state, and the attorney general, conceived that congress had clearlytranscended their constitutional powers; while the secretary of thetreasury, with equal clearness, maintained the opposite opinion. Theadvice of each minister, with his reasoning in support of it, wasrequired in writing, and their arguments were considered by thePresident with all that attention which the magnitude of the question, and the interest taken in it by the opposing parties, so eminentlyrequired. This deliberate investigation of the subject terminated in aconviction, that the constitution of the United States authorized themeasure;[52] and the sanction of the executive was given to the act. 

 [Footnote 52: See note, No. V. At the end of the volume. ]

[Sidenote: Progress of parties. ]

The judgment is so much influenced by the wishes, the affections, andthe general theories of those by whom any political proposition isdecided, that a contrariety of opinion on this great constitutionalquestion ought to excite no surprise. It must be recollected that theconflict between the powers of the general and state governments wascoeval with those governments. Even during the war, the preponderanceof the states was obvious; and, in a very few years after peace, thestruggle ended in the utter abasement of the general government. Manycauses concurred to produce a constitution which was deemed morecompetent to the preservation of the union, but its adoption wasopposed by great numbers; and in some of the large states especially, its enemies soon felt and manifested their superiority. The old lineof division was still as strongly marked as ever. Many retained theopinion that liberty could be endangered only by encroachments uponthe states; and that it was the great duty of patriotism to restrainthe powers of the general government within the narrowest possiblelimits. 

In the other party, which was also respectable for its numbers, manywere found who had watched the progress of American affairs, and whosincerely believed that the real danger which threatened the republicwas to be looked for in the undue ascendency of the states. To them itappeared, that the substantial powers, and the extensive means ofinfluence, which were retained by the local sovereignties, furnishedthem with weapons for aggression which were not easily to be resisted, and that it behoved all those who were anxious for the happiness oftheir country, to guard the equilibrium established in theconstitution, by preserving unimpaired, all the legitimate powers ofthe union. These were more confirmed in their sentiments, by observingthe temper already discovered in the legislatures of several states, respecting the proceedings of congress. 

To this great and radical division of opinion, which would necessarilyaffect every question on the authority of the national legislature, other motives were added, which were believed to possess considerableinfluence on all measures connected with the finances. 

As an inevitable effect of the state of society, the public debt hadgreatly accumulated in the middle and northern states, whoseinhabitants had derived, from its rapid appreciation, a proportionalaugmentation of their wealth. This circumstance could not fail tocontribute to the complacency with which the plans of the secretarywere viewed by those who had felt their benefit, nor to the irritationwith which they were contemplated by others who had parted with theirclaims on the nation. It is not impossible, that personalconsiderations also mingled themselves with those which were merelypolitical. 

With so many causes to bias the judgment, it would not have beenwonderful if arguments less plausible than those advanced by eitherparty had been deemed conclusive on its adversary; nor was it a matterof surprise that each should have denied to those which were urged inopposition, the weight to which they were certainly entitled. Theliberal mind which can review them without prejudice, will chargeneither the supporters nor the opponents of the bill with insincerity, nor with being knowingly actuated by motives which might not have beenavowed. 

This measure made a deep impression on many members of thelegislature; and contributed, not inconsiderably, to the completeorganization of those distinct and visible parties, which, in theirlong and dubious conflict for power, have since shaken the UnitedStates to their centre. 

Among the last acts of the present congress, was an act to augment themilitary establishment of the United States. 

[Sidenote: War with the Indians. ]

The earnest endeavours of the President to give security to thenorth-western frontiers, by pacific arrangements, having been entirelyunavailing, it became his duty to employ such other means as wereplaced in his hands, for the protection of the country. Confirmed byall his experience in the opinion that vigorous offensive operationsalone could bring an Indian war to a happy conclusion, he had plannedan expedition against the hostile tribes north-west of the Ohio, assoon as the impracticability of effecting a treaty with them had beenascertained. 

General Harmar, a veteran of the revolution, who had received hisappointment under the former government, was placed at the head of thefederal troops. On the 30th of September, he marched from fortWashington with three hundred and twenty regulars. The whole army whenjoined by the militia of Pennsylvania and Kentucky amounted tofourteen hundred and fifty-three men. About the middle of October, Colonel Harden, who commanded the Kentucky militia, and who had beenalso a continental officer of considerable merit, was detached at thehead of six hundred men, chiefly militia, to reconnoitre the ground, and to ascertain the intentions of the enemy. On his approach, theIndians set fire to their principal village, and fled withprecipitation to the woods. As the object of the expedition would beonly half accomplished, unless the savages could be brought to actionand defeated, Colonel Harden was again detached at the head of twohundred and ten men, thirty of whom were regulars. About ten mileswest of Chilicothe, where the main body of the army lay, he wasattacked by a party of Indians. The Pennsylvanians, who composed hisleft column, had previously fallen in the rear; and the Kentuckians, disregarding the exertions of their colonel, and of a few otherofficers, fled on the first appearance of an enemy. The small corps ofregulars commanded by Lieutenant Armstrong made a brave resistance. After twenty-three of them had fallen in the field, the survivingseven made their escape and rejoined the army. 

[Sidenote: Defeat of Harmar. ]

Notwithstanding this check, the remaining towns on the Scioto werereduced to ashes, and the provisions laid up for the winter wereentirely destroyed. This service being accomplished, the armycommenced its march towards fort Washington. Being desirous of wipingoff the disgrace which his arms had sustained, General Harmar haltedabout eight miles from Chilicothe, and once more detached ColonelHarden with orders to find the enemy and bring on an engagement. Hiscommand consisted of three hundred and sixty men, of whom sixty wereregulars commanded by Major Wyllys. Early the next morning, thisdetachment reached the confluence of the St. Joseph and St. Mary, where it was divided into three columns. The left division, commandedby Colonel Harden in person, crossed the St. Joseph, and proceeded upits western bank. The centre, consisting of the federal troops, wasled by Major Wyllys up the eastern side of that river; and the right, under the command of Major M'Millan, marched along a range of heightswhich commanded the right flank of the centre division. The columnshad proceeded but a short distance, when each was met by aconsiderable body of Indians, and a severe engagement ensued. Themilitia retrieved their reputation, and several of their bravestofficers fell. The heights on the right having been, from some causenot mentioned, unoccupied by the American troops, the savages seizedthem early in the action, and attacked the right flank of the centrewith great fury. Although Major Wyllys was among the first who fell, the battle was maintained by the regulars with spirit, andconsiderable execution was done on both sides. At length, the scantyremnant of this small band, quite overpowered by numbers, was drivenoff the ground, leaving fifty of their comrades, exclusive of MajorWyllys and Lieutenant Farthingham, dead upon the field. The losssustained by the militia was also considerable. It amounted to upwardsof one hundred men, among whom were nine officers. After an engagementof extreme severity, the detachment joined the main army, whichcontinued its march to fort Washington. 

General Harmar, with what propriety it is not easy to discern, claimedthe victory. He conceived, not entirely without reason, that the lossof a considerable number of men, would be fatal to the Indians, although a still greater loss should be sustained by the Americans, because the savages did not possess a population from which they couldreplace the warriors who had fallen. The event, however, did notjustify this opinion. 

The information respecting this expedition was quickly followed byintelligence stating the deplorable condition of the frontiers. Anaddress from the representatives of all the counties of Kentucky, andthose of Virginia bordering on the Ohio, was presented to thePresident, praying that the defence of the country might be committedto militia unmixed with regulars, and that they might immediately bedrawn out to oppose "the exulting foe. " To this address, the Presidentgave a conciliatory answer, but he understood too well the nature ofthe service, to yield to the request it contained. Such were hiscommunications to the legislature, that a regiment was added to thepermanent military establishment, and he was authorized to raise abody of two thousand men, for six months, and to appoint a majorgeneral, and a brigadier general, to continue in command so long as heshould think their services necessary. 

[Sidenote: Adjournment of congress. ]

With the 3d of March, 1791, terminated the first congress electedunder the constitution of the United States. The party denominatedfederal having prevailed at the elections, a majority of the memberswere steadfast friends of the constitution, and were sincerelydesirous of supporting a system they had themselves introduced, and onthe preservation of which, in full health and vigour, they firmlybelieved the happiness of their fellow citizens, and therespectability of the nation, greatly to depend. To organize agovernment, to retrieve the national character, to establish a systemof revenue, and to create public credit, were among the arduous dutieswhich were imposed upon them by the political situation of theircountry. With persevering labour, guided by no inconsiderable portionof virtue and intelligence, these objects were, in a great degree, accomplished. Out of the measures proposed for their attainment, questions alike intricate and interesting unavoidably arose. It is notin the nature of man to discuss such questions without stronglyagitating the passions, and exciting irritations which do not readilysubside. Had it even been the happy and singular lot of America to seeits national legislature assemble uninfluenced by those prejudiceswhich grew out of the previous divisions of the country, the manydelicate points which they were under the necessity of deciding, couldnot have failed to disturb this enviable state of harmony, and tomingle some share of party spirit with their deliberations. But whenthe actual state of the public mind was contemplated, and due weightwas given to the important consideration that, at no very distant day, a successor to the present chief magistrate must be elected, it wasstill less to be hoped that the first congress could pass away, without producing strong and permanent dispositions in parties, toimpute to each other designs unfriendly to the public happiness. Asyet, however, these imputations did not extend to the President. Hischaracter was held sacred, and the purity of his motives was admittedby all. Some divisions were understood to have found their way intothe cabinet. It was insinuated that between the secretaries of stateand of the treasury, very serious differences had arisen; but thesehigh personages were believed, to be equally attached to thePresident, who was not suspected of undue partiality to either. If hisassent to the bill for incorporating the national bank produceddiscontent, the opponents of that measure seemed disposed to ascribehis conduct, in that instance, to his judgment, rather than to anyprepossession in favour of the party by whom it was carried. Theopposition, therefore, in congress, to the measures of the government, seemed to be levelled at the secretary of the treasury, and at thenorthern members by whom those measures were generally supported, notat the President by whom they were approved. By taking this direction, it made its way into the public mind, without being encountered bythat devoted affection which a great majority of the people felt forthe chief magistrate of the union. In the mean time, the nationalprosperity was in a state of rapid progress; and the government wasgaining, though slowly, in the public opinion. But in several of thestate assemblies, especially in the southern division of thecontinent, serious evidences of dissatisfaction were exhibited, whichdemonstrated the jealousy with which the local sovereigntiescontemplated the powers exercised by the federal legislature. 

CHAPTER VII. 

 General St. Clair appointed Commander-in-chief.... The President makes a tour through the southern states.... Meeting of congress.... President's speech.... Debate on the bill for apportioning representatives.... Militia law.... Defeat of St. Clair.... Opposition to the increase of the army.... Report of the Secretary of the Treasury for raising additional supplies.... Congress adjourns.... Strictures on the conduct of administration, with a view of parties.... Disagreement between the Secretaries of State and Treasury.... Letters from General Washington.... Opposition to the excise law.... President's proclamation.... Insurrection and massacre in the island of St. Domingo.... General Wayne appointed to the command of the army.... Meeting of Congress.... President's speech.... Resolutions implicating the Secretary of the Treasury rejected.... Congress adjourns.... Progress of the French revolution, and its effects on parties in the United States. 

{1791}

More ample means for the protection of the frontiers having beenplaced in the hands of the executive, the immediate attention of thePresident was directed to this interesting object. 

[Sidenote: General St. Clair appointed commander-in-chief of thearmy. ]

Major General Arthur St. Clair, governor of the territory north-westof the Ohio, was appointed Commander-in-chief of the forces to beemployed in the meditated expedition. This gentleman had servedthrough the war of the revolution with reputation, though it had neverbeen his fortune to distinguish himself. The evacuation of Ticonderogahad indeed, at one time, subjected him to much public censure; but itwas found, upon inquiry, to be unmerited. Other motives, in additionto the persuasion of his fitness for the service, conduced to hisappointment. With the sword, the olive branch was still to betendered; and it was thought adviseable to place them in the samehands. The governor, having been made officially the negotiator withthe tribes inhabiting the territories over which he presided, being amilitary man, acquainted with the country into which the war was to becarried, possessing considerable influence with the inhabitants of thefrontiers, and being so placed as to superintend the preparations forthe expedition advantageously, seemed to have claims to the stationwhich were not to be overlooked. It was also a consideration of someimportance, that the high rank he had held in the American army, wouldobviate those difficulties in filling the inferior grades with men ofexperience, which might certainly be expected, should a person who hadacted in a less elevated station, be selected for the chief command. 

[Illustration: Tomb of Mary, Mother of Washington

_This is the original monument as it appeared before the presentgranite obelisk was erected over the grave of George Washington'smother in Fredericksburg, Virginia. It was in Fredericksburg that shemade her home during her declining years, and it was on the Kenmoreestate of her daughter, Elizabeth, and son-in-law, Fielding Lewis, that she was buried, September, 1789, having survived her husband, Augustine Washington, forty-six years. _]

[Sidenote: The president makes a tour through the southern states. ]

After making the necessary arrangements for recruiting the army, thePresident prepared to make his long contemplated tour through thesouthern states. [53] In passing through them, he was receiveduniversally with the same marks of affectionate attachment, which hehad experienced in the northern and central parts of the union. To thesensibilities which these demonstrations of the regard and esteem ofgood men could not fail to inspire, was added the high gratificationproduced by observing the rapid improvements of the country, and theadvances made by the government, in acquiring the confidence of thepeople. The numerous letters written by him after his return toPhiladelphia, attest the agreeable impressions made by these causes. "In my late tour through the southern states, " said he, in a letter ofthe 28th of July, to Mr. Gouverneur Morris, "I experienced greatsatisfaction in seeing the good effects of the general government inthat part of the union. The people at large have felt the securitywhich it gives, and the equal justice which it administers to them. The farmer, the merchant, and the mechanic, have seen their severalinterests attended to, and from thence they unite in placing aconfidence in their representatives, as well as in those in whosehands the execution of the laws is placed. Industry has there takenplace of idleness, and economy of dissipation. Two or three years ofgood crops, and a ready market for the produce of their lands, haveput every one in good humour; and, in some instances, they even imputeto the government what is due only to the goodness of Providence. 

 [Footnote 53: He stopped several days on the Potomac, where he executed finally the powers vested in him by the legislature for fixing on a place which should become the residence of congress, and the metropolis of the United States. ]

"The establishment of public credit is an immense point gained in ournational concerns. This, I believe, exceeds the expectation of themost sanguine among us; and a late instance, unparalleled in thiscountry, has been given of the confidence reposed in our measures, bythe rapidity with which the subscriptions to the bank of the UnitedStates were filled. In two hours after the books were opened by thecommissioners, the whole number of shares was taken up, and fourthousand more applied for than were allowed by the institution. Thiscircumstance was not only pleasing as it related to the confidence ingovernment, but also as it exhibited an unexpected proof of theresources of our citizens. "

This visit had undoubtedly some tendency to produce the gooddisposition which the President observed with so much pleasure. Theaffections are perhaps more intimately connected with the judgmentthan we are disposed to admit; and the appearance of the chiefmagistrate of the union, who was the object of general love andreverence, could not be without its influence in conciliating theminds of many to the government he administered, and to its measures. But this progress towards conciliation was, perhaps, less considerablethan was indicated by appearances. The hostility to the government, which was coeval with its existence, though diminished, was far frombeing subdued; and under this smooth exterior was concealed a mass ofdiscontent, which, though it did not obtrude itself on the view of theman who united almost all hearts, was active in its exertions toeffect its objects. 

The difficulties which must impede the recruiting service in a countrywhere coercion is not employed, and where the common wages of labourgreatly exceed the pay of a soldier, protracted the completion of theregiments to a late season of the year; but the summer was notpermitted to waste in total inaction. 

The act passed at the last session for the defence of the frontiers, in addition to its other provisions, had given to the President anunlimited power to call mounted militia into the field. Under thisauthority, two expeditions had been conducted against the villages onthe Wabash, in which a few of the Indian warriors were killed, some oftheir old men, women, and children, were made prisoners, and severalof their towns and fields of corn were destroyed. The first was led byGeneral Scott, in May, and the second by General Wilkinson, inSeptember. These desultory incursions had not much influence on thewar. 

It was believed in the United States, that the hostility of theIndians was kept up by the traders living in their villages. Thesepersons had, generally, resided in the United States; and, having beencompelled to leave the country in consequence of the part they hadtaken during the war of the revolution, felt the resentments whichbanishment and confiscation seldom fail to inspire. Their enmitieswere ascribed by many, perhaps unjustly, to the temper of thegovernment in Canada; but some countenance seemed to be given to thisopinion by intelligence that, about the commencement of the precedingcampaign, large supplies of ammunition had been delivered from theBritish posts on the lakes, to the Indians at war with the UnitedStates. While the President was on his southern tour, he addressed aletter to the secretary of state, to be communicated to ColonelBeckwith, who still remained in Philadelphia as the informalrepresentative of his nation, in which he expressed his surprise anddisappointment at this interference, by the servants or subjects of aforeign state, in a war prosecuted by the United States for the solepurpose of procuring peace and safety for the inhabitants of theirfrontiers. 

On receiving this communication, Colonel Beckwith expressed hisdisbelief that the supplies mentioned had been delivered; but on beingassured of the fact, he avowed the opinion that the transaction waswithout the knowledge of Lord Dorchester, to whom he said he shouldcommunicate, without delay, the ideas of the American government onthe subject. 

[Sidenote: Meeting of congress. ]

[Sidenote: President's speech. ]

On the 24th of October the second congress assembled in Philadelphia. In his speech at the opening of the session, the President expressedhis great satisfaction at the prosperous situation of the country, andparticularly mentioned the rapidity with which the shares in the bankof the United States were subscribed, as "among the striking andpleasing evidences which presented themselves, not only of confidencein the government, but of resources in the community. "

Adverting to the measures which had been taken in execution of thelaws and resolutions of the last session, "the most important ofwhich, " he observed, "respected the defence and security of thewestern frontiers, " he had, he said, "negotiated provisional treaties, and used other proper means to attach the wavering, and to confirm intheir friendship the well disposed tribes of Indians. The means whichhe had adopted for a pacification with those of a hostile descriptionhaving proved unsuccessful, offensive operations had been directed, some of which had proved completely successful, and others were stillpending. Overtures of peace were still continued to the deludedtribes; and it was sincerely to be desired that all need of coercionmight cease, and that an intimate intercourse might succeed, calculated to advance the happiness of the Indians, and to attach themfirmly to the United States. "

In marking the line of conduct which ought to be maintained for thepromotion of this object, he strongly recommended "justice to thesavages, and such rational experiments for imparting to them theblessings of civilization, as might from time to time suit theircondition;" and then concluded this subject with saying--"A systemcorresponding with the mild principles of religion and philanthropytowards an unenlightened race of men whose happiness materiallydepends on the conduct of the United States, would be as honourable tothe national character, as conformable to the dictates of soundpolicy. "

After stating that measures had been taken for carrying into executionthe act laying duties on distilled spirits, he added--"The impressionswith which this law has been received by the community have been, uponthe whole, such as were to have been expected among enlightened andwell disposed citizens, from the propriety and necessity of themeasure. The novelty, however, of the tax, in a considerable part ofthe United States, and a misconception of some of its provisions, havegiven occasion, in particular places, to some degree of discontent. But it is satisfactory to know that this disposition yields to properexplanations, and more just apprehensions of the true nature of thelaw. And I entertain a full confidence that it will, in all, give wayto motives which arise out of a just sense of duty, and a virtuousregard to the public welfare. 

"If there are any circumstances in the law, which, consistently withits main design may be so varied as to remove any well intentionedobjections that may happen to exist, it will comport with a wisemoderation to make the proper variations. It is desirable on alloccasions, to unite with a steady and firm adherence to constitutionaland necessary acts of government, the fullest evidence of adisposition, as far as may be practicable, to consult the wishes ofevery part of the community, and to lay the foundations of the publicadministration in the affections of the people. "

The answers of the two houses noticed, briefly and generally, thevarious topics of the speech; and, though perhaps less warm than thoseof the preceding congress, manifested great respect for the executivemagistrate, and an undiminished confidence in his patriotic exertionsto promote the public interests. 

[Sidenote: Debate on the bill "for apportioning representatives amongthe people of the states according to the first enumeration. "]

Among the first subjects of importance which engaged the attention ofthe legislature, was a bill "for apportioning representatives amongthe people of the several states according to the first enumeration. "The constitution, in its original form, had affixed no other limits tothe power of congress over the numbers of which the house ofrepresentatives might consist, than that there should not be more thanone member for every thirty thousand persons; but that each stateshould be entitled to at least one. Independent of the generalconsiderations in favour of a more or less numerous representation inthe popular branch of the legislature, there was one of a localnature, whose operation, though secret, was extensive, which gave tothis question a peculiar interest. To whatever number of persons arepresentative might be allotted, there would still remain a fraction, which would be greater or less in each state, according to the ratiowhich congress should adopt between representation and population. Therelative power of states, in one branch of the legislature, wouldconsequently be affected by this ratio; and to questions of thatdescription, few members can permit themselves to be inattentive. 

This bill, as originally introduced into the house of representatives, gave to each state one member for every thirty thousand persons. On amotion to strike out the number thirty thousand, the debate turnedchiefly on the policy and advantage of a more or less numerous houseof representatives; but with the general arguments suggested by thesubject, strong and pointed allusions to the measures of the precedingcongress were interspersed, which indicated much more serioushostility to the administration than had hitherto been expressed. Speaking of the corruption which he supposed to exist in the Britishhouse of commons, Mr. Giles said that causes essentially differentfrom their numbers, had produced this effect. "Among these, were thefrequent mortgages of the funds, and the immense appropriations at thedisposal of the executive. "

"An inequality of circumstances, " he observed, "produces revolutionsin governments, from democracy, to aristocracy, and monarchy. Greatwealth produces a desire of distinctions, rank, and titles. Therevolutions of property, in this country, have created a prodigiousinequality of circumstances. Government has contributed to thisinequality. The bank of the United States is a most important machinein promoting the objects of this monied interest. This bank will bethe most powerful engine to corrupt this house. Some of the membersare directors of this institution; and it will only be by increasingthe representation, that an adequate barrier can be opposed to thismonied interest. " He next adverted to certain ideas, which, he said, had been disseminated through the United States. "The legislature, " hetook occasion to observe, "ought to express some disapprobation ofthese opinions. The strong executive of this government, " he added, "ought to be balanced by a full representation in this house. "

Similar sentiments were advanced by Mr. Findley. 

After a long and animated discussion, the amendment was lost, and thebill passed in its original form. 

In the senate, it was amended by changing the ratio, so as to give onerepresentative for every thirty-three thousand persons in each state;but this amendment was disagreed to by the house of representatives;and each house adhering to its opinion, the bill fell; but was againintroduced into the house of representatives, under a different title, and in a new form, though without any change in its substantialprovisions. After a debate in which the injustice of the fractionsproduced by the ratio it adopted was strongly pressed, it passed thathouse. In the senate, it was again amended, not by reducing, but byenlarging the number of representatives. 

The constitution of the United States declares that "representativesand direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states whichmay be included within this union according to their respectivenumbers;" and that "the number of representatives shall not exceed onefor every thirty thousand, but each state shall have at least onerepresentative. " Construing the constitution to authorize a process bywhich the whole number of representatives should be ascertained on thewhole population of the United States, and afterwards "apportionedamong the several states according to their respective numbers, " thesenate applied the number thirty thousand as a _divisor_ to the totalpopulation, and taking the _quotient_, which was one hundred andtwenty, as the number of representatives given by the ratio which hadbeen adopted in the house where the bill had originated, theyapportioned that number among the several states by that ratio, untilas many representatives as it would give were allotted to each. Theresiduary members were then distributed among the states having thehighest fractions. Without professing the principle on which thisapportionment was made, the amendment of the senate merely allotted tothe states respectively, the number of members which the process justmentioned would give. The result was a more equitable apportionment ofrepresentatives to population, and had the rule of construing thatinstrument been correct, the amendment removed objections which werecertainly well founded. But the rule was novel, and overturnedopinions which had been generally assumed, and were supposed to besettled. In one branch of the legislature it had already beenrejected; and in the other, the majority in its favour was only one. 

In the house of representatives, the amendment was supported withconsiderable ingenuity. 

After an earnest debate, however, it was disagreed to, and aconference took place without producing an accommodation among themembers composing the committee. But finally, the house ofrepresentatives receded from their disagreement; and, by a majority oftwo voices, the bill passed as amended in the senate. 

On the President, the solemn duty of deciding, whether an act of thelegislature consisted with the constitution; for the bill, ifconstitutional, was unexceptionable. 

In his cabinet, also, a difference of opinion is understood to haveexisted; the secretary of state and the attorney general were ofopinion that the act was at variance with the constitution; thesecretary of war was rather undecided; and the secretary of thetreasury, thinking that, from the vagueness of expression in theclause relating to the subject, neither construction could beabsolutely rejected, was in favour of acceding to the interpretationgiven by the legislature. 

After weighing the arguments which were urged on each side of thequestion, the President was confirmed in the opinion that thepopulation of each state, and not the total population of the UnitedStates, must give the numbers to which alone the process by which thenumber of representatives was to be ascertained could be applied. Having formed this opinion, to a correct and independent mind thecourse to be pursued was a plain one. Duty required the exercise of apower which a President of the United States will always find muchdifficulty in employing; and he returned the bill to the house inwhich it originated, accompanied with his objections[54] to it. Inobservance of the forms prescribed in the constitution, the questionwas then taken on its passage by ayes and noes, and it was rejected. Athird bill was soon afterwards introduced, apportioning therepresentatives on the several states at a ratio of one for everythirty-three thousand persons in each state, which passed into a law. Thus was this interesting part of the American constitution finallysettled. 

 [Footnote 54: The following is the message which he delivered on this occasion. 

 _Gentlemen of the house of representatives--_

 I have maturely considered the act passed by the two houses, entitled "an act for the apportionment of representatives among the several states according to the first enumeration, " and I return it to your house, wherein it originated, with the following objections. 

 First. The constitution has prescribed that representatives shall be apportioned among the several states according to their respective numbers, and there is no proportion or divisor which, applied to the respective numbers of the states, will yield the number and allotment of representatives proposed by the bill. 

 Secondly. The constitution has also provided, that the number of representatives shall not exceed one for thirty thousand, which restriction is by the context, and by fair and obvious construction, to be applied to the separate and respective numbers of the states, and the bill has allotted to eight of the states more than one for thirty thousand. ]

[Sidenote: Militia law. ]

During this session of congress, an act passed for establishing auniform militia. 

The President had manifested, from the commencement of hisadministration, a peculiar degree of solicitude on this subject, andhad repeatedly urged it on congress. 

In his speech at the opening of the present session, he again calledthe attention of the legislature to it; and, at length, a law wasenacted which, though less efficacious than the plan reported by thesecretary of war, will probably, not soon, be carried into completeexecution. 

[Sidenote: Defeat of St. Clair. ]

In December, intelligence was received by the President, andimmediately communicated to congress, that the American army had beentotally defeated on the fourth of the preceding month. 

Although the most prompt and judicious measures had been taken toraise the troops, and to march them to the frontiers, they could notbe assembled in the neighbourhood of fort Washington until the monthof September, nor was the establishment even then completed. 

The immediate objects of the expedition were, to destroy the Indianvillages on the Miamis, to expel the savages from that country, and toconnect it with the Ohio by a chain of posts which would prevent theirreturn during the war. 

On the seventh of September, the regulars moved from their camp in thevicinity of fort Washington, and marching directly north, towards theobject of their destination, established two intermediate posts[55] atthe distance of rather more than forty miles from each other, asplaces of deposite, and of security either for convoys of provisionwhich might follow the army, or for the army itself should anydisaster befall it. The last of these works, fort Jefferson, was notcompleted until the 24th of October, before which time reinforcementswere received of about three hundred and sixty militia. After placinggarrisons in the forts, the effective number of the army, includingmilitia, amounted to rather less than two thousand men. With thisforce, the general continued his march, which was rendered both slowand laborious by the necessity of opening a road. Small parties ofIndians were frequently seen hovering about them, and some unimportantskirmishes took place. As the army approached the country in whichthey might expect to meet an enemy, about sixty of the militiadeserted in a body. This diminution of force was not, in itself, anobject of much concern. But there was reason to fear that the example, should those who set it be permitted to escape with impunity, would beextensively followed; and it was reported to be the intention of thedeserters, to plunder convoys of provisions which were advancing atsome distance in the rear. To prevent mischiefs of so serious anature, the general detached Major Hamtranck with the first regimentin pursuit of the deserters, and directed him to secure the provisionsunder a strong guard. 

 [Footnote 55: Forts Hamilton and Jefferson. ]

The army, consisting of about fourteen hundred effective rank andfile, continued its march; and, on the third of November, encampedabout fifteen miles south of the Miamis villages. The right wing underthe command of General Butler formed the first line, and lay with acreek, about twelve yards wide, immediately in its front. The leftwing commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Darke, formed the second; andbetween the two lines, was an interval of about seventy yards. [56] Theright flank was supposed to be secured by the creek, by a steep bank, and by a small body of troops; the left was covered by a party ofcavalry, and by piquets. The militia crossed the creek, and advancedabout a quarter of a mile in front, where they also encamped in twolines. On their approach, a few Indians who had shown themselves onthe opposite side of the creek, fled with precipitation. 

 [Footnote 56: In his official letter, General St. Clair says that the ground would not admit a larger interval. ]

At this place, the general intended to throw up a slight work for thesecurity of the baggage; and, after being joined by Major Hamtranck, to march as unincumbered, and as expeditiously as possible, to thevillages he purposed to destroy. 

In both these designs he was anticipated. About half an hour beforesun rise the next morning, just after the troops had been dismissedfrom the parade, an unexpected attack was made upon the militia, whofled in the utmost confusion, and rushing into camp through the firstline of continental troops, which had been formed the instant thefirst gun was discharged, threw them too into disorder. The exertionsof the officers to restore order were not entirely successful. TheIndians pressed close upon the heels of the flying militia, andengaged General Butler with great intrepidity. The action instantlybecame extremely warm; and the fire of the assailants, passing roundboth flanks of the first line, was, in a few minutes, poured withequal fury on the rear division. Its greatest weight was directedagainst the centre of each wing, where the artillery was posted; andthe artillerists were mowed down in great numbers. Firing from theground, and from the shelter which the woods afforded, the assailantswere scarcely seen but when springing from one cover to another, inwhich manner they advanced close up to the American lines, and to thevery mouths of the field pieces. They fought with the daring courageof men whose trade is war, and who are stimulated by all thosepassions which can impel the savage mind to vigorous exertions. 

Under circumstances thus arduous, raw troops may be expected toexhibit that inequality which is found in human nature. While some ofthe American soldiers performed their duty with the utmost resolution, others seemed dismayed and terrified. Of this conduct the officerswere, as usual, the victims. With a fearlessness which the occasionrequired, they exposed themselves to the most imminent dangers; and, in their efforts to change the face of affairs, fell in great numbers. 

For several days, the Commander-in-chief had been afflicted with asevere disease, under which he still laboured, and which must havegreatly affected him; but, though unable to display that activitywhich would have been useful in this severe conflict, neither thefeebleness of his body, nor the peril of his situation, could preventhis delivering his orders with judgment and with self possession. [57]

 [Footnote 57: The following extract from the official letter of the Commander-in-chief is inserted, as showing both his own situation and his opinion of the behaviour of his troops. "I have nothing, sir, to lay to the charge of the troops but their want of discipline, which, from the short time they had been in service, it was impossible they should have acquired; and which rendered it very difficult when they were thrown into confusion, to reduce them again to order; and is one reason why the loss has fallen so heavily upon the officers who did every thing in their power to effect it. Neither were my own exertions wanting; but worn down with illness, and suffering under a painful disease, unable either to mount, or dismount a horse without assistance, they were not so great as they otherwise would, or perhaps ought to have been. "]

It was soon perceived that the American fire could produce, on aconcealed enemy, no considerable effect; and that the only hope ofvictory was placed in the bayonet. At the head of the second regiment, which formed the left of the left wing, Lieutenant Colonel Darke madean impetuous charge upon the enemy, forced them from their ground withsome loss, and drove them about four hundred yards. He was followed bythat whole wing; but the want of a sufficient number of riflemen topress this advantage, deprived him of the benefit which ought to havebeen derived from this effort; and, as soon as he gave over thepursuit, the Indians renewed their attack. In the mean time GeneralButler was mortally wounded, the left of the right wing was broken, the artillerists almost to a man killed, the guns seized, and the camppenetrated by the enemy. With his own regiment, and with thebattalions commanded by Majors Butler[58] and Clarke, Darke wasordered again to charge with the bayonet. These orders were executedwith intrepidity and momentary success. The Indians were driven out ofthe camp, and the artillery recovered. But while they were pressed inone point by the bravest of the American troops, their fire was keptup from every other with fatal effect. Several times particular corpscharged them, always with partial success, but no universal effortcould be made, and in every charge a great loss of officers wassustained, the consequences of which were severely felt. Instead ofkeeping their ranks, and executing the orders which were given, agreat proportion of the soldiers flocked together in crowds, and wereshot down without resistance. To save the remnant of his army was allthat remained to be done; and, about half past nine in the morning, General St. Clair ordered Lieutenant Colonel Darke with the secondregiment, to charge a body of Indians who had intercepted theirretreat, and to gain the road. Major Clarke with his battalion wasdirected to cover the rear. These orders were executed, and adisorderly flight commenced. The pursuit was kept up about four miles, when, fortunately for the surviving Americans, that avidity forplunder which is a ruling passion among savages, called back thevictorious Indians to the ramp, where the spoils of their vanquishedfoes were to be divided. The routed troops continued their flight tofort Jefferson, a distance of about thirty miles, throwing away theirarms on the road. At this place they met Major Hamtranck with thefirst regiment; and a council of war was called to deliberate on thecourse to be pursued. As this regiment was far from restoring thestrength of the morning, it was determined not to attempt to retrievethe fortune of the day: and, leaving the wounded at fort Jefferson, the army continued its retreat to fort Washington. 

 [Footnote 58: Although his leg had been broken by a ball, Major Butler, mounted on horseback, led his battalion to the charge. ]

In this disastrous battle, the loss on the part of the Americans wasvery great when compared with the numbers engaged. Thirty-eightcommissioned officers were killed upon the field, and five hundred andninety-three non-commissioned officers and privates were slain andmissing. Twenty-one commissioned officers, several of whom afterwardsdied of their wounds, and two hundred and forty-two non-commissionedofficers and privates were wounded. Among the dead was the brave andmuch lamented General Butler. This gallant officer had served throughthe war of the revolution; and had, on more than one occasion, distinguished himself in a remarkable manner. In the list of those whoshared his fate, were the names of many other excellent officers whohad participated in all the toils, the dangers, and the glory, of thatlong conflict which terminated in the independence of their country. At the head of the list of wounded were Lieutenant Colonels Gibson andDarke, Major Butler, and Adjutant General Sargent, all of whom wereveteran officers of great merit, who displayed their accustomedbravery on this unfortunate day. General St. Clair, in his officialletter, observed: "the loss the public has sustained by the fall of somany officers, particularly of General Butler and Major Ferguson, cannot be too much regretted; but it is a circumstance that willalleviate the misfortune in some measure, that all of them fell mostgallantly doing their duty. "

From the weight of the fire, and the circumstance of his beingattacked nearly at the same time in front and rear, General St. Clairwas of opinion that he was overpowered by numbers. The intelligenceafterwards collected would make the Indian force to consist of fromone thousand to fifteen hundred warriors. Of their loss, no estimatecould be made; the probability is, that it bore no proportion to thatsustained by the American army. 

Nothing could be more unexpected than this severe disaster. The publichad confidently anticipated a successful campaign, and could notbelieve, that the general who had been unfortunate, had not beenculpable. 

{1792}

The Commander-in-chief requested with earnestness that a court martialshould sit on his conduct; but this request could not be granted, because the army did not furnish a sufficient number of officers of agrade to form a court for his trial on military principles. Late inthe session, a committee of the house of representatives was appointedto inquire into the cause of the failure of the expedition, whosereport, in explicit terms, exculpated the Commander-in-chief. Thisinquiry, however, was instituted rather for the purpose ofinvestigating the conduct of civil than of military officers; and wasnot conducted by military men. More satisfactory testimony in favourof St. Clair is furnished by the circumstance, that he still retainedthe undiminished esteem and good opinion of the President. 

The Indian war now assumed a still more serious aspect. There wasreason to fear that the hostile tribes would derive a great accessionof strength from the impression which their success would make upontheir neighbours; and the reputation of the government was deeplyconcerned in retrieving the fortune of its arms, and affordingprotection to its citizens. The President, therefore, lost no time incausing the estimates for a competent force to be prepared and laidbefore congress. In conformity with a report made by the secretary ofwar, a bill was brought into the house of representatives, directingthree additional regiments of infantry, and a squadron of cavalry tobe raised, to serve for three years, if not sooner discharged. Thewhole military establishment, if completed, would amount to about fivethousand men. The additional regiments, however, were to be disbandedas soon as peace should be concluded with the Indians; and thePresident was authorized to discharge, or to forbear to raise, anypart of them, "in case events should, in his judgment, render his sodoing consistent with the public safety. "

[Sidenote: Opposition to the increase of the army. ]

This bill met with great opposition. A motion was made to strike outthe section which authorized an augmentation of force. By those whoargued in favour of the motion, the justice of the war was arraigned, and the practicability of obtaining peace at a much less expense thanwould be incurred in its further prosecution, was urged withvehemence. An extension of the present frontier was said not to bedesirable, and if the citizens of the United States were recalledwithin their proper boundaries, hostilities would cease. At any rate, it was an idle waste of blood and treasure, to carry the war beyondthe line of forts already established. It was only exposing their armsto disgrace, betraying their own weakness, and lessening the publicconfidence in the government, to send forth armies to be butchered inthe forests, while the British were suffered to keep possession ofposts within the territory of the United States. To this cause was tobe ascribed any disposition which might exist on the part of theIndians to continue hostilities, and to its removal the efforts of thegovernment ought to be directed. 

But, admitting the war to have been just in its commencement, and itscontinuance to be required by the honour and interest of the nation, yet as an invasion of the Indian country ought not to be attempted, this augmentation of the military establishment could not benecessary. Regular troops could only be useful as garrisons for poststo which the militia might resort for protection or supplies. Experience had proved that the sudden desultory attacks of thefrontier militia and rangers were productive of more valuableconsequences, than the methodical operations of a regular force. But, should it even be conceded that invasion and conquest were to becontemplated, the existing establishment, if completed, would besufficiently great; and it was still insisted that, even for thepurposes of conquest, the frontier militia were superior to anyregulars whatever. 

The expense of such an army as the bill contemplated was said to be anobject worthy of serious attention; and members were requested toobserve the progress of this business, and to say where it would stop. At first, only a single regiment had been raised, and the expense wasabout one hundred thousand dollars; a second was afterwards added, which swelled the expense to three hundred thousand; and now astanding force of five thousand one hundred and sixty-eight men iscontemplated, at an annual expense of above a million and a quarter. They were preparing to squander away money by millions; and no one, except those who were in the secrets of the cabinet, knew why the warhad been thus carried on for three years. 

Against the motion for striking out, it was urged that the justice ofthe war could not be questioned by any man who would allow that selfpreservation, and indispensable necessity, could furnish sufficientmotives for taking up arms. It was proved by unquestionable documents, that from the year 1783 to 1790, there had been not less than fifteenhundred persons, either the inhabitants of Kentucky, or emigrants ontheir way to that country, who had been massacred by the savages, ordragged into captivity; and there was reason to believe that on thefrontiers of Virginia, and of Pennsylvania, the murdered and theprisoners would furnish a list almost equally numerous. 

The conciliatory disposition of the government was stated, and itsrepeated efforts to obtain a peace were enumerated. It wasparticularly observed that in 1790, when a treaty was proposed at theMiamis villages, the Indians at first refused to treat;--they nextrequired thirty days to deliberate;--this request was acceded to; and, in the interim, offensive operations were expressly prohibited by thePresident. Yet, notwithstanding this forbearance on the part of thewhites, not less than one hundred and twenty persons were killed andcaptured by the savages, and several prisoners were roasted alive, during that short period; at the expiration of which, the Indiansrefused to give any answer to the proposition which had been made tothem. 

But it was now too late to inquire into the justice of the principleson which the war was originally undertaken. The nation was involved init, and could not recede without exposing many innocent persons to bebutchered by the enemy. Should the government determine to discontinuethe war, would the Indians also consent to a cessation of hostilities?The government could not, without impeachment, both of its justice andhumanity, abandon the inhabitants of the frontiers to the rage oftheir savage enemies; and although the excise might be unpopular, although money might still be wanted, what was the excise, what wasmoney, when put in competition with the lives of their friends andbrethren? A sufficient force must be raised for their defence, and theonly question was what that force should be. 

The calculations of the best informed men were in favour of employingan army not inferior to that proposed in the bill. When the knownattachment of Indians to war and plunder was adverted to, and theexcitements to that attachment which were furnished by the trophiesacquired in the last two campaigns were considered, no man wouldventure to pronounce with confidence how extensive the combinationagainst the United States might become, or what numbers they wouldhave to encounter. It certainly behoved them to prepare in time for amuch more vigorous effort than had hitherto been made. The objectionsdrawn from the increased expense which such an effort would require, must entirely vanish before the eyes of any man, who looks forward tothe consequences of another unsuccessful campaign. Such a disasterwould eventually involve the nation in much greater expense than thatwhich is now made the ground of opposition. Better therefore is it, tomake at once a vigorous and effectual exertion to bring the contest toa close, than to continue gradually draining the treasury, by draggingon the war, and renewing hostility from year to year. 

The supporters of the bill also appealed to experience for thesuperiority of regular troops over militia, in accomplishing all thepurposes, even of Indian war; and those arguments were urged in favourof this theory, which the subject readily suggests. 

The motion for striking out the section was lost; and the bill wascarried for the augmentation of force required by the executive. 

The treasury was not in a condition to meet the demands upon it, whichthe increased expenses of the war would unavoidably occasion; andsources of additional revenue were to be explored. A select committeeto whom this subject was referred, brought in a resolution directingthe secretary of the treasury to report his opinion to the house onthe best mode of raising those additional supplies which the publicservice might require for the current year. 

This proposition gave rise to a very animated debate. 

It will be recollected that when the act for establishing the treasurydepartment was under consideration, the clause which rendered it theduty of the secretary to digest and report plans for the improvementand management of the revenue, and for the support of public credit, was earnestly opposed. A large majority, however, was in favour of theprinciple; and, after being so modified, as only to admit a report ifrequired by the house, it was retained in the bill. In complying withthe various resolutions of congress, calling for reports on subjectsconnected with his department, the secretary had submitted planswhich, having been profoundly considered, were well digested, andaccompanied by arguments, the force of which it was difficult toresist. His measures were generally supported by a majority ofcongress; and, while the high credit of the United States was believedto attest their wisdom, the masterly manner in which his reports weredrawn contributed to raise still higher, that reputation for greattalents which he had long possessed. To the further admission of thesereports, it was determined, on this occasion, to make a vigorousresistance. 

But the opposition was not successful. On taking the question, theresolution was carried; thirty-one members voting in its favour, andtwenty-seven against it. 

[Sidenote: Report of the secretary of the treasury for raisingadditional supplies. ]

The report[59] made by the secretary in pursuance of this resolution, recommended certain augmentations of the duties on imports; and wasimmediately referred to the consideration of a committee of the wholehouse. Resolutions were then passed which were to form the basis of abill; and which adopted, not only the principles, but, with theexception of a few unimportant alterations, the minute details of thereport. 

 [Footnote 59: See note, No. VI. At the end of the volume. ]

Before the question was taken on the bill, a motion was made to limitits duration, the vote upon which strongly marked the progress ofopinion in the house respecting those systems of finance which werebelieved to have established the credit of the United States. 

The secretary of the treasury had deemed it indispensable to thecreation of public credit, that the appropriations of funds for thepayment of the interest, and the gradual redemption of the principalof the national debt, should be not only sufficient, but permanentalso. A party was found in the first congress who opposed thisprinciple; and were in favour of retaining a full power over thesubject in each branch of the legislature, by making annualappropriations. The arguments which had failed in congress appear tohave been more successfully employed with the people. Among themultiplied vices which were ascribed to the funding system, it wascharged with introducing a permanent and extensive mortgage of funds, which was alleged to strengthen unduly the hands of the executivemagistrate, and to be one of the many evidences which existed, ofmonarchical propensities in those who administered the government. 

The report lately made by the secretary of the treasury, and the billfounded on that report, contemplated a permanent increase of theduties on certain specified articles; and a permanent appropriation ofthe revenue arising from them, to the purposes of the national debt. Thirty-one members were in favour of the motion for limiting theduration of the bill, and only thirty against it. By the rules of thehouse, the speaker has a right first to vote as a member; and, if thenumbers should then be equally divided, to decide as speaker. Beingopposed to the limitation, the motion was lost by his voice. 

On the eighth of May, after an active and interesting session, congress adjourned to the first Monday in November. 

The asperity which, on more than one occasion, discovered itself indebate, was a certain index of the growing exasperation of parties;and the strength of the opposition on those questions which broughtinto review the points on which the administration was to be attacked, denoted the impression which the specific charges brought againstthose who conducted public affairs, had made on the minds of thepeople, in an extensive division of the continent. It may conduce to amore perfect understanding of subsequent transactions, to present, inthis place, a sketch of those charges. 

[Sidenote: Strictures on the conduct of administration, with a view ofparties. ]

It was alleged that the public debt was too great to be paid beforeother causes of adding to it would occur. This accumulation of debthad been artificially produced by the assumption of what was due fromthe states. Its immediate effect was to deprive the government of itspower over those easy sources of revenue, which, applied to itsordinary necessities and exigencies, would have answered themhabitually, and thereby have avoided those burdens on the people whichoccasioned such murmurs against taxes, and tax gatherers. As aconsequence of it, although the calls for money had not been greaterthan must be expected for the same or equivalent exigencies, yetcongress had been already obliged, not only to strain the impost untilit produced clamour, and would produce evasion, and war on their owncitizens to collect it, but even to resort to an _excise_ law, ofodious character with the people, partial in its operation, unproductive unless enforced by arbitrary and vexatious means, andcommitting the authority of the government in parts where resistancewas most probable, and coercion least practicable. 

That the United States, if left free to act at their discretion, mightborrow at two-thirds of the interest contracted to be paid to thepublic creditors, and thus discharge themselves from the principal intwo-thirds of the time: but from this they were precluded by theirredeemable quality of the debt; a quality given for the avowedpurpose of inviting its transfer to foreign countries. This transferof the principal when completed would occasion an exportation of threemillions of dollars annually for the interest, a drain of coin withoutexample, and of the consequences of which no calculation could bemade. 

The banishment of coin would be completed by ten millions of papermoney in the form of bank bills, which were then issuing intocirculation. Nor would this be the only mischief resulting from theinstitution of the bank. The ten or twelve per cent, annual profitpaid to the lenders of this paper medium would take out of the pocketsof the people, who would have had, without interest, the coin it wasbanishing. That all the capital employed in paper speculation isbarren and useless, producing like that on a gaming table no accessionto itself, and is withdrawn from commerce and agriculture, where itwould have produced addition to the common mass. The wealth thereforeheaped upon individuals by the funding and banking systems, would beproductive of general poverty and distress. That in addition to theencouragement these measures gave to vice and idleness, they hadfurnished effectual means of corrupting such a portion of thelegislature as turned the balance between the honest voters. Thiscorrupt squad, deciding the voice of the legislature, had manifestedtheir dispositions to get rid of the limitations imposed by theconstitution; limitations on the faith of which the states acceded tothat instrument. They were proceeding rapidly in their plan ofabsorbing all power, invading the rights of the states, and convertingthe federal into a consolidated government. 

That the ultimate object of all this was to prepare the way for achange from the present republican form of government to that of amonarchy, of which the English constitution was to be the model. Somany of the friends of monarchy were in the legislature, that aided bythe corrupt squad of paper dealers who were at their devotion, theymade a majority in both houses. The republican party, even when unitedwith the anti-federalists, continued a minority. 

That of all the mischiefs resulting from the system of measures whichwas so much reprobated, none was so afflicting, so fatal to everyhonest hope, as the corruption of the legislature. As it was theearliest of these measures, it became the instrument for producing therest, and would be the instrument for producing in future, a king, lords, and commons; or whatever else those who directed it mightchoose. Withdrawn such a distance from the eye of their constituents, they would form the most corrupt government on earth, if the means oftheir corruption were not prevented. 

These strictures on the conduct of administration were principallydirected against measures which had originated with the secretary ofthe treasury, and had afterwards received the sanction of thelegislature. In the southern division of the continent, that officerwas unknown, except to a few military friends, and to those who hadengaged in the legislative or executive departments of the former orpresent government. His systems of revenue having been generallyopposed by the southern members, and the original opposition to theconstitution having been particularly great in Virginia and NorthCarolina, the aspersions on his views, and on the views of the easternmembers by whom his plans had been generally supported, were seldomcontroverted. The remote tendency of particular systems, and themotives for their adoption, are so often subjects of conjecture, thatthe judgment, when exercised upon them, is peculiarly exposed to theinfluence of the passions; and where measures are in themselvesburdensome, and the necessity for their adoption has not beenappreciated, suspicions of their unknown advocates, can seldom beunsuccessfully urged by persons, in whom the people have placed theirconfidence. It is not therefore cause of astonishment, that the darkmotives ascribed to the authors of tax laws, should be extensivelybelieved. 

Throughout the United States, the party opposed to the constitutionhad charged its supporters with a desire to establish a monarchy onthe ruins of republican government; and the constitution itself wasalleged to contain principles which would prove the truth of thischarge. The leaders of that party had, therefore, been ready from theinstant the government came into operation, to discover, in all itsmeasures, those monarchical tendencies which they had perceived in theinstrument they opposed. 

The salaries allowed to public officers, though so low[60] as not toafford a decent maintenance to those who resided at the seat ofgovernment, were declared to be so enormously high, as clearly tomanifest a total disregard of that simplicity and economy which werethe characteristics of republics. 

 [Footnote 60: The salary of the secretary of state, which was the highest, was three thousand five hundred dollars. ]

The levees of the President, and the evening parties of Mrs. Washington, were said to be imitations of regal institutions, designedto accustom the American people to the pomp and manners of Europeancourts. The Vice President too was said to keep up the state anddignity of a monarch, and to illustrate, by his conduct, theprinciples which were inculcated in his political works. 

The Indian war they alleged was misconducted, and unnecessarilyprolonged for the purposes of expending the public money, and ofaffording a pretext for augmenting the military establishment, andincreasing the revenue. 

All this prodigal waste of the money of the people was designed tokeep up the national debt, and the influence it gave the government, which, united with standing armies, and immense revenues, would enabletheir rulers to rivet the chains which they were secretly forging. Every prediction which had been uttered respecting the anti-republicanprinciples of the government, was said to be rapidly verifying, andthat which was disbelieved as prophecy, was daily becoming history. Ifa remedy for these ills was not found in the increased representationof the people which would take place at the ensuing elections, theywould become too monstrous to be borne; and when it was recollectedthat the division of opinion was marked by a geographical line, therewas reason to fear that the union would be broken into one or moreconfederacies. 

These irritable symptoms had assumed appearances of increasedmalignity during the session of congress which had just terminated;and, to the President, who firmly believed that the union and theliberty of the states depended on the preservation of the government, they were the more unpleasant and the more alarming, because they weredisplayed in full force in his cabinet. 

[Sidenote: Disagreement between the secretaries of state andtreasury. ]

Between the secretaries of the state and treasury departments, adisagreement existed, which seems to have originated in an early stageof the administration, and to have acquired a regular accession ofstrength from circumstances which were perpetually occurring, until itgrew into open and irreconcileable hostility. 

Without tracing this disagreement to those motives, which, in electivegovernments especially, often produce enmities between distinguishedpersonages, neither of whom acknowledges the superiority of the other, such radical differences of opinion, on points which would essentiallyinfluence the course of the government, were supposed to exist betweenthe secretaries, as, in a great measure, to account for thisunextinguishable enmity. These differences of opinion were, perhaps, to be ascribed, in some measure, to a difference in the originalstructure of their minds, and, in some measure, to the difference ofthe situations in which they had been placed. 

Until near the close of the war, Mr. Hamilton had served his countryin the field; and, just before its termination, had passed from thecamp into congress, where he remained for some time after peace hadbeen established. In the former station, the danger to which theindependence of his country was exposed from the imbecility of thegovernment was perpetually before his eyes; and, in the latter, hisattention was forcibly directed towards the loss of its reputation, and the sacrifice of its best interests, which were to be ascribed tothe same cause. Mr. Hamilton, therefore, was the friend of agovernment which should possess, in itself, sufficient powers andresources to maintain the character, and defend the integrity of thenation. Having long felt and witnessed the mischiefs produced by theabsolute sovereignty of the states, and by the control which they wereenabled and disposed separately to exercise over every measure ofgeneral concern, he was particularly apprehensive of danger from thatquarter; which he, probably, believed was to be the more dreaded, because the habits and feelings of the American people were calculatedto inspire state, rather than national prepossessions. Under theinfluence of these impressions, he is understood to have avowedopinions in the convention favourable to a system in which theexecutive and senate, though elective, were to be rather morepermanent, than they were rendered in that which was actuallyproposed. He afterwards supported the constitution, as framed, withgreat ability, and contributed essentially to its adoption. But hestill retained, and openly avowed, the opinion, that the greatesthazards to which it was exposed arose from its weakness, and thatAmerican liberty and happiness had much more to fear from theencroachments of the great states, than from those of the generalgovernment. 

Mr. Jefferson had retired from congress before the depreciation of thecurrency had produced an entire dependence of the general on the localgovernments; after which he filled the highest offices in the state ofwhich he was a citizen. About the close of the war he was re-electedto congress; but, being soon afterwards employed on a mission to thecourt of Versailles, where he remained, while the people of Francewere taking the first steps of that immense revolution which hasastonished and agitated two quarters of the world. In common with allhis countrymen, he felt a strong interest in favour of the reformers;and it is not unreasonable to suppose, that while residing at thatcourt, and associating with those who meditated some of the greatevents which have since taken place, his mind might be warmed with theabuses of the monarchy which were perpetually in his view, and hemight be led to the opinion that liberty could sustain no danger butfrom the executive power. Mr. Jefferson, therefore, seems to haveentertained no apprehensions from the debility of the government; nojealousy of the state sovereignties; and no suspicion of theirencroachments. His fears took a different direction, and all hisprecautions were used to check and limit the exercise of the powersvested in the government of the United States. Neither could heperceive danger to liberty except from that government, and especiallyfrom the executive department. 

He did not feel so sensibly, as those who had continued in the UnitedStates, the necessity of adopting the constitution; and had, at onetime, avowed a wish that it might be rejected by such a number ofstates as would secure certain alterations which he thought essential. His principal objections seem to have been, the want of a bill ofrights, and the re-eligibility of the President. From this opinion, however, in favour of a partial rejection, he is understood to havereceded, after seeing the plan pursued by the convention ofMassachusetts, and followed by other states; which was to adoptunconditionally, and to annex a recommendation of the amendments whichwere desired. [61]

 [Footnote 61: See Mr. Jefferson's correspondence. ]

To these causes of division, another was superadded, the influence ofwhich was soon felt in all the political transactions of thegovernment. 

The war which was terminated in 1783, had left in the bosoms of theAmerican people, a strong attachment to France, and enmity to GreatBritain. These feelings, in a greater or less degree, were perhapsuniversal; and had been prevented from subsiding by circumstances towhich allusions have already been made. They had evinced themselves, in the state legislatures, by commercial regulations; and weredemonstrated by all those means by which the public sentiment isusually displayed. They found their way also into the nationalcouncils, where they manifested themselves in the motions respectingthe favours which ought to be shown to nations having commercialtreaties with the United States. 

Although affection for France, and jealousy of Britain, weresentiments common to the people of America, the same unanimity did notexist respecting the influence which ought to be allowed to thosesentiments, over the political conduct of the nation. While manyfavoured such discriminations as might eventually turn the commerce ofthe United States into new channels, others maintained that, on thissubject, equality ought to be observed; that trade ought to be guidedby the judgment of individuals, and that no sufficient motives existedfor that sacrifice of general and particular interests, which wasinvolved in the discriminations proposed;--discriminations which, intheir view, amounted to a tax on American agriculture, and a bounty onthe navigation and manufactures of a favoured foreign nation. 

The former opinion was taken up with warmth by the secretary of state;and the latter was adopted with equal sincerity by the secretary ofthe treasury. This contrariety of sentiment respecting commercialregulations was only a part of a general system. It extended itself toall the relations which might subsist between America and those twogreat powers. 

In all popular governments, the press is the most ready channel bywhich the opinions and the passions of the few are communicated to themany; and of the press, the two great parties forming in the UnitedStates, sought to avail themselves. The Gazette of the United Statessupported the systems of the treasury department, while other papersenlisted themselves under the banners of the opposition. Conspicuousamong these, was the National Gazette, a paper edited by a clerk inthe department of state. The avowed purpose for which the secretarypatronized this paper, was to present to the eye of the Americanpeople, European intelligence derived from the Leyden gazette, insteadof English papers; but it soon became the vehicle of calumny againstthe funding and banking systems, against the duty on home-madespirits, which was denominated an excise, and against the men who hadproposed and supported those measures. With perhaps equal asperity, the papers attached to the party which had defended these systems, assailed the motives of the leaders of the opposition. 

[Sidenote: Letters from Washington on this subject. ]

This schism in his cabinet was a subject of extreme mortification tothe President. Entertaining a high respect for the talents, and a realesteem for the characters, of both gentlemen, he was unwilling to partwith either; and exerted all the influence he possessed to effect areconciliation between them. In a letter of the 23d of August, addressed to the secretary of state, after reviewing the criticalsituation of the United States with respect to its external relations, he thus expressed himself on this delicate subject. "How unfortunateand how much is it to be regretted then, that, while we areencompassed on all sides with avowed enemies, and insidious friends, internal dissensions should be harassing and tearing our vitals. Thelast, to me, is the most serious, the most alarming, and the mostafflicting of the two; and, without more charity for the opinions ofone another in governmental matters, or some more infallible criterionby which the truth of speculative opinions, before they have undergonethe test of experience, are to be forejudged, than has yet fallen tothe lot of fallibility, I believe it will be difficult, if notimpracticable, to manage the reins of government, or to keep the partsof it together: for if, instead of laying our shoulders to themachine, after measures are decided on, one pulls this way, andanother that, before the utility of the thing is fairly tried, it mustinevitably be torn asunder; and, in my opinion, the fairest prospectof happiness and prosperity that ever was presented to man will belost, perhaps, for ever. 

"My earnest wish and my fondest hope therefore is, that instead ofwounding suspicions, and irritating charges, there may be liberalallowances, mutual forbearances, and temporizing yielding on allsides. Under the exercise of these, matters will go on smoothly; andif possible, more prosperously. Without them, every thing must rub;the wheels of government will clog; our enemies will triumph; and, bythrowing their weight into the disaffected scale, may accomplish theruin of the goodly fabric we have been erecting. "

"I do not mean to apply this advice, or these observations, to anyparticular person or character. I have given them in the same generalterms to other officers[62] of the government, because thedisagreements which have arisen from difference of opinions, and theattacks which have been made upon almost all the measures ofgovernment, and most of its executive officers, have for a long timepast filled me with painful sensations, and can not fail, I think, ofproducing unhappy consequences, at home and abroad. "

 [Footnote 62: See note, No. VII. At the end of the volume. ]

In a subsequent letter to the same gentleman, in answer to one whichenclosed some documents designed to prove that, though desirous ofamending the constitution, he had favoured its adoption, the Presidentsaid--"I did not require the evidence of the extracts which youenclosed me, to convince me of your attachment to the constitution ofthe United States, or of your disposition to promote the generalwelfare of this country; but I regret, deeply regret, the differenceof opinion which has arisen, and divided you and another principalofficer of the government--and wish devoutly there could be anaccommodation of them by mutual yieldings. 

"A measure of this sort would produce harmony and consequent good inour public councils; and the contrary will inevitably produceconfusion and serious mischiefs--and for what? because mankind can notthink alike, but would adopt different means to attain the same end. For I will frankly and solemnly declare that I believe the views ofboth to be pure and well meant, and that experience only will decidewith respect to the salubrity of the measures which are the subjectsof this dispute. 

"Why then, when some of the best citizens of the United States--men ofdiscernment--uniform and tried patriots--who have no sinister views topromote, but are chaste in their ways of thinking and acting, are tobe found some on one side, and some on the other of the questionswhich have caused these agitations--why should either of you be sotenacious of your opinions as to make no allowance for those of theother?

"I could, and indeed was about to add more on this interestingsubject, but will forbear, at least for the present, after expressinga wish that the cup which has been presented to us may not be snatchedfrom our lips by a discordance of action, when I am persuaded there isno discordance in your views. I have a great, a sincere esteem andregard for you both; and ardently wish that some line could be markedout by which both of you could walk. "

These earnest endeavours to sooth the angry passions, and toconciliate the jarring discords of the cabinet, were unsuccessful. Thehostility which was so much and so sincerely lamented sustained nodiminution, and its consequences became every day more diffusive. 

Among the immediate effects of these internal dissensions, was theencouragement they afforded to a daring and criminal resistance whichwas made to the execution of the laws imposing a duty on spiritsdistilled within the United States. 

To the inhabitants of that part of Pennsylvania which lies west of theAlleghany mountains, this duty was, from local considerations, peculiarly odious; nor was their hostility to the measure diminishedby any affection for the source in which it originated. Theconstitution itself had encountered the most decided opposition fromthat part of the state; and that early enmity to the government whichexerted every faculty to prevent its adoption, had sustained noabatement. Its measures generally, and the whole system of financeparticularly, had been reprobated with peculiar bitterness by many ofthe most popular men of that district. With these dispositions, a taxlaw, the operation of which was extended to them, could not befavourably received, however generally it might be supported in otherparts of the union. But when, to this pre-existing temper, weresuperadded the motives which arose from perceiving that the measurewas censured on the floor of congress as unnecessary and tyrannical;that resistance to its execution was treated as probable; that apowerful and active party, pervading the union, arraigned with extremeacrimony the whole system of finance as being hostile to liberty; and, with all the passionate vehemence of conviction, charged its advocateswith designing to subvert the republican institutions of America; weought not to be surprised that the awful impressions, which usuallyrestrain combinations to resist the laws, were lessened; and that themalcontents were emboldened to hope that those combinations might besuccessful. 

[Sidenote: Opposition to the excise law. ]

Some discontents had been manifested in several parts of the union onthe first introduction of the act; but the prudence and firmness ofthe government and its officers had dissipated them; and the law hadbeen carried into general operation. But in the western district ofPennsylvania, the resistance wore the appearance of system, and wasregularly progressive. In its commencement, it manifested itself bythe circulation of opinions calculated to increase the odium in whichthe duty was held, and by endeavours to defeat its collection bydirecting the public resentments against those who were inclinedeither to comply with the law, or to accept the offices through whichit was to be executed. These indications of ill temper were succeededby neighbourhood meetings, in which resolutions of extreme violencewere adopted, and by acts of outrage against the persons of revenueofficers. At length, in September, 1791, a meeting of delegates fromthe malcontent counties was held at Pittsburg, in which resolutionswere adopted breathing the same spirit with those which had previouslybeen agreed to in county assemblies. Unfortunately, the deputymarshal, who was entrusted with the process against those who hadcommitted acts of violence on the persons of revenue officers, was sointimidated by the turbulent spirit which was generally displayed, that he returned without performing his duty; and thus added to theconfidence felt by the disaffected in their strength. Appearances weresuch as to justify apprehensions, that the judiciary would be foundunable to punish the violators of the laws; and the means of obtainingaid from the executive had not been furnished by the legislature. Thisstate of things was the more embarrassing, because the prejudiceswhich had been widely disseminated, and the misconceptions of the actwhich had been extensively diffused, authorized some fears respectingthe support which the law, while yet in the infancy of its operation, would receive from the people. These considerations, added to thatrepugnance which was felt by the government to the employment of harshmeans, induced a forbearance to notice further these riotousproceedings, until the measure, by being carried into full effect inother parts of the union, should be better understood; and untilcongress should assemble, and modify the system in such a manner as toremove any real objections to it, the existence of which might besuggested by experience. Accordingly, in the legislature whichconvened in October, 1791, this subject was taken up in pursuance ofthe recommendation of the President, and an amendatory act was passedin May, 1792, in which the whole system was revised, and great painswere taken to alter such parts of it as could be deemed exceptionable. 

This conciliatory measure did not produce the desired effect. Noabatement took place in the violence and outrage with which theresistance to the law was conducted. To carry it into execution, officers of inspection were necessary in every county. Themalcontents, for a considerable time, deterred every person fromconsenting to permit an office to be held at his house; and when atlength this difficulty was supposed to be overcome, those who had beenprevailed on to accede to the propositions of the supervisor in thisrespect, were compelled, by personal violence, and by threats of thedestruction of property, and even of death, to retract the consentthey had given. 

A meeting was again convened at Pittsburg, in which, among other veryexceptionable resolutions, committees were established to correspondwith any committees of a similar nature that might be appointed inother parts of the United States. By this meeting it was declared, that they would persist in every legal measure to obstruct theexecution of the law, and would consider those who held offices forthe collection of the duty as unworthy of their friendship; that theywould have no intercourse or dealings with them; would withdraw fromthem every assistance, and withhold all the comforts of life whichdepend upon those duties which, as men and fellow citizens, they owedto each other; and would, upon all occasions, treat them withcontempt. It was at the same time earnestly recommended to the peopleat large to adopt the same line of conduct. 

[Sidenote: President's proclamation. ]

No man could be more sensible than the President of the dangeroustendency of these measures, nor more indignant at the outrage thusoffered to the government of the United States. But his prudence, andhis high respect for the laws restrained him within the narrow limitswhich the legislature had prescribed. A proclamation[63] was issuedexhorting and admonishing all persons to desist from any combinationsor proceedings whatsoever, tending to obstruct the execution of thelaws, and requiring the interference of the civil magistrate; andprosecutions against the offenders were directed to be instituted inevery case in which they could be supported. 

 [Footnote 63: In his letter enclosing the proclamation to the secretary of the treasury, the President observed, "I have no doubt but that the proclamation will undergo many strictures; and, as the effect proposed may not be answered by it, it will be necessary to look forward in time to ulterior arrangements. And here, not only the constitution and laws must strictly govern, but the employment of the regular troops avoided, if it be possible to effect order without their aid; yet if no other means will effectually answer, and the constitution and laws will authorize these, they must be used as the dernier ressort. "]

This proclamation produced no salutary effect. Many of the civilmagistrates were themselves concerned in stimulating the excesses theywere required to suppress; and those who had not embarked in thecriminal enterprise, found themselves totally unable to maintain thesovereignty of the laws. 

With a laudable solicitude to avoid extremities, the government stillsought for means to recall these misguided people to a sense of duty, without the employment of a military force. To obtain this desirableobject, the following system was digested and pursued:

Prosecutions were instituted against delinquents in those cases inwhich it was believed that they could be maintained. The spiritsdistilled in the non-complying counties were intercepted on their wayto market, and seized by the officers of the revenue; and the agentsfor the army were directed to purchase only those spirits on which theduty had been paid. By thus acting on the interests of the distillers, the hope was indulged that they might be induced to comply with thelaw. Could they have obeyed their wishes, these measures would haveproduced the desired effect; but they were no longer masters of theirown conduct. Impelled by a furious multitude, they found it much moredangerous to obey the laws than to resist them. The efficacy of thissystem too was diminished by a circumstance, which induced thenecessity of a second application to the legislature. The act had notbeen extended to the territory north-west of the Ohio, in which greatpart of the army lay; and the distillers eluded the vigilance of thegovernment by introducing their spirits into that territory. 

While from causes which were incessant and active in their operation, some of which seem too strongly fixed in the human mind ever to beremoved, a broad foundation was thus laid for those party struggleswhose fury is generally proportioned to the magnitude of the objectsto be attained, and to the means which may be employed in attainingthem, the external affairs of the United States sustained no materialchange. 

Of the good understanding which was preserved with France, a freshproof had been recently given by the employment of Mr. Ternan, aperson peculiarly acceptable to the American government, to succeedthe Count de Moustiers, as minister plenipotentiary of his MostChristian Majesty; and in turn, Mr. Gouverneur Morris, who wasunderstood to have rendered himself agreeable to the Frenchgovernment, was appointed to represent the United States at the courtof Versailles. 

In addition to these interchanges of civility, a melancholy occasionhad presented itself for giving much more substantial evidence of thealacrity with which the American administration would embrace anyproper opportunity of manifesting its disposition to promote theinterests of France. 

[Sidenote: Insurrection and massacre in the island of St. Domingo. ]

Early and bitter fruits of that malignant philosophy, which, disregarding the actual state of the world, and estimating at nothingthe miseries of a vast portion of the human race, can coolly anddeliberately pursue, through oceans of blood, abstract systems for theattainment of some fancied untried good, were gathered in the FrenchWest Indies. Instead of proceeding in the correction of any abuseswhich might exist, by those slow and cautious steps which graduallyintroduce reform without ruin, which may prepare and fit society forthat better state of things designed for it; and which, by notattempting impossibilities, may enlarge the circle of happiness, therevolutionists of France formed the mad and wicked project ofspreading their doctrines of equality among persons, between whomdistinctions and prejudices exist to be subdued only by the grave. Therage excited by the pursuit of this visionary and baneful theory, after many threatening symptoms, burst forth on the 23d day of August1791, with a fury alike destructive and general. In one night, apreconcerted insurrection of the blacks took place throughout thecolony of St. Domingo; and the white inhabitants of the country, whilesleeping in their beds, were involved in one indiscriminate massacre, from which neither age nor sex could afford an exemption. Only a fewfemales, reserved for a fate more cruel than death, were intentionallyspared; and not many were fortunate enough to escape into thefortified cities. The insurgents then assembled in vast numbers, and abloody war commenced between them and the whites inhabiting the towns. The whole French part of the island was in imminent danger of beingtotally lost to the mother country. The minister of his Most ChristianMajesty applied to the executive of the United States for a sum ofmoney which would enable him to preserve this valuable colony, to bededucted out of the debt to his sovereign; and the request was grantedin a manner evincing the interest taken by the administration inwhatever might concern France. 

On the part of Spain, a desire had been expressed to adjust thesubjects in controversy between the two nations by negotiations to becarried on at Madrid; and Mr. Carmichael, and Mr. Short, had beenappointed commissioners, with powers equal to the object. In the meantime, the officers of that nation persisted in measures which werecalculated to embroil the United States with the southern Indians. Bytheir intrigues with the Creeks, the treaty formed in 1790 withM'Gillivray, was prevented from being ratified, and the boundary linethen agreed upon was not permitted to be run. The indefinite claim ofterritory set up by Spain was alleged to constitute a sufficientobjection to any new line of demarcation, until that claim should besettled; and her previous treaties and relations with the Creeks weredeclared to be infringed by their stipulation, acknowledgingthemselves to be under the protection of the United States. 

An official diplomatic intercourse had at length been opened withGreat Britain also. Mr. Hammond, the minister plenipotentiary of thatnation to the United States, arrived at Philadelphia in the autumn of1791; upon which, Mr. Thomas Pinckney, a gentleman of South Carolina, who was highly and justly respected, had been charged with theinterests of his country at the court of London. [64] Soon after thearrival of Mr. Hammond, the non-execution of the treaty of peacebecame the subject of a correspondence between him and the secretaryof state, in which the complaints of their respective nations wereurged in terms manifesting clearly the sense entertained by each ofthe justice of those complaints, without furnishing solid ground forthe hope that they would be immediately removed on either side. 

 [Footnote 64: In consequence of these nominations of foreign ministers, a motion was made in the senate on a point which is of some importance in settling the principles of the American government. It was contended that the power of that body over the appointment of a foreign minister gave the right to inquire into the policy of making any appointment whatever; and that in exercising this power, they were not to confine themselves to a consideration of the fitness of the person nominated, but were to judge of the propriety of the mission; and were consequently to be informed of the motives which had decided the President to adopt the measure. This opinion was overruled by a small majority. ]

Mr. Hammond's powers on the subject of a commercial treaty were farfrom being satisfactory. To the inquiries of Mr. Jefferson on thispoint, he replied, that he was authorized to enter into a negotiationrespecting the commercial intercourse between the two countries, andto discuss those principles which might serve as a basis for a treaty, but not to _conclude_ any definitive arrangements. In fact, there wasmuch reason to believe that the obstacles to a commercial treatybetween the two countries would not be soon or easily surmounted. InAmerica, such an alteration in the law of nations as would permit thegoods of an enemy to pass freely in the bottom of a neutral, was afavourite project; and a full participation of the colonial trade wasalso most earnestly desired. That the latter of these objects wouldnot be readily conceded by Great Britain did not admit of a doubt; butmany intelligent men, possessing great political influence, hadembraced the opinion that she could be forced out of that colonialsystem which every European power having settlements in America hadadopted, by regulations restricting her navigation and commerce withthe United States. To those who entertained this opinion, nocommercial treaty could be acceptable, which did not contain theconcessions they required. 

In addition to a general knowledge of the sentiments of the Britishcabinet on these points, particular evidence had lately been receivedof its positive decision respecting them. A comprehensive report onAmerican affairs had been made to the privy council by a committee ofthat body, which was laid before the king. A few copies of it had beenprinted for the members of the cabinet, which were soon called in by asudden order of council; but one of these copies was obtained, andtransmitted to the secretary of state of the United States. Thisreport manifested a willingness to form a commercial treaty with theAmerican government on principles of perfect equality, both withrespect to navigation and commerce, so far as regarded the dominionsof his Britannic Majesty in Europe; but it also discovered adetermination, to adhere inflexibly to the existing regulations forthe colonies; and to reject the principle that free bottoms make freegoods. 

In this state paper the opinion was advanced, that several importantarticles of exportation from the United States, especially tobacco, had been peculiarly favoured in Great Britain; but that these friendlyregulations were not reciprocated by America. The means of retaliatinginjuries which might be inflicted on British commerce were stated, butthose means, it was said, ought not hastily to be adopted, the moreespecially, as the existing government of the United States haddiscovered dispositions more favourable to a liberal and fairintercourse between the two countries, than had been manifested by therespective states. For several reasons it was deemed adviseable notsuddenly to disturb the existing state of things, but to regulate thetrade of the two nations by a treaty, the stipulations of which shouldbe equal, and mutually beneficial, provided such a treaty could beformed without a departure from those principles which were consideredas fundamental. 

[Sidenote: General Wayne appointed to the command of the army. ]

No abatement of hostility having taken place among the north-westernIndians, the preparations for terminating the war by the sword wereearnestly pressed. Major General Wayne was appointed to succeedGeneral St. Clair, who resigned the command of the army; and theutmost exertions were made to complete it to the establishment; butthe laws furnished such small inducements to engage in the service, that the highest military grades, next to that of Commander-in-chief, were declined by many to whom they were offered; and the recruitingbusiness advanced too slowly to authorize a hope that the decisiveexpedition which was meditated, could be prudently undertaken in thecourse of the present year. Meanwhile, the public clamour against thewar continued to be loud and violent. It was vehemently asserted, thatif the intentions of the government respecting the savages were justand humane, those intentions were unknown to them, and that theirresentments were kept up by the aggressions of whites, and by theopinion that their expulsion from the country they occupied was theobject of the hostilities carried on against them. However satisfiedthe President might be of the fallacy of these opinions, they were tooextensively maintained not to be respected, as far as was compatiblewith a due regard to the real interests of the nation. While, therefore, the preparations for offensive operations were hastened bya vigorous exertion of the means at the disposal of the executive, itwas thought adviseable to make another effort to terminate the war bya direct communication of the pacific views of the United States. --Thefailure of these attempts was still less to be lamented than the fateof those who were employed in them. Colonel Harden and Major Trueman, two brave officers and valuable men, were severally despatched withpropositions of peace, and each was murdered by the savages. 

[Sidenote: Meeting of congress. ]

[Sidenote: President's speech. ]

On the 5th of November congress again convened. In the speechdelivered at the commencement of the session, Indian affairs weretreated at considerable length, and the continuance of the war wasmentioned as a subject of much regret. "The reiterated endeavours, " itwas said, "which had been made to effect a pacification, had hithertoissued in new and outrageous proofs of persevering hostility on thepart of the tribes with whom the United States were in contest. 

"A detail of the measures that had been pursued, and of theirconsequences, which would be laid before congress, while it wouldconfirm the want of success thus far, would evince that means asproper and as efficacious as could have been devised, had beenemployed. The issue of some of them was still pending; but afavourable one, though not to be despaired of, was not promised by anything that had yet happened. "

That a sanction, commonly respected even among savages, had been foundinsufficient to protect from massacre the emissaries of peace, wasparticularly noticed; and the families of those valuable citizens whohad thus fallen victims to their zeal for the public service, wererecommended to the attention of the legislature. 

That unprovoked aggression had been made by the southern Indians, andthat there was just cause for apprehension that the war would extendto them also, was mentioned as a subject of additional concern. 

"Every practicable exertion had been made to be prepared for thealternative of prosecuting the war, in the event of a failure ofpacific overtures. A large proportion of the troops authorized to beraised, had been recruited, though the numbers were yet incomplete;and pains had been taken to discipline them, and put them in acondition for the particular kind of service to be performed. But adelay of operations, besides being dictated by the measures that werepursuing towards a pacific termination of the war, had been in itselfdeemed preferable to immature efforts. "

The humane system which has since been successfully pursued, ofgradually civilizing the savages by improving their condition, ofdiverting them in some degree from hunting to domestic andagricultural occupations by imparting to them some of the most simpleand useful acquisitions of society, and of conciliating them to theUnited States by a beneficial and well regulated commerce, had everbeen a favourite object with the President, and the detailed viewwhich was now taken of Indian affairs, was concluded with a repetitionof his recommendations of these measures. 

The subject next adverted to in the speech, was the impediments whichin some places continued to embarrass the collection of the duties onspirits distilled within the United States. After observing that theseimpediments were lessening in local extent, but that symptoms of suchincreased opposition had lately manifested themselves in certainplaces as, in his judgment, to render his special interpositionadviseable, the President added, --"Congress may be assured thatnothing within constitutional and legal limits which may depend on me, shall be wanting to assert and maintain the just authority of thelaws. In fulfilling this trust, I shall count entirely on the fullco-operation of the other departments of government, and upon thezealous support of all good citizens. "

After noticing various objects which would require the attention ofthe legislature, the President addressed himself particularly to thehouse of representatives, and said, "I entertain a strong hope thatthe state of the national finances is now sufficiently matured toenable you to enter upon a systematic and effectual arrangement forthe regular redemption and discharge of the public debt, according tothe right which has been reserved to the government. No measure can bemore desirable, whether viewed with an eye to its intrinsicimportance, or to the general sentiments and wish of the nation. "

The addresses of the two houses in answer to the speech, were, asusual, respectful and affectionate. The several subjects recommendedto the attention of congress were noticed either in general terms, orin a manner to indicate a coincidence of sentiment between thelegislative and executive departments. The turbulent spirit which hadmanifested itself in certain parts of the union was mentioned by bothhouses with a just degree of censure, and the measures adopted by thePresident, as well as the resolution he expressed to compel obedienceto the laws, were approved; and the house of representatives, in themost unqualified terms, declared opinions in favour of systematic andeffectual arrangements for discharging the public debt. But thesubsequent proceedings of the legislature did not fulfil theexpectations excited by this auspicious commencement of the session. 

At an early day, in a committee of the whole house on the President'sspeech, Mr. Fitzsimmons moved "that measures for the reduction of somuch of the public debt as the United States have a right to redeem, ought to be adopted: and that the secretary of the treasury bedirected to report a plan for that purpose. "

This motion was objected to by Mr. Madison as being premature. Thestate of the finances, he thought, was not sufficiently understood toauthorize the adoption of the measure it contemplated. The debatehowever soon took a different direction. That part of the resolutionwhich proposed a reference to the secretary of the treasury wasparticularly opposed; and an ardent discussion ensued, in which, without much essential variation, the arguments which had before beenurged on the same subject were again employed. After a vehementcontest, the motion to amend the resolution by striking out theproposed reference was overruled, and it was carried in its originalform. 

{1793}

In obedience to this order, the secretary made a report, in which heproposed a plan for the annual redemption of that portion of the debt, the payment of which was warranted by the contract between the UnitedStates and their creditors. But the expenses of the Indian warrendering it, in his opinion, unsafe to rest absolutely on theexisting revenue, he proposed to extend the internal taxes to pleasurehorses, or pleasure carriages, as the legislature might deem mosteligible. The consideration of this report was deferred on variouspretexts; and a motion was made to reduce the military establishment. The debate on this subject was peculiarly earnest; and, in itsprogress, the mode of conducting the Indian war, the relative meritsand expensiveness of militia and of regular troops, and the danger toliberty from standing armies, were elaborately discussed. It was notuntil the fourth of January that the motion was rejected. While thatquestion remained undecided, the report of the secretary wasunavoidably postponed, because, on its determination would depend, inthe opinion of many, the necessity of additional taxes. It would seemnot improbable that the opponents of the American system of finances, who constituted rather a minority of the present congress, but whoindulged sanguine hopes of becoming the majority in the next, weredesirous of referring every question relating to the treasurydepartment to the succeeding legislature, in which there would be amore full representation of the people. Whatever might be theoperating motives for delay, neither the extension of the law imposinga duty on spirits distilled within the United States to the territorynorth-west of the river Ohio, nor the plan for redeeming the publicdebt, which was earnestly pressed by the administration, could becarried through the present congress. Those who claimed the favour andconfidence of the people as a just reward for their general attachmentto liberty, and especially for their watchfulness to prevent everyaugmentation of debt, were found in opposition to a system for itsdiminution, which was urged by men who were incessantly charged withentertaining designs for its excessive accumulation, in order torender it the corrupt instrument of executive influence. It might beexpected that the public attention would be attracted to such acircumstance. But when party passions are highly inflamed, reasonitself submits to their control, and becomes the instrument of theirwill. The assertion that the existing revenues, if not prodigally orcorruptly wasted, were sufficient for the objects contemplated by thePresident in his speech, would constitute an ample apology for theimpediments thrown in the way of a system which could not be directlydisapproved, and would justify a continuance of the charge that thesupporters of the fiscal system were friends to the augmentation ofthe public debt. 

Soon after the motion for the reduction of the military establishmentwas disposed of, another subject was introduced, which effectuallypostponed, for the present session, every measure connected with thefinances of the nation. 

An act of congress, which passed on the fourth of August, 1790, authorized the President to cause to be borrowed any sum not exceedingtwelve millions of dollars, to be applied in payment of the foreigndebt of the United States. 

A subsequent act, which passed on the 12th of the same month, authorized another loan not exceeding two millions, to be applied, inaid of the sinking fund, towards the extinguishment of the domesticdebt. 

A power to make these loans was delegated by the President to thesecretary of the treasury by a general commission referring to theacts. This commission was accompanied by written instructions, directing the payment of such parts of the foreign debt as shouldbecome due at the end of the year 1791; but leaving the secretary, with respect to the residue, to be regulated by the interests of theUnited States. 

Under this commission two loans were negotiated in 1790, and others atsubsequent periods. 

As many considerations of convenience opposed such an arrangement aswould appropriate all the monies arising from either of these loans toone object, to the total exclusion of the other; and no motive wasperceived for thus unnecessarily fettering the operations of thetreasury; each loan was negotiated under both laws; and consequentlythe monies produced by each were applicable to both objects, in suchproportions as the President might direct. It has been alreadyobserved that his written instructions had ordered the payment ofthose instalments of the foreign debt which should become due beforethe first of January, 1792; but no further sums on that account wereto be borrowed until supplemental orders to that effect should begiven, unless a loan could be made on such terms as would render itadvantageous to the United States to anticipate the payments to theirforeign creditors. It being the opinion of both the President andsecretary that the official powers of the latter authorized him todraw the monies borrowed for domestic purposes into the treasury, where they would form a part of the sinking fund, and be applicable tothe objects of that fund in conformity with the laws of appropriation, no written instructions were given respecting that part of thesubject; but in the progress of the business, every material stepwhich was taken was communicated to the President, and his directionsobtained upon it. While the chief magistrate remained at the seat ofgovernment, these communications were verbal; when absent, they weremade by letter. 

At this period, the domestic debt bore a low price in the market, andforeign capital was pouring into the United States for its purchase. The immediate application of the sinking fund to this object wouldconsequently acquire a large portion of the debt, and would alsoaccelerate its appreciation. The best interests of the United States, and his own fame, thus impelling the secretary to give the operationsof the sinking fund the utmost activity of which it was susceptible, he had, with the approbation of the President, directed a part of thefirst loan to be paid in discharge of the instalments of the foreigndebt which were actually due, and had drawn a part of it into thepublic treasury in aid of the sinking fund. 

In May, 1791, instructions were given to the agent of the UnitedStates in Europe, to apply the proceeds of future loans, as theyshould accrue, in payments to France, except such sums as should bepreviously and specially reserved. In the execution of theseinstructions, some delay intervened, which was to be ascribed, amongother causes, to representations made by the French minister of marinethat a plan would be adopted, to which a decree of the nationalassembly was requisite, for converting a large sum into supplies forSt. Domingo: and to a desire on the part of the agent to settle, previously to further payments, a definitive rule by which the moniespaid should be liquidated, and credited to the United States. Thedisordered state of French affairs protracted both the one and theother of these causes of delay, to a later period than had beenexpected; and, in the mean time, the secretary continued to draw intothe United States such portions of these loans, as were destined to bebrought in aid of the sinking fund. Such was the state of thistransaction, when the commencement of those calamities, which havefinally overwhelmed St. Domingo, induced the American government, onthe urgent application of the French minister, to furnish supplies tothat ill fated colony, in payment of the debt to France. This being amode of payment which, to a certain extent, was desired by thecreditor, and was advantageous to the debtor, a consequent dispositionprevailed to use it so far as might comport with the wish of theFrench government; and a part of the money designed for foreignpurposes, was drawn into the United States. In the course of theseoperations, a portion of the instalments actually due to France, hadbeen permitted to remain unsatisfied. 

A part of the money borrowed in Europe being thus applicable to theextinguishment of the domestic debt, and a part of the domesticrevenue being applicable to the payment of interest due on the loansmade in Europe, the secretary of the treasury had appropriated a partof the money arising from foreign loans to the payment of interest dueabroad, which had been replaced by the application of money in thetreasury arising from domestic resources, to the purchase of thedomestic debt. 

The secretary had not deemed it necessary to communicate theseoperations in detail to the legislature: but some hints respectingthem having been derived either from certain papers which accompanieda report made to the house of representatives early in the session, orfrom some other source, Mr. Giles, on the 23d of January, movedseveral resolutions, requiring information, among other things, on thevarious points growing out of these loans, and the application of themonies arising from them, and respecting the unapplied revenues of theUnited States, and the places in which the sums so unapplied weredeposited. In the speech introducing these resolutions, observationswere made which very intelligibly implied charges of a much moreserious nature than inattention to the exact letter of anappropriation law. Estimates were made to support the position that alarge balance of public money was unaccounted for. 

The resolutions were agreed to without debate; and, in a few days, thesecretary transmitted a report containing the information that wasrequired. 

This report comprehended a full exposition of the views and motiveswhich had regulated the conduct of the department, and a very ablejustification of the measures which had been adopted; but omitted tostate explicitly that part of the money borrowed in Europe had beendrawn into the United States with the sanction of the President. --Itis also chargeable with some expressions which can not be pronouncedunexceptionable, but which may find their apology in the feelings of amind conscious of its own uprightness, and wounded by the belief thatthe proceedings against him had originated in a spirit hostile to fairinquiry. 

These resolutions, the observations which accompanied them, and thefirst number of the report, were the signals for a combined attack onthe secretary of the treasury, through the medium of the press. Manyanonymous writers appeared, who assailed the head of that departmentwith a degree of bitterness indicative of the spirit in which theinquiry was to be conducted. 

[Sidenote: Resolutions implicating the secretary of the treasuryrejected. ]

On the 27th of February, not many days after the last number of thereport was received, Mr. Giles moved sundry resolutions which werefounded on the information before the house. The idea of a balanceunaccounted for was necessarily relinquished; but the secretary of thetreasury was charged with neglect of duty in failing to give congressofficial information of the monies drawn by him from Europe into theUnited States; with violating the law of the 4th of August, 1790, byapplying a portion of the principal borrowed under it to the paymentof interest, and by drawing a part of the same monies into the UnitedStates, without instructions from the President; with deviating fromthe instructions of the President in other respects; with negotiatinga loan at the bank, contrary to the public interest, while publicmonies to a greater amount than were required, lay unemployed in thebank; and with an indecorum to the house, in undertaking to judge ofits motives in calling for information which was demandable of himfrom the constitution of his office; and in failing to give all thenecessary information within his knowledge relative to subjects onwhich certain specified references had been previously made to him. 

These resolutions were followed by one, directing that a copy of themshould be transmitted to the President of the United States. 

The debate on this subject, which commenced on the 28th of February, was continued to the 1st of March, and was conducted with a spirit ofacrimony towards the secretary, demonstrating the soreness of thewounds that had been given and received in the political and partywars which had been previously waged. [65] It terminated in a rejectionof all the resolutions. The highest number voting in favour of any oneof them was sixteen. 

 [Footnote 65: See note, No. VIII. At the end of the volume. ]

[Sidenote: Congress adjourns. ]

On the 3d of March, a constitutional period was put to the existenceof the present congress. The members separated with obvious symptomsof extreme irritation. Various causes, the most prominent of whichhave already been noticed, had combined to organize two distinctparties in the United States, which were rapidly taking the form of aministerial and an opposition party. By that in opposition, thePresident was not yet openly renounced. His personal influence was toogreat to be encountered by a direct avowal that he was at the head oftheir adversaries; and his public conduct did not admit of a suspicionthat he could allow himself to rank as the chief of a party. Nor couldpublic opinion be seduced to implicate him in the ambitious plans anddark schemes for the subversion of liberty, which were ascribed to apart of the administration, and to the leading members who hadsupported the measures of finance adopted by the legislature. 

Yet it was becoming apparent that things were taking a course whichmust inevitably involve him in the political conflicts which wereabout to take place. It was apparent that the charges against thesecretary of the treasury would not be relinquished, and that theywere of a nature to affect the chief magistrate materially, should hiscountenance not be withdrawn from that officer. It was equallyapparent that the fervour of democracy, which was perpetuallymanifesting itself in the papers, in invectives against levees, against the trappings of royalty, and against the marks of peculiarrespect[66] which were paid to the President, must soon include himmore pointedly in its strictures. 

 [Footnote 66: On the 22d of February, the birthday of the President, a motion was made to adjourn for half an hour. It was perfectly understood that this motion was made to give the members an opportunity of waiting on the chief magistrate to make the compliments adapted to the occasion. 

 This was seriously opposed, and the ayes and noes called upon the question. The adjournment was carried by forty-one to eighteen. The day was celebrated by several companies, and some toasts were published manifesting the deep sense which was entertained of the exalted services of this illustrious citizen. These circumstances gave great umbrage to some of those who could perceive monarchical tendencies in every act of respect, and the offenders were rebuked in the National Gazette for setting up an idol who might become dangerous to liberty, and for the injustice of neglecting all his compatriots of the revolution, and ascribing to him the praise which was due to others. ]

These divisions, which are inherent in the nature of populargovernments, by which the chief magistrate, however unexceptionablehis conduct, and however exalted his character, must, sooner or later, be more or less affected, were beginning to be essentially influencedby the great events of Europe. 

[Sidenote: Progress of the French revolution and its effects onparties in the United States. ]

That revolution which has been the admiration, the wonder, and theterror of the civilized world, had, from its commencement, been viewedin America with the deepest interest. In its first stage, but onesentiment respecting it prevailed; and that was a belief, accompaniedwith an ardent wish, that it would improve the condition of France, extend the blessings of liberty, and promote the happiness of thehuman race. When the labours of the convention had terminated in awritten constitution, this unanimity of opinion was in some degreeimpaired. By a few who had thought deeply on the science ofgovernment, and who, if not more intelligent, certainly judged moredispassionately than their fellow citizens, that instrument wasbelieved to contain the principles of self destruction. It was fearedthat a system so ill balanced could not be permanent. A deepimpression was made on the same persons by the influence of thegalleries over the legislature, and of mobs over the executive; by thetumultuous assemblages of the people, and their licentious excessesduring the short and sickly existence of the regal authority. Thesedid not appear to be the symptoms of a healthy constitution, or ofgenuine freedom. Persuaded that the present state of things could notlast, they doubted, and they feared for the future. 

In total opposition to this sentiment was that of the public. Thereseems to be something infectious in the example of a powerful andenlightened nation verging towards democracy, which imposes on thehuman mind, and leads human reason in fetters. Novelties, introducedby such a nation, are stripped of the objections which had beenpreconceived against them; and long settled opinions yield to theoverwhelming weight of such dazzling authority. It wears the semblanceof being the sense of mankind, breaking loose from the shackles whichhad been imposed by artifice, and asserting the freedom, and thedignity, of his nature. 

The constitution of France, therefore, was generally received withunqualified plaudits. The establishment of a legislature consisting ofa single body, was defended not only as being adapted to theparticular situation of that country, but as being right in itself. Certain anonymous writers, who supported the theory of a balancedgovernment, were branded as the advocates of royalty, and ofaristocracy. To question the duration of the present order of thingswas thought to evidence an attachment to unlimited monarchy, or ablind prejudice in favour of British institutions; and the partialityof America in favour of a senate was visibly declining. 

In this stage of the revolution, however, the division of sentimentwas not marked with sufficient distinctness, nor the passions of thepeople agitated with sufficient violence, for any powerful effect tobe produced on the two parties in America. But when the monarchy wascompletely overthrown, and a republic decreed, [67] the people of theUnited States seemed electrified by the measure, and its influence wasfelt by the whole society. The war in which the several potentates ofEurope were engaged against France, although in almost every instancedeclared by that power, was pronounced to be a war for the extirpationof human liberty, and for the banishment of free government from theface of the earth. The preservation of the constitution of the UnitedStates was supposed to depend on its issue; and the coalition againstFrance was treated as a coalition against America also. 

 [Footnote 67: This event was announced to the President by the minister plenipotentiary of France at Philadelphia, in February, 1793. Through the secretary of state, an answer was returned, of which the following is an extract, "the President receives with great satisfaction this attention of the executive council, and the desire they have manifested of making known to us the resolution entered into by the national convention even before a definitive regulation of their new establishment could take place. Be assured, sir, that the government and the citizens of the United States, view with the most sincere pleasure, every advance of your nation towards its happiness, an object essentially connected with its liberty, and they consider the union of principles and pursuits between our two countries as a link which binds still closer their interests and affections. 

 "We earnestly wish, on our part, that these our mutual dispositions may be improved to mutual good, by establishing our commercial intercourse on principles as friendly to natural right and freedom as are those of our governments. "]

A cordial wish for the success of the French arms, or rather that thewar might terminate without any diminution of French power, and insuch a manner as to leave the people of that country free to choosetheir own form of government, was, perhaps, universal; but, respectingthe probable issue of their internal conflicts, perfect unanimity ofopinion did not prevail. By some few individuals, the practicabilityof governing by a system formed on the republican model, an immense, populous, and military nation, whose institutions, habits, and morals, were adapted to monarchy, and which was surrounded by armedneighbours, was deemed a problem which time alone could solve. Thecircumstances under which the abolition of royalty was declared, themassacres which preceded it, the scenes of turbulence and violencewhich were acted in every part of the nation, appeared to them, topresent an awful and doubtful state of things, respecting which nocertain calculations could be made; and the idea that a republic wasto be introduced and supported by force, was, to them, a paradox inpolitics. Under the influence of these appearances, the apprehensionwas entertained that, if the ancient monarchy should not be restored, a military despotism would be established. By the many, theseunpopular doubts were deemed unpardonable heresies; and the few towhom they were imputed, were pronounced hostile to liberty. Asuspicion that the unsettled state of things in France had contributedto suspend the payment of the debt to that nation, had added to theasperity with which the resolutions on that subject were supported;and the French revolution will be found to have had great influence onthe strength of parties, and on the subsequent political transactionsof the United States. 

NOTES. 

NOTE--No. I. _See Page 98. _

The following is an extract from the orders of the preceding day. "TheCommander-in-chief orders the cessation of hostilities between theUnited States of America and the king of Great Britain to be publiclyproclaimed to-morrow at twelve at the new building; and that theproclamation which will be communicated herewith, be read to-morrowevening at the head of every regiment, and corps of the army; afterwhich the chaplains with the several brigades will render thanks toAlmighty God for all his mercies, particularly for his overruling thewrath of man to his own glory, and causing the rage of war to ceaseamong the nations. 

"Although the proclamation before alluded to, extends only to theprohibition of hostilities and not to the annunciation of a generalpeace, yet it must afford the most rational and sincere satisfactionto every benevolent mind, as it puts a period to a long and doubtfulcontest, stops the effusion of human blood, opens the prospect to amore splendid scene, and like another morning star, promises theapproach of a brighter day than hath hitherto illuminated the westernhemisphere. On such a happy day, which is the harbinger of peace, aday which completes the eighth year of the war, it would beingratitude not to rejoice; it would be insensibility not toparticipate in the general felicity. 

"The Commander-in-chief, far from endeavouring to stifle the feelingsof joy in his own bosom, offers his most cordial congratulations onthe occasion to all the officers of every denomination, to all thetroops of the United States in general, and in particular to thosegallant and persevering men, who had resolved to defend the rights oftheir invaded country, so long as the war should continue. For theseare the men who ought to be considered as the pride and boast of theAmerican Army; and who, crowned with well-earned laurels, may soonwithdraw from the field of glory, to the more tranquil walks of civillife. 

"While the general recollects the almost infinite variety of scenesthrough which we have passed with a mixture of pleasure, astonishmentand gratitude; while he contemplates the prospect before us withrapture, he can not help wishing that all the brave men (of whatevercondition they may be, ) who have shared in the toils and dangers ofeffecting this glorious revolution, of rescuing millions from the handof oppression, and of laying the foundation of a great empire, mightbe impressed with a proper idea of the dignified part they have beencalled to act (under the smiles of Providence) on the stage of humanaffairs. For happy, thrice happy shall they be pronounced hereafter, who have contributed any thing; who have performed the meanest officein erecting this stupendous _fabric of freedom_ and empire on thebroad basis of independency; who have assisted in protecting therights of human nature, and establishing an asylum for the poor andoppressed of all nations and religions. The glorious task for which wefirst flew to arms being thus accomplished, the liberties of ourcountry being fully acknowledged and firmly secured by the smiles ofheaven, on the purity of our cause, and on the honest exertions of afeeble people determined to be free, against a powerful nationdisposed to oppress them, and the character of those who havepersevered through every extremity of hardship, suffering, and danger, being immortalized by the illustrious appellation of the _patriotarmy_, nothing now remains but for the actors of this mighty scene topreserve a perfect unvarying consistency of character through the verylast act; to close the drama with applause, and to retire from themilitary theatre with the same approbation of angels and men which hascrowned all their former virtuous actions. For this purpose, nodisorder or licentiousness must be tolerated: every considerate andwell disposed soldier must remember, it will be absolutely necessaryto wait with patience until peace shall be declared, or congress shallbe enabled to take proper measures for the security of the publicstores, &c. As soon as these arrangements shall be made, the generalis confident there will be no delay in discharging with every mark ofdistinction and honour all the men enlisted for the war who will thenhave faithfully performed their engagements with the public. Thegeneral has already interested himself in their behalf, and he thinkshe need not repeat the assurances of his disposition to be useful tothem on the present and every other proper occasion. In the mean time, he is determined that no military neglects or excesses shall gounpunished while he retains the command of the army. "

 * * * * *

NOTE--No. II. _See Page 106. _

On his way, he stopped a few days at Philadelphia, for the purpose ofsettling his accounts with the comptroller. The following account ofthis part of his duty is extracted from Mr. Gordon; "while in the cityhe delivered in his accounts to the comptroller, down to December the13th, all in his own hand writing, and every entry made in the mostparticular manner, stating the occasion of each charge, so as to givethe least trouble in examining and comparing them with the voucherswith which they were attended. 

"The heads as follows, copied from the folio manuscript paper book inthe file of the treasury office, number 3700, being a black box of tincontaining, under lock and key, both that and the vouchers. "

Total of expenditures from 1775 to 1783, exclusive of provisions from commissariesand contractors, and of liquors, &c. Fromthem and others, 3, 387 14 4

Secret intelligence and service, 1, 982 10 0

Spent in reconnoitring and travelling, 1, 874 8 0

Miscellaneous charges, 2, 952 10 1

Expended besides, dollars according to thescale of depreciation, 6, 114 14 0 ------------------- _l. _ 16, 311 17 1 -------------------

"Two hundred guineas advanced to General M'Dougal are not included inthe _l. _ 1982 10 0 not being yet settled, but included in some of theother charges, and so reckoned in the general sum. 

"Note; 104, 364, of the dollars were received after March, 1780, andalthough credited at forty for one, many did not fetch at the rate ofa hundred for one; while 27, 775 of them are returned without deductingany thing from the above account (and, therefore, actually made apresent of to the public). "

General Washington's account fromJune, 1778 to the end of June, 1783, 16, 311 17 1

Expenditure from July 1, 1783, to December 13, 1, 717 5 4

Added afterward from thence to December 28, 213 8 4

Mrs. Washington's travelling expenses incoming to the general and returning, 1, 064 1 0 -------------- _l. _ 19, 306 11 9 --------------

Lawful money of Virginia, the same asMassachusetts, or sterling, _l. _ 14, 479 18 9 3-4

The general entered in his book--"I find upon the final adjustment ofthese accounts, that I am a considerable loser, my disbursementsfalling a good deal short of my receipts, and the money I had uponhand of my own: for besides the sums I carried with me to Cambridge in1775, I received monies afterwards on private account in 1777, andsince, which (except small sums, that I had occasion now and then toapply to private uses) were all expended in the public service:through hurry, I suppose, and the perplexity of business, (for I knownot how else to account for the deficiency) I have omitted to chargethe same, whilst every debit against me is here credited. "

July 1st, 1783. 

 * * * * *

NOTE--No. III. _See Page 179. _

The year 1784 had nearly passed away before the determination of theBritish cabinet not to evacuate the western posts was known to thegovernment of the United States. In the spring of that year, GeneralKnox, who commanded the troops still retained in the service of theUnited States, was directed to "open a correspondence with theCommander-in-chief of his Britannic majesty's forces in Canada, inorder to ascertain the precise time when each of the posts within theterritories of the United States then occupied by the British troopsshould be delivered up. " The measures produced by this resolutionexhibit a curious specimen of the political opinions on the subject offederal powers, which then prevailed in congress. 

It being at that time believed that the British garrisons wouldcertainly be withdrawn, it became necessary to provide for occupyingthe posts when surrendered, with troops belonging to the UnitedStates. A number deemed sufficient for the purpose not having beenretained in service, a motion was made for raising seven hundred men, by requisitions on the states for that and other objects specified inthe resolution. The power of congress to make these requisitions wasseriously contested, and it was gravely urged that such a power, connected with the rights to borrow money, and to emit bills ofcredit, would be dangerous to liberty, and alarming to the states. Themotion for raising this small number of regulars did not prevail; andan order was made that except twenty-five privates to guard the storesat fort Pitt, and fifty-five to guard those at West Point and othermagazines, with a proportionable number of officers, no one to exceedthe rank of captain, the troops already in service should bedischarged, unless congress, before its recess, should dispose of themin some other manner. For the purpose of garrisoning the posts, sevenhundred militia were required from Connecticut, New York, New Jerseyand Pennsylvania, who should serve twelve months. While thediscussions on this subject were pending, instructions from thelegislature of New York to their delegates were laid before congress, requesting that body in terms of great strength, in pursuance of theconfederation, to declare the number of troops of which the garrisonsof those posts which were within the limits of that state shouldconsist. The resolutions asserted a constitutional right to demandfrom congress a declaration upon this point, and avowed adetermination to raise the troops should such declaration be withheld. After the determination of the British government not to surrender theposts was known, the militia ordered to be raised to garrison them, who were not in actual service, were discharged. 

 * * * * *

NOTE--No. IV. _See Page 370. _

In the formation of this treaty, a question came on to be consideredand decided which involved a principle that on an after occasion, andin a different case, excited a ferment never to be forgotten by thosewho took an active part in the politics of the day. 

The whole commerce of the Creek nation was in the hands ofM'Gillivray, who received his supplies from a company of Britishmerchants, free from duty, through the territories belonging to Spain. This circumstance constituted no inconsiderable impediment to theprogress of the negotiation. M'Gillivray derived emoluments from thearrangement which he would not consent to relinquish; and was notwithout apprehensions, that Spain, disgusted by his new connexionswith the United States, might throw embarrassments in the way of thisprofitable traffic. In addition to this consideration, it was, on thepart of the United States, desirable to alter the channel throughwhich the Indians should receive their supplies, and thereby to renderthem more dependent on the American government. But it would benecessary to exempt the goods designed for the Indian nation from theduties imposed by law on imported articles, and the propriety of suchan exemption might well be questioned. 

With that cautious circumspection which marked his political course, the president took this point into early consideration, and requiredthe opinion of his constitutional advisers respecting it. Thesecretary of state was of opinion that the stipulation for importinghis goods through the United States, duty free, might safely be made. "A treaty made by the president with the concurrence of two-thirds ofthe senate, was, " he said, "a law of the land, " and a law of superiororder, because it not only repeals past laws, but can not itself berepealed by future ones. The treaty then will legally control the dutyact, and the act for licensing traders in this particular instance. From this opinion there is no reason to suppose that any member of thecabinet dissented. A secret article providing for the case wassubmitted to the senate, and it has never been understood that inadvising and consenting to it, that body was divided. 

 * * * * *

NOTE--No. V. _See Page 394. _

This question was investigated with great labour, and being oneinvolving principles of the utmost importance to the United States, onwhich the parties were divided, the subject was presented in all theviews of which it was susceptible. A perusal of the arguments used onthe occasion would certainly afford much gratification to the curious, and their insertion at full length would perhaps be excused by thosewho recollect the interest which at the time was taken in the measureto which they related, and the use which was made of it by theopponents of the then administration; but the limits prescribed forthis work will not permit the introduction of such voluminous papers. It may, however, be expected that the outline of that train ofreasoning with which each opinion was supported, and on which thejudgment of the president was most probably formed, should be brieflystated. 

To prove that the measure was not sanctioned by the constitution, thegeneral principle was asserted, that the foundation of that instrumentwas laid on this ground, "that all powers not delegated to the UnitedStates by the constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, arereserved to the states or to the people. " To take a single step beyondthe boundaries thus specially drawn around the powers of congress, isto take possession of a boundless field of power, no longersusceptible of definition. 

The power in question was said not to be among those which werespecially enumerated, nor to be included within either of the generalphrases which are to be found in the constitution. 

The article which contains this enumeration was reviewed; eachspecified power was analyzed; and the creation of a corporate body wasdeclared to be distinct from either of them. 

The general phrases are, 1st. To lay taxes to provide for the general welfare of the UnitedStates. The power here conveyed, it was observed, was "to lay taxes, "the purpose was "the general welfare. " Congress could not lay taxes_ad libitum_, but could only lay them for the general welfare; nor didthis clause authorize that body to provide for the general welfareotherwise than by laying taxes for that purpose. 

2dly. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper forcarrying into execution the enumerated powers. 

But they can all be carried into execution without a bank. A bank, therefore, is not necessary, and consequently not authorized by thisphrase. 

It had been much urged that a bank would give great facility orconvenience in the collection of taxes. Suppose this were true; yetthe constitution allows only the means which are necessary, not thosewhich are convenient. If such a latitude of construction be allowedthis phrase, as to give any non-enumerated power, it will go to everyone; for there is no one which ingenuity may not torture into a_convenience, in some way or other, to some one_ of so long a list ofenumerated powers. It would swallow up all the list of enumeratedpowers, and reduce the whole to one phrase. Therefore it was that theconstitution restrained them to _necessary_ means, that is to say, tothose means without which the grant of the power must be nugatory. 

The convenience was then examined. This had been stated in the reportof the secretary of the treasury to congress, to consist in theaugmentation of the circulation medium, and in preventing thetransportation and retransportation of money between the states andthe treasury. 

The first was considered as a demerit. The second, it was said, mightbe effected by other means. Bills of exchange and treasury draftswould supply the place of bank notes. Perhaps indeed bank bills wouldbe a more convenient vehicle than treasury orders; but a littledifference in the degree of convenience can not constitute the_necessity_ which the constitution makes the ground for assuming anynon-enumerated power. 

Besides, the existing state banks would, without doubt, enter intoarrangements for lending their agency. This expedient alone sufficesto prevent the existence of that _necessity_ which may justify theassumption of a non-enumerated power as a means for carrying intoeffect an enumerated one. 

It may be said that a bank whose bills would have a currency all overthe states, would be more convenient than one whose currency islimited to a single state. So it would be still more convenient thatthere should be a bank whose bills should have a currency all over theworld; but it does not follow from this superior conveniency, thatthere exists any where a power to establish such a bank, or that theworld may not go on very well without it. 

For a shade or two of convenience, more or less, it can not beimagined that the constitution intended to invest congress with apower so important as that of erecting a corporation. 

In supporting the constitutionality of the act, it was laid down as ageneral proposition, "that every power vested in a government is inits nature _sovereign_, " and includes by _force_ of the _term_, aright to employ all the _means_ requisite and _fairly applicable to_the attainment of the _ends_ of such power; and which are notprecluded by restrictions and exceptions specified in theconstitution, are not immoral, are not contrary to the essential endsof political society. 

This principle, in its application to government in general, would beadmitted as an axiom; and it would be incumbent on those who mightrefuse to acknowledge its influence in American affairs to _prove_ adistinction; and to show that a rule which, in the general system ofthings, is essential to the preservation of the social order, isinapplicable to the United States. 

The circumstance that the powers of sovereignty are divided betweenthe national and state governments, does not afford the distinctionrequired. It does not follow from this, that each of the portions ofpower delegated to the one or to the other, is not sovereign withregard to its _proper objects_. It will only follow from it, that eachhas sovereign power as to certain things, and not as to other things. If the government of the United States does not possess sovereignpower as to its declared purposes and trusts, because its power doesnot extend to all cases, neither would the several states possesssovereign power in any case; for their powers do not extend to everycase. According to the opinion intended to be combated, the UnitedStates would furnish the singular spectacle of _a political society_without _sovereignty_, or a people _governed_ without a _government_. 

If it could be necessary to bring proof of a proposition so clear asthat which affirms that the powers of the federal government, _as toits objects_, were sovereign, there is a clause in the constitutionwhich is decisive. It is that which declares the constitution of theUnited States, the laws made in pursuance of it, and the treaties madeunder its authority to be the supreme law of the land. The power whichcan create the supreme law in any case, is doubtless sovereign as tosuch case. 

This general and indisputable principle puts an end to the abstractquestion, whether the United States have power to erect a corporation:for it is unquestionably incident to sovereign power to erectcorporations, and consequently to that of the United States, inrelation to the objects intrusted to the management of the government. The difference is this: where the authority of the government isgeneral, it can create corporations _in all cases_; where it isconfined to certain branches of legislation, it can createcorporations only _in those cases_. 

That the government of the United States can exercise only thosepowers which are delegated by the constitution, is a proposition notto be controverted; neither is it to be denied on the other hand, thatthere are implied as well as express powers, and that the former areas effectually delegated as the latter. For the sake of accuracy itmay be observed, that there are also _resulting_ powers. It will notbe doubted that if the United States should make a conquest of any ofthe territories of its neighbours, they would possess sovereignjurisdiction over the conquered territory. This would rather be aresult of the whole mass of the powers of the government, and from thenature of political society, than a consequence of either of thepowers specially enumerated. This is an extensive case in which thepower of erecting corporations is either implied in, or would resultfrom some or all of the powers vested in the national government. 

Since it must be conceded that implied powers are as completelydelegated as those which are expressed, it follows that, as a power oferecting a corporation may as well be implied as any other thing, itmay as well be employed as an _instrument_ or _mean_ of carrying intoexecution any of the specified powers as any other _instrument_ or_mean_ whatever. The question in this as in every other case must be, whether the mean to be employed has a natural relation to any of theacknowledged objects or lawful ends of the government. Thus acorporation may not be created by congress for superintending thepolice of the city of Philadelphia, because they are not authorized toregulate the police of that city; but one may be created in relationto the collection of the taxes, or to the trade with foreigncountries, or between the states, or with the Indian tribes, becauseit is in the province of the federal government to regulate thoseobjects; and because it is incident to a general sovereign orlegislative power to regulate a thing, to employ all the means whichrelate to its regulation, to the best and greatest advantage. 

A strange fallacy seems to have crept into the manner of thinking andreasoning upon this subject. The imagination has presented anincorporation as some great, _independent, substantive_ thing--as apolitical end of peculiar magnitude and moment; whereas it is truly tobe considered as a quality, capacity, or mean to an end. Thus amercantile company is formed with a certain capital for the purpose ofcarrying on a particular branch of business. The business to beprosecuted is the _end_. The association in order to form therequisite capital is the primary _mean_. Let an incorporation beadded, and you only add a new quality to that association whichenables it to prosecute the business with more safety and convenience. The association when incorporated still remains the _mean_, and cannot become the _end_. 

To this reasoning respecting the inherent right of government toemploy all the means requisite to the execution of its specifiedpowers, it is objected, that none but _necessary_ and _proper_ meanscan be employed; and none can be _necessary_, but those without whichthe grant of the power would be nugatory. So far has this restrictiveinterpretation been pressed as to make the case of _necessity_ whichshall warrant the constitutional exercise of a power, to depend oncasual and temporary circumstances; an idea, which alone confutes theconstruction. The expedience of exercising a particular power, at aparticular time, must indeed depend on circumstances, but theconstitutional right of exercising it must be uniform and invariable. All the arguments, therefore, drawn from the accidental existence ofcertain state banks which happen to exist to-day, and for aught thatconcerns the government of the United States may disappear to-morrow, must not only be rejected as fallacious, but must be viewed asdemonstrative that there is a radical source of error in thereasoning. 

But it is essential to the being of the government that so erroneous aconception of the meaning of the word _necessary_ should be exploded. 

It is certain that neither the grammatical nor popular sense of theterm requires that construction. According to both, _necessary_ oftenmeans no more than _needful, requisite, incidental, useful_, or_conducive to_. It is a common mode of expression to say that it isnecessary for a government or a person to do this or that thing, wherenothing more is intended or understood than that the interests of thegovernment or person require, or will be promoted by doing this orthat thing. 

This is the true sense in which the word is used in the constitution. The whole turn of the clause containing it indicates an intent to giveby it a liberal latitude to the exercise of the specified powers. Theexpressions have peculiar comprehensiveness. They are "to make _alllaws_ necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoingpowers, and _all other_ powers vested by the constitution in thegovernment of the United States, or in any _department_ or _office_thereof. " To give the word "necessary" the restrictive operationcontended for, would not only depart from its obvious and popularsense, but would give it the same force as if the word _absolutely_ or_indispensably_ had been prefixed to it. 

Such a construction would beget endless uncertainty and embarrassment. The cases must be palpable and extreme in which it could be pronouncedwith certainty that a measure was absolutely necessary, or one withoutwhich a given power would be nugatory. There are few measures of anygovernment which would stand so severe a test. To insist upon it wouldbe to make the criterion of the exercise of an implied power _a caseof extreme necessity_; which is rather a rule to justify theoverleaping the bounds of constitutional authority than to govern theordinary exercise of it. 

The degree in which a measure is necessary can never be a test of thelegal right to adopt it. The relation between the _measure_ and the_end_; between the nature of the _mean_ employed towards the executionof a power, and the object of that power must be the criterion ofconstitutionality, not the more or less _necessity_ or _utility_. 

The means by which national exigencies are to be provided for, national inconveniences obviated, and national prosperity promoted, are of such infinite variety, extent, and complexity, that here mustof necessity be great latitude of discretion in the selection andapplication of those means. Hence the necessity and propriety ofexercising the authority intrusted to a government on principles ofliberal construction. 

While on the one hand, the restrictive interpretation of the word_necessary_ is deemed inadmissible, it will not be contended on theother, that the clause in question gives any new and independentpower. But it gives an explicit sanction to the doctrine of impliedpowers, and is equivalent to an admission of the proposition that thegovernment, _as to its specified powers and objects_, has plenary andsovereign authority. 

It is true that the power to create corporations is not granted interms. Neither is the power to pass any particular law, nor to employany of the means by which the ends of the government are to beattained. It is not expressly given in cases in which its existence isnot controverted. For by the grant of a power to exercise exclusivelegislation in the territory which may be ceded by the states to theUnited States, it is admitted to pass; and in the power "to make allneedful rules and regulations respecting the territory or otherproperty of the United States, " it is acknowledged to be implied. Invirtue of this clause, has been implied the right to create agovernment; that is, to create a body politic or corporation of thehighest nature; one that, in its maturity, will be able itself tocreate other corporations. Thus has the constitution itself refutedthe argument which contends that, had it been designed to grant soimportant a power as that of erecting corporations, it would have beenmentioned. But this argument is founded on an exaggerated anderroneous conception of the nature of the power. It is not of sotranscendent a kind as the reasoning supposes. Viewed in a just light, it is a _mean_ which ought to have been left to implication, ratherthan an _end_ which ought to have been expressly granted. 

The power of the government then to create corporations in certaincases being shown, it remained to inquire into the right toincorporate a banking company, in order to enable it the moreeffectually to accomplish _ends_ which were in themselves lawful. 

To establish such a right it would be necessary to show the relationof such an institution to one or more of the specified powers ofgovernment. 

It was then affirmed to have a relation more or less direct to thepower of collecting taxes, to that of borrowing money, to that ofregulating trade between the states, to those of raising, supporting, and maintaining fleets and armies; and in the last place to that whichauthorizes the making of all needful rules and regulations concerningthe property of the United States, as the same had been practised uponby the government. 

The secretary of the treasury next proceeded, by a great variety ofarguments and illustrations, to prove the position that the measure inquestion was a proper mean for the execution of the several powerswhich were enumerated, and also contended that the right to employ itresulted from the whole of them taken together. To detail thosearguments would occupy too much space, and is the less necessary, because their correctness obviously depends on the correctness of theprinciples which have been already stated. 

 * * * * *

NOTE--No. VI. _See Page 434. _

The officer to whom the management of the finances was confided was sorepeatedly charged with a desire to increase the public debt and torender it perpetual, and this charge had such important influence inthe formation of parties, that an extract from this report can not beimproperly introduced. 

After stating the sum to be raised, the secretary says, "threeexpedients occur to the option of the government for providing this:

"One, to dispose of the interest to which the United States areentitled in the bank of the United States. This at the present marketprice of bank stock would yield a clear gain to the government muchmore than adequate to the sum required. 

"Another, to borrow the money upon an establishment of funds eithermerely commensurate with the interest to be paid, or affording asurplus which will discharge the principal by instalments within ashort term. 

"The third is to raise the amount by taxes. "

After stating his objections to the first and second expedients, thereport proceeds thus, "but the result of mature reflection is, in themind of the secretary, a strong conviction that the last of the threeexpedients which have been mentioned, is to be preferred to either ofthe other two. 

"Nothing can more interest the national credit and prosperity than aconstant and systematic attention to husband all the means previouslypossessed for extinguishing the present debt, and to avoid, as much aspossible, the incurring of any new debt. 

"Necessity alone, therefore, can justify the application of any of thepublic property, other than the annual revenues, to the currentservice, or the temporary and casual exigencies; or the contracting ofan additional debt by loans, to provide for those exigencies. 

"Great emergencies indeed might exist, in which loans would beindispensable. But the occasions which will justify them must be trulyof that description. 

"The present is not of such a nature. The sum to be provided is not ofmagnitude enough to furnish the plea of necessity. 

"Taxes are never welcome to a community. They seldom fail to exciteuneasy sensations more or less extensive. Hence a too strongpropensity in the governments of nations, to anticipate and mortgagethe resources of posterity, rather than to encounter theinconveniencies of a present increase of taxes. 

"But this policy, when not dictated by very peculiar circumstances, isof the worst kind. Its obvious tendency is, by enhancing the permanentburdens of the people, to produce lasting distress, and its naturalissue is in national bankruptcy. "

It will be happy if the councils of this country, sanctioned by thevoice of an enlightened community, shall be able to pursue a differentcourse. 

 * * * * *

NOTE--No. VII. _See Page 450. _

 _About the same time a letter was addressed to the attorney general on the same subject. The following extract is taken from one of the twenty-sixth of August to the secretary of the treasury. _

"Differences in political opinions are as unavoidable as, to a certainpoint, they may be necessary; but it is exceedingly to be regrettedthat subjects can not be discussed with temper, on the one hand, ordecisions submitted to on the other, without improperly implicatingthe motives which led to them; and this regret borders on chagrin whenwe find that men of abilities, zealous patriots, having the same_general_ objects in view, and the same upright intentions toprosecute them, will not exercise more charity in deciding on theopinions and actions of each other. When matters get to such lengths, the natural inference is that both sides have strained the cordsbeyond their bearing, that a middle course would be found the bestuntil experience shall have decided on the right way; or, which is notto be expected, because it is denied to mortals, until there shall besome infallible rule by which to forejudge events. 

"Having premised these things, I would fain hope that liberalallowances will be made for the political opinions of each other; andinstead of those wounding suspicions, and irritating charges withwhich some of our gazettes are so strongly impregnated, and which cannot fail, if persevered in, of pushing matters to extremity, andthereby tearing the machine asunder, that there might be mutualforbearance and temporising yieldings on _all sides_. Without these, Ido not see how the reins of government are to be managed, or how theunion of the states can be much longer preserved. 

"How unfortunate would it be if a fabric so goodly, erected under somany providential circumstances, after acquiring in its first stages, so much respectability, should, from diversity of sentiment, orinternal obstructions to some of the acts of government (for I can notprevail on myself to believe that these measures are as yet the actsof a determined party) be brought to the verge of dissolution. Melancholy thought! But while it shows the consequences of diversifiedopinions, where pushed with too much tenacity, it exhibits evidencealso of the necessity of accommodation, and of the propriety ofadopting such healing measures as may restore harmony to thediscordant members of the union, and the governing powers of it. 

"I do not mean to apply this advice to any measures which are passed, or to any particular character. I have given it, in the same _general_terms, to other officers of the government. My earnest wish is thatbalm may be poured into _all_ the wounds which have been given, toprevent them from gangrening, and to avoid those fatal consequenceswhich the community may sustain if it is withheld. The friends of theunion must wish this: those who are not, but who wish to see itrended, will be disappointed; and all things I hope will go well. "

 * * * * *

NOTE--No. VIII. _See Page 479. _

The gazettes of the day contain ample proofs on this subject. All thebitterness of party spirit had poured itself out in the most severeinvectives against the heads of the state and treasury departments. 

The secretary of the treasury was represented as the advocate of"aristocracy, monarchy, hereditary succession, a titled order ofnobility, and all the other mock pageantry of kingly government. " Hewas arraigned at the bar of the public for holding principlesunfavourable to the sovereignty of the people, and with inculcatingdoctrines insinuating their inability to rule themselves. The theoryof the British monarchy was said to have furnished his model for aperfect constitution; and all his systems of finance, which wererepresented as servile imitations of those previously adopted byEngland, were held up to public execration as being intended topromote the favourite project of assimilating the government of theUnited States to that of Great Britain. With this view, he hadentailed upon the nation a heavy debt, and perpetual taxes; hadcreated an artificial monied interest which had corrupted, and wouldcontinue to corrupt the legislature; and was endeavouring to prostratethe local authorities as a necessary step towards erecting that greatconsolidated monarchy which he contemplated. 

To support some of these charges, sentences and parts of sentenceswere selected from his reports, which expressed the valuable purposesto which a funded debt might be applied, and were alleged to affirm, as an abstract principle, "that a public debt was a public blessing. "He was, it was added, the inveterate enemy of Mr. Jefferson, because, in the republican principles of that gentleman, he perceived aninvincible obstacle to his views. 

If the counter charges exhibited against the secretary of state wereless capable of alarming the fears of the public for liberty, and ofdirecting the resentments of the people against that officer as theenemy of their rights, they were not less calculated to irritate hispersonal friends, and to wound his own feelings. 

The adversaries of this gentleman said, that he had been originallyhostile to the constitution of the United States, and adverse to itsadoption; and "that his avowed opinions tended to national disunion, national insignificance, public disorder, and discredit. " Under thegarb of democratic simplicity, and modest retiring philosophy, hecovered an inordinate ambition which grasped unceasingly at power, andsought to gratify itself, by professions of excessive attachment toliberty, and by traducing and lessening in the public esteem, everyman in whom he could discern a rival. To this aspiring temper theyascribed, not only "those pestilent whispers which, clandestinelycirculating through the country, had, as far as was practicable, contaminated some of its fairest and worthiest characters, " but alsocertain publications affecting the reputation of prominent individualswhom he might consider as competitors with himself for the highestoffice in the state. A letter written by Mr. Jefferson to a printer, transmitting for publication the first part of "the rights of man, "which letter was prefixed to the American edition of that pamphlet, contained allusions to certain "political heresies" of the day, whichwere understood to imply a serious censure on the opinions of the vicepresident: and the great object of the national gazette, a paper knownto be edited by a clerk in the department of state, was "to calumniateand blacken public characters, and, particularly, to destroy thepublic confidence in the secretary of the treasury, who was to behunted down for the unpardonable sin of having been the steady andinvariable friend of broad principles of national government. " It wasalso said that his connexions with this paper, and the patronage heafforded it, authorized the opinion that it might fairly be considered"the mirror of his views, " and thence was adduced an accusation notless serious in its nature than that which has been already stated. 

The national gazette was replete with continual and malignantstrictures on the leading measures of the administration, especiallythose which were connected with the finances. "If Mr. Jefferson'sopposition to these measures had ceased when they had received thesanction of law, nothing more could have been said than that he hadtransgressed the rules of official decorum in entering the lists withthe head of another department, and had been culpable in pursuing aline of conduct which was calculated to sow the seeds of discord inthe executive branch of the government in the infancy of itsexistence. But when his opposition extended beyond that point, when itwas apparent that he wished to _render odious_, and of course to_subvert_ (for in a popular government these are convertible terms)all those deliberate and solemn acts of the legislature which hadbecome the pillars of the public credit, his conduct deserved to beregarded with a still severer eye. " It was also said to be peculiarlyunfit for a person remaining at the head of one of the great executivedepartments, openly to employ all his influence in exciting the publicrage against the laws and the legislature of the union, and in givingcirculation to calumnies against his colleagues in office, from thecontamination of which the chief magistrate himself could not hopeentirely to escape. 

END OF VOLUME IV.