THE LIFE OF

CAPTAIN MATTHEW FLINDERS, R. N. 

BY

ERNEST SCOTT

PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF MELBOURNE

AUTHOR OF "TERRE NAPOLEON" AND "LIFE OF LAPEROUSE"

WITH PORTRAITS, MAPS, AND FACSIMILES. 

SYDNEYANGUS & ROBERTSON LTD. 89 CASTLEREAGH STREET1914. 

PREFACE. 

The subject of this book died one hundred years ago. Within his fortyyears of life, he discovered a very large area of what is now animportant region of the earth; he participated in stirring events whichare memorable in modern history; he applied a vigorous and original mindto the advancement of knowledge, with useful results; and he was thevictim of circumstances which, however stated, were peculiarlyunfortunate, and must evoke the sympathy of everyone who takes thetrouble to understand them. His career was crowded with adventures: war, perilous voyages, explorations of unknown coasts, encounters withsavages, shipwreck and imprisonment are the elements which go to make uphis story. He was, withal, a downright Englishman of exceptionally highcharacter, proud of his service and unsparing of himself in the pursuitof his duty. 

Yet up to this time his biography has not been written. There are, it istrue, outlines of his career in various works of reference, notably thatcontributed by Sir J. K. Laughton to the Dictionary of National Biography. But there is no book to which a reader can turn for a fairly full accountof his achievements, and an estimate of his personality. Of alldiscoverers of leading rank Matthew Flinders is the only one about whomthere is no ample and convenient record. 

This book endeavours to fill the gap. 

The material upon which it is founded is set forth in the footnotes andthe bibliography. Here the author takes pleasure in acknowledging theassistance he has received from several quarters. A previous book broughthim the acquaintance of the grand-nephew of that Comte de Fleurieu wholargely inspired three famous French voyages to Australia--those ofLaperouse, Dentrecasteaux and Baudin--all of which have an importantbearing upon the subject. The Comte A. De Fleurieu had long been engagedin collecting material relative to the work and influence of hisdistinguished grand-uncle, and in the most generous manner he handed overto the author his very large collection of manuscripts and note-books tobe read, noted, and used at discretion. Even when a historian does notactually quote or directly use matter bearing upon his subject, it is ofimmense advantage to have access to documents which throw light upon it, and which enable an in-and-out knowledge of a period and persons to beobtained. This book owes much of whatever value it may possess tomonsieur de Fleurieu's assistance in this respect, and the author thankshim most warmly. 

The Flinders papers, of which free use has been made, were presented tothe Melbourne Public Library by Professor W. M. Flinders Petrie. They aredescribed in the bibliography. The transcripts of family and personaldocuments were especially valuable. Although they were not supplied forthis book, Professor Flinders Petrie gave them in order that they mightbe of use to some biographer of his grandfather, and the author begs tothank him, and also Mr. E La Touche Armstrong, the chief librarian, inwhose custody they are, and who has given frequent access to them. 

The rich stores of manuscripts in the Mitchell Library, Sydney, have beenthoroughly examined, with the assistance of Mr. W. H. Ifould, principallibrarian, Mr. Hugh Wright, and the staff of that institution. Help fromthis quarter was accorded with such grace that one came to think givingtrouble was almost like conferring a favour. 

All copies of documents from Paris and Caen cited in this book have beenmade by Madame Robert Helouis. The author was able to indicate thewhereabouts of the principal papers, but Madame Helouis, developing aninterest in the subject as she pursued her task, was enabled, owing toher extensive knowledge of the resources of the French archives, to findand transcribe many new and valuable papers. The author also wishes tothank Captain Francis Bayldon, of Sydney, who has kindly given help onseveral technical points; Miss Alma Hansen, University of Melbourne, whowas generous enough to make a study of the Dutch Generale Beschrijvingevan Indien--no light task--to verify a point of some importance for thepurpose of the chapter on "The Naming of Australia"; and Mr. E. A. Petherick, whose manuscript bibliography, containing an immense quantityof material, the fruit of a long life's labour, has always beencheerfully made available. 

Professor Flinders Petrie has been kind enough to read and make someuseful suggestions upon the personal and family passages of the book, which has consequently benefited greatly. 

The whole work has been read through by Mr. A. W. Jose, author of TheHistory of Australasia, whose criticism on a multitude of points, someminute, but all important, has been of the utmost value. The help givenby Mr. Jose has been more than friendly; it has been informed by a keenenthusiasm for the subject, and great knowledge of the originalauthorities. The author's obligations to him are gratefully acknowledged. 

It is hoped that these pages will enable the reader to know MatthewFlinders the man, as well as the navigator; for the study of themanuscript and printed material about him has convinced the author thathe was not only remarkable for what he did and endured, but for his ownsake as an Englishman of the very best type. 

Melbourne, June 1914. 

CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER 1. BIRTH AND ORIGINS. 

Place of Flinders among Australian navigators. Birth. Flemish origins. Pedigree. Connection with the Tennysons. Possible relationship with Bass. Flinders' father. Donington. 

CHAPTER 2. AT SCHOOL AND AT SEA. 

Education. Robinson Crusoe. Aspirations for a naval career. His father's wish. John Flinders' advice. Study of navigation. Introduction to Pasley. Lieutenant's servant. Midshipman on the Bellerophon. Bligh and the Bounty mutiny. 

CHAPTER 3. A VOYAGE UNDER BLIGH. 

The second breadfruit expedition. Flinders in the Providence. Notes from Santa Cruz. At the Cape. Tahiti. In Torres Strait. Encounter with Papuans. Return to England. 

CHAPTER 4. THE BATTLE OFF BREST. 

The naval war with France. The battle of June 1st, 1794. Flinders as gunner. Pasley wounded. Flinders' journal of the engagement. Effect of Pasley's wound on the career of Flinders. 

CHAPTER 5. AUSTRALIAN GEOGRAPHY BEFORE FLINDERS. 

The predecessors of Flinders. How Australia grew on the map. Mediaeval controversies on antipodes. Period of vague speculation. Sixteenth century maps. The Dutch voyagers. The Batavia on the Abrolhos Reef. The Duyfhen in the Gulf. Torres. The three periods of Australian maritime discovery. Geographers and their views of Australia. The theory of the dividing strait. Cook and Furneaux. The untraced southern coast. 

CHAPTER 6. THE RELIANCE AND THE TOM THUMB. 

Governor Hunter. Captain Waterhouse. Flinders' passion for exploring new countries. Joins the Reliance. Hunter on the strategic importance of the Cape. Sailing of Reliance and Supply for New South Wales. Flinders' observations. Arrival at Port Jackson. George Bass. The Tom Thumb. Exploration of George's River. A perilous cruise. Meeting with aboriginals. The midshipman as valet. Port Hacking. Patching up the Reliance. Voyage to South Africa. 

CHAPTER 7. THE DISCOVERY OF BASS STRAIT. 

Bass in the Blue Mountains. Supposed strait isolating Van Diemen's Land. Bass's whaleboat voyage. Wilson's Promontory. Escaped convicts. Discovery of Westernport. Return to Port Jackson. 

CHAPTER 8. THE VOYAGE OF THE FRANCIS. 

The wreck of the Sydney Cove. Discovery of Kent's Islands. Biological notes. Seals. Sooty petrels. The wombat. Point Hicks. 

CHAPTER 9. CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF TASMANIA. 

Flinders in command of the Norfolk. Bass's association with him. Twofold Bay. Discovery of Port Dalrymple. Bass Strait demonstrated. Black swans. Albatross Island. Tasmanian aboriginals. 

CHAPTER 10. THE FATE OF GEORGE BASS. 

Bass's marriage. Part owner of the Venus. Voyages after pork. A fishing concession. South American enterprise. Unsaleable goods. A "diplomatic-looking certificate. "Bass's last voyage. Probable fate in Peru. His missing letters. 

CHAPTER 11. ON THE QUEENSLAND COAST. 

Flinders and the Isaac Nicholls case. Exploration on the Queensland coast. Moreton Bay. 

CHAPTER 12. THE INVESTIGATOR. 

Return to England in the Reliance. Sir Joseph Banks. Marriage of Flinders. Ann Chappell and Chappell Island. The Franklins. Publication of Observations on the Coasts of Van Diemen's Land, on BassStrait and its Islands. Anxiety about French expedition. The Investigator commissioned. Equipment of ship. The staff and crew. East India Company's interest. Instructions for the voyage. The case of Mrs. Flinders. Sailing orders delayed. The incident at the Roar. Life on board. Crossing the Line. Australia reached. 

CHAPTER 13. THE FRENCH EXPEDITION. 

Origin of Baudin's expedition. His instructions. Baudin's dilatoriness. In Tasmanian waters. Waterhouse Island. 

CHAPTER 14. SOUTH COAST DISCOVERY. 

The south coast of Australia. Method of research. Aboriginals at King George's Sound. Discovery of Spencer's Gulf. Loss of Thistle and a boat's crew. Memory Cove. Port Lincoln. Kangaroo Island. St. Vincent's Gulf. Pelicans. Speculations on the fate of Laperouse. 

CHAPTER 15. FLINDERS AND BAUDIN IN ENCOUNTER BAY. 

The sighting of Le Geographe. Flinders visits Baudin. Their conversations. Flinders invites Baudin to visit Port Jackson. 

CHAPTER 16. FLINDERS IN PORT PHILLIP. 

Grant's discoveries. Murray discovers Port Phillip. King Island. Flinders enters Port Phillip. Ascends Arthur's Seat. The Investigator aground. Cruise in a boat. Ascends Station Peak. Flinders' impression of the port. Arrival in Port Jackson. Healthiness of his crew. 

CHAPTER 17. THE FRENCH AT PORT JACKSON: PERON THE SPY. 

Arrival of Le Geographe at Port Jackson. State of the crew. Hospitality of Governor King. Rumours as to French designs. Baudin's gratitude. Peron's report on Port Jackson. His espionage. Freycinet's plan of invasion. Scientific work of the expedition. 

CHAPTER 18. AUSTRALIA CIRCUMNAVIGATED. 

Overhaul of the ship. The Lady Nelson. Flinders sails north. Discovery of Port Curtis and Port Bowen. Through the Barrier Reef. Torres Strait. Remarks on Coral Reefs. The Gulf of Carpentaria. Rotten condition of the ship. Melville Bay discovered. Sails for Timor. Australia circumnavigated. The Investigator condemned. Illness of Flinders. News of father's death. Letter to step-mother. Letters to Mrs. Flinders. Letter to Bass. The end of the Investigator. 

CHAPTER 19. WRECKED ON THE BARRIER REEF. 

New plans. Flinders sails in the Porpoise. Remarks on Sydney. Wrecked. Conduct of the Bridgewater. Plans for relief. Stores available. Voyage in the Hope to Sydney. Franklin's description of the wreck. 

CHAPTER 20. TO ILE-DE-FRANCE IN THE CUMBERLAND. 

King receives news of the wreck. The Cumberland. Wreck Reef reached. Voyage to Timor. Determination to sail to Ile-de-France. Flinders' reasons. Arrival at Baye du Cap. Arrival at Port Louis. 

CHAPTER 21. GENERAL DECAEN. 

Decaen's early career. His baptism of fire. War in the Vendee. The Army of the Rhine. Moreau. Battle of Hohenlinden. Moreau and Napoleon. The peace of Amiens. Decaen's arrival at Pondicherry. His reception. Leaves for Ile-de-France. His character and abilities. 

CHAPTER 22. THE CAPTIVITY. 

Flinders' reception by Decaen. His anger. Imprisoned at the Cafe Marengo. His papers and books. His examination. Refusal of invitation to dinner. Decaen's anger. His determination to detain Flinders. King's despatches. Decaen's statement of motives. Flinders asks to be sent to France. 

CHAPTER 23. THE CAPTIVITY PROLONGED. 

Decaen's despatch. A delayed reply. Flinders' occupations. His health. The sword incident. Anniversary of the imprisonment. Aken's liberation. The faithful Elder. 

CHAPTER 24. THE CAPTIVITY MODIFIED. 

Thomas Pitot. Removal to Wilhelm's Plains. The parole. Madame D'Arifat's house. Hospitalities. Flinders studies French and Malay. Further exploration schemes. The residence of Laperouse. Work upon the charts. King's protest and Decaen's anger. Elder's departure. 

CHAPTER 25. THE ORDER OF RELEASE. 

Influences to secure release. The order of release. Receipt of the despatch. Decaen's reply. Flinders a dangerous man. Reason for Decaen's refusal. State of Ile-de-France. Project for escape. Flinders' reasons for declining. 

CHAPTER 26. THE RELEASE. 

Blockade of Ile-de-France. Decaen at the end of his tether. Release of Flinders. Return to England. The plagiarism charge. Flinders' papers. Work of Peron and Freycinet. 

CHAPTER 27. LAST YEARS AND DEATH OF FLINDERS. 

Flinders in London. Prolonged and severe work. His illness. Death of Flinders. His last words. Treatment of his widow by the Admiralty. 

CHAPTER 28. CHARACTERISTICS. 

Personality. Portraits. Flinders' commanding look. Geniality. Conversational powers. Gentleness. Kindness to wounded French officer. Advice to young officers. An eager student. The husband. 

CHAPTER 29. THE NAVIGATOR. 

Technical writings. The marine barometer. Variations in the compass. Praise of other navigators. Love for his work. 

CHAPTER 30. THE NAMING OF AUSTRALIA. 

The name Australia given to the continent by Flinders. The "Austrialia del Espiritu Santo" of Quiros. De Brosses and "Australasia. "Dalrymple and "Australia. "Flinders' use of the word in 1804. His use of it in a French essay in 1810. Persistent employment of the word in letters. Proposes the word "Australia" to Banks. His fight for his word. "Terra Australis. "The footnote of 1814. 

APPENDIX A. BAUDIN'S NARRATIVE OF THE MEETING IN ENCOUNTER BAY. 

APPENDIX B. PERON'S REPORT ON PORT JACKSON. 

APPENDIX C. NAMES GIVEN BY FLINDERS TO AUSTRALIAN COASTAL FEATURES. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

INDEX. 

MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

1. PORTRAIT OF MATTHEW FLINDERS, AGED 27. 

From the engraving in the "Naval Chronicle, " 1814, after a miniature inthe possession of Mrs. Flinders. 

2. FLINDERS' BIRTHPLACE, DONINGTON, LINCOLNSHIRE. 

(From photograph lent by Mr. George Gordon McCrae. )

3. FACSIMILE OF LETTER TO SIR JOSEPH BANKS, 1794. 

(Mitchell Library. )

H. M. S Bellerophon

Spithead March 20th 1794. 

Sir Joseph, Yesterdays Post brought me a Letter from Mr. Miles, in Answer to the oneI wrote him for his Power of Attorney, after I had the Honour of waitingupon you in the Country, at which Time you were pleased to express aDesire to be informed when it should arrive; in Compliance with which, Inow take the Liberty of addressing you. It seems he has not sent thePower, but says he enclosd something like one to you by which it appearshe is not exactly acquainted with the Business in Question, he tells mehe has explained his Sense of the Matter in your Letter and begd that theremaining Sum might be paid to Mr. Dixon or Mr. Lee, from whom he wishesme to receive it. When I wrote for the Power, I explaind to him (as faras my Knowledge of the Subject extended) the Necessity of his sending it, that he was to consider himself as employd by Government, that it wasfrom the Treasury his Salary was to be got and that they would requiresome Authority for paying it to me--at present Sir, I am at a Loss howto proceed; whether what he has sent will be sufficient, or whether itwill still be necessary to get a regular Power is what I must trespassupon your Generosity for a Knowledge of the doing which will add to theObligation your Goodness before conferd upon me; with a gratefull Senseof which I beg leave to subscribe myself, Sir Joseph

your much obligd and

most humble Servant

Mattw. Flinders. 

To Sir Jos Banks Bart. 

4. TABLET ON MEMORIAL ERECTED BY SIR JOHN FRANKLIN AT PORT LINCOLN, SOUTHAUSTRALIA. 

THIS PLACE

from which the Gulf and itsShores were first surveyedon 26. Feb, 1802 byMATTHEW FLINDERS, R. N. Commander of H. M. S. Investigatorthe Discoverer of the Countrynow called South Australiawas set aparton 12. Jan. 1841with the sanction ofLT. COL. GAWLER. K. H. Then Governor of the Colonyand in the first year of thegovernment of CAPT. G. GREYadorned with this Monumentto the perpetual Memoryof the illustrious Navigatorhis honored CommanderbyJOHN FRANKLIN. CAPT. R. N. K. C. H. K. R. LT. GOVERNOR OFVAN DIEMEN'S LAND. 

5. MEMORIAL ON MOUNT LOFTY, SOUTH AUSTRALIA. 

FLINDERS COLUMN

IN HONOUR OF MATTHEW FLINDERS

COMMANDER OF THE INVESTIGATOR

WHO FROM KANGAROO HEAD, KANGAROO ISLAND

DISCOVERED AND NAMED MOUNT LOFTY

ON TUESDAY 23RD. MARCH 1802

THIS TABLET WAS UNVEILED AND THE COLUMN NAMED

BY HIS EXCELLENCY LORD TENNYSON. 22ND. MARCH 1902. 

6. MAP OF FLINDERS' VOYAGES IN BASS STRAIT. 

FLINDERS' VOYAGES IN BASS STRAIT IN THE FRANCIS, NORFOLK, ANDINVESTIGATOR. 

7. BASS'S EYE-SKETCH OF WESTERNPORT. 

Western Porton the South Coast ofNW. SOUTH WALESfrom Mr. Bass's Eye-sketch. 1798. 

8. PORTRAIT OF GEORGE BASS. 

9. PAGE FROM FLINDERS' MANUSCRIPT NARRATIVE OF THE VOYAGE OF THE FRANCIS, 1798. 

(Melbourne Public Library. )

(12)

1798

FEBRUARY SATURDAY 10 close round the rock. At 8, when off a rocky pointon which are two eminences of white stone in the form of oblique conesinclining inwards, we stood to the southward, and off and on during thenight, keeping the peak and high land of Cape Barren in sight, the wind, from the westward. SUNDAY 11 At the following noon, the observed latitude was 40 degrees 411/2, Cape Barren bearing north-by-west. The wind being strong atwest-south-west we continued standing off and on, and lying tooccasionally, till day light next morning, when we made sailMONDAY 12 west-north-west for the south end of Clarkes Island, having thewind now at north by east. A little to the westward of the rocky point, which has the inclining cones upon it, lies an island, between which andthe point, is a deep channel of between half and three-quarters of a milewide; and about the same distance to the westward of this island, isanother of nearly the same size: they are rather low and covered withbrush and grass. Between these islands and Clarkes Island, we observedtwo low islets, and two rocks above water, the latter not more than threeor four miles from us. To the southward also, we saw the land extending agreat distance; but the whole are better seen in the sketch. 

About ten o'clock, the ebb tide was running with such violence, thatalthough the schooner was going one knot and a half through the water, yet by the land we were evidently going retrograde almost as much, andtowards the land withal: but the light air that remained enabled us todraw the ???

10. MEMORIAL ON THE SUMMIT OF STATION PEAK, PORT PHILLIP. 

MATTHEW FLINDERS, R. N. , STOOD ON THIS ROCK TO SURVEY THE BAY. 

MAY 1, 1802. 

NATIONAL PARKS ASSOCIATION, 1912. 

11. PORT DALRYMPLE, DISCOVERED IN THE NORFOLK, 1798. 

PORT DALRYMPLE. 

DISCOVERED 1798 IN THE NORFOLK SLOOP BY

M. FLINDERS. 

12. PAGE FROM BASS'S MANUSCRIPT ACCOUNT OF THE VOYAGE OF THE NORFOLK. 

(Mitchell Library. )

New South Wales; Western Port, excepted. Notwithstanding this evidentsuperiority, the vegetable Mould, is frequently, of nor great depth, andis sometimes, (perhaps advantageously) mixed with small quantities ofsand. 

The best of the soil, lies upon the sides of sloping hills, and in thebroad vallies between them. Some parts that are low and level, have awet, peaty, surface, bounded by small tracts of flowering heath andoderiferous plants, that perfume the air with the fragrance of theiroils. 

The Plants, retain in general, the air of those of New South Wales, while, they are in reality, different. The rich & vivid colouring of themore northern flowers, and that soft & exquisite graduation of theirtints, for which they are so singularly distinguished, hold with themhere, but in a less eminent degree. The two countries present a perfectsimilarity in this, that the more barren spots are the most adorned. 

Except in these useless places, the grass does not grow in tufts, butcovers the land equally, with a short, nutritious herbage, better adaptedpossibly, to the bite of small, than of large cattle. The food for thelatter, is grown in the bottoms of the vallies & upon the damp flats. Alarge proportion of the soil, promises a fair return, for the labours ofthe cultivator, and a smaller, insures an ample reward: but the greaterpart, would perhaps turn to more advantage, if left for pasturage, thanif thrown into cultivation; it would be rich as the one, but poor as theother. Water is found in runs, more than in Ponds, and the not

13. CAIRN ERECTED ON FLINDERS' LANDING-PLACE, KANGAROO ISLAND, SOUTHAUSTRALIA. 

14. PORTRAIT OF EARL SPENCER. 

GEORGE JOHN, SECOND EARL SPENCER, K. G. 

Who, as First Lord of the Admiralty, despatched Flinders on his discoveryvoyage in the Investigator. 

(Photographed, by permission of Lord Spencer, from the painting byCopley, at Althorp, Northamptonshire. )

15. TABLET AT MEMORY COVE, SOUTH AUSTRALIA. 

16. VIEW ON KANGAROO ISLAND, BY WESTALL. 

(Reproduced from the engraving in Flinders' Journal, after Westall'sdrawing. )

17. FLINDERS'S CHART OF SPENCER'S GULF, ST. VINCENT'S GULF, AND ENCOUNTERBAY. 

18. TABLET AT ENCOUNTER BAY, SOUTH AUSTRALIA, COMMEMORATING THE MEETINGOF FLINDERS AND BAUDIN. 

IN COMMEMORATION OF THE MEETING NEAR THIS BLUFF

BETWEEN H. M. S. 'INVESTIGATOR'--MATTHEW FLINDERS

WHO EXPLORED THE COAST OF SOUTH AUSTRALIA

AND M. F. 'LE GEOGRAPHE'--NICOLAS BAUDIN, APRIL 8, 1802. 

ON BOARD THE 'INVESTIGATOR' WAS JOHN FRANKLINTHE ARCTIC DISCOVERER: THESE ENGLISH AND FRENCH EXPLORERSHELD FRIENDLY CONFERENCE. AND FLINDERS NAMEDTHE PLACE OF MEETING 'ENCOUNTER BAY. '

UNVEILED BY HIS EXCELLENCY LORD TENNYSON. 

APRIL 8, 1902. 

19. VIEW OF THE WESTERN ARM OF PORT PHILLIP, BY WESTALL. 

From the copy (in the Mitchell Library) of Westall's original drawing inthe Royal Colonial Institute, London. 

22

Port Phillip. 

Distant view of the West arm of the Western Port. 

Looking to south-west. 

April 30th 1802. 

The view appears to be one of Indented Head. On April 30, 1802, the dateof the sketch, Flinders was "nearly at the northern extremity of IndentedHead" and took some bearings "from the brow of a hill a little way back. "

20. FLINDERS' MAP OF PORT PHILLIP AND WESTERNPORT. 

21. VIEW OF SYDNEY HARBOUR, FROM VAUCLUSE, BY WESTALL. 

(Reproduced from the engraving in Flinders' Journal, after Westall'sdrawing. )

22. FLINDERS' CHART OF TORRES STRAIT, ALSO SHOWING COOK'S AND BLIGH'STRACKS. 

23. FLINDERS' MAP OF THE GULF OF CARPENTARIA. 

24. FLINDERS' MAP OF AUSTRALIA, SHOWING HIS PRINCIPAL VOYAGES. 

25. VIEW ON THE HAWKESBURY RIVER, BY WESTALL. 

From the copy (in the Mitchell Library) of Westall's original drawing inthe Royal Colonial Institute, London. 

26. WRECK REEF ISLAND, BY WESTALL. 

(Reproduced from the engraving in Flinders' Journal, after Westall'sdrawing. )

27. FLINDERS' MAP OF WRECK REEF. 

FLINDERS' TRACKS IN THE VICINITY OF WRECK REEF. 

28. PORTRAIT OF GENERAL DECAEN. 

29. VIEW OF PORT LOUIS. ILE-DE-FRANCE. 

30. MAP OF ILE-DE-FRANCE. 

(From the Atlas of Milbert, 1812. )

31. PAGE FROM FLINDERS' COPY OF HIS MEMORIAL TO THE FRENCH MINISTER OFMARINE (WRITTEN IN ILE-DE-FRANCE). 

(Melbourne Public Library. )

To his Excellency the

Minister of the marine and colonies

of France. 

The memorial of Matthew Flinders Esq. 

Prisoner in the Isle of France. 

May it please Your Excellency

Your memorialist was commander of His Britannic Majesty's ship theInvestigator, despatched by the Admiralty of England to complete thediscovery of New Holland and New South Wales, which had been begun by theearly Dutch navigators, and continued at different periods by Cook, D'Entrecasteaux, Vancouver, and your memorialist. He was furnished with apassport by order of His Imperial and Royal Majesty, then first Consul ofFrance; and signed by the marine minister Forfait the 4th Prarial, year9; which passport permitted the Investigator to touch at French ports inany part of the world, in cases of distress, and promised assistance andprotection to the commander and company, provided they should not haveunnecessarily deviated from their route, or have done, or announced theintention of doing any thing injurious to the French nation or itsallies: Your memorialist sailed from England in July 1801, and in April1802, whilst pursuing the discovery of the unknown part of the southcoast of New South Wales, he met with the commandant Baudin, who beingfurnished with a passport by the Admiralty of Great Britain, had beensent by the French government with the ships Geographe and Naturalisteupon a nearly similar expedition some months before. From Port Jackson, where the commandant was again met with, your memorialist, accompanied bythe brig Lady Nelson, continued his examinations and discoveriesnorthward, through many difficulties and dangers, but with success, untilDecember 1802, when, in the Gulf of Carpentaria

32. PORTRAIT OF FLINDERS IN 1808. 

(From portrait drawn by Chazal at Ile-de-France. )

33. SILHOUETTE OF FLINDERS, MADE AFTER HIS RETURN FROM ILE-DE-FRANCE. 

(By permission of Professor Flinders Petrie. )

34. REDUCED FACSIMILE OF ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT DEDICATION OF FLINDERS'JOURNAL. 

(Mitchell Library. )

To

the right hon. George John, Earl Spencer, the right hon. John, Earl of St. Vincent, the right hon. Charles Phillip Yorke, andthe right hon. Robert Saunders, Viscount Melville, who, as first Lords Commissioners of theAdmiralty, successively honoured the Investigator's voyagewith their patronage, this account of it is respectfully dedicated, by Their Lordshipsmost obliged, andmost obedienthumble servantMatthew Flinders

35. PAGE FROM MANUSCRIPT OF FLINDERS' ABRIDGED NARRATIVE (UNPUBLISHED). 

(Melbourne Public Library. )

from the general's conduct, that he has sought to impose upon him, andthis for the purpose, perhaps for the pleasure, of prolonging to theutmost my unjust detention. 

But if apprehensions for the safety of this land are not the cause of theorder of the French government remaining unexecuted, what reason canthere be, sufficiently strong to have induced the captain-general toincur the risk of misobedience, first to the passport, and afterwards tothe order for my liberation. This I shall endeavour to explain in thefollowing and last chapter of this discussion; promising, however, thatwhat I shall have to offer upon this part of the subject, can only bewhat a consideration of the captain-general's conduct has furnished me, as being the most probable. I am not conscious of having omitted anymaterial circumstance, either here or in the narration, or of havingmisrepresented any; as if after an attentive perusal, the reader thinksmy explanation not borne out by the facts, I submit it to his judgment todeduce a better; and should esteem myself obliged by his making itpublic, so that it may reach so far as even to me. 

Chapter XII. Probable causes of my imprisonment, and of the marineminister's order for my liberation being suspended by the captain-general

Before explaining what I conceive to have been the true causes which ledthe captain-general to act so contrary to my passport, as to imprison meand seize my vessel, charts, and papers; it will be proper to give thereader a knowledge of some points in His Excellency's character, inaddition to those he will have extracted from the abridged narrative. Atthe time of my arrival, he entertained, and does I believe stillentertain, an indiscriminate animosity against Englishmen, whether thisarose from his having been deprived of the advantage of fixing the seatof his government at Pondicherry, by the renewal of war in 1803, or fromany antecedent circumstance, I cannot pretend to say; but that he didharbour such animosity, and that in an uncommon degree, is averred by hiskeeping in irons, contrary to the usages of war, the first English seamenthat were brought to the island (Narrative page 58 and 70); by thesurprise he testified at the proceeding of a French gentleman, whointerceded with him for the liberty on parole of a sick English officer;on which occasion he said amongst other things, that had he his own will, he would send all the English prisoners to the Marquis Wellesley withouttheir ears: this animosity is, besides, as well known at the Isle ofFrance, as the existence of the island. 

It is probably owing to an original want of education, and to havingpassed the greater part of his life in the tumult of camps during theFrench revolution, that arises his indifference for the arts andsciences, other than those which have an immediate relation to war. HisExcellency's ideas seem even to be so strictly military, that theprofession of a seaman has very little share in his estimation; and hisignorance of nautical affairs has been shewn by various circumstances tobe greater than would be supposed in a moderately well informed man, whohad made a voyage from Europe to India. 

36. EXTRACT FROM FLINDERS' LETTER-BOOK, REFERRING TO OXLEY'S APPOINTMENTAS SURVEYOR-GENERAL. 

(Melbourne Public Library. )

To Captain Thos. Hurd, Hydrographer, Admiralty Office. 

London April 2, 1812. 

My dear Sir

Understanding that Lieut. John Oxley of the Navy is going outsurveyor-general of Lands in New South Wales, I wish to point out to you, that if he should be enabled, in intervals of his land duty, toaccomplish the following nautical objects, in the vicinity of PortJackson, and of the settlements in Van Diemen's Land, our knowledge ofthose coasts would be thereby improved, and some material advantages tothe colonies probably obtained. 

1st. Jervis Bay, a large piece of water whose entrance is in 35. 5 south, and not from than 75 miles from Port Jackson, has never yet, to myknowledge been surveyed. There have been two or three eye sketches madeof it; but it would be desirable to have it surveyed, with the streamswhich are said to fall into its North and western sides; and also thecorresponding line of the sea coast, in which there are thought to bestrata of coal. 

The great semicircular range of mountains which has hitherto resisted allattempts to penetrate into the interior country behind Port Jackson, appears to terminate at Point Bass in latitude about 34. 43; and the landbehind Jervis Bay is represented to be low and flat. It is, therefore, probable, that a well conducted effort to obtain some knowledge of theinterior of that vast country, would be attended with success if made bysteering a West or N. N. W. Course from the head of Jervis Bay. 

37. FLINDERS' MEMORIAL IN PARISH CHURCH, AT HIS BIRTHPLACE, DONINGTON, LINCOLNSHIRE. 

IN MEMORY OFCAPTAIN MATTHEW FLINDERS, R. N. WHO DIED JULY 19TH 1814, AGED 40 YEARS. 

AFTER HAVING TWICE CIRCUMNAVIGATED THE GLOBE, HE WASSENT BY THE ADMIRALTY IN THE YEAR 1801, TO MAKEDISCOVERIES ON THE COAST OF TERRA AUSTRALIS. RETURNING FROM THIS VOYAGE HE SUFFERED SHIPWRECK, AND BY THE INJUSTICE OF THE FRENCH GOVERNMENTWAS IMPRISONED SIX YEARS IN THEISLAND OF MAURITIUS. 

IN 1810, HE WAS RESTORED TO HIS NATIVE LAND, AND NOTLONG AFTER WAS ATTACKED BY AN EXCRUCIATING DISEASE, THE ANGUISH OF WHICH HE BORE UNTIL DEATHWITH UNDEVIATING FORTITUDE. 

HIS COUNTRY WILL LONG REGRET THE LOSS OF ONE WHOSEEXERTIONS IN HER CAUSE WERE ONLY EQUALLED BYHIS PERSEVERANCE:BUT HIS FAMILY WILL MOST DEEPLY FEEL THEIRREPARABLE DEPRIVATION. 

THEY DO NOT MERELY LAMENT A MAN OF SUPERIOR INTELLECT. THEY MOURN AN AFFECTIONATE HUSBAND, A TENDER FATHER, A KIND BROTHER, AND A FAITHFUL FRIEND. 

38. MEMORIAL TO BASS AND FLINDERS AT THE COMMONWEALTH NAVAL BASE, WESTERNPORT, VICTORIA. )

The maps have been copied from Flinders' Atlas, with the omission of afew details, which, on the small scale necessarily adopted, would havecaused confusion; it has been thought better to make what is given quitelegible to the unassisted eye. All names on the maps are as Flindersspelt them, but in the body of the book modern spellings have beenadopted. In the case of the Duyfhen the usual spelling, which is alsothat of Flinders, is retained; but the late J. Backhouse Walker has shownreason to believe that the real name of the vessel was Duyfken. 

CHRONOLOGY. 

1774 (March 16) : Born at Donington. 

1789 (October 23) : Enters the Royal Navy. 

1790 (July 31) : Midshipman on the Bellerophon. 

1791 to 1793 : Voyage in the Providence. 

1793 (September) : Rejoins the Bellerophon. 

1794 (June) : Participates in the battle off Brest. 

1795 (February) : Sails for Australia in the Reliance. Meets George Bass. 

1796 (March) : Cruise of the Tom Thumb. 

1797 (December) : Bass's whaleboat voyage. 

1798 (January) : Discovery of Westernport. 

1798 (January) : Flinders' voyage in the Francis. 

1798 (January 31) : Flinders obtains lieutenant's commission. 

1798 (October) : Voyage of the Norfolk. 

1798 (November) : Discovery of Port Dalrymple. 

1798 (December) : Bass Strait demonstrated. 

1799 : Return to Port Jackson. 

1799 (July) : Exploration on Queensland coast. 

1800 (March) : Return to England in the Reliance. 

1800 (October) : Arrival in England. Plan of Australian Exploration. 

1800 (December) : The Investigator commissioned. 

1801 (January 17) : Publication of Observations. 

1801 (February 16) : Obtains commander's rank. 

1801 (April) : Marriage of Flinders. 

1801 (July 18) : Sailing of the Investigator. 

1801 (December) : Australia reached. 

1802 (February) : Discovery of Spencer's Gulf. 

1802 (March) : Discovery of Kangaroo Island and St. Vincent's Gulf. 

1802 (April) : Meeting of Flinders and Baudin in Encounter Bay. 

1802 (May) : Flinders in Port Phillip. 

1802 (July) : Voyage to Northern Australia. 

1802 (August) : Discovery of Port Curtis and Port Bowen. 

1802 (November) : In the Gulf of Carpentaria. 

1803 (April) : Return voyage; Australia circumnavigated. 

1803 (June) : Sydney reached; the Investigator condemned. 

1803 (July 10) : Sails in the Porpoise. 

1803 (August 17) : Wrecked on the Barrier Reef. Voyage in the Hope to Sydney. 

1803 (September 8) : Arrival in Port Jackson. 

1803 (September 21) : Sails in the Cumberland. 

1803 (November) : Timor reached. 

1803 (December 17) : Arrival at Ile-de-France; made a prisoner. 

1804 (April) : Removal to the Garden Prison (Maison Despeaux). 

1805 : Removal to Wilhelm's Plains. 

1806 (March 21) : French Government orders release of Flinders. 

1810 (June 13) : Release of Flinders. 

1810 (October 24) : Return to England. 

1814 (July 19) : Death of Flinders. 

***

THE LIFE OF MATTHEW FLINDERS. 

CHAPTER 1. BIRTH AND ORIGINS. 

Matthew Flinders was the third of the triad of great English sailors bywhom the principal part of Australia was revealed. A poet of our owntime, in a line of singular felicity, has described it as the "lastsea-thing dredged by sailor Time from Space; "* (* Bernard O'Dowd, Dawnward, 1903. ) and the piecemeal, partly mysterious, largely accidentaldragging from the depths of the unknown of a land so immense andbountiful makes a romantic chapter in geographical history. All the greatseafaring peoples contributed something towards the result. The Dutchespecially evinced their enterprise in the pursuit of precise informationabout the southern Terra Incognita, and the nineteenth century was wellwithin its second quarter before the name New Holland, which for over ahundred years had borne testimony to their adventurous pioneering, gaveplace in general and geographical literature to the more convenient andeuphonious designation suggested by Flinders himself, Australia. * (* Notuniversally, however, even in official documents. In the Report of theCommittee of the Privy Council, dated May 1, 1849, "New Holland" is usedto designate the continent, but "Australia" is employed as including boththe continent and Tasmania. See Grey's Colonial Policy 1 424 and 439. )

But, important as was the work of the Dutch, and though the contributionsmade by French navigators (possibly also by Spanish) are of muchconsequence, it remains true that the broad outlines of the continentwere laid down by Dampier, Cook and Flinders. These are the principalnames in the story. A map of Australia which left out the partsdiscovered by other sailors would be seriously defective in particularfeatures; but a map which left out the parts discovered by these threeEnglishmen would gape out of all resemblance to the reality. 

Dampier died about the year 1712; nobody knows precisely when. MatthewFlinders came into the world in time to hear, as he may well have done asa boy, of the murder of his illustrious predecessor in 1779. The news ofCook's fate did not reach England till 1781. The lad was then seven yearsof age, having been born on March 16th, 1774. 

His father, also named Matthew, was a surgeon practising his professionat Donington, Lincolnshire, where the boy was born. The Flinders familyhad been settled in the same town for several generations. Three insuccession had been surgeons. The patronymic indicates a Flemish origin, and the work on English surnames* that bids the reader looking forinformation under "Flinders" to "see Flanders, " sends him on a reasonablequest, if to no great resulting advantage. (* Barker, Family Surnames1903 page 143. )

The English middle-eastern counties received frequent large migrations ofFlemings during several centuries. Sometimes calamities due to theharshness of nature, sometimes persecutions and wars, sometimes adverseeconomic conditions, impelled companies of people from the Low Countriesto cross the North Sea and try to make homes for themselves in a landwhich, despite intervals of distraction, offered greater security and abetter reward than did the place whence they came. England derived muchadvantage from the infusion of this industrious, solid and dependableFlemish stock; though the temporary difficulty of absorption gave rise tolocal protests on more than one occasion. 

As early as 1108, a great part of Flanders "being drowned by an exudationor breaking in of the sea, a great number of Flemings came into thecountry, beseeching the King to have some void place assigned them, wherein they might inhabit. "* (* Holinshed's Chronicle edition of 1807 258. ) Again in the reign of Edward I we find Flemish merchants carrying ona very large and important trade in Boston, and representatives of housesfrom Ypres and Ostend acquired property in the town. * (* Pishey ThompsonCollections for a Topographical and Historical Account of Boston and theHundred of Skirbeck 1820 page 31. ) In the middle of the sixteenthcentury, when Flanders was boiling on the fire of the Reformation, Lincolnshire and Norfolk provided an asylum for crowds of harassedrefugees. In 1569 two persons were deputed to ride from Boston to Norwichto ascertain what means that city adopted to find employment for them;and in the same year Mr. William Derby was directed to move Mr. SecretaryCecil, Queen Elizabeth's great minister, to "know his pleasure whethercertain strangers may be allowed to dwell within the borough withoutdamage of the Queen's laws. "* (*Boston Corporation manuscripts quoted inThompson, History and Antiquities of Boston 1856. )

During one of these peaceful and useful Flemish invasions the ancestorsof Matthew Flinders entered Lincolnshire. In the later years of his lifehe devoted some attention to the history of his family, and found recordof a Flinders as early as the tenth century. He believed, also, that hispeople had some connection with two men named Flinders or Flanders, whofled from Holland during the religious persecutions, and settled, inQueen Elizabeth's reign, in Nottinghamshire as silk stocking weavers. Itwould be very interesting if it were clear that there was a link betweenthe family and the origins of the great Nottingham hosiery trade. AFlinders may in that case have woven silk stockings for the Royaltermagant, and Lord Coke's pair, which were darned so often that none ofthe original fabric remained, may have come from their loom. 

Matthew Flinders himself wrote the note: "Ruddington near Nottingham (itis four miles south of the town) is the place whence the Flinders came;"and he ascertained that an ancestor was Robert Flinders, a Nottinghamstocking-weaver. 

A family tradition relates that the Lincolnshire Flinders were amongstthe people taken over to England by Sir Cornelius Vermuyden, a Dutchengineer of celebrity in his day, who undertook in 1621 to drain 360, 000acres of fen in Norfolk, Lincolnshire and Cambridgeshire. He was financedby English and Dutch capitalists, and took his reward in large grants ofland which he made fit for habitation and cultivation. Vermuyden and hisFlemings were not allowed to accomplish their work of reclamation withoutincurring the enmity of the natives. In a petition to the King in 1637 hestated that he had spent 150, 000 pounds, but that 60, 000 pounds of damagehad been done "by reason of the opposition of the commoners, " who cut thebanks of his channels in the night and during floods. The peasantry, indeed, resisted the improvements that have proved so beneficent to thatpart of England, because the draining and cultivation of so many miles ofswamp would deprive them of fishing and fowling privileges enjoyed fromtime immemorial. Hardly any reform or improvement can be effected withoutsome disruption of existing interests; and a people deeply sunk inpoverty and toil could hardly be expected to contemplate withphilosophical calm projects which, however advantageous to fortunateindividuals and to posterity, were calculated to diminish their own meansof living and their pleasant diversions. The dislike of the "commoners"to the work of the "participants" led to frequent riots, and many ofVermuyden's Flemings were maltreated. He endeavoured to allay discontentby employing local labour at high wages; and was courageous enough topursue his task despite loss of money, wanton destruction, and many otherdiscouragements. * (* See Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series, for1619, 1623, 1625, 1638, 1639 et seq; and White's Lincolnshire page 542. )Ebullitions of discontent on the part of fractious Fenlanders did notcease till the beginning of the eighteenth century. 

A very simple calculation shows that the great-grandfather of the firstMatthew Flinders would probably have been contemporary with Sir CorneliusVermuyden's reclamation works. He may have been one of the "participants"who benefited from them. The fact is significant as bearing upon thisconjecture, that no person named Flinders made a will in Lincolnshirebefore 1600. * (* See C. W. Foster, Calendar of Lincoln Wills 1320 to 1600, 1902. )

It is, too, an interesting circumstance that there was a Flinders amongthe early settlers in New England, Richard Flinders of Salem, born 1637. *(* Savage, Genealogical Dictionary of the First Settlers of New England, Boston U. S. A. 1860. ) He may have been of the same family as thenavigator, for the Lincolnshire element among the fathers of New Englandwas pronounced. 

The name Flinders survived at Donington certainly for thirty years afterthe death of the sailor who gave lustre to it; for in a directorypublished in 1842 occur the names of "Flinders, Mrs. Eliz. , MarketPlace, " and "Flinders, Mrs. Mary, Church Street. "* (* William White, History, Gazetteer and Directory of the City and Diocese of Lincoln, 1842page 193. )

The Flinders papers, mentioned in the preface, contain material whichenables the family and connections of the navigator to be traced withcertainty for seven generations. The genealogy is shown by the followingtable:--

John Flinders, born 1682, died 1741, settled at Donington as a farmer, married Mary Obray or Aubrey in 1702 and had at least 1 child:

John Flinders, surgeon at Spalding, born 1737, still living in 1810, hadat least two children:

1. John Flinders, Lieutenant in the Royal Navy, born 1766, died 1793. 

2. Matthew Flinders, surgeon at Donington, born 1750, died 1802, marriedSusannah Ward, 1752 to 1783, in 1773 and had at least two children:

2. Samuel Ward Flinders, born 1782, died 1842, Lieutenant in the RoyalNavy, married and left several children. 

1. Matthew Flinders the Navigator, born March 16, 1774, died July 19, 1814, married Ann Chappell, born 1770, died 1852, in 1801 and had onedaughter:

Ann Flinders, born 1812, died 1892, married William Petrie, born 1821, died 1908, in 1851 and had one son:

Professor W. M. Flinders Petrie, eminent scholar and Egyptianarchaeologist, born 1853, married Hilda Urlin in 1897 and had at leasttwo children:

1. John Flinders Petrie. 

2. Ann Flinders Petrie. 

There is also an interesting connection between Flinders and theTennysons, through the Franklin family. The present Lord Tennyson, whenGovernor of South Australia, in the course of his official duties, inMarch, 1902, unveiled a memorial to his kinsman on Mount Lofty, and inApril of the same year a second one in Encounter Bay. The following tableillustrates the relationship between him who wrote of "the long wash ofAustralasian seas" and him who knew them as discoverer:

Matthew Flinders (father of Matthew Flinders the navigator) married ashis second wife Elizabeth Weekes, whose sister, Hannah Weekes, marriedWillingham Franklin of Spilsby and had at least two children:

1. Sir John Franklin, born 1786, midshipman of the Investigator, Arcticexplorer, Lieutenant-Governor of Van Diemen's Land (Tasmania) 1837 to1844, died 1847. 

2. Sarah Franklin, married Henry Sellwood, solicitor, of Horncastle, in1812 and had at least two children:

2. Louisa Sellwood married Charles Tennyson-Turner, poet, brother ofAlfred Tennyson. 

1. Emily Sarah Sellwood, born 1813, died 1896, married Alfred Tennyson, Poet Laureate, born 1809, died 1892, in 1850 and had at least one son:

Hallam, Lord Tennyson, born 1852; Governor of South Australia 1899 to1902; Governor-General of Australia, 1902 to 1904. 

The Flinders papers also contain a note suggesting a distant connectionbetween Matthew Flinders and the man who above all others was his choicefriend, George Bass, the companion of his earliest explorations. Positiveproof is lacking, but Flinders' daughter, Mrs. Petrie, wrote "we havereason to think that Bass was a connection of the family, " and the pointis too interesting to be left unstated. The following table shows thepossible kinship:

John Flinders of Donington, born 1682, died 1741 (great-grandfather ofthe navigator) had:

Mary Flinders, third and youngest daughter, born 1734, married as herthird husband, Bass, and had:

George Bass, who had three daughters, and is believed to have been anuncle or cousin of George Bass, Matthew Flinders' companion inexploration. 

It is clear from the particulars stated above that the tree of whichMatthew Flinders was the fruit had its roots deep down in the soil of thelittle Lincolnshire market town where he was born; and Matthew himselfwould have continued the family tradition, inheriting the practice builtup by his father and grandfather (as it was hoped he would do), had therenot been within him an irresistible longing for the sea, and a bent ofscientific curiosity directed to maritime exploration, which led him on apath of discovery to achievements that won him honourable rank in thenoble roll of British naval pioneers. 

His father earned an excellent reputation, both professional andpersonal. The career of a country practitioner rarely affords anopportunity for distinction. It was even less so then than today, when atall events careful records of interesting cases are printed in a score ormore of professional publications. But once we find the elder MatthewFlinders in print. The Memoirs of the Medical Society of London* (* 1779Volume 4 page 330. ) contain a paper read before that body on October30th, 1797: "Case of a child born with variolar pustules, by MatthewFlinders, surgeon, Donington, Lincolnshire. " The essay occupies threepages, and is a clear, succinct record of symptoms, treatment andresults, for medical readers. The child died; whereupon the surgeonexpresses his regret, not on account of infant or parents, but, with truescientific zest, because it deprived him of the opportunity of watchingthe development of an uncommon case. 

Donington is a small town in the heart of the fen country, lying tenmiles south-west of Boston, and about the same distance, as the crowflies, from the black, muddy, western fringe of the Wash. It is a veryold town. Formerly it was an important Lincolnshire centre, enjoying itsweekly Saturday market, and its four annual fairs for the sale of horses, cattle, flax and hemp. During Flinders' youth and early manhood thedistrict grew large quantities of hemp, principally for the Royal Navy. In the days of its prosperity Donington drew to itself the business of anagricultural neighbourhood which was so far cultivable as it rose abovethe level of desolate and foggy swamps. But the drainage of the fens andthe making of good roads over what had once been an area of amphibiousuncertainty, neither wholly land nor wholly water, had the effect oflargely diverting business to Boston. Trade that came to Donington whenit stood over its own tract of fen, like the elderly and respectablecapital of some small island, now went to the thriving and historic porton the Witham. Donington stopped growing, stagnated, declined. On the mapof Lincolnshire included in Camden's Britannia (1637) it is marked"Dunington, " in letters as large as those given to Boston, Spalding andLincoln. On modern maps the name is printed in small letters; on some inthe smallest, or not at all. That fact is fairly indicative of its changeof fortunes. Figures tell the tale with precision. In 1801 it contained1321 inhabitants; in 1821, 1638; in 1841 it reached its maximum, 2026; by1891 it had gone down to 1547; in 1901 to 1484; at the census of 1911 ithad struggled up to 1564. * (* Allen, History of Lincolnshire, 1833 Volume1 342; Victoria History of Lincolnshire Volume 2 359; Census Returns for1911. )

The fame conferred by a distinguished son is hardly a recompense forfaded prosperity, but certain it is that Donington commands a widerinterest as the birthplace of Flinders than it ever did in any otherrespect during its long, uneventful history. The parish church, a fineGothic building with a lofty, graceful spire, contains a monument to thememory of the navigator, with an inscription in praise of his characterand life, and recording that he "twice circumnavigated the globe. " Manymen have encircled the earth, but few have been so distinguished asdiscoverers of important portions of it. Apart from this monument, thechurch contains marble ovals to the memory of Matthew Flinders' father, grandfather, and great-grandfather. They were provided from a sum of 100pounds left by the navigator, in his will, for the purpose. 

It is interesting to notice that three of the early Australian explorerscame from Lincolnshire, and were all born at places visible in clearweather from the tower of St. Botolph's Church at Boston. While Flinderssprang from Donington, George Bass, who co-operated with him in his firstdiscoveries, was born at Aswarby, near Sleaford, and Sir John Franklin, who sailed with him in the Investigator, and was subsequently to becomean Australian Governor and to achieve a pathetic immortality in anotherfield of exploration, entered the world at Spilsby. Sir Joseph Banks, thebotanist of Cook's first voyage, Flinders' steadfast friend, and theearliest potent advocate of Australian colonisation, though not actuallyborn in Lincolnshire, was the son of a squire who at the time of hisbirth owned Revesby Abbey, which is within a short ride of each of theplaces just named. 

CHAPTER 2. AT SCHOOL AND AT SEA. 

Young Flinders received his preparatory education at the Donington freeschool. This was an institution founded and endowed in 1718 by ThomasCowley, who bequeathed property producing nowadays about 1200 pounds ayear for the maintenance of a school and almshouses. It was to be open tothe children of all the residents of Donington parish free of expense, and in addition there was a fund for paying premiums on theapprenticeship of boys. 

At the age of twelve the lad was sent to the Horbling Grammar School, notmany miles from his own home. It was under the direction of the ReverendJohn Shinglar. Here he remained three years. He was introduced to theLatin and Greek classics, and received the grounding of that mathematicalknowledge which subsequently enabled him to master the science ofnavigation without a tutor. If to Mr. Shinglar's instruction was likewisedue his ability to write good, sound, clear English, we who read hisletters and published writings have cause to speak his schoolmaster'sname with respect. 

During his school days another book besides those prescribed in thecurriculum came into his hands. He read Robinson Crusoe. It was toDefoe's undying tale of the stranded mariner that he attributed theawaking in his own mind of a passionate desire to sail in uncharted seas. This anecdote happens to be better authenticated than are many of thosequoted to illustrate the youth of men of mark. Towards the end ofFlinders' life the editor of the Naval Chronicle sent to him a series ofquestions, intending to found upon the answers a biographical sketch. Onequestion was: "Juvenile or miscellaneous anecdotes illustrative ofindividual character?" The reply was: "Induced to go to sea against thewishes of friends from reading Robinson Crusoe. "

The case, interesting as it is, has an exact parallel in the life of afamous French traveller, Rene Caille, who in 1828, after years ofextraordinary effort and endurance, crossed Senegal, penetrated CentralAfrica, and was the first European to visit Timbuctoo. He also had readDefoe's masterpiece as a lad, and attributed to it the awaking in hisbreast of a yearning for adventure and discovery. "The reading ofRobinson Crusoe, " says a French historian, "made upon him a profoundimpression. " "I burned to have adventures of my own, " he wrote later; "Ifelt as I read that there was born within my heart the ambition todistinguish myself by some important discovery. "* (* Gaffarel, LaPolitique coloniale en France, 1908 page 34. )

Here were astonishing results to follow from the vivid fiction of a goutypamphleteer who wrote to catch the market and was hoisted into immortalfame by the effort: that his book should, like a spark falling on straw, fire the brains of a French shoemaker's apprentice and a Lincolnshireschoolboy, impelling each to a career crowded with adventure, and crownedwith memorable achievements. There could hardly be better examples of thevitalising efficacy of fine literature. 

A love of Robinson Crusoe remained with Flinders to the end. Only afortnight before his death he wrote a note subscribing for a copy of anew edition of the book, with notes, then announced for publication. Itmust have been one of the last letters from his hand. Though out of itschronological order, it may be appropriately quoted here to connect itwith the other references to the book which so profoundly influenced hislife:

"Captain Flinders presents his compliments to the Hydrographer of theNaval Chronicle, and will thank him to insert his home in the list ofsubscribers in his new edition of Robinson Crusoe; he wishes also thatthe volume on delivery should have a neat, common binding, and belettered. --London Street, July 5, 1814. "

It seems clear that Flinders had promised himself the pleasure ofre-reading in maturity the tale that had so delighted his youth. Had helived to do so, he might well have underlined, as applicable to himself, a pair of those sententious observations with which Defoe essayed to givea sober purpose to his narrative. The first is his counsel of "invinciblepatience under the worst of misery, indefatigable application, andundaunted resolution under the greatest and most discouragingcircumstances. " The second is his wise remark that "the height of humanwisdom is to bring our tempers down to our circumstances, and to make agreat calm within under the weight of the greatest storm without. " Theywere words which Flinders during strenuous years had good cause totranslate into conduct. 

The edition of the book to which he thus subscribed was undertakenlargely on account of his acknowledgment of its effect upon his life. Theauthor of the Naval Chronicle sketch of his career* (* 1814 Volume 32. )wrote in a footnote: "The biographer, also happening to understand thatto the same cause the Navy is indebted for another of its ornaments, Admiral Sir Sydney Smythe, was in a great measure thereby led to giveanother studious reading to that charming story, and hence to adopt aplan for its republication, now almost at maturity;" and he commended thenew issue especially "to all those engaged in the tuition of youth. "

One other anecdote of Flinders' boyhood has been preserved as a familytradition. It is that, while still a child, he was one day lost for somehours. He was ultimately found in the middle of one of the sea marshes, his pockets stuffed with pebbles, tracing the runlets of water, so thatby following them up he might find out whence they came. Many boys mighthave done the same; but this particular boy, in that act of enquiryconcerning geographical phenomena on a small scale, showed himself fatherto the man. 

"Against the wish of friends, " Flinders wrote, was his selection of anaval career. His father steadily but kindly opposed his desire, hopingthat his son would adopt the medical profession. But young Matthew wasnot easily thwarted. The call of the sea was strong within him, andpersistency was always a fibrous element in his character. 

The surgeon's house at Donington stood in the market square. It remainedin existence till 1908, when it was demolished to give place to what isdescribed as "a hideous new villa. " It was a plain, square, one-storybuilding with a small, low surgery built on to one side of it. Behind thedoor of the surgery hung a slate, upon which the elder Flinders wasaccustomed to write memoranda concerning appointments and cases. The lad, wishing to let his father know how keen was his desire to enter the Navy, and dreading a conversation on the subject--with probable reproaches, admonitions, warnings, and a general outburst of parentaldispleasure--made use of the surgeon's slate. He wrote upon it what hewanted his father to know, hung it on the nail, and left it there to tellits quiet story. 

He got his way in the end, but not without discouragement from otherquarters also. He had an uncle in the Navy, John Flinders, to whom hewrote asking for counsel. John's experience had not made him enamoured ofhis profession, and his reply was chilling. He pointed out that there waslittle chance of success without powerful interest. Promotion was slowand favouritism was rampant. He himself had served eleven years, and hadnot yet attained the rank of lieutenant, nor were his hopes of risingbetter than slender. 

From the strictly professional point of view it was not unreasonableadvice for the uncle to give. A student of the naval history of theperiod finds much to justify a discouraging attitude. Even the dazzlingcareer of Nelson might have been frustrated by a long protracted minorityhad he not had a powerful hand to help him up the lower rungs of theladder--the "interest" of Captain Suckling, his uncle, who in 1775 becameComptroller of the Navy, "a civil position, but one that carried with itpower and consequently influence. " Nelson became lieutenant after sevenyears' service, in 1777; but he owed his promotion to Suckling, who "wasable to exert his influence in behalf of his relative by promptlysecuring for him not only his promotion to lieutenant, which many waitedfor long, but with it his commission, dated April 10, to the Lowestofte, a frigate of thirty-two guns. "* (* Mahan, Life of Nelson edition of 1899pages 13 and 14. )

That even conduct of singular merit, performed in the crisis of action, was not sufficient to secure advancement, is illustrated by a strikingfact in the life of Sir John Hindmarsh, the first Governor of SouthAustralia (1836). At the battle of the Nile, Hindmarsh, a midshipman offourteen, was left in charge of the Bellerophon, all the other officersbeing killed or wounded. (It was upon this same vessel, as we shall seelater, that Flinders had a taste of sea fighting). When the Frenchline-of-battle ship L'Orient took fire she endangered the Bellerophon. The boy, with wonderful presence of mind, called up some hands, cut thecables, and was running the ship out of danger under a sprit sail, whenCaptain Darby came on deck from having his wounds dressed. Nelson, hearing of the incident, thanked young Hindmarsh before the ship'scompany, and afterwards gave him his commission in front of all hands, relating the story to them. "The sequel, " writes Admiral Sir T. S. Pasley, who relates the facts in his Journal, "does not sound so well. LordNelson died in 1805, and Hindmarsh is a commander still, in 1830, nothaving been made one till June, 1814. " A man with such a record certainlyhad to wait long before the sun of official favour shone upon him; andhis later success was won, not in the navy, but as a colonial governor. 

There was, then, much to make John Flinders believe that influence was asurer way to advancement than assiduous application or natural capacity. His own naval career did not turn out happily. A very few yearsafterwards he received his long-delayed promotion, served as lieutenantin the Cygnet, on the West Indies station, under Admiral Affleck, anddied of yellow fever on board his ship in 1793. 

John Flinders' letter, however, concluded with a piece of practicaladvice, in case his nephew should be undeterred by his opinion. Herecommended the study of three works as a preparation for entering theNavy: Euclid, John Robertson's Elements of Navigation (first editionpublished in 1754) and Hamilton Moore's book on Navigation. Matthewdisregarded the warning and took the practical advice. The books wereprocured and the young student plunged into their problems eagerly. Theyear devoted to their study in that quiet little fen town made him masterof rather more than the elements of a science which enabled him to becomeone of the foremost discoverers and cartograhers of a continent. Heprobably also practised map-making with assiduity, for his charts are notonly excellent as charts, but also singularly beautiful examples ofscientific drawing. 

After a year of book-work Flinders felt capable of acquitting himselfcreditably at sea, if he could secure an opportunity. In those daysentrance to the Royal Navy was generally secured by the nomination of asenior officer. There was no indispensable examination; no naval collegecourse was necessary. The captain of a ship could take a youth on boardto oblige his relatives, "or in return for the cancelling of atradesman's bill. "* (* Masefield's Sea Life in Nelson's Time 1905 gives agood account of the practice. ) It so happened that a cousin of Flindersoccupied the position of governess in the family of Captain Pasley(afterwards Admiral Sir Thomas Pasley) who at that time commanded H. M. S. Scipio. One of her pupils, Maria Pasley, developed into a young lady ofdecidedly vigorous character, as the following incident sufficientlyshows. While her father was commander-in-chief at Plymouth, she was oneday out in the Channel, beyond the Eddystone, in the Admiral's cutter. Asthe country was at war, she was courting danger; and in fact, the cutterwas sighted by a French cruiser, which gave chase. But Miss Pasleydeclined to run away. She "popped at the Frenchman with the cutter's twobrass guns. " It was like blowing peas at an elephant; and she wouldundoubtedly have been captured, had not an English frigate seen thedanger and put out to the rescue. 

Flinders' cousin had interested herself in his studies and ambitions, andgave him some encouragement. She also spoke about him to Captain Pasley, who seems to have listened sympathetically. It interested him to hear ofthis boy studying navigation without a tutor up among the fens. "Send forhim, " said Pasley, "I should like to see what stuff he is made of, andwhether he is worth making into a sailor. "

Young Matthew, then in his fifteenth year, was accordingly invited tovisit the Pasleys. In the later part of his life he used to relate withmerriment, how he went, was asked to dine, and then pressed to stay tillnext day under the captain's roof. He had brought no night attire withhim, not having expected to sleep at the house. When he was shown intohis bedroom, his needs had apparently been anticipated; for there, foldedup neatly upon the pillow, was a sleeping garment ready for use. Heappreciated the consideration; but having attired himself for bed, hefound himself enveloped in a frothy abundance of frills and fal-lals, lace at the wrists, lace round the neck, with flutters of ribbon here andthere. When, at the breakfast table in the morning, he related how he hadbeen rigged, there was a shriek of laughter from the young ladies; thesimple explanation being that one of them had vacated her room toaccommodate the visitor, and had forgotten to remove her nightdress. 

The visit had more important consequences. Captain Pasley very soon sawthat he had an exceptional lad before him, and at once put him on theAlert. He was entered as "lieutenant's servant" on October 23rd, 1789. Heremained there for rather more than seven months, learning the practicalpart of a sailor's business. On May 17th, 1790, he was able to presenthimself to Captain Pasley on the Scipio at Chatham, as an aspirant ofmore than ordinary efficiency; and remained under his command until thenext year, following him as a midshipman when he left the Scipio for theBellerophon in July, 1790. 

This famous ship, which carried 74 guns, and was launched in 1786, ischiefly known to history as the vessel upon which Napoleon surrendered toCaptain Maitland on July 15th, 1815, after the Waterloo debacle. She tooka prominent part in Nelson's great battles at the Nile and Trafalgar. Buther end was pitifully ignoble. After a glorious and proud career, she wasconverted into a convict hulk and re-named the Captivity. A great prosemaster has reminded us, in words that glow upon his impassioned page, ofthe slight thought given by the practical English to the fate of anotherline-of-battle ship that had flown their colours in the stress of war. "Those sails that strained so full bent into the battle, that broad bowthat struck the surf aside, enlarging silently in steadfast haste fullfront to the shot, those triple ports whose choirs of flame rang forth intheir courses, into the fierce avenging monotone, which, when it diedaway, left no answering voice to rise any more upon the sea against thestrength of England, those sides that were wet with the long runlets ofEnglish life-blood, like press-planks at vintage, gleaming goodly crimsondown to the cast and clash of the washing foam, those pale masts thatstayed themselves up against the war-ruin, shaking out their ensignsthrough the thunder, till sail and ensign drooped, steeped in thedeath-stilled pause of Andalusian air, burning with its witness clouds ofhuman souls at rest--surely for these some sacred care might have beenleft in our thoughts, some quiet resting place amidst the lapse ofEnglish waters? Nay, not so, we have stern keepers to trust her glory to, the fire and the worm. Never more shall sunset lay golden robe on her, nor starlight tremble on the waves that part at her gliding. Perhaps, where the gate opens to some cottage garden, the tired traveller may ask, idly, why the moss grows so green on its rugged wood; and even thesailor's child may not answer nor know, that the night-dew lies deep inthe war-rents of the wood of the old Temeraire. "

But even the decline of might and dignity into decrepitude and obliviondescribed in that luminous passage is less pathetic than the conversionof the glorious Bellerophon, with her untarnished traditions of historicvictories, into a hulk for the punishment of rascals, and the changing ofher unsullied name to an alias significant only of shame. 

During this preliminary period Flinders learnt the way about a ship andacquired instruction in the mechanism of seamanship, but there was as yetno opportunity to obtain deep-water experience. He was transferred to theDictator for a brief period, but as he neither mentions the captain noralludes to any other circumstance connected therewith, it was probably amere temporary turnover or guardship rating not to lose any time ofservice. * (* Naval Chronicle 1814. )

His first chance of learning something about the width of the world andthe wonder of its remote places came in 1791, when he went to sea underthe command of a very remarkable man. William Bligh had sailed with JamesCook on his third and fatal voyage of discovery, 1776 to 1780. He wastwenty-three years of age when he was selected by that sagacious leaderas one of those young officers who "under my direction could be usefullyemployed in constructing charts, in taking views of the coasts andheadlands near which we should pass, and in drawing plans of the bays andharbours in which we should anchor;" for Cook recognised that constantattention to these duties was "wholly requisite if he would render ourdiscoveries profitable to future navigators. "* (* Cook's Voyages editionof 1821 5 page 92. )

Bligh's name appears frequently in Cook's Journal, and is also mentionedin King's excellent narrative of the conclusion of the voyage afterCook's murder. He was master of the Resolution, and was on severaloccasions entrusted with tasks of some consequence: as for instance onfirst reaching Hawaii, when Cook sent him ashore to look for fresh water, and again at Kealakeakura Bay (January 16, 1779) when he reported that hehad found good anchorage and fresh water "in a situation admirable tocome at. " It was a fatal discovery, for on the white sands of that bay, amonth later (February 14), the great British seaman fell, speared by thesavages. 

On each of Cook's voyages a call had been made at Tahiti in the Societygroup. Bligh no doubt heard much about the charms of the place before hefirst saw it himself. He was destined to have his own name associatedwith it in a highly romantic and adventurous manner. The idyllic beautyof the life of the Tahitians, their amiable and seductivecharacteristics, the warm suavity of the climate, the profusion of foodand drink to be enjoyed on the island with the smallest conceivableamount of exertion, made the place stand out in all the narratives ofCook's expeditions like a green-and-golden gem set in a turquoise sea, alotos-land "in which it seemed always afternoon, " a paradise where loveand plenty reigned and care and toil were not. George Forster, the Germannaturalist who accompanied Cook on his second voyage, wrote of the men as"models of masculine beauty, " whose perfect proportions would havesatisfied the eye of Phidias or Praxiteles; of the women as beings whose"unaffected smiles and a wish to please ensure them mutual esteem andlove;" and of the life they led as being diversified between bathing incool streams, reposing under tufted trees, feeding on luscious fruits, telling tales, and playing the flute. In fact, Forster declared, they"resembled the happy, indolent people whom Ulysses found in Phaeacia, andcould apply the poet's lines to themselves with peculiar propriety:

'To dress, to dance, to sing our sole delight, The feast or bath by day, and love by night. '"

In Tahiti grew an abundance of breadfruit. It was in connection with thisnutritious food, one of nature's richest gifts to the Pacific, that Blighundertook a mission which involved him in a mutiny, launched him upon oneof the most dangerous and difficult voyages in the annals of Britishseamanship, and provided a theme for a long poem by one of the greatestof English authors. Byron it was who, writing as though the treessprouted quartern loaves ready baked, said of it (The Island 2 11):

"The bread-tree, which without the ploughshare yieldsThe unreaped harvest of unfurrowed fields, And bakes its unadulterated loavesWithout a furnace in unpurchased groves, And flings off famine from its fertile breast, A priceless market for the gathering guest. "

Breadfruit had been tasted and described by Dampier in the seventeenthcentury. His description of it has all the terse directness peculiar tothe writing of the inquisitive buccaneer, with a touch of quaintness thatmakes the passage desirable to quote:* (* Dampier's Voyages edition of1729 1 page 294. )

"The breadfruit, as we call it, grows on a large tree as big and as tallas our largest apple trees. It hath a spreading head full of branches anddark leaves. The fruit grows on the boughs like apples; it is as big as apenny loaf when wheat is at five shillings the bushel. The natives ofthis island (Suam) use it for bread. They gather it when full-grown; thenthey bake it in an oven, which scorcheth the rind and makes it black; butthey scrape off the outside black crust and there remains a tender thincrust and the inside is soft, tender and white, like the crumb of a pennyloaf. There is neither seed nor stone in the inside, but all is of a puresubstance like bread; it must be eaten new, for if it is kept abovetwenty-four hours it becomes dry and eats harsh and chokey; but 'tis verypleasant before it is too stale. "

By Dampier, who in the course of his astonishing career had consumed manystrange things--who found shark's flesh "good entertainment, " and roastopossum "sweet wholesome meat"--toleration in the matter of things ediblewas carried to the point of latitudinarianism. We never find Dampiersqueamish about anything which anybody else could eat with relish. Tohim, naturally, the first taste of breadfruit was pleasing. But Cook wasmore critical. "The natives seldom make a meal without it, " he said, "though to us the taste was as disagreeable as that of a pickled olivegenerally is the first time it is eaten. " That opinion, perhaps, accordswith the common experience of neophytes in tropical gastronomy. But newsensations in the matter of food are not always to be depended on. SirJoseph Banks disliked bananas when he first tasted them. 

The immense popularity of Cook's voyages spread afar the fame ofbreadfruit as an article of food. Certain West Indian planters were ofopinion that it would be advantageous to establish the trees on theirislands and to encourage the consumption of the fruit by their slaves. Not only was it considered that the use of breadfruit would cheapen thecost of the slaves' living, but--a consideration that weighed both withthe planters and the British Government in view of existing relationswith the United States--it was also believed that it would "lessen thedependence of the sugar islands on North America for food andnecessaries. "* (* Bryan Edwards History of the British West Indies 1819 140. )

The planters petitioned the Government to fit out an expedition totransplant trees from the Pacific to the Atlantic. Sir Joseph Banksstrongly supported them, and Lord Hood, then First Lord of the Admiralty, was sympathetic. In August, 1787, Lieutenant Bligh was appointed to thecommand of the Bounty, was directed to sail to the Society Islands, totake on board "as many trees and plants as may be thought necessary, " andto transplant them to British possessions in the West Indies. 

The vessel sailed, with two skilled gardeners on board to superintend theselection and treatment of the plants. Tahiti was duly reached, and thebusiness of the expedition was taken in hand. One thousand and fifteenfine trees were chosen and carefully stowed. But the comfortableindolence, the luxuriant abundance, the genial climate, the happyhospitality of the handsome islanders, and their easy freedom fromcompunction in reference to restraints imposed by law and custom inEurope, had a demoralising effect upon the crew of the Bounty. A stay oftwenty-three weeks at the island sufficed to subvert discipline and topersuade some of Bligh's sailors that life in Tahiti was far preferableto service in the King's Navy under the rule of a severe and exactingcommander. 

When the Bounty left Tahiti on April 14, 1787, reluctance plucked at theheart of many of the crew. The morning light lay tenderly upon the plumesof the palms, and a light wind filled the sails of the ship as she glidedout of harbour. As the lazy lapping wash of the waters against the lowouter fringe of coral was lost to the ear, the Bounty breasted the deepocean; and as the distinguishable features of green tree, white sand, brown earth, and grey rock faded out of vision, wrapped in a haze ofblue, till at last the only pronounced characteristic of the islandstanding up against the sky and sea was the cap of Point Venus at thenorthern extremity--the departure must have seemed to some like that ofTannhauser from the enchanted mountain, except that the legendary herowas glad to make his return to the normal world, whereas all of Bligh'scompany were not. For them, westward, whither they were bound, "There gaped the gateWhereby lost souls back to the cold earth went. "

The discipline of ship's life, and the stormings and objurgations of thecommanding officer, chafed like an iron collar. At length a storm burst. 

On April 28 the Bounty was sailing towards Tofoa, another of the SocietyIslands. Just before sunrise on the following morning Bligh was arousedfrom sleep, seized and bound in his cabin by a band of mutineers, led outby the master's mate, Fletcher Christian, and, with eighteen companions, dropped into a launch and bidden to depart. The followers of Christianwere three midshipmen and twenty-five petty officers and sailors. Theyturned the head of the Bounty back towards their island paradise; and asthey sailed away, the mariners in the tossing little boat heard themcalling "Hurrah for Tahiti!"

The frail craft in which the nineteen loyalists were compelled to attemptto traverse thousands of miles of ocean, where the navigation is perhapsthe most intricate in the world, was but 23 feet long by 6 feet 9 inchesbroad and 2 feet 9 inches deep. Their provisions consisted of 150 poundsof bread, 16 pieces of pork, each about two pounds in weight, six quartsof rum, six bottles of wine, and 28 gallons of water. With this scantystock of nourishment, in so small a boat, Bligh and his companionscovered 3618 miles, crossing the western Pacific, sailing through TorresStrait, and ultimately reaching Timor. 

That Bligh was somewhat deficient in tact and sympathy in handling men, cross-grained, harsh, and obstinate, is probably true. His language wasoften lurid, he lavished foul epithets upon his crew, and he was notreluctant to follow terms of abuse by vigorous chastisement. He calledChristian a "damned hound, " some of the men "scoundrels, thieves andrascals, " and he met a respectful remonstrance with the retort: "Youdamned infernal scoundrels, I'll make you eat grass or anything you cancatch before I have done with you. " Naval officers of the period were notaddicted to addressing their men in the manner of a lady with a petcanary. Had Bligh's language been the head and front of his offending, hewould hardly have shocked an eighteenth century fo'c'sle. But hisdisposition does not seem to have bound men to him. He generated dislike. Nevertheless it is credible that the explanation which he gave goes farto explain the mutiny. He held that the real cause was a species ofsensuous intoxication which had corrupted his crew. 

"The women of Tahiti, " Bligh wrote, "are handsome, mild and cheerful intheir manners and conversation, possessed of great sensibility, and havesufficient delicacy to make them admired and loved. The chiefs were somuch attached to our people that they rather encouraged their stay amongthem than otherwise, and even made them promises of large possessions. Under these and other attendant circumstances equally desirable, it isperhaps not so much to be wondered at, though scarcely possible to havebeen foreseen, that a set of sailors, many of them void of connections, should be led away; especially when in addition to such powerfulinducements they imagined it in their power to fix themselves in themidst of plenty on one of the finest islands in the world, where theyneed not labour, and where the allurements of dissipation are beyondanything that can be conceived... Had their mutiny been occasioned by anygrievance, either real or imaginary, I must have discovered symptoms oftheir discontent, which would have put me on my guard; but the case wasfar otherwise. Christian in particular I was on the most friendly termswith; that very day he was engaged to have dined with me; and thepreceding night he excused himself from supping with me on pretence ofbeing unwell, for which I felt concerned, having no suspicions of hisintegrity and honour. "

Support is given to Bligh's explanation by a statement alleged to havebeen made by Fletcher Christian a few years later, the genuineness ofwhich, however, is open to serious question. If it could be accepted, Christian acquitted his commander of having contributed to the mutiny byharsh conduct. He ascribed the occurrence "to the strong predilection wehad contracted for living in Tahiti, where, exclusive of the happydisposition of the inhabitants, the mildness of the climate, and thefertility of the soil, we had formed certain tender connections whichbanished the remembrance of old England from our breasts. " The weight ofevidence justifies the belief that Bligh, though a sailor of unequivocalskill and dauntless courage, was an unlikeable man, and that aversion toservice under him was a factor contributing to the mutiny which cannot beexplained away. 

Bligh is the connecting link between Cook and Flinders. Bligh learnedunder Cook to experience the thrilling pleasure of discovery and topursue opportunities in that direction in a scientific spirit. Flinderslearnt the same lesson under Bligh, and bettered the instruction. Cook isthe first great scientific navigator whose name is associated with theconstruction of the map of Australia; so much can be said withoutdisparagement of the adventurous Dutchmen who pieced together the outlineof the western and northern coasts. Flinders was the second; and Bligh, pupil of the one and teacher of the other, deserves a better fate than tobe remembered chiefly as a sinister figure in two historic mutinies, thatof the Bounty, and that which ended his governorship of New South Walesin 1808. Much worse men have done much worse things than he, have lessthat is brave, honourable, enterprising and original to their credit, andyet are remembered without ignominy. It is said by Hooker: "as oftentimesthe vices of wicked men do cause other their commendable virtues to beabhorred, so the honour of great men's virtues is easily a cloak to theirerrors. " Bligh fell short of being a great man, but neither was he a badman; and the merit of his achievements, both as a navigator and amid theshock of battle (especially at Copenhagen in 1801, under Nelson), mustnot be overlooked, even though stern history will not permit his errorsto be cloaked. 

Notwithstanding the failure of the Bounty expedition, Sir Joseph Bankspressed upon the Government the desirableness of transplanting breadfruittrees to the West Indies. He also proved a staunch friend to Bligh. Theresult was that the Admiralty resolved to equip a second enterprise forthe same purpose, and to entrust the command of it to the same officer. 

We may now follow the fortunes of Matthew Flinders under the tutelage ofthis energetic captain. 

CHAPTER 3. A VOYAGE UNDER BLIGH. 

Bligh's second expedition was authorised by the admiralty in March, 1791, and the commander was consulted as to "what sort of vessel may be bestadapted to the object in view. " The Providence, a 28-gun ship, waschosen, with the brig Assistant as a tender. The latter was placed incharge of Lieutenant Nathaniel Portlock. Flinders, eager for seaexperience, joined the Providence as a midshipman on May 8th, and thushad the advantage of being under the immediate direction of her captain. 

He took this step with Pasley's concurrence, if not actually upon hisadvice. The captain wrote him an encouraging letter asking him to sendfrom time to time observations on places visited during the voyage; andhis protege complied with the injunction. It is to this fact that we owesome entertaining passages from young Flinders' pen concerning thevoyage. The letters despatched to Pasley are lost; but Flinders, with thelove of neatness which was ever characteristic of him, sent only faircopies, and some of his original drafts remain in manuscript. Pasley'sletter was as follows:* (*Flinders' Papers. )

Bellerophon, Spithead, June 3rd, 1791. 

Dear Flinders, I am favoured with your letter on your return from visiting your friendsat the country, and I am pleased to hear that you are so well satisfiedwith your situation on board the Providence. I have little doubt of yourgaining the good opinion of Capt. Bligh, if you are equally attentive toyour duty there as you were in the Bellerophon. All that I have torequest in return for the good offices I have done you is that you neverfail writing me by all possible opportunities during your voyage; andthat in your letters you will be very particular and circumstantial inregard to every thing and place you may chance to see or visit, with yourown observations thereon. Do this, my young friend, and you may restassured that my good offices will not be wanting some future day for youradvancement. All on board are well. Present my kind remembrances toCaptain and Mrs. Bligh, and believe me, yours very sincerely, THOMAS PASLEY. 

The Providence and Assistant left England on August 2nd. From Santa Cruzin Teneriffe Flinders sent his first letter to Captain Pasley. It isworth while to quote a few passages:* (* Flinders' Papers. )

"Not a large town; streets wide, ill-paved and irregular. The houses ofthe principal inhabitants large; have little furniture, but are airy andpleasant, suitable to the climate. Most of them have balconies, where theowners sit and enjoy the air. Those of the lower classes ill-built, dirty, and almost without furniture. In the square where the market isheld, near the pier, is a tolerably elegant marble obelisk in honour ofour Lady of Candelaria, the tutelar goddess of the place. The Spaniardserected this statue, calling it Our Lady, keeping up some semblance ofthe ancient worship that they might better keep the Tenerifeans insubjection. At the top of the obelisk is placed the statue, and at itsbase are four well executed figures, representing the ancient kings orprinces of Teneriffe, each of which has the shin-bone of a man's leg inhis hand. This image is held in great honour by the lower classes ofpeople, who tell many absurd stories of its first appearance in theisland, the many miracles she has wrought, etc. 

"We visited a nunnery of the order of St. Dominic. In the chapel was afine statue of the Virgin Mary, with four wax candles burning before her. Peeping through the bars, we perceived several fine young women atprayers. A middle-aged woman opened the door halfway, but would by nomeans suffer us to enter this sanctified spot. None of the nuns would beprevailed upon to come near us. However, they did not seem at alldispleased at our visit, but presented us with a sweet candy they callDulce, and some artificial flowers, in return for which Mr. Smith* (* Thebotanist. ) gave them a dollar. In general these people appear to be amerry, good-natured people, and are courteous to and appear happy to seestrangers. We found this always the case, although they said we were noChristians: but they generally took care to make us pay well for what wehad. They live principally upon fruits and roots, are fond of singing anddancing, and upon the whole they live as lazily, as contentedly, and inas much poverty as any French peasant would wish to do. "

The Cape of Good Hope was reached in October, and Flinders told CaptainPasley what he thought of the Dutch colonists:

"The Dutch, from having great quantities of animal food, are rathercorpulent. Nevertheless they keep up their national characteristic forcarefulness. Neither are they very polite. A stranger will be treatedwith a great deal of ceremony, but when you come to the solid part of acompliment their generosity is at a stand. Of all the people I ever sawthese are the most ceremonious. Every man is a soldier and wears hissquare-rigged hat, sword, epaulets, and military uniform. They never passeach other without a formal bow, which even descends to the lowest ranks, and it is even seen in the slaves. "

On April 10th, 1792, Bligh's ships anchored at Tahiti, where theyremained till July 19th. There was no disturbance this time, and therelations between Bligh and his crew were not embarrassed by theindulgent kindness of the islanders. Their hospitality was not deficient, but a wary vigilance was exercised. 

At Tahiti Bligh found the major part of the crew of a whaler, theMatilda, which had been wrecked about six days' sail from the island. Some of the men accepted passages on the Providence and the Assistant;some preferred to remain with the natives; one or two had alreadydeparted in one of the lost ship's boats to make their way to Sydney. * (*This incident is reported in the Star, a London newspaper, March 2nd, 1793. ) Two male Tahitians were persuaded to accompany the expedition, with a view to their exhibition before the Royal Society, in England, when at length, laden with 600 breadfruit trees, it sailed for the WestIndies. 

The route followed from the Friendly Islands to the Caribbean Sea was notvia Cape Horn (since that cold and stormy passage would have destroyedevery plant), but back across the Pacific, through Torres Strait toTimor, thence across the Indian Ocean and round the Cape of Good Hope. St. Helena was reached on December 17, and Bligh brought his ships safelyto Kingston, St. Vincent's, on January 13th 1793. Three hundredbreadfruit trees were landed at that island, and a like number taken toJamaica. The plants were in excellent condition, some of them eleven feethigh, with leaves 36 inches long. The gardener in charge reported to SirJoseph Banks that the success of the transplantations "exceeded the mostsanguine expectation. " The sugar planters were delighted, and voted Bligh500 pounds for his services. * (* Southey, History of the West Indies, 1827 3 61. ) To accentuate the contrast between the successful secondexpedition and the lamentable voyage of the Bounty, it is notable thatonly one case of sickness occurred on the way, and that from Kingston itwas reported that "the healthy appearance of every person belonging tothe expedition is remarkable. "* (* Annual Register 1793 page 6. )

But though nothing in the nature of a mutiny marred the voyage, Flinders'journal shows that Bligh's harshness occasioned discontent. There was ashortness of water on the run from the Pacific to the West Indies, and asthe breadfruit plants had to be watered, and their safe carriage was themain object of the voyage, the men had to suffer. Flinders and othersused to lick the drops that fell from the cans to appease their thirst, and it was considered a great favour to get a sip. The crew thought theywere unfairly treated, and somebody mischievously watered some plantswith sea-water. When Bligh discovered the offence, he flew into a rageand "longed to flog the whole company. " But the offender could not bediscovered, and the irate captain had to let his passion fret itself out. 

Bligh published no narrative of this expedition; but Flinders was alreadyaccustoming himself to keep careful notes of his observations. Twentyyears later, when preparing the historical introduction to his Voyage toTerra Australis, he wrote out from his journal (and with Bligh's sanctionpublished) an account of the passage of the Providence and Assistantthrough Torres Strait, as a contribution to the history of navigation anddiscovery in that portion of Australasia. From the Pacific to the IndianOcean the passage was accomplished in nineteen days. "Perhaps, " commentedFlinders, "no space of 3 1/2 degrees in length presents more dangers thanTorres Strait, but with caution and perseverance the captains, Bligh andPortlock, proved them to be surmountable, and within a reasonable time. "Bligh's Entrance and Portlock Reef, marked on modern charts, arereminders of a feat of navigation which even nowadays, with the dangersaccurately described, and the well-equipped Torres Strait pilot serviceto aid them, mariners recognise as pregnant with serious risks. On thisoccasion it was also attended with incidents which make it worth while toutilise Flinders' notes, since they are of some biographical importance. 

The high lands of the south-eastern extremity of Papua (New Guinea), werepassed on August 30th, and at dusk on the following day breakers"thundering on the reef" were sighted ahead. On September 1st the vesselsedged round the north end of Portlock Reef. Thence the monotonous recordof soundings, shoals, reefs seen and charted, passages tried andabandoned, in the prolonged attempt to negotiate a clear course throughthe baffling coral barrier, is relieved by the story of one or two sharpbrushes with armed Papuans in their long, deftly-handled canoes. OnSeptember 5th, while boats were out investigating a supposed passage nearDarnley Island, several large canoes shot into view. One of these, inwhich were fifteen "Indians, " black and quite naked, approached theEnglish cutter, and made signs which were interpreted to be amicable. Theofficer in charge, however, suspecting treacherous intentions, did notthink it prudent to go near enough to accept a green cocoanut held up tohim, and kept his men rowing for the ship. Thereupon a native sitting onthe shed erected in the centre of the canoe, called a direction to thePapuans below him, who commenced to string their bows. The officerordered his men to fire in self-defence, and six muskets were discharged. 

"The Indians fell flat into the bottom of the canoe, all except the manon the shed. The seventh musket was fired at him, and he fell also. During this time the canoe dropped astern; and, the three others havingjoined her, they all gave chase to the cutter, trying to cut her off fromthe ship; in which they would probably have succeeded, had not thepinnace arrived at that juncture to her assistance. The Indians thenhoisted their sails and steered for Darnley Island. " Flinders had watchedthe encounter from the deck of the Providence, and his seaman's word ofadmiration for the skill of the savages in the management of theircanoes, is notable. "No boats could have been manoeuvred better inworking to windward, than were these canoes of the naked savages. Had thefour been able to reach the cutter, it is difficult to say whether thesuperiority of our arms would have been equal to the great difference ofnumbers, considering the ferocity of these people and the skill withwhich they seemed to manage their weapons. "

Five days later, between Dungeness and Warrior Islands, there was alivelier encounter. A squadron of canoes attacked both ships in a daringand vigorous fashion. The Assistant was pressed with especial severity, so that Portlock had to signal for help. A volley of musketry had littleeffect upon the Papuans; and when one wing of the attacking squadron, numbering eight canoes, headed for the Providence, and a musket was firedat the foremost, the natives responded with a great shout and paddledforward in a body. " Bligh had one of the great guns of the ship loadedwith round and grape shot, and fired fair into the first of the longPapuan war canoes, which were full of savage assailants. The round shotraked the whole length of the craft, and struck the high stern. Men fromother canoes, with splendid bravery, leaped into the water, and swam tothe assistance of their comrades, "plunging constantly to avoid themusket balls which showered thickly about them. " So hard was the attackpressed, that three of the Assistant's crew were wounded, one afterwardsdying; and "the depth to which the arrows penetrated into the decks andsides of the brig was reported to be truly astonishing. " But bows andarrows, on this as on many another occasion, were no match for gunnery;so that, after a hot peppering, the Papuans gave up the fight, paddlingback to a safe distance as fast as they could, without exposingthemselves to fire. They rallied beyond reach of musket balls, as thoughfor a second onslaught, but a shot fired over their heads from theProvidence served to convince them of the hopelessness of theirendeavour, and they abandoned it. 

An incident not without heroic pathos is recorded by Flinders. One nativewas left sitting alone in the canoe which the gun-shot of the Providencehad raked and splintered. The men in the canoes which had made good theirflight observed their solitary companion, and some of them returned tohim; whereafter "with glasses, signals were perceived to be made by theIndians to their friends on Dungeness Island, expressive, as was thought, of grief and consternation. " Whether the lone warrior was too severelywounded to be moved, or whether he was some Papuan Casabianca clinging tohis shattered craft "whence all but he had fled" or been killed, orhurled into the sea, we are not told. But that canoe had been foremost inattack, perhaps the flagship of the squadron; and the memory of thatsolitary warrior still sitting upon the floating wreck while his defeatedcompanions returned to him, and then left him, to explain his case withgestures of grief to those on the island, clings to the memory of thereader, as it did to that of the young observer and historian of theencounter. 

No more natives were seen during the passage through Torres Strait, norwere there other incidents to enliven the narrative, unless we includethe formal "taking possession of all the islands seen in the Strait forHis Britannic Majesty George III, with the ceremonies used on suchoccasions" (September 16). The name bestowed upon the whole group ofislands was Clarence's Archipelago. 

Flinders described the natives whom he saw carefully and accurately; andhis account of their boats, weapons, and mode of warfare is concise andgood. Some friendly Darnley Islanders were described as stoutly made, with bushy hair; the cartilage between the nostrils cut away; the lobesof the ears split, and stretched "to a good length. " "They had no kind ofclothing, but wore necklaces of cowrie shells fastened to a braid offibres; and some of their companions had pearl-oyster shells hung roundtheir necks. In speaking to each other, their words seemed to bedistinctly pronounced. Their arms were bows, arrows, and clubs, whichthey bartered for every kind of iron work with eagerness, but appeared toset little value on anything else. The bows are made of split bamboo, andso strong that no man in the ship could bend one of them. The string is abroad slip of cane fixed to one end of the bow; and fitted with a nooseto go over the other end when strung. The arrow is a cane of about fourfeet long, into which a pointed piece of the hard, heavy, casuarina woodis firmly and neatly fitted; and some of them were barbed. Their clubsare made of casuarina, and are powerful weapons. The hand part isindented, and has a small knob, by which the firmness of the grasp ismuch assisted; and the heavy end is usually carved with some device. Onehad the form of a parrots head, with a ruff round the neck, and was notill done. 

"Their canoes are about fifty feet in length, and appear to have beenhollowed out of a single tree; and the pieces which form the gunwales areplanks sewed on with fibres of the cocoanut and secured with pegs. Thesevessels are low forward, but rise abaft; and, being narrow, are fittedwith an outrigger on each side to keep them steady. A raft, of greaterbreadth than the canoe, extends over about half the length, and upon thisis fixed a shed or hut, thatched with palm leaves. These people, inshort, appeared to be dexterous sailors and formidable warriors, and tobe as much at ease in the water as in their canoes. "

On September 19th the two ships, with caution and perseverance, hadthreaded their dangerous way through the intricate maze of reefs andshoals of Torres Strait, and found open sea to the westward. In latitude10 degrees 8 1/2 minutes "no land was in sight, nor did anything moreobstruct Captain Bligh and his associates in their route to the islandTimor. "

It is easy to imagine the delight with which these experiences thrilledthe young midshipman on the Providence. His eighteenth birthday was spentin the Pacific, in the early Autumn of a hemisphere where the sea was notyet cloven by innumerable keels, and where beauty, enchantment andmystery lay upon life and nature like a spell. A few years previously hehad been a schoolboy in the flattest, most monotonous of English shires. Broad fields, dykes and fen had composed the landscape most familiar tohis eye. In these surroundings he had dreamed, as a boy will, ofpalm-fanned islands in distant climes, of adventures with savage peoples, of strange seas where great fishes are, and where romance touches allthat is with its purple light. Far horizons steeped in marvels hadbounded the vision of his imagining eye. His passion was to see and do inrealms at the back of the sunrise. He wanted to sail and explore in partsrepresented by blank spaces on the map. 

These dreams of the boy, basking with Robinson Crusoe under remote skies, were suddenly translated into a reality as dazzling-bright and wonderfulas anything pictured in pages often and fondly conned. This was his firstvoyage, and he was serving under a commander who had lived the romancethat other men wrote and read about, who was himself a living part of anadventure whose story will be told and re-told to the centuries, and whohad served under as great and noble a captain as ever trod an Englishdeck. 

The very nature of the voyage was bound to stimulate that "passion forexploring new countries, " to use Flinders' own phrase, the hope for whichwas a strong factor in prompting him to choose the sea as a career. Itwas a voyage whose primary object involved a stay in two of the loveliestregions on the earth, the paradise of the Pacific and the gem-likeAntilles. The pride and pleasure of participation in discovery were hisforthwith. A new passage through an intricate and dangerous Strait wasfound and charted; a whole archipelago was delineated, named, and takenpossession of for the British nation. The world's knowledge wasincreased. There was something put down on the map which was not therebefore. The contact with the islanders in the Strait gave a brisk elementof adventure to the expedition; and certainly Papuan warriors are foes aswild and weird as any adventurer can desire to meet. The rescuing ofwrecked mariners at Tahiti added a spice of adventure of another sort. From beginning to end, indeed, this voyage must have been as full ofcharm as of utility. 

The effect it had upon the future life of Matthew Flinders was verystriking. The whole of the salient features of his later career followfrom it. He made the most of his opportunities. Captain Bligh found him aclever assistant in the preparation of charts and in making astronomicalobservations. Indeed, says an expert writer, although Flinders was as yet"but a juvenile navigator, the latter branch of scientific service andthe care of the timekeepers were principally entrusted to him. "* (* NavalChronicle Volume 32 180. ) These facts indicate that he was applyinghimself seriously to the scientific side of his profession, and that hehad won the confidence of a captain who was certainly no over-indulgentcritic of subordinates. 

The Providence and the Assistant returned to England in the latter partof 1793. Before Flinders once more sighted the Australian coastline hewas to experience the sensations of battle, and to take a small part inthe first of the series of naval engagements connected with theRevolutionary and Napoleonic era. 

CHAPTER 4. THE BATTLE OFF BREST. 

When Bligh's expedition returned, Europe was staggering under the shockof the French Revolution. The head of Louis XVI was severed in January;the knife of Charlotte Corday was plunged into the heart of Marat inJuly; Marie Antoinette, the grey discrowned Queen of thirty-eight, mounted the scaffold in October. The guillotine was very busy, and Francewas frantic amid internal disruption and the menace of a ring of foes. 

The English governing classes had been clamouring for war. It seemed tomany political observers that it was positively needful to launch thecountry into an international struggle to divert attention from demandsfor domestic reform. "Democratic ambition was awakened; the desire ofpower, under the name of reform, was rapidly gaining ground among themiddling ranks; the only mode of checking the evil was by engaging in aforeign contest, by drawing off the ardent spirits into active serviceand, in lieu of the modern desire for innovation, rousing the ancientgallantry of the British people. "* (* Alison, History of Europe, 1839 2128. ) French military operations in the Netherlands, running counter totraditional British policy, were provocative, and the feeling aroused bythe execution of Louis immediately led Pitt's ministry to order theFrench Ambassador, Chauvelin, to leave London within eight days. He leftat once. On February 1st, acting on Chauvelin's report of the dispositionand preparations of Great Britain, France formally declared war. 

Flinders was with Bligh, peacefully landing breadfruit trees in the WestIndies, when this momentous opening of a twenty-two years' conflictoccurred. When the expedition reached England, every port and dockyard onthe south coast was humming with preparations for a great naval struggle. The Channel Fleet, under Lord Howe's command, was cruising in search ofthe enemy's ships of war. Flinders' patron, Pasley, who had hoisted hisbroad pennant as commodore on the Bellerophon, was actively engaged inthis service. In October, 1793, he was detached by Howe to look for fiveFrench vessels that had some time before chased the British frigate Circeinto Falmouth. Howe himself, with a fleet of 22 sail, put to sea later inthe same month. On November 18 his squadron sighted six French ships ofthe line and some frigates, and gave chase. But they were seen late inthe day, and soon darkness prevented an engagement. On the followingmorning the enemy was again sighted by the chasing squadron under Pasley;but the Latona signalled that the French were in superior strength, andthe British detachment retired. * (* James, Naval History, 1837 1 60. )Howe's cruise was barren of results, and the British fleet returned toTorbay. Naval operations were suspended for several months. 

Flinders naturally took advantage of the earliest opportunity to reporthimself to the friend who had first helped him into the King's Navy. Pasley, who was promoted on April 12th, 1794, to the rank of Rear-Admiralof the White, again welcomed him on board the Bellerophon and, hearingfrom Captain Bligh excellent accounts of his diligence and usefulness, appointed him one of his aides-de-camp. It was in this capacity that hetook part in the great battle off Brest on June 1st, 1794, signalised inBritish naval history as "the glorious First of June. "

Lord Howe, with the Channel Fleet (thirty-four ships of the line andfifteen frigates) put to sea on May 2nd with two purposes: first, toconvoy to a safe distance from the probable field of hostilities asquadron of 148 British merchantmen bound for various ports; second, tointercept and destroy a French fleet which was known to be convoying alarge company of provision-ships from America. War, bad harvests, thedisorganization of industry, and revolutionary upheavals, had produced anacute scarcity of food in France, and the arrival of these vessels wasawaited with intense anxiety. To prevent their arrival, or to destroy theFrench squadron, would be to strike a serious blow at the enemy. Howe hadunder him a fleet eager for fight; against him, a foe keenly aware howvitally necessary to their country was the arrival of the food-ships. 

The French fleet (twenty-six ships of the line) under the command ofVillaret-Joyeuse, put to sea from Brest on May 16. Some foggy daysintervened. On the 28th Howe sighted them. The French admiral formed hisships in a close line. Howe's plan was first to get his fleet to windwardof the enemy, then to sail down, pierce his line, and engage his vesselsto leeward. 

The Bellerophon was in action shortly after coming within strikingdistance, on the 28th May. Pasley, at six o'clock in the evening, attacked the French rear, his immediate antagonist being theRevolutionnaire, 110 guns. A hot duel, maintained with splendidintrepidity by the British rear-admiral, continued for over an hour and aquarter, for the other ships of the British fleet were unable to get upto support the fast-sailing Bellerophon. She was severely handled by herlarge antagonist, and was hampered in her ability to manoeuvre by a shotwhich injured her mainmast. Pasley therefore, on a signal from theAdmiral, bore up. The Revolutionnaire was now attacked from a distance bythe Russell, the Marlborough and the Thunderer, and endeavoured to makeoff, but was blocked by the Leviathan. The Audacious (74) took up thework which the Bellerophon had commenced, and, laying herself on the leequarter of the Revolutionnaire, poured a rain of shot into her. The fightwas continued in a rough sea far into the twilight of that early summerevening; until, about 10 o'clock, the Revolutionnaire was a mere floatinghulk. Her flag had either been lowered or shot down, but she was notcaptured, and was towed into Rochefort on the following day. TheAudacious was so badly knocked about that she was of no use for laterengagements, and was sent home. 

This was Matthew Flinders' first taste of war. 

Howe's plan for the big battle that was imminent involved muchmanoeuvring, and, as Nelson wrote in his celebrated "plan of attack"before Trafalgar, "a day is soon lost in that business. " The Britishmanoeuvred to get the weather gauge; Villaret-Joyeuse to keep it. On May29th Howe in the Queen Charlotte pierced the French line with two otherships, the Bellerophon and the Leviathan, and there was some fighting. The Bellerophon got to windward of the enemy by passing in front of theFrench Terrible (110), and put in some excellent gunnery practice. Shesailed so close to the French ship to starboard as almost to touch her, and brought down the enemy's topmast and lower yards with a broadside, whilst at the same time she raked the Terrible with her larboard guns. *(* There is an interesting engraving of the Bellerophon passing throughthe French line and firing both her broadsides in the Naval ChronicleVolume 1, and a plan of the manoeuvre, showing the course of theBellerophon, in James's Naval History. )

May 30 and 31 were foggy days, and neither fleet could see the other. OnJune 1st there was a blue sky, a brilliant sun, a lively sea, and a windthat favoured the plans of the British Admiral. The signal for closeaction was flown from the masthead of the Queen Charlotte. Howe orderedhis ships to sail on an oblique course down upon the French line, the twofleets having during the night lain in parallel lines stretching east andwest. The intention was to break the French line near the centre, eachBritish captain sailing round the stern of his antagonist, and fightingher to leeward, thus concentrating the attack on the enemy's rear, cutting it off from the van, and preventing flight. 

The Bellerophon was the second ship in the British line, next after theCaesar. Flinders was upon the quarterdeck as she steered through herselected gap, which was on the weather quarter of the Eole; and ananecdote of his behaviour on that memorable occasion fortunatelysurvives. The guns on the quarterdeck were loaded and primed ready foruse, but Pasley did not intend to fire them until he had laid himself onthe lee of his chosen adversary, and could pour a broadside into her withcrushing effect. There was a moment when the gunners were aloft trimmingsails. As the Bellerophon was passing close under the stern of the Frenchthree-decker--within musket-shot, James says--* (* Naval History 1 154. )Flinders seized a lighted match and rapidly fired as many of thequarterdeck guns as would plump shot fairly into her. * (* Naval Chronicle32 180. ) Pasley saw him and, shaking him by the collar, said, sternly:"How dare you do that, youngster, without my orders?" Flinders repliedthat he "thought it a fine chance to have a shot at 'em. " So it was, though not in conformity with orders; and probably Pasley, as good afighter as there was in the fleet, liked his young aide-de-camp ratherthe more for his impetuous action. 

The guns of the Bellerophon were opened upon the Eole at 8. 45, andbattered her severely. The British vessel was subjected in turn, however, not only to the fire of her chosen victim, but also to that of theTrajan. At ten minutes to eleven o'clock a shot from the Eole took offPasley's leg, and he was carried down to the cockpit, whereupon thecommand devolved upon Captain William Hope. It must have been adistressing moment for Flinders, despite the intense excitement ofaction, when his friend and commander fell; it was indeed, as will beseen, a crucial moment in his career. A doggerel bard of the timeenshrined the event in a verse as badly in need of surgical aid as werethe heroes whom it celebrates:

"Bravo, Bowyer, Pasley, Captain Hutt, Each lost a leg, being sorely hurt;Their lives they valued but as dirt, When that their country called them!"*

(* Naval Songs and Ballads, Publications of the Navy Record Society, Volume 33 270. )

The fight was continued with unflagging vigour, in the absence of thegallant rear-admiral, who, as another lyrist of the event informs us, smiled and said:

"Fight on my lads and tryTo make these rebel Frenchmen knowThat British courage still will flowTo make them strike or die. "

At a quarter before noon the Eole had received such a hammering that sheendeavoured to wear round under shelter of her leader; but in doing soshe lost mainmast and foretopmast. The Bellerophon, too, had by this timebeen sufficiently hard hit to cause Hope to signal to the Latona forassistance. Her foretopmast and maintopmast had gone, and her mainmastwas so badly damaged as to be dangerous. Her rigging was cut to pieces, all her boats were smashed, and she was practically as crippled as washer brave commander, upon whom the surgeons had been operating downbelow, amid the blood of the cockpit and the thunder and smoke of thecannon. 

The battle ended about 1 p. M. The French fleet was badly beaten, andVillaret-Joyeuse at the end of the day drew back to Brest only abattered, splintered and ragged remnant of the fine squadron which he hadcommanded. Still, the French provision ships slipped by and arrivedsafely in port. The squadron had been sent out to enable them to get in, and in they were, though it had cost a fleet to get them in. Nelson usedthe phrase "a Lord Howe victory" disparagingly. Nothing short of acomplete smashing of the enemy and the utter frustration of his purposeswould ever satisfy that ardent soul. 

For the sake of clearness, the general scheme of the battle has beendescribed, together with the part played in it by the Bellerophon; but wefortunately have a detailed account of it by Flinders himself. Young ashe was, only a few weeks over 20 years of age, he was evidently cool, andhis journal is crowded with carefully observed facts, noted amidst theheat and confusion of conflict; and it is doubtful whether there is inexistence a better story of this important fleet action. The manuscriptof his journal occupies forty foolscap pages. It is much damaged bysea-water, the paper in some parts having been rendered quite pulpy. Butthe sheets relating to the 1st of June are entirely legible. As thereader will see, there is here no rhetoric, no excited use of vividadjectives to give colour to the story. It is a calmly observed piece ofhistory. Read attentively, it enables one to live through the stirringevents with which it deals in a singularly thrilling style. We feel thecrash and thunder and hustle of battle far more keenly from the detailedaccumulation of occurrences here presented than any scene-painting prosecould make us do. The journal begins on September 7th, 1793, whenFlinders joined the Bellerophon, and continues till August 10th, 1794, when he quitted her. In the early part it deals principally with cruisingup and down the Channel looking for the enemy's ships. Occasionally therewas a skirmish. We may select a few instances from this period, beforecoming to what immediately preceded the great day:

"Wednesday, 11th (September, 1793) a. M. Hoisted a broad pennant by orderof Lord Howe, Capt. Pasley being appointed a commodore of the fleet. Weighed and anchored inour station in Torbay. 

"Monday, November 18th. * (* See note below. ) Saw nine or ten sail, seemingly large ships, standing towards us. The admiral made the Russelland Defence signals to chase, also the Audacious; and soon after ours. Bythis time the strange ships had brought to, hull down, to windward, seemingly in some confusion. The Ganges' signal was also made to chase. At 9 the Admiral made the sign for the strange fleet being an enemy, andfor our sternmost ships to make more sail. At 10 the signal to engage asthe other ships came up was made. The enemy had now hauled their wind, and standing from us with as much sail as they could carry. Split onejib; got another bent as fast as possible. We were now the headmost lineof battle ship and gaining fast upon the enemy; but the main part of ourfleet seemed rather to drop from them. St. Agnes north 34 degrees east 89miles. Ship all clear for action since 9 o'clock. 

"Tuesday, November 19th, 1793. Judge six of the enemy's ships to be ofthe line, two frigates and two brigs... On the wind shifting at 4 in asquall, tacked, as did the Latona, which brought her near the rear of theenemy's ships, at which she fired several shot; she tacked again at 5, and fired, which the sternmost of their ships returned. At dark the enemypassed to windward of us, about 5 or 6 miles... 12, set top-gallant-sails, but obliged to take them in again for fear of carrying away the masts. Sundry attempts were made during the night to set, but as often obligedto take them in. At 12 lost sight of all our ships except one frigate. The weather very hazy, with squalls at times, and at 2 a heavy shower ofrain, which lasted a considerable time. When it cleared a little, saw twoor three of the enemy's ships ahead of the others on the lee bow. Verythick and hazy, with much rain. Made the signal that the enemy had boreaway. Saw the Latona and Phoenix, who seemed suspicious of each other, but on discovering they were friends both bore away after one of theenemy's ships... About 9 the Phoenix and Latona being the only friends insight, the latter made the signal for the enemy being superior to theships chasing. Soon after we made the signal to call the frigates in... Inthe firing the preceding evening the Latona received a shot between windand water in the breadroom, and another in the galley; but happily no onewas hurt and but little injury received. "

An amusing example of an attempt to "dodge, " under false colours, isrelated on the following day. The trick did not succeed. 

"Wednesday, November 27th, 1793, a. M. Hazy weather. Squadron in company. Saw a strange shipto the southward, who hoisted an Union Jack at the main topmast head anda red flag at the fore. The Phoenix being ahead made the private signal, but the stranger not answering she made the signal for an enemy. Weimmediately made the general signal to chase. At 10 the Phoenix andLatona fired a few shots at her, upon which she hoisted French colours, discharged her guns, and struck. She proved to be La Blonde of 28 gunsand 190 men. The squadron brought to. The French captain came on boardand surrendered his sword to the commodore. Separated the prisonersamongst the squadron. An officer of the Phoenix sent to take charge ofthe prize and a party of men from each ship. 

"Tuesday, December 1st, 1793. Brought to. The Phoenix sent into Falmouth, Mr. Waterhouse, Lieutenant, sent in her to take charge of the Blondeprize. "

The French fleet, as related above, put out of Brest on May 16, 1794. Flinders tells us how they were sighted, and what happened during thedays preceding the great battle:

"Friday, May 23rd. The Southampton brought a strange brig into the fleetand destroyed her... A. M. A fine little ship, called the Albion, ofBermuda, set on fire by the Glory. The Aquilon brought a strange shipinto the fleet. A galliot, with Dutch colours inverted, passed throughthe fleet, having been set on fire by the Niger... A French man-of-war, captured and brought into the fleet by the frigates, was set on fire. 

"Saturday, May 24. The ship brought into the fleet by the Aquilon left usand stood to the eastward. She was bound to Hull, and was part of a Dutchconvoy, most of which had been taken and destroyed by the French fleet onWednesday last. 

"Sunday, May 25th. At daybreak saw four sail to windward; our squadronsent in chase. Fired a shot and brought to a French brig, man-of-war. Made signal that the prize was not secure, and chased a large shipfurther to windward, apparently of the line, and with another ship intow. Tacked as soon as she was on our beam. She had cast off her prize assoon as we fired at the brig. In passing, fired at and brought to aFrench corvette; but left her for the fleet to pick up. Passed to leewardof the ship the chase had in tow. She appeared to be a large merchantmanand had up American colours. The frigates in chase picked her up soonafter. At 10 the chase was nearly hull down, and gained upon us. Stoodback to the fleet, being recalled by signal. Saw one of the prizes inflames, and found the three had been destroyed at noon; 162 leagues westby south of Ushant. "

In the ensuing pages we are brought into the thick of the battle. 

"Wednesday, May 28th. Saw two strange sail, one of which the Phoenixspoke, and soon after made signal for a strange fleet south-south-west. About 8, we counted 33 sail, 24 or 25 of which appeared to be of theline, and all standing down towards us. At 8. 30 our signal was made toreconnoitre the enemy--as we were now certain they were. A frigate oftheir's was likewise looking at us. At noon the enemy's fleet south-westto west-south-west, on the larboard tack under an easy sail in lineahead, and distant 3 or 4 leagues. Our fleet 3 or 4 leagues to leeward inthe order of sailing or under a press of sail. Ushant north 82 degreeseast 143 leagues. 

"Thursday, May 29th, 1794. Fresh gales with rain at times, and a swellfrom the westward. Repeated the general signals for chase, battle, etc. Kd. * ship occasionally, working to windward under a press of sail, oursquadron and the frigates in company, and our fleet a few miles toleeward. 

(* "Kd. Ship" is an expression which puzzled Professor Flinders Petrie, who appended a note to the Flinders papers, suggesting that it couldhardly mean kedged. Captain Bayldon supplies an exceedingly interestingexplanation:

"Without the least doubt 'Kd. Ship' means 'tacked ship. ' 'Kd. ' is eithera private abbreviation of Flinders' for 'tacked' or else he intended tohave written 'Tkd. ' There is no nautical term beginning with K whichwould make the least sense under the circumstances. 'Kedged' is utterlyinadmissable; both fleets were under way in pretty heavy weather. 'Working to windward' practically means 'tacking ship. ' So why didFlinders mention an obvious fact, 'tacked ship'? Because the weather wasbad, strong breezes, heavy swell, and therefore it was very hazardous totack ship (on account of throwing the sails aback) and also many shipscould not be forced into tacking with a heavy head swell. Consequently itis usual to wear ship under these conditions (turn her round before thewind). So he then mentions 'under a press of sail, ' to force her up intothe wind (also making it a risky manoeuvre, for they could easily losetheir masts--foremast especially). Hence he was proud of the manoeuvre, so mentions, 'tacked ship occasionally, under a press of sail. ' On the29th May at 8 a. M. , the French van wore in succession. (Fresh wind, heavyhead sea). Soon after noon (Flinders' old nautical time gives May 30th)Lord Howe signalled the British fleet to tack in succession. The leadingship, the Caesar, instead of obeying, made the signal of inability andwore round. The next ship, the Queen, also wore. So (at 1. 30 p. M. ) LordHowe set the example in the Queen Charlotte and tacked. Pasley'sBellerophon followed him, and tacked also; the Leviathan tacked andfollowed her. These three ships were the only ones to tack. All theremainder wore, and so did the French. Either their captains would nottake the risk, or else could not force their ships through the heavy headsea. So I expect Flinders and the 'Bully ruffians' felt elated at theirperformance and he intended to record 'Tkd. Ship. '")

"About 3 the Russell, being a mile or two to windward of us, began tofire on the enemy's rear, as they were hauling on the larboard tack, andcontinued to stand on with the Thunderer and frigates, to get into theirwake. We tacked a little before the rear ship was on our beam, whichenabled us to bring them to action a considerable time before the otherships could come up to our assistance. Our first fire was directed on alarge frigate which brought up the enemy's rear, but she soon made sailand went to windward of the next ship (a three-decker)* (* TheRevolutionnaire. ) on whom we immediately pointed our guns. In a fewminutes she returned it with great spirit, our distance from her beingsomething more than a mile. My Lord Howe, seeing us engaged with athree-decked ship, and the next ahead of him frequently giving us a fewguns, made the Russell and Marlborouqh's signals to come to ourassistance, they being on the weather quarter. About dusk more of thefleet had got up with us, the signal having been made to chase withoutregard to order. The Leviathan and Audacious, particularly, passed towindward of us, and came to close engagement; the first keeping as closeto him to leeward as she could fetch, and the latter fetching to windwardof him, laid herself athwart his stern and gave a severe raking. Theheadmost of the French fleet were apparently hove to, but made no effortto relieve their comrade. At this time our maincap was seen to be sobadly sprung as to oblige us to take in the main topsail; the larboardtopsail sheet block was likewise shot away. Got down the top-gallant yardand mast, and, the ship being scarcely under command, we made the signalfor inability. Soon after the Admiral called us by signal into his wake. The enemy's rear ship about 9 had his mizzenmast gone and he bore downtowards us, the Russell and Thunderer striking close to his weatherquarter and lee bow, keeping up a severe fire, but he scarcely returned ashot. Having got clear of them he continued coming down on us, apparentlywith the intention of striking to our flag, but firing a shot now andthen. He was intercepted by one of our ships, who running to leeward ofhim soon silenced his guns, and, we concluded, had obliged him to strike. The enemy's fleet were now collected about 3 miles to windward, carryinglights, as did ours. We were in no regular order, it having been brokenup by the chase. A. M. , employed securing the maincap, etc. All hands keptat quarters. Fresh breezes and hazy weather. At daybreak the enemy's linewas formed about 2 miles distant, and our commander in chief made thesignal to form the line of battle, and take stations as most convenient. We bore down and took ours astern of the Queen Charlotte, the Marlboroughand Royal Sovereign following. About 8 our fleet tacked in succession, with a view to cut off the enemy's rear, the Caesar leading and my LordHowe the 10th ship. As soon as our van were sufficiently near to bringthem to action, the enemy's whole fleet wore in succession, and ran toleeward of their line in order to support their rear, and edged down vanto van. At 10 the firing commenced between the headmost ships of bothlines, but at too great a distance to do much execution, and the Admiralmade the signal to tack in succession in order to bring the enemy toclose action, but not being taken notice of, about noon it was repeatedwith a gun. The Leviathan, being next ahead of the Admiral, fired someguns, but the Queen Charlotte and those astern did not attempt it. Hazyweather at noon with a considerable swell from the westward. Latitudeobserved to be 47 degrees 35 minutes north. NOTE--We found this morningat daybreak that the Audacious was missing, and we concluded was the shipwho had secured the prize, neither being in sight. * (* Of course thissurmise was incorrect. The Audacious had not secured the Revolutionnairewhich was towed into Rochefort by the Audacieux (curious similarity innames). The Audacious badly crippled made her way to Plymouthalone. --[Captain Bayldon's note]. )

"Friday, May 30th. Fresh breezes and hazy weather. The signal for the vanto tack was again repeated, when the Caesar made the signal of inability;but at last they got round, and the Admiral made signal to cut throughthe enemy's line; but finding our leading ships were passing to leeward, we tacked a considerable time before the ships came in succession, andluffed up as close to them as possible. The enemy were now well withinpoint-blank shot, which began to fall very thick about us, and severalhad passed through our sails before we tacked. Immediately we came intothe Queen Charlotte's wake we tacked, lay up well for the enemy's rear, and began a severe fire, giving it to each ship as we passed. My LordHowe in the Charlotte kept his luff, and cut through their line betweenthe 4th and 5th ship in the rear. We followed, and passed between the 2ndand 3rd. The rest of the fleet passed to leeward. Their third ship gaveus a severe broadside on the bow as we approached to pass under herstern, and which we took care to return by two on her quarter and stern. Before we had cleared her, her fore and maintop masts fell over the side, and she was silenced for a while, but it was only till we had passed her. Their rear ship received several broadsides even from our three-deckers, but kept her colours up. The Orion ran down to her, but getting upon herbeam and too far to leeward was obliged to leave her, and she got to herown fleet, whom we were now to windward of. Lord Howe made the signal totack, and for a general chase, but few of the van ships were able tofollow him. For ourselves, we lay to, to reeve new braces and repair therigging, which was entirely cut to pieces forward. The foresail wasrendered useless, and was cut away, and being only able to set aclose-reefed main topsail for fear of the cap giving way, we were notable to follow his lordship. The French perceiving how few followed them, rallied, tacked, and supported their disabled ships, and even made afeint to cut off the Queen, who was rendered a wreck. The Admiral, seeingtheir intention, bore down with several of the heavy ships who had notbeen engaged, and forced them to leeward of our disabled ships. At 5. 30having got a new foresail bent, and the rigging in a little order, webore down and joined the Admiral, who soon after formed the line in twodivisions, and stood to the westward under an easy sail abreast of theenemy, who were to leeward in a line ahead; the disabled ships in bothfleets repairing their damages, several of theirs being without topmastsand topsail yards. At sunset saw two ships pass to windward, conjecturedto be the Audacious and prize. Employed splicing and knotting therigging, and repairing sails, not one of which but had several shotthrough them. The truck of the foretopgallant mast was likewise shotaway. A. M. , thick foggy weather. Saw the enemy at times north-north-west4 or 5 miles. At noon very foggy. Latitude 47 degrees 39 minutes north bydull observation. 

"Saturday, May 31st, 1794. Lost sight of the enemy and only four of ourown ships in sight. People employed repairing sail, rigging, etc. , withall expedition. At noon thick and foggy. No enemy in sight; 30 sail ofour own ships. 

"Sunday, June 1st, 1794. * (* Nautical reckoning in Flinders' day was 12hours ahead; i. E. , his June 1 began at noon on May 31. Occurrencesfollowing "a. M. , " happened on June 1 by the Almanac. ) Moderate breezesand foggy weather. Before two it began to clear up. Saw the enemy toleeward, 8 or 9 miles distant, and made the signal for that purpose. Soonafter the whole fleet bore down towards them by signal. The enemy wereedging away from the wind, and several of their ships were changingstations in the line; some of them without topmasts and topsail yards. About 7, the van of our fleet being within three miles of the enemy'scentre, the heavy ships in the rear a considerable way astern, theAdmiral made the signal to haul to the wind together on the larboardtack, judging we should not be able to bring on a general actionto-night. At sunset the enemy were in a line ahead from north-west bywest to north-east by east about four miles distant, and apparentlysteering about two points from the wind. At 11 the Phaeton passed alongthe line, and informed the different ships that Lord Howe intendedcarrying single reefed T. S. F. Sail, jib and M. T. M. S. Sail. * (* Lettersprobably denote single reefed Top Sails, Fore sail, jib and Main Topmastand Main Stay sails. ) After speaking us he kept on our lee bow; each shipcarrying a light by signal. A. M. , fresh breezes and cloudy. At daybreakthe enemy not in sight, our rear ships a long way astern, their signalmade to make more sail; when the line became tolerably connected, thewhole fleet bore away and steered north-west by signal. A little beforesix saw the enemy in the north by east about 3 leagues. Made the signalto the Admiral for that purpose, who by signal ordered the fleet to alterthe course to starboard together, bearing down towards them. About 8, being nearly within shot of the enemy's van, hove to for the rear of thefleet to come up. Lord Howe made the signal 34, which we understood wasto pass through the enemy's line, but it did not seem to be understood bythe rest of the fleet. At 8. 10 the signal was made to bear up and eachengage his opponent. We accordingly ran down within musket shot of ouropponent, and hove to, having received several broadsides from their vanships in so doing. We now began a severe fire upon our opponent, thesecond ship in the enemy's van, which she returned with great briskness. The van ship likewise fired many shot at us, his opponent the Caesarkeeping to windward, not more than two points before our beam in general, and of course nearly out of point-blank shot. About 8. 30 Admiral Gravesmade his and the Russell's signal to engage their opponent; we likewisemade Captain Molloy's (the Caesar) signal twice to bear down and come toclose action. About 9 the action became general throughout the twofleets, but the Tremendous kept out of the line, but on being ordered inby signal from the Admiral, she bore down after some time. A littlebefore 11 our brave Admiral (Pasley) lost his leg by an 18-pound shot, which came through the barricading of the quarter-deck. It was now theheat of the action. The Caesar was not yet come close to his opponent, who in consequence of that fired all his after guns at us. Our own shipkept up a severe fire, and by keeping well astern to let the Caesar takeher station, their third van ship shot up on our quarter, and for sometime fired all his fore guns upon us. Our shot was directed on threedifferent ships as the guns could be got to bear. In ten or fifteenminutes we saw the foremast of the third ship go by the board, and thesecond ship's main-top-sail-yard down upon the cap. Otherwise the twoheadmost had not received much apparent injury, at least in the rigging. At 11 1/4, however, they both bore away and quitted the line, theirAdmiral being obliged to do the same some time before by the QueenCharlotte. On seeing the two van ships hauling upon the other tack, weconjectured they meant to give us their starboard guns. The Caesar'ssignal was immediately made by us to chase the flying ships. On hisbearing down they were put into confusion, and their ship falling downupon them they received several broadsides from the Leviathan and us, before they could get clear; which when they effected they kept away alittle, then hauled their wind in the starboard tack, and stood away fromthe opposing fleets. And now, being in no condition to follow, we ceasedfiring; the main and foretopmast being gone, every main shroud but one onthe larboard side cut through, and many on the other, besides having themain and foremasts with all the rigging and sails in general muchinjured. We made the Latona's signal to come to our assistance, and gotentirely out of action. When the smoke cleared away, saw eleven shipswithout a mast standing, two of whom proved to be the Marlborough andDefence. The rest were enemy's, who, notwithstanding their situation kepttheir colours up, and fired at any of our ships that came near them. TheLeviathan's opponent particularly (the same ship whose foremast we shotaway) lying perfectly dismasted, the Leviathan ran down to him to takepossession; but on her firing a gun to make him haul down his colours, hereturned a broadside, and a severe action again commenced between themfor nearly half an hour, and we could see shot falling on the water onthe opposite side of the Frenchman, which appeared to have gone throughboth his sides, the ships being at half a cable's length from each other. The Leviathan falling to leeward could not take the advantage of him hersails gave her, and, seeing his obstinacy, left him, but not before hisfire was nearly silenced. About 11. 30 the firing was pretty well ceasedon all sides, the Queen having only a foremast standing was fallen toleeward between the two fleets. She stood on the larboard tack to fetchour fleet, keeping to the wind in an astonishing manner, which weafterwards learnt was effected by getting up boat's sails abaft. In thissituation every ship she passed gave her a broadside or more, which shereturned with great spirit, keeping up an almost incessant blaze. Aftershe had stood on past the fleets, she wore round and stood back, pursuingthe same conduct as before, but the French, having collected theirbest-conditioned ships in a body, and being joined by two or three otherdisabled ships, were making off, having apparently given up all ideas ofsaving the rest. On this our fleet stood down a little, and the Queenjoined. We were now employed knotting, splicing, repairing, etc. Therigging, cutting away the wrecks of the fore and main topmasts, andsecuring the lower masts. Fortunately no accident happened with thepowder, or with guns bursting. We had but three men killed outright (afourth died of his wounds very soon after) and about 30 men wounded, amongst whom five lost their limbs, and the other leg of one man was somuch shattered as to be taken off some time after. Our brave Admiral wasunfortunately in this list, as before observed. Captain Smith of theMarines and Mr. Chapman, boatswain, were amongst the wounded on thesecond day. Most of our spars were destroyed, and the boats severelyinjured. About noon we had still fine weather and the enemy standing awayfrom us, except one ship, which did not seem injured, and paraded towindward, as if with the intention of giving some of us disabled ships abrush. However, we were well prepared for him, having got tolerably clearof the wreck, and he stood back again and out of sight, having spoken oneof their wrecks. Lord Howe made the signal to form the line as mostconvenient, but it was a long time before that movement could beeffected. "

Flinders wrote in his journal an estimate of the French sailors who wereput on board his ship as prisoners. It is of some historical value:

"Their seamen, if we may judge from our own prisoners, are in a very badstate both with respect to discipline and knowledge of their profession;both which were evidently shown by the condition we saw them in on the31st, many of them being without topmasts and topsail yards, and nearlyin as bad a state as on the 29th after the action. 'Tis true they wererather better when we saw them in the morning of June 1st. Out of our 198prisoners there certainly cannot be above 15 or 20 seamen, and alltogether were the dirtiest, laziest set of beings conceivable. How anidea of liberty, and more so that of fighting for it, should enter intotheir heads, I know not; but by their own confession it is not their wishand pleasure, but that of those who sent them; and so little is it theirown that in the Brunswick (who was engaged yardarm and yardarm with theVengeur) they could see the French officers cutting down the men fordeserting their quarters. Indeed, in the instances of the Russell andThunderer when close to the Revolutionnaire, and ours when cutting theline, the French do not like to come too close. A mile off they willfight desperately. "

Pasley's loss of a leg had a decisive effect upon the career of MatthewFlinders. So fine a sailor and so tough a fighting man wouldunquestionably, if not partially incapacitated, have had conferred uponhim during the following years of war commands that would have led to hisplaying a very prominent part in fleet operations. As it was, he did notgo to sea again, though he was promoted through various ranks to that ofAdmiral of the Blue (1801). He became commander in chief at the Nore in1798, and at Plymouth in 1799. Had he received other sea commands, hisvigorous, alert young aide-de-camp might have continued to serve withhim, and would thus have just missed the opportunities that came to himin his next sphere of employment. What young officer would not haveeagerly followed a gallant and warm-hearted Admiral who had first placedhim upon a British quarterdeck and had made him an aide-de-camp? As itwas, the chance that came to Flinders about two months after the battleoff Brest was one that ministered to his decided preference for servicein seas where there was exploratory work to do. 

Pasley's influence upon the life of Flinders was so important, that acharacterisation of him by one who has perused his letters and journalsmust be quoted. * (* Memoir of Admiral Sir T. S. Pasley, by Louisa M. Sabine Pasley. Sir T. S. Pasley was the grandson of Flinders' Admiral. Itunfortunately happens that the Journals of "old Sir Thomas" which areextant do not cover the period when Flinders acted as his aide-de-camp. Miss Sabine Pasley was kind enough to have a search made among his papersfor any trace of Flinders' relations with him, but without success. ) "Itis impossible, " writes Miss L. M. Sabine Pasley, "not to be impressed fromthese journals with a strong feeling of respect for the writer, sosimple-minded, so kind-hearted, such a brave old sailor of histime--rough, no doubt, in manners and language, but with an earnest andgenuine piety that shows itself from time to time in little ejaculationsand prayers, contrasting, it must be owned, rather strongly with theterms in which the 'rascally Yankies' are alluded to in the same pages. "What Howe thought of him is recorded in a letter which he sent to theRear-Admiral a fortnight after the battle, regretting that "the servicesof a friend he so highly esteemed and so gallant an officer, capable ofsuch spirited exertions, should be restrained by any disaster from thecontinued exertion of them. " There is also on record a letter to Pasleyfrom the Prime Minister, a model of grace and delicate feeling, in whichPitt signified that the King had conferred on him a baronetcy "as a markof the sense which His Majesty entertains of the distinguished sharewhich you bore in the late successful and glorious operations of HisMajesty's fleet, " and assured him "of the sincere satisfaction which Ipersonally feel in executing this commission. "

On the south-western coast of Australia, eight years later, Flindersremembered his first commander when naming the natural features of thecountry. Cape Pasley, at the western tip of the arc of the greatAustralian Bight, celebrates "the late Admiral Sir Thomas Pasley, underwhom I had the honour of entering the naval service. "* (* Flinders, Voyage to Terra Australis 1 87. ) On some current maps of Australia thecape is spelt "Paisley, " an error which obscures the interestingbiographical fact with which the name is connected. 

It is noteworthy that though the career of Flinders as a naval officercovers the stormiest period in British naval history, the whole of hispersonal experience of battle was confined to these five days, May 28 toJune 1, 1794. The whole significance of his life lies in the work ofdiscovery that he accomplished, and in the contributions he made togeography and navigation. Yet he was destined to feel the effect of theenmity of the French in a peculiarly distressing form. His useful lifewas cut short largely by misfortunes that came upon him as a consequenceof war, and work which he would have done to the enhancement of hisreputation and the advancement of civilisation was thwarted by it. 

CHAPTER 5. AUSTRALIAN GEOGRAPHY BEFORE FLINDERS. 

In order that the importance of the work done by Flinders may beadequately appreciated, it is necessary to understand the state ofinformation concerning Australian geography before the time of hisdiscoveries. Not only did he complete the main outlines of the map of thecontinent, but he filled in many details in parts that had been traversedby his predecessors. This is a convenient point whereat to interrupt thenarrative of his life with a brief sketch of what those predecessors haddone, and of the curiously haphazard mode in which a partial knowledge ofthis fifth division of the globe had been pieced together. 

There never was, until Flinders applied himself to the task, anydeliberately-planned, systematic, persistent exploration of any portionof the Australian coast. The continent grew on the map of the worldgradually, slowly, almost accidentally. It emerged out of the unknown, like some vast mythical monster heaving its large shoulders dank anddripping from the unfathomed sea, and metamorphosed by a kiss from thelips of knowledge into a being fair to look upon and rich in kindlyfavours. It took two centuries and a half for civilised mankind to knowAustralia, even in form, from the time when it was clearly understoodthat there was such a country, until at length it was mapped, measuredand circumnavigated. Before this process began, there was a dialecticalstage, when it was hotly contested whether there could possibly be uponthe globe lands antipodean to Europe; and both earlier and later therewere conjectural stages when makers of maps, having no certain data, butfeeling sure that the blank southern hemisphere ought to be filled upsomehow, exercised a vagrant fancy and satisfied a long-felt want bydecorating their drawings with representations of a Terra Incognitahaving not even a casual resemblance to the reality. 

The process presents few points of resemblance to that by which thediscovery of America was accomplished. Almost as soon as Europe came intotouch with the western hemisphere, discovery was pursued with unflaggingenergy, until its whole extent and contour were substantially known. Within fifty years after Columbus led the way across the Atlantic (1492), North and South America were laid down with something approachingprecision; and Gerard Mercator's map of 1541 presented the greater partof the continent with the name fairly inscribed upon it. There were, itis true, some errors and some gaps, especially on the west coast, whichleft work for navigators to do. But the essential point is that in lessthan half a century Europe had practically comprehended America as anaddition to the known world. There was but a brief twilight intervalbetween nescience and knowledge. How different was the case withAustralia! Three hundred years after the date of Columbus' first voyage, the mere outline of this continent had not been wholly mapped. 

During the middle ages, when ingenious men exercised infinite subtlety inspeculation, and wrote large Latin folios to prove each other wrong inmatters about which neither party knew anything at all, there was muchdissertation about the possibility of antipodes. Bishops and saints waxedeloquent upon the theme. The difficulty of conceiving of lands wherepeople walked about with their heads hanging downwards, and their feetexactly opposite to those of Europeans, was too much for some of thescribes who debated "about it and about. " The Greek, CosmasIndicopleustes, denounced the "old wives' fable of Antipodes, " and askedhow rain could be said to "fall, " as in the Scriptures, in regions whereit would have to "come up"* (* The Christian Topography of Cosmas, translated by J. W. McCrindle, page 17 (Hakluyt Society). ) Some would haveit that a belief in Antipodes was heretical. But Isidore of Seville, inhis Liber de Natura Rerum, Basil of Caesarea, Ambrose of Milan, andVergil Bishop of Salzburg, an Irish saint, declined to regard thequestion as a closed one. "Nam partes eius (i. E. Of the earth) quatuorsunt, " argued Isidore. Curiously enough, the copy of the works of theSaint of Seville used by the author (published at Rome in 1803), wassalvaged from a wreck which occurred on the Australian coast many yearsago. It is stained with seawater, and emits the musty smell which tellsof immersion. An inscription inside the cover relates the circumstance ofthe wreck. Who possessed the book one does not know; some travellingscholar may have perused it during the long voyage from Europe; and onefancies him, as the ship bumped upon the rocks, exclaiming "Yes, Isidorewas right, there ARE antipodes!"

From about the fourth quarter of the sixteenth century until the date ofAbel Tasman's voyages, 1642 to 1644, there was a period of vaguespeculation about a supposed great southern continent. The maps of thetime indicate the total lack of accurate information at the disposal oftheir compilers. There was no general agreement as to what this regionwas like in its outlines, proportions, or situation. Some cartographers, as Peter Plancius (1594) and Hondius (1595), trailed a wavy line acrossthe foot of their representations of the globe, inscribed Terra Australisupon it, and by a fine stroke of invention gave an admirable aspect offinish and symmetry to the form of the world. The London map of 1578, issued with George Best's Discourse of the Late Voyages of Discoverie, barricaded the south pole with a Terra Australis not unlike the design ofa switch-back railway. Molyneux' remarkable map, circa 1590, dropped thevast imaginary continent, and displayed a small tongue of land in aboutthe region where the real Australia is; suggesting that some voyager hadbeen blown out of his course, had come upon a part of the westerndivision of the continent, and had jotted down a memorandum of itsappearance upon his chart. It looks like a sincere attempt to tell a bitof the truth. But speaking generally, the Terra Australis of the oldcartographers was a gigantic antipodean imposture, a mere piece ofmap-makers' furniture, put in to fill up the gaping space at the southend of the globe. 

A few minutes devoted to the study of a map of the Indian Ocean, including the Cape of Good Hope and the west coast ofAustralia--especially one indicating the course of currents--will showhow natural it was that Portuguese and Dutch ships engaged in the spicetrade should occasionally have found themselves in proximity to the realTerra Australis. It will also explain more clearly than a page of typecould do, why the western and north-western coasts were known so early, whilst the eastern and southern shores remained undelineated until JamesCook and Matthew Flinders sailed along them. 

A change of the route pursued by the Dutch on their voyages to the EastIndies had already conduced to an acquaintance with the Australian coast. Originally, after rounding the Cape, their ships had sailed north-east toMadagascar, and had thence struck across the Indian Ocean to Java, or toCeylon. As long as this course was followed, there was little prospect ofsighting the great continent which lay about three thousand miles east oftheir habitual track. But this route, though from the map it appeared tobe the most direct, was the longest in duration that they could take. Itbrought them into the region of light winds and tedious tropical calms;so that very often a vessel would lie for weeks "as idle as a paintedship upon a painted ocean, " and would occupy over a year upon the outwardvoyage. In 1611, however, one of their commanders discovered that if, after leaving the Cape, a ship ran not north-east, but due east for aboutthree thousand miles, she would be assisted by the winds, not baffled bycalms. Henrick Brouwer, who made the experiment, arrived in Java sevenmonths after leaving Holland, whereas some ships had been known to be aslong as eighteen months at sea. The directors of the Dutch East IndiaCompany, recognising the importance of the discovery, ordered theircommanders to follow the easterly route from the Cape in future, andoffered prizes to those who completed the voyage in less than ninemonths. The result was that the Dutch skippers became exceedingly anxiousto make the very utmost of the favourable winds, which carried themeastward in the direction of the western coasts of Australia. 

Thus it happened that in 1616 the Eendragt stumbled on Australia oppositeShark's Bay. Her captain, Dirk Hartog, landed on the long island whichlies as a natural breakwater between the bay and the ocean, and erected ametal plate to record his visit; and Dirk Hartog Island is the name itbears to this day. The plate remained till 1697, when another Dutchman, Vlaming, substituted a new one for it; and Vlaming's plate, in turn, remained till 1817, when the French navigator, Freycinet, took it andsent it to Paris. 

After Hartog reported his discovery, the Dutch directors ordered theirships' captains to run east from the Cape till they sighted the land. This would enable them to verify their whereabouts; for in those days themeans of reckoning positions at sea were so imperfect that navigatorsgroped about the oceans of the globe almost as if they were sailing indarkness. But here was a means of verifying a ship's position after herlong run across from the Cape, and if she found Dirk Hartog Island, shecould safely thence make her way north to Java. 

But ships did not always sight the Australian coast at the same point. Hence it came about that in 1619 J. De Edel "accidentally fell in with"the coast at the back of the Abrolhos. Pieter Nuyts, in 1627, "accidentally discovered" a long reach of the south coast. Similarly, in1628, the Vianen was "accidentally, " as the narrative says, driven on tothe north-west coast, and her commander, De Wit, gave his name to about200 miles of it. In 1629 the Dutch ship Batavia was separated in a stormfrom a merchant fleet of eleven sail, and ran upon the Abrolhos Reef. Thecaptain, Francis Pelsart, who was lying sick in his cabin at the time ofthe misadventure, "called up the master and charged him with the loss ofthe ship, who excused himself by saying he had taken all the care hecould; and that having discerned the froth at a distance he asked thesteersman what he thought of it, who told him that the sea appeared whiteby its reflecting the rays of the moon. The captain then asked him whatwas to be done, and in what part of the world he thought they were. Themaster replied that God only knew that; and that the ship was on a bankhitherto undiscovered. " The story of Pelsart's adventure was recorded, and the part of the coast which he saw was embodied on a globe publishedin 1700. 

To the accidental discoveries must be added those made by the Dutchprompted by curiosity as to the possibility of drawing profit from thelands to the south of their great East India possessions. Thus the Dutchyacht Duyfhen, sent in 1605 to examine the Papuan islands, sailed alongthe southern side of Torres Strait, found Cape York, and believed it tobe part of New Guinea. The great discovery voyages of Tasman, 1643 and1644, were planned in pursuit of the same policy. He was directed to findout what the southern portion of the world was like, "whether it be landor sea, or icebergs, whatever God has ordained to be there. "

In 1606 the Spaniard, Torres, also probably saw Cape York, and sailedthrough the strait which bears his name. He had accompanied Quiros acrossthe Pacific, but had separated from his commander at the New Hebrides, and continued his voyage westward, whilst Quiros sailed to South America. 

It is needless for present purposes to catalogue the various voyages madeby the Dutch, or to examine claims which have been preferred on accountof other discoveries. It may, however, be observed that there are threewell defined periods of Australian maritime discovery, and that theyrelate to three separate zones of operation. 

First, there was the period with which the Dutch were chiefly concerned. The west and north-west coasts received the greater part of theirattention, though the voyage of Tasman to the island now bearing his namewas a variation from their habitual sphere. The visits of the Englishman, Dampier, to Western Australia are comprehended within this period. 

The second period belongs to the eighteenth century, and its hero wasJames Cook. He sailed up the whole of the east coast in 1770, from PointHicks, near the Victorian border, to Cape York at the northern tip of thecontinent, and accomplished a larger harvest of discovery than has everfallen to the fortune of any other navigator in a single voyage. To thisperiod also belongs Captain George Vancouver, who in 1791, on his way tonorth-western America from the Cape of Good Hope, came upon thesouth-western corner of Australia and discovered King George's Sound. Inthe following year the French Admiral, Dentrecasteaux, despatched insearch of the missing expedition of Laperouse, also made the south-westcorner of the continent, and followed the coast of the Great AustralianBight for some hundreds of miles. His researches in southern Tasmaniawere likewise of much importance. 

The third period is principally that of Flinders, commencing shortlybefore the dawn of the nineteenth century, and practically completing themaritime exploration of the continent. 

A map contained in John Pinkerton's Modern Geography shows at a glancethe state of knowledgeabout Australia at the date of publication, 1802. Flinders had by thattime completed his explorations, but his work was not yet published. Themap delineates the contour of the continent on the east, west, and northsides, with as much accuracy as was possible, and, though it is defectivein details, presents generally a fair idea of the country's shape. Butthe line along the south coast represents a total lack of information asto the outline of the land. Pinkerton, indeed, though he was a leadingEnglish authority on geography when his book was published, had notembodied in his map some results that were then available. 

The testimony of the map may be augmented by a reference to whatgeographical writers understood about Australia before the time ofFlinders. 

Though Cook had discovered the east coast, and named it New South Wales, it was not definitely known whether this extensive stretch of country wasseparate from the western "New Holland" which the Dutch had named, orwhether the two were the extremities of one vast tract of land. Geographical opinion rather inclined to the view that ultimately a straitwould be found dividing the region into islands. This idea is mentionedby Pinkerton. Under the heading "New Holland" he wrote:* "Some supposethat this extensive region, when more thoroughly investigated, will befound to consist of two or three vast islands intersected by narrow seas, an idea which probably arises from the discovery that New Zealandconsists of two islands, and that other straits have been found to dividelands in this quarter formerly supposed to be continuous. " The discoverythat Bass Strait divided Australia from Tasmania was probably inPinkerton's mind; he mentions it in his text (quoting Flinders), thoughhis map does not indicate the Strait's existence. He also mentions "avast bay with an isle, " possibly Kangaroo Island. (* Modern Geography 2588. )

Perhaps it was not unnatural that competent opinion should have favouredthe idea that there were several large islands, rather than one immensecontinent stretching into thirty degrees of latitude and forty-five oflongitude. The human mind is not generally disposed to grasp very bigthings all at once. Indeed, in the light of fuller knowledge, one isdisposed to admire the caution of these geographers, whose beliefs werecarefully reasoned but erroneous, in face of, for instance, such a wildebullition of venturesome theory as that attributed to an aforetimeGottingen professor, * (*Professor Blumenbach according to Lang, Historical Account of New South Wales, 1837 2 142. ) who considered thatnot only was Australia one country, but that it made its appearance uponthis planet in a peculiarly sudden fashion. His opinion was that "thevast continent of Australia was originally a comet, which happening tofall within the limits of the earth's attraction, alighted at length uponits surface. " "Alighted at length" is a mild term, suggestive of anervous lady emerging from a tram-car in a crowded street. "Splashed, "would probably convey a more vigorous impression. 

The belief that a strait would be found completely dividing New Hollandwas a general one, as is shown by several contemporary writings. ThusJames Grant in his Narrative of a Voyage of Discovery (1803), expressinghis regret that his orders did not permit him to take his ship, the LadyNelson, northward from Port Jackson in 1801, speculated that "we mightalso betimes have ascertained if the Gulf of Carpentaria had any inlet toBass Straits, and if it be discovered secure more quickly to GreatBritain the right of lands which some of our enterprising neighboursmight probably dispute with us. And this I trust will not be thoughtchimerical when it was not known whether other Straits did not exist aswell as that dividing New Holland from Van Diemen's Land. " Again, theInstitute of France in preparing instructions for the voyage ofexploration commanded by Nicolas Baudin (1800) directed a search to bemade for a strait which it was supposed divided Australia "into two greatand nearly equal islands. "

Another interesting geographical problem to be determined, was whether agreat river system drained any part of the Australian continent. In theexisting state of knowledge the country presented an aspect in regard tofluvial features wholly different from any other portion of the world. Noriver of considerable importance had been found. Students of geographycould hardly conceive that there should be so large an area of landlacking outlets to the sea; and as none had been found in the partsinvestigated so far, it was believed that the exploration of the southcoast would reveal large streams flowing from the interior. Some hadspeculated that within the country there was a great inland sea, and ifso there would probably be rivers flowing from it to the ocean. 

A third main subject for elucidation when Flinders entered upon thiswork, was whether the country known as Van Diemen's Land was part of thecontinent, or was divided from it by a strait not yet discovered. CaptainCook entertained the opinion that a strait existed. On his voyage in theEndeavour in 1770, he was "doubtful whether they are one land or no. " Butwhen near the north-eastern corner of Van Diemen's Land, he had beentwenty months at sea, and his supplies had become depleted. He did notdeem it advisable to sail west and settle the question forthwith, but, running up the eastern coast of New Holland, achieved discoveriescertainly great enough for one voyage. He retained the point in his mind, however, and would have determined it on his second voyage in 1772 to1774 had he not paid heed to information given by Tobias Furneaux. TheAdventure, commanded by Furneaux, had been separated from the Resolutionon the voyage to New Zealand, and had cruised for some days in theneighbourhood of the eastern entrance to Bass Strait. But Furneauxconvinced himself that no strait existed, and reported to that effectwhen he rejoined Cook in Queen Charlotte's Sound. Cook was not quiteconvinced by the statement of his officer; but contrary winds made areturn to the latitude of the supposed strait difficult, and Cook though"half inclined to go over to Van Diemen's Land and settle the question ofits being part of New Holland" decided to proceed westward. As will beseen hereafter, Flinders helped to show that the passage existed. 

There were also many smaller points requiring investigation. Cook inrunning along the east coast had passed several portions in the night, orat such a distance in the daytime as to render his representation of thecoastline doubtful. Some groups of islands also required to be accuratelycharted. Indeed, it may be said that there was no portion of the worldwhere, at this period, there was so much and such valuable work to bedone by a competent and keen marine explorer, as in Australia. 

A passage in a manuscript by Flinders may be quoted to supplement whathas been written above, as it indicates the kind of speculations thatwere current in the conversation of students of geography. * (* Called anAbridged Narrative--Flinders' Papers. )

"The interior of this new region, in extent nearly equal to all Europe, strongly excited the curiosity of geographers and naturalists; and themore so as, ten years after the establishment of a British Colony at PortJackson on the east coast, and the repeated effort of some enterprisingindividuals, no part of it beyond 30 leagues from the coast had been seenby an European. Various conjectures were entertained upon the probableconsistence of this extensive space. Was it a vast desert? Was itoccupied by an immense lake--a second Caspian Sea, or by a Mediterraneanto which existed a navigable entrance in some part of the coasts hithertounexplored? or was not this new continent rather divided into two or moreislands by straits communicating from the unknown parts of the south tothe imperfectly examined north-west coast or to the Gulf of Carpentaria, or to both? Such were the questions that excited the interest and dividedthe opinion of geographers. "

Apart from particular directions in which enquiry needed to be pursued, it was felt in England that the only nation which had founded asettlement on the Australian continent was under an obligation tocomplete the exploration of the country. The French had already sent outtwo scientific expeditions with instructions to examine the unknownsouthern coasts; and if shipwreck had not destroyed the first, and wantof fresh water diverted the second, the credit of finishing the outlineof the map of Australia would have been earned for France. "Manycircumstances, indeed, " wrote Flinders, "united to render the south coastof Terra Australis one of the most interesting parts of the globe towhich discovery could be directed at the beginning of the nineteenthcentury. Its investigation had formed a part of the instructions to theunfortunate French navigator, Laperouse, and afterwards of those to hiscountryman Dentrecasteaux; and it was not without some reason attributedto England as a reproach that an imaginary line of more than two hundredand fifty leagues' extent in the vicinity of one of her colonies shouldhave been so long suffered to remain traced upon the charts under thetitle of Unknown Coast. This comported ill with her reputation as thefirst of maritime powers. "

We shall see how predominant was the share of Flinders in the settlementof these problems, the filling up of these gaps. 

CHAPTER 6. THE RELIANCE AND THE TOM THUMB. 

Apart from Admiral Pasley, two officers who participated in Lord Howe'svictory on "the glorious First of June, " had an important influence uponthe later career of Flinders. The first of these, Captain John Hunter, had served on the flagship Queen Charlotte. The second, Henry Waterhouse, had been fifth lieutenant on the Bellerophon. Flinders was under theorders of both of them on his next voyage. 

Hunter had accompanied the first Governor of New South Wales on theSirius, when a British colony was founded there in 1788, and wascommissioned by the Crown to assume the duties of Lieutenant-Governor incase of Phillip's death. When the office fell vacant in 1793, Hunterapplied for appointment. He secured the cordial support of Howe, and SirRoger Curtis of the Queen Charlotte exerted his influence by recommendinghim as one whose selection "would be a blessing to the colony" on accountof his incorruptible integrity, unceasing zeal, thorough knowledge of thecountry, and steady judgment. He was appointed Governor in February, 1794, and in March of the same year H. M. S. Reliance, with the tenderSupply, were commissioned to convey him to Sydney. 

Henry Waterhouse was chosen to command the Reliance, under Hunter, atthat officer's request. He expressed to the Secretary of State a wishthat the appointment might be conferred upon an officer to whom it mightbe a step in advancement, rather than upon one who had already attainedthe rank of commander; and he recommended Waterhouse as one who, though ayoung man and not an old officer, was "the only remaining lieutenant ofthe Sirius, formerly under my command; and having had the principal partof his nautical education from me, I can with confidence say that he iswell qualified for the charge. "

It is probable that Flinders heard of the expedition from his Bellerophonshipmate, Waterhouse, who by the end of July was under orders to sail assecond captain of the Reliance. Certainly the opportunity of makinganother voyage to Australian waters, wherein, as he knew, so much worklay awaiting an officer keen for discovery, coincided with his owninclinations. He wrote that he was led by his passion for exploring newcountries to embrace the opportunity of going out upon a station which ofall others presented the most ample field for his favourite pursuit. 

The sailing was delayed for six months, and in the interval youngFlinders was able to visit his home in Lincolnshire. Whatever oppositionthere may have been to his choice of the sea as a profession before 1790, we may be certain that the Donington surgeon was not a little proud ofhis eldest son when he returned after a wonderful voyage to the isles ofthe Pacific and the Caribbean Sea, and after participation in the recentgreat naval fight which had thrilled the heart of England with exultationand pride. The boy who had left his father's house four years before asan anxious aspirant for the King's uniform now returned a bronzed seamanon the verge of manhood. His intelligence and zeal as a junior officerhad won him the esteem and confidence of distinguished commanders. He hadlooked upon the strangeness and beauty of the world in its most remoteand least-known quarters, had witnessed fights with savages, threadedunmapped straits, and had, to crown his youthful achievements, strivenamidst the wrack and thunder of grim-visaged war. We may picture hiswelcome: the strong grasp of his father's hand, the crowding enthusiasmof his brother and sisters fondly glorying in their hero's prowess. Thewarnings of uncle John were all forgotten now. When the midshipman'syounger brother, Samuel Ward Flinders, desired to go to sea with him, hewas not restrained, and, in fact, accompanied him as a volunteer on theReliance when at length she sailed. 

Hunter took not merely an official but a deep and discerning interest inthe colonisation of Australia. He foresaw its immense possibilities, encouraged its exploration, promoted the breeding of stock and thecultivation of crops, and had a wise concern for such strategicadvantages as would tend to secure it for British occupation. Heperceived the great importance of the Cape of Good Hope from the point ofview of Australian security; and a letter which he wrote to an officialof the Admiralty while awaiting sailing orders for the Reliance (January25, 1795), is perhaps the first instance of official recognition ofAustralia's vital interest in the ownership of that post. There was causefor concern. The raw and ill-disciplined levies of the French, having atthe outbreak of the Revolutionary wars most unexpectedly turned back theinvading armies of Austria and Prussia, and having, after campaigns fullof dramatic changes, shaken off the peril of the crushing of thefatherland by a huge European combination, were now waging an offensivewar in Holland. Pichegru, the French commander, though not a soldier bytraining, secured astonishing successes, and, in the thick of a winter ofexceptional severity, led his ragged and ill-fed army on to victory aftervictory, until the greater part of Holland lay conquered within his grip. In January he entered Amsterdam. There was a strong element of Republicanfeeling among the Dutch, and an alliance with France was demanded. 

When this condition of things was reported in England, Hunter was alarmedfor the safety of the colony which he was about to govern. The Cape ofGood Hope was a Dutch possession. Holland was now under the domination ofFrance. Might not events bring about the establishment of French power atthe Cape? "I cannot help feeling much concerned at the rapid progress ofthe French in Holland, " he wrote, "and I own shall not be surprised if inconsequence of their success in that country they make a sudden dash atthe Cape of Good Hope, if we do not anticipate them in such an attempt. They are so very active a people that it will be done before we knowanything of it, and I think it a post of too much importance to beneglected by them. I hope earnestly, therefore, that it will be preventedby our sending a squadron and some troops as early as possible. If theRepublicans once get a footing there, we shall probably find it difficultto dislodge them. Such a circumstance would be a sad stroke for our youngcolony. "

The course which Hunter then advised was that which the BritishGovernment followed, though more because the Cape was the "half wayhouse" to India, than for the protection of Australian interests. Anexpedition was despatched later in the year to protect the Cape againstFrench occupation, and in September the colony, by order of theStadtholder of Holland, accepted British protection. 

The Reliance and the Supply left Plymouth on February 15th, 1795, amongsta very large company of merchantmen and ships of the navy convoyed by theChannel Fleet under Lord Howe, which guarded them till they were beyondthe range of possible French attacks and then sailed back to port. 

From Teneriffe, which Hunter reached on March 6th, he wrote a despatch tothe Government stating his intention to sail, not to the Cape of GoodHope, but to Rio de Janeiro in Brazil, and thence to New South Wales. Hisavoidance of the more direct route was due to the causes explained above. "In the present uncertain state of things between the French and Dutch, "he had written before sailing, "it will be dangerous for me to attempttouching at the Cape on my way out;" and writing from Rio de Janeiro inMay he explained that he did not "conceive it safe from the uncertainstate of the Dutch settlements in India to take the Cape of Good Hope inmy way to Port Jackson, lest the French, following up their latesuccesses in Holland, should have been active enough to make an earlyattack on that very important post. " In a despatch to the Duke ofPortland he commented strongly on the same circumstance, expressing theopinion that "if the French should be able to possess themselves of thatsettlement it will be rather unfortunate for our distant colony. "

Hunter had to complain of discourteous treatment received from thePortuguese Viceroy, who kept him waiting six days before according aninterview, and then fixed an appointment for seven o'clock in theevening, when it was quite dark. "As His Excellency was acquainted withthe position I held, I confess I expected a different reception, " wroteHunter; and he was so much vexed that he did not again set foot ashorewhile his ships lay in port. The incident, though not important initself, serves, in conjunction with Hunter's avoidance of the Cape, toillustrate the rather limp condition of British prestige abroad at aboutthe time when her authority was being established in Australia. With herarmy defeated in the Low Countries, her ships deeming it prudent to keepclear of the Cape that formed the key to her eastern and southernpossessions, and her King's representative subjected to a studied slightfrom a Portuguese official in Brazil, she hardly appeared, just then, tobe the nation that would soon shatter the naval power of France, demolishthe greatest soldier of modern times, and, before her sword was sheathed, float her victorious flag in every continent, in every sea, and overpeople of every race and colour. 

On this voyage, as on all occasions, Flinders kept a careful record ofhis own observations. Sixteen years later, a dispute arose, interestingto navigators, as to the precise location of Cape Frio in Brazil. AnAmerican had pointed out an error in European charts. It was a matter ofsome importance, because ships bound for Rio de Janeiro necessarilyrounded Cape Frio, and the error was sufficiently serious to cause nosmall risk if vessels trusted to the received reckoning. The NavalChronicle devoted some attention to the point; and to it Flinders sent acommunication stating that on consulting his nautical records he foundthat on May 2nd, 1795, he made an observation, reduced from the precedingnoon, calculating the position of the Cape to be latitude 22 degrees 53minutes south, longitude 41 degrees 43 minutes west. His memorandum wasprinted over a facsimile of his signature as that of "a distinguishednavigator, " and was hailed as "a valuable contribution towards clearingup the difficulty concerning the geographical position of that importantheadland. "* (* Naval Chronicle Volume 26. ) For us the incident serves asan indication of Flinders' diligence and carefulness in the study ofnavigation. He was but a midshipman at the time, and it will be noticedthat it was a personal observation which he was able to quote, not onetaken as part of his duty as an officer. 

The Reliance arrived at Port Jackson on September 7th, and in thefollowing month Flinders, with a companion of whom it is time to speak, commenced the series of explorations which made his fame. 

This companion was George Bass, a Lincolnshire man like Flinders himself, born at Aswarby near Sleaford. He was a farmer's son, but his father diedwhen he was quite a child, and his mother moved to Boston. She managedout of her widow's resources to give her son an excellent education, anddesigned that he should enter the medical profession. In due course hewas apprenticed to a Boston surgeon, Mr. Francis--a common mode ofsecuring training in medicine at that period. He "walked" the Bostonhospital for a finishing course of instruction, and won his surgeon'sdiploma with marked credit. 

Bass had from his early years shown a desire to go to sea. His mother wasable to buy for him a share in a merchant ship; but this was wrecked, whereupon, not cured of his love of the ocean, he entered the navy as asurgeon. It was in that capacity that he sailed in the Reliance. He wasthen, in 1795, thirty-two years of age. 

All the records of Bass, both the personal observations of those who camein contact with him, and the tale of his own deeds, leave the impressionthat he was a very remarkable man. He was six feet in height, dark-complexioned, handsome in countenance, keen in expression, vigorous, strong, and enterprising. His father-in-law spoke of his "verypenetrating countenance. " Flinders called him "the penetrating Bass. "Governor Hunter, in official despatches, said he was "a young man of awell-informed mind and an active disposition, " and one who was "of muchability in various ways out of the line of his profession. " He was giftedwith a mind capable of intense application to any task that he took inhand. Upon his firm courage, resourcefulness and strength of purpose, difficulties and dangers acted merely as the whetstone to the finelytempered blade. He undertook hazardous enterprises from the sheer love ofdoing hard things which were worth doing. "He was one, " wrote Flinders, "whose ardour for discovery was not to be repressed by any obstacle nordeterred by danger. " He seemed to care nothing for rewards, and was nothungry for honours. The pleasure of doing was to him its own recompense. That "penetrating countenance" indexed a brain as direct as a drill, andas inflexible. A loyal and affectionate comrade, preferring to enter upona task with his chosen mate, he nevertheless could not wait inactive ifofficial duties prevented co-operation, but would set out alone on anypiece of work on which he had set his heart. The portrait of Bass whichwe possess conveys an impression of alert and vigorous intelligence, ofgenial temper and hearty relish. It is the picture of a man who wasabundantly alive in every nerve. 

Flinders and Bass, being both Lincolnshire men, born within a few milesof each other, naturally became very friendly on the long voyage toAustralia. It was said of two other friends, who achieved greatdistinction in the sphere of art, that when they first met in earlymanhood they "ran together like two drops of mercury, " so completelycoincident were their inclinations. So it was in this instance. Two menmore predisposed to formulate plans for exploration could not have beenthrown together. A passion for maritime discovery was common to both ofthem. Flinders, from his study of charts and books of voyages, had asound knowledge of the field of work that lay open, and Bass's keen mindeagerly grasped the plans explained to him. It would not have taken thesurgeon and the midshipman long to find that their ambitions werecompletely in tune on this inviting subject. "With this friend, " Flinderswrote, "a determination was found of completing the examination of theeast coast of New South Wales by all such opportunities as the duty ofthe ship and procurable means could admit. Projects of this nature, whenoriginating in the minds of young men, are usually termed romantic; andso far from any good being anticipated, even prudence and friendship joinin discouraging, if not in opposing them. Thus it was in the presentcase. " The significance of that passage is that the two friends made forthemselves the opportunities by which they won fame and rendered service. They did not wait on Fortune; they forced her hand. They showed by whatthey did on their own initiative, with very limited resources, that theywere the right men to be entrusted with work of larger scope. 

Nevertheless it is unwarrantable to assume that Governor Hunterdiscountenanced their earliest efforts. It was presumably on the passagequoted above that the author of a chapter in the most elaborate modernnaval history founded the assertion that "the plans of the youngdiscoverers were discouraged by the authorities. They, however, hadresolution and perseverance. All official help and countenance werewithheld. "* (* Sir Clements Markham in The Royal Navy, a History, 4 565. )But Flinders does not say that "the authorities" discouraged the effort. "Prudence and friendship" did. They were not yet tried men in suchhazardous enterprises; the settlement possessed scarcely any resourcesfor exploratory work, and the dangers were unknown. Official countenanceimplies official responsibility, and there was not yet sufficient reasonfor setting the Governor's seal on the adventurous experiments of twoyoung and untried though estimable men. When they had shown theirquality, Hunter gave them every assistance and encouragement in hispower, and proved himself a good friend to them. In the circumstances, "prudence and friendship" are hardly to be blamed for a counsel ofcaution. The remark of Flinders is not to be interpreted to mean that theGovernor put hindrances in their way. They were under his orders, and hispositive discountenance would have been effectual to block their efforts. They could not even have obtained leave of absence without his approval. But John Hunter was not the man to prevent them from putting their powersto the test. 

No sooner had the two friends reached Sydney than they began to lookabout them for means to undertake the exploratory work upon which theirminds were bent. Bass had brought out with him from England a small boat, only eight feet long, with a five foot beam, named by him the Tom Thumbon account of her size. * (* Flinders' Papers "Brief Memoir" manuscriptspage 5. Some have supposed the measurements given in Flinders' publishedwork to have been a misprint, the size of the boat being so absurdlysmall. But Flinders' Journal is quite clear on the point: "We turned oureyes towards a little boat of about 8 feet keel and 5 feet beam which hadbeen brought out by Mr. Bass and others in the Reliance, and from itssize had obtained the name of Tom Thumb. ") In this diminutive craft thetwo friends made preparations for setting out along the Coast. Takingwith them only one boy, named Martin, with provisions and ammunition fora very short trip, they sailed the Tom Thumb out of Port Jackson and madesouthward to Botany Bay, which they entered. They pushed up George'sRiver, which had been only partly explored, and pursued theirinvestigation of its winding course for twenty miles beyond the formerlimit of survey. Upon their return they presented to Hunter a reportconcerning the quality of the land seen on the borders of the river, together with a sketch map. The Governor was induced from what they toldhim to examine the country himself; and the result was that he foundedthe settlement of Bankstown, which still remains, and boasts thedistinction of being one of the pioneer towns of Australia. 

The adventurers were delayed from the further pursuit of their ambitionby ship's duties. The Reliance was ordered to convey to Norfolk Island anofficer of the New South Wales Corps required for duty there, as well asthe Judge Advocate. She sailed in January, 1796. After her return inMarch, Bass and Flinders, being free again, lost no time in fitting outfor a second cruise. Their object this time was to search for a largeriver, said to fall into the sea to the south of Botany Bay, which wasnot marked on Cook's chart. As before, the crew consisted only ofthemselves and the boy. 

It has always been believed that the boat in which this second cruise wasmade, was the same Tom Thumb as that which carried the two youngexplorers to George's River; indeed, Flinders himself, in his Voyage toTerra Australis, Volume 1, page 97, says that "Mr. Bass and myself wentagain in Tom Thumb. " But in his unpublished Journal there is a passagethat suggests a doubt as to whether, when he wrote his book, over adecade later, he had not forgotten that a second boat was obtained forthe second adventure. He may not have considered the circumstanceimportant enough to mention. At all events in the Journal, he writes: "AsTom Thumb had performed so well before, the same boat's crew had littlehesitation in embarking in another boat of nearly the same size, whichhad been since built at Port Jackson. " There was, it is evident, a secondboat, no larger than the first, or that fact would have been mentioned, and she was also known as the Tom Thumb. She was Tom Thumb the Second. Only by that assumption can we reconcile the Voyage statement with theJournal, which, having been written up at the time, is an authoritativesource of information. 

They left Sydney on March 25th, intending to stand off to sea tillevening, when it was expected that the breeze would bring them to thecoast. But they drifted on a strong current six or seven miles southward, and being unable to land, passed the night in the boat. Next day, beingin want of water, but unable to bring the Tom Thumb to a safe landingplace, Bass swam ashore. While the filled cask was being got off a wavecarried the boat shoreward and beached her, leaving the three on thebeach with their clothes drenched, their provisions partly spoiled, andtheir arms and ammunition thoroughly wet. The emptying and launching ofthe boat on a surfy shore, and the replacing of the stores and cask inher, were managed with some difficulty; and they ran for two islands forshelter late in the afternoon. Finding a landing to be dangerous theyagain spent the night, cramped, damp, and uncomfortable, in their tossinglittle eight-foot craft, with their stone anchor dropped under the lee ofa tongue of land. Bass could not sleep because, from having for so manyhours during the day had his naked body exposed to the burning sun, hewas "one continued blister. " On the third day they took aboard twoaboriginals--"two Indians, " Flinders calls them--natives of Botany Bay, who offered to pilot them to a place where they could obtain not onlywater but also fish and wild duck. 

They were conducted to a small stream descending from a lagoon, and rowedup it for about a mile until it became too shallow to proceed. Eight orten aboriginals put in an appearance, and Bass and Flinders began toentertain doubts of securing a retreat from these people should they beinclined to be hostile. "They had the reputation at Port Jackson of beingexceedingly ferocious, if not cannibals. "

The powder having become wet and the muskets rusty, Bass and Flindersdecided to land in order that they might spread their ammunition in thesun to dry, and clean their weapons. The natives, who increased in numberto about twenty, gathered round and watched with curiosity. Some of themassisted Bass in repairing a broken oar. They did not know what thepowder was, but, when the muskets were handled, so much alarm was excitedthat it was necessary to desist. Some of them had doubtless learnt fromaboriginals about Port Jackson of the thunder and lightning made by thesemysterious pieces of wood and metal, and had had described to them howblackfellows dropped dead when such things pointed and smoked at them. Flinders, anxious to retain their confidence (because, had they assumedthe offensive, they must speedily have annihilated the three whites), hitupon an amusing method of diverting them. The aboriginals were accustomedto wear their coarse black hair and beards hanging in long, shaggy, untrimmed locks, matted with accretions of oil and dirt. When the twoBotany Bay blacks were taken on board the Tom Thumb as pilots, a pair ofscissors was applied to their abundant and too emphatically odoroustresses. Flinders tells the rest of the story:

"We had clipped the hair and beards of the two Botany Bay natives at RedPoint, * (* Near Port Kembla; named by Cook. ) and they were showingthemselves to the others and persuading them to follow their example. Whilst therefore the powder was drying, I began with a large pair ofscissors to execute my new office upon the eldest of four or five chinspresented to me, and as great nicety was not required, the shaving of adozen of them did not occupy me long. Some of the more timid were alarmedat a formidable instrument coming so near to their noses, and wouldscarcely be persuaded by their shaven friends to allow the operation tobe finished. But when their chins were held up a second time, their fearof the instrument, the wild stare of their eyes, and the smile which theyforced, formed a compound upon the rough savage countenance not unworthythe pencil of a Hogarth. I was almost tempted to try what effect a littlesnip would produce; but our situation was too critical to admit of suchexperiments. "

Flinders treats the incident lightly, and as a means of creating adiversion while preparing a retreat it was useful; but it can hardly besupposed to have been an agreeable occupation to barber a group ofaboriginals. What the heads were like that received Flinders'ministrations, may be gathered from the description by Clarke, thesupercargo of the wrecked Sydney Cove, concerning the natives whom heencountered in the following year (March 1797): "Their hair is long andstraight, but they are wholly inattentive to it, either as to cleanlinessor in any other respect. It serves them in lieu of a towel to wipe theirhands as often as they are daubed with blubber or shark oil, which istheir principal article of food. This frequent application of rancidgrease to their heads and bodies renders their approach exceedinglyoffensive. "

But the adventure, by putting the blacks into a good humour, enabled Bassand Flinders to collect their dried powder, obtain fresh water, and getback to their boat. The natives became vociferous for them to go up tothe lagoon, but the natives "dragged her along down the stream shoutingand singing, " until the depth of water placed them in safety. Flinders, in his Journal, expressed the view that "we were perhaps considerablyindebted for the fear the natives entertained of us to an old red jacketwhich Mr. Bass wore, and from which they took us to be soldiers, whomthey were particularly afraid of; and though we did not much admire ournew name, Soja, we thought it best not to undeceive them. "

On March 25 they anchored "under the innermost of the northernislets... We called these Martin's Isles after our young companion in theboat. "* (* Journal. )

They were now in the Illawarra district, one of the most prolific in NewSouth Wales;* (* McFarlane, Illawarra and Monaro, Sydney 1872 page 8. )and the observation of Flinders that the land they saw was "probablyfertile, and the slopes of the back hills had certainly that appearance, "has been richly justified by a century's experience. 

The two friends and their boy had to remain on the Tom Thumb for a thirdnight; but next afternoon (March 28) they were able to land unmolested, to cook a meal, and to take some rest on the shore. "The sandy beach wasour bed, and after much fatigue and passing three nights of cramp in TomThumb it was to us a bed of down. "

At about ten o'clock at night, on March 29th, the little craft was inextreme danger of foundering in a gale. The anchor had been cast underthe lee of a range of cliffs, but the situation was insecure, so thatBass and Flinders considered it prudent to haul up the stone and runbefore the wind. The night was dark, the wind burst in a gale, and theadventurers had no knowledge of any place of security to which they couldrun. The frowning cliffs above them and the smashing of the surf on therocks, were their guide in steering a course parallel with the coast. Bass held the sheet, Flinders steered with an oar, and the boy bailed outthe water which the hissing crests of wind-lashed waves flung into theboat. "It required the utmost exertion to prevent broaching to; a singlewrong movement or a moment's inattention would have sent us to thebottom. "

They drove along for an hour in this precarious situation, hoping for anopening to reveal itself into which they could run for shelter. At last, Flinders, straining his eyes in the darkness, distinguished right aheadsome high breakers, behind which there appeared to be no shade of cliffs. So extremely perilous was their position at this time, with the waterincreasing despite the efforts of the boy, that Flinders, an unusuallyplacid and matter-of-fact writer when dealing with dangers of the sea, declares that they could not have lived ten minutes longer. On theinstant he determined to turn the boat's head for these breakers, hopingthat behind them, as there were no high cliffs, there might be shelteredwater. The boat's head was brought to the wind, the sail and mast weretaken down, and the oars were got out. "Pulling thus towards the reef, through the intervals of the heaviest seas, we found it to terminate in apoint, and in three minutes were in smooth water under its lee. A whiteappearance further back kept us a short time in suspense, but a nearerapproach showed it to be the beach of a well-sheltered cove, under whichwe anchored for the rest of the night. " They called the place of refugeProvidential Cove. The native name was Watta-Mowlee (it is now calledWattamolla). 

On the following morning, March 30th, the weather having moderated, theTom Thumb's sail was again hoisted, and she coasted northward. After aprogress of three or four miles, Flinders and Bass found the entrance ofPort Hacking, for the exploration of which they had made this cruise. Itwas a much-indented inlet directly south of Botany Bay, divided from itby a broad peninsula, and receiving at its head the waters of a wideriver, besides several small creeks; and was named after Henry Hacking, apilot who had indicated its whereabouts, having come near it "in hiskangaroo-hunting excursions. " The two young explorers spent the betterpart of two days in examining the neighbourhood; and anyone who has hadthe good fortune to traverse that piece of country, with its grassedglades, its timbered hillsides, its exquisite glimpses of sapphire seaand cool silver river, its broken and diversified surface, rich withfloral colour--for they saw it in early autumn--can realise how satisfiedthey must have felt with their work. After a nine days' voyage, theysailed out of Port Hacking early on April 2nd, and, aided by a fine wind, drew up alongside the Reliance in Port Jackson on the evening of the sameday. 

The Reliance was an old and leaky ship. She had seen much service and wasbadly in need of repairs. "She is so extremely weak in her whole framethat it is in our situation a difficult matter to do what is necessary, "wrote Hunter to the Secretary of State. Shipwrights' conveniences couldhardly be expected to be ample in a settlement that was not yet ten yearsold, and where skilled labour was necessarily deficient. But she had tobe repaired with the best material and direction available, for she wasthe best ship which His Majesty's representative had at his disposal. TheSupply was pretty well beyond renovation. She was American built, and hertimbers of black birch were never suitable for service in warm waters. Shortly after the discovery of Port Hacking, Hunter set about theoverhauling of the vessel that was at once his principal means of navaldefence, his saluting battery, his official inspecting ship, histransport, and his craft of all work. He wanted her especially just now, for a useful piece of colonial service. 

The Governor had received intelligence from Major-General Craig, who hadcommanded the land forces when Admiral Elphinstone occupied the Cape ofGood Hope, that a British protectorate had been established at that veryimportant station. As Hunter had himself made the suggestion to theGovernment that such a step should be taken, the news was especiallygratifying to him. Amongst his instructions from the Secretary of Statewas a direction to procure from South Africa live cattle for stocking theinfant colony. He had brought out with him, at Sir Joseph Banks'suggestion, a supply of growing vegetables for transplantation and ofseeds for sowing at appropriate seasons. He now set about obtaining thelive stock. 

The Reliance and the Supply sailed by way of Cape Horn to South Africa, where they took on board a supply of domestic animals. The former vesselcarried 109 head of cattle, 107 sheep and three mares. Some of theofficers brought live stock on their own account. Thus Bass had on boarda cow and nineteen sheep, and Waterhouse had enough stock to start asmall farm; but it does not appear that Flinders brought any animals. "Ibelieve no ship ever went to sea so much lumbered, " wrote CaptainWaterhouse; and the unpleasantness of the voyage can be imagined, apartfrom that officer's assurance that it was "one of the longest and mostdisagreeable passages I ever made. " The vessels left Cape Town for Sydneyon April 11th, 1797. The Supply was so wretchedly leaky that it wasconsidered positively unsafe for her to risk the voyage. But hercommander, Lieutenant William Kent, had a high sense of duty, and hiscourage was guided by the fine seamanship characteristic of the service. Having in view the importance to the colony of the stock he had on board, he determined to run her through. As a matter of fact, the Supply arrivedin Sydney forty-one days before the Reliance (May 16), though Hunterreported that she reached port "in a most distressed and dangerouscondition, " and would never be fit for sea again. Kent's memory isworthily preserved on the map of Australia by the name (given by Flindersor by Hunter himself) of the Kent group of islands at the easternentrance of Bass Strait. 

The Reliance, meeting with very bad weather, made a very slow passage. Captain Waterhouse mentioned that one fierce gale was "the most terribleI ever saw or heard of, " so that he "expected to go to the bottom everymoment. " He wondered how they escaped destruction, but rounded off hisdescription with a seaman's joke: "possibly I may be intended to be hungin room of being drowned. " The ship was very leaky all the way, andHunter reported that she returned to port with her pumps going. Shereached Sydney on June 26th. 

The unseaworthy condition of the Reliance had an important bearing on theshare Flinders took in Australian discovery, for it was unquestionably inconsequence of his being engaged upon her repair that he was preventedfrom accompanying his friend Bass on the expedition which led to thediscovery of Bass Strait. This statement is proved not only by thetestimony of Flinders himself, but by concurrent facts. Waterhouse wroteon the return of the ship to Port Jackson, "we have taken everything outof her in hopes of repairing her. " This was in the latter part of 1797. Adespatch from Hunter to the British Government in January, 1798, showsthat at that time she was still being patched up. Flinders recorded that"the great repairs required by the Reliance would not allow of myabsence, " but that "my friend Mr. Bass, less confined by his duty, madeseveral excursions. " Finally, it was on December 3rd, 1797, while therefitting was in progress, that Bass started out on the adventurousvoyage which led to the discovery of the stretch of water separatingTasmania from the mainland of Australia. But for the work on theReliance, there cannot be the shadow of a doubt that Flinders would havebeen with him. Duty had to be done, however; the "ugly commanded work, "in which, as the sage reminds us, genius has to do its part in commonwith more ordinary mortals, made demands that must take precedence ofadventurous cruising along unknown coasts. So it was that the cobbling ofa debilitated tub separated on an historic occasion two brave and loyalfriends whose names will be thought of together as long as British peopletreasure the memory of their choice and daring spirits. 

CHAPTER 7. THE DISCOVERY OF BASS STRAIT. 

The patching up of the Reliance not being surgeon's work, Bass, throbbingwith energy, looked about him for some useful employment. The whole ofthe New South Wales settlement at this time consisted of an oblong--thetown of Sydney itself--on the south side of Port Jackson, a few sprawlingpaddocks on either side of the fang-like limbs of the harbour, some smallpieces of cultivated land further west, at and beyond Parramatta, and acultivable area to the north-west on the banks of the Hawkesbury River. Asketch-map prepared by Hunter, in 1796, illustrates these very smallearly attempts of the settlement to spread. They show up against thepaper like a few specks of lettuce leaf upon a white table cloth. Thelarge empty spaces are traversed by red lines, principally to thesouth-west, marking "country which has been lately walked over. " The redlines end abruptly on the far side of a curve in the course of the riverNepean, where swamps and hills are shown. The map-maker "saw a bull" neara hill which was called Mount Hunter, and marked it down. 

West of the settlement, behind Richmond Hill on the Hawkesbury, the mapindicated a mountain range. Bass's first effort at independentexploration was an endeavour to find a pass through these mountains. Theneed was seen to be imminent. As the colony grew, the limits ofoccupation would press up to the foot of this blue range, which, with itsprecipitous walls, its alluring openings leading to stark faces of rock, its sharp ridges breaking to sheer ravines, its dense scrub and timber, defied the energies of successive explorers. Governor Phillip, in 1789, reached Richmond by way of the Hawkesbury. Later in the same year, and inthe next, further efforts were made, but the investigators were beaten bythe stern and shaggy hills. Captain William Paterson, in 1793, organizedan attacking party, consisting largely of Scottish highlanders, hopingthat their native skill and resolution would find a path across thebarrier; but they proceeded by boat only, and did not go far. In thefollowing year quartermaster Hacking, with a party of hardy men, spentten days among the mountains, but no path or pass practicable for trafficrewarded his endeavours. Sydney was shut in between the sea and thiscraggy rampart. What the country on the other side was like no man knew. 

In June, 1796, before the Reliance sailed for South Africa, George Bassmade his try. The task was hard, and worth attempting, two qualificationswhich recommended it strongly to his mind. He collected a small party ofmen upon whom he could rely for a tough struggle, took provisions forabout a fortnight, equipped himself with strong ropes with which to belowered down ravines, had scaling irons made for his feet, and hooks tofasten on his hands, and set out ready to cut or climb his way over themountains, determined to assail their defiant fastnesses up to the limitsof possibility. It was a stiff enterprise, and Bass and his party did notspare themselves. But the Blue Mountains were a fortress that was not tobe taken by storm. Bass's success, as Flinders wrote, "was notcommensurate to the perseverance and labour employed. " After fifteen daysof effort, the baffled adventurers confessed themselves beaten, and, their provisions being exhausted, returned to Sydney. 

They had pushed research further than any previous explorers had done, and had marked down the course of the river Grose as a practical resultof their work. But Bass now believed the mountains to be hopeless; and, indeed, George Caley, a botanical collector employed by Sir Joseph Banks, having seven years later made another attempt and met with repulse, didnot hesitate to tell a committee of the House of Commons, which summonedhim to appear as a witness, that the range was impassable. It seemed thatNature had tumbled down an impenetrable bewilderment of rock, thehillsides cracking into deep, dark crevices, and the crests of themountains showing behind and beyond a massed confusion of crags andhollows, trackless and untraversable. Governor King declared himselfsatisfied that the effort to cross the range was a task "as chimerical asuseless, " an opinion strengthened by the fact that, as Allan Cunninghamhad related, * the aboriginals known to the settlement were "totallyignorant of any pass to the interior. " (* On "Progress of InteriorDiscovery in New South Wales, " Journal of the Royal Geographical Society1832 Volume 2 99. )

It was not, indeed, till 1813 that Gregory Blaxland, with LieutenantLawson and William Charles Wentworth (then a youth), as companions, succeeded in solving the problem. The story of their steady, persistent, and desperate struggle being beyond the scope of this biography, it issufficient to say that after fifteen days of severe labour, applied withrare intelligence and bushcraft, they saw beneath them wavinggrass-country watered by clear streams, and knew that they had found apath to the interior of the new continent. 

Bass's eagerness to explore soon found other scope. In 1797, report wasbrought to Sydney by shipwrecked mariners that, in traversing the coast, they had seen coal. He at once set off to investigate. At the place nowcalled Coalcliff, about twenty miles south of Botany Bay, he found a veinof coal about twenty feet above the surface of the sea. It was six orseven feet thick, and dipped to the southward until it became level withthe sea, "and there the lowest rock you can see when the surf retires isall coal. " It was a discovery of first-class importance--the firstconsiderable find of a mineral that has yielded incalculable wealth toAustralia. * (* It is well to remember that the use of coal was discoveredin England in very much the same way. Mr. Salzmann, English Industries ofthe Middle Ages, 1913 page 3, observes that "it is most probable that thefirst coal used was washed up by the sea, and such as could be quarriedfrom the face of the cliffs where the seams were exposed by the action ofthe waves. " He quotes a sixteenth century account relative to Durham: "Asthe tide comes in it bringeth a small wash sea coal, which is employed tothe making of salt and the fuel of the poor fisher towns adjoining. "Hence, originally, coal in England was commonly called sea-coal even whenobtained inland. ) He made this useful piece of investigation in August;and in the following month undertook a journey on foot, in company withWilliamson, the acting commissary, from Sydney to the Cowpastures, crossing and re-crossing the River Nepean, and thence descending to thesea a few miles south of his old resting place, Watta-Mowlee. His map andnotes are full of evidence of his careful observation. "Tolerably goodlevel ground, " "good pastures, " "mountainous brushy land, " and so forth, are remarks scored across his track line. But these were pastimes incomparison with the enterprise that was now occupying his mind, and uponwhich his fame chiefly rests. 

Hunter's despatch to the Duke of Portland, dated March 1st, 1798, explains the circumstances of the expedition leading to the discovery ofBass Strait: "The tedious repairs which His Majesty's ship Reliancenecessarily required before she could be put in a condition for goingagain to sea, having given an opportunity to Mr. George Bass, hersurgeon, a young man of a well-informed mind and an active disposition, to offer himself to be employed in any way in which he could contributeto the benefit of the public service, I enquired of him in what way hewas desirous of exerting himself, and he informed me nothing wouldgratify him more effectually than my allowing him the use of a good boatand permitting him to man her with volunteers from the King's ships. Iaccordingly furnished him with an excellent whaleboat, well fitted, victualled, and manned to his wish, for the purpose of examining thecoast to the southward of this port, as far as he could with safety andconvenience go. "

It is clear from this despatch that the impulse was Bass's own, and thatthe Governor merely supplied the boat, provisioned it, and permitted himto select his own crew. Hunter gave Bass full credit for what he did, andhimself applied the name to the Strait when its existence had beendemonstrated. It is, however, but just to Hunter to observe, that he hadeight years before printed the opinion that there was either a strait ora deep gulf between Van Diemen's Land and New Holland. In his HistoricalJournal of the Transactions at Port Jackson and Norfolk Island (London, 1793), he gave an account of the voyage of the Sirius, in 1789, from PortJackson to the Cape of Good Hope to purchase provisions. In telling thestory of the return voyage he wrote (page 125):

"In passing at a distance from the coast between the islands of Schootenand Furneaux and Point Hicks, the former being the northernmost ofCaptain Furneaux's observations here, and the latter the southernmostpart which Captain Cook saw when he sailed along the coast, there hasbeen no land seen, and from our having felt an easterly set of currentand when the wind was from that quarter (north-west), we had an uncommonlarge sea, there is reason to believe that there is in that space eithera very deep gulf or a strait, which may separate Van Diemen's Land fromNew Holland. There have no discoveries been made on the western side ofthis land in the parallel I allude to, between 39 and 42 degrees south, the land there having never been seen. "

Hunter was, therefore, quite justified, in his despatch, in pointing outthat he had "long conjectured" the existence of the Strait. He seems, notunwarrantably, to have been anxious that his own share in thediscoveries, as foreseeing them and encouraging the efforts that led tothem, should not be overlooked. The Naval Chronicle of the time mentionedthe subject, and returned to it more than once. * (* See Naval ChronicleVolume 4 159 (1800); Volume 6 349 (1801); Volume 15 62 (1806), etc. ) Butif we may suppose Hunter to have inspired some of these allusions, itmust be added that they are scrupulously fair, and claimed no more forhim than he was entitled to have remembered. Bass's work is in everyinstance properly appreciated; and in one article (Naval Chronicle 15 62)he is characterised, probably through Hunter's instrumentality--thelanguage is very like that used in the official despatch--as "a man ofconsiderable enterprise and ingenuity, a strong and comprehensive mindwith the advantage of a vigorous body and healthy constitution. " The boatwas 28 feet 7 inches long, head and stern alike, fitted to row eightoars, with banksia timbers and cedar planking. 

One error relating to this justly celebrated voyage needs to becorrected, especially as currency has been given to it in a standardhistorical work. It is not true that Bass undertook his cruise "in asailing boat with a crew of five convicts. * (* The Royal Navy: a HistoryVolume 4 567. ) His men were all British sailors. Hunter's despatchindicates that Bass asked to be allowed to man his boat "with volunteersfrom the King's ships, " and that she was "manned to his wish, " andFlinders, in his narrative of the voyage, stated that his friend was"furnished with a fine whaleboat, and six weeks' provisions by theGovernor, and a crew of six seamen from the ships. "

It is, indeed, much to be regretted that, with one exception to bementioned in a later chapter, the names of the seamen who participated inthis remarkable cruise have not been preserved. Bass had no occasion inhis diary to mention any man by name, but it is quite evident that theywere a daring, enduring, well-matched and thoroughly loyal band, facingthe big waters in their small craft with heroic resolution, and neverfailing to respond when their chief gave a lead. When, after braving foulweather, and with food supplies running low, the boat was at lengthturned homeward, Bass writes "we did it reluctantly, " coupling hiswilling little company with himself in regrets that discovery could notbe pushed farther than they had been able to pursue it. Throughout hisdiary he writes in the first person plural, and he records no instance ofcomplaint of the hardships endured or of quailing before the dangersencountered. 

It is likely enough that the six British sailors who manned Bass's boathad very little perception that they were engaged upon a task that wouldshine in history. An energetic ship's surgeon whom everybody liked hadcalled for volunteers in an affair requiring stout arms and hearts. Hegot them, they followed him, did their job, and returned to routine duty. They did not receive any extra pay, or promotion, or officialrecognition. Neither did Bass, beyond Hunter's commendation in adespatch. He wrote up his modest little diary, a terse record ofobservations and occurrences, and got ready for the next adventure. 

We will follow him on this one. 

On the evening of Sunday, December 3, 1797, at six o'clock, Bass's menrowed out of Port Jackson heads and turned south. The night was spent inLittle Bay, three miles north of Botany Bay, as Bass did not deem itprudent to proceed further in the darkness, the weather having becomecloudy and uncertain, and things not having yet found their proper placein the boat. Nor was very much progress made on the 4th, for a violentwind was encountered, which caused Bass to make for Port Hacking. On thefollowing day, "the wind headed in flurries, " and the boat did not getfurther than Providential Cove, or Watta-mowley, where the Tom Thumb hadtaken refuge in the previous year. On the 7th, Bass reached Shoalhaven, which he named. He remained there three days, and described the soil andsituation with some care. "The country around it is generally low andswampy and the soil for the most part is rich and good, but seeminglymuch subject to extensive inundation. " One sentence of comment readscuriously now that the district is linked up by railway with Sydney, andexports its butter and other produce to the markets of Europe. "Howevercapable much of the soil of this country might upon a more accurateinvestigation be found to be of agricultural improvement, certain it isthat the difficulty of shipping off the produce must ever remain a bar toits colonisation. A nursery of cattle might perhaps be carried on herewith advantage, and that sort of produce ships off itself. " Bass, afarmer's son, reared in an agricultural centre, was a capable judge ofgood country, but of course there was nothing when he saw these richlands to foretell an era of railways and refrigerating machinery. 

On December 10th the boat entered Jervis Bay, and on the 18th Bassdiscovered Barmouth Creek (probably the mouth of the Bega River), "theprettiest little model of a harbour we had ever seen. " Were it not forthe shallowness of the bar, he considered that the opening would be "acomplete harbour for small craft;" but as things were, "a small boat evenmust watch her times for going in. " On the 19th, at seven o'clock in themorning, Twofold Bay was discovered. Bass sailed round it, made a sketchof it, and put to sea again, thinking it better to leave the place forfurther examination on the return voyage, and to take advantage of thefair wind for the southward course. He considered the nautical advantagesof the harbour--to become in later years a rather important centre forwhaling--superior to those of any other anchorage entered during thevoyage. A landmark was indicated by him with a quaint touch: "It may beknown by a red point on the south side, of the peculiar bluish hue of adrunkard's nose. " On the following day at about eleven o'clock in themorning he rounded Cape Howe, and commenced his westerly run. He was nownearing a totally new stretch of coast. 

From the 22nd to the 30th bad weather was experienced. A gale blewsouth-west by west, full in their teeth. The situation must have beenuncomfortable in the extreme, for the boat was now entering the Strait. The heavy seas that roll under the lash of a south-west gale in thatquarter do not make for the felicity of those who face them on awell-found modern steamer. For the seven Englishmen in an open boat, groping along a strange coast, the ordeal was severe. But no doubt theywished each other a merry Christmas, in quite the traditional Englishway, and with hearty good feeling, on the 25th. 

On the last day of the year, in more moderate weather, the boat wascoasting the Ninety Mile Beach, behind the sandy fringe of which lay thefat pastures of eastern Gippsland. The country did not look verypromising to Bass from the sea, and he minuted his impressions in a fewwords: "low beaches at the bottom of heights of no great depth, lyingbetween rocky projecting points; in the back lay some short ridges oflumpy irregular hills at a little distance from the sea. "

Nowhere in his diary did Bass seize upon any picturesque features ofscenery, though they are not lacking in the region that he traversed. Ifhe was moved by a sense of the oppressiveness of vast, silent solitudes, or by any sensation of strangeness at feeling his way along a coasthitherto unexplored, the emotion finds scarcely any reflection in hisrecord. Hard facts, dates, times, positions, and curt memoranda, were thesole concern of the diarist. He did not even mention a pathetic, almosttragic, incident of the voyage, to which reference will presently bemade. It did not concern the actual exploratory part of his work, and sohe passed it by. The one note signifying an appreciation of thesingularity of the position is conveyed in the terse words: "Sunday 31st, a. M. Daylight, got out and steered along to the southward, in anxiousexpectation, being now nearly come upon an hitherto unknown part of thecoast. "

But men are emotional beings after all, and an entry for "January 1st, 1798" (really the evening of December 31), bare of the human touch as itis, brings the situation of Bass and his crew vividly before the eye ofthe reader. The dramatic force of it must have been keenly realised bythem. At night there was "bright moonlight, the sky without a cloud. " Anew year was dawning. The seven Englishmen tossing on the waves in thissolitary part of the globe would not fail to remember that. They werenear enough to the land to see it distinctly; it was "still low andlevel. " A flood of soft light lay upon it, and rippled silvery over thesea. They would hear the wash of the rollers that climb that bevelledshore, and pile upon the water-line creaming leagues of phosphorescentfoam. And at the back lay a land of mystery, almost as tenantless as themoon herself, but to be the future home of prosperous thousands of thesame race as the men in the whaleboat. To them it was a country of weirdforms, strange animals, and untutored savages. If ever boat breasted the"foam of perilous seas in faery lands forlorn, " it was this, and if everits occupants realised the complete strangeness of their situation andtheir utter aloofness from the tracks of their fellowmen, it must havebeen on this cloudless moonlit summer night. There was hardly a stretchof the world's waters, at all events in any habitable zone, where theycould have been farther away from all that they remembered with affectionand hoped to see again. About half an hour before midnight a haze dimmedthe distinctness of the shore, and at midnight it had thickened so thatthey could scarcely see land at all. But they crept along in theircourse, "vast flights of petrels and other birds flying about us, " thewatch peering into the mist, the rest wrapped in their blankets sleeping, while the stars shone down on them from a brilliant steel-blue sky, andthe Cross wheeled high above the southern horizon. 

Cook, on his Endeavour voyage in 1770, first sighted the Australian coastat Point Hicks, called Cape Everard on many current maps. His secondofficer, Lieutenant Zachary Hicks, at six in the morning of April 20, "saw ye land making high, " and Cook "named it Point Hicks becauseLieutenant Hicks was the first who discovered this land. " Point Hicks isa projection which falls away landward from a peak, backed by a sandyconical hill, but Bass passed it without observing it. The thick hazewhich he mentions may have obscured the outline. At all events, by duskon January 1st he found that he had filled up the hitherto unexploredspace between Point Hicks "a point we could not at all distinguish fromthe rest of the beach, " and the high hummocky land further west, which hebelieved to be that sighted by Captain Tobias Furneaux in 1773. It is, however, to be observed that Flinders pointed out that all Bass'sreckonings after December 31st were ten miles out. "It is no matter ofsurprise, " wrote his friend indicating an error, "if observations takenfrom an open boat in a high sea should differ ten miles from the truth;but I judge that Mr. Bass's quadrant must have received some injuryduring the night of the 31st, for a similar error appears to pervade allthe future observations, even those taken under favourablecircumstances. " The missing of Point Hicks, therefore, apart from thethick haze, is not difficult to understand. 

On Tuesday, January 2nd, Bass reached the most southerly point in thecontinent of Australia, the extremity of Wilson's Promontory. The boldoutlines were sighted at seven o'clock in the morning. "We were surprisedby the sight of high hummocky land right ahead, and at a considerabledistance. " Bass called it Furneaux Land in his diary, in the belief thata portion of the great granite peninsula had been seen by the captain ofthe Adventure in 1773. Furneaux' name is still attached to the group ofislands divided by Banks' Strait from the north-east corner of Tasmania. But the name which Bass gave to the Promontory was not retained. It isnot likely that Furneaux ever saw land so far west. "It cannot be thesame, as Mr. Bass was afterwards convinced, " wrote Flinders. GovernorHunter, "at our recommendation, " named it Wilson's Promontory, "incompliment to my friend Thomas Wilson, Esq. , of London. " It has beenstated that the name was given to commemorate William Wilson, one of thewhaleboat crew, who "jumped ashore first. "* (* Ida Lee, The Coming of theBritish to Australia, London 1906 page 51. ) Nobody "jumped ashore first"on the westward voyage, when the discovery was made, because, as Basstwice mentions in his diary, "we could not land. " Doubly inaccurate isthe statement of another writer that "the promontory was seen and namedby Grant in 1800 after Admiral Wilson. "* (* Blair, Cyclopaedia ofAustralia, 748. ) Grant himself, on his chart of Bass Strait, marked downthe promontory as "accurately surveyed by Matthew Flinders, which hecalls Wilson's Promontory, " and on page 78 of his Narrative wrote that itwas named by Bass. The truth is, as related above, that it was named byHunter on the recommendation of Bass and Flinders; and the twosuperfluous Wilsons have no proper place in the story. The Thomas Wilsonwhose name was thus given to one of the principal features of theAustralian coast--a form of memorial far more enduring than "storied urnor animated bust"--is believed to have been a London merchant, engagedpartly in the Australian trade. Nothing more definite is known about him. He was as one who "grew immortal in his own despight. " Of the Promontoryitself Bass wrote--and the words are exceedingly apt--that it was "wellworthy of being the boundary point of a large strait, and a corner stoneof this great island New Holland. "

Bass found the neighbourhood of the Promontory to be the home of vastnumbers of petrels, gulls and other birds, as is still the case, and heremarked upon the seals observed upon neighbouring rocks, with "aremarkably long tapering neck and sharp pointed head. " They were theordinary Bass Strait seal, once exceedingly plentiful, and still to befound on some of the islands, but unfortunately much fewer in numbersnow. The pupping time was passed when Bass sailed through, and many ofthe females had gone to sea, as is their habit. This cause of depletionaccounts for his remark on his return voyage that the number was "by nomeans equal to what we had been led to expect. " But, he added, "from thequantity I saw I have every reason to believe that a speculation on asmall scale might be carried on with advantage. "

Foul winds and heavy breaking seas were experienced while the boat wasnearing the Promontory. To make matters worse, leaks were causinganxiety. Water was gushing in pretty freely near the water-line aft. Thecrew had frequently remarked in the course of the morning of January 3rdhow much looser the boat had become during the last few days. Her plankshad received no ordinary battering. It had been Bass's intention tostrike for the northern coast of Van Diemen's Land, which he supposed tobe at no very great distance. He may at this time have been under theimpression that he was in a deep gulf. As a matter of fact, the nearestpoint southward that he could have reached was 130 miles distant. Anxietyabout the condition of the boat made him resolve to continue his coastingcruise westward. Water rushed in fast through the boat's side, there wasrisk of a plank starting, and ploughing through a hollow, irregular sea, the explorers were, as Flinders reviewing the adventure wrote, "in thegreatest danger. " Bass's record of his night of peril ischaracteristically terse: "we had a bad night of it, but the excellentqualities of the boat brought us through. " He says nothing of his owncareful steering and sleepless vigilance. 

It was on the evening of the third day, January 3rd, that an incidentoccurred to which, curiously enough, Bass made no allusion in his diary, presumably because it did not concern the actual work of navigation anddiscovery, but which throws a dash of tragic colour into the story of hisadventure. The boat having returned to the coast of what was supposed tobe Furneaux Land, was running along "in whichever way the land mighttrend, for the state of the boat did not seem to allow of our quittingthe shore with propriety. " The coast line was being scanned for a placeof shelter, when smoke was observed curling up from an island not farfrom the Promontory. At first it was thought that the smoke arose from afire lighted by aboriginals, but it was discovered, to the amazement ofBass and his crew, that the island was occupied by a party of white men. They were escaped convicts. The tale they had to tell was one of a wilddash for liberty, treachery by confederates, and abandonment to theimminent danger of starvation. 

In October of the previous year, a gang of fourteen convicts had beenemployed in carrying stones from Sydney to the Hawkesbury Riversettlement, a few miles to the north. Most of them were "of the lastIrish convicts, " as Hunter explained in a despatch, part of the bitterfruit of the Irish Mutiny Act of 1796, passed to strike at the movementassociated with the names of Lord Edward Fitzgerald and Wolfe Tone, whichencouraged the attempted French invasion of Ireland under Hoche. Thesemen seized the boat appointed for the service, appropriated the stores, threatened the lives of all who dared to oppose them, and made their exitthrough Port Jackson heads. As soon as the Governor heard of the escapehe despatched parties in pursuit in rowing boats. The coast was searchedsixty miles to the north and forty to the south; but the convicts, withthe breeze in their sail and the hope of liberty in their hearts, had allthe advantage on their side, and eluded their gaolers. 

In April, 1797, news had been brought to the settlement of the wreck ofthe ship Sydney Cove on an island to the southward. If the Irishprisoners could reach this island, float the ship on the tide, and repairher rents, they considered that they had an excellent chance of escape. The provisions which they had on their boat, with such as they might findon the ship, would probably be sufficient for a voyage. It was a daringenterprise, but it may well have seemed to offer a prospect of success. 

Some of the prisoners at the settlement, as appears from a "generalorder" issued by Hunter, had "picked up somehow or other the idle storyof the possibility of travelling from hence to China, or finding someother colony where they expect every comfort without the trouble of anylabour. " It may have been the alluring hope of discovering such anearthly paradise that flattered these men. As a matter of fact, someconvicts did escape from New South Wales and reached India, afterextraordinary perils and hardships. They endeavoured to sail up the RiverGodavery, but were interrupted by a party of sepoys, re-arrested, andsent to Madras, whence they were ordered to be sent back to Sydney. * (*See Annual Register 1801 page 15. )

But the party whom Bass found never discovered the place of the wreckupon which they reckoned. Instead, they drifted round Cape Howe, andfound themselves off a desolate, inhospitable coast, without knowledge oftheir whereabouts, and with a scanty, rapidly diminishing stock of food. In fear of starvation seven of them resolved to desert their companionson this lonely island near Wilson's Promontory, and treacherously sailedaway with the boat while the others were asleep. It was the sad, sick, and betrayed remnant of this forlorn hope, that Bass found on thatwave-beaten rock on the 3rd January. For five weeks the wretched men hadsubsisted on petrels and occasional seals. Small prospect they had ofbeing saved; the postponement of their doom seemed only a prolongation oftheir anguish. They were nearly naked, and almost starved to death. Bassheard their story, pitied their plight, and relieved their necessities aswell as he could from his own inadequate stores. He also promised that onhis return he would call again at the island, and do what he could forthe party, who only escaped from being prisoners of man to becomeprisoners of nature, locked in one of her straitest confines, and fedfrom a reluctant and parsimonious hand. 

Bass kept his word; and it may be as well to interrupt the narrative ofhis westward navigation in order to relate the end of this story ofdistress. On February 2nd, he again touched at the island. But what couldhe do to help the fugitives? His boat was too small to enable him to takethem on board, and his provisions were nearly exhausted, his men havinghad to eke out the store by living on seals and sea birds. He consentedto take on board two of the seven, one of whom was grievously sick andthe other old and feeble. He provided the five others with a musket andammunition, fishing lines and hooks, and a pocket compass. He thenconveyed them to the mainland, gave them a supply of food to meet theirimmediate wants, and pointed out that their only hope of salvation was topursue the coastline round to Port Jackson. The crew of the whaleboatgave them such articles of clothing as they could spare. Some tears wereshed on both sides when they separated, Bass to continue his homewardvoyage, the hapless victims of a desperate attempt to escape to face thelong tramp over five hundred miles of wild and trackless country, withthe prospect of a prolongation of their term of servitude should theyever reach Sydney. "The difficulties of the country and the possibilityof meeting hostile natives are considerations which will occasion doubtsof their ever being able to reach us, " wrote Hunter in a despatchreporting the matter to the Secretary of State. It does not appear thatone of the five was even seen again. * (* What some convicts dared andendured in the effort to escape, is shown in the following veryinteresting paragraph, printed in a London newspaper of May 30th, 1797:"The female convict who made her escape from Botany Bay, and suffered thegreatest hardships during a voyage of three thousand leagues [presumablyshe was a stowaway] and who was afterwards retaken and condemned todeath, has been pardoned and released from Newgate. In the story of thiswoman there is something extremely singular. A gentleman of high rank inthe Army visited her in Newgate, heard the details of her life, and forthat time departed. The next day he returned, and told the gentleman whokeeps the prison that he had procured her pardon, at the same timerequesting that she should not be apprized of the circumstances. The nextday he returned with his carriage, and took off the poor woman, whoalmost expired with gratitude. ")

To return to the discovery cruise: on January 5th, at seven in theevening, Bass's whaleboat turned into Westernport, between the boldgranite headland of Cape Wollamai, on Phillip Island, and Point Griffithon the mainland. The discovery of this port, now the seat of a naval basefor the Commonwealth, was a splendid crown to a remarkable voyage. "Ihave named the place, " Bass wrote, "from its relative situation to everyother known harbour on the coast, Western Port. It is a large sheet ofwater, branching out into two arms, which end in wide flats of severalmiles in extent, and it was not until we had been here some days that wefound it to be formed by an island, and to have two outlets to the sea, an eastern and western passage. "

Twelve days were spent in the harbour. The weather was bad; and to thiscause in the main we may attribute the paucity of the observations made, and the defective account given of the port itself. It contains twoislands: Phillip Island, facing the strait, and French Island, the largerof the two, lying between Phillip Island and the mainland. Bass was notaware that this second island was not part of the mainland. Its existencewas first determined by the Naturaliste, one of the ships of Baudin'sFrench expedition, in 1802. 

Bass's men had great difficulty in procuring good water. He consideredthat there was every appearance of an unusual drought in the country. This may also have been the reason why he saw only three or four blacks, who were so shy that the sailors could not get near them. There mustcertainly have been fairly large families of blacks on Phillip Island atone time, for there are several extensive middens on the coast, withthick deposits of fish bones and shells; and the author has found theresome good specimens of "blackfellows' knives"--that is, sharpened piecesof flat, hard stone, with which the aboriginals opened their oysters andmussels--besides witnessing the finding of a few fine stone axes. Bassrecords the sight of a few brush kangaroos and "Wallabah"; of black swanhe observed hundreds, as well as ducks, "a small but excellent kind, "which flew in thousands, and "an abundance of most kinds of wild fowl. "

By the time the stay in Westernport came to an end, Bass had been at seaa month and two days, and had sailed well into the strait now bearing hisname, though he was not yet quite sure that it was a strait. Hisprovisions had necessarily run very low. The condition of the boat, whoserepair occupied some time, increased his anxiety. Prudence pointed to thedesirableness of a return to Port Jackson with the least possible delay. Yet one cannot but regret that so intrepid an explorer, who was makingsuch magnificent use of means so few and frail, was not able to followthe coast a very few more miles westward. Another day's sail would havebrought him into Port Phillip, and he would have been the discoverer ofthe bay at the head of which now stands the great city of Melbourne. Perhaps if he had done so, his report would have saved Hunter fromwriting a sentence which is a standing warning against prematurejudgments upon territory seen at a disadvantage and insufficientlyexamined. "He found in general, " wrote the Governor to the Secretary ofState, "a barren, unpromising country, with very few exceptions, and wereit even better the want of harbours would render it less valuable. " Thetruth is that he had seen hardly the fringe of some of the fairest landson earth, and was within cannon shot of a harbour wherein all the naviesof the world could ride. 

Shortly after dawn on January 18th the prow of the whaleboat was "veryreluctantly" turned ocean-wards for the home journey. The wind was freshwhen they started, but as the morning wore on it increased to a gale, andby noon there were high seas and heavy squalls. As the little craft wasrunning along the coast, and the full force of the south-westerly galebeat hard on her beam, her management taxed the nerve and seamanship ofthe crew. Bass acknowledged that it was "very troublesome, " and his"very" means much. This extremely trying weather lasted, with a few briefintervals, for eight days. As soon as possible Bass steered his boatunder the lee of Cape Liptrap, not only for safety, but also to salt downfor consumption during the remainder of the voyage a stock of birds takenon the islands off Westernport. 

On the night of the 23rd the boat lay snugly under the shelter of therocks, where Bass intended to remain until the weather moderated. But atabout one o'clock in the morning the wind shifted to the south, blowing"stronger than before, " and made the place untenable. At daybreak, therefore, another resting place was sought, and later in the morning theboat was beached on the west side of a sheltered cove, "having passedthrough a sea that for the very few hours it has been blowing wasincredibly high. " When the wind abated the sea went down, so that Basswas able to round the Promontory to the east, enter Sealers' Cove, whichhe named, and lay in a stock of seal-meat and salted birds. 

"The Promontory, " wrote Bass, "is joined to the mainland by a low neck ofsand, which is nearly divided by a lagoon that runs in on the west sideof it, and by a large shoal inlet on the east. Whenever it shall bedecided that the opening between this and Van Diemen's Land is a largestrait, this rapidity of tide and the long south-west swell that seemscontinually running in upon the coast to the westward, will then beaccounted for. " It is evident, therefore, that at this time Bass regardedthe certainty of there being a strait as a matter yet to "be decided. " Hewas himself thereafter to assist in the decision. 

Though Bass does not give any particulars of aboriginals encountered atWilson's Promontory, it is apparent from an allusion in his diary thatsome were seen. The sentence in which he mentions them is curious for itsclassification of them with the other animals observed, a classificationbiologically justifiable, no doubt, but hardly usual. "The animals, " hewrote, "have nothing new in them worth mentioning, with these exceptions;that the men, though thieves, are kind and friendly, and that the birdsupon Furneaux's Land have a sweetness of note unknown here, " i. E. , atPort Jackson. He would not, in February, have heard the song-lark, thatunshamed rival of an English cousin famed in poetry, and the sharpcrescendo of the coach-whip bird would scarcely be classed as "sweet. ""The tinkle of the bell-bird in the ranges may have gratified his ear;but the likelihood is that the birds which pleased him were theharmonious thrush and the mellow songster so opprobiously named thethickhead, for no better reason than that collectors experience adifficulty in skinning it. * (* Mr. Chas. L. Barrett, a well knownAustralian ornithologist, and one of the editors of the Emu, knows thePromontory well, and he tells me that he has no doubt that the birdswhich pleased Bass were the grey shrike thrush (Collyriocincla harmonica)and the white-throated thickhead (Pachycephala gutturalis. ))

The cruise from the Promontory eastward was commenced on February 2nd. Eight days later, the boat being in no condition for keeping the sea witha foul wind, Bass beached her not far from Ram Head. He had passed PointHicks in the night. Cape Howe was rounded on the 15th, and on the 25ththe boat entered Port Jackson. 

Bass and his men had accomplished a great achievement. In an open boat, exposed to the full rigours of the weather in seas that are frequentlyrough and were on this voyage especially storm-lashed, persecutedpersistently by contrary gales, they had travelled twelve hundred miles, principally along an unknown coast, which they had for the first timeexplored. Hunter in his official despatch commented on Bass's"perseverance against adverse winds and almost incessant bad weather, "and complimented him upon his sedulous examination of inlets in search ofsecure harbours. But there can be no better summary of the voyage thanthat penned by Flinders, who from his own experience could adequatelyappreciate the value of the performance. Writing fifteen years later, when Bass had disappeared and was believed to be dead, his friend said:--

"It should be remembered that Mr. Bass sailed with only six weeks'provisions; but with the assistance of occasional supplies of petrels, fish, seals'-flesh, and a few geese and black swans, and by abstinence, he had been enabled to prolong his voyage beyond eleven weeks. His ardourand perseverance were crowned, in despite of the foul winds which so muchopposed him, with a degree of success not to have been anticipated fromsuch feeble means. In three hundred miles of coast from Port Jackson tothe Ram Head, he added a number of particulars which had escaped CaptainCook, and will always escape any navigator in a first discovery, unlesshe have the time and means of joining a close examination by boats towhat may be seen from the ship. 

"Our previous knowledge of the coast scarcely extended beyond the RamHead; and there began the harvest in which Mr. Bass was ambitious toplace the first reaping-hook. The new coast was traced three hundredmiles; and instead of trending southward to join itself to Van Diemen'sLand, as Captain Furneaux had supposed, he found it, beyond a certainpoint, to take a direction nearly opposite, and to assume the appearanceof being exposed to the buffeting of an open sea. Mr. Bass himselfentertained no doubt of the existence of a wide strait separating VanDiemen's Land from New South Wales, and he yielded with the greatestreluctance to the necessity of returning before it was so fullyascertained as to admit of no doubt in the minds of others. But he hadthe satisfaction of placing at the end of his new coast an extensive anduseful harbour, surrounded with a country superior to any other harbourin the southern parts of New South Wales. 

"A voyage especially undertaken for discovery in an open boat, and inwhich six hundred miles of coast, mostly in a boisterous climate, wasexplored, has not, perhaps, its equal in the annals of maritime history. The public will award to its high-spirited and able conductor--alas! nowno more--an honourable place in the list of those whose ardour standsmost conspicuous for the promotion of useful knowledge. "

Bass would have desired no better recognition than this competentappraisement of his work by one who, when he wrote these paragraphs, hadhimself experienced a full measure of the perils of the sea. 

Was Bass at the time of his return aware that he had discovered a strait?It has been asserted that "it is evident that Bass was not fullyconscious of the great discovery he had made. "* (* F. M. Bladen, Historical Records of New South Wales 3 327 note. ) Bass's language, uponwhich this surmise is founded, was as follows: "Whenever it shall bedecided that the opening between this and Van Diemen's Land is a strait, this rapidity of tide... Will be accounted for. " He also wrote: "There isreason to believe it (i. E. , Wilson's Promontory) is the boundary of alarge strait. " I do not think these passages are to be taken to mean thatBass was at all doubtful about there being a strait. On the contrary, thewords "whenever it shall be decided" express his conviction that it wouldbe so decided; but the diarist recognised that the existence of thestrait had not yet been proved to demonstration. His reluctance to turnback when he reached Westernport was unquestionably due to the samecause. The voyage in the whaleboat had not proved the strait. It wasstill possible, though not at all probable, that the head of a deep gulflay farther westward. The subsequent circumnavigation of Tasmania by Bassand Flinders proved the strait, as did also Grant's voyage through itfrom the west in the Lady Nelson in 1800. 

Hunter had no more evidence than that afforded by Bass's discoveries whenhe wrote, in his despatch to the Secretary of State: "He found an openocean westward, and by the mountainous sea which rolled from thatquarter, and no land discoverable in that direction, we have much reasonto conclude that there is an open strait through. " Hunter's "much reasonto conclude" implies no more doubt about the strait than do the words ofBass, but the phrase does imply a recognition of the want of conclusiveproof, creditable to the restrained judgment of both men. Flinders alsowrote: "There seemed to want no other proof of the existence of a passagethan that of sailing positively through it, " which is precisely what heset himself to do in Bass's company, as soon as he could secure anopportunity. Still stronger testimony is that of Flinders, when summingup his account of the discovery: "The south-westerly swell which rolledin upon the shores of Westernport and its neighbourhood sufficientlyindicated to the penetrating Bass that he was exposed to the southernIndian Ocean. This opinion, which he constantly asserted, was theprincipal cause of my services being offered to the Governor to ascertainthe principal cause of it. " Further, although Colonel David Collins wasnot in Sydney at the time of the discovery, what he wrote in his accountof the English Colony in New South Wales (2nd edition, London, 1804), wasbased on first-hand information; and he was no less direct in hisstatement: "There was every appearance of an extensive strait, or ratheran open sea"; and he adds that Bass "regretted that he had not beenpossessed of a better vessel, which would have enabled him tocircumnavigate Van Diemen's Land" (pages 443 and 444). 

These passages, when compared with Bass's own careful language, leave nodoubt that Bass was fully conscious of the great discovery he had made, though a complete demonstration was as yet lacking. * (* The reasons givenabove appear also to justify me in saying that there is insufficientwarrant for the statement of Sir J. K. Laughton (Dictionary of NationalBiography XLX 326) that "Bass's observations were so imperfect that itwas not until they were plotted after his return that the importance ofwhat he had done was at once apparent. ")

An interesting light is thrown on the admiration felt for Bass among thecolonists at Sydney, by Francois Peron, the historian of Baudin's voyageof exploration. When the French were at Port Jackson in 1802, thewhaleboat was lying beached on the foreshore, and was preserved, saysPeron, with a kind of "religious respect. " Small souvenirs were made ofits timbers; and a piece of the keel enclosed in a silver frame, waspresented by the Governor to Captain Baudin, as a memorial of the"audacieuse navigation. " Baudin's artist, in making a drawing of Sydney, was careful to show Bass's boat stayed up on the sand; and Peron, in hisVoyage de Decouvertes aux Terres Australes, respectfully described thediscovery of "the celebrated Mr. Bass" as "precious from a marine pointof view. "

CHAPTER 8. THE VOYAGE OF THE FRANCIS. 

During the absence of Bass in the whaleboat, the repairing of theReliance was finished, and in February, 1798, Flinders was able to carryout a bit of exploration on his own account. The making of charts wasemployment for which he had equipped himself by study and practice, andhe was glad to secure an opportunity of applying his abilities in a fieldwhere there was original work to do. The schooner Francis (a small vesselsent out in frame from England for the use of the colonial government, but now badly decayed) was about to be despatched to the FurneauxIslands--north-east of Van Diemen's Land, and about 480 miles fromSydney--to bring to Sydney what remained of the cargo of the wreckedSydney Cove, and to rescue a few of the crew who had been left in charge. Flinders obtained permission from the Governor to embark in the schooner, "in order to make such observations serviceable to geography andnavigation as circumstances might afford, " and instructions were given tothe officer in command to forward this purpose as far as possible. 

The circumstances of the wreck that occasioned the cruise of the Franciswere these:--

The Sydney Cove, Captain Guy Hamilton, left Bengal on November 10th, 1796, with a speculative cargo of merchandise for Sydney. Seriousleakages became apparent on the voyage, but the ship made the coast ofNew Holland, rounded the southern extremity of Van Diemen's Land, andstood to the northward on February 1st, 1797. She encountered furiousgales which increased to a perfect hurricane, with a sea described in acontemporary account as "dreadful. " The condition of the hull was so badthat the pumps could not keep the inrush of water under control, and thevessel became waterlogged. On February 8th she had five feet of water inthe well, and by midnight the water was up to the lower deck hatches. Shewas at daybreak in imminent peril of going to the bottom, so the Captainheaded for Preservation Island (one of the Furneaux Group), sent thelongboat ashore with some rice, ammunition and firearms, and ran her inuntil she struck on a sandy bottom in nineteen feet of water. The wholeship's company was landed safely, tents were rigged up, and as much ofthe cargo as could be secured was taken ashore. 

It was necessary to communicate with Sydney to procure assistance. Thelong-boat was launched, and under the direction of the first mate, Mr. Hugh Thompson, sixteen of the crew started north on February 28th. Butfresh misfortunes, as cruel as shipwreck and for most of these men moredisastrous, were heaped upon them. They were smitten by a violent storm, terrific seas broke over the boat, and on the morning of March 2nd shesuddenly shipped enough water to swamp her. The crew with difficulty ranher through the surf that beat on the coast off which they had beenstruggling, and she went to pieces immediately. The seventeen were castashore on the coast of New South Wales, hundreds of miles from the onlysettlement, which could only be reached by the crossing of a wild, rough, and trackless country, inhabited by tribes of savages. They were withoutfood, their clothing was drenched, and their sole means of defenceconsisted of a rusty musket, with very little ammunition, a couple ofuseless pistols, and two small swords. 

The wretched band commenced their march along the coast northwards onMarch 25th. They had to improvise rafts to cross some rivers; once aparty of kindly aboriginals helped them over a stream in canoes; atanother time they encountered blacks who hurled spears at them. Theylived chiefly on small shell-fish. Hunger and exposure brought theirstrength very low. On April 16th, after over a month of weary tramping, nine of the party dropped from fatigue and had to be left behind by theircompanions, whose only hope was to push on while sufficient energylasted. Two days later, three of the remainder were wounded by blacks. Atlast, in May, three only of the seventeen who started on thisheart-breaking struggle for life against distance, starvation andexhaustion, were rescued, "scarcely alive, " by a fishing boat, and takento Sydney. The others perished by the way. 

Captain Hamilton, who had stayed by his wrecked ship, was rescued inJuly, 1797; and, as already stated, in January of the following year, Governor Hunter fitted out the schooner Francis to bring away a fewLascar sailors and as much of the remaining cargo as could be saved. "Isent in the schooner, " wrote the Governor in a despatch, "LieutenantFlinders of the Reliance, a young man well-qualified, in order to givehim an opportunity of making what observations he could among thoseislands. " The Francis sailed on February 1st. 

The black shadow of the catastrophe that had overtaken the Sydney Covecrossed the path of the salvage party. The Francis was accompanied by theten-ton sloop Eliza, Captain Armstrong. But shortly after reaching theFurneaux Islands the two vessels were separated in a storm, and the Elizawent down with all hands. Neither the boat nor any soul of her companywere ever seen or heard of again. 

Flinders had only twelve days available for his own work, from February16th till the 28th, but he made full and valuable use of that time inexploring, observing and charting. The fruits of his researches wereembodied in a drawing sent to the British Government by Hunter, when heannounced the discovery of Bass Strait later on in 1798. The principalgeographical result was the discovery of the Kent group of islands, whichFlinders named "in honour of my friend" the brave and accomplishedsailor, William Kent, who commanded the Supply. 

The biological notes made by Flinders on this expedition are of unusualinterest. Upon the islands he found "Kanguroo" (his invariable spellingof the word), "womat" (sic), the duck-billed platypus, aculeatedant-eater, geese, black swan, gannets, shags, gulls, red bills, crows, parrakeets, snakes, seals, and sooty petrels, a profusion of wild lifehighly fascinating in itself, and, in the case of the animals, affordingstriking evidence of connection with the mainland at a comparativelyrecent period. The old male seals were described as of enormous size andextraordinary power. 

"I levelled my gun at one, which was sitting on the top of a rock withhis nose extended up towards the sun, and struck him with three musketballs. He rolled over and plunged into the water, but in less than halfan hour had taken his former station and attitude. On firing again, astream of blood spouted forth from his breast to some yards distance, andhe fell back senseless. On examination the six balls were found lodged inhis breast; and one, which occasioned his death, had pierced the heart. His weight was equal to that of a common ox... The commotion excited byour presence in this assemblage of several thousand timid animals wasvery interesting to me, who knew little of their manners. The young cubshuddled together in the holes of the rocks and moaned piteously; thosemore advanced scampered and bowled down to the water with their mothers;whilst some of the old males stood up in defence of their families untilthe terror of the sailors' bludgeons became too strong to be resisted. Those who have seen a farmyard well stocked with pigs, with their mothersin it, and have heard them all in tumult together, may form a good ideaof the confusion in connection with the seals at Cone Point. The sailorskilled as many of these harmless and not unamiable creatures as they wereable to skin during the time necessary for me to take the requisiteangles; and we then left the poor affrighted multitude to recover fromthe effect of our inauspicious visit. "

Flinders' observations upon the sooty petrels, or mutton birds, seen atthe Furneaux Islands, are valuable as forming a very early account of oneof the most remarkable sea-birds in the world:

"The sooty petrel, better known to us under the name of sheerwater, frequents the tufted grassy parts of all the islands in astonishingnumbers. It is known that these birds make burrows in the ground likerabbits; that they lay one or two enormous eggs in the holes and bring uptheir young there. In the evening they come in from the sea, having theirstomachs filled with a gelatinous substance gathered from the waves, andthis they eject into the throats of their offspring, or retain for theirown nourishment, according to circumstances. A little after sunset theair at Preservation Island used to be darkened with their numbers, and itwas generally an hour before their squabbling ceased and every one hadfound its own retreat. The people of the Sydney Cove had a strong exampleof perseverance in these birds. The tents were pitched close to a pieceof ground full of their burrows, many of which were necessarily filled upfrom walking constantly over them; yet notwithstanding this interruptionand the thousands of birds destroyed (for they constituted a great partof their food during more than six months), the returning flightscontinued to be as numerous as before; and there was scarcely a burrowless except in the places actually covered by the tents. These birds areabout the size of a pigeon, and when skinned and smoked we thought thempassable food. Any quantity could be procured by sending people on shorein the evening. The sole process was to thrust in the arm up to theshoulder and seize them briskly; but there was some danger of grasping asnake at the bottom of the burrow instead of a petrel. "

The remark that the egg of the sooty petrel is of enormous size is ofcourse only true relatively to the size of the bird. The egg is about aslarge as a duck's egg, but longer and tapering more sharply at one end. For the rest the description is an excellent one. The wings of the birdare of great length and strength, giving to it wonderful speed and powerof flight. The colour is coal-black. Flinders saw more of thesooty-petrel on his subsequent voyage round Tasmania; and it will beconvenient to quote here the passage in which he refers to the prodigiousnumbers in which the birds were seen. It may be added that, despite acentury of slaughter by mankind, and after the taking of millions ofeggs--which are good food--the numbers of the mutton-birds are stillincalculably great. * (* The author may refer to a paper of his own, "TheMutton Birds of Bass Strait, " in the Field, April 18, 1903, for a studyof the sooty petrel during the laying season on Phillip Island. Anexcellent account of the habits of the bird is given in Campbell's Nestsand Eggs of Australian Birds. ) Writing of what he saw off the extremenorth-west of Tasmania in December, 1798, Flinders said:--

"A large flock of gannets was observed at daylight to issue out of thegreat bight to the southward; and they were followed by such a number ofsooty petrels as we had never seen equalled. There was a stream of fromfifty to eighty yards in depth and of three hundred yards, or more, inbreadth; the birds were not scattered, but flying as compactly as a freemovement of their wings seemed to allow; and during a full hour and ahalf this stream of petrels continued to pass without interruption at arate little inferior to the swiftness of a pigeon. On the lowestcomputation I think the number could not have been less than a hundredmillions. "

He explained how he arrived at this estimate, the reliableness of whichis beyond dispute, though it may seem incredible to those who have notbeen in southern seas during the season when the sooty petrels "most docongregate. " Taking the stream of birds to have been fifty yards deep bythree hundred in width, and calculating that it moved at the rate ofthirty miles* an hour, and allowing nine cubic yards for each bird, thenumber would amount to 151, 500, 000. The burrows required to lodge thisnumber would be 75, 750, 000, and allowing a square yard to each burrowthey would cover something more than 18 1/2 geographical square miles. (*Flinders is calculating in nautical miles of 2026 2/3 yards each. )

The mutton-bird, it will therefore be allowed, is the most prolific ofall avian colonists. It has also played some part in the history of humancolonisation. When, in 1790, Governor Phillip sent to Norfolk Island acompany of convicts and marines, and the Sirius, the only means ofcarrying supplies, was wrecked, the population, 506 in all, was reducedto dire distress from want of food. Starvation stared them in the face, when it was discovered that Mount Pitt was honeycombed with mutton-birdburrows. They were slain in thousands. "The slaughter and mighty havoc isbeyond description, " wrote an officer. "They are very fine eating, exceeding fat and firm, and I think (though no connoisseur) as good asany I ever eat. " Many people who are not hunger-driven profess to relishyoung mutton-bird, whose flesh is like neither fish nor fowl, but an oilyblend of both. 

On this cruise Flinders came in sight of Cook's Point Hicks; and hisreference to it has some interest because Bass had missed it; becauseFlinders himself did not on any of his other voyages sail close enoughinshore on this part of the coast to observe it, and did not mark it uponhis charts; and because the more recent substitution of the name CapeEverard for the name given by Cook, makes of some consequence theallusion of this great navigator to a projection which he saw only once. The Francis on February 4th "was in 38 degrees 16 minutes and (byaccount) 22 minutes of longitude to the west of Point Hicks. The schoonerwas kept more northward in the afternoon; at four o'clock a moderatelyhigh sloping hill was visible in the north by west, and at seven a smallrocky point on the beach bore north 50 degrees west three or fourleagues. At some distance inland there was a range of hills with woodupon them, though scarcely sufficient to hide their sandy surface. " Thatdescribes the country near Point Hicks accurately. 

The largest island in the Furneaux group, now called Flinders Island, wasnot so named by Flinders. He referred to it as "the great island ofFurneaux. " Flinders never named any of his discoveries after himself, noteven the smallest rock or cape. Flinders Island in the Bight(Investigator Group) was named after his brother Samuel. 

It is a little curious that no allusion to the useful piece of work doneby Flinders on this cruise was made by the Governor in his despatches. The omission was not due to lack of appreciation on his part, as theencouragement subsequently given to Bass and Flinders sufficientlyshowed. But it was, in truth, work very well done, with restricted meansand in a very limited time. 

The question whether the islands examined lay in a strait or in a deepgulf was occupying the attention of Flinders at just about the same timewhen his friend Bass, in his whaleboat on the north side of the samestretch of water, was revolving the same problem in his mind. The reasonsgiven by Furneaux for disbelieving in the existence of a strait did notsatisfy Flinders. The great strength of the tides setting westward could, in his opinion, only be occasioned by a passage through to the IndianOcean, unless the supposed gulf were very deep. There were argumentstending either way; "the contradictory circumstances were veryembarrassing. " Flinders would have liked to use the Francis forthwith tosettle the question; but, as she was commissioned for a particularservice, and not under his command, he had to subjugate his scientificcuriosity to circumstances. 

Throughout his brief narrative of this voyage we see displayed thequalities which distinguish all his original work. Promptness in takingadvantage of opportunities for investigation, careful andcautiously-checked observations, painstaking accuracy in makingcalculations, terse and dependable geographical description, and a freshquick eye for noting natural phenomena: these were always characteristicsof his work. He recorded what he saw of bird and animal with the samecare as he noted nautical facts. We may take his paragraph on the wombatas an example. Bass was much interested in the wombats he saw, and withhis surgeon's anatomical knowledge gave a description of it which thecontemporary historian, Collins, quoted, enunciating the opinion that"Bass's womb-bat seemed to be very oeconomically made"--whatever that maymean. Flinders' description, which must be one of the earliest accountsof the creature, is true:

"Clarke's Island afforded the first specimen of the new animal, calledwombat. This little bear-like quadruped is known in New South Wales, andis called by the natives womat, wombat, or womback, according to thedifferent dialects--or perhaps to the different rendering of thewood-rangers who brought the information. It does not quit its retreattill dark; but it feeds at all times on the uninhabited islands, and wascommonly seen foraging amongst the sea refuse on the shore, though thecoarse grass seemed to be its usual nourishment. It is easily caught whenat a distance from its burrow; its flesh resembles lean mutton in taste, and to us was acceptable food. "

The original manuscript containing Flinders' narrative of the expeditionto the Furneaux Islands is in the Melbourne Public Library. It is abeautiful manuscript, 22 quarto pages, neat and regular, every letterperfect, every comma and semi-colon in place: a portrait in calligraphyof its author. 

CHAPTER 9. CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF TASMANIA. 

Flinders arrived in Sydney in the Francis about a fortnight after Bassreturned in the whaleboat. It was, we may be certain, with delight thathe heard from the lips of his friend the story of his adventurous voyage. The eye-sketch of the coastline traversed by Bass was, by the Governor'sdirection, used by him for the preparation of a chart to be sent toEngland. He was able to compare notes and discuss the probability of theexistence of a strait, and it was but natural that the two men who had sorecently been exploring, the one on the north the other on the south sideof the possible strait, should be eager to pursue enquiry to the point ofproof. Flinders acknowledged, in relating these events, his anxiety togratify his desire of positively sailing through the strait and round VanDiemen's Land, and he chafed under the routine duties which postponed theeffort. The opportunity did not occur till September. 

In the meantime, Flinders had to sail in the Reliance to Norfolk Islandto take over the surgeon, D'Arcy Wentworth, father of that WilliamWentworth whose name has already figured in these pages, and who was thena boy of seven. This trip took place in May to July. 

In August he sat as a member of the Vice-Admiralty Court of New SouthWales to try a case of mutiny on the high seas. Certain members of theNew South Wales Corps were accused of plotting to seize the convict shipBarwell, on her voyage between the Cape and Australia, and of drinkingthe toast "damnation to the King and country. " The Court considered theevidence insufficient, and the men were acquitted, after a trial lastingsix days. 

At last Flinders had an interview with the Governor about completing theexploration of the seas to the southward, and offered his services. Hunter, too, was anxious to have a test made of Bass's contention, whichFlinders' own observations supported. On September 3rd he wrote to theSecretary of State that he was endeavouring to fit out a vessel "in whichI propose to send the two officers I have mentioned, " Bass and Flinders. Later in the month the Governor entrusted the latter with the command ofthe Norfolk, a sloop of twenty-five tons burthen, built at Norfolk Islandfrom local pine. She was merely a small decked boat, put together underthe direction of Captain Townson of Norfolk Island for establishingcommunication with Sydney. She leaked; her timbers were poor material fora seaboat in quarters where heavy weather was to be expected; and theaccommodation she offered for a fairly extended cruise was cramped anduncomfortable. But she was the best craft the Governor had to offer, andFlinders was too keen for the quest to quarrel with the means. In thosedays fine seamanship and endurance often had to make up for deficienciesin equipment. 

There were not two happier men in the King's service than these fastfriends, when they received the Governor's commission directing them tosail "beyond Furneaux' Islands, and, should a strait be found, to passthrough it, and return by the south end of Van Diemen's Land. " Theaffection that existed between them is manifest in every reference whichFlinders made to Bass in his book, A Voyage to Terra Australis. "I hadthe happiness to associate my friend Bass in this new expedition, " hewrote of the Norfolk's voyage; and it was a happiness based not only onpersonal regard, but on kindred feeling for research work, and asimilarity in active, keen and ardent temperament. 

The sloop was provisioned for twelve weeks, and "the rest of theequipment was completed by the friendly care of Captain Waterhouse of theReliance. " A crew of eight volunteers was chosen by Flinders from theKing's ships in port. It is likely that some of them were amongst the sixwho had accompanied Bass to Westernport, and Flinders to the Furneaux andKent Islands, but their names have not been preserved. 

The Norfolk sailed on October 7, 1798, in company with a sealing boat, the Nautilus. * (* There are three accounts of the voyage: (1) that ofFlinders in diary form, printed in the Historical Records of New SouthWales Volume 3 appendix B; (2) that of Flinders in his Voyage to TerraAustralis Volume 1 page 138; and (3) that of Bass, embodied in Collins'Account of New South Wales. It is probable that Bass's diary was lent toCollins for the purpose of writing his narrative. The original is notknown to exist. ) The plan was to make the Furneaux Group, then steerwestward through the strait till the open ocean was reached on thefurther side; and, that accomplished, and the fact of strait's existenceconclusively demonstrated, to turn down the western coast of Van Diemen'sLand, round the southern extremity, and sail back to Port Jackson up theeast coast. This programme was successfully carried out. 

An amusing incident, related by Flinders with dry humour, occurred inTwofold Bay, which was entered "in order to make some profit of a foulwind, " Bass undertaking an inland excursion, and Flinders occupyinghimself in making a survey of the port. An aboriginal made hisappearance. 

"He was of middle age, unarmed, except with a whaddie or wooden scimitar, and came up to us seemingly with careless confidence. We made much ofhim, and gave him some biscuit; and he in return presented us with apiece of gristly fat, probably of whale. This I tasted; but, watching anopportunity to spit it out when he should not be looking, I perceived himdoing precisely the same thing with our biscuit, whose taste was probablyno more agreeable to him, than his whale was to me. " The native watchedthe commencement of Flinders' trigonometrical operations, "withindifference, if not contempt, " and after a little while left the party, "apparently satisfied that from people who could thus occupy themselvesseriously there was nothing to be apprehended. "

It was not until November 1st that the Norfolk sailed from the FurneauxIslands on the flood-tide westward. The intervening time had beenoccupied with detailed exploring and surveying work. Soundings andobservations were made, capes, islands and inlets were charted and named. The part of Flinders' narrative dealing with these phases abounds indetail, noted with the most painstaking particularity. Such fulness doesnot make attractive literature for the reader who takes up a book oftravel for amusement. But it was highly important to record these detailsat the time of the publication of Flinders' book, when the coasts andseas of which he wrote were very little known; and it has to beremembered that he wrote as a scientific navigator, setting down theresults of his work with completeness and precision for those interestedin his subject, not as a caterer for popular literary entertainment. Hepreferred the interest in his writing to lie in the nature of theenterprise described and the sincerity with which it was pursued ratherthan in such anecdotal garniture and such play of fancy as can give charmto the history of a voyage. His book was a substantial contribution tothe world's knowledge, and it is his especial virtue to have set down hisfacts with such exactitude that our tests of them, where they are stillcapable of being tested, earn him credit for punctilious veracity inrespect of those observations on wild life and natural phenomena as towhich we have to rely upon his written word. He never succumbs to thecommon sin of travellers--writing to excite astonishment in the reader, rather than to tell the exact truth as he found it. He was by nature andtraining an exact man. 

On the afternoon of November 3rd the sloop entered the estuary of theriver Tamar, on which, forty miles from the mouth, now stands the finecity of Launceston. It was a discovery of first-class importance. Apartfrom the pleasure which they derived from having made it, the two friendswere charmed with the beauty of their surroundings. They derived the mostfavourable impression of the quality of the land and its suitableness forsettlement. They worked up the river for several miles, but time did notpermit them to follow it as far as it was navigable. Thus they did notreach the site of the present city, and left the superb gorge andcataract to be discovered by Collins when he entered the Tamar again in1804. The harbour was subsequently named Port Dalrymple by Hunter, afterAlexander Dalrymple, the naval hydrographer. 

The extent of the survey, with delays caused by adverse weather, kept theNorfolk in the Tamar estuary for a full month. On December 3rd herwestward course was resumed. From this time forth Bass and Flinders werein constant expectancy of passing through the strait into the open ocean. The northern trend of the coast for a time aroused apprehensions thatthere was no strait after all, and that the northern shore of VanDiemen's Land might be connected with the coast beyond Westernport. Thewater was also discoloured, and this led Flinders to think that theymight be approaching the head of a bay or gulf. But on December 7th thevigilant commander made an observation of the set of the tide, from whichhe drew an "interesting deduction. " "The tide had been running from theeastward all the afternoon, " wrote Flinders, "and, contrary toexpectation, we found it to be near low water by the shore; the floodtherefore came from the west, and not from the eastward, as at Furneaux'Isles. This we considered to be a strong proof, not only of the realexistence of a passage betwixt this land and New South Wales, but alsothat the entrance into the southern Indian Ocean could not be fardistant. "

On the following day the deduction was confirmed. After the Norfolk hadrounded a headland, a long swell was observed to come from thesouth-west, breaking heavily upon a reef a mile and a half away. This wasa new phenomenon; and both Bass and Flinders "hailed it with joy andmutual congratulation, as announcing the completion of ourlong-wished-for discovery of a passage into the southern Indian Ocean. "They were now through the strait. What Bass months before had believed tobe the case was at length demonstrated to a certainty. "The direction ofthe coast, the set of the tides, and the great swell from the south-west, did now completely satisfy us that a very wide strait did really existbetwixt Van Diemen's Land and New South Wales, and also now that we hadcertainly passed it. "

No time was lost in completing the voyage. The Norfolk sped rapidly pastCape Grim and down the western coast of Van Diemen's Land. Amateur-builtas she was, and very small for her work in these seas, she was proving auseful boat, and one can enjoy the sailors' pride in a snug craft inFlinders' remark concerning her, that "upon the whole she performedwonderfully; seas that were apparently determined to swallow her up sherode over with all the ease and majesty of an old experienced petrel. "

The wild and desolate aspect of the west coast, as seen from the ocean, seems to have struck Flinders with a feeling of dread. He so rarelyallows any emotion to appear in his writing that the sentences in hisdiary wherein he refers to the appearance of the De Witt range arestriking evidence of his revulsion. "The mountains which presentedthemselves to our view in this situation, both close to the shore andinland, were amongst the most stupendous works of nature I ever beheld, and it seemed to me are the most dismal and barren that can be imagined. The eye ranges over these peaks, and curiously formed lumps of adamantinerock, with astonishment and horror. " He acknowledged that he clapped onall sail to get past this forbidding coast. The passage is singular. Flinders was a fenland-bred man, and, passing from the low levels ofeastern England to a life at sea in early youth, had had no experience ofmountainous country. He had not even seen the mountains at the back ofSydney, except in the blue distance. Now, the De Witt range, thoughcertainly giving to the coast that it dominates an aspect of desolategrandeur, especially when, as is nearly always the case, its jagged peaksare seen under caps of frowning cloud, would not strike a man who hadbeen much among mountains as especially horrid. Flinders' burst ofchilled feeling may therefore be noted as a curious psychological fact. *(* The reader will perhaps find it interesting to compare this referencewith a passage in Ruskin's Modern Painters Volume 3 chapter 13: "It issufficiently notable that Homer, living in mountainous and rockycountries, dwells thus delightedly on all the flat bits; and so I thinkinvariably the inhabitants of mountain countries do, but the inhabitantsof the plains do not, in any similar way, dwell delightedly on mountains. The Dutch painters are perfectly contented with their flat fields andpollards: Rubens, though he had seen the Alps, usually composes hislandscapes of a hay-field or two, plenty of pollards and willows, adistant spire, a Dutch house with a mast about it, a windmill and aditch... So Shakspere never speaks of mountains with the slightest joy, but only of lowland flowers, flat fields, and Warwickshire streams. "Ruskin's citation of the Lincolnshire farmer in Alton Locke is apt, withhis dislike of "Darned ups and downs o'hills, to shake a body's victualsout of his inwards. ")

The naming of Mounts Heemskirk and Zeehan, the latter since become amineral centre of vast wealth, were the most noteworthy events of the rundown the western coast. They were named by Flinders after the two shipsof Tasman, as he took them to be the two mountains seen by that navigatoron his discovery of Van Diemen's Land in 1642. 

The Derwent, whose estuary is the port of Hobart, was entered on December21. Bass's report on the fertility of the soil led to the choice of thislocality for a settlement four years later. 

On the last day of the year the return voyage was commenced, and onJanuary 1st, 1799, the Norfolk was making for Port Jackson with her prowset north-easterly. The winds were unfavourable, and prevented Flindersfrom keeping close inshore, as he would have liked to do in order to makea survey. But the prescribed period of absence having expired, and theprovisions being nearly exhausted, it was necessary to make as much hasteas possible. On January 8th the Babel Isles were marked down, and named"because of the confusion of noises made by the geese, shags, penguins, gulls, and sooty petrels. " Anyone who has camped near a rookery of sootypetrels is aware that they are quite capable of maintaining asufficiently "babelish confusion"--the phrase is Camden's--without anyaid from other fowls. 

A little later in the month (January 12) the Norfolk sailed into harbour, and was anchored alongside the Reliance. "To the strait which had beenthe great object of research, " wrote Flinders, "and whose discovery wasnow completed, Governor Hunter gave at my recommendation the name of BassStrait. This was no more than a just tribute to my worthy friend andcompanion for the extreme dangers and fatigues he had undergone in firstentering it in the whaleboat, and to the correct judgment he had formed, from various indications, of the existence of a wide opening between VanDiemen's Land and New South Wales. "

Throughout this voyage we find Bass expending his abundant energies inthe making of inland excursions whenever an opportunity occurred. To takea boat up rivers, to cut through rough country, to climb, examine soil, make notes on birds and beasts, and exercise his enquiring mind in alldirections, was his constant delight. 

The profusion of wild life upon the coasts and islands explored duringthe voyage astonished the travellers. Seals were seen in thousands, sea-birds in hundreds of millions. Flinders' calculation regarding thesooty petrels has already been quoted. Black swans were observed in greatquantities. Bass, for example, stated that he saw three hundred of thesestately birds within a space a quarter of a mile square. The Roman poetJuvenal could think of no better example of a thing of rare occurrencethan a black swan:

"Rara avis in terris, nigroque simillima cygno. "

But here black swans could have been cited in a simile illustratingprofusion. Bass quaintly stated that the "dying song" of the swan, socelebrated by poets, "exactly resembled the creaking of a rusty ale-housesign on a windy day. " The remark is not so pretty as, but far more truethan, that of the bard who would have us believe that the dying swan:

"In music's strains breathes out her life and verse, And, chaunting her own dirge, rides on her watery hearse. "

The couplet of Coleridge is vitiated by the same error, but may meritcommendation for practical wisdom:

"Swans sing before they die; 'twere no bad thingShould certain persons die before they sing. "

Flinders also saw from three to five hundred black swans on the lee sideof one point; and so tame were they that, as the Norfolk passed throughthe midst of them, one incautious bird was caught by the neck. 

Bass went ashore on Albatross Island to shoot. He was forced to fight hisway up the cliffs against the seals, which resented the intrusion; andwhen he got to the top he was compelled "to make a road with his clubamong the albatross. These birds were sitting upon their nests, andalmost covered the surface of the ground, nor did they otherwise derangethemselves for their new visitors than to peck at their legs as theypassed by. "

In the Derwent Bass and Flinders encountered Tasmanian aboriginals, nowan extinct race of men. A human voice was heard coming from the hills. The two leaders of the expedition landed, taking with them a swan as anoffering of friendship, and met an aboriginal man and two women. Thewomen ran off, but the man stayed and accepted the swan "with rapture. "He was armed with three spears, but his demeanour was friendly. Bass andFlinders tried him with such words as they knew of the dialects of NewSouth Wales and the South Sea Islands, but could not make him understandthem, "though the quickness with which he comprehended our signs spoke infavour of his intelligence. " His hair was either close-cropped ornaturally short; but it had not a woolly appearance. "He acceded to ourproposition of going to his hut; but finding from his devious route andfrequent stoppings that he sought to tire our patience, we left himdelighted with the certain possession of his swan, and returned to theboat. This was the sole opportunity we had of communicating with any ofthe natives of Van Diemen's Land. "

The results of the cruise of the Norfolk were of great importance. Fromthe purely utilitarian point of view, the discovery of Bass Straitshortened the voyage to Sydney from Europe by quite a week. It opened anew highway for commerce. Turnbull, in his Voyage Round the World (1814)discussing the advantages of the new route, mentioned that "already hasthe whole fleet of China ships, under the convoy of a 64, passed throughthese Straits without the smallest accident;" and he pointed out thatships which were late in the season for China, and availed themselves ofthe prevailing winds by taking the easterly route round Australia, werethus enabled to avoid the tempestuous weather which generally faced themto the south of Van Diemen's Land. Governor King, too, writing to theGovernor of Bombay in 1802, sent him a chart of the strait, and pointedout that the discovery would "greatly facilitate the passage of shipsfrom India to this colony. "

The discovery also revealed a fresh and fertile field for the occupationof mankind. Geographically no discovery of such consequence had been madesince the noble days of Cook. It brought the names of Bass and Flindersprominently before the scientific world, and the thoroughness with whichthe latter had done his work won him warm praise from men competent toform a judgment. Intimations concerning the discovery published in theNaval Chronicle and other journals valued the work very highly; and ithad the advantage of bringing the commander of the Norfolk under thenotice of Sir Joseph Banks, that earnest and steadfast supporter of allsincere research work, who thus became the firm friend of Flinders, as hehad been the friend and associate of Cook thirty years before. 

The turbulent state of Europe in and about 1799, with Napoleon Bonaparterising fast to meridian glory on the wings of war, did not inclineBritish statesmen to attach much significance to such events as thediscovery of an important strait and the increased opportunities for thedevelopment of oversea dominions. Renewed activity in that direction camea little later. There is a letter from Banks to Hunter, written justafter the return of the Norfolk, but before the news reached England(February, 1799), wherein he conveys a concise idea of the perturbationin official circles and the difficulty of getting anything done forAustralia. "The political situation is so difficult, " said Banks, "andHis Majesty's Ministers so fully employed in business of the deepestimportance, that it is scarce possible to gain a moment's audience on anysubject but those which stand foremost in their minds; and colonies ofall kinds, you may be assured, are now put into the background. "

But that was no more than a passing phase. The seeds of a vaster BritishEmpire than had ever existed before had already germinated, and when theyears of crisis occurred, the will and power of England were both readyand strong enough to protect the growing plant from the trampling feet oflegions. Meanwhile, the work on the Norfolk secured for Flinders suchuseful encouragement and help as enabled him very little later to crownhis achievements with a task that at once solidified his title to fameand ultimately ended his life. 

CHAPTER 10. THE FATE OF GEORGE BASS. 

It has been already mentioned that Bass Strait was named by GovernorHunter on the recommendation of Flinders. There is no reason to supposethat George Bass himself made any claim that his name should be appliedto his discovery. One derives the impression, from a study of hischaracter as revealed in his words and acts, that he would have beenperfectly content had some other name been chosen. He was one of thoserare men who find their principal joy in the free exercise of an intrepidand masculine energy, especially in directions affording a stimulus tointellectual curiosity. He did not even write a book or an essay aboutthe work he had done. The whaleboat voyage was tersely recorded in adiary for the information of the Governor; his other material was handedover to Collins for the purposes of his History of New South Wales, andBass went about his business unrewarded, officially unhonoured. 

It is curiously significant of the modesty of this really notable manthat when, in 1801, he again sailed to Australia, he mentioned quitecasually in a letter that he had passed through Bass Strait without anyreference to his own connection with the passage. It was not, to him, "the strait which I discovered, " or "my strait, " or "the strait namedafter me, " but simply Bass Strait, giving it the proper geographical namescored on the map, just as he might have mentioned the name of any otherpart of the globe traversed during the voyage. The natural pride of thediscoverer assuredly would have been no evidence of egotism; but Bass wassingularly free from all semblance of human weakness of that kind. Thedifficulties battled with, the effort joyfully made, the discoveryaccomplished, he appears hardly to have thought any more about his ownpart in it. Not only his essential modesty but his affectionate natureand the frank charm of his manner are apparent in such of his letters ashave been preserved. 

The association of Bass with Flinders was fruitful in achievement, andtheir friendship was perfect in its manliness; it is pathetic to realisethat when they parted, within a few weeks after the return of the Norfolkto Sydney, these two men, still young in years and rich in hope, abilityand enterprise, were never to meet again. 

As from this time Bass disappears from the story of his friend's life, what is known of his later years may be here related. His fate is amystery that has never been satisfactorily cleared up, and perhaps neverwill be. He returned to England "shortly after" the voyage of theNorfolk. So wrote Flinders; but "shortly after" means later than April, 1799, for in that month Bass sat on a board of inquiry into the IsaacNicholls case, to be mentioned again hereafter. 

In England, Bass married Elizabeth Waterhouse, sister of his old shipmateHenry Waterhouse, the captain of the Reliance. With a wife to maintain, he was apparently dissatisfied with his pay and prospects as a navalsurgeon. Nor was he quite the kind of man who would, in the full flush ofhis restless energy, settle down to the ordinary practice of hisprofession. Confined to a daily routine in some English town, he wouldhave been like a caged albatross pining for regions of illimitable blue. 

Within three months of his marriage Bass had become managing owner of asmart little 140-ton brig, the Venus, in a venture in which a syndicateof friends had invested 10, 890 pounds. In the early part of 1801 hesailed in her with a general cargo of merchandise for Port Jackson. Thebrig, which carried twelve guns--for England was at war, and there wererisks to be run--was a fast sailer, teak-built and copper-sheathed, and was described as"one of the most complete, handsome and strong-built ships in the RiverThames, and will suit any trade. " She was loaded "as deep as she can swimand as full as an egg, " Bass wrote to his brother-in-law; and there isthe sailor's jovial pleasure in a good ship, with, perhaps, a suggestionof the surgeon's point of view, in his declaration that she was "verysound and tight, and bids fair to remain sound much longer than any ofher owners. "

But the speculation was not an immediate success. The market was "gluttedwith goods beyond all comparison, " in addition to which Governor King, who succeeded Hunter in 1800, was conducting the affairs of thesettlement upon a plan of the most rigid economy. "Our wings are clippedwith a vengeance, but we shall endeavour to fall on our feet somehow orother, " wrote Bass early in October, 1801. 

A contract made with the Governor, to bring salt pork from Tahiti atsixpence per pound, provided profitable employment for the Venus. Hogswere plentiful in the Society Islands, and could be procured cheaply. Thearrangement commended itself to the thrifty Governor, who had hithertobeen paying a shilling per pound for pork, and it kept Bass activelyengaged. He was "tired of civilised life. " There was, too, money to bemade, and he sent home satisfactory bills "to stop a few holes in mydebts. " "That pork voyage, " he wrote to his brother-in-law, "has been ourfirst successful speculation"; and he spoke again in fond admiration ofthe Venus; "she is just the same vessel as when we left England, nevercomplains or cries, though we loaded her with pork most unmercifully. "While he was pursuing this trade, the French expedition under Baudinvisited Sydney, and they, on their chart of Wilson's Promontory gave thename of Venus Bay to an inlet on the west side of Cape Liptrap. They alsobought goods to the extent of 359 pounds 10 shillings from "Mr. GeorgeBasse. "* (* Manuscript accounts of Baudin, Archives Nationales BB4 999. )

Bass now secured fishing concessions in New Zealand waters, from which hehoped much. "The fishery is not to be put in motion till after my returnto old England, " he wrote in January, 1803. Then, he said playfully, "Imean to seize upon my dear Bess, bring her out here, and make a poissardeof her, where she cannot fail to find plenty of ease for her tongue. Wehave, I assure you, great plans in our heads, but, like the basket ofeggs, all depends upon the success of the voyage I am now upon. " It wasthe voyage from which he never returned. 

There is another charming allusion to his wife in a letter written fromTahiti: "I would joke Bess upon the attractive charms of Tahiti femalesbut that they have been so much belied in their beauty that she mightthink me attracted in good earnest. However, there is nothing to fearhere. " He speaks of her again in writing to his brother: "I have writtento my beloved wife, and do most sincerely lament that we are so farasunder. The next voyage I have she must make with me, for I shall badlypass it without her. " The pathos of his reference to her in a letter ofOctober, 1801, can be felt in its note of manly sympathy, and is deepenedby the recollection that the young bride never saw him again. "Our dearBess talks of seeing me in eighteen months. Alas! poor Bess, the when isuncertain, very uncertain in everything except its long distances. Turnour eyes where we will, we see nothing but glutted markets around us. "

The pork-procuring ventures continued till 1803. In that year Bassarranged to sail beyond Tahiti to the Chilian coast, to buy otherprovisions for the use of the colony. Whether he intended to force thehand of fortune by engaging in the contraband trade can only be inferred. That there was certainly a large amount of illicit traffic with SouthAmerica on the part of venturesome captains who made use of Port Jacksonas a harbour of refuge, is clear from extant documents. 

The position was this. The persistent policy of Spain in the governmentof her South American possessions was to conserve trade exclusively forSpanish ships and Spanish merchants; and for this purpose severalrestrictions were imposed upon unauthorised foreign traders. Neverthelessthe inhabitants of these colonies urgently required more goods than wereimported under such excessive limitations, and wanted to get them muchcheaper than was possible while monopoly and heavy taxation prevailed. There was, consequently, a tempting inducement to skippers who weresufficiently bold to take risks, to ship goods for Chili and Peru, andrun them in at some place along the immense coast-line, evading the lazyeyes of perfunctory Spanish officials, or securing their corruptconnivance by bribes. Contraband trade was, in fact, extensivelypractised, and plenty of people in the Spanish colonies throve on it. Asa modern historian writes: "The vast extent of the border of Spain'spossessions made it impossible for her to guard it efficiently. Smugglingcould therefore be carried on with impunity, and the high prices whichhad been given to European wares in America by the system of restriction, constituted a sufficient inducement to lead the merchants of othernations to engage in contraband trade. "* The profits from success weregreat; but the consequences of detection were disastrous. (* BernardMoses, Spanish Rule in America, 289. )

Now Bass, as already related, had brought out to Sydney in the Venus alarge quantity of unsaleable merchandise. He could not dispose of itunder conditions of glut. He had hoped that the Governor would take thecargo into the Government store and let it be sold even at a 50 per centreduction. But King declined to permit that to be done. Here, then, was asingularly courageous man, fond of daring enterprises, in command of agood ship, with an unsaleable cargo on his hands. On the other side ofthe Pacific was a country where such a cargo might, with luck, be sold ata bounding profit. He could easily find out how the trade was done. Therewas more than one among those with whom he would associate in Sydney whoknew a great deal about it. 

One or two sentences in Bass's last letters to Henry Waterhouse containmysterious hints, which to him, with his experience of Port Jackson, would be significant. He explained that he intended taking the Venus tovisit the coast of Chili in search of provisions, "and that they may notin that part of the world mistake me for a contrabandist, I go providedwith a very diplomatic-looking certificate from the Governor here, stating the service upon which I am employed, requesting aid andprotection in obtaining the food wanted. And God grant you may fullysucceed, says your warm heart, in so benevolent an object; and thus alsosay I; Amen, say many others of my friends. "

But was the diplomatic-looking paper intended rather to serve as a screenthan as a guarantee of bona fides? "In a few hours, " wrote Bass at thebeginning of February, 1803, "I sail again on another pork voyage, but itcombines circumstances of a different nature also"; and at the end of thesame letter he added: "Speak not of South America to anyone out of yourfamily, for there is treason in the very name. " What did he mean by that?He spoke of "digging gold in South America, " and clearly did not mean itin the strict literal sense. 

It is true that the Governor was anxious to get South American cattle andbeef for the settlement in Sydney, but can that have been the only motivefor a voyage beyond Tahiti? "If our approaching voyage proves at allfortunate in its issue, I expect to make a handsome thing out of it, andto be much expedited on my return to old England, " Bass wrote in January. He would not have been likely to make so very handsome a thing out ofbeef in one voyage, to enable him to expedite his return to England. 

The factors of the case are, then, that Bass had on his hands a largequantity of goods which he had failed to sell in Sydney; that there was aconsiderable and enormously profitable contraband trade with SouthAmerica at the time; that he expected to make a very large and rapidprofit out of the venture he was about to undertake; that he warnedWaterhouse against mentioning the matter outside the family circle, "forthere is treason in the very name"; and that he was himself a mandistinguished by dash and daring, who was very anxious to make asubstantial sum and return to England soon. The inference from hislanguage and circumstances as to the scheme he had in hand isirresistible. 

The "very diplomatic-looking certificate" which the Governor gave him wasdated February 3, 1803. It certified that "Mr. George Bass, of thebrigantine Venus, has been employed since the first day of November, 1801, upon His Britannic Majesty's service in procuring provisions forthe subsistence of His Majesty's colony, and still continues using thoseexertions;" and it went on to affirm that should he find it expedient toresort to any harbour in His Catholic Majesty's dominions upon the westcoast of America, "this instrument is intended to declare my full beliefthat his sole object in going there will be to procure food, without anyview to private commerce or any other view whatsoever. "

Notwithstanding the terms of this certificate, however, there is clearevidence that Governor King was fully aware of the nature of the tradeconducted with the Spanish-American colonies by vessels using PortJackson; and though it may be that Bass did not tell him in so many wordswhat his whole intentions were, King knew that Bass had a large stock ofcommodities to sell, and could hardly have been ignorant that aconsiderable portion of them were re-shipped on the Venus for thisvoyage. In a later despatch he alluded to vessels which carried goods"from hence to the coasts of the Spanish possessions on the west side ofAmerica, " and he observed "that this must be a forced trade, similar tothat carried on among the settlements of that nation and Portugal on theeast side of America, and that much risk will attend it to theadventurers. "

Bass sailed from Sydney on February 5th, 1803. He never returned, and nosatisfactory account of what became of him is forthcoming. * (* The writerof the article on Bass in the Dictionary of National Biography says that"except that he left Australia in 1799 to return to England nothingcertain is known of Bass's subsequent history. " But we know fairly fullywhat he was doing up till February, 1803, as related above. The Bassmystery commences after that date. The Encyclopaedia Britannica (11thedition) finds no space for a separate article on this very remarkableman. ) Later in 1803 the brig Harrington, herself concerned in thecontraband trade, reported that the Venus had been captured andconfiscated by the Spaniards in Peru, and that Bass and the mate, Scott, had been sent as prisoners to the silver mines. In December, 1804, Governor King remarked in a despatch to the Secretary of State that hehad been "in constant expectation" of hearing from Bass, "to whom, thereis no doubt, some accident has occurred. " The Harrington had reported thecapture of the Venus before King wrote that. Why did he not mention thecircumstance to the British Government? Why did he not allude to thecountry to which he well knew that Bass intended to sail? It would seemthat King carefully avoided referring in his official despatches to anenterprise upon which he had good reason to be aware that Bass hadembarked. 

War between Great Britain and Spain did not break out till December, 1804, after the seizure of the Spanish treasure fleet by British frigatesoff Cadiz (October 5th). But in previous years, while Spain, underpressure from Napoleon, lent her countenance to his aggressive policy, English privateers had freely plundered Spanish commerce in the southPacific, and some of them had brought their prizes to Sydney. That thiswas done with the knowledge of the authorities cannot be doubted. Everybody knew about it. When the French exploring ships were lying atSydney in 1802, Peron saw there vessels "provided with arms, fitting outfor the western coast of America, stored with merchandise of variouskinds. These vessels were intended to establish, by force of arms, acontraband commerce with the inhabitants of Peru, extremely advantageousto both parties. "

It would not, therefore, be wonderful that the Spanish authorities inChili or Peru should regard Port Jackson as a kind of wasp's nest, andshould look with suspicion on any vessel coming thence which might fallinto their hands, however much her commander might endeavour to make ofhis official certificate declaring the Governor's "full belief" in hislawful intentions. The irritation caused by the use that was being madeof Sydney as a privateering and contraband base of operations can be wellimagined. As early as December, 1799, indeed, Governor Hunter relatedthat a captured Spanish merchant vessel had been brought into port, andhe acknowledged that "this being the second Spanish prize brought hither, we cannot be surprised, should it be known that such captures make aconvenience of this harbour, if it should provoke a visit from some ofthe ships of war from the Spanish settlements on that coast. " TheSpaniards would naturally be thirsting for revenge; and a ship sailingdirect from the port of which the raiders made a "convenience" would beliable to feel their ire, should there be the semblance of provocation. The authorities would have been justified in holding up the Venus if theysuspected that she carried contraband goods; and their treatment of herofficers and crew might be expected to reflect the temper of theirdisposition towards Port Jackson and all that concerned it. 

If, as the Harrington reported, Bass and his companions were sent to themines, the Spanish officials managed their act of punishment, or revenge, very quietly. But at that time there was not a formal state ofbelligerency between England and Spain, though the tension of publicfeeling in Great Britain concerning Spanish relations with France wasacute. If it were considered that such an act as the seizure of the Venuswould be likely to precipitate a declaration of war, the motive forsecrecy was strong. Secrecy, moreover, would have been in completeconformity with Spanish methods in South America. It is not recordedwhether the seizure of the Venus occurred at Callao, Valparaiso orValdivia; but a British lieutenant, Fitzmaurice, who was at Valparaisofive years later, heard that a man named Bass had been in Lima some yearsbefore. 

A friend of the Bass family residing at Lincoln in 1852 wrote a letter toSamuel Sidney, the author of The Three Colonies of Australia, statingthat Bass's mother last heard of him "in the Straits of China. " But thiswas evidently an error of memory. If Bass ever got out of South America, he would have written to his "dear Bess, " to Waterhouse, and to Flinders. The latter, in 1814, wrote of him as "alas, now no more. " There is onrecord a report that he was seen alive in South America in that year, butthe story is doubtful. He was a man full of affectionate loyalty to hisfriends, and it is not conceivable that he would have left them withoutnews of him if any channel of communication had been open, as would havebeen the case had he been at liberty as late as 1814. His father-in-lawmade enquiries, but failed to obtain news. The report of the Harringtonwas probably true, but beyond that we really have no information uponwhich we can depend. The internal history of Spanish America has beenvery scantily investigated, and it is quite possible that even yet somediligent student of archives may find, some day, particulars concerningthe fate of this brave and adventurous spirit. 

The disappearance of Bass's letters to his mother is a misfortune whichthe student of Australian history must deplore. He was observant, shrewd, an untiring traveller, and an entertaining correspondent. He probablyrelated to his mother, to whom he wrote frequently, the story of hisexcursions and experiences, and the historical value of all that he wrotewould be very great. The letters, said the Lincoln friend, were long, "containing full accounts of his discoveries. " His mother treasured themtill she died, when they came into the possession of a Miss Calder. Shekept them in a box, and used occasionally to amuse herself by readingthem. But some time before 1852 Miss Calder went to the box to look atthem again, and found that they had disappeared. Whether she had lentthem to some person who had failed to return them, or had mislaid them, is unknown. It is possible that they may still be in existence in somedusty cupboard in England, and that we may even yet be gratified by anexamination of documents which would assuredly enable us to understandmore of the noble soul of George Bass. 

It has been mentioned that Flinders and Bass did not meet again after thevoyage of the Norfolk and Bass's return to England. Though Sydney was thebase of both Flinders in the Investigator and Bass in the Venus in 1802and 1803, they always had the ill-luck to miss each other. Bass was atTahiti while Flinders lay in port from May 9th to July 21st, 1802. Hereturned in November, and left once more on his final voyage in February, 1803. Flinders arrived in Sydney again, after his exploration of the Gulfof Carpentaria, in June, 1803. A farewell letter from him to his friendis quoted in a later chapter. 

CHAPTER 11. ON THE QUEENSLAND COAST. 

Two more incidents in the career of Flinders will concern us before wedeal with his important later voyages. The first of these is only worthmentioning for the light it throws upon the character of the man. InMarch, 1799, he sat as a member of a court of criminal judicature inSydney, for the trial of Isaac Nichols, who was charged with receiving abasket of tobacco knowing it to have been stolen. The case arousedpassionate interest at the time. People in the settlement took sides uponit, as upon a matter of acute party politics, and the Governor was hotlyat variance with the Judge Advocate, the chief judicial officer. 

Nichols had been a convict, but his conduct was good, and he was chosento be chief overseer of a gang employed in labour of various kinds. Onthe expiration of his sentence, he acquired a small farm, and by means ofsobriety and industry built himself a comfortable house. Through his veryprosperity he became "an object to be noticed, " as the Governor wrote, and by reason of his diligent usefulness securing him officialemployment, "he stood in the way of others. " In Hunter's opinion, theruin of Nichols was deliberately planned; and he was convicted on whatthe Governor believed to be false and malicious evidence. 

The striking feature of the trial was that the Court (consisting of sevenmembers--three naval officers and three officers of the New South WalesCorps, presided over by the Judge Advocate) was sharply divided inopinion. The three naval men, Flinders, Waterhouse, and Lieutenant Kent, were convinced of the accused man's innocence; the three military men, with the Judge Advocate, voted for his conviction. There was thus amajority against Nichols; but the Governor, believing that an injusticewas being done, suspended the execution of the sentence, and submittedthe papers to the Secretary of State. Bass came into the matter in themonth after the trial, as a member of a Court of Inquiry into theallegation that certain persons had carried the tobacco to Nichols' housewith the object of implicating him. 

The only point that need concern us here, is that Flinders wrote amemorandum analysing the evidence with minute care, in justification ofhis belief in the prisoner's innocence. It was a skilfully drawndocument, and it exhibits Flinders in a light which enhances our respectfor him, as the strong champion of an accused man whom he believed to bewronged. In the result, the Crown granted a pardon to Nichols; but thisdid not arrive till 1802, so tardy was justice in getting itself done. Apart from Flinders' share in it, the case is interesting as revealingthe strained relations existing between the principal officials in thecolony at the time. The Judge Advocate was a bitter enemy of theGovernor, and the very administration of the law, affecting the libertiesof the people, was tinctured by these animosities. 

It is pleasant to turn from so grimy a subject to the work for whichFlinders' tastes and talents peculiarly fitted him. The explorationswhich he had hitherto accomplished were sufficient to convince Hunterthat he had under him an officer from whom good work could be expected, and, the Reliance not being required for service, he readily acquiescedwhen Flinders proposed that he should take the Norfolk northward, toMoreton Bay, the "Glasshouse Bay" of Cook, and Hervey Bay, east ofBundaberg. On this voyage he was accompanied by his younger brother, Samuel Flinders. He also took with him an aboriginal named Bongaree, "whose good disposition and manly conduct had attracted my esteem. "

He sailed on July 8th. The task did not occupy much time, for the sloopwas back in Sydney by August 20th. The results were disappointing. It hadbeen hoped to find large rivers, and by means of them to penetrate theinterior of the country; but none were found. 

Flinders missed the Clarence, though he actually anchored off itsentrance. Nor did he find the Brisbane, though, ascending the GlasshouseMountains, he saw indications of a river, which he could not enter withthe Norfolk on account of the intricacy of the channel and the shortnessof the time available. 

Uneasiness of mind respecting the condition of the sloop must have hadmuch to do with the missing of the rivers. She sprung a leak two days outof Port Jackson, and this was "a serious cause of alarm, " the more so asgrains of maize, with which the Norfolk had been previously loaded, wereconstantly choking up the pump. Weather conditions, also, did not favourtaking the vessel close inshore on her northward course, and it wouldhave been almost impossible to detect the mouths of the New South Walesrivers without a close scrutiny of the coastline. Those considerationsare quite sufficient, when duly weighed, to account for the omissions. Itcertainly was a rash statement, after so imperfect an examination, that"however mortifying the conviction might be, it was then an ascertainedfact that no river of importance intersected the east coast between the24th and 39th degrees of south latitude. " But it is equally certain thathe could not have found these rivers with the means at his disposal. Theycould not well have been observed from the deck of a vessel off thecoast. * (* See Coote, History of Queensland, 1 7, and Lang, Cooksland, page 17. ) A closer inspection of the shore-line was required. In fact, the rivers were not found by seaward exploration; they were discovered byinland travellers. 

The most interesting features of the voyage lay in the meeting withaboriginals in Moreton Bay. Some of the incidents were amusing, though atone time there seemed to be danger of a serious encounter. Flinders wentashore to meet a party of the natives, and endeavoured to establishfriendly relations with them. But as he was leaving, one of them threw aspear. Flinders snatched up his gun and aimed at the offender, but theflint being wet missed fire. A second snap of the trigger also failed, but on a third trial the gun went off, though nobody was hurt. Flindersthought that it might obviate future mischief if he gave the blacks anidea of his power, so he fired at a man who was hiding behind a tree; butwithout doing him any harm. The sound of the gun caused the greatestconsternation among the natives, and the small party of white men had nomore serious trouble with them while they were in the bay. Flinders was"satisfied of the great influence which the use of a superior power hasin savages to create respect and render their communications friendly";but he was fortunately able to keep on good terms without resort toseverity. 

An effort to tickle the aboriginal sense of humour was a failure. Two ofthe crew who were Scotch, commenced to dance a reel for the amusement ofthe blacks. "For want of music, " it is related, "they made a very badperformance, which was contemplated by the natives without much amusementor curiosity. " The joke, like Flinders' gun, missed fire. There havebeen, it is often alleged, other occasions when jokes made by Scotsmenhave not achieved a shining success; and we do well to respect theintention while we deplore the waste of effort. 

An example of cunning which did not succeed occurred shortly after thefirst landing. Flinders was wearing a cabbage-tree hat, for which anative had a fancy. The fellow took a long stick with a hook at the endof it, and, laughing and talking to divert attention from his purpose, endeavoured to take the hat from the commander's head. His detectioncreated much laughter; as did that of another black with long arms, whotried to creep up to snatch the hat, but was afraid to approach too near. The account which Collins, writing from Flinders' notes, gave of theQueensland natives seen at Moreton Bay, is graphic but hardly attractive. Two paragraphs about their musical attainments and their generalappearance will bear quotation:--

"These people, like the natives of Port Jackson, having fallen to the lowpitch of their voices, recommenced their song at the octave, which wasaccompanied by slow and not ungraceful motions of the body and limbs, their hands being held up in a supplicating posture; and the tone andmanner of their song and gestures seemed to bespeak the goodwill andforbearance of their auditors. Observing that they were attentivelylistened to, they each selected one of our people and placed his mouthclose to his ear, as if to produce a greater effect, or, it might be, toteach them the song, which their silent attention might seem to express adesire to learn. " As a recompense for the amusement they had afforded himFlinders gave them some worsted caps, and a pair of blanket trousers, with which they seemed well pleased. Several other natives now made theirappearance; and it was some time before they could overcome their dreadof approaching the strangers with the firearms; but, encouraged by thethree who were with them, they came up, and a general song and dance wascommenced. Their singing was not confined to one air; they gave three. 

"Of those who came last, three were remarkable for the largeness of theirheads, and one, whose face was very rough, had much more the appearanceof a baboon than of a human being. He was covered with oily soot; hishair matted with filth; his visage, even among his fellows, uncommonlyferocious; and his very large mouth, beset with teeth of every huebetween black, white, green and yellow, sometimes presented a smile whichmight make anyone shudder. "

The Norfolk remained fifteen days in Moreton Bay. The judgment thatFlinders formed of it was that it was "so full of shoals that he couldnot attempt to point out any passage that would lead a ship into itwithout danger. " The east side was not sounded, and he was of opinionthat if a good navigable channel existed it would be found there. Hisvisit to Hervey Bay, further north, did not lead to any interestingobservations. He left there on his return voyage on August 7th, andreached Port Jackson at dusk on the 20th. 

CHAPTER 12. THE INVESTIGATOR. 

Flinders sailed from Port Jackson for England in the Reliance on March3rd, 1800. The old ship was in such a bad condition that Governor Hunter"judged it proper to order her home while she may be capable ofperforming the voyage. " She carried despatches, which Captain Waterhousewas directed to throw overboard in the event of meeting with an enemy'sship of superior force and being unable to effect his escape. She livedthrough a tempestuous voyage, making nine or ten inches of water perhour, according to the carpenter's report, and providing plenty ofpumping exercise for a couple of convict stowaways who emerged fromhiding two days out of Sydney. At St. Helena, reached at the end of May, company was joined with four East India ships, and off Ireland H. M. S. Cerberus took charge of the convoy till the arrival at Portsmouth onAugust 26th. 

When Flinders left England six years before, he was a midshipman. Hepassed the examination qualifying him to become lieutenant at the Cape ofGood Hope in 1797, and was appointed provisionally to that rank on thereturn of the Reliance to Sydney from the South African voyage in thatyear. The prompt confirmation of his promotion by the admiralty heattributed to the kind interest of Admiral Pasley. 

When he quitted his ship at Deptford in October, 1800, he was a man ofmark. His name was honourably known to the elders of his profession, whilst he was esteemed by men concerned with geography, navigation, andkindred branches of study, for the importance of the work he had done, and for the thorough scientific spirit manifested in it. 

Chief among those who recognised his quality was Sir Joseph Banks, thelearned and wealthy squire who was ever ready to be to zealous men ofscience a friend, a patron, and an influence. Banks was, indeed, memorable for the men and work he helped, rather than for his ownoriginal contributions to knowledge. During his presidency of the RoyalSociety, from 1777 to 1820--a long time for one man to occupy theprincipal place in the most distinguished learned body in the world--henot only encouraged, but promoted and directed, a remarkable radiation ofresearch work, and was the accessible friend of every man of abilityconcerned in extending the bounds of enquiry into phenomena. 

Banks took a special interest in the young navigator, who was a native ofhis own bit of England, Lincolnshire. He knew well what a large field forgeographical investigation there was in Australia, and recognised thatFlinders was the right man to do the work. Banks had always foreseen theimmense possibilities of the country; he was the means of sending out thenaturalists George Caley, Robert Brown, and Allan Cunningham, to studyits natural products. That he was quick to recognise the sterlingcapacity of Matthew Flinders constitutes his principal claim to ourimmediate attention. The spirit of our age is rather out of sympathy withthe attitude of patronage, which, as must be confessed, it gratifiedBanks to assume; but at all events it was, in this instance, patronage ofthe only tolerable sort, that which helps an able man to fulfil himselfand serve his kind. 

Before he went to sea again, Flinders was married (April 1801) to MissAnn Chappell, stepdaughter of the Rev. William Tyler, rector ofBrothertoft, near Boston. She was a sailor's daughter, her own fatherhaving died while in command of a ship out of Hull, engaged in the Baltictrade. It is probable that there was an attachment between the pairbefore Flinders left England in 1794; for during the Norfolk expeditionin 1798 he had named a smooth round hill in Kent's group Mount Chappell, and had called a small cluster of islands the Chappell Isles. He does nottell us why they were so named, as was his usual practice. He merelyspeaks of them as "this small group to which the name of Chappell Islesis affixed in the chart. " But a tender little touch of sentiment maycreep in, even in the making of charts; and we cannot have or wish tohave, any doubt as to the reason in this case. 

In his Observations, published in the year of his marriage, Flindersremarks (page 24) that the hill "had received the name of Mount Chappellin February, 1798, and the name is since extended to the isles which liein its immediate neighbourhood. " The fact that the name was given in1798, indicates that a kindly feeling, to say the least of it, wasentertained for Miss Chappell before Flinders left England in 1795. Thelover in As You Like It carved his lady's name on trees:

"O Rosalind, these trees shall be my books, And in their barks my thoughts I'll character. "

Here we find our young navigator writing his lady's name on the map. Itis rather an uncommon symptom of a very common complaint. 

Miss Chappell and her sister, the sisters of Flinders, and the youngladies of the Franklin family, were a group of affectionate friends wholived in the same neighbourhood, and were constantly together. The boysof the families were brothers to all the girls, who were all sisters tothem. Matthew on the Reliance wrote to them letters intended to be readby all, addressing them as "my charming sisters. " In one of theseepistles he told the girls: "never will there be a more happy soul thanwhen I return. O, may the Almighty spare me all those dear friendswithout whom my joy would be turned into sorrow and mourning. " But thathe nourished the recollection of Ann Chappell in his heart with especialwarmth is apparent from a letter he wrote to her very shortly after theReliance returned to England (September 25th, 1800):* (* Flinders'Papers. ) "You are one of those friends, " he assured her, "whom I considerit indispensably necessary to see. I should be glad to have some littleaccount of your movements, where you reside, and with whom, that mymotions may be regulated accordingly... You see that I make everythingsubservient to business. Indeed, my dearest friend, this time seems to bea very critical period of my life. I have long been absent--have doneservices abroad that were not expected, but which seem to be thought agood deal of. I have more and greater friends than before, and this seemsto be the moment that their exertions may be most serviceable to me. Imay now perhaps make a bold dash forward, or may remain a poor lieutenantall my life. " And he ended this letter, which Miss Chappell would notfail to read "between the lines, " by assuring "my dear friend Annette, "that "with the greatest sincerity, I am her most affectionate friend andbrother, Matthew Flinders. "

From this point the comforting understanding between the two young peopledeveloped in ways as to which there is no evidence in correspondence; butshortly after Flinders received promotion he must have proposed marriage. He wrote a short time afterwards in these terms:

"H. M. S. Investigator, at the Nore, April 6, 1801. 

"My dearest friend, "Thou hast asked me if there is a POSSIBILITY of our living together. Ithink I see a PROBABILITY of living with a moderate share of comfort. Till now I was not certain of being able to fit myself out clear of theworld. I have now done it, and have accommodation on board theInvestigator, in which as my wife a woman may, with love to assist her, make herself happy. This prospect has recalled all the tenderness which Ihave so sedulously endeavoured to banish. I am sent for to London, whereI shall be from the 9th to the 19th, or perhaps longer. If thou wilt meetme there, this hand shall be thine for ever. If thou hast sufficient loveand courage, say to Mr. And Mrs. Tyler* (* Her mother and stepfather. )that I require nothing more with thee than a sufficient stock of clothesand a small sum to answer the increased expenses that will necessarilyand immediately come upon me; as well for living on board as providingfor it at Port Jackson; for whilst I am employed in the most dangerouspart of my duty, thou shalt be placed under some friendly roof there. Ineed not, nor at this time have I time to enter into a detail of myincome and prospects. It will, I trust, be sufficient for me to say thatI see a fortune growing under me to meet increasing expenses. I only wanta fair start, and my life for it, we will do well and be happy. I willwrite further to-morrow, but shall most anxiously expect thy answer at 86Fleet Street, London, on my visit on Friday; and, I trust, thy presenceimmediately afterwards. I have only time to add that most anxiously I am, Most sincerely thine, MATTHEW FLINDERS. "

He appended a postscript which covertly alludes to the manner in whichSir Joseph Banks might be expected to regard the marriage on the eve ofcommencing the new voyage: "It will be much better to keep this matterentirely secret. There are many reasons for it yet, and I have also apowerful one: I do not know how my great friends might like it. "

But, taking all the risks in this direction, he snatched the firstopportunity that presented itself to hurry down to Lincolnshire, getmarried, and bring his bride up to London, stuffing into his boot, forsafe keeping, a roll of bank notes given to him by Mr. Tyler at themoment of farewell. 

In a letter* to his cousin Henrietta, (* Flinders' Papers. ) he relateshow hurriedly the knot matrimonial was at length tied, on the 17th ofApril:

"Everything was agreed to in a very handsome manner, and just at thistime I was called up to town and found that I might be spared a few daysfrom thence. I set off on Wednesday evening from town, arrived nextevening at Spilsby, was married next morning, * which was Friday; onSaturday we went to Donington, on Sunday reached Huntingdon, and onMonday were in town. Next morning I presented myself before Sir JosephBanks with a grave face as if nothing had happened, and then went on withmy business as usual. We stayed in town till the following Sunday, andcame on board the Investigator next day, and here we have remained eversince, a few weeks on shore and a day spent on the Essex side of theThames excepted. " (* Captain F. J. Bayldon, of the Nautical Academy, Sydney, tells me an interesting story about the Flinders-Chappellmarriage registration. His father was rector of Partney, Lincolnshire, avillage lying two or three miles from Spilsby. When the Captain and hisbrothers were boys, they found in the rectory a large book, such as wasused for parish registers. It was apparently unused. They asked theirfather if they might have the blank pages for drawing paper, and he gavethem permission. But they found upon a single page, a few marriageentries, and one of these was the marriage of Matthew Flinders to AnnChappell. Captain Bayldon, a student of navigation then as he has beenever since, knew Flinders' name at once, and took the book to his father. The marriage was celebrated at Partney, where the Tylers lived. )

In a letter* written on the day of the marriage to Elizabeth Flinders thebride's fluttered and mixed emotions were apparent. (* Mitchell Librarymanuscripts. ) At this time she believed that she was to make the voyageto Australia in the Investigator with her husband, and hardly knewwhether the happiness of her new condition or the regretful prospect of along farewell to her circle of friends prevailed most in her heart. 

"April 17th, 1801. 

"My beloved Betsy, "Thou wilt be much surprised to hear of this sudden affair; indeed Iscarce believe it myself, tho' I have this very morning given my hand atthe altar to him I have ever highly esteemed, and it affords me no smallpleasure that I am now a part, tho' a distant one, of thy family, myBetsy. It grieves me much thou art so distant from me. Thy society wouldhave greatly cheered me. Thou wilt to-day pardon me if I say but little. I am scarce able to coin one sentence or to write intelligibly. It painsme to agony when I indulge the thought for a moment that I must leave allI value on earth, save one, alas, perhaps for ever. Ah, my Betsy, but Idare not, must not, think [that]. Therefore, farewell, farewell. May thegreat God of Heaven preserve thee and those thou lovest, oh, everlastingly. Adieu, dear darling girl; love as ever, though absent andfar removed from your poor

ANNETTE. "

We are afforded a confidential insight into Mrs. Flinders' opinion of herhusband in a letter from her to another girl friend. It was written afterthe marriage, and when Matthew was again at sea, prosecuting that voyagefrom which he was not to return for over nine years. "I don't admire wantof firmness in a man. I love COURAGE and DETERMINATION in the malecharacter. Forgive me, dear Fanny, but INSIPIDS I never did like, andhaving not long ago tasted such delightful society I have now a greatercontempt than in former days for that cast of character. " An "insipid"Ann Chappell certainly had not married, and she found in Matthew Flindersno lack of the courage and determination she admired. 

A second marriage contracted by the elder Matthew Flinders, connectinghis family with the Franklins, had an important influence upon the lifeof another young sailor who had commenced his career in the Navy in theprevious year. The Franklin family, which sprang from the village ofSibsey (about six miles north-east of Boston), was now resident atSpilsby. At the time of the Flinders-Chappell wedding, young JohnFranklin was serving on the Polyphemus, and had only a few dayspreviously (April 1) taken part in the battle of Copenhagen. In theordinary course of things he would, there can hardly be a doubt, havefollowed his profession along normal lines. His virile intellect andresourceful courage would probably have won him eminence, but it is notlikely that he would have entered upon that career of exploration whichshed so much lustre on his name, and in the end found him a grave beneaththe immemorial snows of the frozen north. It was by Flinders that youngFranklin was diverted into the glorious path of discovery; from Flindersthat he learnt the strictly scientific part of navigation. "It is veryreasonable for us to infer, " writes one of Franklin's biographers* (*Admiral Markham, Life of Sir John Franklin page 43. ) "that it was in allprobability in exploring miles of practically unknown coastline, and insurveying hitherto undiscovered bays, reefs, and islands in the southernhemisphere, that John Franklin's mind became imbued with that ardent loveof geographical research which formed such a marked and prominent featurein his future professional career. Flinders was the example, andAustralian exploration was the school, that created one of our greatestArctic navigators and one of the most eminent geographers of his day. "

Another matter with which Flinders was occupied during his stay inEngland was the preparation of a small publication dealing with hisrecent researches. It was entitled "Observations on the coasts of VanDiemen's Land, on Bass's Strait and its Islands, and on parts of thecoasts of New South Wales, intended to accompany the charts of the latediscoveries in those countries, by Matthew Flinders, second lieutenant ofHis Majesty's ship Reliance. " It consisted of thirty-five quarto pages, issued without a wrapper, and stitched like a large pamphlet. JohnNichols, of Soho, was the publisher, but some copies were issued with theimprint of Arrowsmith, the publisher of charts. Very few copies nowremain, and the little book, which is one of the rare things ofbibliography, is not to be found even in many important libraries. 

Flinders dedicated the issue to Sir Joseph Banks. "Your zealous exertionsto promote geographical and nautical knowledge, your encouragement of menemployed in the cultivation of the sciences that tend to thisimprovement, and the countenance you have been pleased to show me inparticular, embolden me to lay the following observations before you. "Generally speaking, the Observations contain matter that was afterwardsembodied in the larger Voyage to Terra Australis, and taken from reportsthat have been used in the preceding pages. The special purpose of thebook was to be of use to navigators who might sail in Australian waters, and it is therefore full of particulars likely to guide them. He pointedout that there might be some errors in the longitude records of theNorfolk voyage because "no time-keepers could be procured for thisexpedition, " but he pointed out that the survey was made with great care. "The sloop was kept close to the shore, and brought back every morningwithin sight of the same point it had been hauled off during thepreceding evening, by which means the chain of angles was never broken. "This was, as will be seen later, the method employed on the moreimportant voyage about to be undertaken. 

The task that mainly occupied his attention during these few months inEngland, was the making of preparations for a voyage of discoveryintended to complete the exploration of the coasts of Australia. It hasalready been remarked that the initiative in regard to the Francis andNorfolk explorations sprang from Flinders' own eager desire, and not fromthe governing authorities. Precisely the same occurred in the case of thefar more important Investigator voyage. He did not wait for something toturn up. Immediately after his arrival in England, he formulated a plan, pointed out the sphere of investigation to which attention ought to bedirected, and approached the proper authorities. He wrote to Sir JosephBanks, "offering my services to explore minutely the whole of the coasts, as well those which were imperfectly known as those entirely unknown, provided the Government would provide me with a proper ship for thepurpose. I did not address myself in vain to this zealous promoter ofscience; and Earl Spencer, then First Lord of the Admiralty, enteringwarmly into the views of his friend, obtained the approbation of hisMajesty, and immediately set out a ship that could be spared from thepresent demands of war, which Great Britain then waged with most of thePowers of Europe. "* (* Flinders' Papers. )

Lord Spencer's prompt and warm acquiescence in the proposition is notless to be noted than the friendly interest of Banks. His administrationof the Admiralty in Pitt's Government was distinguished by his selectionof Nelson as the admiral to frustrate the schemes of the French in seawarfare; and it stands as an additional tribute to his sagacity that heat once recognised Flinders to be the right man to maintain the prowessof British seamanship in discovery. 

Three reasons made the Government the more disposed to equip anexpedition for the purpose. The first was that in June, 1800, L. G. Otto, the representative of the French Republic in London, applied for apassport for two discovery ships which were being despatched to the southseas. French men of science had for many years interested themselves inthe investigation of these unknown portions of the globe. The expeditionsof Laperouse (1785 to 1788) and of Dentrecasteaux (1791 to 1796) wereevidence of their concern with the problems awaiting elucidation. Theprofessors of the Museum in Paris were eager that collections of mineralsand plants should be made in the southern hemisphere. The Institute ofFrance was led by keen men of science, one of whom, the Comte deFleurieu, had prepared the instructions for the two previous voyages. They had found a warm friend to research in Louis XVI, and the fall ofthe monarchy did not diminish their anxiety that France should win honourfrom pursuing the enquiry. They represented to Napoleon, then FirstConsul, the utility of undertaking another voyage, and his authorisationwas secured in May. A passport was granted by Earl Spencer when Otto madethe application, but there was a suspicion that the French Government wasinfluenced by motives of policy lying deeper than the ostensible desireto promote discovery. 

Secondly, the East India Company was concerned lest the French shouldestablish themselves somewhere on the coast of Australia, and, with abase of operations there, menace the Company's trade. 

Thirdly, Sir Joseph Banks, after conversations with Flinders and anexamination of his charts, saw the importance of the work remaining to bedone, and used his influence with the Admiralty to authorise a ship to bedetailed for the purpose. 

Thus imperial policy, trade interests and scientific ardour combined toprocure the equipment of a new research expedition. In view of the factthat the Admiralty became officially aware in June of the intentions ofthe French, it cannot be said that they were precipitate in making theirown plans; for it was not until December 12 that they issued theirorders. 

The vessel allotted for the employment was a 334-ton sloop, built in thenorth of England for the merchant service. She had been purchased by theGovernment for naval work, and, under the name of the Xenophon, had beenemployed in convoying merchant vessels in the Channel. Her name waschanged to the Investigator, her bottom was re-coppered, the platingbeing put on "two streaks higher than before, " and she was equipped for athree years' voyage. Flinders took command of her at Sheerness on January25th, 1801. He was promoted to the rank of commander on the 16th of thefollowing month. 

The renovated ship was good enough to look at, and she commended herselfto Flinders' eye as being the sort of vessel best fitted for the work incontemplation. In form she "nearly resembled the description of vesselrecommended by Captain Cook as best calculated for voyages of discovery. "But, though comfortable, she was old and unsound. Patching and caulkingmerely plugged up defects which the buffetings of rough seas soonrevealed. But she was the best ship the Admiralty was able to spare atthe time. Long before she had completed her outward voyage, however, thesenility of the Investigator had made itself uncomfortably evident. Writing of the leaks experienced on the run down to the Cape, Flinderssaid:--

"The leakiness of the ship increased with the continuance of thesouthwest winds, and at the end of a week amounted to five inches ofwater an hour. It seemed, however, that the leaks were above the water'sedge, for on tacking to the westward they were diminished to two inches. This working of the oakum out of the seams indicated a degree of weaknesswhich, in a ship destined to encounter every hazard, could not becontemplated without uneasiness. The very large ports, formerly cut inthe sides to receive thirty-two pound carronades, joined to what I havebeen able to collect from the dockyard officers, had given me anunfavourable opinion of her strength; and this was now but too muchconfirmed. Should it be asked why representations were not made and astronger vessel procured, I answer that the exigencies of the navy weresuch at that time, that I was given to understand no better ship could bespared from the service; and my anxiety to complete the investigation ofthe coasts of Terra Australis did not admit of refusing the one offered. "

The history of maritime discovery is strewn with rotten ships. Certainlyif the great navigators, before venturing to face the unknown, had waitedto be provided with vessels fit to make long voyages, the progress ofresearch would have been much slower than was the case. It sounds likehyperbole to say that, when pitch and planks failed, these gallant seamenstopped their leaks with hope and ardour; but really, something like thatis pretty near the truth. 

The fitting out of the Investigator proceeded busily during January andFebruary, 1801. The Admiralty was liberal in its allowances. Indeed, theequipment was left almost entirely to Banks and Flinders. The commander"obtained permission to fit her out as I should judge necessary, withoutreference to the supplies usually allotted to vessels of the same class. "The extent to which the Admiralty was guided by Banks is indicated in amemorandum by the Secretary, Evan Nepean, penned in April. Banks wrote"Is my proposal for an alteration in the undertaking in the Investigatorapproved?" Nepean replied "Any proposal you may make will be approved;the whole is left entirely to your decision. "

In addition to plentiful supplies and special provision for a large storeof water, the Investigator carried an interesting assortment of "gauds, nick-nacks, trifles, " to serve as presents to native peoples with whom itwas desired to cultivate friendly relations. The list included usefularticles as well as glittering toys, and is a curious document asillustrating a means by which civilisation sought to tickle the barbarianinto complaisance. Flinders carried for this purpose 500 pocket-knives, 500 looking-glasses, 100 combs, 200 strings of blue, red, white andyellow beads, 100 pairs of ear-rings, 200 finger rings, 1000 yards ofblue and red gartering, 100 red caps, 100 small blankets, 100 yards ofthin red baize, 100 yards of coloured linen, 1000 needles, five pounds ofred thread, 200 files, 100 shoemakers' knives, 300 pairs of scissors, 100hammers, 50 axes, 300 hatchets, a quantity of other samples ofironmongery, a number of medals with King George's head imprinted uponthem, and some new copper coins. 

It is a curious assortment, but it may be observed that the materials, aswell as the method of ingratiation, were very much the same with theearlier as with the later navigators. An early instance occurs in ReneLaudonniere's account of his relations with the natives of Florida in1565:* (* Hakluyt's Voyages edition of 1904 Volume 9 pages 31 and 49. ) "Igave them certaine small trifles, which were little knives or tablets ofglasse, wherein the image of King Charles the Ninth was drawen verylively... I recompensed them with certaine hatchets, knives, beades ofglasse, combes and looking-glasses. "

The crew of the Investigator was selected with particular care. Flindersdesired to carry none but young sailors of good character. He was givenpermission to take men from the Zealand, and he explained to those whovolunteered the nature of the service, and its probably severe andprotracted character. The readiness with which men came forward gave himmuch pleasure. 

"Upon one occasion, when eleven volunteers were to be received from theZealand, a strong instance was given of the spirit of enterpriseprevalent amongst British seamen. About three hundred disposable men werecalled up, and placed on one part of the deck; and after the nature ofthe voyage, with the number of men wanted, had been explained to them, those who volunteered were desired to go over to the opposite side. Thecandidates were no less than two hundred and fifty, most of whom soughtwith eagerness to be received; and the eleven who were chosen proved, with one single exception, to be worthy of the preference they obtained. "

Of the whole crew (and the total ship's company numbered 83) only twocaused any trouble to the commander. As these two "required more severityin reducing to good order than I wished to exercise in a service of thisnature, " when the Investigator reached the Cape, Flinders arranged withthe Admiral there, Sir Roger Curtis, to exchange them--as well as twoothers who from lack of sufficient strength were not suitable--for foursailors upon the flagship, who made a pressing application to go upon avoyage of discovery. Thus purged of a very few refractories andinefficients, the ship's company was a happy, loyal and healthy crew, ofwhom the commander was justifiably proud. 

The officers and scientific staff were chosen with a view to making thevoyage fruitful in utility. The first lieutenant, Robert Fowler, hadserved on the ship when she was the Xenophon. He was a Lincolnshire man, hailing from Horncastle, and had been a schoolfellow of Banks. But it wasnot through Sir Joseph's influence that he was selected. Flinders madehis acquaintance while the refitting of the vessel was in progress, andfound him desirous of making the voyage. As his former captain spoke wellof him, his services were accepted. Samuel Ward Flinders went as secondlieutenant, and there were six midshipmen, of whom John Franklin was one. 

Originally it was intended that Mungo Park, the celebrated Africantraveller, who was at this time in England looking round for employment, should go to Australia on the Investigator, and act as naturalist. But nodefinite engagement was entered into; the post remained vacant, and aPortuguese exile living in London, Correa de Sena, introduced to Banks ayoung Scottish botanist who desired to go, describing him as one "fittedto pursue an object with a staunch and a cold mind. " Robert Brown wasthen not quite twenty-seven years of age. Like the gusty swashbuckler, Dugald Dalgetty, he had been educated at the Marischal College, Aberdeen. For a few years he served as ensign and assistant surgeon of a Scottishregiment, the Fife Fencibles. Always a keen botanist, he found a readyfriend in Banks, who promised to recommend him "for the purpose ofexploring the natural history, amongst other things. " His salary was 420pounds a year, and he earned it by admirable service. Brown remained inAustralia for two years after the discovery voyage, and his greatProdromus Florae Novae Hollandiae, which won the praise of Humboldt, is aclassic monument to the extent and value of his researches. 

William Westall was appointed landscape and figure draftsman to theexpedition at a salary of 315 pounds per annum. The nine fine engravingswhich adorn the Voyage to Terra Australis are his work. He was but ayouth of nineteen when he made this voyage. Afterwards he attained reputeas a landscape painter, and was elected as Associate of the RoyalAcademy. One hundred and thirty-eight of his drawings made on theInvestigator are preserved. 

Ferdinand Bauer was appointed botanical draftsman to the expedition at asalary of 315 pounds. He was an Austrian, forty years of age, anenthusiast in his work, and a man of uncommon industry. He made 1600botanical drawings which, in Robert Brown's opinion, were "for beauty, accuracy and completion of detail unequalled in this or in any othercountry in Europe. " Bauer's Illustrationes Florae Novae Hollandiae, published in 1814, consisted of plates which were drawn, engraved andcoloured by his own hand. Flinders formed a very high opinion of thecapacity of both Brown and Bauer. "It is fortunate for science, " he wroteto Banks "that two men of such assiduity and abilities have beenselected; their application is beyond what I have been accustomed tosee. "

Peter Good, appointed gardener to the expedition at a salary of 105pounds, was a foreman at the Kew Gardens when he was selected for thisservice. Brown found him a valuable assistant, and an indefatigableworker. He died in Sydney in June, 1803, from dysentery contracted atTimor. Of John Allen, engaged as a miner at a salary of 105 pounds, nothing is known. 

John Crossley was engaged to sail as astronomer, at a salary of 420pounds, but he did not accompany the Investigator further than the Capeof Good Hope, where his health broke down, and he returned to England. The instruments with which he had been furnished by the Board ofLongitude were, however, left on board, and Flinders undertook to do hiswork in cooperation with his brother Samuel, who had been assistingCrossley, and was able to take charge of the astronomical clocks andrecords. 

The interest taken by the East India Company's Court of Directors in theexpedition was manifested in their vote of 600 pounds for the table moneyof the officers and staff. * (* The East India Company, through its Courtof Directors, actually voted 1200 pounds in May, 1801; but only 600pounds of this sum was paid at the commencement of the voyage. Theremainder was to be paid to the commander and officers as a reward ifthey successfully accomplished their task. Flinders' manuscriptletter-book contains a copy of a letter dated November 14, 1810, whereinhe reminds the Company of their promise. I have found no record of thepayment of the remaining 600 pounds, but Flinders' Journal shows him tohave dined with the directors a few weeks after the letter was sent, anda little later the Journal contains a record of a merry evening spenttogether by Flinders and a party of his old Investigator shipmates. It isa fair assumption that the money was divided up on that occasion. ) Theygave this sum "from the voyage being within the limits of the Company'scharter, from the expectation of the examinations and discoveries provingadvantageous, and partly, as they said"--so Flinders modestlyobserved--"for my former services. " The Company's charter gave to it acomplete monopoly of trade with the east and the Pacific, and it wastherefore interested in the finding of fresh harbours for its vessels inthe South Seas. But, despite this display of concern, the East IndiaCompany had been no friend to Australian discovery and colonization. Inthe early years of the settlement at Port Jackson, it resisted theopening of direct trade between Great Britain and New South Wales, withas jealous a dislike as ever the Spanish monopolists at Seville displayedin the sixteenth century concerning all trade with America that did notflow through their hands. Even so recently as 1806 the Companyopposed--and, strangely enough, successfully--the sale of a cargo ofsealskins and whale oil from Sydney, on the ground "that the charter ofthe colony gave the colonists no right to trade, and that the transactionwas a violation of Company's charter and against its welfare. " The grantto Flinders was not, therefore, a manifestation of zeal for Australiandevelopment, except in the matter of finding harbours, and except, also, that there was an uneasy feeling that the French would be mischievouslybusy on the north coast. "I hope the French ships of discovery will notstation themselves on the north-west coast of Australia, " wrote C. F. Greville, one of the Company's directors. 

The instructions furnished to Flinders prescribed the course of thevoyage very strictly. They were that he should first run down the coastfrom 130 degrees of east longitude (that is, from about the head of theGreat Australian Bight) to Bass Strait, and endeavour to discover suchharbours as there might be. Then, proceeding through the Strait, he wasto call at Sydney to refresh his company and refit the ship. After thathe was to return along the coast and diligently examine it as far as KingGeorge's Sound. As the sailing was delayed till the middle of July, Flinders expressed a wish that he should not be ordered to return to thesouth coast from Port Jackson. "If my orders do not forbid it, I shallexamine the south coast more minutely in my first run along it, and ifanything material should present itself, as a strait, gulf, or very largeriver, shall take as much time in its examination as the remaining partof the summer shall then consist of; for I consider it very material tothe success of the voyage and to its early completion that we should beupon the northern coasts in winter and the southern ones in summer. "

This was written to Banks, who, as we have seen, could probably havesecured an alteration of the official instructions had he desired to doso. But they were not modified; and about a fortnight later (July 17)Flinders wrote: "The Admiralty have not thought good to permit me tocircumnavigate New Holland in the way that appears to me (underlined)best suited to expedition and safety. " It is probable that, if Banksdiscussed the proposed alteration with the Admiralty, the more rapid runalong the south coast was insisted upon, because that was the field towhich the French expedition might be expected to apply itself with mostdiligence; as, in fact, was actually the case. Governor King had alsowritten to Banks pointing out the importance of a southern survey, "tosee what shelter it affords in case a ship should be taken before she canclear the land to the southward and the western entrance to the Strait. "

The instructions continued that after the exploration of the south of NewHolland, the Investigator was to sail to the north-west and examine theGulf of Carpentaria, carefully investigating Torres Strait and the wholeof the remainder of the north-west and north-east coasts. After that, theeast coast was to be more fully explored; and when the whole programmewas finished Flinders was to return to England for further instructions. 

The functions of the "scientific gentlemen" were carefully defined. Flinders was directed to afford facilities for the naturalists to collectspecimens and the artists to make drawings. The hand of Banks is apparentin the nice balancing of liberty of independent study with liability todirection from the commander; and his forethought in these particularswas probably inspired by his experience with Cook's expedition many yearsbefore. 

One other set of instructions from the Admiralty is of great importancein view of what subsequently occurred, and had a bearing upon theexpedition as it affected political relations. Great Britain was at warwith France, and the Investigator, though on a peaceful mission, was asloop belonging to the British navy. Flinders wrote to the Admiralty(July 2) soliciting instructions as to what he was to do in case he metFrench vessels at sea, "for without an order to desist, the articles ofwar will oblige me to act inimically to them. " The directions that hereceived were explicit. He was to act towards any French ship "as if thetwo countries were not at war; and with respect to the ships and vesselsof other powers with which this country is at war, you are to avoid, ifpossible, having any communication with them; and not to take letters orpackets other than such as you may receive from this office or the officeof his Majesty's Secretary of State. " The concluding words of theinstruction intimately concern the events which, in the next year butone, commenced that long agony of imprisonment which Flinders had toendure in Ile-de-France. 

He was also provided with a passport from the French Government, and theterms in which it was couched are of the utmost importance for theunderstanding of what followed. It was issued for the Investigator, commanded by Captain Matthew Flinders, for a voyage of discovery of whichthe object was to extend human knowledge and promote the progress ofnautical science. It commanded all French officers, at sea or on shore, not to interfere with the ship and its officers, but on the contrary toassist them if they needed help. But this treatment was only to beextended as long as the Investigator did not announce her intention ofcommitting any act of hostility against the French Republic and herallies, did not render assistance to her enemies, and did not traffic inmerchandise or contraband goods. The passport was signed by the FrenchMinister of Marine and Colonies, Forfait, on behalf of the First Consul. *(* A transcript of Flinders' own copy of the French passport is now atCaen, amongst the Decaen Papers Volume 84 page 133. )

Before the expedition sailed, Flinders became engaged in a correspondencewhich must have been embarrassing to him, relating to his wife. He wasmarried, as has been stated, in April, after he had been promotedcommander, and while the Investigator was lying at Sheerness, awaitingsailing orders. As the voyage would in all probability extend overseveral years, his intention was to take his bride with him to Sydney, and leave her there while he prosecuted his investigations in the south, north and east. He had no reason to think that his doing so would giveoffence in official quarters, especially as he was aware of cases wherecommanders of ships had been permitted to take their wives on cruiseswhen their vessels were not protected by passports securing immunity fromattack. There are even instances of wives of British naval officers beingon board ship during engagements. During Nelson's attack on Santa Cruz, in 1797, Captain Fremantle of the Seahorse had with him his wife, whom hehad lately married. It was in that engagement that Nelson lost an arm;and when he returned, bleeding and in great pain, he would not go onboard the Seahorse, saying that he would not have Mrs. Fremantle alarmedby seeing him in such a condition, without any news of her husband, whohad accompanied the landing. The amputation of the shattered limb wastherefore performed on the Theseus. 

The wisdom of permitting a naval officer to take his wife on a longvoyage in a ship of the navy may well be questioned, and the contraryrule is now well established. But it was not invariably observed acentury or more ago; and that Flinders acted in perfect good faith in thematter is evident from the correspondence, which, on so delicate asubject, he conducted with a manliness and good taste that display hischaracter in an amiable light. 

In all probability Mrs. Flinders would have been allowed to proceed toPort Jackson unchallenged but for the unlucky circumstance that, when thecommissioners of the Admiralty paid an official visit of inspection tothe ship, she was seen "seated in the captain's cabin without herbonnet. "* (* Flinders' Papers. ) They considered this to be "too open adeclaration of that being her home. " Her husband first heard of thematter semi-officially from Banks, who wrote on May 21st:--

"I have but time to tell you that the news of your marriage, which waspublished in the Lincoln paper, has reached me. The Lords of theAdmiralty have heard also that Mrs. Flinders is on board theInvestigator, and that you have some thought of carrying her to sea withyou. This I was very sorry to hear, and if that is the case I beg to giveyou my advice by no means to adventure to measures so contrary to theregulations and the discipline of the Navy; for I am convinced bylanguage I have heard, that their Lordships will, if they hear of herbeing in New South Wales, immediately order you to be superseded, whatever may be the consequences, and in all likelihood order Mr. Grantto finish the survey. 

To threaten to supercede Flinders if it were even heard that his wife wasin New South Wales was surely an excess of rigour. His reply was writtenfrom the Nore, May 24th, 1801:

"I am much indebted to you, Sir Joseph, for the information contained inyour letter of the 21st. It is true that I had an intention of takingMrs. Flinders to Port Jackson, to remain there until I should havecompleted the voyage, and to have then brought her home again in theship, and I trust that the service would not have suffered in the leastby such a step. The Admiralty have most probably conceived that Iintended to keep her on board during the voyage, but this was far from myintentions. As some vindication of the step I was about to take, I may bepermitted to observe that until it was intended to apply for a passport, I not only did not take the step, but did not intend it--which is perhapsa greater attention to that article of the Naval Instructions than manycommanders have paid to it. If their Lordships understood this matter inits true light, I should hope that they would have shown the sameindulgence to me as to Lieutenant Kent of the Buffalo, and many otherswho have not had the plea of a passport. 

"If their Lordships' sentiments should continue the same, whatever may bemy disappointment, I shall give up the wife for the voyage of discovery;and I would beg of you, Sir Joseph, to be assured that even thiscircumstance will not damp the ardour I feel to accomplish the importantpurpose of the present voyage, and in a way that shall preclude thenecessity of any one following after me to explore. 

"It would be too much presumption in me to beg of Sir Joseph Banks to setthis matter in its proper light, because by your letters I judge it meetswith your disapprobation entirely; but I hope that this opinion has beenformed upon the idea of Mrs. Flinders continuing on board the ship whenengaged in real service. "

Banks promised to lay before the Admiralty the representations made tohim, but Flinders a few days later (June 3rd) wrote another letter inwhich he conscientiously expressed his determination not to risk amisunderstanding with his superiors by taking his wife:

"I feel much obliged by your offer to lay the substance of my letterbefore the Admiralty, but I foresee that, although I should in the caseof Mrs. Flinders going to Port Jackson have been more particularlycautious of my stay there, yet their Lordships will conclude naturallyenough that her presence would tend to increase the number of and tolengthen my visits. I am therefore afraid to risk their Lordships' illopinion, and Mrs. Flinders will return to her friends immediately thatour sailing orders arrive. 

It can well be believed that "my Lords" of the Admiralty did not feelvery considerate towards ladies just at that time; for one of their mostbrilliant officers, Nelson, was, while this very correspondence wastaking place, gravely compromising himself with Emma Hamilton at Naples. St. Vincent and Troubridge, salt-hearted old veterans as they were, werejust the men to be suspicious on the score of petticoats fluttering aboutthe decks of the King's ships. It seems that they were inclined unjustlyand ungallantly to frown and cry cherchez la femme about small thingsthat went wrong, even when Flinders was in no way to blame for them. Theyblamed him for some desertions before properly apprehending thecircumstances, and when he had merely reported a fact for which he wasnot responsible. 

The next two letters close the whole incident, which gave more annoyanceto all parties than ought to have been the case in connection with anofficer so sedulously scrupulous in matters concerning the honour andefficiency of the service as Flinders was. Banks, in quite a patron'stone, wrote on June 5th:

"I yesterday went to the Admiralty to enquire about the Investigator, andwas indeed much mortified to learn there that you had been on shore inHythe Bay, and I was still more mortified to hear that several of yourmen had deserted, and that you had had a prisoner entrusted to yourcharge, who got away at a time when the quarter-deck was in charge of amidshipman. I heard with pain many severe remarks on these matters, andin defence I could only say that as Captain Flinders is a sensible manand a good seaman, such matters could only be attributed to the laxity ofdiscipline which always takes place when the captain's wife is on board, and that such lax discipline could never again take place, because youhad wisely resolved to leave Mrs. Flinders with her relations. "

It was a kindly admonishment from an elderly scholar to a young officerof twenty-seven only recently married; but to attribute affairs for whichFlinders was not to blame to the presence of his bride, was a littleunamiable. With excellent taste, Flinders, in his answer, avoided keepinghis wife's name in the controversy, and he disposed of the allegationsboth effectively and judiciously:

"My surprise is great that the Admiralty should attach any blame to mefor the desertion of these men from the Advice brig, which is the nextpoint in your letter, Sir Joseph. These men were lent, among others, tothe brig, by order of Admiral Graeme. From her it was that they absentedthemselves, and I reported it to the Admiralty. I had been so particularas to send with the men a request to the commanding officer to permitnone of them to go on shore, but Lieutenant Fowler pointed out to himsuch of them as might be most depended on to go in boats upon duty. Nothing more could have been done on our part to prevent desertion, andif blame rests anywhere it must be upon the officers of the Advice. Thethree men were volunteers for this voyage, but having gotten on shorewith money in their pockets most probably stayed so long that they becameafraid to return. "

On the subject of discipline he said: "It is only a duty to myself toassert that the discipline and good order on board the Investigator isexceeded in very few ships of her size, and is at least twice what it wasunder her former commander. I beg to refer to Lieutenant Fowler on thissubject, who knows the ship intimately both as the Xenophon andInvestigator. On the last subject I excuse myself from not having thoughtthe occurrence of sufficient consequence to trouble Sir Joseph with, andit was what I least suspected that my character required a defender, forit was in my power to have suppressed almost the whole of those thingsfor which I am blamed; but I had the good of the service sufficiently atheart to make the reports which brought them into light. That theAdmiralty have thrown blame on me, and should have represented to mygreatest and best friend that I had gotten the ship on shore, had let aprisoner escape, and three of my men run away, without adding theattendant circumstances, is most mortifying and grievous to me; but it isimpossible to express so gratefully as I feel the anxious concern withwhich you took the part of one who has not the least claim to suchgenerosity. "

The last two paragraphs refer to an incident which will be dealt withpresently. 

Although the Investigator was ready to sail in April, 1801, the Admiraltywithheld orders till the middle of July. Flinders, vexed as he naturallywas at having to leave his young wife behind, was impatient at the delayfor two good reasons. First, he was anxious to have the benefit of theAustralian summer months, between November and February, for theexploration of the south-west, the winter being the better time for thenorthern work; and secondly, reports had appeared in the journals aboutthe progress of the French expedition, and he did not wish to beforestalled in the making of probably important discoveries. The "AnnualRegister" for 1801, for example (page 33) stated that letters werereceived from the Isle of France, dated April 29th, stating that LeNaturaliste and Le Geographe had left that station on their voyage to NewHolland. While "my Lords" were warming up imaginary errors in the heat ofan excited imagination on account of poor Mrs. Flinders, the commander ofthe Investigator was losing valuable time. In May he wrote to Sir JosephBanks: "The advanced state of the season makes me excessively anxious tobe off. I fear that a little longer delay will lose us a summer andlengthen our voyage at least six months. Besides that, the French aregaining time upon us. "

On May 26th, the Investigator left the Nore for Spithead to wait furtherorders. She was provided, by the Admiralty itself, with a chart publishedby J. H. Moore, upon which a sandbank known as the Roar, extending fromDungeness towards Folkestone, between 2 1/2 to 4 miles from land, was notmarked. On the evening of the 28th, in a perfectly calm sea, and at atime when, sailing by the chart, there was no reason to apprehend anydanger, the ship glided on to the bank. She did not suffer a particle ofinjury, and in a very short time had resumed her voyage. If Flinders hadsaid nothing at all about the incident, nobody off the ship would havebeen any the wiser. But as the Admiralty had furnished him with adefective chart, and might do the same to other commanders, who mightstrike the sand in more inimical circumstances, he considered it to behis duty to the service to report the matter; when lo! the Admiralty, instead of censuring its officials for supplying the Investigator with afaulty chart, gravely shook its head, and made those "severe remarks"about Flinders, which induced Sir Joseph Banks to admonish him sopaternally in the letter already quoted. The Investigator had, it seemedto be the opinion of their Lordships, struck the sand, not because it wasuncharted, but because Mrs. Flinders was on board between the Nore andSpithead! Flinders' letter to Banks, June 6th, stated his position quiteconclusively:

"Finding so material a thing as a sandbank three or four miles from theshore unlaid down in the chart, I thought it a duty incumbent upon me toendeavour to prevent the like accident from happening to others, bystating the circumstances to the Admiralty, and giving the most exactbearings from the shoal that our situation would enable me to take, withthe supposed distance from the land. It would have been very easy for meto have suppressed every part of the circumstance, and thus to haveescaped the blame which seems to attach to me, instead of some share ofpraise for my good intentions. I hope that it will not be thoughtpresumptuous in me to say that no blame ought to be attributed tome... The Admiralty do not seem to take much into consideration that I hadno master appointed, who ought to be the pilot, or that having beenconstantly employed myself in foreign voyages I cannot consequently havemuch personal knowledge of the Channel. In truth, I had nothing but thechart and my own general observations to direct me; and had the formerbeen at all correct we should have arrived here as safe as if we had anynumber of pilots. "

It is significant of Flinders' truth-telling habit of mind that when hecame to write the history of the voyage, published thirteen years later, he did not pass over the incident at the Roar, though he can hardly haveremembered as agreeable an event for which he was blamed when he was notwrong. But perhaps he found satisfaction in being able to write that thecircumstance "showed the necessity there was for a regulation, sinceadopted, to furnish His Majesty's ships with correct charts. " A naturalcomment is that it is odd that so obviously sensible a thing was not doneuntil an accident showed the danger of not doing it. The blametemporarily put upon Flinders did no harm to his credit, and was probablymerely an oblique form of self-reproach on the part of the Admiralty. 

The Investigator arrived at Spithead on June 2nd, but did not receivefinal sailing orders till more than another month had elapsed. "I put anend, I hope, to our correspondence for some months, concluding that youwill sail immediately, " wrote Sir Joseph Banks in June, "and with sinceregood wishes for your future prosperity, and with a firm belief that youwill, in your future conduct, do credit to yourself as an ableinvestigator, and to me as having recommended you. " The true spirit offriendship breathes in those words, the friendship, too, of a discerningjudge of character for a younger man whom he respected and trusted. Thetrust was nobly justified. Flinders undertook the work with the firmdetermination to do his work thoroughly. "My greatest ambition, " he hadwritten some weeks previously (April 29), "is to make such a minuteinvestigation of this extensive and very interesting country that noperson shall have occasion to come after me to make further discoveries. "It was with that downright resolve that Flinders set out, and in thatspirit did he pursue his task to its end. It was not for nothing thatthis man was the nautical grandson of Cook. 

Sailing orders arrived from London on July 17th, and on the following daythe Investigator sailed from Spithead. Mrs. Flinders was at this timeresiding with her friends in Lincolnshire. She had been ill from fretfuldisappointment when forbidden to sail with her husband, but had recoveredbefore they parted. Many a weary, bitter year was to pass before shewould see him again; years of notable things done, and of cruel wrongsendured; and then they were only to meet for a few months, till deathclaimed the brave officer and fine-spirited gentleman who was MatthewFlinders. 

From the correspondence of these weeks a few passages may be chosen, asshowing the heart-side of a gallant sailor's nature. He wrote to his wifein June: "The philosophical calmness which I imposed upon thee is fledfrom myself, and I am just as awkward without thee as one half of a pairof scissors without its fellow, " an image for separation which may becommended to any poet ingenious enough to find a rhyme for "scissors. "The following is dated July 7th: "I should not forget to say that thegentle Mr. Bauer seldom forgets to add 'and Mrs. Flinders' good health'after the cloth is withdrawn, and even the bluff Mr. Bell does not forgetyou... Thou wilt write me volumes, my dearest love, wilt thou not? Nopleasure is at all equal to that I receive from thy letters. The idea ofhow happy we MIGHT be will sometimes intrude itself and take away thelittle spirits that thy melancholy situation leaves me. I can write nolonger with this confounded pen. I will find a better to-morrow. May thechoicest blessings of Heaven go with thee, thou dearest, kindest, best ofwomen. "

This one was written from the Cape in November: "Write to me constantly;write me pages and volumes. Tell me the dress thou wearest, tell me thydreams, anything, so do but talk to me and of thyself. When thou artsitting at thy needle and alone, then think of me, my love, and write methe uppermost of thy thoughts. Fill me half a dozen sheets, and send themwhen thou canst. Think only, my dearest girl upon the gratification whichthe perusal and reperusal fifty times repeated will afford me, and thouwilt write me something or other every day. Adieu, my dearest, best love. Heaven bless thee with health and comfort, and preserve thy fullaffection towards thy very own, Matthew Flinders. "

To return from these personal relations to the voyage: Some days beforethe Investigator reached Madeira, a Swedish brig was met, and had toreceive a lesson in nautical manners during war-time. The incident isreported by seaman Samuel Smith with a pretty mixture of pronouns, genders and tenses: "At night we was piped all hands in the middle watchto quarters. A brig was bearing down upon our starboard bow. Our Captnspoke her, but receiving no answer we fired a gun past his stern. Tackedship and spoke her, which proved to be a Swede. "* (* Manuscript, MitchellLibrary: "Journal of Samuel Smith, Seaman, who served on board theInvestigator, Captain Flinders, on a voyage of discovery in the SouthSeas. " The manuscript covers 52 small quarto pages, and is neatlywritten. Some of Smith's dates are wrong. It may be noted here thatSmith, on his return from the voyage, was impressed in the Downs andretained in the Navy till 1815. He died at Thornton's Court, Manchester, in 1821, aged 50. He was therefore 30 years of age when he made thisvoyage. )

Flinders was, it has been said, the nautical grandson of Cook. Howthoroughly he followed the example of the great sailor is apparent fromthe lines upon which he managed his ship and governed his crew. This iswhat he was able to write of the voyage down to the Cape of Good Hope, reached on October 16th: "At this time we had not a single person in thesick list, both officers and men being fully in as good health as when wesailed from Spithead. I had begun very early to put in execution thebeneficial plan first practised and made known by the great Captain Cook. It was in the standing orders of the ship, that on every fine day thedeck below and the cockpit should be cleaned, washed, aired with stoves, and sprinkled with vinegar. On wet and dull days they were cleaned andaired, without washing. Care was taken to prevent the people fromsleeping upon deck or lying down in their wet clothes; and once in everyfortnight or three weeks, as circumstances permitted, their beds, and thecontents of their chests and bags were opened out and exposed to the sunand air. On the Sunday and Thursday mornings, the ship's company wasmustered, and every man appeared clean-shaved and dressed; and when theevenings were fine the drum and fife announced the forecastle to be thescene of dancing; nor did I discourage other playful amusements whichmight occasionally be more to the taste of the sailors, and were notunseasonable. 

"Within the tropics lime juice and sugar were made to suffice asantiscorbutics; on reaching a higher latitude, sour-krout and vinegarwere substituted; the essence of malt was served for the passage to NewHolland, and for future occasions, on consulting with the surgeon, I hadthought it expedient to make some slight changes in the issuing of theprovisions. Oatmeal was boiled for breakfast four days in the week, asusual; and at other times, two ounces of portable broth, in cakes, toeach man, with such additions of onions, pepper, etc. , as the differentmesses possessed, made a comfortable addition to their salt meat. Andneither in this passage, nor, I may add, in any subsequent part of thevoyage, were the officers or people restricted to any allowance of freshwater. They drank freely at the scuttled cask, and took away, under theinspection of the officer of the watch, all that was requisite forculinary purposes; and very frequently two casks of water in the weekwere given for washing their clothes. With these regulations, joined to adue enforcement of discipline, I had the satisfaction to see my peopleorderly and full of zeal for the service in which we were engaged; and insuch a state of health that no delay at the Cape was required beyond thenecessary refitment of the ship. "

How wise, considerate, and farseeing this policy was! It reads like thesageness of a gray-headed veteran. Yet Flinders had only attained his27th birthday precisely seven months before he reached the Cape on thisvoyage. He had learned how men, as well as ships, should be managed. "Itwas part of my plan for preserving the health of the people to promoteactive amusements amongst them, " he said of the jollity on crossing theline; and we can almost see the smile of recollection which played uponhis lips when he wrote that "the seamen were furnished with the means andthe permission to conclude the day with merriment. " Seaman Smith, whoshared in the fun, tells us what occurred with his own peculiar disregardof correct spelling and grammatical construction: "we crossd theequinocial line and had the usuil serimony of Neptune and his attendancehailing the ship and coming on board. The greatest part of officers andmen was shaved, not having crossd the line before. At night grog wasservd out to each watch, which causd the evening to be spent inmerriment. "

At the Cape the seams were re-caulked, and the ship gave less trouble onthe voyage across the Indian Ocean than she had done on the run south. She left False Bay on November 4th. The run across the Indian Ocean wasuneventful, except that the ship ran foul of a whale apparently sleepingon the water, and "caused such an alarm that he sank as expeditiously aspossible"; and that an albatross was captured which, "being caught withhook and line it had its proper faculties and appeared of a varociousnature. "* (* Smith's Journal, Mitchell Library manuscripts. ) On December6th the coast of Australia was sighted near Cape Leeuwin. 

CHAPTER 13. THE FRENCH EXPEDITION. 

It will be necessary to devote some attention to the French expedition ofdiscovery, commanded by Nicolas Baudin, which sailed from Havre onOctober 19th, 1800, nearly two months before the British Admiraltyauthorised the despatch of the Investigator, and nine months all but twodays before Flinders was permitted to leave England. 

The mere fact that this expedition was despatched while NapoleonBonaparte was First Consul of the French Republic, has led many writersto jump to the conclusion that it was designed to cut out a portion ofAustralia for occupation by the French; that, under the thin disguise ofbeing charged with a scientific mission, Baudin was in reality anemissary of Machiavellian statecraft, making a cunning move in the greatgame of world-politics. The author has, in an earlier book* endeavouredto show that such was not the case. (* Terre Napoleon (London, 1910). Since that book was published, I have had the advantage of reading alarge quantity of manuscript material, all unpublished, preserved in theArchives Nationales and the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris. It strengthensthe main conclusions promulgated in Terre Napoleon, but of courseamplifies the evidence very considerably. The present chapter is writtenwith the Baudin and other manuscripts, as well as the printed material, in mind. ) Bonaparte did not originate the discovery voyage. He simplyauthorised it, as head of the State, when the proposition was laid beforehim by the Institute of France, a scientific body, concerned with theaugmentation of knowledge, and anxious that an effort should be made tocomplete a task which the abortive expeditions of Laperouse andDentrecasteaux had failed to accomplish. 

Moreover, if Bonaparte had wished to acquire territory in Australia, hewas not so foolish a person as to fit out an expedition estimated to costover half a million francs, * and which actually cost a far larger sum, when he could have obtained what he wanted simply by asking. (* Report ofthe Commission of the Institute manuscripts, Bibliotheque Nationale, nouveaux acquisitions, France 9439 page 139. ) The treaty of Amiens wasnegotiated and signed while Baudin's ships were at sea. The BritishGovernment at that time was very anxious for peace, and was prepared tomake concessions--did, in fact, surrender a vast extent of territory wonby a woful expenditure of blood and treasure. It cannot be said thatAustralia was greatly valued by Great Britain at the time. She occupiedonly a small portion of an enormous continent, and would certainly nothave seriously opposed a project that the French should occupy some otherportion of it, if Bonaparte had put forward a claim as a condition ofpeace. But he did nothing of the kind. 

If we are to form sound views of history, basing conclusions on theevidence, we must set aside suspicions generated at a time of fierceracial antipathy, when it was almost part of an Englishman's creed tohate a Frenchman. Neither the published history of Baudin's voyage, northe papers relating to it which are now available for study--except twodocuments to which special attention will be devoted hereafter, and whichdid not emanate from persons in authority--afford warrant for believingthat there was any other object in view than that professed whenapplication for a passport was made to the Admiralty. The confidentialinstructions of the Minister* of Marine (* Manuscripts, ArchivesNationales BB4 999, Marine. I have given an account of this importantmanuscript, with copious extracts, in the English Historical Review, April, 1913. ) to Baudin* leave no doubt that the purpose was quite bonafide. (* Fleurieu to Forfait, manuscripts, Bibliotheque Nationale, nouveaux acquisitions, France 9439 page 137. ) "Your labours, " wroteForfait, "having for their sole object the perfecting of scientificknowledge, you should observe the most complete neutrality, allowing nodoubt to be cast upon your exactitude in confining yourself to the objectof your mission, as set forth in the passports which have been furnished. In your relations with foreigners, the glorious success of our arms, thepower and wisdom of your government, the grand and generous views of theFirst Consul for the pacification of Europe, the order that he hasrestored in the interior of France, furnish you with the means of givingto foreign peoples just ideas upon the real state of the Republic andupon the prosperity which is assured to it. " The men of science who hadpromoted the voyage were anxious that not even a similitude ofirregularity should be permitted. Thus we find the Comte de Fleurieu, whodrew up the itinerary, writing to the Minister urging him to include inthe instructions a paragraph prohibiting the ships from taking on board, under any pretext, merchandise which could give to a scientificexpedition the appearance of a commercial venture, "because if an Englishcruiser or man-of-war should visit them, and find on board other goodsthan articles of exchange for dealing with aboriginal peoples, this mightserve as a pretext for arresting them, and Baudin's passport might bedisregarded on the ground that it had been abused by being employed as ameans of conducting without risk a traffic which the state of war wouldmake very lucrative. "

The question of the origin and objects of the expedition is, however, anentirely different one from that of the use which Napoleon would havemade of the information collected, had the opportunity been available ofstriking a blow at Great Britain through her southern colony. It is alsodifferent from the question (as to which something will be said later) ofthe advantage taken by two members of Baudin's staff of the scope allowedthem at Port Jackson, to "spy out the land" with a view of furnishinginformation valuable in a military sense to their Government. 

The instructions to Baudin were very similar to those which had beengiven to Laperouse and Dentrecasteaux in previous years, being drafted bythe same hand, and some paragraphs in an "instruction particuliere, " showthat the French were thoroughly up-to-date with their information, andknew in what parts of the coast fresh work required to be done. * (*"Projet d'itineraire pour le Commandant Baudin; memoire pour servird'instruction particuliere. " Manuscripts, Archives Nationales, Marine BB4999. )

Nicolas Baudin was not a French naval officer. He had been in themerchant service, and, more recently, had had charge of an expeditiondespatched to Africa by the Austrian Government to collect specimens forthe museum at Vienna. War between France and Austria broke out before hereturned; and Baudin, feeling less loyal to his Austrian employers thanto his own country, handed over the whole collection to the Museum inParis. This action, which in the circumstances was probably regarded aspatriotic, brought him under the notice of Jussieu, the famous Frenchbotanist; and when the South Sea expedition was authorised, thatscientist recommended Baudin as one who had taken an interest in naturalhistory researches, and who had given "a new proof of his talent and ofhis love for science by the choice of the specimens composing his lastcollection, deposited in the museum. " The Minister of Marine minutedJussieu's recommendation in the margin: "No choice could be happier thanthat of Captain Baudin, "* and so he was appointed. (* Manuscripts, Bibliotheque Nationale, nouveaux acquisitions, France 9439 page 121. ) Hewas by no means the kind of officer whom Napoleon would have selected hadhis designs been such as have commonly been alleged. 

Two ships of the navy were commissioned for the service. Under the namesLa Serpente and Le Vesuve they had been built with a view to an invasionof England, contemplated in 1793. * (* Manuscripts, BibliothequeNationale, nouveaux acquisitions, France 9439 report of de Bruix to theMinister. ) They were re-named Le Geographe and Le Naturaliste on beingallotted to a much safer employment. Both were described as solidlybuilt, good sailers, and easy to control; and the officer who surveyedthem to determine whether they would be suitable reported that withoutimpairing their sea-going qualities it would be easy to construct upontheir decks high poops to hold quantities of growing plants, which it wasintended to collect and bring home. On these ships Baudin and hisselected staff embarked at Havre, and, a British passport being obtainedunder the circumstances already related, sailed south in October. 

If Baudin had been the keen and capable commander that those who securedhis appointment believed him to be, he should have discovered and chartedthe whole of the unknown southern coast of Australia, before Flinders wasmany days' sail from England. The fact that this important work wasactually done by the English navigator was in no measure due to thesagacity of the Admiralty--whose officials procrastinated in aninexplicable fashion even after the Investigator had been commissionedand equipped--but to his own promptness, competence and zeal, and thepeculiar dilatoriness of his rivals. Baudin's vessels reachedIle-de-France (Mauritius) in March, 1801, and lay there for the leisurelyspace of forty days. Two-thirds of a year had elapsed before they cameupon the Australian coast. But Baudin did not even then set to work wherethere was discovery to be achieved. Winter was approaching, and sailingin these southern seas would be uncomfortable in the months of storm andcold; so he dawdled up the west coast of Australia, in warm, pleasantwaters, and made for Timor, where he arrived in August. He remained inthe Dutch port of Kupang till the middle of November--three whole monthswasted, nearly eleven months consumed since he had sailed from France. Inthe meantime, the alert and vigorous captain of the Investigator wasspeeding south as fast as the winds would take him, too eager to lose aday, flying straight to his work like an arrow to its mark, and doing itwith the thoroughness and accuracy that were part of his nature. 

The French on board Le Geographe and Le Naturaliste were as unhappy astheir commander was slow. Scurvy broke out, and spread among the crewwith virulence. Baudin appeared to have little or no conception of theimportance of the sanitary measures which Cook was one of the earliestnavigators to enjoin, and by which those who emulated his methods wereable to keep in check the ravages of this scourge of seafaring men. Heneglected common precautions, and paid no heed to the counsel of theship's surgeons. As a consequence, the sufferings of his men were suchthat it is pitiful to read about them in the official history of thevoyage. 

From Timor Baudin sailed for southern Tasmania, arriving there inJanuary, 1802, and remaining in the neighbourhood till March. There wasno European settlement upon the island at that time, and Baudin describedit as a country "which ought not to be neglected, and which a nation thatdoes not love us does not look upon with indifference. "* (* Baudin to theMinister of Marine, manuscripts, Archives Nationales BB4 995 Marine. ) Asevere storm separated Le Geographe from her escort on March 7 and 8, inthe neighbourhood of the eastern entrance of Bass Strait. Le Naturalistespent some time in Westernport, making a survey of it, and discoveringthe second island, which Bass had missed on his whaleboat cruise. Hercommander, Captain Hamelin, then took her round to Port Jackson, tosolicit aid from the Governor of the English colony there. MeanwhileBaudin sailed through the Strait from east to west. He called atWaterhouse Island, off the north-east coast of Van Diemen's Land, misledby its name into thinking that he would find fresh water there. Theisland was named after Captain Henry Waterhouse of the Reliance, butBaudin, unaware of this, considered that it belied its name. "It does notseem, " he wrote, "to offer any appearance of water being discoverablethere, and I am persuaded that it can have been named Water House onlybecause the English visited it at a time when heavy rains had fallen. "*(* Baudin's Diary, manuscripts, Bibliotheque Nationale: "Je suis persuadequ'on ne l'a nomme Wather House que par ce que les Anglais qui l'ontvisite y auront eu beaucoup de pluie. ") Baudin passed Port Phillip, rounded Cape Otway, and coasted along till he came to Encounter Bay, where occurred an incident with which we shall be concerned after we havetraced the voyage of Flinders eastward to the same point. 

CHAPTER 14. SOUTH COAST DISCOVERY. 

We now resume the story of Flinders' voyage along the southern coast ofAustralia, from the time when he made Cape Leeuwin on December 6th, 1801. 

That part of the coast lying between the south-west corner of thecontinent and Fowler's Bay, in the Great Australian Bight, had beentraversed prior to this time. In 1791 Captain George Vancouver, in theBritish ship Cape Chatham, sailed along it from Cape Leeuwin to KingGeorge's Sound, which he discovered and named. He anchored in theharbour, and remained there for a fortnight. He would have liked topursue the discovery of this unknown country, and did sail further east, as far as the neighbourhood of Termination Island, in longitude 122degrees 8 minutes. But, meeting with adverse winds, he abandoned theresearch, and resumed his voyage to north-west America across thePacific. In 1792, Bruny Dentrecasteaux, with the French ships Rechercheand Esperance, searching for tidings of the lost Laperouse, followed theline of the shore more closely than Vancouver had done, and penetratedmuch further eastward. His instructions, prepared by Fleurieu, haddirected him to explore the whole of the southern coast of Australia; buthe was short of water, and finding nothing but sand and rock, with noharbour, and no promise of a supply of what he so badly needed, he didnot continue further than longitude 131 degrees 38 1/2 minutes east, about two and a half degrees east of the present border line of Westernand South Australia. These navigators, with the Dutchman Pieter Nuyts, inthe early part of the seventeenth century, and the Frenchman St. Alouarn, who anchored near the Leeuwin in 1772, were the only Europeans known tohave been upon any part of these southern coasts before the advent ofFlinders; and the extent of the voyage of Nuyts is by no means clear. 

Flinders, as we have seen, laid it down as a guiding principle that hewould make so complete a survey of the shores visited by him as to leavelittle for anybody to do after him. He therefore commenced his workimmediately he touched land, constructing his own charts as the shipslowly traversed the curves of the coast. The result was that manycorrections and additions to the charts of Vancouver and Dentrecasteauxwere made before the entirely new discoveries were commenced. Inannouncing this fact, Flinders, always generous in his references to goodwork done by his predecessors, warmly praised the charts prepared byBeautemps-Beaupre, "geographical engineer" of the Recherche. "Perhaps nochart of a coast so little known as this is, will bear a comparison withits original better than this of M. Beaupre, " he said. His own chartswere of course fuller and more precise, but he made no claim tosuperiority on this account, modestly observing that he would have beenopen to reproach if, after following the coast with an outline of M. Beaupre's chart before him, he had not effected improvements wherecircumstances did not permit so close an examination to be made in 1792. 

Several inland excursions were made, and some of the King George's Soundaboriginals were encountered. Flinders noted down some of their words, and pointed out the difference from words for the same objects used byPort Jackson and Van Diemen's Land natives. An exception to this rule wasthe word used for calling to a distance--cau-wah! (come here). This iscertainly very like the Port Jackson cow-ee, whence comes the oneaboriginal word of universal employment in Australia to-day, the coo-eeof the townsman and the bushman alike, a call entered in the vocabularycollected by Hunter as early as 1790. 

The method of research adopted by Flinders was similar to that employedon the Norfolk voyage. The ship was kept all day as close inshore aspossible, so that water breaking on the shore was visible from the deck, and no river or opening could escape notice. When this could not be done, because the coast retreated far back, or was dangerous, the commanderstationed himself at the masthead with a glass. All the bearings werelaid down as soon as taken, whilst the land was in sight; and beforeretiring to rest at night Flinders made it a practice to finish up hisrough chart for the day, together with his journal of observations. Theship hauled off the coast at dusk, but especial care was taken to comeupon it at the same point next morning, as soon after daylight aspracticable, so that work might be resumed precisely where it had beendropped on the previous day. "This plan, " said Flinders, "to see and laydown everything myself, required constant attention and much labour, butwas absolutely necessary to obtaining that accuracy of which I wasdesirous. " When bays or groups of islands were reached, Flinders wentashore with the theodolite, took his angles, measured, mapped, and madetopographical notes. The lead was kept busy, making soundings. The riseand fall of the tides were observed; memoranda on natural phenomena werewritten; opportunities were given for the naturalists to collectspecimens, and for the artist to make drawings. The net was frequentlydrawn in the bays for examples of marine life. Everybody when ashore kepta look out for plants, birds, beasts, and insects. In short, a keennessfor investigation, an assiduity in observation, animated the whole ship'scompany, stimulated by the example of the commander, who never sparedhimself in his work, and interested himself in that of others. 

As in a drama, "comic relief" was occasionally interposed amid moreserious happenings. The blacks were friendly, though occasionally shy andsuspicious. In one scene the mimicry that is a characteristic of theaboriginal was quaintly displayed. The incident, full of colour andhumour, is thus related by Flinders:

"Our friends, the natives, continued to visit us; and an old man withseveral others being at the tents this morning, I ordered the party ofmarines on shore, to be exercised in their presence. The red coats andwhite crossed belts were greatly admired, having some resemblance totheir own manner of ornamenting themselves; and the drum, butparticularly the fife, excited their astonishment; but when they sawthese beautiful red and white men, with their bright muskets, drawn up ina line, they absolutely screamed with delight; nor were their wildgestures and vociferation to be silenced but by commencing the exercise, to which they paid the most earnest and silent attention. Several of themmoved their hands, involuntarily, according to the motions; and the oldman placed himself at the end of the rank, with a short staff in hishand, which he shouldered, presented, grounded, as did the marines theirmuskets, without, I believe, knowing what he did. Before firing, theIndians were made acquainted with what was going to take place; so thatthe volleys did not excite much terror. "

Seaman Smith was naturally much interested in the aboriginals, whosefeatures were however to him "quite awful, having such large mouths andlong teeth. " They were totally without clothing, and "as soon as they sawour tents they run into the bushes with such activity that would pawl anyEuropean to exhibit. Because our men would not give them a smalltommy-hawk they began to throw pieces of wood at them, which exasperatedour men; but orders being so humane towards the natives that we must putup with anything but heaving spears. " Furthermore, "they rubbd their skinagainst ours, expecting some mark of white upon their's, but findingtheir mistake they appeared surprised. "

Pleasures more immediately incidental to geographical discovery--thosepleasures which eager and enterprising minds must experience, howeversevere the labour involved, on traversing portions of the globepreviously unknown to civilised mankind--commenced after the head of theGreat Bight was passed. From about the vicinity of Fowler's Bay (namedafter the first lieutenant of the Investigator) the coast was virgin togeographical science. Comparisons of original work with former chartswere no longer possible. The ship was entering un-navigated waters, andthe coasts delineated were new to the world's knowledge. The quickeningof the interest in the work in hand, which touched both officers and menof the expedition, can be felt by the reader of Flinders' narrative. There was a consciousness of having crossed a line separating what simplyrequired verification and amplification, from a totally fresh field ofresearch. Every reach of coastline now traversed was like a cable, longburied in the deep of time, at length hauled into daylight, with its oozydeposits of seaweed, shell and mud lying thick upon it. 

Contingent upon discovery was the pleasure of naming important featuresof the coast. It is doubtful whether any other single navigator inhistory applied names which are still in use to so many capes, bays andislands, upon the shores of the habitable globe, as Flinders did. Theextent of coastline freshly discovered by him was not so great as thatfirst explored by some of his predecessors. But no former navigatorpursued extensive new discoveries so minutely, and, consequently, foundso much to name; while the precision of Flinders' records left no doubtabout the places that he named, when in later years the settlement ofcountry and the navigation of seas necessitated the use of names. Compare, for instance, in this one respect, the work of Cook and Dampier, Vasco da Gama and Magellan, Tasman and Quiros, with that of Flinders. Historically their voyages may have been in some respects more important;but they certainly added fewer names to the map. There are 103 names onCook's charts of eastern Australia from Point Hicks to Cape York; butthere are about 240 new names on the charts of Flinders representingsouthern Australia and Tasmania. He is the Great Denominator amongnavigators. He named geographical features after his friends, after hisassociates on the Investigator, after distinguished persons connectedwith the Navy, after places in which he was interested. Fowler's Bay, Point Brown, Cape Bauer, Franklin's Isles, Point Bell, Point Westall, Taylor's Isle, and Thistle Island, commemorate his shipmates. Spencer'sGulf was named "in honour of the respected nobleman who presided at theBoard of Admiralty when the voyage was planned and the ship was put incommission, " and Althorp Isles celebrated Lord Spencer's heir. * (*Cockburn, Nomenclature of South Australia, (Adelaide 1909) page 9, ismistaken in speculating that "there is a parish of Althorp in Flinders'native country in Lincolnshire which probably accounts for the choice ofthe name here. " Althorp, which should be spelt without a final "e, " isnot in Lincolnshire, but in Northamptonshire. ) St. Vincent's Gulf wasnamed "in honour of the noble admiral" who was at the head of theAdmiralty when the Investigator sailed from England, and who had"continued to the voyage that countenance and protection of which EarlSpencer had set the example. " To Yorke's Peninsula, between the twogulfs, was affixed the name of the Right Hon. C. P. Yorke, afterwards LordHardwicke, the First Lord who authorised the publication of Flinders'Voyage. Thus, the ministerial heads of the Admiralty in three Governments(Pitt's, Addington's and Spencer Perceval's) came to be commemorated. Itmay be remarked as curious that a naval officer so proud of his serviceas Flinders was, should nowhere have employed the name of the greatestsailor of his age, Nelson. There is a Cape Nelson on the Victorian coast, but that name was given by Grant. 

In Spencer's Gulf we come upon a group of Lincolnshire place-names, forFlinders, his brother Samuel, the mate, Fowler, and Midshipman JohnFranklin, all serving on this voyage, were Lincolnshire men. Thus we findPort Lincoln, Sleaford Bay, Louth Bay, Cape Donington, Stamford Hill, Surfleet Point, Louth Isle, Sibsey Isle, Stickney Isle, Spilsby Isle, Partney Isle, Revesby Isle, Point Boston, and Winceby Isle. Banks' namewas given to a group of islands, and Coffin's Bay must not be allowed tosuggest any gruesome association, for it was named after Sir IsaacCoffin, resident naval commissioner at Sheerness, who had givenassistance in the equipment of the Investigator. A few names, likeStreaky Bay, Lucky Bay, and Cape Catastrophe, were applied fromcircumstances that occurred on the voyage. A poet of the antipodes whoshould, like Wordsworth, be moved to write "Poems on the Naming ofPlaces, " would find material in the names given by Flinders. 

Interest in this absorbing work rose to something like excitement onFebruary 20th, when there were indications, from the set of the tide, that an unusual feature of the coast was being approached. "The tide fromthe north-eastward, apparently the ebb, ran more than one mile an hour, which was the more remarkable from no set of the tide worthy to benoticed having hitherto been observed upon this coast. " The ship hadrounded Cape Catastrophe, and the land led away to the north, whereashitherto it had trended east and south. What did this mean? Flinders musthave been strongly reminded of his experience in the Norfolk in BassStrait, when the rush of the tide from the south showed that thenorth-west corner of Van Diemen's Land had been turned, and that thedemonstration of the Strait's existence was complete. There were manyspeculations as to what the signs indicated. "Large rivers, deep inlets, inland seas and passages into the Gulf of Carpentaria, were termsfrequently used in our conversations of this evening, and the prospect ofmaking an interesting discovery seemed to have infused new life andvigour into every man in the ship. " The expedition was, in fact, in thebell-mouth of Spencer's Gulf, and the next few days were to show whetherthe old surmise was true--that Terra Australis was cloven in twain by astrait from the Gulf of Carpentaria to the southern ocean. It was, indeed, a crisis-time of the discovery voyage. 

But before the gulf was examined, a tragedy threw the ship into mourning. On the evening of Sunday, February 21st, the cutter was returning fromthe mainland, where a party had been searching for water in charge of theMaster, John Thistle. She carried a midshipman, William Taylor, and sixsailors. Nobody on the ship witnessed the accident that happened; but thecutter had been seen coming across the water, and as she did not arrivewhen darkness set in, the fear that she had gone down oppressed everybodyon board. A search was made, but ineffectually; and next day the boat wasfound floating bottom uppermost, stove in, and bearing the appearance ofhaving been dashed against rocks. The loss of John Thistle was especiallygrievous to Flinders. The two had been companions from the very beginningof his career in Australia. Thistle had been one of Bass's crew in thewhaleboat; he had been on the Norfolk when Van Diemen's Land wascircumnavigated; and he had taken part in the cruise to Moreton Bay. Hismemory lives in the name of Thistle Island, on the west of the entranceto the gulf, and in the noble tribute which his commander paid to hisadmirable qualities. It would be wrong to deprive the reader of thesatisfaction of reading Flinders' eulogy of his companion of strenuousyears:

"The reader will pardon me the observation that Mr. Thistle was truly avaluable man, as a seaman, an officer, and a good member of society. Ihad known him, and we had mostly served together, from the year 1794. Hehad been with Mr. Bass in his perilous expedition in the whaleboat, andwith me in the voyage round Van Diemen's Land, and in the succeedingexpedition to Glass House and Hervey's Bays. From his merit and prudentconduct, he was promoted from before the mast to be a midshipman andafterwards a master in His Majesty's service. His zeal for discovery hadinduced him to join the Investigator when at Spithead and ready to sail, although he had returned to England only three weeks before, after anabsence of six years. * Besides performing assiduously the duties of hissituation, Mr. Thistle had made himself well acquainted with the practiceof nautical astronomy, and began to be very useful in the surveyingdepartment. His loss was severely felt by me, and he was lamented by allon board, more especially by his messmates, who knew more intimately thegoodness and stability of his disposition. " (* In a letter to Banks fromSpithead on June 3rd, 1801, Flinders had written: "I am happy to informyou that the Buffalo has brought home a person formerly of the Reliancewhom I wish to have as master. He volunteers, the captain of the shipagrees, and I have made application by to-day's post and expect hisappointmnt by Friday. " The reference was evidently to John Thistle. )

Taylor's Isle was named after the young midshipman of this catastrophe, and six small islands in the vicinity bear the names of the boat's crew. It is a singular fact that only two of the eight sailors drowned couldswim. Even Captain Cook never learnt to swim!

Before leaving the neighbourhood, Flinders erected a copper plate upon astone post at the head of Memory Cove, and had engraved upon it the namesof the unfortunates who had perished, with a brief account of theaccident. Two fragments of the original plate are now in the museum atAdelaide. In later years it was beaten down by a storm, and the SouthAustralian Government erected a fresh tablet in Memory Cove to replaceit. 

A thorough survey of Port Lincoln was made while the ship was beingreplenished with water. Some anxiety had been felt owing to the lack ofthis necessity, and Flinders showed the way to obtain it by digging holesin the white clay surrounding a brackish marsh which he called StamfordMere. The water that drained into the holes was found to be sweet andwholesome, though milky in appearance. As the filling of the casks andconveying them to the ship--to a quantity of 60 tons--occupied severaldays, the surveying and scientific employments were pursued diligently onland. 

The discovery of Port Lincoln was in itself an event of consequence, since it is a harbour of singular commodiousness and beauty, and would, did it but possess a more prolific territory at its back, be a maritimestation of no small importance. Nearly forty years later, Sir JohnFranklin, then Governor of Tasmania, paid a visit to Port Lincoln, expressly to renew acquaintance with a place in the discovery of which hehad participated in company with a commander whose memory he honoured;and he erected on Stamford Hill, at his own cost, an obelisk incommemoration of Flinders. In the same way, on his first great overlandarctic journey in 1821, Franklin remembered Flinders in giving names todiscoveries. 

It was on March 6th that the exploration of Spencer's Gulf commenced. Asthe ship sailed along the western shore, the expectations which had beenformed of a strait leading through the continent to the Gulf ofCarpentaria faded away. The coast lost its boldness, the water becamemore and more shallow, and the opposite shore began to show itself. Thegulf was clearly tapering to an end. "Our prospects of a channel orstrait cutting off some considerable portion of Terra Australis grewless, for it now appeared that the ship was entering into a gulph. " Onthe 10th, the Investigator having passed Point Lowly, and having on theprevious day suddenly come into two-and-a-half fathoms, Flinders decidedto finish the exploration in a rowing boat, accompanied by Surgeon Bell. They rowed along the shore till night fell, slept in the boat, andresumed the journey early next morning (March 11th). At ten o'clock, theoars touched mud on each side, and it became impossible to proceedfurther. They had reached the head of the gulf, then a region of mangroveswamps and flat waters, but now covered by the wharves of Port Augusta, and within view of the starting point of the transcontinental railway. 

The disappointment was undoubtedly great at not finding even a largeriver flowing into the gulf. The hope of a strait had been abandoned asthe continually converging shores, shallow waters, and diminishing banksmade it clear, long before the head was reached, that the theory of abifurcated Terra Australis was impossible. But as Flinders completed hischart and placed it against the outline of the continent, he might fairlyenjoy the happiness of having settled an important problem and of takingone more stride towards completing the map of the world. 

The Investigator travelled down by the eastern shore, once hanging upon anear bank for half an hour, and by March 20th was well outside. Thelength of the gulf, from the head to Gambier Island, Flinders calculatedto be 185 miles, and its width at the mouth, in a line from CapeCatastrophe, 48 miles. At the top it tapered almost to a point. The wholeof it was personally surveyed and charted by Flinders, who was able towrite that for the general exactness of his drawing he could "answer withtolerable confidence, having seen all that is laid down, and, as usual, taken every angle which enters into the construction. "

The next discovery of importance was that of Kangaroo Island, separatedfrom the foot-like southern projection of Yorke's Peninsula byInvestigator Strait. The island was named on account of the quantity ofkangaroos seen and shot upon it; for a supply of fresh meat was verywelcome after four months of salt pork. Thirty-one fell to the guns ofthe Investigator's men. Half a hundredweight of heads, forequarters andtails were stewed down for soup, and as much kangaroo steak was availablefor officers and men as they could consume "by day and night. " It wasdeclared to be a "delightful regale. "

The place where Flinders is believed to have first landed on KangarooIsland is now marked by a tall cairn, which was spontaneously built bythe inhabitants, the school children assisting, in 1906. An inscriptionon a faced stone commemorates the event. The white pyramid can be seenfrom vessels using Backstairs Passage. * (* See the account of the makingof the cairn, by C. E. Owen Smythe, I. S. O. , who initiated andsuperintended the work, South Australian Geographical Society'sProceedings 1906 page 58. )

A very short stay was made at Kangaroo Island on this first call. OnMarch 24th Investigator Strait was crossed, and the examination of themainland was resumed. The ship was steered north-west, and, the coastbeing reached, no land was visible to the eastward. The conclusion wasdrawn that another gulf ran inland, and the surmise proved to be correct. The new discovery, named St. Vincent's Gulf, was penetrated on the 27th, and was first explored on the eastern shore, not on the western as hadbeen the case with Spencer's Gulf. Mount Lofty was sighted at dawn onSunday, March 28th. The nearest part of the coast was three leaguesdistant at the time, "mostly low, and composed of sand and rock, with afew small trees scattered over it; but at a few miles inland, where theback mountains rise, the country was well clothed with forest timber, andhad a fertile appearance. The fires bespoke this to be a part of thecontinent. " The coast to the northward was seen to be very low, and thesoundings were fast decreasing. From noon to six o'clock the Investigatorran north thirty miles, skirting a sandy shore, and at length droppedanchor in five fathoms. 

On the following morning land was seen to the westward, as well aseastward, and there was "a hummocky mountain, capped with clouds, apparently near the head of the inlet. " Wind failing, very littleprogress was made till noon, and at sunset the shores appeared to beclosing round. The absence of tide gave no prospect of finding a river atthe head of the gulf. Early on the morning of the 30th Flinders went outin a boat, accompanied by Robert Brown, and rowed up to the mud-flats atthe head of the gulf. Picking out a narrow channel, it was found possibleto get within half a mile of dry land. Then, leaving the boat, Flindersand Brown walked along a bank of mud and sand to the shore, to examinethe country. Flinders ascended one of the foot-hills of the range thatforms the backbone of Yorke's Peninsula, stretching north and southupwards of two hundred miles. 

At dawn on March 31st the Investigator was got under way to proceed downthe eastern side of Yorke's Peninsula. The wind was contrary, and thework could be done only "partially, " though, of course, sufficiently wellto complete the chart. The peninsula was described as "singular in form, having some resemblance to a very ill-shaped leg and foot. " Its lengthfrom Cape Spencer to the northern junction with the mainland wascalculated to be 105 miles. On April 1st Flinders was able to write thatthe exploration of St. Vincent's Gulf was finished. 

The general character of the country, especially on the east, heconsidered to be superior to that on the borders of Spencer's Gulf; andthe subsequent development of the State of South Australia has justifiedhis opinion. He would assuredly have desired to linger longer upon theeastern shore, could he have foreseen that within forty years of thediscovery there would be laid there the foundations of the noble city ofAdelaide, with its fair and fruitful olive-groves, vineyards, orchardsand gardens, and its busy port, whither flow the wheat of vast plains andthe wool from a million sheep leagues upon leagues away. 

A second visit to Kangaroo Island was necessitated by a desire to makecorrections in the Investigator's timekeepers, and on this occasion asomewhat longer stay was made. The ship arrived on April 2nd, and did notleave again till the 7th. 

Very few aboriginals were seen upon the shores of the two gulfs, andthese only through a telescope. At Port Lincoln some blacks were known tobe in the neighbourhood, but the expedition did not succeed in gettinginto contact with them. Flinders scrupulously observed the policy ofdoing nothing to alarm them; and his remarks in this relation arecharacterised by as much good sense as humane feeling. Writing of a smallparty of natives who were heard calling but did not show themselves, probably having hidden in thick scrub to observe the boat's crew, hesaid:

"No attempt was made to follow them, for I had always found the nativesof this country to avoid those who seemed anxious for communication;whereas, when left entirely alone, they would usually come down afterhaving watched us for a few days. Nor does this conduct seem to beunnatural; for what, in such case, would be the conduct of any people, ourselves for instance, were we living in a state of nature, frequentlyat war with our neighbours, and ignorant of the existence of any othernation? On the arrival of strangers so different in complexion andappearance to ourselves, having power to transplant themselves over, andeven living upon, an element which to us was impossible, the firstsensation would probably be terror, and the first movement flight. Weshould watch these extraordinary people from our retreats in the woodsand rocks, and if we found ourselves sought and pursued by them, shouldconclude their designs to be inimical; but if, on the contrary, we sawthem quietly employed in occupations which had no reference to us, curiosity would get the better of fear, and after observing them moreclosely, we should ourselves risk a communication. Such seemed to havebeen the conduct of these Australians;* and I am persuaded that theirappearance on the morning when the tents were struck was a prelude totheir coming down; and that, had we remained a few days longer, afriendly communication would have ensued. The way was, however, preparedfor the next ship which may visit this port, as it was to us in KingGeorge's Sound by Captain Vancouver and the ship Elligood; to whoseprevious visits and peaceable conduct we were most probably indebted forour early intercourse with the inhabitants of that place. So far as couldbe perceived with a glass, the natives of this port were the same inpersonal appearance as those of King George's Sound and Port Jackson. Inthe hope of conciliating their goodwill to succeeding visitors, somehatchets and various other articles were left in their paths, fastened tostumps of trees which had been cut down near our watering pits. " (* Theonly occasion, I think, where Flinders uses this word. He usually calledaboriginals "Indians. ")

More wild life was seen at Kangaroo Island than in the gulf region. Thirty emus were observed on one day; kangaroos, as has been remarked, were plentiful; and a large colony of pelicans caused the name of PelicanLagoon to be given to a feature of the island's eastern lobe. Themarsupial, the seal, the emu, and the bag-billed bird that nature builtin one of her whimsical moods, had held unchallenged possession for tensof thousands of years, probably never visited by any ships, nor evenpreyed upon by blacks. The reflections of Flinders upon Pelican Lagoonhave a tinting of poetic feeling which we do not often find in his solidpages:

"Flocks of the old birds were sitting upon the beaches of the lagoon, andit appeared that the islands were their breeding places; not only so, butfrom the number of skeletons and bones there scattered it should seemthat they had for ages been selected for the closing scene of theirexistence. Certainly none more likely to be free from disturbance ofevery kind could have been chosen, than these inlets in a hidden lagoonof an uninhabited island, situate upon an unknown coast near theantipodes of Europe; nor can anything be more consonant to the feelings, if pelicans have any, than quietly to resign their breath whilstsurrounded by their progeny, and in the same spot where they first drewit. Alas, for the pelicans! their golden age is past; but it has muchexceeded in duration that of man. "

The picture of the zoological interests of Kangaroo Island is heightenedby Flinders' account of the seals and marsupials. "Never perhaps has thedominion possessed here by the kangaroo been invaded before this time. The seal shared with it upon the shores, but they seemed to dwellamicably together. It not unfrequently happened that the report of a gunfired at a kangaroo, near the beach, brought out two or three bellowingseals from under bushes considerably further from the water side. Theseal, indeed, seemed to be much the more discerning animal of the two;for its actions bespoke a knowledge of our not being kangaroos, whereasthe kangaroo not unfrequently appeared to consider us to be seals. " Inthe quotation, it may be as well to add, the usual spelling of "kangaroo"is followed, but Flinders invariably spelt it "kanguroo. " The orthographyof the word was not settled in his time; Cook wrote "kangooroo" and"kanguru, " but Hawkesworth, who edited his voyages, made it "kangaroo. "

The quantity of fallen timber lying upon the island prompted thecuriosity of Flinders. Trunks of trees lay about in all directions "andwere nearly of the same size and in the same progress towards decay; fromwhence it would seem that they had not fallen from age nor yet beenthrown down in a gale of wind. Some general conflagration, and there weremarks apparently of fire on many of them, is perhaps the sole cause whichcan be reasonably assigned; but whence came the woods on fire? There wereno inhabitants upon the island, and that the natives of the continent didnot visit it was demonstrated, if not by the want of all signs of suchvisits, yet by the tameness of the kangaroo, an animal which, on thecontinent, resembles the wild deer in timidity. Perhaps lightning mighthave been the cause, or possibly the friction of two dead trees in astrong wind; but it would be somewhat extraordinary that the same thingshould have happened at Thistle's Island, Boston Island, and at thisplace, and apparently about the same time. Can this part of TerraAustralis have been visited before, unknown to the world? The Frenchnavigator, Laperouse, was ordered to explore it, but there seems littleprobability that he ever passed Torres Strait. 

"Some judgment may be formed of the epoch when these conflagrationshappened, from the magnitude of the growing trees; for they must havesprung up since that period. They were a species of eucalyptus, and beingless than the fallen tree, had most probably not arrived at maturity; butthe wood is hard and solid, and it may thence be supposed to grow slowly. With these considerations, I should be inclined to fix the period at notless than ten, nor more than twenty years before our arrival. This bringsus back to Laperouse. He was in Botany Bay in the beginning of 1788, and, if he did pass through Torres Strait, and come round to this coast, aswas his intention, it would probably be about the middle or latter end ofthat year, or between thirteen and fourteen years before theInvestigator. My opinion is not favourable to this conjecture; but I havefurnished all the data to enable the reader to form his own opinion uponthe cause which might have prostrated the woods of these islands. "

The passage is worth quoting, if only for the interesting allusion toLaperouse, whose fate was, at the time when Flinders sailed and wrote, anunsolved mystery of the sea. Captain Dillon's discovery of relics atVanikoro, in 1826, twelve years after the death of Flinders, informed theworld that the illustrious French navigator did not pass through TorresStrait, but was wrecked in the Santa Cruz group. * (* See the author'sLaperouse, Sydney 1912 pages 90 et sqq. ) The fire, so many signs of whichwere observed on Kangaroo Island, was in all probability caused naturallyin the heat of a dry summer. 

Very shortly after leaving Kangaroo Island Flinders met one of thevessels of the French exploring expedition; and the story of thatoccurrence must occupy our particular consideration in the next chapter. 

CHAPTER 15. FLINDERS AND BAUDIN IN ENCOUNTER BAY. 

Flinders did not complete the examination of Kangaroo island. Theapproach of the winter season, and an apprehension that shortness ofprovisions might compel him to make for Port Jackson before concludingthe discovery of the south coast, induced him to leave the south and westparts of the island, with the intention of making a second visit at alater time. Therefore, in the afternoon of Tuesday, April 6th, the anchorwas weighed and he resumed the exploration of the mainland eastward fromCape Jervis, at the extremity of St. Vincent's Gulf. Wind and tide madeagainst a rapid passage, and the east end of Kangaroo Island had not beencleared by eight o'clock on the following evening. 

At four o'clock on the afternoon of April 8th the sloop was making slowprogress eastward, when the man aloft reported that a white rock was tobe seen ahead. The attention of everybody on board was at once turned inthe direction of the object. Very soon it became apparent that it was nota rock but a ship, which had sighted the Investigator, and was makingtowards her. As no sail had been seen for five months, and it seemedbeyond all likelihood that another ship should be spoken in theseuncharted seas, where there was no settlement, no port at whichrefreshment could be obtained, no possibility of trade, no customarymaritime route, it may be imagined that there was a feeling of excitementamong the ship's company. Flinders of course knew that the French had adiscovery expedition somewhere in Australasian waters, and the fact thatit had secured some months' start of him had occasioned a certain amountof anxiety before he left England. He was aware that it was protected bya passport from the British Government. The approaching vessel might beone of Baudin's; but she might by some strange chance be an enemy's shipof war. In any case, he prepared for emergencies: "we cleared for actionin case of being attacked. "

Glasses were turned on the stranger, which proved on closer scrutiny tobe "a heavy-looking ship, without any top-gallant masts up. " TheInvestigator hoisted her colours--the Union Jack, it may be remarked, since that flag was adopted by Great Britain at the beginning of 1801, before the expedition sailed. The stranger put up the tricolour, "andafterwards an English Jack forward, as we did a white flag. "* (* Flindersrelates the story of his meeting with Baudin, in his Voyage to TerraAustralis, 1 188, and in letters to the Admiralty; and to Sir JosephBanks, printed in Historical Records of New South Wales, 4 749 and 755. The official history of the French voyage was written by Francois Peron, and is printed in his Voyage de Decouvertes aux Terres Australes, 1 324. But Peron was not present at the interviews between Flinders and Baudin. Captain Baudin's own account of the incident is related in his manuscriptdiary, and in a long letter to the French Minister of Marine, dated "PortJackson, 10th November, 1802, " both of which are in the ArchivesNationales, BB4, 995, Marine. These sources have been compared and usedin the writing of this chapter. Baudin's narrative is translated in anappendix. )

It has already been explained (Chapter 11) that Le Geographe, commandedby the commodore of the French expedition, separated from Le Naturalisteat the eastern entrance to Bass Strait on March 7th and 8th, and thatBaudin sailed through the Strait westward. We take up the thread again atthat point, and will follow Baudin until he met Flinders. He was betweenWilson's Promontory and Cape Otway from March 28th to 31st, in very goodweather. The most important fact relating to this part of his voyage isthat he missed the entrance to Port Phillip. In his letter to theMinister of Marine, he described the Promontory and the situation ofWesternport, and then proceeded to relate that "from the 9th to the 11th(of the month Germinal in the French Revolutionary calendar, by which ofcourse Baudin dated events; equivalent to March 30 to April 1st) thewinds having been very favourable to us, we visited an extensive portionof the coast, where the land is high, well-wooded, and of an agreeableappearance, but does not present any place favourable to debarkation. Allthe points were exactly determined, and the appearance of the shoresdepicted. " That describes the Cape Otway country; and the part of theletter which follows refers to the land on the west of the Otway. Thereis no word of any port being sighted. The letter agrees with what Baudintold Flinders, that "he had found no ports, harbours or inlets, oranything to interest"; and Flinders was subsequently surprised to findthat so large a harbour as Port Phillip had been missed by Baudin, "moreespecially as he had fine winds and weather. "* (* Flinders to Banks, Hist. Rec. 4 755. ) Nevertheless, when Peron and Freycinet came to writethe history of the French voyage--knowing then of the existence of PortPhillip, and having a chart of it before them--they very boldly claimedthat they had seen it, and had distinguished its contours from themasthead, * a thing impossible to do from the situation in which theywere. (* Voyage de Decouvertes 1 316 and 3 115. )

The company on board Le Geographe were as excited about the ship sailingeastward, as were the Investigator's men when the reported white rockahead proved to be the sails of another vessel. The French crew were in adistressingly sick condition. Scurvy had played havoc among them, much ofthe ship's meat was worm-eaten and stinking, and a large number of thecrew were incapacitated. On the morning of April 8th some of Baudin'speople had been engaged in harpooning dolphins. They were desperately inneed of fresh food, and a shoal of these rapid fish, appearing andplaying around the prow, appeared to them "like a gift from heaven. " Ninelarge dolphins had been caught, giving a happy promise of enough meat tolast a day or two, when the man at the masthead reported that there was asail in sight. At first Baudin was of opinion that the ship ahead was LeNaturaliste, rejoining company after a month's separation. But as thedistance between the two ships diminished, and the Investigator ran upher ensign, her nationality was perceived, and Baudin hoisted thetricolour. 

The situation of the Investigator when she hove to was in 35 degrees 40minutes south and 138 degrees 58 minutes east. The time was half-pastfive o'clock in the evening; the position about five miles south-west ofthe nearest bit of coast, in what Flinders called Encounter Bay, incommemoration of the event. Le Geographe passed the English ship with afree wind, and as she did so Flinders hailed her, enquiring "Are youCaptain Baudin?" "It is he, " was the response. Flinders thereupon calledout that he was very glad to meet the French explorer, and Baudinresponded in cordial terms, without, however, knowing whom he wasaddressing. Still the wariness of the English captain was not to belulled; he records, "we veered round as Le Geographe was passing, so asto keep our broadside to her, lest the flag of truce should be adeception. " But being now satisfied of her good faith, Flinders broughthis ship to the wind on the opposite tack, had a boat hoisted out, andprepared to go on board the French vessel. 

As Flinders did not speak French, he took with him Robert Brown, who wasan accomplished French scholar. On board Le Geographe they were receivedby an officer, who indicated Baudin, and the three passed into thecaptain's cabin. 

It is curious that Baudin, in his letter to the Minister of Marine, makesno reference to the presence of Brown at this interview, and at a secondwhich occurred on the following morning. He speaks of inviting Flindersto enter his cabin, and proceeds to allude to the conversation whichfollowed when they were "alone" ("nous trouvant seul"). But Flinders'statement, "as I did not understand French, Mr. Brown, the naturalist, went with me in the boat; we were received by an officer who pointed outthe commander, and by him were conducted into the cabin, " can have noother meaning than that Brown was present. He also says, further on inhis narrative, "no person was present at our conversations except Mr. Brown, and they were mostly carried on in English, which the captainspoke so as to be understood. " It may be that Baudin regarded Brownmerely as an interpreter, but certainly his presence was a fact. 

In the cabin Flinders produced his passport from the French Government, and asked to see Baudin's from the Admiralty. Baudin found the documentand handed it to his visitor, but did not wish to see the passportcarried by Flinders. He put it aside without inspection. 

The conversation then turned upon the two voyages. Flinders explainedthat he had left England about eight months after the departure of theFrench ships, and that he was bound for Port Jackson. Baudin related thecourse of his voyage, mentioning his work in Van Diemen's Land, hispassage through Bass Strait, and his run along the coast of what is nowthe State of Victoria, where he had not found "any river, inlet or othershelter which afforded anchorage. " Flinders enquired about a large islandsaid to lie in the western entrance to Bass Strait (that is, KingIsland), but Baudin said he had not seen it, and seemed to doubt whetherit existed. Baudin observed in his letter that Flinders appeared to bepleased with this reply, "doubtless in the hope of being able to make thediscovery himself. "

Baudin was very critical about an English chart of Bass Strait, publishedin 1800. He found fault with the representation of the north side, butcommended the drawing of the south side, and of the neighbouring islands. Flinders pointed to a note upon the chart, explaining that it wasprepared from material furnished by George Bass, who had merely traversedthe coast in a small open boat, and had had no good means of fixing thelatitude and longitude; but he added that a rectified chart had sincebeen published, and offered, if Baudin would remain in the neighbourhoodduring the night, to visit Le Geographe again in the morning, and bringwith him a copy of this improved drawing, with a memorandum on thenavigation of the strait. He was alluding to his own small quarto book ofObservations, published before he left England, as related in Chapter 12. Baudin accepted the offer with pleasure, and the two ships lay neartogether during the night. 

The story of the interviews, as related by the two captains, is not inagreement on several points, and the differences are not a littlecurious. Baudin states that he knew Flinders at the very beginning of thefirst interview, on April 8th: "Mr. Flinders, who commanded the ship, presented himself, and as soon as I learnt his name I had no doubt thathe, like ourselves, was occupied with the exploration of the south coastof New Holland. " But Flinders affirms that Baudin did not learn his nameuntil the end of the second interview on April 9th: "At parting... On myasking the name of the captain of Le Naturaliste he bethought himself toask mine; and finding it to be the same as the author of the chart whichhe had been criticising, expressed not a little surprise, but had thepoliteness to congratulate himself on meeting me. " There may well havebeen some misunderstanding between the two captains, especially asFlinders did not speak French and Baudin only spoke English "so as to beunderstood, " which, as experience teaches, usually means so as to bemisunderstood. It is not very likely that Baudin was unaware of the nameof the English captain until the end of the second meeting. While theinterview of April 8th was taking place in the cabin, Flinders' boatmenwere questioned by some of Le Geographe's company who could speakEnglish, and Peron tells us that the men related the story of theInvestigator's voyage. * (* Peron, Voyage de Decouvertes 1 323. Flindersalso said that "some of his officers learnt from my boat's crew that ourobject was also discovery. ") It is difficult to believe that Flinders'name would not be ascertained in this manner; equally difficult tobelieve that Captain Baudin would sustain two interviews with thecommander of another ship without knowing to whom he was talking. Infact, Baudin had the name of Flinders before him on the Bass Strait chartwhich he had been criticising. It was a chart copied in Paris from anEnglish print, and was inscribed as "levee par Flinders. " Baudin in hisletter to the Minister observed that he pointed out to Flinders errors inthe chart "that he had given us. " Flinders was of opinion that Baudincriticised the chart without knowing that he was the author of it. Baudinmay have been surprised at first to learn that the Captain Flinders withwhom he was conversing was the same as he whose name appeared on thechart; but his own statement that he knew the name at the first interviewappears credible. 

Again, Baudin was of opinion that at the first interview Flinders was"reserved"; whilst Flinders, on the other hand, was surprised that Baudin"made no enquiries concerning my business on this unknown coast, but ashe seemed more desirous of communicating information I was happy toreceive it. " Reading the two narratives together, it is not apparenteither that Flinders wished to be reserved or that Baudin lackedcuriosity as to what the Investigator had been doing. The probableexplanation is that the two men were not understanding each otherperfectly. 

At half-past six o'clock on the morning of April 9th Flinders againvisited Le Geographe, where he breakfasted with Baudin. * (* Flinders doesnot mention this circumstance; but as he boarded Le Geographe at 6. 30 inthe morning and did not return to the Investigator till 8. 30, Baudin'sstatement is not doubtful. ) On this occasion they talked freely abouttheir respective voyages, and, said the French commodore, "he appeared tome to have been happier than we were in the discoveries he had made. "Flinders pointed out Cape Jervis, which was in sight, related thediscovery of Spencer's and St. Vincent's Gulfs, and described KangarooIsland, with its abundance of fresh food and water. He handed to Baudin acopy of his little book on Bass Strait and its accompanying chart, related the story of the loss of John Thistle and his boat's crew, andlistened to an account which his host gave of a supposed loss of one ofhis own boats with a number of men on the east coast of Van Diemen'sLand. Baudin intimated that it was likely that Flinders, in sailing east, would fall in with the missing Naturaliste, and he requested that, shouldthis occur, the captain of that ship might be informed that Baudinintended to sail to Port Jackson as soon as the bad winter weather setin. Flinders himself had invited Baudin to sail to Sydney to refresh, mentioning that he would be able to obtain whatever assistance herequired there. The interview was thoroughly cordial, and the twocaptains parted with mutual expressions of goodwill. Flinders and Brownreturned to the Investigator at half-past eight o'clock. 

Seaman Smith has nothing new to tell us concerning the Encounter Bayincident, but his brief reference is of some interest as showing how itstruck a member of the Investigator crew, and may be cited for thatpurpose. "In the morning (9th April) we unmoord and stood for sea betweenVan Diemen's Land and New Holland. In the afternoon we espied a sailwhich loomd large. Cleared forequarters, not knowing what might be theconsequence. On the ship coming close, our captn spoke her. She proved tobe the Le Geography (sic) French ship upon investigation. Our boats beinglowerd down our captn went on board of her, and soon returnd. Both shipslay to untill the next morning, when our captn went on board of her andsoon returnd. We found her poorly mannd, having lost a boat and crew andseveral that run away. Her acct. Was that they had parted compy with theNaturalizer (sic) on investigation in a gale of wind. Have been fromFrance 18 months. On the 20th we parted compy. "

Baudin sailed for Kangaroo Island, where his men enjoyed a similar feastto that which had delighted the English sailors a little while before. But the scurvy-stricken condition of his crew made the pursuit ofexploration painful, and he did not continue on these coasts beyondanother month. On May 8th he abandoned the work for the time being, resolving to pay a second visit to the region of the gulfs after he hadrefreshed his people. Sailing for Sydney, he arrived there on June 20th, in circumstances that it will be convenient to relate after describingthe remainder of the voyage of the Investigator up to her arrival in thesame port. 

CHAPTER 16. FLINDERS IN PORT PHILLIP. 

Flinders' actual discovery work on the south coast was completed when hemet Baudin in Encounter Bay; for the whole coast line to the east hadbeen found a short while before he appeared upon it, though he was notaware of this fact when completing his voyage. For about a hundred andfifty miles, from the mouth of the Murray eastward to Cape Banks, thecredit of discovery properly belongs to Baudin, and Flinders duly markedhis name upon the chart. Further eastward, from Cape Banks to the deepbend of the coast at the head of which lies Port Phillip, the discovererwas Captain Grant of the Lady Nelson. His voyage was projected under thefollowing circumstances. 

When Philip Gidley King, who in 1800 succeeded Hunter as Governor of NewSouth Wales, was in England in 1799, he represented to the Admiralty thedesirability of sending out to Australia a small, serviceable ship, capable of being used in shallow waters, so that she might explore baysand rivers. One of the Commissioners of the Transport Board, Captain JohnSchanck, had designed a type of vessel that was considered suitable forthis purpose. She was to be fitted with a sliding keel, or centreboard, and was deemed to be a boat of staunch sea-going qualities, as well asbeing good for close-in coastal service. A sixty-ton brig, the LadyNelson, was built to Schanck's plans, and was entrusted to the command ofLieutenant Grant. She was tried in the Downs in January, 1800, when Grantreported enthusiastically on her behaviour. She rode out a gale in fivefathoms of water without shipping "even a sea that would come over thesole of your shoe. " Running her into Ramsgate in a heavy sea, Grant wroteof her in terms that, though somewhat crabbed to a non-nautical ear, werea sailor's equivalent for fine poetry: "though it blew very strong, Ifound the vessel stand well up under sail, and with only one reef out ofthe topsails, no jib set, a lee tide going, when close hauled she broughther wake right aft and went at the rate of five knots. "

Grant was ambitious to make discoveries on his own account, and did notlack zeal. He was a skilful sailor, but was lacking in the scientificaccomplishment required for the service in which he aspired to shine. When at length he returned from Australia, King summed him up in asentence: "I should have been glad if your ability as a surveyor, orbeing able to determine the longitude of the different places you mightvisit, was any ways equal to your ability as an officer and a seaman. "

Grant left England early in 1800, intending to sail to Australia by theusual route, making the Cape of Good Hope, and then rounding the south ofVan Diemen's Land. But news of the discovery of Bass Strait was receivedafter the Lady Nelson had put to sea; and the Admiralty (April, 1800)sent instructions to reach him at the Cape, directing him to sail throughthe strait from the west. This he did. Striking the Australian coastopposite Cape Banks on December 3rd, 1800, he followed it along past CapeOtway, thence in a line across to Wilson's Promontory and, penetratingthe strait, was the first navigator to work through it from the farwestern side. He attempted no survey, and shortness of water andprovisions deterred him from even pursuing the in-and-out curves of theshore; but he marked down upon a rough eye-sketch such prominent featuresas Mount Gambier, Cape Northumberland, Cape Bridgewater, Cape Nelson, Portland Bay, Julia Percy Island, and Cape Otway. "I took the liberty ofnaming the different capes, bays, etc. , for the sake of distinction, " hereported to the Governor on his arrival at Sydney on December 16th. 

It was in this way that both Baudin and Flinders were anticipated in thediscovery of the western half of the coast of Victoria. The Investigatorvoyage had not been planned when the Lady Nelson sailed; and whenFlinders was commissioned the Admiralty directed that Grant should beplaced under his orders, the brig being used as a tender. 

The baffling winds that had delayed Flinders' departure from KangarooIsland on April 8th, 1802, continued after he sailed from Encounter Bay, so that he did not pass the fifty leagues or so first traversed by LeGeographe for eight tedious days. On April 17th he reached Grant's CapeBanks; on April 18th passed Cape Northumberland; and on the 19th CapesBridgewater, Nelson and Grant. But the south-west gale blew so hardduring this part of the voyage that, the coast trending south-easterly, it was difficult to keep the ship on a safe course; and Flindersconfessed that he was "glad to miss a small part of the coast. " Thicksqually weather prevented the survey being made with safety; and, indeed, it was rarely that the configuration of the land could be distinguishedat a greater distance than two miles. On the 21st Flinders noticed asubsidence of the sea, which made him conclude that he was to thewindward of the large island concerning which he had questioned Baudin. He resolved to take advantage of a period when the close examination ofthe mainland had become dangerous to determine the exact position of thisisland, of whose whereabouts he had heard from sealers in 1799. 

The south part of King Island had been found by the skipper of a sealingbrig, named Reid, in 1799, but the name it bears was given to it by JohnBlack, commander of the brig Harbinger, who discovered the northern partin January, 1801. Flinders was occupied for three days at King Island. Onthe 24th, the wind having moderated, he made for Cape Otway. But it wasstill considered imprudent to follow the shore too closely against asouth-east wind; and on the 26th the ship ran across the water to Grant'sCape Schanck. 

The details of these movements are of some moment, for the ship wasnearing the gates of Port Philip. "We bore away westward, " Flindersrecords, "in order to trace the land round the head of the deep bight. "In view of the importance of the harbour which he was about to enter, wemay quote his own description of his approach to it, and his surprise atwhat he found:

"On the west side of the rocky point, * (* Point Nepean. ) there was asmall opening, with breaking water across it. However, on advancing alittle more westward the opening assumed a more interesting aspect, and Ibore away to have a nearer view. A large extent of water presently becamevisible withinside, and although the entrance seemed to be very narrow, and there were in it strong ripplings like breakers, I was induced tosteer in at half-past one; the ship being close upon a wind and every manready for tacking at a moment's warning. The soundings were irregular, between 6 and 12 fathoms, until we got four miles within the entrance, when they shoaled quick to 2 3/4. We then tacked; and having a strongtide in our favour, worked to the eastward, between the shoal and therocky point, with 12 fathoms for the deepest water. In making the laststretch from the shoal, the depth diminished from 10 fathoms quickly to3; and before the ship could come round, the flood tide set her upon amud bank and she stuck fast. A boat was lowered down to sound; and, finding the deep water lie to the north-west, a kedge anchor was carriedout; and, having got the ship's head in that direction, the sails werefilled, and she drew off into 6 and 10 fathoms; and it being then dark, we came to an anchor. 

"The extensive harbour we had thus unexpectedly found I supposed must beWesternport; although the narrowness of the entrance did by no meanscorrespond with the width given to it by Mr. Bass. It was the informationof Captain Baudin, who had coasted along from thence with fine weather, and had found no inlet of any kind, which induced this supposition; andthe very great extent of the place, agreeing with that of Westernport, was in confirmation of it. This, however, was not Westernport, as wefound next morning; and I congratulated myself on having made a new anduseful discovery. But here again I was in error. This place, as Iafterwards learned at Port Jackson, had been discovered ten weeks beforeby Lieutenant John Murray, who had succeeded Captain Grant in the commandof the Lady Nelson. He had given it the name of Port Phillip, and to therocky point on the east side of the entrance that of Point Nepean. "

It was characteristic of Flinders that he allowed no expression ofdisappointment to escape him, on finding that he had been anticipated bya few weeks in the discovery of Port Phillip. Baudin, it will beremembered, observed the satisfaction felt by his visitor in EncounterBay, when he learnt that Le Geographe had not found King Island, becausehe thought he would have the happiness of being the first to lay it downupon a chart. In this he had been forestalled by Black of the Harbinger;and now again he was to find that a predecessor had entered the finestharbour in southern Australia. Disappointment he must have felt; but hewas by no means the man to begrudge the success that had accrued toanother navigator. He made no remark, such as surely might have beenforgiven to him, about the determining accidents of time and weather;though it is but right for us to observe that, had the Investigator beenpermitted to sail from England when she was ready (in April, 1801)instead of being delayed by the Admiralty officials till July, PortPhillip, as well as the stretch of coast discovered by Baudin, would havebeen found by Flinders. That delay was caused by nothing more than atemporary illness of the Secretary of the Admiralty, Evan Nepean, whosename is commemorated in Point Nepean, one of the headlands flanking theentrance to the Port. 

A perfectly just recognition of the real significance of Flinders insouthern exploration has led to his name being honoured and commemoratedeven with respect to parts where he was not the actual discoverer. It isa function of history to do justice in the large, abiding sense, discriminating the spiritual potency of personalities that dominateevents from the accidental connection of lesser persons with them. Inthat wider sense, Flinders was the true discoverer of the whole of thesouthern coast of Australia. He, of course, made no such claim; but wewho estimate the facts after a long lapse of years can see clearly thatit was so. Only the patching up of the old Reliance kept him in Sydneywhile Bass was creeping round the coast to Westernport. Only the illnessof an official and other trifling causes prevented him from discoveringPort Phillip. It was the completion of his chart of Bass Strait, basedupon his friend's memoranda, that led the Admiralty to direct Grant tosail through the strait from the west, and so enabled him to be the firstto come upon the coast from Cape Banks to Cape Schanck. It was only thedelay before-mentioned and the contrary winds that hindered him frompreceding Baudin along the fifty leagues that are credited to thatnavigator. 

Thus it is that although not a league of the coastline of Victoria is instrict verity to be attributed to Flinders as discoverer, he ishabitually cited as if he were. Places are named after him, memorials areerected to him. The highest mountain in the vicinity of Port Phillipcarries on its summit a tablet celebrating the fact that Flinders enteredthe port at the end of April, 1802; but there is nowhere a memorial toremind anyone that Murray actually discovered it in January of the sameyear. The reason is that, while it is felt that time and circumstanceenabled others to do things which must be inscribed on the historicalpage, the triumph that should have followed from skill, knowledge, character, preparation and opportunities well and wisely used, was fairlyearned by Flinders. The dates, not the merits, prevent their beingclaimed for him. His personality dominates the whole group ofdiscoveries. We chronicle the facts in regard to Grant, Baudin, Murray, and Bass, but we feel all the time that Flinders was the central man. 

Not being aware of Murray's good fortune in January, Flinders treatedPort Phillip as a fresh discovery, and examined its approaches with asmuch thoroughness as his resources would allow. At this time, however, the store of provisions was running low. The Investigator was forty weeksout from England, and re-equipment was fast becoming imperative. Hercommander had felt the urgency of his needs before he reached PortPhillip. He had seriously considered whether he should not make forSydney from King Island. "I determined, however, to run over to the highland we had seen on the north side of Bass Strait, and to trace as muchof the coast from thence eastward as the state of the weather and ourremaining provisions could possibly allow. "

As related in the passage quoted above, Flinders at first thought he hadreached Westernport, though the narrowness of the entrance did notcorrespond with Bass's description of the harbour he had discovered fouryears previously. But Baudin had told him that he found no port orharbour of any kind between Westernport and Encounter Bay. Consequently, it was all the more astonishing to behold this great sheet of blue waterbroadening out to shores overlooked by high hills, and extendingnorthward further than the eye could penetrate. It was not until thefollowing day, April 27th, that he found he was not in the port which hisfriend had discovered in the whaleboat. Immediately after breakfast herowed away from the ship in a boat, accompanied by Brown and Westall, toascend the bluff mountain on the east side which Murray had namedArthur's Seat. From the top he was able to survey the landscape at aheight of a thousand feet; and then he saw the waters and islands ofWesternport lying beneath him only a few miles further to the east, whilst, to his surprise, the curves of Port Phillip were seen to be soextensive "that even at this elevation its boundary to the northwardcould not be distinguished. "

Next morning, April 28th, Flinders commenced to sail round the bay. Butthe wind was slight and progress was slow; with his fast diminishingstore of provisions vexing his mind, he felt that he could not afford thetime for a complete survey. Besides, the lead showed many shallows, andthere was a constant fear of running the ship aground. He thereforedirected Fowler to take the Investigator back to the entrance, whilst, onthe 29th, he went with Midshipman Lacy, in a boat provisioned for threedays, to make a rapid reconnaissance of as much as could be seen in thattime. He rowed north-east nine miles from Arthur's Seat, reaching aboutthe neighbourhood of Mornington. Then he crossed to the western side ofthe bay, and on the 30th traversed the opening of the arm at the head ofwhich Geelong now stands. 

At dawn on May 1st he landed with three of the boat's crew, for thepurpose of ascending the highest point of the You-yang range, whoseconical peaks, standing up purple against the evening sky, had beenvisible when the ship first entered Port Phillip. "Our way was over a lowplain, where the water appeared frequently to lodge. It was covered withsmall-bladed grass, but almost destitute of wood, and the soil was clayeyand shallow. One or two miles before arriving at the feet of the hills, we entered a wood, where an emu and a kangaroo were seen at a distance;and the top of the peak was reached at ten o'clock. "

From the crest of this granite mountain he would command a superb view. Towards the north, in the interior, the dark bulk of Mount Macedon wasseen; and all around lay a fertile, promising country, mile after mile ofgreen pastures, as fair a prospect as the eye could wish to rest upon. There can be little doubt that Flinders made his observations from theflat top of a huge granite boulder which forms the apex of the peak. "Ileft the ship's name, " he says, "on a scroll of paper deposited in asmall pile of stones upon the top of the peak. " He called it StationPeak, for the reason that he had made it his station for makingobservations. In 1912 a fine bronze tablet was fastened on the easternface of the boulder on which Flinders probably stood and worked. * (* Itis much to be regretted that this very laudable mark of honour to hismemory was not effected without doing a thing which is contrary to a goodrule and was repugnant to Flinders' practice. The name Station Peak wassought to be changed to Flinders' Peak, and those who so admirablyoccasioned the erection of the tablet managed to secure official sanctionfor the alteration by its notification in the Victorian GovernmentGazette. But nobody with any historical sense or proper regard for thefame of Flinders will ever call the mountain by any other name thanStation Peak. It was his name; and names given by a discoverer should berespected, except when there is a sound reason to the contrary, as thereis not in this instance. As previously observed, Flinders never named anydiscovery after himself. Honour him by calling any other places after himby all means; the name Flinders for the Commonwealth Naval Base inWesternport is an excellent one, for instance. But his names for naturalfeatures should not be disturbed. )

The boat was reached, after the descent of the mountain and the returntramp across the sodden flats, at three o'clock in the afternoon. Theparty were very weary from this twenty-mile excursion, a feat requiringsome power of endurance, as one who has walked along the same route andclimbed Station Peak several times can testify; and especially hard onmen who were fresh from a long voyage. The party camped for the night atIndented Head, on the west side of the port, and on Sunday, May 2nd, theyagain boarded the Investigator. 

The ship was anchored under the shelter of the Nepean Peninsula, nearlyopposite the present Portsea. On the way back Flinders shot "somedelicate teal, " near the piece of water which Murray had called SwanHarbour, and a few black swans were caught. 

Port Phillip has since become important as the seat of one of the greatcities of the world, and its channels are used by commercial fleetsflying every colour known to the trading nations. Scarcely an hour of theday goes by, but the narrow waters dividing the port from the ocean arechurned by the propellers of great ships. The imagination sets itself atask in trying to realize those few days in May, 1802, when Flinderscalled it a "useful but obscure port" and when the only keels that laywithin the bay were those of one small sloop at anchor near the entrance, and one tiny boat in which her captain was rowing over the surface andmaking a map of the outline. And if it is difficult for us to recapturethat scene of spacious solitude, it was quite impossible for Flinders toforesee what a century would bring forth. He recognised that thesurrounding country "has a pleasing and in many places a fertileappearance. " He described much of it as patently fit for agriculturalpurposes. "It is in great measure a grassy country, and capable ofsupporting much cattle, though much better calculated for sheep. " It was, indeed, largely on his report that settlement was attempted at PortPhillip in 1803. But it is quaint, at this time of day, to read hisremark that "were a settlement made at Port Phillip, as doubtless therewill be some time hereafter, the entrance could be easily distinguished, and it would not be difficult to establish a friendly intercourse withthe natives, for they are acquainted with the effect of firearms, anddesirous of possessing many of our conveniences. "

Seaman Smith devotes a paragraph in his Journal to the visit to PortPhillip, and it may as well be quoted for its historical interest: "Onthe 28th we came to an anchor in a bay of very large size. Thinking therewas a good channel in a passage through, we got aground; but by goodmanagement we got off without damadge. Here we caught a Shirk whichmeasured 10 feet 9 inch in length; in girt very large. 29th the captn andboats went to investigate the interior part of the harbr for 3 days, while those on board imploy'd in working ship to get as near the mouth ofthe harbr as possible. May 2nd our boat and crew came on board. Broughtwith them 2 swanns and a number of native spears. "

At daylight on May 3rd the Investigator dropped out of Port Phillip withthe tide. Westall, the artist, made a drawing of the heads from adistance of 5 miles. 

At dusk on Saturday, May 8th, she stood seven miles off the entrance toPort Jackson. Flinders was so thoroughly well acquainted with the harbourthat he tried to beat up in the night; but the wind was adverse, and hedid not pass the heads till one o'clock on the following day. At threeo'clock the ship was brought to anchor, and the long voyage of discovery, which had had larger results than any voyage since the great days ofCook, was over. It had lasted nine months and nine days. 

The horrors of scurvy were such a customary accompaniment of long voyagesin those days that the condition of Flinders' company at the terminationof this protracted navigation was healthy almost beyond precedent. Butthis young captain had learnt how to manage a ship in Cook's school, andhad profited from his master's admonitions. Cook, in his Endeavour voyageof 1770 and 1771, brought his people through a protracted period at seawith, "generally speaking, " freedom from scurvy, and showed how byscrupulous cleanliness, plenty of vegetable food, and anti-scorbuticremedies the dreadful distemper could be kept at bay. But, fine as Cook'srecord is in this respect, it is eclipsed by that of Flinders, whoentered Port Jackson at the end of this long period aboard ship with anabsolutely clean bill of health. There is no touch of pride, but there isa note of very proper satisfaction, in the words which he was able towrite of this remarkable record:--

"There was not a single individual on board who was not on deck workingthe ship into harbour; and it may be averred that the officers and crewwere, generally speaking, in better health than on the day we sailed fromSpithead, and not in less good spirits. I have said nothing of theregulations observed after we made Cape Leeuwin. They were very littledifferent from those adopted in the commencement of the voyage, and ofwhich a strict attention to cleanliness and a free circulation of air inthe messing and sleeping places formed the most essential parts. Severalof the inhabitants of Port Jackson expressed themselves never to havebeen so strongly reminded of England as by the fresh colour of manyamongst the Investigator's ship's company. "

As soon as the anchor was dropped, Flinders went ashore and reportedhimself to Governor King, to whom he delivered his orders from theAdmiralty. He also reported to Captain Hamelin of Le Naturaliste, who hadsought refuge in the port and had been lying there since April 24th, theintention of Baudin to bring round Le Geographe in due course. Then heset about making preparations for refitting the ship and getting readyfor further explorations. 

CHAPTER 17. THE FRENCH AT PORT JACKSON: PERON THE SPY. 

The condition of Le Geographe when she made her appearance outside PortJackson, on June 20th, 1802, was in striking and instructive contrastwith that of the Investigator on her entry forty-two days before. Flinders had not a sick man on board. His crew finished the voyage acompany of bronzed, jolly, hearty sailors, fit for any service. Baudin, on the contrary, had not a single man on board who was free from disease. His men were covered with sores and putrid ulcers;" the surgeon, Taillefer, found the duty of attending upon them revolting; they laygroaning about the decks in misery and pain, and only four were availablefor steering and management, themselves being reduced almost to theextremity of debility. "Not a soul among us was exempt from theaffliction, " wrote the commandant in his journal. 

The utmost difficulty had been experienced in working the vessel roundthe south of Van Diemen's Land and up the east coast in tempestuousweather. Baudin obstinately refused, in the teeth of the urgentrecommendation of his officers, to sail through Bass Strait, and thussave several days; though, as he had already negotiated the strait fromthe east, he knew the navigation, and the distressful condition of hispeople should have impelled him to choose a route which would take themto succour in the briefest period of time. He insisted on the longercourse, and in consequence brought his ship to the very verge ofdisaster, besides intensifying the sufferings of his crew. The voyagefrom the region of the gulfs to the harbour of refuge was full of painand peril. Man after man dropped out. The sailors were unable to trim thesails properly; steersmen fell at the wheel; they could not walk or lifttheir limbs without groaning in agony. It was a plague ship that creptround to Port Jackson Heads in that month of storms:

"And as a full field charging was the sea, And as a cry of slain men was the wind. "

All this bitter suffering was caused because, as the official historianof the expedition tells us, Baudin "neglected the most indispensableprecautions relative to the health of the men. " He disregardedinstructions which had been furnished with reference to hygiene, paid noheed to the experience of other navigators, and permitted practices whichcould not but conduce to disease. His illustrious predecessor, Laperouse, a true pupil of Cook, had conducted a long voyage with fine immunity fromscurvy, and Baudin could have done the same had he possessed validqualifications for his employment. 

There is no satisfaction in dwelling upon the pitiful condition to whichBaudin's people were reduced; but it is necessary to set out the factsclearly, because the visit paid by Le Geographe and Le Naturaliste toSydney, and what the French officers did there, is of the utmostimportance in relation to what happened to Flinders at a later date. 

Baudin brought his vessel up to the entrance to the harbour on June 20th, but so feeble were his crew that they could not work her into port. Itwas reported that a ship in evident distress was outside, and at once aboat's crew of Flinders' men from the Investigator was sent down toassist in towing her to an anchorage. "It was grievous, " Flinders said, "to see the miserable condition to which both officers and men werereduced by scurvy, there being not more out of one hundred and seventy, according to the Captain's account, than twelve men capable of doingtheir duty. " Baudin's own journal says they were only four; but, whateverthe number may have been, even these were sick, and could only performany kind of work under the whip of absolute necessity. All the suffererswere attended with "the most touching activity" by the principal surgeonof the settlement, James Thomson. 

The resources of Sydney at that time were slender, but such as they wereGovernor King immediately placed them at the disposal of the Frenchcommodore. The sick were removed to the hospital, permission was given topitch tents close to where the Investigator's were erected, at CattlePoint on the east side of Sydney Cove, * and everything was done to extenda cordial welcome to the visitors. (* Flinders, Voyage, 1 227. The"Cattle Point" of Flinders is the present Fort Macquarie, or BennelongPoint, behind which Government House stands. ) "Although, " wrote theGovernor to Baudin, "last night I had the pleasure of announcing that apeace had taken place between our respective countries, yet a continuanceof the war would have made no difference in my reception of your ship, and affording every relief and assistance in my power; and, although youwill not find abundant supplies of what are most requisite and acceptableto those coming off so long a voyage, yet I offer you a sincere welcome. I am much concerned to find from Monsieur Ronsard that your ship'scompany are so dreadfully afflicted with the scurvy. I have sent theNaval Officer with every assistance to get the ship into a safeanchorage. I beg you would give yourself no concern about saluting. WhenI have the honour of seeing you, we will then concert means for therelief of your sick. " That was, truly, a letter replete in every word ofit with manly gentleness, generous humanity and hospitable warmth. Thesame spirit was maintained throughout of the six months of theFrenchmen's stay at Port Jackson. King even reduced the rations of hisown people in order that he might have enough to share with thestrangers. Fresh meat was so scarce in the colony that when theInvestigator arrived Flinders could not buy any for his men; but as soonas the French appeared, King, pitying their plight, at once ordered theslaughtering of some oxen belonging to the Government in order that theymight be fed on fresh food. Baudin was daily at the Governor's house, *and King entertained his officers frequently. (* Historical Records 4952. ) His tact was as conspicuous as his good nature. Baudin was not ongood terms with some of his officers, and the Governor was made aware ofthis fact. He conducted himself as host with a resourceful considerationfor the feelings of his quarrelsome guests. And as the Governor comportedhimself towards them, so also did the leading people of Sydney. "Amongall the French officers serving in the division which I command, " wroteBaudin, "there is not one who is not, like myself, convinced of theindebtedness in which we stand to Governor King and the principalinhabitants of the colony for the courteous, affectionate, anddistinguished manner in which they have received us. "

Not only on the social side was this extreme kindness displayed. King dideverything in his power to further the scientific purposes of theexpedition and to complete the re-equipment of Baudin's ships. LeGeographe required to be careened, and to have her copper liningextensively repaired. Facilities were at once granted for effecting theseworks. Baudin, intending to send Le Naturaliste back to France withnatural history specimens and reports up to date, desired to purchase asmall Australian-built vessel to accompany him on the remainder of hisvoyage. King gave his consent, "as it is for the advancement of scienceand navigation, " and the Casuarina, a locally-built craft of between 40and 50 tons, was acquired for the purpose. The French men of science wereassisted in making excursions into the country in prosecution of theirresearches. Baudin refused the application of his geologist, Bailly, whowished to visit the Hawkesbury River and the mountains to collectspecimens and study the natural formation. The British, thereupon, furnished him with boats, guides and even food for the journey, since hisown commander declined to supply him. Peron, the naturalist, whoafterwards wrote the history of the voyage, was likewise affordedopportunities for travelling in prosecution of his studies, and thedisreputable use which he made of the freedom allowed to him willpresently appear. 

There is no reason to believe that any of the French officers, or the menof science on Baudin's staff, abused the hospitality so nobly extended tothem, with two exceptions. The conduct of the crew appears to have beenexemplary. Baudin himself won King's confidence, and was not unworthy ofit. His demeanour was perfectly frank. "Entre nous, " wrote King to Banksin May, 1803, "he showed me and left with me all his journals, in whichwere contained all his orders from the first idea of the voyage takingplace... He informed me that he knew of no idea that the French had ofsettling on any part or side of this continent. "

After the departure of the two ships, on November 17th, a rumour came tothe Governor's ears that some of the French officers had informedLieutenant-Colonel Paterson that it was their intention to establish asettlement on Dentrecasteaux Channel in the south of Van Diemen's Land. The news occasioned grave anxiety to King, who immediately took steps tofrustrate any such plans. He sent acting-Lieutenant Robbins in theCumberland in pursuit of Baudin, informing him of what was alleged, andcalling upon him for an explanation. Baudin positively denied that he hadentertained such an intention; and certainly he had not acted, afterleaving Port Jackson, as if he had the design to lay the foundations of asettlement at the place specified, for he had not sailed anywhere nearsouthern Van Diemen's Land. He had made direct for King Island, and wasquietly continuing his exploratory work when Robbins found him. Thisvague and unsubstantial rumour, which Paterson had not even taken thetrouble to report officially to the Governor when he heard it, was theonly incident with which Baudin was connected that gave King any cause todoubt his perfect good faith; and Baudin's categorical denial of theallegation is fully confirmed by his diary and correspondence--nowavailable for study--which contain no particle of evidence to suggestthat the planting of a settlement, or the choice of a site for one, was apurpose of the expedition. 

Baudin's gratitude for King's hospitality was expressed in a cordialpersonal letter, and also in an open letter which he addressed to theGovernors of the French colonies of Ile-de-France and Reunion. Twelvecopies of the letter were left in King's hands, to be given by him to thecaptain of any British ships that might have occasion to put in to anyport in those colonies. Blanks were left in the letter, to be filled upby King, with the name of the captain to whom he might give a copy andthe name of the ship. * (* Mr. F. M. Bladen, in a note appended to a copyof this interesting letter, in the Historical Records of New South Wales, Volume 4 page 968 says: "The letter was handed to Governor King byCommodore Baudin, in case it should be required, but was retained by Kingamongst his papers, and never used. Had it been in the hands of Flinderswhen forced to touch at the Isle of France it might have prevented anyquestion, real or pretended, as to his bona fides. Indeed, it is notunlikely that it was originally intended for Flinders. " But, although theletter was not used by Flinders, Baudin gave a copy of it to GeneralDecaen, Governor of Ile-de-France, when he called there on his homewardvoyage. The copy is now among Decaen's manuscripts at Caen, Volume 84. The blanks are in it, as in King's copy. Decaen was therefore fully awareof the generous treatment accorded to his countrymen at Port Jackson. ) Inthis document, it will be noticed, Baudin was bespeaking fromrepresentatives of his country in their own colonies such considerationas he had experienced from his British hosts at Sydney. The fulness ofhis obligation could scarcely have been expressed in more thorough terms:

"The assistance we have found here, the kindness of Governor King towardsus, his generous attentions for the recovery of our sick men, his lovefor the progress of science, in short, everything seemed to have unitedto make us forget the hardships of a long and painful voyage, which wasoften impeded by the inclemency of the weather; and yet the fact of thepeace being signed was unknown, and we only heard of it when our sick menhad recovered, our vessels had been repaired, our provisions shipped, andwhen our departure was near at hand. Whatever the duties of hospitalitymay be, Governor King had given the whole of Europe the example of abenevolence which should be known, and which I take a great pleasure inpublishing. 

"On our arrival at Port Jackson, the stock of wheat there was verylimited, and that for the future was uncertain. The arrival of 170 menwas not a happy circumstance at the time, yet we were well received; andwhen our present and future wants were known, they were supplied byshortening part of the daily ration allowed to the inhabitants and thegarrison of the colony. The Governor first gave the example. Throughthose means, which do so great honour to the humane feelings of him whoput them into motion, we have enjoyed a favour which we would perhapshave experienced much difficulty in finding anywhere else. 

"After such treatment, which ought in future to serve as an example forall the nations, I consider it my duty, as much out of gratitude as byinclination, to recommend particularly to you Mr. ---- commander ofH. M. S. ----. Although he does not propose to call at the Isle of France, it may be possible some unforeseen circumstance might compel him to putinto port in the colony, the government of which is entrusted to you. Having been a witness of the kind manner with which his countrymen havetreated us on every occasion, I hope he will be convinced by his ownexperience that Frenchmen are not less hospitable and benevolent; andthen his mother-country will have over us the advantage only of havingdone in times of war what happier times enabled us to return to her intime of peace. "

That letter has been quoted, and the circumstances attending Baudin'sarrival and stay at Sydney have been narrated with some fulness, in orderto give particular point to the conduct of two members of his expedition, Francois Peron and Lieutenant Louis de Freycinet. As will be seen fromwhat follows, both of them used the latitude allowed to them whilereceiving King's generous hospitality, to spy, to collect information forthe purpose of enabling an attack to be made upon Port Jackson, and tosupply it with mischievous intent to the military authorities of theirnation. 

Le Naturaliste returned to Europe from King Island on December 8th. Shetook with her all the natural history specimens collected up to thattime, and reports of the work done. Baudin, with Le Geographe and theCasuarina, spent six months longer in Australian waters, exploringSpencer's and St. Vincent's Gulfs, completing the chart of KangarooIsland, and making a second voyage along the coast. On July 7th, 1803, hedetermined to return to France. He reached Ile-de-France on August 7th, became seriously ill there, and died on September 16th. The Casuarina wasdismantled, and Le Geographe, which stayed there for three months afterher commander's death, arrived in France on March 24th, 1804. 

The military Governor of Ile-de-France at this time was General CharlesDecaen. As a later chapter will be devoted to his career and character, it is only necessary to say here that he was a dogged, strong-willedofficer, imbued with a deep-rooted hatred of British policy and power, and anxious to avail himself of any opportunity that might occur ofstriking a blow at the rival of his own nation. Francois Peron very soonfound that the Governor was eager to get information that might, should afavourable chance present itself, enable him to attack the British colonyin Australia, and he lost no time in ministering to the General'sbelligerent animosity. 

On December 11th, 1804, four days before Le Geographe sailed for Europe, Peron furnished to Decaen a long report on Port Jackson, containing somevery remarkable statements. * (* Manuscripts, Decaen Papers Volume 92. Thecomplete document is translated in appendix B to this volume. ) He allegedthat the First Consul, Bonaparte, in authorising Baudin's expedition, hadgiven to it a scientific semblance with the object of disguising its realintent from the Governments of Europe, and especially from the cabinet ofGreat Britain. "If sufficient time were available to me, " said Peron, "itwould be very easy to demonstrate to you that all our natural historyresearches, extolled with so much ostentation by the Government, weremerely the pretext of its enterprise. " The principal object was "one ofthe most brilliant and important conceptions, " which would, ifsuccessful, have made the Government for ever illustrious. Theunfortunate circumstance was, however, Peron declared, that after so muchhad been done to conduce to the success of these designs, the executionof them had been confided to a man utterly unsuited to conduct them to asuccessful issue. 

That there were such designs as those alleged by Peron is disclosed by noword in Napoleon's Correspondance; there is no suggestion of anything ofthe kind in the papers communicated to Baudin by the Minister of Marine, or in Baudin's confidential reports to his Government. It is in thenature of a spy to flavour with his own conjectures the base fruit of hisillicit inquisitions, and Peron knew that he was writing to a man greedyto obtain such material as he was ready to supply. There is no word fromany other member of the expedition, except Freycinet, written before orafter, to support Peron's allegations; and it is extremely unlikely that, if the purpose he indicated had been the real one, he would have been theman to know about it. Peron had not originally been a member of the staffof the expedition. Baudin's ships had been equipped, their complement wascomplete, and they were lying at Havre in October, 1800, awaiting sailingorders, when Peron sought employment. He had been a student under Jussieuat the Museum, and to that savant he applied for the use of hisinfluence. Jussieu, with the aid of the biologist, Lacepede, secured anopportunity for Peron to read a paper before the Institute, expoundinghis views as to research work which might be done in Australasia; theresult was that at almost the last moment he obtained appointment. * (*See the biographies of Peron by Deleuze (1811) and Girard (1857). ) He wasnot in the confidence of Baudin, with whom he was on bad terms throughoutthe voyage, and his hatred for whom continued relentlessly after theunfortunate captain's death. On the point in question, therefore, Peronis by no means a trustworthy witness. The very terms in which Baudinwrote of Sydney, in his confidential letter to the Minister of Marine, indicate that he was innocent of any knowledge of a secret purpose. If hehad known he would have referred to it here; and if he did not know ofone, Peron certainly did not. "I believe it to be my duty, " wrote Baudin, "to warn you that the colony of Port Jackson ought to engage theattention of the Government and indeed of other European power also. People in France or elsewhere are very far from imagining that theEnglish, in the space of fourteen years, have been able to build up theircolony to such a degree of prosperity, which will be augmented every yearby the dispositions of their Government. It seems to me that policydemands (il me semble que la politique exige) that by some means thepreparations they are making for the future, which foreshadow greatprojects, ought to be balanced. " That was simply Baudin's personalopinion: "it seemed to him. " But the statement Peron made to Decaen, asto what he could demonstrate "if he had time, " together with his otherassertions, may have had an influence on the general's mind, and may haveaffected the later treatment of Flinders; and that constitutes itsimportance for our purpose. 

Peron went on to allege that while he was at Port Jackson, "I neglectedno opportunity of procuring all the information that I foresaw would beof interest. I was received in the house of the Governor with muchconsideration; he himself and his secretary spoke our language well. Mr. Paterson, the commandant of the New South Wales troops, always treated mewith particular regard. I was received in his house, as one may say, likea son. Through him I knew all the officials of the colony. The surgeon, Mr. Thomson, honoured me with his friendship. Mr. Grimes, thesurveyor-general, Mr. Palmer the commissary-general, Mr. Marsden aclergyman at Parramatta, and a cultivator as wealthy as he wasdiscerning, were all capable of furnishing me with valuable information. My functions permitted me to hazard the asking of a number of questionswhich would have been indiscreet on the part of another, especially onmilitary matters. I have, in a word, known all the principal people ofthe colony, in all walks of life, and all of them have furnished me withinformation as valuable as it is new. Finally, I made in Mr. Paterson'scompany long journeys into the interior of the country; I have seen thebest farms, and I assure you that I have collected everywhere interestingideas, and have stated them in as exact a form as possible. "

After this illuminating dissertation as to his own value as a spy, andthe clever use he had made of his functions as a naturalist to exploitunsuspecting people, Peron proceeded to describe the Britishestablishment in detail. But he omitted to tell Decaen how kindly he andhis countrymen had been treated there; not a word had he to say on thatsubject; no circumstance was mentioned that might tend to withhold anattack if a favourable chance for one should occur. He gave aninteresting description of Sydney and its environs, spoke of the growthof its trade, the spread of cultivation, the increase of wealth. Then hegave his views on the designs of the British to extend their power in thePacific. Their ambitions were not confined to New Holland itself, vast asit was. Their cupidity had been excited by Van Diemen's Land. They didnot intend, if they could avoid it, to permit any other nation to occupythat country. They would soon extend their dominion to New Zealand. Theywere even casting avaricious glances across the Pacific. They hadoccupied Norfolk Island, and he did not hesitate to say that they werelooking for a place further east, whence they might assail Chili andPeru. The British were quite aware of the feebleness of the Spaniards inthose regions, and meant to appropriate their possessions in time. 

Next Peron gave an account of the transportation system, of which heapproved, as making for rapid colonization, and as having valuablereformatory effects. The climate and productiveness of New South Waleswere enthusiastically praised by him, and its eminent suitability forEuropean occupation was extolled. In all that the British had done inAustralia were to be recognised great designs for the future. Steps hadbeen taken to convert felons into good colonists, to educate theirchildren, and to train them for useful avocations. 

He drew attention to the number of Irish prisoners who had beentransported for participation in rebellious movements at home, and totheir implacable hatred of Great Britain. "The Irish, kept under by aniron sceptre, are quiet to-day; but if ever the Government of ourcountry, alarmed by the rapidly increasing power of that colony, formedthe project of taking or destroying it, at the very name of the Frenchthe Irish would rise. We had a striking example of what might be expectedon our first arrival in the colony. Upon the appearance of the Frenchflag, the alarm became general in the country. The Irish began to flocktogether from all parts, and if their error had not been speedilydissipated, there would have been a general rising among them. One or twowere put to death on that occasion, and several were deported to NorfolkIsland. "

The troops at Port Jackson, said Peron, did not number more than 700 or800 men while the French ships were there, but he believed that as manyas 8, 000 were expected. He doubted, however, whether Great Britain couldmaintain a very large force there, in view of the demands upon herresources elsewhere owing to the war; but was of opinion that she woulduse Port Jackson as a depot for India, on account of the healthiness ofthe climate. He summed up in eighteen paragraphs the advantage whichGreat Britain drew, and was likely to draw, from her possession of PortJackson; and he terminated these by telling Decaen that "my opinion, andthat of all those among us who have been particularly occupied with theorganization of that colony, would be that we should destroy it as soonas possible. To-day we can do that easily; we shall not be able to do itin a few years to come. " There followed a postscript in which Peroninformed the General that Lieutenant de Freycinet "has particularlyoccupied himself with examining all the points on the coast in theneighbourhood of Port Jackson that are favourable for the debarkation oftroops. He has made especial enquiries concerning the entry to the port, and if ever the Government thought of putting into execution the projectof destroying this freshly set trap of a great Power, that distinguishedofficer's services would be of precious value in such an operation. " Therecommendation of Peron's fellow-spy at the end of the report isinteresting, as indicating how the pair worked together. Peron, under theguise of a man of science collecting facts about butterflies andgrasshoppers, exploited his hosts for information of a political andmilitary nature; whilst Freycinet, ostensibly examining the harbour inthe interest of navigation, made plans of places suitable for landingtroops. Both together, having been nourished and nursed in their day ofdire calamity by the abundant kindness of the people of Sydney, concoctedplans for bringing destruction upon their benefactors, and profferedtheir services to show the way. One thinks perforce of a rough speech ofDol Common in Ben Jonson's Alchemist:

"S'death, you perpetual curs, Fall to your couples again, and cozen kindly. "

Five days after the arrival of Le Geographe in France, on March 29th, 1804, Peron wrote to the Minister of Marine* in similar terms, relatingthe valuable opportunities he had had of making himself acquainted withthe situation of Port Jackson, and mentioning the names of leadingcitizens with whom he had associated, and from whom he had collectedinformation. (* Arch. Nat. BB4 996. )

A second report upon Port Jackson was furnished to General Decaen, givingprecise information as to where troops could be landed if an invasionwere undertaken. The document is unsigned, * but, having regard to Peron'sstatement concerning Freycinet's investigations, there can be no doubtthat the information came from him. (* "Coup d'oeil rapide surl'establissement des Anglais de la Nouvelle Hollande, " manuscripts, Decaen Papers Volume 92 page 74. ) The writer described Sydney as "perhapsthe most beautiful port in the world, " and observed that, though itsnatural defences were strong, the English had employed no means tofortify the approaches. Many of the convicts were Irish, and were capableof everything except good. * (* "Ils sont capable de tout, excepte lebien. ") Persons who had played a part in connection with the recentrebellion in Ireland were subject to transportation, and were naturally adisaffected class. England had only 600 troops to maintain order in that"society of brigands, " and discipline was not very well observed amongstthem. Particulars were given as to how an invasion could be effected:

"The conquest of Port Jackson would be very easy to accomplish, since theEnglish have neglected every species of means of defence. It would bepossible to make a descent through Broken Bay, or even through the portof Sydney itself; but in the latter case it would be necessary to avoiddisembarking troops on the right side of the entrance, on account of thearm of the sea of which I have already spoken. * (* Middle Harbour. ) Thatindentation presents as an obstacle a great fosse, defended by a batteryof ten or twelve guns, firing from eighteen to twenty-four-pound balls. The left shore of the harbour is undefended, and is at the same time moreaccessible. The town is dominated by its outlying portions to such anextent, that it might be hoped to reduce the barracks in a little time. There is no battery, and a main road leads to the port of Sydney. Careought to be taken to organize the invaders in attacking parties. Theaboriginals of the country need not be reckoned with. They make nodistinctions between white men. Moreover, they are few in numbers. Theresidence of the Governor, that of the colonel of the New South WalesRegiment, the barracks, and one public building, are the principaledifices. The other houses, to the number of three or four hundred, aresmall. The chief buildings of the establishment captured, the otherswould fall naturally into the hands of the conqueror. If the troops hadto retreat, they would best do so by the River Oxbury* (* i. E. , theHawkesbury; the Frenchman guessed at the spelling from thepronunciation. ) and thence to Broken Bay. I regret very much that I havenot more time to give* to this slight review of the resources, means ofdefence of and methods of attack on that colony. I conclude by observingthat scarcely any coinage is to be found in circulation there. They use acurrency of copper with which they pay the troops, and some paper money. "(* Compare Peron's remark concerning the little time at his disposal. Both reports were written only a few days before Le Geographe leftIle-de-France for Europe. )

There is no need to emphasise the circumstances in which this piece ofduplicity was perpetrated. They are made sufficiently clear from theplain story related in the preceding pages. But it should be said injustice to Baudin that there is no reason to associate him with theespionage of Peron. Nor is it the case that the expedition originally hadany intention of visiting Port Jackson, for this or any other purpose. Asexplained in the chapter relating to the Encounter Bay incident, it wasFlinders who suggested to Baudin that he should seek the succour he sosorely needed at Sydney; and Le Naturaliste, which preceded him thither, was driven by a like severity of need to his own. "It does not appear byhis orders, " wrote King to Banks "that he was at all instructed to touchhere, which I do not think he intended if not obliged by distress. " Suchwas the case; and it was this very distress, and the generous alleviationof it by the British colonists, that make the singular turpitude of Peronand Freycinet in pursuing nefarious designs of their own and plotting torend the breast that fed them. The great war gave rise to many noble actsof chivalry on both sides, deeds which are luminous with a spirittranscending the hatreds of the time, and glorify human nature; but it ishappily questionable whether it produced an example to equal thatexpounded in these pages, of ignoble treachery and ungrateful baseness. 

Flinders, when reviewing the unjust account of his own discoveries givenby Peron in his Voyage de Decouvertes, adopted the view that what hewrote was under compulsion from authority. "How came M. Peron to advancewhat was so contrary to truth?" he asked. "Was he a man destitute of allprinciple? My answer is that I believe his candour to have been equal tohis acknowledged abilities; and that what he wrote was from over-rulingauthority, and smote him to the heart. " Could Flinders have known whatPeron was capable of doing, in the endeavour to advance himself in favourwith the rulers of his country, he would certainly not have believed himso blameless. 

That Port Jackson was never attacked during these years of war was notdue to its own capabilities of defence, which were pitifully weak; nor toreluctance on the part of Napoleon and Decaen; but simply to the factthat the British Navy secured and kept the command of the sea. In 1810Napoleon directed the equipment of a squadron to "take the English colonyof Port Jackson, where considerable resources will be found. "* (*Napoleon's Correspondance Volume 20 document 16 544. ) But it was a futileorder to give at that date. Trafalgar had been fought, and the defence ofthe colony in Australia was maintained effectively wherever Britishfrigates sailed. 

Peron's report, then, did no mischief where he intended that it should. But by inflaming Decaen's mind with suspicions it may not have beenineffectual in another unfortunate direction, as we shall presently see. 

The action of Peron in trying to persuade Decaen that the object ofBaudin's expedition was not truly scientific was all the more remarkablebecause he himself, as one of its expert staff, did work which earned himmerited repute. His papers on marine life, on phosphorescence in the sea, on the zoology of the South Seas, on the temperature of the sea atmeasured depths, and on other subjects pertaining to his scientificfunctions, were marked by conspicuous originality and acumen. But he wasnot content to allow the value of his services to be estimated byresearches within his own sphere. He knew the sort of information thatwould please General Decaen, and evidently considered that espionagewould bring him greater favour from his Government, at that time, thanscience. 

Nevertheless, it is right to bring out the fact, in justice to thediligent savants who worked under Baudin, that their researches generallywere of real importance. Professor Jussieu, one of the foremost men ofscience in Europe, was deputed to report upon them, and did so in acomprehensive document. * (* Manuscripts, Archives of the Museumd'Histoire Naturelle de Paris. ) "Of all the collections which have cometo us from distant countries at different times, " wrote Jussieu, "thosewhich Le Geographe and Le Naturaliste have brought home are certainly themost considerable. " The botanist Leschenalt had found over 600 species ofplants which were believed to be new to science; and he eulogised thezoological work of Peron, who had succeeded in bringing to France aliveseven kinds of kangaroo, an emu, a lyre-bird and several black swan. Altogether, 18, 414 specimens of Australian fauna had been collected, comprised in 3872 species, of which 2592 species were new to the museum. The men of science had "succeeded beyond all our hopes. " Their task hadbeen perfectly fulfilled, and their services to science deserved to beliberally rewarded by a just and generous government. 

It would have been a source of satisfaction if it could be recorded thatwork so laborious and so well performed had earned for Peron a reputationunstained by such conduct as has been exhibited in the preceding pages. 

CHAPTER 18. AUSTRALIA CIRCUMNAVIGATED. 

Preparations for the continuance of researches in the Investigatorproceeded speedily during June and July, 1802. Friendly relations weremaintained with the staff of the French ships, who on one occasion dinedon board with Flinders, and were received with a salute of eleven guns. Anew chart of the south coast was then shown to Baudin, with the partwhich he had discovered marked with his name. He made no objection to thejustice of the limits indicated, though he expressed himself surprisedthat they were so small; for up to this time he was not aware of thediscovery by Grant of the coast eastward from Cape Banks. "Ah, Captain, "said Freycinet, when he recognised the missed opportunities, "if we hadnot been kept so long picking up shells and catching butterflies at VanDiemen's Land, you would not have discovered the south coast before us. "

A glimpse of the social life of the settlement is afforded in a letter toMrs. Flinders, concerning the King's birthday celebrations. * (* Flinders'Papers. ) Very little is known about the amusements and festivities ofSydney in those early days, but that gaiety and ceremony were not absentfrom the convict colony is apparent from this epistle, which was datedJune 4th, 1802: "This is a great day in all distant British settlements, and we are preparing to celebrate it with due magnificence. The ship iscovered with colours, and every man is about to put on his best appareland to make himself merry. We go through the form of waiting on HisExcellency the Governor at his levee, to pay our compliments to him asthe representative of majesty; after which, a dinner and ball are givento the colony, at which not less than 52 gentlemen and ladies will bepresent. Amidst all this, how much preferable is such a 'right hand andleft' as that we have had at Spilsby with those we love, to that which weshall go through this evening. "

A few alterations were made in the ship, which was re-rigged andoverhauled; and a new eight-oar boat was built to replace the one lost inSpencer's Gulf. She cost 30 pounds, and was constructed after the modelof the boat in which Bass had made his famous expedition to Westernport. She proved, "like her prototype, to be excellent in a sea, as well as forrowing and sailing in smooth water. "

Fourteen men were required to make up the ship's complement. A new masterwas found in John Aken of the Hercules, a convict transport, and fiveseamen were engaged; but it was impossible to secure the services of nineothers from amongst the free people. Flinders thereupon proposed to theGovernor that he should ship nine convicts who could bring "respectablerecommendations. " King concurred, and the number required were permittedto join the Investigator, with the promise that they should receiveconditional or absolute pardons on their return, "according to CaptainFlinders' recommendation of them. " Several of them were experiencedseamen, and proved a great acquisition to the strength of the ship. Flinders also took with him his old friend Bongaree, "the worthy andbrave fellow" who had accompanied him on the Norfolk voyage in 1799, anda native lad named Nambaree. 

It was determined, after consultation with King, to sail to the north ofAustralia and explore Torres Strait and the east side of the Gulf ofCarpentaria, as well as to examine the north-east coast with more carethan Cook had been able to give to it. The Lady Nelson, under Murray'sdirection, was to accompany the Investigator; if rivers were found, itwas hoped that she would be able to penetrate the country by means ofthem. 

On the 21st July the provisioning of the ship was completed, the new boatwas hoisted into her place, and the Investigator dropped down the harbourto make her course northward. 

The Lady Nelson proved more of a hindrance than a help to the work ofexploration. She was painfully slow, and, to make matters worse, Murray, "not being much accustomed to make free with the land, " hugged the coast, and kept the Investigator waiting for him at every appointed rendezvous. In August she bumped on a reef in Port Curtis and lost her sliding keel;in September she ran aground in Broad Sound and injured her main keel. Her capacity for beating to windward was never great, and after she hadbeen repaired her tardiness became irritating. Murray had also lost oneanchor and broken another. His ship sailed so ill, in fact, and requiredso much attention, that she dragged on Flinders' vessel; and Murray hadgiven many proofs that he "was not much acquainted with the kind ofservice" in which they were engaged. On October 18th, therefore, Flinderssent her back to Sydney, with an expression of regret at deprivingMurray, who had shown zeal to make himself useful, of the advantage ofcontinuing the voyage. 

On August 7th Port Curtis was discovered, and was named after Sir RogerCurtis, the admiral at the Cape who had been so attentive to therequirements of the Investigator on her voyage out from England. InKeppel Bay (discovered by Cook in 1770) the master's mate and a seamanbecame bogged in a mangrove swamp, and had to pass the night persecutedby clouds of mosquitoes. In the morning their plight was relieved by aparty of aboriginals, who took them to a fire whereat they driedthemselves, and fed them on broiled wild duck. Natives were encounteredat every landing-place, and were invariably friendly. 

Another important discovery was made on August 21st, when Port Bowen wasentered. It had not only escaped Cook's notice, but, owing to a change ofwind, was nearly missed by Flinders also. He named it after Captain JamesBowen of the Royal Navy. 

In every bay he entered Flinders examined the refuse thrown up by thesea, with the object of finding any particle of wreckage that might havebeen carried in. If, as was commonly believed (and was, in fact, thecase), Laperouse had been wrecked somewhere in the neighbourhood of NewCaledonia, it was possible that remnants of his vessels might be borne tothe Queensland coast by the trade winds. "Though the hope of restoringLaperouse or any of his companions to their country and friends couldnot, after so many years, be rationally entertained, yet to gain somecertain knowledge of their fate would do away the pain of suspense. "* (*In 1861, remains of a small vessel were found at the back of TempleIsland, not far from Mackay, 150 miles or more north of Flinders'situation when he wrote this passage. The wreckage is believed by some tobe part of the craft built by Laperouse's people at Vanikoro, after thedisaster which overtook them there. The sternpost recovered from thewreckage is, I am informed, included among the Laperouse relics preservedat Paris. See A. C. Macdonald, on "The Fate of Laperouse, " VictorianGeographical Journal 26 14. )

The Percy Islands (September 28th) were a third discovery of importanceon this northern voyage. Flinders now desired to find a passage throughthe Barrier Reef to the open Pacific, in order that he might make theutmost speed for Torres Strait and the Gulf of Carpentaria. Severalopenings were tried. At length an opening was found. It is known asFlinders' Passage, in latitude 18 degrees 45 minutes south, longitude 148degrees 10 minutes east, and is frequently used nowadays. It is about 45miles north-east from Cape Bowling Green, and is the southernmost of thepassages used by shipping through the Barrier. Three anxious days werespent in tacking through the intricacies of the untried passage. Theperplexity and danger of the navigation must have recalled to thecommander's mind his experiences as a midshipman under Bligh ten yearsbefore. It was not until the afternoon of October 20th that a heavy swellfrom the eastward was felt under the ship, and Flinders knew by that signthat the open sea had been gained. He finished his description of thistreacherous piece of reef-ribbed sea by a bit of seaman's advice tobrother sailors. A captain who wished to make the experiment of gettingthrough the Barrier Reef "must not be one who throws his ship's headround in a hurry so soon as breakers are announced from aloft. If he donot feel his nerves strong enough to thread the needle, as it is called, amongst the reefs, while he directs the steerage from the masthead, Iwould strongly recommend him not to approach this part of the coast. "Strong nerves and seamanship had pulled through in this case, with a fewexciting phases; and the Investigator, in the open ocean, was headed forTorres Strait. 

The strait was entered eight days later, by a passage through the reefwhich had been found by Captain Edwards of the Pandora in 1791, and whichFlinders marked on his chart as Pandora's Entrance. * (* It is generallymarked Flinders' Entrance on modern maps; but Flinders himself held tohis principle of never calling a place after himself, and of invariablyascribing full credit to his predecessors. ) He preferred this opening tothe one further north, found by Bligh in 1792. The ship was brought toanchor on October 29th under the lee of the largest of Murray's Islands. 

Immediately afterwards three long Papuan canoes, carrying about fiftynatives, came in sight. Remembering the attacks he had witnessed in theProvidence, Flinders kept his marines under arms and his guns ready, andwarned his officers to watch every movement of the visitors. But thePapuans were merely bent on barter on this occasion, hatchets especiallybeing in demand. Seven canoes appeared on the following morning. "Wishingto secure the friendship and confidence of these islanders to suchvessels as might hereafter pass through Torres Strait, and not being ableto distinguish any chief amongst them, I selected the oldest man, andpresented him with a handsaw, a hammer and nails, and some other trifles;of all which we attempted to show him the use, but I believe withoutsuccess; for the poor old man became frightened on finding himself to beso particularly noticed. "

Darwin, in writing his treatise on the Structure and Distribution ofCoral Reefs, in 1842, made use of Flinders' chart and description of theGreat Barrier Reef, which extends for more than a thousand miles alongthe east side of the continent, and into the throat of Torres Strait. Thehypothesis that as the bed of the ocean subsides the coral polyps go onbuilding steadily upwards, occurred to Darwin more than thirty yearsafter Flinders sailed along the Reef; and what the navigator wrote wasthe result of his own observation and thought. Many absurd and fancifulspeculations about coralline formation were current in his day, and haveoften been repeated since. But the reader who has given any study toDarwin's array of facts and powerful reasoning will be interested in theideas of the earlier observer:

"It seems to me, that, when the animalcules which form the corals at thebottom of the ocean cease to live, their structures adhere to each other, by virtue either of the glutinous remains within, or of some property insalt water; and the interstices being gradually filled up with sand andbroken pieces of coral washed by the sea, which also adhere, a mass ofrock is at length formed. Future races of these animalcules erect theirhabitations upon the rising bank, and die in their turn, to increase, butprincipally to elevate, this monument of their wonderful labours. Thecare taken to work perpendicularly in the early stages would mark asurprising instinct in these diminutive creatures. Their wall of coral, for the most part in situations where the winds are constant, beingarrived at the surface, affords a shelter to leeward of which theirinfant colonies may be safely sent forth; and to their instructiveforesight it seems to be owing that the windward side of a reef exposedto the open sea is generally, if not always, the highest part, and risesalmost perpendicular, sometimes from the depth of 200, and perhaps manymore fathoms. To be constantly covered with water seems necessary to theexistence of the animalcules, for they do not work, except in holes uponthe reef, beyond low-water mark; but the coral, sand, and other brokenremnants thrown up by the sea adhere to the rock, and form a solid masswith it, as high as the common tides reach. That elevation surpassed, thefuture remnants, being rarely covered, lose their adhesive property, and, remaining in a loose state, form what is usually called a key upon thetop of the reef. The new bank is not long in being visited by sea-birds;plants take root upon it; a cocoanut, or the drupe of a pandanus isthrown on shore; land-birds visit it and deposit the seeds of shrubs andtrees; every high tide, and still more every gale, adds something to thebank; the form of an island is gradually assumed; and last of all comesman to take possession. "

The Gulf of Carpentaria was entered on November 3rd, and a suitable placewas found for careening the ship. As the carpenters proceeded with theirwork, their reports became alarming. Many of her timbers were found to berotten, and the opinion was confidently expressed that in a strong galewith much sea running she could hardly escape foundering. She was totallyunfit to encounter much bad weather. The formal report to the commanderconcluded with the depressing warning, "from the state to which the shipseems now to be advanced, it is our joint opinion that in twelve monthsthere will scarcely be a sound timber in her, but that, if she remain infine weather and no accident happen, she may run six months longerwithout much risk. "

Upon receipt of this report Flinders, with much surprise and sorrow, sawthat a return to Port Jackson was almost immediately necessary. "Myleading object had hitherto been to make so accurate an investigation ofthe shores of Terra Australis that no future voyage to this countryshould be necessary; and with this always in view, I had ever endeavouredto follow the land so closely that the washing of the surf upon it shouldbe visible, and no opening, nor anything of interest, escape notice. Sucha degree of proximity is what navigators have usually thought neithernecessary nor safe to pursue, nor was it always persevered in by us;sometimes because the direction of the wind or shallowness of the watermade it impracticable, and at other times because the loss of the shipwould have been the probable consequence of approaching so near to a leeshore. But when circumstances were favourable, such was the plan Ipursued, and, with the blessing of God, nothing of importance should havebeen left for future discoverers upon any part of these extensive coasts;but with a ship incapable of encountering bad weather, which could not berepaired if sustaining injury from any of the numerous shoals or rocksupon the coast--which, if constant fine weather could be ensured and allaccidents avoided, could not run more than six months--with such a ship Iknew not how to accomplish the task. "

Very serious consideration had to be given to the route by which thereturn voyage should be made. If Flinders returned as he had come, themonsoon season made it certain that storms would be encountered in TorresStrait, and to thread the Barrier Reef in a rotten ship in tempestuousweather was to court destruction. Weighing the probabilities carefullyFlinders, with a steady nerve and cool judgment, resolved to continue hisexploration of the gulf until the monsoon abated, and then to make forPort Jackson round the north-west and west of Australia--or, if it shouldappear that the Investigator could not last out a winter's passage bythis route, to run for safety to the nearest port in the East Indies. Inthe meantime all that the carpenters could do was to replace some of therottenest parts of the planking and caulk the bends. 

Flinders remained on these coasts, in pursuit of his plan, till thebeginning of March, doing excellent work. The Cape Van Diemen of Dutchcharts, at the head of the gulf, was found to be not a projection fromthe mainland but an island, which was named Mornington Island, after theGovernor-General of India; and the group of which it is the largestreceived the designation of Wellesley Islands* after the same nobleman. (* Richard, Earl of Mornington, afterwards the Marquess Wellesley, wasGovernor-General of India from 1798 to 1805. ) The Sir Edward Pellewgroup, discovered on the south-west of the gulf, was named after aBritish admiral who will figure in a later part of this biography. 

Traces of the visits of Malays to this part of Australia were found inthe form of fragments of pottery, bamboo basket-work, and blue cottonrags, as well as a wooden anchor and three boat rudders. The Cape Mariaof Dutch charts was found to be an island, which received the name ofMaria Island. In Blue Mud Bay, Morgan, the master's mate, was speared bya native, and died. A seaman shot another native in revenge, and Flinderswas "much concerned" and "greatly displeased" about the occurrence. Hispolicy throughout was to keep on pleasant terms with all natives, and toencourage them to look upon white men as friendly. Nothing that couldannoy them was countenanced by him at any time. The incident was sounusual a departure from his experience on this voyage as to set himconjecturing that the natives might have had differences with Asiaticvisitors, which led them to entertain a common enmity towards foreigners. 

Melville Bay, the best harbour near the gulf, was discovered on February12th, and on the 17th the Investigator moved out of the gulf and steeredalong the north coast of Australia. Six Malay vessels were sighted on thesame day. They hung out white flags as the English ship approached anddisplayed her colours; and the chief of one of them came on board. It wasfound that sixty prows from Macassar were at this time on the northcoast, in several divisions; they were vessels of about twenty-five tons, each carrying about twenty men; their principal business was searchingfor beche-de-mer, which was sold to the Chinese at Timor. 

Arnhem Bay was found marked, but not named, upon an old Dutch chart, andFlinders gave it the name it bears from the conviction that Tasman orsome other navigator had previously explored it. In the early part ofMarch he came to the conclusion that it would be imprudent to delay thereturn to Sydney any longer. Not only did the condition of the ship causeanxiety, but the health of the crew pointed to the urgency of quittingthese tropical coasts. Mosquitoes, swarms of black flies, the debilityinduced by the moist heat of the climate, and the scarcity of nourishingfood, made everybody on board anxious to return. Scorbutic ulcers brokeout on Flinders' feet, so that he was no longer able to station himselfat his customary observation-point, the mast-head. Nevertheless, thoughdriven by sheer necessity, it was not without keen regret that hedetermined to sail away. "The accomplishment of the survey was, in fact, "he said, "an object so near to my heart, that could I have foreseen thetrain of ills that were to follow the decay of the Investigator andprevent the survey being resumed, and had my existence depended upon theexpression of a wish, I do not know that it would have receivedutterance; but Infinite Wisdom has, in infinite mercy, reserved theknowledge of futurity to itself. "

Even in face of the troubles facing him, Flinders fought hard to continuehis work to a finish. He planned to make for the Dutch port of Kupang, inTimor, and thence send Lieutenant Fowler home in any ship bound forEurope to take to the Admiralty his reports and charts, and a scheme forcompleting the survey. He hoped then to spend six months upon the northand north-west coasts of Australia, and on the run to Port Jackson, andthere to await Fowler's return with a ship fit for the service. But thisplan was frustrated. He reached Timor at the end of March, and wascourteously received by the Dutch Governor, also renewing acquaintancewith Baudin and his French officers, who had put into port to refresh. But no ship bound for England was met. A homeward-bound vessel from Indiahad touched at Kupang ten days before the Investigator arrived, but whenanother one would put in was uncertain. A vessel was due to sail forBatavia in May, and the captain consented to take charge of a packet ofletters for transmission to England; but there was no opportunity ofsending Fowler. A few days were spent in charting a reef about which theAdmiralty had given instructions, and by April 16th the voyage to PortJackson was being pursued at best speed by way of the west and southcoasts. Flinders did not even stay to examine the south of KangarooIsland, which had not been charted during the visit in 1802, fordysentery made its appearance on board--owing, it was believed, to achange of diet at Timor--and half a dozen men died. Sydney was reached onJune 9th, after a voyage of ten months and nineteen days. 

Australia had thus been, for the first time, completely circumnavigatedby Flinders. 

An examination of the Investigator showed how perilously near destructionshe had been since she left the Gulf of Carpentaria. On the starboardside some of the planks were so rotten that a cane could be thrustthrough them. By good fortune, when she was running along the south coastthe winds were southerly, and the starboard bow, where the greatestweakness lay, was out of the water. Had the wind been northerly, Flinderswas of opinion that it would not have been possible to keep the pumpsgoing sufficiently to keep the ship afloat, whilst a hard gale mustinevitably have sent her to the bottom. 

As Flinders said in a letter to his wife:* (* Flinders' Papers. ) "It wasthe unanimous opinion of the surveying officers that, had we met with asevere gale of wind in the passage from Timor, she must have crushed likean egg and gone down. I was partly aware of her bad state, and returnedsooner to Port Jackson on that account before the worst weather came. Forme, whom this obstruction in the voyage and the melancholy state of mypoor people have much distressed, I have been lame about four months, andmuch debilitated in health and I fear in constitution; but am nowrecovering, and shall soon be altogether well. " In another letter hedescribes the ship as "worn out--she is decayed both in skin and bone. "

Of the nine convicts who were permitted to make this voyage, one died;the conduct of a second did not warrant Flinders in recommending him fora pardon; the remaining seven were fully emancipated. Four sailed withFlinders on his next voyage; but two of them, no longer having to gaintheir liberty by good behaviour, conducted themselves ill, and a thirdwas convicted again after he reached England. 

Upon his arrival in port after this voyage Flinders learnt of the deathof his father. The occasion called forth a letter to his step-mother, which is especially valuable from the light it throws upon hischaracter. * (* Flinders' Papers. ) The manly tenderness of his sorrow andsympathy throbs through every sentence of it. In danger, in adversity, indisappointment, in difficulty, under tests of endurance and throughoutperilous cruises, we always find Flinders solicitous for the good ofothers and unsparing of himself; and perhaps there is no more movingrevelation of his quality as a man than that made in this letter:

"Investigator, Port Jackson, June 10th, 1803. 

"My dearest Mother, "We arrived here yesterday from having circumnavigated New Holland, and Ireceived numerous and valuable marks of the friendship of all those whoseaffection is so dear to me; but the joy which some letters occasioned isdreadfully embittered by what you, my good and kind mother, had occasionto communicate. The death of so kind a father, who was so excellent aman, is a heavy blow, and strikes deep into my heart. The duty I owedhim, and which I had now a prospect of paying with the warmest affectionand gratitude, had made me look forward to the time of our return withincreased ardour. I had laid such a plan of comfort for him as would havetended to make his latter days the most delightful of his life; for Ithink an increased income, retirement from business, and constantattention from an affectionate son whom he loved, would have done this. Indeed, my mother, I thought the time fast approaching for me to fulfilwhat I once said in a letter, that my actions should some day show how Ivalued my father. One of my fondest hopes is now destroyed. O, mydearest, kindest father, how much I loved and reverenced you, you cannotnow know!

"I beg of you, my dear mother, to look upon me with affection, and as onewho means to contribute everything in his power to your happiness. Independent of my dear father's last wish, I am of myself desirous thatthe best understanding and correspondence should exist between us; for Ilove and reverence you, and hope to be considered by you as the mostanxious and affectionate of your friends, whose heart and purse will beever ready for your services. 

"I know not who at present can receive my dividend from his legacy to me;but if you can, or either Mr. Franklin or Mr. Hursthouse, I wish theyearly interest to be applied to the education of my young sisters, * (*His step-sisters. ) in such manner as you will think best. This, my dearMadam, I wish to continue until such time as I can see you and put thingsupon the footing that they ought to remain. 

"Do not let your economy be carried too far. I hope you will continue tovisit and see all our good friends, and have things comfortable aboutyou. I should be sorry that my dear mother should lose any of thecomforts and conveniences she has been accustomed to enjoy. 

"I have much satisfaction in hearing both from you and Susan that Hannah*(* The elder of his two step-sisters. ) makes so good use of theopportunities she has for improvement. If she goes on cultivating hermind, forming her manners from the best examples before her, and behavesrespectfully and kindly to her mother and elder friends, she shall be mysister indeed, and I will love her dearly. 

"With great regard for you and my young sisters, I am your anxious andaffectionate son, "MATTHEW FLINDERS. "

In another vein is a playful letter to his wife written in the samemonth, June, 1803. * (* Flinders' Papers. )

"If I could laugh at the effusion of thy tenderness, it would be to seethe idolatrous language thou frequently usest to me. Thou makest an idoland then worshippest it, and, like some of the inhabitants of the East, thou also bestowest a little castigation occasionally, just to let theugly deity know the value of thy devotion. Mindest thou not, my dearestlove, that I shall be spoiled by thy endearing flatteries? I fear it, andyet can hardly part with one, so dear to me is thy affection in whateverway expressed. "

Some account of his companions on the voyage is given in a letter to Mrs. Flinders written at this time (June 25th, 1803). * (* Flinders' Papers. )In a letter previously quoted he had referred to being debilitated inhealth, "and I fear in constitution"; and in this one he mentions thathe, like the ship's cat, Trim, was becoming grey. Such hard unsparingservice as he had given was writing its tale on his form and features, and there were worse trials to come: "Mr. Fowler is tolerably well and mybrother is also well; he is becoming more steady, and is more friendlyand affectionate with me since his knowledge of our mutual loss. Mr. Brown is recovering from ill health and lameness. Mr. Bauer, yourfavourite, is still polite and gentle. Mr. Westall wants prudence, orrather experience, but is good-natured. The two last are well, and havealways remained on good terms with me. Mr. Bell* (* The surgeon. ) ismisanthropic and pleases nobody. Elder* (* Flinders' servant. ) continuesto be faithful and attentive as before; I like him, and he apparentlylikes me. Whitewood I have made a master's mate, and he behaves well. Charrington is become boatswain, and Jack Wood is now my coxswain. Trim, like his master, is becoming grey; he is at present fat and frisky, andtakes meat from our forks with his former dexterity. He is commonly mybedfellow. The master we have in poor Thistle's place* (* John Aken. ) isan easy, good-natured man. " In another letter to his wife* (* Flinders'Papers. ) he tells her: "Thou wouldst have been situated as comfortablyhere as I hoped and told thee. Two better or more agreeable women thanMrs. King and Mrs. Paterson are not easily found. These would have beenthy constant friends, and for visiting acquaintances there are five orsix ladies very agreeable for short periods and perhaps longer. "

In a previous chapter it was remarked that Flinders and Bass did not meetagain after their separation following on the Norfolk voyage. Bass wasnot in Sydney when the Investigator lay there, greatly to Flinders'disappointment. "Fortune seems determined to give me disappointments, " hewrote to Mrs. Kent; "when I came into Port Jackson all the most esteemedof my friends were absent. In the case of Bass I have been twice servedthis way. "* But he left a letter for his friend with Governor King. * (*Flinders' Papers. ) It was the last word which passed between these twomen; and, remembering what they did together, one can hardly read the endof the letter without feeling the emotion with which it was penned:

"I shall first thank you, my dear Bass, for the two letters left for mewith Bishop, and then say how much I am disappointed that the speculationis not likely to afford you a competency so soon as we had hoped. Thisfishing and pork-carrying may pay your expenses, but the only otheradvantage you get by it is experience for a future voyage, and this Itake to be the purport of your Peruvian expedition. 

"Although I am so much interested in your success, yet what I say aboutit will be like one of Shortland's letters, vague conjectures only, mingled with 'I hope'. Concerning the Investigator and myself, there willbe more certainty in what I write. In addition to the south coast, wehave explored the east coast as far as Cape Palmerston, with the islandsand extensive reefs which lie off. These run from a little to thenorth-west of Breaksea Spit to those of the Labyrinth. The passagethrough Torres Straits you will learn as much of here as I can tell you. The newspaper of June 12 last will give you information enough to gothrough, and it is the best I have (the chart excepted) until the straitis properly surveyed. Should these three ships go through safely, and Ido not fear the contrary, the utility of the discovery will be wellproved, and the consequences will probably be as favourable to me as theCONCLUSION of the voyage might have been without it. I do indeedprivately hope that, whether the voyage is or is not further prosecuted, I may attain another step; many circumstances are favourable to this, butthe peace and the non-completion of the voyage are against it. To balancethese, I must secure the interest of the India House, by means of SirJoseph, Mr. Dalrymple, and the owner of the Bridgewater, Princeps, withwhom I am acquainted. I am fortunate in having the attachment of GovernorKing, who by introductions, favourable reports, and I believe everyproper means in his power, has, and is still, endeavouring to assist me;and you are to understand that my going home for another ship is inconformity to an opinion first brought forward by him. The shores of theGulf of Carpentaria have undergone a minute examination. 

"It might appear that the presence of the French upon these coasts wouldbe much against me; but I consider that circumstance as favourable, inasmuch as the attention of the world will be more strongly attractedtowards New Holland, and some comparisons will no doubt be found betweenour respective labours. Now, in the department of geography, or ratherhydrography, the only one where the execution rests with me, they seem tohave been very vague and inconclusive, even by their own testimony. Bycomparison, therefore, my charts will rise in value. It is upon thesethat I wish to rest my credit. You must, however, make the requisiteallowance for the circumstances under which each part was examined, andthese circumstances I have made the charts themselves explain, I hope toyour satisfaction, as you will see on publication. 

"I shall see your wife, if in London, as well as her family. Accountsspeak indifferently of her brother* and his prospects. (* Captain HenryWaterhouse. ) His sun seems to have passed the meridian, if they speaktrue. Your good mother I shall endeavour to see too, if my business willanyway fit it. 

"God bless you, my dear Bass; remember me, and believe me to be, "Your very sincere and affectionate friend, "MATTHEW FLINDERS. "

One other letter of this period may be quoted for the insight it givesinto the relations between the Governor and the principal residents ofthe colony at this time. The urbanity and good sense of Flinders, and thefact that his voyages kept him out of the official circle for prolongedperiods, enabled him to avoid offence under such circumstances. Theletter was written to Captain Kent's wife, a treasured friend:

"The attention of the Governor to me has been indeed very great, as wellas that which I have received from my kind friend, Mrs. King. It is acause of much uneasiness to me that Colonel and Mrs. P---* (* The quarrelbetween King and Paterson was bitter, and affected the affairs of thecolony in many directions. ) should be upon terms of disagreement with----. There is now Mrs. K---, * (* King. ) Mrs. P---* (* Paterson. ) andMrs. M---, * (* Marsden. ) for all of whom I have the greatest regard. Whoscarcely speak to each other. It is really a miserable thing to split asmall society into such small parts. Why do you ladies meddle withpolitics? But I do not mean YOU. "

What subsequently happened to the Investigator, a ship which had playedso memorable a part in discovery, may be chronicled in a few lines. Shewas used as a store ship in Sydney harbour till 1805. In that year shewas patched sufficiently to take her to England. Captain William Kentcommanded her on the voyage, leaving Sydney on May 24th. She arrived inLiverpool in a shattered condition on October 24th, having been drivenpast the Channel in a storm. The Admiralty ordered Kent to take her roundto Plymouth. He carried out the order, but not without great difficulty. "A more deplorably crazy vessel than the Investigator is perhaps not tobe seen, " Kent informed the Admiralty on reaching Falmouth. She was soldand broken up in 1810. But those rotten planks had played a part inhistory, and if only a few splinters of them remained to-day they wouldbe preserved with the tenderest reverence. 

CHAPTER 19. THE CALAMITY OF WRECK REEF. 

There was some anxious discussion between King and Flinders as to thebest course to follow for the expeditious completion of the survey of thecoasts of Australia. The Investigator being no longer fit for theservice, consideration was given to the qualifications of the LadyNelson, the Porpoise, the Francis, and the Buffalo, all of which wereunder the Governor's direction. King was most willing to give hisconcurrence and assistance in any plan that might be consideredexpedient. He confessed himself convinced of Flinders' "zealousperseverance in wishing to complete the service you have so beneficiallycommenced, " and cheerfully placed his resources at the explorer'sdisposal. 

Flinders went for a few days to the Hawkesbury settlement, where freshair, a vegetable diet and medical care promoted his recovery from theailments occasioned by prolonged ship-life in the tropics; and on hisreturn, at the beginning of July, determined upon a course of action. ThePorpoise was the best of the four vessels mentioned, but she was by nomeans a sound ship, and it did not seem justifiable to incur the expenseof fitting her for special service only to find her incapable offinishing the task. It was determined, therefore, that she should be sentto England under Fowler's command, and that Flinders should go in her asa passenger, in order that he might lay his charts and journals beforethe Admiralty, and solicit the use of another vessel to continue hisexplorations. Brown, the botanist, * and Bauer, the botanical draftsman. Desired to remain in Port Jackson to pursue their scientific work, butWestall accompanied Flinders, who with twenty-one of the remainder of theInvestigator's company, embarked on the Porpoise. (* Brown, in thepreface to his Prodromus (which, being intended for the elect, waswritten in Latin), made but one allusion to the discovery voyage wherebyhis botanical researches became possible. Dealing with the parts ofAustralia where he had collected his specimens, he spoke of the southcoast, "Oram meridionalem Novae Hollandiae, a promontorio Lewin adpromontorium Wilson in Freto Bass, complectentem Lewin's Land, Nuyt'sLand et littora Orientem versus, a Navarcho Flinders in expeditione cuiadjunctus fui, primum explorata, et paulo post a navigantibus Gallicisvisa: insulis adjacentibus inclusis. ") She sailed on August 10th, incompany with the East India Company's ship Bridgewater and the Cato, ofLondon, both bound for Batavia. It was intended to go north, and throughTorres Strait, in order that further observations might be made there;and Fowler was ordered to proceed "by the route Captain Flinders mayindicate. " Had not Flinders been so eager to take advantage of this as ofevery other opportunity to prosecute his researches--had he sailed by theBass Strait and Cape of Good Hope route--the misfortunes that were soonto come upon him would have been averted. But he deliberately chose theTorres Strait course, not only because he considered that a quick passagecould be made at that season of the year, but chiefly for the reason that"it will furnish me with a second opportunity of assuring myself whetherthat Strait can or cannot become a safe general passage for ships fromthe Pacific into the Indian Ocean. "

He was destined to see once again the settlement at Sydney, whence hadradiated the series of his valuable and unsparing researches; but on thenext and final occasion he was "caught in the clutch of circumstance. "His leave-taking in August, 1803, was essentially his farewell; and hisgeneral observations on the country he had served, and which does notforget the service, are, though brief, full of interest. He had seen thelittle town grow from a condition of dependence to one of self-reliance, few as were the years of his knowledge of it. Part of his earlyemployment had been to bring provisions to Sydney from abroad. In 1803, he saw large herds spreading over the country. He saw forests giving waybefore the axe, and spreading fields of grain and fruit ripening for theharvest. The population was increasing, the morale was improving, "andthat energetic spirit of enterprise which characterises Britannia'schildren seemed to be throwing out vigorous shoots in this new world. " Heperceived the obstacles to progress. The East India Company's charter, which prohibited trade between Sydney and India and the western coasts ofAmerica, was one of them. Convict labour was another deterrent. But hehad vision, and found in the signs of development which he saw around himphenomena "highly interesting to the contemplator of the rise ofnations. "

Seven days out of Sydney, on August 17th, the Porpoise struck a reef andwas wrecked. 

The three vessels were running under easy sail, the Porpoise leading onwhat was believed to be a clear course. At half-past nine o'clock atnight the look-out man on the forecastle called out "Breakers ahead. "Aken, the master, who was on watch, immediately ordered the helm to beput down, but the ship answered slowly. Fowler sprang on deck at once;but Flinders, who was conversing in the gun-room, had no reason to thinkthat anything serious had occurred, and remained there some minuteslonger. When he went on deck, he found the ship beyond control among thebreakers, and a minute later she struck a coral reef and heeled over onher starboard beam ends. "It was, " says Seaman Smith, "a dreadful shock. "The reef--now called Wreck Reef--was in latitude 22 degrees 11 minutessouth, longitude 155 degrees 13 minutes east, about 200 miles north-eastof Hervey Bay, and 739 miles north of Sydney. * (* Extract from theAustralia Directory Volume 2 (Published by the Admiralty): "Wreck Reef, on the central portion of which the ships Porpoise and Cato were wreckedin 1803, consists of a chain of reefs extending 18 1/2 miles and includes5 sand cays; Bird Islet, the easternmost, is the only one known toproduce any vegetation. Of the other four bare cays none are more than130 yards in extent, or exceed six feet above high water; they are atequal distances apart of about four miles, and each is surrounded by areef one to one and a half miles in diameter. The passages between thesereefs are about two miles wide... On the northern side of most of themthere is anchorage. ") The wind was blowing fresh, and the night was verydark. The heave of the sea lifted the vessel and dashed her on the corala second and third time; the foremast was carried away, and the bottomwas stove in. It was realised at once that so lightly built and unsound aship as the Porpoise was must soon be pounded to pieces under therepeated shocks. 

Anxiety for the safety of the Cato and the Bridgewater was felt, as theywere following the lead of the King's vessel. An attempt was made to firea gun to warn them, but the heavy surf and the violent motion of thewrecked ship prevented this being done. Before any warning could be giventhe Cato dashed upon the coral about two cables' length from thePorpoise, whose company saw her reel, fall over, and disappear from view. The Bridgewater happily cleared the reef. 

After the first moments of confusion had passed, Flinders ordered thecutter and the gig to be launched. He informed Fowler that he intended tosave his charts and journals, and to row to the Bridgewater to makearrangements for the rescue of the wrecked people. The gig, in which heattempted to carry out this plan, was compelled to lie at a littledistance from the ship, to prevent being stove in; so he jumped overboardand swam to her. She leaked badly, and there was nothing with which tobale her out but the hats and shoes of the ship's cook and two other menwho had taken refuge under the thwarts. Flinders steered towards theBridgewater's lights, but she was standing off, and it was soon seen tobe impossible to reach her. It was also unsafe to return to the Porpoisethrough the breakers in the darkness; so that the boat was kept on thewater outside the reef till morning, the small party on board beingdrenched, cold under a sharp south-easter, and wretchedly miserable. Flinders did his best to keep up their spirits, telling them that theywould undoubtedly be rescued by the Bridgewater at daylight; but heoccupied his own mind in devising plans for saving the wrecked company incase help from that ship was not forthcoming. 

Meanwhile blue lights had been burnt on the ship every half-hour, as aguide to the Bridgewater, whose lights were visible till about twoo'clock in the morning. Fowler also occupied time in constructing a raftfrom the timbers, masts and yards of the Porpoise. "Every breast, " saysSmith's narrative, "was filled with horror, continual seas dashing overus with great violence. " Of the Cato nothing could be seen. She hadstruck, not as the Porpoise had done, with her decks towards the reef, but opposed to the full force of the lashing sea. Very soon the plankswere torn up and washed away, and the unfortunate passengers and crewwere huddled together in the forecastle, some lashed to timber heads, others clinging to any available means of support, and to each other, expecting every moment that the stranded vessel would be broken asunder. In Smith's expressive words, the people were "hanging in a cluster byeach other on board the wreck, having nothing to take to but theunmerciful waves, which at this time bore a dreadful aspect. "

At dawn, Flinders climbed on to the Porpoise by the help of the fallenmasts. As the light grew, it was seen that about half a mile distant laya dry sandbank above high-water mark, sufficiently large to receive thewhole company, with such provisions as could be saved from the ship. Orders were at once given to remove to this patch, that gave promise oftemporary safety, everything that could be of any service; and the Cato'scompany, jumping overboard and swimming through the breakers with the aidof planks and spars, made for the same spot. All were saved except threelads, one of whom had been to sea on three or four voyages and waswrecked on every occasion. "He had bewailed himself through the night asthe persecuted Jonah who carried misfortune wherever he went. He launchedhimself upon a broken spar with his captain; but, having lost his hold inthe breakers, was not seen afterwards. "

The behaviour of the Bridgewater in these distressing circumstances wasinhuman and discreditable to such a degree as is happily rare in thehistory of seamanship. On the day following the wreck (August 18th) itwould have been easy and safe for her captain, Palmer, to bring her toanchor in one of the several wide and sufficiently deep openings in thereef, and to take the wrecked people and their stores on board. Flindershad the gig put in readiness to go off in her, to point out the means ofrescue. A topsail was set up on the highest part of the reef, and a largeblue ensign, with the union downwards, was hoisted to it as a signal ofdistress. But Palmer, who saw the signal, paid no heed to it. Havingsailed round the reef, deluding the unfortunates for a while with thefalse hope of relief, he stood off and made for Batavia, leaving them totheir fate. Worse still, he acted mendaciously as well as with aheartless disregard of their plight; for on his arrival at Tellicherry hesent his third mate, Williams, ashore with an untrue account of theoccurrence, reporting the loss of the Porpoise and Cato, and saying thathe had not only found it impossible to weather the reef, but even had hedone so it would have been too late to render assistance. Williams, convinced that the crews were still on the reef, and that Palmer's falseaccount had been sent ashore to excuse his own shameful conduct, and"blind the people, " left his captain's narrative as instructed, but only"after relating the story as contrary as possible" on his own account. Hetold Palmer what he had done, and his action "was the cause of manywords. " What kind of words they were can be easily imagined. The resultof Williams' honest independence was in the end fortunate for himself. Though he left the ship, and forfeited his wages and part of his clothesby so doing, he saved his own life from drowning. The Bridgewater leftBombay for London, and was never heard of again. "How dreadful, " Flinderscommented, "must have been his reflections at the time his ship was goingdown. "

On the reef rapid preparations were made for establishing the company inas much comfort as means would allow, and for provisioning them untilassistance could be procured. They were 94 men "upon a smalluncertainty"--the phrase is Smith's--nearly eight hundred miles from thenearest inhabited port. But they had sufficient food for three months, and Flinders assured them that within that time help could be procured. Stores were landed, tents were made from the sails and put up, and aproper spirit of discipline was installed, after a convict-sailor hadbeen promptly punished for disorderly conduct. Spare clothing was servedout to some of the Cato's company who needed it badly, and there was somefun at the expense of a few of them who appeared in the uniforms of theKing's navy. With good humour came a feeling of hope. "On the fourthday, " wrote Flinders in a letter, * "each division of officers and men hadits private tent, and the public magazine contained sufficient provisionsand water to subsist us three months. We had besides a quantity of otherthings upon the bank, and our manner of living and working had assumedthe same regularity as on board His Majesty's ships. I had to punish onlyone man, formerly a convict at Port Jackson; and on that occasion Icaused the articles of war to be read, and represented the fatalconsequences that might ensue to our whole community from any breach ofdiscipline and good order, and the certainty of its encounteringimmediate punishment. " (* Flinders' Papers. )

The stores available, * with the periods for which they would suffice onfull allowance, consisted of:Biscuit, 940 pounds and Flour, 9644 pounds : 83 days. Beef in four pounds, 1776 pieces and Pork in two pounds, 592 pieces : 94days. Pease, 45 bushels : 107 days. Oatmeal, 50 bushels : 48 days. Rice, 1225 pounds : 114 days. Sugar, 320 pounds and Molasses, 125 pounds : 84 days. Spirits, 225 gallons, Wine, 113 gallons and Porter, 60 gallons : 49 days. Water, 5650 gallons at half a gallon per day. 

(* Sydney Gazette, September 18th, 1803. )

In addition there were some sauer kraut, essence of malt, vinegar, salt, a new suit of sails, some spars, a kedge anchor, iron-work and anarmourer's forge, canvas, twine, various small stores, four-and-a-halfbarrels of gunpowder, two swivels, and several muskets and pistols, withball and flints. A few sheep were also rescued. When they were beingdriven on to the reef under the supervision of young John Franklin, theytrampled over some of Westall's drawings. Their hoof-marks are visible onone of the originals, preserved in the Royal Colonial Institute Library, to this day. 

As soon as the colony on the reef had been regularly established, acouncil of officers considered the steps most desirable to be taken tosecure relief. It was resolved that Flinders should take the largest ofthe Porpoise's two six-oar cutters, with an officer and crew, and makehis way to Port Jackson, where the aid of a ship might be obtained. Theenterprise was hazardous at that season of the year. The voyage would inall probability have to be undertaken in the teeth of strong southerlywinds, and the safe arrival of the cutter, even under the direction of soskilful a seaman as Flinders, was the subject of dubious speculation. Butsomething had to be done, and that promptly; and Flinders unhesitatinglyundertook the attempt. He gave directions for the government of the reefduring his absence, and ordered that two decked boats should be built bythe carpenters from wreckage, so that in the event of his failure thewhole company might be conveyed to Sydney. 

By the 25th August the cutter had been prepared for her long voyage, andon the following day she was launched and appropriately named the Hope. It was a Friday morning, and some of the sailors had a superstitiousdread of sailing on a day supposed to be unlucky. But the weather wasfine and the wind light. Flinders laughed at those who talked of luck. With Captain Park of the Cato as his assistant officer, and a double setof rowers, fourteen persons in all, he set out at once. He carried threeweeks' provisions. "All hands gave them 3 chears, which was returned bythe boat's crew, " says Seaman Smith. At the moment when the Hope rowedaway a sailor sprang to the flagstaff whence the signal of distress hadbeen flying since the morning when help from the Bridgewater had beenhoped for, and hauled down the blue ensign, which was at once rehoistedwith the union in the upper canton. "This symbolic expression of contemptfor the Bridgewater and of confidence in the success of our voyage, I didnot see without lively emotion, " Flinders relates. 

Leaving the Hope to continue her brave course, we may learn from Smithhow the 80 men remaining on the reef occupied themselves:

"From this time our hands are imployd, some about our new boat, whosekeel is laid down 32 feet; others imployd in getting anything servisiblefrom the wreck. Our gunns and carriadges we got from the wreck and placedthem in a half moon form, close to our flag staf, our ensign being daylyhoisted union downward. Our boats sometimes is imployd in going to anisland about ten miles distant; and sometimes caught turtle and fish. This island was in general sand. Except on the highest parts, it producedsea spinage; very plentifully stockd with birds and egs. In this mannerthe hands are imployd and the month of October is set in. Still no acct. Of our Captn's success. Our boat likewise ready for launching, therigging also fitted over her masthead, and had the appearance of a rakishschooner. On the 4th of Octr. We launchd her and gave her name of theHope. * (* Smith was in error. The boat built at the reef was named theResource. The Hope, as stated above, was the cutter in which Flinderssailed from the reef to Sydney. See A Voyage to Terra Australis 2 315 and329. ) On the 7th we loaded her with wood in order to take it over to theisland before mentiond to make charcoal for our smith to make theironwork for the next boat, which we intend to build directly. Sheaccordingly saild. "

A letter by John Franklin to his father* gives an entertaining account ofthe wreck and of some other points pertaining to our subject (*Manuscript, Mitchell Library. ):

"Providential Bank, August 26th, 1803, "Latitude 22 degrees 12 minutes, longitude 155 degrees 13 minutes(nearly) east. 

"Dear Father, "Great will be your surprise and sorrow to find by this that the lateinvestigators are cast away in a sandy patch of about 300 yards long and200 broad, by the wreck of H. M. S. Porpoise on our homeward bound passageon the reefs of New South Wales. You will then wonder how we came intoher. I will explain: The Investigator on her late voyage, was found whensurveying the Gulf of Carpentaria to be rotten, which obliged us to makeour best way to Port Jackson; but the bad state of health of our crewinduced Captain Flinders to touch at Timor for refreshment; which beingdone he sailed, having several men died on the passage of dysentery. Onour arrival she was surveyed and condemned as being unfit for service. There being no other ship in Sydney fit to complete her intended voyage, Governor King determined to send us home in the Porpoise. She sailedAugust 10th, 1803, in company with the Bridgewater, extra Indiaman, andCato, steering to the north-west intending to try how short a passagemight be made through Torres Straits to England. On Wednesday, 17th, wefell in with reefs, * (* Cato Islet and reefs. ) surveyed them, and keptour course, until half-past nine, when I was aroused by the cry ofbreakers, and before I got on deck the ship struck on the rocks. * (*Wreck Reef. ) Such boats as could be were got out, the masts cut away, andthen followed the horrors of ship-wreck, seas breaking over, mendowncast, expecting the ship every moment to part. A raft of spars wasmade, and laid clear, sufficiently large to take the ship's company incase the ship should part; but as Providence ordained she lasted untilmorning, when happy were we to see this sandbank bearing north-westquarter of a mile. But how horrible on the other hand to see the Cato ina worse condition than ourselves, the men standing forward shouting forassistance, but could get none, when their ship was parting. All exceptthree of them committed themselves to the waves, and swam to us, and arenow living on this bank. The Bridgewater appeared in sight, and then in amost shameful and inhuman manner left us, supposing probably every soulhad perished. Should she make that report on her arrival consider it asfalse. We live, we have hopes of reaching Sydney. The Porpoise being atough little ship hath, and still does in some measure, resist the powerof the waves, and we have been able to get most of her provisions, water, spars, carpenter's tools, and every other necessary on the bank, fortunate spot that it is, on which 94 souls live. Captain Flinders andhis officers have determined that he and fourteen men should go to PortJackson in a cutter and fetch a vessel for the remainder; and in themeantime to build two boats sufficiently large to contain us if thevessels should not come. Therefore we shall be from this bank in six oreight weeks, and most probably in England by eight or nine. Our loss wasmore felt as we anticipated the pleasure of seeing our friends andrelations after an absence of two years and a half. Let me recommend youto give yourselves no anxiety, for there is every hope of reachingEngland ere long. I received the letters by the Glatton and was sorry tofind that Captain F. Had lost his father. He was a worthy man. You wouldnot dislike to have some account of our last voyage, I suppose. We were11 months from Sydney, and all that time without fresh meat orvegetables, excepting when we were at Timor, and now and then some fish, and mostly in the torrid zone, the sun continually over our head, and thethermometer at 85, 86, and 89. The ship's company was so weakened by theimmense heat that when we were to the southward they were continually illof the dysentery; nay, nine of them died, besides eight we lost on ourlast cruise. Thus you see the Investigator's company has been somewhatshattered since leaving England. Our discoveries have been great, but therisks and misfortunes many. 

"Have you got the prize money? I see it is due, and may be had byapplying at No. 21 Milbank Street, Westminster; due July 22, 1802. If youdo not, it will go to Greenwich Hospital. I had occasion to draw fornecessaries at Sydney this last time 24 pounds from Captain F. 

"JOHN FRANKLIN. "

CHAPTER 20. TO ILE-DE-FRANCE IN THE CUMBERLAND. 

Governor King received the news of the wreck of the Porpoise immediatelyafter the arrival of the Hope in Port Jackson, on the evening ofSeptember 8th. King and his family were at dinner when to his greatamazement Flinders was announced. "A razor had not passed over our facesfrom the time of the shipwreck, " he records, "and the surprise of theGovernor was not little at seeing two persons thus appear whom hesupposed to be many hundred leagues on their way to England; but so soonas he was convinced of the truth of the vision before him, and learnedthe melancholy cause, an involuntary tear started from the eye offriendship and compassion, and we were received in the most affectionatemanner. "

King in an official letter confessed that he could not "sufficientlycommend your voluntary services, and those who came with you, inundertaking a voyage of 700 miles in an open boat to procure relief forour friends now on the reef. " It was, indeed, an achievement of no smallquality in itself. 

Plans for the relief of the wrecked people were immediately formed. Captain Cumming of the Rolla, a 438-ton merchant ship, China-bound, agreed to call at the reef, take some of them on board, and carry them toCanton, whilst the Francis, which was to sail in company, was to bringthe remainder back to Sydney. Flinders himself was to take command of theCumberland, a 29-ton schooner, and was to sail in her to England with hischarts and papers as rapidly as possible. 

The Cumberland was a wretchedly small vessel in which to traverse fifteenthousand miles of ocean. She was "something less than a Gravesend passageboat" and hardly better suited for the effort than a canal barge. But, given anything made of wood that would float and steer, inconvenience anddifficulty never baffled Matthew Flinders when there was service toperform. She was the first vessel that had been built in Australia. Moore, the Government boat-builder, had put her together for colonialservice, and she was reputed to be strong, tight, and well behaved in asea; but of course she was never designed for long ocean voyages. However, she was the only boat available; and though Flinders regrettedthat the meagre accommodation she afforded would prevent him from workingat his charts while making the passage, he was too eager to accomplishhis purpose to hesitate about accepting the means. "Fortuna audacesjuvat" might at any time have been his motto; fortune helpeth them thatdare. An unavoidable delay of thirteen days caused some anxiety. "Everyday seemed a week, " until he could get on his way towards the reef. But, at length, on September 21st, the Cumberland in company with the Rollaand Francis sailed out of Port Jackson. The crew consisted of a boatswainand ten men. 

On Friday, October 7th, exactly six weeks after the Hope had left WreckReef, the ensign on the flagstaff was sighted from the mast-head of theRolla. At about the same time a seaman who was out with LieutenantFowler, in a new boat that had been constructed from the wreckage, saw awhite object in the distance against the blue of the sky. At first hetook it for a sea-bird; but, looking at it more steadfastly, he suddenlyjumped up, exclaiming, "damn my blood, what's that?" It was, in truth, the top-gallant sail of the Rolla. Everybody looked at it; a sail indeedit was; Flinders had not failed them, and rescue was imminent. A shout ofdelight went up, and the boat scurried back to the reef to announce thenews. 

At about two o'clock in the afternoon, Flinders anchored under the lee ofthe bank. The shell of the Porpoise still lay on her beam side high up onthe reef, but, her carronades having been landed, the happy peoplewelcomed their deliverers with a salute of eleven guns. "Every heart wasoverjoyed at this unexpected delivery, " as seaman Smith's narrativerecords; and when Flinders stepped ashore, he was long and loudlycheered. Men pressed around him to shake his hands and thank him, andtears of joy rolled down the hard, weather-worn faces of men notover-given to a display of feeling. For his own part "the pleasure ofrejoining my companions so amply provided with the means of relievingtheir distress made this one of the happiest moments of my life. "

In singular contrast with the pleasure of everyone else was the cooldemeanour of Samuel Flinders. A letter previously cited contains areference to him, which suggests that he was not always quite brotherlyor generally satisfactory. On this occasion he was oddly stiff anduncordial. Flinders relates the incident: "Lieutenant Flinders, thencommanding officer on the bank, was in his tent calculating some lunardistances, when one of the young gentlemen ran to him calling, 'Sir, sir, a ship and two schooners in sight. ' After a little consideration, Mr. Flinders said he supposed it was his brother come back, and asked if thevessels were near. He was answered, not yet; upon which he desired to beinformed when they should reach the anchorage, and very calmly resumedhis calculations. Such are the varied effects produced by the samecircumstances upon different minds. When the desired report was made, heordered the salute to be fired, and took part in the generalsatisfaction. "

After the welcoming was over, Flinders assembled all the people andinformed them what his plans were. Those who chose might go to Sydney inthe Francis; the others, with the exception of ten, would sail in theRolla to Canton and others take ship for England. To accompany him in theCumberland he chose John Aken, who had been master of the Investigator, Edward Charrington, the boatswain, his own servant, John Elder, and sevenseamen. Their names are contained in the logbook which General Decaendetained at Ile-de-France. They were George Elder, who had been carpenteron the Porpoise, John Woods, Henry Lewis, Francis Smith, N. Smith, JamesCarter, and Jacob Tibbet, all picked men. 

Young Franklin went in the Rolla. As he explained in a letter to hismother* (* Manuscripts, Mitchell Library. ): "The reason I did notaccompany Captain Flinders was the smallness of the vessel and badness ofaccommodation, he having only taken the master with him. " The youngsailor's application had won the commendation of the commander, who was ahero to him throughout his adventurous life. We find Flinders writing tohis wife* "John Franklin approves himself worthy of notice. He is capableof learning everything that we can show him, and but for a littlecarelessness I would not wish to have a son otherwise than he is. " (*Flinders Papers. )

At noon on October 11th, four days after the arrival of the relievingships at the reef, they parted company, with cheers and expressions ofgood will. The Rolla accomplished her voyage to China safely, and in thefollowing year Lieutenant Fowler, Samuel Flinders, John Franklin, and theremainder of the old Investigator's company who sailed in her returned toEngland. On their return voyage they participated in as remarkable acomedy as the history of naval warfare contains. Their ship was one of acompany of thirty-one sail, all richly laden merchantmen, under thegeneral command of the audacious Commodore Nathaniel Dance; and he, encountering a French squadron under Rear-Admiral Linois, succeeded bysheer, impudent "bluff" in making him believe that they were convoyed byBritish frigates, and deterred him from capturing or even seriouslyattacking them. * (* Lieutenant Fowler was presented with a sword valuedat 50 guineas for his part in this action, which took place on 14thFebruary, 1804, off Polo Aor, Malacca Strait. See the author's TerreNapoleon page 16. )

From the very commencement of the voyage the little Cumberland causedtrouble and anxiety. She leaked to a greater extent than had beenreported, and the pumps were so defective that a fourth part of every dayhad to be spent at them to keep the water down. They became worse withconstant use, and by the time Timor was reached, on November 10th, one ofthem was nearly useless. At Kupang no means of refitting the worn-outpump or of pitching the leaky seams in the upper works of the boat wereobtainable; and Flinders had to face a run across the Indian Ocean withthe prospect of having to keep down the water with an impaired equipment. 

When discussing the route with Governor King before leaving Sydney, Flinders had pointed out that the size of the Cumberland, and the smallquantity of stores and water she could carry, would oblige him to call atevery convenient port; and he mentioned that the places which hecontemplated visiting were Kupang in Timor, Ile-de-France (Mauritius), the Cape of Good Hope, St. Helena, and one of the Canaries. But King tookexception to a call being made at Ile-de-France, partly because he didnot wish to encourage communication between Port Jackson and the Frenchcolony, and partly because he understood that hurricane weather prevailedin the neighbourhood at about the time of the year when the Cumberlandwould be in the Indian Ocean. To respect King's wishes, Flinders onleaving Kupang set a course direct for the Cape of Good Hope. But whentwenty-three days out from Timor, on the 4th of December, a heavysouth-west ground swell combined with a strong eastern following seacaused the vessel to labour exceedingly, and to ship such quantities ofwater that the one effective pump had to be kept working day and nightcontinually. If anything went wrong with this pump, a contingency to befeared from its incessant employment, there was a serious risk offoundering. 

After enduring two days of severe shaking, Flinders came to thedetermination that considerations of safety compelled him to make forIle-de-France. On December 6th, therefore, he altered the Cumberland'scourse for that island. 

When he wrote his Voyage to Terra Australis, he had not his journal inhis possession, and worked from notes of his recollections. In tellingthe story now, the author has before him not only what Flinders wrote inthis way, but also a copy of the French translation of the journal whichDecaen had prepared for his own use, and several letters written byFlinders, wherein he related what passed in his mind when he resolved toalter his course. 

The first and most imperative reason was the necessity for repairing theship and refitting the pumps. Secondly, rations had had to be shortened, and victuals and water were required. Thirdly, Flinders had come to theconclusion that the Cumberland was unfit to complete the voyage toEngland, and he hoped to be able to sell her, and procure a passage homein another ship. "I cannot write up my journal unless the weather isextremely fine, " he wrote. Fourthly, he desired "to acquire a knowledgeof the winds and weather at the island of the actual state of the Frenchcolony, of what utility it and its dependencies in Madagascar, might beto Port Jackson, and whether the colony could afford me resources in myfuture voyages. "* (* Journal. )

When he sailed from Port Jackson there was, as far as he knew, peacebetween England and France. But there was a possibility that war hadbroken out again. In that event, the thought occurred to him that itwould be safer to call at the French colony than at the Cape, since hehad a passport from the French Government, but not from the Dutch, whowould probably be involved in hostilities against England. He did notforget that the passport was made out for the Investigator, not for theCumberland. "But I checked my suspicions by considering that the passportwas certainly intended to protect the voyage and not the Investigatoronly. A description of the Investigator was indeed given in it, but theintention of it could be only to prevent imposition. The Cumberland wasnow prosecuting the voyage, and I had come in her for a lawful purpose, and upon such an occasion as the passport allowed me to put into a Frenchport. The great desire also that the French nation has long shown topromote geographical researches, and the friendly treatment that theGeographe and the Naturaliste had received at Port Jackson, rose upbefore me as guarantees that I should not be impeded, but should receivethe kindest welcome and every assistance. "* (* Flinders to Fleurieu; copyin Record Office, London. An entry in his Journal shows that only when hewas informed that the war had been renewed did it occur to Flinders thatthe French authorities would interpret literally the fact that thepassport was granted to the Investigator. )

He had no chart of Ile-de-France, but a description in the third editionof the Encyclopaedia Britannica informed him that the principal harbour, Port Louis, was on the north-west side, and thither he intended to steer. 

On December 15th the peaks of the island showed up against the morningsky. At noon the Cumberland was running along the shore, close enough tobe observed, and made a signal for a pilot from the fore-topmast head. Asmall French schooner came out of a cove, and Flinders, wishing to speakwith her to make enquiries, followed her. She ran on, and entered a port, which proved to be Baye du Cap (now Cape Bay) on the south-west coast. Flinders steered in her wake, thinking that she was piloting him tosafety. The truth was that the French on board thought they were beingpursued by an English fighting ship, which meant to attack them; andimmediately they came to anchor, without even waiting to furl sails, theyhurried ashore in a canoe and reported accordingly. Thus from the verybeginning of his appearance at Ile-de-France, was suspicion cast onFlinders. So began his years of sore trouble. 

It was evident from the commotion on shore that the arrival of theCumberland had aroused excitement. Flinders saw the people from theschooner speaking to a soldier, who, from the plumes in his hat, appearedto be an officer. Presently some troops with muskets appeared in sight. Apparently orders had been given to call out the guard. Flindersconcluded that a state of war existed, and hastened to inform theauthorities by sending Aken ashore in a boat, that he had a passport, andwas free from belligerent intentions. 

Aken returned with an officer, Major Dunienville, to whom the passportwas shown, and the necessities of the Cumberland explained. He politelyinvited Flinders to go on shore and dine with him. It was pointed outthat the immediate requirements were fresh water and a pilot who wouldtake the ship round to Port Louis, as repairs could not be effected atBaye du Cap. The pilot was promised for the next day, and MajorDunienville at once sent a boat for the Cumberland's empty casks. 

As soon as he got ashore again, Dunienville wrote a report of what hadoccurred to the Captain-General, or Military Governor of the island, General Decaen, and sent it off by a special messenger. In this document*he related that a schooner flying the English flag had chased a coastalschooner into the bay; that the alarm had been given that she was aBritish privateer; that he had at once called out the troops; and that, expecting an attack, he had ordered the women and children to retire tothe interior, and had given orders for cattle and sheep to be driven intothe woods! "Happily, " he proceeded, "all these precautions, dictated bycircumstances, proved to be unnecessary. " (* Decaen Papers Volume 84. )The English captain had explained to him that he had merely followed thecoastal boat because he had no pilot, and wished to enter the bay tosolicit succour; "adding that he did not know of the war, andconsequently had no idea that he would spread alarm by following it. 

Later in the afternoon Dunienville returned to the Cumberland with thedistrict commandant, Etienne Bolger, and an interpreter. The passport wasagain examined, when Bolger pointed out that it was not granted to theCumberland but to the Investigator, and that the matter must be dealtwith by the Governor personally. At first he desired to send the passportto him, but Flinders objected to allowing it to leave his possession, asit constituted his only guarantee of protection from the Frenchauthorities. Then it was arranged that he should travel overland to PortLouis, while Aken took round the ship. But finally Bolger allowedFlinders to sail round in the Cumberland, under the guidance of a pilot. He was hospitably entertained at dinner by Major Dunienville, who inviteda number of ladies and gentlemen to meet him; and on the morning ofDecember 16th he sailed, with the major on board, for Port Louis, wherehe was to confront General Decaen. 

The character and position of the Captain-General of Ile-de-France are soimportant in regard to the remainder of Flinders' life, that it will bedesirable to devote a chapter to some account of him. 

CHAPTER 21. GENERAL DECAEN. 

Charles Mathieu Isidore Decaen was born at Caen, the ancient andpicturesque capital of Normandy, on April 13th, 1769. Left an orphan atthe age of twelve, his education was superintended by a friend of hisfather, who had been a public official. At the end of his schooldays hestudied law under an advocate of local celebrity, M. Lasseret. Though hisjuristic training was not prolonged, the discipline of the office gave acertain bent to his mind, a certain lawyer-like strictness and method tohis mode of handling affairs, that remained characteristic during hismilitary career, and was exceedingly useful to him while he governedIle-de-France. Very often in perusing his Memoires* the reader perceivestraces of the lawyer in the language of the soldier. (* The Memoires etJournaux du General Decaen were prepared for publication by himself, andthe portion up to the commencement of his governorship has been printed, with notes and maps, by Colonel Ernest Picard, Chief of the HistoricalSection of the Staff of the French Army (2 volumes Paris 1910). ColonelPicard informed me that he did not intend to print the remainder, thinking that the ground was sufficiently covered by Professor HenriPrentout's admirable book L'Ile de France sous Decaen. I have, therefore, had the section relating to Flinders transcribed from the manuscript, andused it freely for this book. ) Thus, when during the campaign of theRhine he found that his superior officer, General Jourdan, was takingabout with him as his aide-de-camp a lady in military attire, Decaen, with a solemnity that seems a little un-French under the circumstances, condemned the breach of the regulations as conduct "which was not that ofa father of a family, a legislator and a general-in-chief. " As for thelady, "les charmes de cette maussade creature" merely evoked his scorn. It does not appear that Jourdan's escapade produced any ill effects in amilitary sense, but it was against the regulations, and Decaen was as yetas much lawyer as soldier. 

When the revolutionary wars broke out, and France was ringed round by acoalition of enemies, the voice of "la patrie en danger" rang in the earsof the young student like a call from the skies. He was twenty-two yearsof age when two deputies of the Legislative Assembly came down to Caenand made an appeal to the manhood of the country to fly to arms. Decaen, fuming with patriotic indignation, threw down his quill, pitched hiscalf-bound tomes on to their shelf, and was the first to inscribe hisname upon the register of the fourth battalion of the regiment ofCalvados, an artillery corps. He was almost immediately despatched toMayence on the Rhine, where Kleber (who was afterwards to serve withdistinction under Bonaparte in Egypt) hard pressed by the Prussians, withdrew the French troops into the city (March, 1793) and prepared tosustain a siege. 

Decaen rose rapidly, by reason not merely of his bull-dog courage andstubborn tenacity, but also of his intelligence and integrity. Hereceived his "baptism of fire" in an engagement in April, when Klebersent a detachment to chase a Prussian outpost from a neighbouring villageand to collect whatever forage and provisions might be obtained. He washonest enough to confess--and his own oft-proved bravery enabled him todo so unashamed--that, when he first found the bullets falling about him, he was for a moment afraid. "I believe, " he wrote, "that there are fewmen, however courageous they may be, who do not experience a chill, andeven a feeling of fear, when for the first time they hear around them thewhistling of shot, and above all when they first see the field strewnwith killed and wounded comrades. "* (* Memoires 1 13. ) But he was asergeant-major by this time, and remembered that it was his duty to setan example; so, screwing up his courage to the sticking-place by aneffort of will, and saying to himself that it was not for a soldier ofFrance to quail before a ball, he deliberately wheeled his horse to thefront of a position where a regiment was being shaken by the enemy'sartillery fire, and by his very audacity stiffened the wavering troopsand saved the situation. 

After the capitulation of Mayence in July, 1793, Decaen fought withdistinction in the war in La Vendee. In this cruel campaign he displayedunusual qualities as a soldier, and attained the rank ofadjutant-general. Kleber gave him a command calling for exceptionalnerve, with the comment, "It is the most dangerous position, and Ithought it worthy of your courage. " It was Decaen, according to his ownaccount, who devised the plan of sending out a number of mobile columnsto strike at the rebels swiftly and unexpectedly. But though he wassucceeding in a military sense, these operations against Frenchmen, whilethere were foreign foes to fight beyond the frontiers, were thoroughlydistasteful to him. The more he saw of the war in La Vendee, and the moreterribly the thumb of the national power pressed upon the throat of therebellion, the more he hated the service. It was at his own solicitation, therefore, that he was transferred to the army of the Rhine in January, 1795. 

Here he served under the ablest general, saving only Bonaparte himself, whom the wars of the Revolution produced to win glory for French arms, Jean Victor Moreau. His bravery and capacity continued to win himadvancement. Moreau promoted him to the command of a brigade, andpresented him with a sword of honour for his masterly conduct of aretreat through the Black Forest, when, in command of the rear-guard, hefought the Austrians every mile of the road to the Rhine. 

He became a general of division in 1800. At the battle of Hohenlinden, where Moreau concentrated his troops to give battle to the Austriansunder the Archduke John, Decaen performed splendid service; indeed it washe who chose the position, and recommended it as a favourable place fortaking a stand. * (* Memoires 2 89. ) Moreau knew him well by now, and onthe eve of the fight (December 2nd) when he brought up his division tothe plateau in the forest of Ebersberg, where the village of Hohenlindenstands, and presented himself at headquarters to ask for orders, thecommander-in-chief rose to greet him with the welcome, "Ah, there isDecaen, the battle will be ours to-morrow. " It was intended for apersonal compliment, we cannot doubt, though Decaen in his Memoires (2136) interpreted it to mean that the general was thinking of the 10, 000troops whose arrival he had come to announce. 

Moreau's plan was this. He had posted his main force strongly frontingthe Austrian line of advance, on the open Hohenlinden plateau. The enemyhad to march through thickly timbered country to the attack. The Frenchgeneral instructed Decaen and Richepance to manoeuvre their twodivisions, each consisting of 10, 000 men, through the forest, round theAustrian rear, and to attack them there, as soon as they delivered theirattack upon the French front. The Archduke John believed Moreau to be infull retreat, and hurried his army forward from Haag, east ofHohenlinden, amid falling snow. 

"By torch and trumpet fast array'dEach horseman drew his battle-blade, And furious every charger neigh'd To join the dreadful revelry. Then shook the hills with thunder riven;Then rush'd the steed, to battle driven, And louder than the bolts of Heaven Far flashed the red artillery. "

Decaen's division marched at five o'clock on the morning of December 3rd, and shortly before eight the boom of the Austrian cannon was heard. Histroops pressed forward in a blinding snowstorm. An officer said that theguns seemed to show that the Austrians were turning the French position. "Ah, well, " said Decaen, "if they turn ours, we will turn theirs in ourturn. " It was one of the few jokes he made in his whole life, and itexactly expressed the situation. The Austrian army was caught like a nutin a nut-cracker. Battered from front and rear, their ranks broke, andfugitives streamed away east and west, like the crumbled kernel of afilbert. Decaen threw his battalions upon their rear with a furiousvigour, and crumpled it up; and almost at the very moment of victory thesnow ceased to fall, the leaden clouds broke, and a brilliant sun shonedown upon the scene of carnage and triumph. Ten thousand Austrians werekilled, wounded, or taken prisoners, whilst 80 guns and about two hundredbaggage waggons fell as spoils to the French. In this brilliant victoryDecaen's skill and valour, rapidity and verve, had been of inestimablevalue, as Moreau was prompt to acknowledge. 

The quick soldier's eye of Bonaparte recognised him at once as a man ofoutstanding worth. The Consulate had been established in December, 1799, and the First Consul was anxious to attach to him strong, able men. In1802 Decaen ventured to use his influence with the Government regardingan appointment to the court of appeal at Caen, for which Lasseret, hisold master in law, was a candidate; and we find Bonaparte writing toCambaceres, who had charge of the law department, that "if the citizenpossesses the requisite qualifications I should like to defer to thewishes of General Decaen, who is an officer of great merit. "* (*Napoleon's Correspondance Document 5596. ) He saw much of Bonaparte inParis during 1801 and 1802, when the part he had to play was an extremelydifficult one, demanding the exercise of tact and moral courage in anunusual measure. The Memoires throw a vivid light on the famous quarrelbetween Moreau and Napoleon, which in the end led to the exile of thevictor of Hohenlinden. 

Moreau was Decaen's particular friend, the commander who had given himopportunities for distinction, one whom he loved and honoured as a manand a patriot. But he was jealous of Napoleon's success, was disaffectedtowards the consular government, and was believed to be concerned inplots for its overthrow. On the other hand, Napoleon was not only thehead of the State, but was the greatest soldier of his age. Decaen'sadmiration of him was unbounded, and Napoleon's attitude towards Decaenwas cordial. He tried to reconcile these two men whom he regarded withsuch warm affection, but failed. One day, when business was beingdiscussed, Napoleon said abruptly, "Decaen, General Moreau is conductinghimself badly; I shall have to denounce him. " Decaen was moved to tears, and insisted that Napoleon was ill informed. "You are good yourself, "said the First Consul, "and you think everybody else is like you. Moreauis corresponding with Pichegru, " whose conspiracy was known to theGovernment. "It is not possible. " "But I have a letter which proves it. "Moreover, Moreau was openly disrespectful to the Government. He hadpresented himself out of uniform on occasions when courtesy demanded thathe should wear it. If Moreau had anything to complain about, he did notmake it better by associating with malcontents. "He has occupied a highposition, which gives him influence, and a bad influence upon publicopinion hampers the work of the Government. I have not fallen here out ofthe sky, you know; I follow my glory. France wants repose, not moredisturbance. " Decaen manfully championed his friend, "I am persuaded, " hesaid, "that if you made overtures to Moreau you would easily draw himtowards you. " "No, " said Napoleon "he is a shifting sand. " Moreau said toDecaen, "I am too old to bend my back"; but the latter was of opinionthat the real source of the mischief was that Moreau had married a youngwife, and that she and his mother-in-law considered they were entitled toas much attention as Madame Bonaparte received. Pride, jealousy andvanity, he declared, were the real source of the quarrel. Decaen, indeed, has a story that when Madame Moreau once called upon Josephine atMalmaison, she returned in an angry state of mind because she was not atonce admitted, bidding a servant tell her mistress that the wife ofGeneral Moreau was not accustomed to be kept waiting. The simpleexplanation was that Josephine was in her bath!

Decaen came to be appointed Governor of Ile-de-France in this way. Oneday, after dining with Napoleon at Malmaison, the First Consul took astroll with him, and in the course of conversation asked him what hewanted to do. "I have my sword for the service of my country, " saidDecaen. "Very good, " answered Napoleon, "but what would you like to donow?" Decaen then mentioned that he had been reading the history of theexploits of La Bourdonnaye and Dupleix in India, and was much attractedby the possibilities for the expansion of French power there. "Have youever been to India?" enquired Napoleon. "No, but I am young, and, desiring to do something useful, I should like to undertake a missionwhich I believe would not be likely to be coveted by many, having regardto the distance between France and that part of the world. And even if itwere necessary to spend ten years of my life awaiting a favourableopportunity of acting against the English, whom I detest because of theinjury they have done to our country, I should undertake the task withthe utmost satisfaction. " Napoleon merely observed that what he desiredmight perhaps be arranged. 

A few months later Decaen was invited to breakfast with Napoleon atMalmaison. He was asked whether he was still inclined to go to India, andreplied that he was. "Very well, then, you shall go. " "In what capacity?""As Captain-General. Go and see the Minister of Marine, and tell him toshow you all the papers relative to the expedition that is in course ofbeing fitted out. "

Under the treaty of Amiens, negotiated in 1801, Great Britain agreed torestore to the French Republic and its allies all conquests made duringthe recent wars except Trinidad and Ceylon. From the British point ofview it was an inglorious peace. Possessions which had been won in fairfight, by the ceaseless activity and unparalleled efficiency of the Navy, and by the blood and valour of British manhood, were signed away with astroke of the pen. The surrender of the Cape was especially lamentable, because upon security at that point depended the safety of India andAustralia. But the Addington ministry was weak and temporising, and wasalarmed about the internal condition of England, where dear food, scarcity of employment and popular discontent, consequent upon prolongedwarfare, made the King's advisers nervously anxious to put an end to thestruggle. The worst feature of the situation was that everybodythoroughly well understood that it was a mere parchment peace. Cornwalliscalled it "an experimental peace. " It was also termed "an armistice" and"a frail and deceptive truce"; and though Addington declared it to be "noordinary peace but a genuine reconciliation between the two first nationsof the world, " his flash of rhetoric dazzled nobody but himself. He wasthe Mr. Perker of politics, an accommodating attorney rubbing his handsand exclaiming "My dear sir!" while he bartered the interests of hisclient for the delusive terms of a brittle expediency. 

Decaen was to go to India to take charge of the former French possessionsthere, under the terms of the treaty, and from Pondicherry was also tocontrol Ile-de-France (Mauritius) which the English had not taken duringthe war. Napoleon's instructions to him clearly indicated that he did notexpect the peace to endure. Decaen was "to dissimulate the views of theGovernment as much as possible"; "the English are the tyrants of India, they are uneasy and jealous, it is necessary to behave towards them withsuavity, dissimulation and simplicity. " He was to regard his missionprimarily as one of observation upon the policy and military dispositionsof the English. But Napoleon informed him in so many words that heintended some day to strike a blow for "that glory which perpetuates thememory of men throughout the centuries. " For that, however, it was firstnecessary "that we should become masters of the sea. "* (* Memoires 2310. )

Decaen sailed from Brest in February, 1803. Lord Whitworth, the Britishambassador to Paris, watched the proceedings with much care, and promptlydirected the attention of his Government to the disproportionate numberof officers the new Captain-General was taking with him. The Governmentpassed the information on to the Governor-General of India, LordWellesley, who was already determined that, unless absolutely ordered soto do, he would not permit a French military force to land. Before Decaenarrived at Pondicherry, indeed, in June, 1803, Wellesley had received adespatch from Lord Hobart, Secretary of State for War and the Colonies, warning him that, notwithstanding the treaty of Amiens, "certaincircumstances render desirable a delay in the restitution of theirpossessions in India" to the French, and directing that territoryoccupied by British troops was not to be evacuated by them without freshorders. Great Britain already perceived the fragility of the peace, and, in fact, was expediting preparations for a renewal of war, which wasdeclared in May, 1803. 

When, therefore, the French frigate Marengo, with Decaen on board, arrived at Pondicherry, the British flag still flew over the Governmentbuildings, and he soon learnt that there was no disposition to lower it. Moreover, La Belle Poule, which had been sent in advance from the Cape toherald the Captain-General's coming, was anchored between two Britishships of war, which had carefully ranged themselves alongside her. Decaengrasped the situation rapidly. A few hours after his arrival, the Frenchbrig Belier appeared. She had left France on March 25th, carrying adespatch informing the Captain-General that war was anticipated, anddirecting him to land his troops at Ile-de-France, where he was to assumethe governorship. 

Rear-Admiral Linois, who commanded the French division, wanted to sail atonce. Decaen insisted on taking aboard some of the French who wereashore, but Linois pointed to the strong British squadron in sight, andprotested that he ought not to compromise the safety of his ships bydelaying departure. Linois was always a very nervous officer. Decaenstormed, and Linois proposed to call a council of his captains. "Acouncil!" exclaimed Decaen, "I am the council!" It was worthy of whatVoltaire attributed to Louis XIV: "l'etat, c'est mois. " After sunsetDecaen visited the ships of the division in a boat, and warned theircaptains to get ready to follow the Marengo out of the roadstead ofPondicherry in the darkness. He considered that it would be extremelyembarrassing if the British squadron, suspecting their intentions, endeavoured to frustrate them. At an appointed hour the Marengo quietlydropped out of the harbour, cutting the cable of one of her anchorsrather than permit any delay. 

On August 15th Decaen landed at Port Louis, Ile-de-France, and on thefollowing day he took over the government. He had therefore been incommand exactly four months when Matthew Flinders, in the Cumberland, putinto Baye du Cap on December 15th. 

For his conduct in the Flinders affair Decaen has been plentifullydenounced. "A brute, " "a malignant tyrant, " "vindictive, cruel andunscrupulous"--such are a few shots from the heavy artillery of languagethat have been fired at his reputation. The author knows of one admirerof Flinders who had a portrait of Decaen framed and hung with its face tothe wall of his study. It is, unfortunately, much easier to denounce thanto understand; and where resonant terms have been flung in freestprofusion, it does not appear that an endeavour has been made to studywhat occurred from the several points of view, and to examine Decaen'scharacter and actions in the light of full information. A postponement ofepithets until we have ascertained the facts is in this, as in so manyother cases, extremely desirable. 

No candid reader of Decaen's Memoires, and of Prentout's elaborateinvestigation of his administration, can fail to recognise that he was aconspicuously honest man. During his governorship he handled millions offrancs. Privateers from Ile-de-France captured British merchant ships, toa value, including their cargo, of over 3 million pounds sterling, * ashare of which it would have been easy for Decaen to secure. (*"Prentout, page 509, estimates the value of captures at 2 million pounds, but Mr. H. Hope informed Flinders in 1811, that insurance offices inCalcutta had actually paid 3 million pounds sterling on account of shipscaptured by the French at Mauritius. Flinders, writing with exceptionalopportunities for forming an opinion, calculated that during the firstsixteen months of the war the French captures of British merchant shipsbrought to Ile-de-France were worth 1, 948, 000 pounds (Voyage 2 416). ) Buthis financial reputation is above suspicion. His management waseconomical and efficient. He ended his days in honourable poverty. 

He was blunt and plainspoken; and though he could be pleasant, was whenruffled by no means what Mrs. Malaprop called "the very pineapple ofpoliteness. " His quick temper brought him into continual conflict withsuperiors and subordinates. He quarrelled repeatedly with generals andministers; with Admiral Linois, with Soult, with Decres, with Barras, with Jourdan, and with many others. When General Lecourbe handed him awritten command during the Rhine campaign, he says himself that, "when Ireceived the order I tightened my lips and turned my back upon him. " Hespeaks of himself in one place as being "of a petulant character and toofree with my tongue. " That concurs with Flinders' remark, after bitterexperience of Decaen, that he possessed "the character of having a goodheart, though too hasty and violent. "

Decaen's military capacity was much higher than his historical reputationmight lead one to suppose. During the fierce wars of the Napoleonicempire, whilst Ney, Oudinot, Murat, Junot, Augereau, Soult, St. Cyr, Davoust, Lannes, Marmont, Massena and Suchet, were rendering brilliantservice under the eye of the great captain, and were being converted intodukes and princes, Decaen was shut up in a far-off isle in the IndianOcean, where there was nothing to do but hold on under difficulties, andwait in vain for the turn of a tide that never floated a French fleettowards the coveted India. Colonel Picard, than whom there is hardly abetter judge, is of opinion that had Decaen fought with the Grand Army inEurope, his military talents would have designated him for the dignity ofa marshal of the Empire. On his return he did become a Comte, but thenthe Napoleonic regime was tottering to its fall. 

Such then was the man--stubborn, strong-willed, brusque, honest, irritable, ill-tempered, but by no means a bad man at heart--with whomMatthew Flinders had to do. We may now follow what occurred. 

CHAPTER 22. THE CAPTIVITY. 

At four o'clock in the afternoon of December 17th the Cumberland enteredPort Louis, where Flinders learnt that Le Geographe had sailed for Franceon the previous day. As soon as he could land he went ashore to presenthimself to the Governor, whom he found to be at dinner. To occupy thetime until an interview could be arranged, he joined a party of officerswho were lounging in a shady place, and gossiped with them about hisvoyage, about Baudin's visit to Port Jackson, about the Englishsettlement there, "and also concerning the voyage of Monsieur Flindare, of whom, to their surprise, I knew nothing, but afterwards found it to bemy own name which they so pronounced. "

In a couple of hours he was conducted to Government House, where, after adelay of half an hour, he was shown into a room. At a table stood twoofficers. One was a short, thick man in a gold-laced mess jacket, whofixed his eyes sternly on Flinders, and at once demanded his passport andcommission. This was General Decaen. Beside him stood his aide-de-camp, Colonel Monistrol. The General glanced over the papers, and then enquired"in an impetuous manner, " why Flinders had come to Ile-de-France in theCumberland, when his passport was for the Investigator. The necessaryexplanation being given, Decaen exclaimed impatiently, "You are imposingon me, sir! It is not probable that the Governor of New South Walesshould send away the commander of a discovery expedition in so small avessel. " Decaen's own manuscript Memoires show that when this story wastold to him, he thought it "very extraordinary that he should have leftPort Jackson to voyage to England in a vessel of 29 tons;" and, in truth, to a man who knew nothing of Flinders' record of seamanship it must haveseemed unlikely. He handed back the passport and commission, and gavesome orders to an officer; and as Flinders was leaving the room "theCaptain-General said something in a softer tone about my being welltreated, which I could not comprehend. "

It is clear that Decaen's brusque manner made Flinders very angry. He didnot know at this time that it was merely the General's way, and that hewas not at all an ill-natured man if discreetly handled. On board theCumberland, in company with the interpreter and an officer, who were verypolite, he confesses having "expressed my sentiments of General Decaen'smanner of receiving me, " adding "that the Captain-General's conduct mustalter very much before I should pay him a second visit, or even set myfoot on shore again. " It is very important to notice Flinders' state ofmind, because it is apparent that a whole series of unfortunate eventsturned upon his demeanour at the next interview. His anger is perfectlyintelligible. He was a British officer, proud of his service; he had foryears been accustomed to command, and to be obeyed; he knew that he wasguiltless of offence; he felt that he had a right to protection andconsideration under his passport. Believing himself to have beenaffronted, he was not likely to be able to appreciate the case as itpresented itself at the moment to this peppery general; that here was thecaptain of an English schooner who, as reported, had chased a Frenchvessel into Baye du Cap, and who gave as an explanation that he hadcalled to seek assistance while on a 16, 000 mile voyage, in a 29-tonboat. Surely Flinders' story, as Decaen saw it at this time, was not aprobable one; and at all events he, as Governor of Ile-de-France, had aduty to satisfy himself of its truth. We can well understand Flinders'indignation; but can we not also appreciate Decaen's doubt?

The officers, acting under instructions, collected all the charts, papers, journals, letters, and packets, found on board, and put them in atrunk which, says Flinders, "was sealed by me at their desire. " They thenrequested him to go ashore with them, to a lodging at an inn, which theGeneral had ordered to be provided for him. In fact, they had orders totake him there. "What! I exclaimed in the first transports of surpriseand indignation, I am then a prisoner!" The officers expressed the hopethat the detention would not last more than a few days, and assured himthat in the meantime he should want for nothing. Flinders, accompanied byAken, went ashore, and the two were escorted to a large house in themiddle of the town, the Cafe Marengo, where they were shown into a roomapproached by a dark entry up a dirty staircase, and left for the nightwith a sentry on guard in the passage outside. 

That Flinders had no doubt that he would soon be released, is shown bythe fact that he wrote from the tavern the following letter to thecaptain of the American ship Hunter, then lying in Port Louis: "Sir, understanding that you are homeward bound, I have to represent to youthat I am here with an officer and nine men belonging to His BritannicMajesty's ship Investigator, lately under my command, and if I am set atliberty should be glad to get a passage on board your vessel to St. Helena, or on any other American who does not touch at the Cape of GoodHope* and may be in want of men. I am, Sir, etc. , etc. , MATTHEW FLINDERS. 

"If it is convenient for you to call upon me at the tavern where I am atpresent confined, I shall be glad to see you as soon as possible. "

(* He did not wish to call at the Cape, because if he got clear of theFrench frying-pan he did not want to jump into the Dutch fire. )

Early in the afternoon of the following day Colonel Monistrol came to theinn to take Flinders and Aken before the General, who desired to askcertain questions. The interrogatories were read from a paper, asdictated by Decaen, and Flinders' answers were translated and writtendown. In the document amongst Decaen's papers the French questions andanswers are written on one side of the paper, with the English versionparallel; the latter being signed by Flinders. The translation is crude(the scribe was a German with some knowledge of English) but is printedbelow literally:

"Questions made to the commanding officier of an English shooner anchoredin Savanna Bay, at the Isle of France, on the 24th frimaire 12th year (onthe 17th December, 1803) chasing a coaster, which in consequence of thedeclaration of war between the French Republic and Great Britain, hadintention to avoid the poursuit of said shooner. Said shooner carried thenext day in the harbour of Port North-West, where she anchored undercartel colours, the commanding officer having declared to the officer ofthe health boat that his name was Matthew Flinders, and his schooner theCumberland. 

"Demanded: the Captain's name?

"Answered: Matthew Flinders. 

"D. : From what place the Cumberland sailed?

"A. : From Port Jackson. 

"D. : At what time?

"A. : The Captain does not recollect the date of his departure. He thinksit is on the 20th of September. 

"D. : What is the purpose of his expedition?

"A. : His only motive was to proceed on to England as soon as possible, tomake the report of his voyages and to request a ship to continue them. 

"D. : What can be the reason which has determined Captain Flinders toundertake a voyage on board of the so small a vessel?

"A. : To avoid losing two months on proceeding by China, for a shipsailing from Port Jackson was to put in China. 

"D. : Does not Port Jackson offer frequent opportunities for Europe?

"A. : There are some, as he has observed it above, but that ship puttingin China is the reason which determined him not to proceed that way. 

"D. : At what place had the Cumberland put in?

"A. : At Timor. 

"D. : What could be the reason of her putting in at Timor?

"A. : To take fresh provision and water. He has left Timor 34 days ago. 

D. : What passports or certificates has he taken in that place?

"A. : None. 

"D. : What has been his motive for his coming at the Isle of France?

"A. : The want of water. His pumpers (sic) are bad, and his vessel is veryleaky. 

"D. : To what place does Captain Flinders intend to go to from thisisland?

"A. : Having no passport for the Dutch Government, he cannot put in theCape, according to his wishes, and will be obliged to stop at St. Helena. 

"D. : What can be the reason of his having none of his officiers, naturalis, or any of the other persons employed in said expedition?

"A. : Two of these gentlemen have remained in Port Jackson to repair onboard of the ship Captain Flinders expected to obtain in England, * andthe rest have proceeded on to China. (* "Pour s'embarquer sur le vaisseauque le Cap. Flinders a espoir d'obtenir en Angleterre, " in the French. That is to say, Brown and Bauer remained behind till Flinders came outagain with another ship. )

"D. : What reason induced Captain Flinders to chase a boat in sight of theisland?

"A. : Being never to this island, he was not acquainted with the harbour. Seeing a French vessel he chased her* for the only purpose of obtaining apilot, and seeing her entering a bay he followed her. (* It is singularthat Flinders did not take exception to this word "chased" in thetranslation when he signed it. The French version of his statement iscorrect: "il forca de voile, NON POUR LUY APPUYER CHASSE mais pour luydemander un pilote. " The German translator boggled between the French andthe English. )

"D. : What reason had he to make the land to leewards, the differentdirectories pointing out the contrary route to anchor in the harbour. 

"A. : He came to windwards, but the wind shifting contrary he took toleewards and perceiving said vessel he followed her and anchored in thesame bay. He has no chart of the island. 

"D. : Why has he hoisted cartel colours?

"A. : He answers that it is the custom, since Captain Baudin coming toPort Jackson hoisted the colours of both nations. 

"D. : Was he informed of the war?

"A. : No. 

"D. : Has he met with any ship either at sea or in the different portswhere he put in?

"A. : He met one ship only, by the 6 or 7 degrees to the east of the Isleof France. He did not speak her, though desirous of so doing, beingprevented by the night. He met with no ship at Timor. 

"In consequence of the questions made to Captain Flinders respecting tohis wreck, he declares that after putting in at Port Jackson with theship under his command, he was through her bad condition obliged to leaveher, being entirely decayed. The Governor at that time furnished him witha ship thought capable of transporting him to Europe. He had themisfortune to wreck on the east coast of New Holland by the 22 degrees 11minutes of latitude south on some rock distant 700 miles from PortJackson, and 200 miles from the coast. He embarked in the said ship'sboat, taking with him 14 men, and left the remainder of his crew on asand bank. He lost on this occasion three charts respecting his voyagesand particularly Golph Carpentary. After 14 days' passage he arrived atPort Jackson. After tarrying in said place 8 or 9 days, the Governorfurnished him with the small vessel he is now in, and a ship to take theremainder of the crew left on the bank. This vessel not being agovernment ship and bound to China, proceeded on her intended voyage withthe officers and the crew which had been left on the bank. 

"Captain Flinders declares that of the two boxes remitted by him onecontains despatches directed to the Secretary of State and the other wasentrusted to him by the commanding officer of the troops in Port Jackson, and that he is ignorant what they contain. 

"Captain Mw. Flinders to ascertain the legality of this expedition andthe veracity of what he expose, * (* "La verite de son expose, " i. E. , thetruth of his statement. ) has opened in our presence a trunk sealed by himcontaining the papers having a reference to his expedition, and to giveus a copy by him certified of the passport delivered to him by the FirstConsul and His Majesty King of Great Britain; equally the communicationof his journal since the condemnation of his ship Investigator. 

"Port North-West, Ile of France, the 26th frimaire 12th year of theFrench Republic (answering to the 19th December, 1803). 

"(Signed) MATTW. FLINDERS. "

Flinders corroborates the statement regarding the taking of papers fromthe trunk, stating that they consisted of the third volume of his roughlog-book, which contained "the whole of what they desired to know, "respecting his voyage to Ile-de-France. He told Decaen's Secretary tomake such extracts as were considered requisite, "pointing out thematerial passages. " "All the books and papers, the third volume of myrough log-book excepted, were then returned into the trunk, and sealed asbefore. " It is important to notice that at no time were papers taken fromthe trunk without Flinders' knowledge and concurrence, because the chargehas frequently been made, even by historical writers of authority, * thathis charts were plagiarised by the cartographers of Baudin's expedition. (* In the Cambridge Modern History, for instance (9 739): "The Frenchauthorities at Mauritius having captured and imprisoned the explorerFlinders on his passage to England, attempted by the use of his papers toappropriate for their ships the credit of his discoveries along the southcoast of Australia. ") Flinders himself never made any such allegation, nor is there any foundation for it. On the contrary, as will be madeclear hereafter, neither Decaen and his officers, nor any of the French, ever saw any of Flinders' charts at any time. 

Immediately after the examination the General, on behalf of MadameDecaen, sent Flinders an invitation to dine, dinner being then served. Atthis point, one cannot help feeling, he made a tactical mistake. It iseasily understood, and allowance can be made for it, but the consequencesof it were serious. He was angry on account of his detention, irritatedby the treatment to which he had been subjected, and unable in hispresent frame of mind to appreciate the Governor's point of view. Herefused to go, and said he had already dined. The officer who bore theinvitation pressed him in a kindly manner, saying that at all events hehad better go to the table. Flinders replied that he would not; if theGeneral would first set him at liberty he would accept the invitationwith pleasure, and be flattered by it. Otherwise he would not sit attable with Decaen. "Having been grossly insulted both in my public andprivate character, I could not debase the situation I had the honour tohold. "

The effect of so haughty a refusal upon an inflammatory temper like thatof Decaen may be readily pictured. Presently an aide-de-camp returnedwith the message that the General would renew the invitation when CaptainFlinders was set at liberty. There was a menace in the cold phrase. 

Now, had Flinders bottled up his indignation and swallowed his pride--hadhe frankly recognised that he was in Decaen's power--had he acknowledgedthat some deference was due to the official head of the colony of aforeign nation with whom his country was at war--his later troubles mighthave been averted. An opportunity was furnished of discussing the mattergenially over the wine and dessert. He would have found himself in thepresence of a man who could be kind-hearted and entertaining when notprovoked, and of a charming French lady in Madame Decaen. He would havebeen assisted by the secretary, Colonel Monistrol, who was always asfriendly to him as his duty would permit. He would have been able to holdthe company spell-bound with the story of the many adventures of hisactive, useful life. He would have been able to demonstrate his bonafides completely. It is a common experience that the humane feelings ofmen of Decaen's type are easily touched; and his conduct regarding theNapoleon-Moreau quarrel has been related above with some fulness for thepurpose of showing that there was milk as well as gunpowder in hiscomposition. But Flinders was angry; justifiably angry no doubt, butunfortunately angry nevertheless, since thereby he lost his chance. 

He learnt afterwards that "some who pretended to have information fromnear the fountain-head hinted that, if his invitation to dinner had beenaccepted, a few days would have been the whole" of his detention. * (*Flinders Voyage 2 398. ) That seems probable. He had no better friend thanSir Joseph Banks; and he learnt to his regret that Banks "was not quitesatisfied with his conduct to the Government of Mauritius, thinking hehad treated them perhaps with too much haughtiness. " His comment uponthis was, "should the same circumstances happen to me again I fear Ishould follow nearly the same steps. "* (* Flinders' Papers. ) That is thesort of thing that strong-willed men say; but a knowledge of the goodsense and good feeling that were native to the character of MatthewFlinders enables one to assert with some confidence that if, after thisexperience, the choice had been presented to him, on the one hand ofconquering his irritation and going to enjoy a pleasant dinner ininteresting company with the prospect of speedy liberation; on the otherof scornfully disdaining the olive branch, with the consequence ofsix-and-a-half years of heart-breaking captivity; he would have chosenthe former alternative without much reluctance. There is a sentence inone of his own letters which indicates that wisdom counted for more thanobstinacy in his temperament: "After a misfortune has happened, we allsee very well the proper steps that ought to have been taken to avoid it;to be endowed with a never-failing foresight is not within the power ofman. "

That the view presented above is not too strong is clear from a passagein an unpublished portion of Decaen's Memoires. He stated that after theexamination of Flinders, "I sent him an invitation from my wife* to cometo dine with us, (* Flinders does not state that the invitation came fromMadame Decaen. He may not have understood. But the refusal of it would onthat account have been likely to make the General all the more angry. )although he had given me cause to withhold the invitation on account ofhis impertinence; but from boorishness, or rather from arrogance, herefused that courteous invitation, which, if accepted, would indubitablyhave brought about a change favourable to his position, through theconversation which would have taken place. "* (* Decaen Papers Volume 10. Decaen said in his despatch to the Minister: "Captain Flinders imaginedthat he would obtain his release by arguing, by arrogance, and especiallyby impertinence; my silence with regard to his first letter led him torepeat the offence. ") Here it is distinctly suggested that if theinvitation had been accepted, and a pleasant discussion of the case hadensued, the detention of the Cumberland and her commander would probablynot have been prolonged. 

Further light is thrown on these regrettable occurrences by a manuscripthistory of Ile-de-France, written by St. Elme le Duc, * (* BibliothequeNationale, nouveaux acquisitions, France Number 1 775. ) a friend ofDecaen, who possessed intimate knowledge of the General's feelings. It istherein stated that Decaen received Flinders "in uniform, the headuncovered, " but that "Captain Flinders presented himself with arrogance, his hat upon his head; they had to ask him to remove it. " The same writeralleges that Flinders disregarded all the rules of politeness. It is fairto state these matters, since the candid student must always wish to seea case presented from several points of view. But it must be said thatonly an intense feeling of resentment could have unhinged the courteousdisposition which was habitual with Flinders. A gentler man in hisrelations with all could hardly have been found. He was not morerespectful to authority than he was considerate to subordinates; andthroughout his career a close reading of his letters and journals, and ofdocuments relating to him, can discover no other instance of eventemporary deviation from perfect courtesy. Even in this case one canhardly say that he was to blame. There was sufficient in what occurred tomake an honest man angry. But we wish to understand what occurred and whyit occurred, and for that reason we cannot ignore or minimise thesolitary instance wherein a natural flame of anger fired a long train ofmiserable consequences. 

What, then, did Decaen intend to do with Flinders, at the beginning? Henever intended to keep him six-and-a-half years. He simply meant topunish him for what he deemed to be rudeness; and his method ofaccomplishing that object was to report to Paris, and allow the case tobe determined by the Government, instead of settling it himselfforthwith. Here again Flinders was well informed. His journal for May24th, 1806, contains the following entry:* (* Flinders' Papers. ) "It hasbeen said that I am detained a prisoner here solely because I refused theinvitation of General Decaen to dine; that to punish me he referred thejudgment of my case to the French Government, knowing that I shouldnecessarily be detained twelve months before an answer arrived. " Or, ashe stated the matter in his published book (2 489): "My refusal of theintended honour until set at liberty so much exasperated theCaptain-General that he determined to make me repent it. "

It will be seen presently that the term of detention, originally intendedto endure for about a year, was lengthened by circumstances that werebeyond Decaen's control; that the punishment which sprang from the hastyire of a peppery soldier increased, against his own will, into whatappeared to all the world, and most of all to the victim, to be a pieceof malevolent persecution. The ball kicked off in a fit of spleen rolledon and on beyond recovery. 

There was, it must be admitted, quite enough in the facts brought underDecaen's notice to warrant a reference to Paris, if he chose to beawkward. In the first place, Flinders was carrying on board theCumberland a box of despatches from Governor King for the Secretary ofState. As pointed out in Chapter 12, the Admiralty instructions for theInvestigator voyage cautioned him "not to take letters or packets otherthan those such as you may receive from this office or the office of HisMajesty's Secretary of State. " Governor King was well aware of thisinjunction. Yet he entrusted to Flinders this box of despatches, containing material relative to military affairs. It is true that a stateof war was not known to exist at the time when the Cumberland sailed fromPort Jackson in September, 1803, although as a matter of fact it hadbroken out in the previous May. But it was well known that war wasanticipated. It is also true that Flinders knew nothing of the contentsof the despatches. But neither, as a rule, does any other despatchcarrier in war time. When the Cumberland's papers were examined byDecaen's officers, and these despatches were read and translated, therewas at once a prima facie ground for saying, "this officer is not engagedon purely scientific work; he is the bearer of despatches which might ifdelivered have an influence upon the present war. " Flinders himself, writing to Banks, * (* Historical Records 6 49. ) said: "I have learntprivately that in the despatches with which I was charged by GovernorKing, and which were taken from me by the French General, a demand wasmade for troops to be sent out to Port Jackson for the purpose ofannoying Spanish America in the event of another war, and that this isconsidered to be a breach of my passport. 'Tis pity that Governor Kingshould have mentioned anything that could involve me in the event of awar, either with the French at Mauritius, or the Dutch at Timor or theCape; or that, having mentioned anything that related to war, he did notmake me acquainted in a general way with the circumstances, in which caseI should have thrown them overboard on learning that war was declared;but as I was situated, having little apprehension of being made aprisoner, and no idea that the despatches had any reference to war, sinceit was a time of peace when I left Port Jackson, I did not see thenecessity of throwing them overboard at a hazard. To be the bearer of anydespatches in time of peace cannot be incorrect for a ship on discoverymore than for any other; BUT WITH A PASSPORT, AND IN TIME OF WAR, ITCERTAINLY IS IMPROPER. " With characteristic straightforwardness, Flindersdid not hesitate to tell King himself that the despatches had castsuspicion on him:* (* Historical Records 6 105. ) "I have learnedprivately that in your despatches to the Secretary of State there ismention of Spanish America, which rendered me being the bearer, criminalwith respect to my passport. 'Tis pity I had not known anything of this, for on finding myself under the necessity of stopping at the Isle ofFrance, and learning the declaration of war, I should have destroyed thedespatches; but leaving Port Jackson in time of peace, and confiding inmy passport, I did not think myself authorised to take such a step, evenafter I knew of the war, having no idea there was anything in thedespatches that could invalidate my passport; neither, indeed, is itinvalidated in justice, but it is said to be the under-plea against me. "

These despatches of King are preserved among Decaen's papers, * (* DecaenPapers Volumes 84 and 105. ) and an examination of them reveals that theydid contain material of a military character. In one of them, datedAugust 7th, 1803, King referred to the possibility in any future war "ofthe Government of the Isle of France annoying this colony, as the voyagefrom hence may be done in less than seven weeks; and on the same ideathis colony may hereafter annoy the trade of the Spanish settlements onthe opposite coast. But to defend this colony against the one, and toannoy the other, it would be necessary that some regard should be had tothe military and naval defences. The defences of the port may be made asstrong as in any port I know of. By the return of cannon and batteriesyour Lordship will observe that those we have are placed in the bestsituation for annoying an enemy. Still, a small establishment ofartillery officers and men are wanted to work those guns effectually incase of necessity. " King went on to make recommendations for the increaseof the military strength in men, officers, and guns. The originals ofthose despatches, which could furnish the French Government with valuableinformation concerning Port Jackson and the Flinders affair, areendorsed, "letters translated and sent to France;" and Decaen commentedupon them that in his opinion the despatches alone afforded a sufficientpretext for detaining Flinders. "Ought a navigator engaged in discovery, and no longer possessing a passport for his ship, to be in time of war incommand of a despatch-boat, * especially when, having regard to thedistance between the period of the declaration of war and his departurefrom Port Jackson he could have obtained there the news that war hadbroken out?" (* "Devait-il en temps de guerre conduire un paquebot?")

In reporting to his Government Decaen related the story of theCumberland's arrival from his point of view at considerable length. Heexpressed himself as satisfied that her commander really was CaptainFlinders of the Investigator, to whom the French Government had issued apassport; detailed the circumstances of the examination; and complainedof Flinders' "impertinence" and "arrogance. " Then he proceeded todescribe "several motives which have caused me to judge it to beindispensable to detain Captain Flinders. "

The first motive alleged was "the conduct of the English Government inEurope, where she has violated all treaties, her behaviour beforesurrendering the Cape of Good Hope, and her treatment of our ships atPondicherry. " In no way could it be pretended that Flinders was connectedwith these events. 

The second motive was "the seizing of Le Naturaliste, as announced by thenewspapers. " Decaen was here referring to the fact that, when LeNaturaliste was on her homeward voyage from Port Jackson, conveying thenatural history collections, she was stopped by the British frigateMinerva and taken into Portsmouth. But no harm was done to her. She wasmerely detained from May 27th, 1803, till June 6th, when she was releasedby order of the Admiralty. In any case Flinders had nothing to do withthat. 

The third motive was that Captain Flinders' logbook showed an intentionto make an examination of Ile-de-France and Madagascar, from which Decaendrew the inference that, if the English Government received no check, they would extend their power, and would seize the French colony. Hereinthe General did a serious injustice to Flinders. His log-book did indeedindicate that he desired "to acquire a knowledge of the winds and weatherperiodically encountered at Ile-de-France, of the actual state of theFrench colony, and of what utility it and its dependencies in Madagascarmight be to Port Jackson, and whether that island could afford resourcesto myself in my future voyages. " But information of this description wassuch as lay within the proper province of an explorer; and the log-bookcontained no hint, nor was there a remote intention, of acquiringinformation which, however used, could be inimical to the security of theFrench colony. 

Decaen's mind had been influenced by reading Francois Peron's report tohim concerning the expansive designs of the British in the Pacific andIndian Oceans. "There is no doubt, " he informed his Government, "that theEnglish Government have the intention to seize the whole trade of theIndian Ocean, the China Seas and the Pacific, and that they especiallycovet what remains of the Dutch possessions in these waters. " He derivedthat extravagant idea from Peron's inflammatory communication, as will beseen from a perusal of that interesting document. 

By these strained means, then, did Decaen give a semblance of publicpolicy to his decision to detain Flinders. It would have been puerile toattempt to justify his action to his superiors on the personal groundthat the English captain had vexed him; so he hooked in these variouspretexts, though ingenuously acknowledging that they would have countedfor nothing if Flinders had dined with him and talked the matter overconversationally!

On the day following the examination and the refusal of the invitation, Flinders was again conducted on board the Cumberland by Colonel Monistroland the official interpreter, who "acted throughout with much politeness, apologising for what they were obliged by their orders to execute. " Onthis occasion all remaining books and papers, including personal letters, were collected, locked up in a second trunk, and sealed. The documentnoting their deposition and sealing was signed by Flinders, * who wasordered to be detained in the inn under guard. (* Decaen Papers. ) It was, Decaen reported, the best inn in the island, and orders were given tofurnish the prisoner with all that he could want; but Flinders describedit as an exceedingly dirty place. 

On his return to the inn from the ship Flinders wrote a letter to theGovernor, recounting the history of his explorations, and making tworequests: that he might have his printed books ashore, and that hisservant, John Elder, might be permitted to attend him. On the followingday Elder was sent to him. On the 22nd he wrote again, soliciting "that Imay be able to sail as soon as possible after you shall be pleased toliberate me from my present state of purgatory. "* (* Decaen Papers. ) OnChristmas Day he sent a letter suffused with indignant remonstrance, wherein he alleged that "it appears that your Excellency had formed adetermination to stop the Cumberland previously even to seeing me, if aspecious pretext were wanting for it, " and reminded Decaen that "on thefirst evening of my arrival... You told me impetuously that I was imposingon you. " He continued, in a strain that was bold and not conciliatory: "Icannot think that an officer of your rank and judgment to act either soungentlemanlike or so unguardedly as to make such a declaration withoutproof; unless his reason had been blinded by passion, or a previousdetermination that it should be so, nolens volens. In your orders of the21st last it is indeed said that the Captain-General has acquired theconviction that I am the person I pretend to be, and the same for whom apassport was obtained by the English Government from the First Consul. Itfollows then, as I am willing to explain it, that I AM NOT and WAS NOT animposter. This plea was given up when a more plausible one was thought tobe found; but I cannot compliment your Excellency upon this alteration inyour position, for the first, although false, is the more tenable post ofthe two. "

Decaen's reply was stiff and stern. He attributed "the unreserved tone"of Flinders to "the ill humour produced by your present situation, " andconcluded: "This letter, overstepping all the bounds of civility, obligesme to tell you, until the general opinion judges of your faults or ofmine, to cease all correspondence tending to demonstrate the justice ofyour cause, since you know so little how to preserve the rules ofdecorum. "

Flinders in consequence of this snub forebore to make further appeals forconsideration; but three days later he preferred a series of requests, one of which related to the treatment of his crew:

"To his Excellency Captain-General Decaen, "Governor in Chief, etc. , etc. , etc. , Isle of France. 

"From my confinement, December 28th, 1803. 

"Sir, "Since you forbid me to write to you upon the subject of my detainer Ishall not rouse the anger or contempt with which you have been pleased totreat me by disobeying your order. The purpose for which I now write isto express a few humble requests, and most sincerely do I wish that theymay be the last I shall have occasion to trouble your Excellency with. 

"First. I repeat my request of the 23rd to have my printed books on shorefrom the schooner. 

"Second. I request to have my private letters and papers out of the twotrunks lodged in your secretariat, they having no connection with myGovernment or the voyage of discovery. 

"Third. I beg to have two or three charts and three or four manuscriptbooks out of the said trunks, which are necessary to finishing the chartof the Gulf of Carpentaria and some parts adjacent. It may be proper toobserve as an explanation of this last request that the parts wantingwere mostly lost in the shipwreck, and I wish to replace them from mymemory and remaining materials before it is too late. Of these amemorandum can be taken, or I will give a receipt for them, and if it isjudged necessary to exact it I will give my word that nothing in thebooks shall be erased or destroyed, but I could wish to make additions toone or two of the books as well as to the charts, after which I shall beready to give up the whole. 

"Fourth. My seamen complain of being shut up at night in a place wherenot a breath of air can come to them, which in a climate like this mustbe not only uncomfortable in the last degree, but also very destructiveto European constitutions; they say, further, that the people with whomthey are placed are much affected with that disagreeable and contagiousdisorder the itch; and that the provisions with which they are fed aretoo scanty, except in the article of meat, the proportion of which islarge but of bad quality. Your Excellency will no doubt make such anamendment in their condition as circumstances will permit. 

"A compliance with the above requests will not only furnish me with abetter amusement in this solitude than writing letters to yourExcellency, but will be attended with advantages in which the Frenchnation may some time share. This application respecting the charts is notaltogether made upon a firm persuasion that you will return everything tome, for if I could believe that they were never to be given to me or myGovernment I should make the same request. 

"Your prisoner, "MATTHEW FLINDERS. "

On the day when the letter was despatched, Colonel Monistrol called, andpromised that the books and papers requested should be supplied; and, infact, the trunk containing them was without delay brought to the inn. TheColonel courteously expressed his regret that Flinders had adopted such atone in his letters to the General, thinking "that they might tend toprotract rather than terminate" his confinement. The complaint respectingthe seamen was attended to forthwith, and they were treated exactly onthe same footing as were French sailors on service. * (* St. Eleme leDuc's manuscript History. )

The first thing Flinders did, when he received the trunk, was to take outhis naval signal-book and tear it to pieces. Next day he was conducted toGovernment House, and was allowed to take from the second trunk all hisprivate letters and papers, his journals of bearings and observations, two log-books, and such charts as were necessary to complete his drawingsof the Gulf of Carpentaria. All the other books and papers "were lockedup in the trunk and sealed as before. "

Until the end of March, 1804, Flinders was kept at the inn, with a sentryconstantly on guard over the rooms. St. Elme le Duc, in the manuscripthistory already cited, declares that "Captain Flinders was never put inprison, " and that his custom of addressing letters "from my prison" wasan "affectation. " But a couple of inn rooms wherein a person is keptagainst his will, under the strict surveillance of a military custodian, certainly constitute a prison. It is true that the Governor allotted 450francs per month for his maintenance, sent a surgeon to attend to himwhen scorbutic sores broke out upon his body, and gave him access to thepapers and books he required in order that he might occupy his time anddivert his mind with the work he loved. But it is surely quibbling topretend that even under these conditions he was not a prisoner. Even thesurgeon and the interpreter were not admitted without a written order;and when the interpreter, Bonnefoy, took from Flinders a bill, which heundertook to negotiate, the sentry reported that a paper had passedbetween the two, and Bonnefoy was arrested, nor was he liberated until itwas ascertained that the bill was the only paper he had received. Thebill was the subject of an act of kindness from the Danish consul, whonegotiated it at face value at a time when bills upon England could onlybe cashed in Port Louis at a discount of 30 per cent. This liberalgentleman sent the message that he would have proffered his assistanceearlier but for the fear of incurring the Governor's displeasure. 

An attempt was made in February to induce Decaen to send his prisoner toFrance for trial. It was submitted in the following terms:* (* DecaenPapers. )

"Sir, "Having waited six weeks with much anxiety for your Excellency's decisionconcerning me, I made application for the honour of an audience, butreceived no answer; a second application obtained a refusal. It was notmy intention to trouble the Captain-General by recounting my grievances, but to offer certain proposals to his consideration; and in now doingthis by letter it is my earnest wish to avoid everything that can in themost distant manner give offence; should I fail, my ignorance and notintention must be blamed. 

"First. If your Excellency will permit me to depart with my vessel, papers, etc. , I will pledge my honour not to give any informationconcerning the Isle of France, or anything belonging to it, for a limitedtime, if it is thought that I can have gained any information; or if itis judged necessary, any other restrictions can be laid upon me. If thiswill not be complied with I request:

"Second, to be sent to France. 

"Third. But if it is necessary to detain me here, I request that myofficer and my people may be permitted to depart in the schooner. I amdesirous of this as well for the purpose of informing the BritishAdmiralty where I am, as to relieve our families and friends from thereport that will be spread of the total loss of the two ships with all onboard. My officer can be laid under what restrictions may be thoughtnecessary, and my honour shall be a security that nothing shall betransmitted by me but what passes under the inspection of the officer whomight be appointed for that purpose. 

"If your Excellency does not think proper to adopt any of these modes, bywhich, with submission, I conceive my voyage of discovery might bepermitted to proceed without any possible injury to the Isle of France orits dependencies, I then think it necessary to remind the Captain-Generalthat since the shipwreck of the Porpoise, which happened now six monthsback, my officers and people as well as myself have been mostly confinedeither on a very small sandbank in the open sea, or in a boat, orotherwise on board the small schooner Cumberland, where there is no roomto walk, or been kept prisoners as at present; and also, that previous tothis time I had not recovered from a scorbutic and very debilitated statearising from having been eleven months exposed to great fatigue, badclimates and salt provisions. From the scorbutic sores which have againtroubled me since my arrival in this port the surgeon who dressed themsaw that a vegetable diet and exercise were necessary to correct thediseased state of the blood and to restore my health; but his applicationthrough your Excellency's aide-de-camp for me to walk out, unfortunatelyfor my health and peace of mind, received a negative. The Captain-Generalbest knows whether my conduct has deserved, or the exigencies of hisGovernment require, that I should continue to remain closely confined inthis sickly town and cut off from all society. 

"With all due consideration, I am, "Your Excellency's prisoner, "MATTHEW FLINDERS. "

To this petition Decaen returned no reply. Feeling therefore that hisdetention was likely to be prolonged, Flinders, weary of confinement, andlonging for human fellowship, applied to be removed to the place whereBritish officers, prisoners of war, were kept. It was a large house withspacious rooms standing in a couple of acres of ground, about a mile fromthe tavern, and was variously called the Maison Despeaux, or the GardenPrison. Here at all events fresh air could be enjoyed. The applicationwas acceded to immediately, and Colonel Monistrol himself came, with thecourtesy that he never lost an opportunity of manifesting, to conductFlinders and Aken and to assist them to choose rooms. "This little walkof a mile, " Flinders recorded, "showed how debilitating is the want ofexercise and fresh air, for it was not without the assistance of ColonelMonistrol's arm that I was able to get through it. Conveyances were sentin the evening for our trunks, and we took possession of our new prisonwith a considerable degree of pleasure, this change of situation andsurrounding objects producing an exhilaration of spirits to which we hadlong been strangers. "

CHAPTER 23. THE CAPTIVITY PROLONGED. 

We shall now see how a detention which had been designed as a sharppunishment of an officer who had not comported himself with perfectrespect, and which Decaen never intended to be prolonged beyond abouttwelve months, dragged itself into years, and came to bear an aspect ofobstinate malignity. 

Decaen's despatch arrived in France during the first half of the year1804. Its terms were not calculated to induce the French Government toregard Flinders as a man entitled to their consideration, even if eventshad been conducive to a speedy determination. But the Departments, especially those of Marine and War, were being worked to their fullcapacity upon affairs of the most pressing moment. Napoleon becameEmperor of the French in that year (May), and his immense energy wasflogging official activities incessantly. War with England mainlyabsorbed attention. At Boulogne a great flotilla had been organized forthe invasion of the obdurate country across the Channel. A large fleetwas being fitted out at Brest and at Toulon, the fleet which Nelson wasto smash at Trafalgar in the following year. Matters relating to theisolated colony in the Indian Ocean did not at the moment command muchinterest in France. 

There were several other pieces of business, apart from the Flindersaffair, to which Decaen wished to direct attention. He sent one of hisaides-de-camp, Colonel Barois, to Paris to see Napoleon in person, ifpossible, and in any case to interview the Minister of Marine and theColonies, Decres. Decaen especially directed Barois to see that theFlinders case was brought under Napoleon's notice, and he did his best. *(* Prentout page 392. ) He saw Decres and asked him whether Decaen'sdespatches had been well received. "Ah, " said the Minister pleasantly, ina voice loud enough to be heard by the circle of courtiers, "everythingthat comes from General Decaen is well received. " But there was no spiritof despatch. Finally Barois did obtain an interview with Napoleon, through the aid of the Empress Josephine. He referred to "l'affaireFlinders, " of which Napoleon knew little; but "he appeared to approve thereasons invoked to justify the conduct of Decaen. " The Emperor had notime just then for examining the facts, and his approval simply reflectedhis trust in Decaen. As he said to the General's brother Rene, at a laterinterview, "I have the utmost confidence in Decaen. " But meanwhile nodirection was given as to what was to be done. It will be seen later howit was that pressure of business delayed the despatch of an intimation toIle-de-France of a step that was actually taken. 

That at this time Decaen was simply waiting for an order from Paris torelease Flinders is clear from observations which he made, and from newswhich came to the ears of the occupant of the Garden Prison. In March, 1804, he told Captain Bergeret of the French navy, who showed Flindersfriendly attentions, to tell him to "have a little patience, as he shouldsoon come to some determination on the affair. " In August of the sameyear Flinders wrote to King that Decaen had stated that "I must waituntil orders were received concerning me from the French Government. "* (*Historical Records 6 411. ) A year later (November, 1805) he wrote: "Ifirmly believe that, if he had not said to the French Government, duringthe time of his unjust suspicion of me, that he should detain me hereuntil he received their orders, he would have gladly suffered me todepart long since. "* (* Historical Records 6 737. ) Again, in July, 1806, *(* Ibid 6 106. ) he wrote: "General Decaen, if I am rightly informed, ishimself heartily sorry for having made me a prisoner, " but "he remittedthe judgment of my case to the French Government, and cannot permit me todepart or even send me to France, until he shall receive orders. "

The situation was, then, that Decaen, having referred the case to Parisin order that the Government might deal with it, could not now, consistently with his duty, send Flinders away from the island untilinstructions were received; and the Department concerned had too muchpressing business on hand at the moment to give attention to it. Flindershad to wait. 

His health improved amidst the healthier surroundings of his new abode, and he made good progress with his work. His way of life is described ina letter of May 18th, 1804:* (* Flinders' Papers. ) "My time is nowemployed as follows: Before breakfast my time is devoted to the Latinlanguage, to bring up what I formerly learnt. After breakfast I amemployed in making out a fair copy of the Investigator's log in lieu ofmy own, which was spoiled at the shipwreck. When tired of writing I applyto music, and when my fingers are tired with the flute, I write againtill dinner. After dinner we amuse ourselves with billiards until tea, and afterwards walk in the garden till dusk. From thence till supper Imake one at Pleyel's quartettes; afterwards walking half an hour, andthen sleep soundly till daylight, when I get up and bathe. "

A letter to his stepmother, dated August 25th, of the same year, commentson his situation in a mood of courageous resignation:* (* Flinders'Papers. ) "I have gone through some hardships and misfortunes within thelast year, but the greatest is that of having been kept here eight monthsfrom returning to my dear friends and family. My health is, however, goodat this time, nor are my spirits cast down, although the tyranny of theGovernor of this island in treating me as a spy has been grievous. Ibelieve my situation is known by this time in England, and will probablymake some noise, for indeed it is almost without example. The Frenchinhabitants even of this island begin to make complaints of the injusticeof their Governor, and they are disposed to be very kind to me. Four orfive different people have offered me any money I may want, or anyservice that they can do for me, but as they cannot get me my libertytheir services are of little avail. I have a companion here in one of myofficers, and a good and faithful servant in my steward, and for theselast four months have been allowed to walk in a garden. The Governorpretends to say that he cannot let me go until he receives orders fromFrance, and it is likely that these will not arrive these four months. Iam obliged to call up all the patience that I can to bear this injustice;my great consolation is that I have done nothing to forfeit my passport, or that can justify them for keeping me a prisoner, so I must be set atliberty with honour when the time comes, and my country will, I trust, reward me for my sufferings in having supported her cause with the spiritbecoming an Englishman. "

A letter to Mrs. Flinders (August 24th, 1804) voices the yearning of thecaptive for the solace of home:* (* Flinders' Papers. ) "I yesterdayenjoyed a delicious piece of misery in reading over thy dear letters, mybeloved Ann. Shall I tell thee that I have never before done it since Ihave been shut up in this prison? I have many friends, who are kind andmuch interested for me, and I certainly love them. But yet before theethey disappear as stars before the rays of the morning sun. I cannotconnect the idea of happiness with anything without thee. Without thee, the world would be a blank. I might indeed receive some gratificationfrom distinction and the applause of society; but where could be thefaithful friend who would enjoy and share this with me, into whose bosommy full heart could unburthen itself of excess of joy? Where would bethat sweet intercourse of soul, the fine seasoning of happiness, withoutwhich a degree of insipidity attends all our enjoyments?... I am notwithout friends even among the French. On the contrary. I have several, and but one enemy, who unfortunately, alas, is all-powerful here; norwill he on any persuasion permit me to pass the walls of the prison, although some others who are thought less dangerous have had thatindulgence occasionally. "

"When my family are the subject of my meditation, " he said in a letter tohis step-mother, "my bonds enter deep into my soul. "

His private opinion of Decaen is expressed in a letter written at thisperiod:* (* Flinders' Papers. ) "The truth I believe is that the violenceof his passion outstrips his judgment and reason, and does not allow themto operate; for he is instantaneous in his directions, and should he doan injustice he must persist in it because it would lower his dignity toretract. His antipathy, moreover, is so great to Englishmen, who are theonly nation that could prevent the ambitious designs of France from beingput into execution, that immediately the name of one is mentioned he isdirectly in a rage, and his pretence and wish to be polite scarcelyprevent him from breaking out in the presence even of strangers. With allthis he has the credit of having a good heart at the bottom. "

The captain of a French ship, M. Coutance, whom Flinders had known atPort Jackson, saw Decaen on his behalf, and reported the result of theinterview. "The General accused me of nothing more than of being tropvive; I had shown too much independence in refusing to dine with a manwho had accused me of being an impostor, and who had unjustly made me aprisoner. "

Meanwhile two playful sallies penned at this time show that his healthand appetite had mended during his residence at the Maison Despeaux:* (*Flinders' Papers. ) "My appetite is so good that I believe it has theintention of revenging me on the Governor by occasioning a famine in theland. Falstaff says, 'Confound this grief, it makes a man go thirsty;give me a cup of sack. ' Instead of thirsty read hungry, and for a cup ofsack read mutton chop, and the words would fit me very well. " The secondpassage is from his private journal, and may have been the consequence oftoo much mutton chop: "Dreamt that General Decaen was sitting and lyingupon me, to devour me; was surprised to find devouring so easy to beborne, and that after death I had the consciousness of existence. Got upsoon after six much agitated, with a more violent headache than usual. "

Flinders lost no opportunity of appealing to influential Frenchmen, relating the circumstances of his detention. He offered to submit himselfto an examination by the officers of Admiral Linois' squadron, and thatcommander promised to speak to Decaen on the subject, adding that heshould be "flattered in contributing to your being set at liberty. "Captain Halgan, of Le Berceau, who had been in England during the shortpeace, and had heard much of Flinders' discoveries, visited him severaltimes and offered pecuniary assistance if it were required. Flinderswrote to the French Minister of the Treasury, Barbe-Marbois, urging himto intercede, and to the Comte de Fleurieu, one of the most influentialmen in French scientific circles, who was particularly well informedconcerning Australian exploration. 

The flat roof of the Maison Despeaux commanded a view of Port Louisharbour; and, as Flinders was in the habit of sitting upon the roof inthe cool evenings, enjoying the sight of the blue waters, and meditatingupon his work and upon what he hoped still to do, Decaen thought he wasgetting to know too much. In June, 1804, therefore, the door to the roofwas ordered to be nailed up, and telescopes were taken away from theimprisoned officers. At this time also occurred an incident which showsthat Flinders' proud spirit was by no means broken by captivity. Thesergeant of the guard demanded the swords of all the prisoners, that ofFlinders among the rest. It was an affront to him as an officer that hissword should be demanded by a sergeant, and he promptly refused. Hedespatched the following letter to the Governor:* (* Decaen Papers Volume84. )

"To His Excellency Captain-General Decaen, "Governor-in-Chief, etc. , etc. , etc. 

"Sir, The sergeant of the guard over the prisoners in this house has demandedof me, by the order of Captain Neuville, my sword, and all other arms inmy possession. 

"Upon this subject I beg leave to represent to Your Excellency that it ishighly inconsistent with my situation in His Britannic Majesty's serviceto deliver up my arms in this manner. I am ready to deliver up to anofficer bearing your Excellency's order, but I request that that officerwill be of equal rank to myself. 

"I have the honour to be, "Your Excellency's most obedient servant and prisoner, "MATTW. FLINDERS. 

"Maison Despeaux, June 2, 1804. "

In a few days Captain Neuville called to apologise. It was, he said, amistake on the part of the sergeant to ask for the sword. Had theGovernor required it, an officer of equal rank would have been sent, "buthe had no intention to make me a prisoner until he should receive ordersto that effect. " Not a prisoner! What was he, then? Certainly not, saidCaptain Neuville; he was merely "put under surveillance for a shortperiod. " Inasmuch as Flinders was being treated with rather morestrictness than those who were confessedly prisoners of war, the benefitof the distinction was hard to appreciate. 

Flinders considered that he had been treated rather handsomely in thematter of the sword. But about three months later a junior officer, whobehaved with much politeness, came under the orders of ColonelD'Arsonville, the town major, to demand it. D'Arsonville had beeninstructed by Decaen to take possession of it, but had been unable tocome himself. Flinders considered that under the circumstances he hadbetter give up the sword to save further trouble, and did so. Thesignificance of the incident is that, having received no orders fromFrance, Decaen from this time regarded Flinders as a prisoner of war inthe technical sense. He felt bound to hold him until instructionsarrived, and could only justifiably hold him as a prisoner. 

December, 1804, arrived, and still no order of release came. On theanniversary of his arrest, Flinders wrote the following letter toDecaen:* (* Decaen Papers. )

"Maison Despeaux, December 16, 1804. 

"General, "Permit me to remind you that I am yet a prisoner in this place, and thatit is now one year since my arrestation. This is the anniversary of thatday on which you transferred me from liberty and my peaceful occupationsto the misery of a close confinement. 

"Be pleased, sir, to consider that the great occupations of the FrenchGovernment may leave neither time nor inclination to attend to thesituation of an Englishman in a distant colony, and that the chance ofwar may render abortive for a considerable time at least any attempts tosend out despatches to this island. The lapse of one year shows that oneor other of these circumstances has already taken place, and theconsequence of my detainer until orders are received from France willmost probably be, that a second year will be cut out of my life anddevoted to the same listless inaction as the last, to the destruction ofmy health and happiness, and the probable ruin of all my furtherprospects. I cannot expect, however, that my private misfortunes shouldhave any influence upon Your Excellency's public conduct. It is frombeing engaged in a service calculated for the benefit of all maritimenations; from my passport; the inoffensiveness of my conduct; and theprobable delay of orders from France. Upon these considerations it isthat my present hope of receiving liberty must be founded. 

"But should a complete liberation be so far incompatible with YourExcellency's plan of conduct concerning me as that no arguments willinduce you to grant it; I beg of you, General, to reflect whether everypurpose of the most severe justice will not be answered by sending me toFrance; since it is to that Government, as I am informed, that my case isreferred for decision. 

"If neither of these requests be complied with, I must prepare to endurestill longer this anxious tormenting state of suspense, this exclusionfrom my favourite and, I will add, useful employment, and from all that Ihave looked forward to attain by it. Perhaps also I ought to prepare mymind for a continuance of close imprisonment. If so, I will endeavour tobear it and its consequences with firmness, and may God support my heartthrough the trial. My hopes, however, tell me more agreeable things, thateither this petition to be fully released with my people, books andpapers will be accorded, or that we shall be sent to France, where, ifthe decision of the Government should be favourable, we can immediatelyreturn to our country, our families and friends, and my report of ourinvestigations be made public if it shall be deemed worthy of thathonour. 

"My former application for one of these alternatives was unsuccessful, but after a year's imprisonment and a considerable alteration in thecircumstances, I hope this will be more fortunate. 

"With all due consideration I have the honour to be, Your Excellency'smost obedient humble servant. 

"MATTW. FLINDERS. "

To this appeal the General vouchsafed no response. 

The return of the hot weather aggravated a constitutional internalcomplaint from which Flinders suffered severely. The principal physicianof the medical staff visited him and recommended a removal to the highlands in the interior of the island. John Aken, the companion of hiscaptivity, also became very ill, and his life was despaired of. In May, 1805, having somewhat recovered, he applied to be allowed to depart withseveral other prisoners of war who were being liberated on parole. Verymuch to his surprise the permission was accorded. Aken left on May 20thin an American ship bound for New York, the captain of which gave him afree passage; taking with him all the charts which Flinders had finishedup to date, as well as the large general chart of Australia, showing theextent of the new discoveries, and all papers relating to theInvestigator voyage. There was at this time a general exchange ofprisoners of war, and by the middle of August the only English prisonersremaining in Ile-de-France were Flinders, his servant, who steadfastlyrefused to avail himself of the opportunity to leave, and a lame seaman. 

CHAPTER 24. THE CAPTIVITY MODIFIED. 

Flinders continued to reside at the Garden prison till August, 1805. Inthat month he was informed that the Governor was disposed to permit himto live in the interior of the island, if he so desired. This changewould give him a large measure of personal freedom, he would no longer beunder close surveillance, and he would be able to enjoy social life. Hehad formed a friendship with an urbane and cultivated French gentleman, Thomas Pitot, whom he consulted, and who found for him a residence in thehouse of Madame D'Arifat at Wilhelm's Plains. 

Here commenced a period of five years and six months, of detentioncertainly, but no longer of imprisonment. In truth, it was the mostrestful period of Flinders' whole life; and, if he could have banishedthe longing for home and family, and the bitter feeling of wrong thatgnawed at his heart, and could have quietened the desire that was everuppermost in his mind to continue the exploratory work still remaining tobe done, his term under Madame D'Arifat's roof would have beendelightfully happy. 

Those twenty months in Port Louis had made him a greatly changed man. Friends who had known him in the days of eager activity, when fatigueswere lightly sustained, would scarcely have recognised the brisk explorerin the pale, emaciated, weak, limping semi-invalid who took his leave ofthe kind-hearted sergeant of the guard on August 19th, and stepped feeblyoutside the iron gate in company with his friend Pitot. A portrait ofhim, painted by an amateur some time later, crude in execution though itis, shows the hollow cheeks of a man who had suffered, and conveys anidea of the dimmed eyes whose brightness and commanding expression hadonce been remarked by many who came in contact with him. 

But at all events over five years of fairly pleasant existence were nowbefore him. The reason why the period was so protracted will be explainedin the next chapter. This one can be devoted to the life at Wilhelm'sPlains. 

A parole was given, by which Flinders bound himself not to go more thantwo leagues from his habitation, and to conduct himself with that degreeof reserve which was becoming in an officer residing in a colony withwhose parent state his nation was at war. 

The interior of Mauritius is perhaps as beautiful a piece of country asthere is in the world. The vegetation is rich and varied, gemmed withflowers and plentifully watered by cool, pure, never-failing streams. Toone who had been long in prison pent, the journey inland was a processionof delights. Monsieur Pitot, who was intimate with the country gentlemen, made the stages easy, and several visits were paid by the way. Thecultivated French people of the island were all very glad to entertainFlinders, of whom they had heard much, and who won their sympathy byreason of his wrongs, and their affection by his own personality. Charming gardens shaded by mango and other fruit trees, cool fish-ponds, splashing cascades and tumbling waterfalls, coffee and clove plantations, breathing out a spicy fragrance, stretches of natural forest--a perpetualvariety in beauty--gratified the traveller, as he ascended the thousandfeet above which stretched the plateau whereon the home of MadameD'Arifat stood. 

In the garden of the house were two comfortable pavilions. One of thesewas to be occupied by Flinders, the other by his servant, Elder, and thelame seaman who accompanied him. Madame D'Arifat hospitably proposed thathe should take his meals with her family in the house, and his gladacceptance of the invitation commenced a pleasant and profitablefriendship with people to whom he ever after referred with deep respect. 

A note about the kindness of these gentle friends is contained in aletter to his wife:* (* Flinders' Papers. ) "Madame and her amiabledaughters said much to console me, and seemed to take it upon themselvesto dissipate my chagrin by engaging me in innocent amusement andagreeable conversation. I cannot enough be grateful to them for suchkindness to a stranger, to a foreigner, to an enemy of their country, forsuch they have a right to consider me if they will, though I am an enemyto no country in fact, but as it opposes the honour, interest, andhappiness of my own. My employment and inclinations lead to the extensionof happiness and of science, and not to the destruction of mankind. "

The kindly consideration of the inhabitants was unfailing. Their houseswere ever open to the English captain, and they were always glad to havehim with them, and hear him talk about the wonders of his adventurouslife. He enjoyed his walks, and restored health soon stimulated him torenewed mental activity. 

He studied the French language, and learnt to speak and write it clearly. He continued to read Latin, and also studied Malay, thinking that aknowledge of this tongue would be useful to him in case of future workupon the northern coasts of Australia and the neighbouring archipelagoes. He never lost hope of pursuing his investigations in the field where hehad already won so much distinction. To his brother Samuel, in a letterof October, 1807, he wrote:* (* Flinders' Papers. ) "You know my intentionof completing the examination of Australia as soon as the Admiralty willgive me a ship. My intentions are still the same, and the great object ofmy present studies is to render myself more capable of performing thetask with reputation. " He cogitated a scheme for exploring the interiorof Australia "from the head of the Gulf of Carpentaria to the head of thegreat gulf on the south coast, " i. E. , Spencer's Gulf. "In case of beingagain sent to Australia I should much wish that this was part of myinstructions. " Much as he longed to see his friends in England, work, always work, scope for more and more work, was his dominating passion. "Should a peace speedily arrive, " he told Banks (March, 1806), "and theirLordships of the Admiralty wish to have the north-west coast of Australiaexamined immediately, I will be ready to embark in any ship provided forthe service that they may choose to send out. My misfortunes have notabated my ardour in the service of science. " If there was work to do, hewould even give up the chance of going home before commencing it. "In theevent of sending out another Investigator immediately after the peace, probably Lieutenant Fowler or my brother might be chosen as firstlieutenant to bring her out to me. " He spoke of directing researches tothe Fiji Islands and the South Pacific. Rarely has there been a man sokeen for the most strenuous service, so unsparing of himself, so eager toexcel. 

Occasionally in the letters and journals appear lively descriptions oflife at Wilhelm's Plains. The following is a tinted vignette of thiskind: "In the evening I walked out to visit my neighbour, whom I had notseen for near a week. I met the whole family going out in the followingorder: First, Madame, with her youngest daughter, about six years old, ina palankin with M. Boistel walking by the side of it. Next, MademoiselleAimee, about 16, mounted astride upon an ass, with her younger sister, about 7, behind her, also astride. Third, Mademoiselle her sister, about15, mounted upon M. Boistel's horse, also astride; and two or three blackservants carrying an umbrella, lanthorn, etc. , bringing up the rear. Thetwo young ladies had stockings on to-day, * (* On a previous day, mentioned in the journal, they had worn none. ) and for what I knowdrawers also; they seemed to have occasion for them. Madame stopped onseeing me, and I paid my compliments and made the usual enquiries. Shesaid they were taking a promenade, going to visit a neighbour, and onthey set. I could perceive that the two young ladies were a littleashamed of meeting me, and were cautious to keep their coats well down totheir ankles, which was no easy thing. I stood looking after and admiringthe procession some time; considering it a fair specimen of the manner inwhich the gentry of the island, who are not very well provided withconveyances, make visits in the country. I wished much to be able to makea sketch of the procession. It would have been as good, with the title of'Going to See our Neighbour' under it, as the Vicar of Wakefield's family'Going to Church. '"

He was much interested in an inspection of the Mesnil estate, whereLaperouse had resided when as an officer of the French navy he hadvisited Ile-de-France, and which in conjunction with another Frenchofficer he purchased. It was here, though Flinders does not seem to havebeen aware of the romantic fact, that the illustrious navigator fell inlove with Eleanore Broudou, whom, despite family opposition, heafterwards married. * (* The charming love-story of Laperouse has beenrelated in the author's Laperouse, Sydney 1912. ) "I surveyed the scene, "wrote Flinders, "with mingled sensations of pleasure and melancholy: theruins of his house, the garden he had laid out, the still bloominghedgerows of China roses, emblems of his reputation, everything was anobject of interest and curiosity. This spot is nearly in the centre ofthe island, and upon the road from Port Louis to Port Bourbon. It washere that the man lamented by the good and well-informed of all nations, whom science illumined, and humanity, joined to an honest ambition, conducted to the haunts of remote savages, in this spot he once dwelt, perhaps little known to the world, but happy; when he became celebratedhe had ceased to exist. Monsieur Airolles promised me to place threesquare blocks of stone, one upon the other, in the spot where the houseof this lamented navigator had stood; and upon the uppermost stone facingthe road to engrave 'Laperouse. '"

Investigations made in later years by the Comite des SouvenirsHistoriques of Mauritius, show that Airolles carried out his promise toFlinders, and erected a cairn in the midst of what had been the garden ofLaperouse. But the stones were afterwards removed by persons who hadlittle sentiment for the associations of the place. In the year 1897, theComite des Souvenirs Historiques obtained from M. Dauban, then theproprietor of the estate, permission to erect a suitable memorial, suchas Flinders had suggested. This was done. The inscription upon the faceof the huge conical rock chosen for the purpose copies the words used byFlinders. It reads:

LAPEROUSE

ILLUSTRE NAVIGATEUR

A achete ce terrain en Avril 1775 et l'a habite. 

Le CAPITAINE FLINDERS dit:

"In this spot he once dwelt, perhaps little known to the world, buthappy. "

(Comite des Souvenirs Historiques. 1897. )

Flinders' pen was very busy during these years. Access to his charts andpapers, printed volumes and log-books (except the third log-book, containing details of the Cumberland's voyage), having been given to him, he wrote up the history of his voyages and adventures. By July, 1806, hehad completed the manuscript as far as the point when he left the Gardenprison. An opportunity of despatching it to the Admiralty occurred whenthe French privateer La Piemontaise captured the richly laden Chinamerchantman Warren Hastings and brought her into Port Louis as a prize. Captain Larkins was released after a short detention, and offered to takea packet to the Admiralty. Finished charts were also sent; and Sir JohnBarrow, who wrote the powerful Quarterly Review article of 1810, whereinFlinders' cause was valiantly championed, had resort to this material. Avaluable paper by Flinders, upon the use of the marine barometer forpredicting changes of wind at sea, was also the fruit of his enforcedleisure. It was conveyed to England, read before the Royal Society by SirJoseph Banks, and published in the Transactions of that learned body in1806. 

The friendship of able and keen-minded men was not lacking during theseyears. There existed in Ile-de-France a Societe d'Emulation, formed topromote the study of literary and philosophical subjects, whose members, learning what manner of man Flinders was, addressed a memorial to theInstitute of France relating what had happened to him, and eulogising hiscourage, his high character, his innocence, and the worth of hisservices. They protested that he was a man into whose heart there hadnever entered a single desire, a single thought, the execution of whichcould be harmful to any individual, of whatever class or to whatevernation he might belong. "Use then, we beg of you, " they urged, "in favourof Captain Flinders the influence of the first scientific body in Europe, the National Institute, in order that the error which has led to thecaptivity of this learned navigator may become known; you will acquire, in rendering this noble service, a new title to the esteem and the honourof all nations, and of all friends of humanity. "

The Governor-General of India, Lord Wellesley, took a keen interest inFlinders' situation, and in 1805 requested Decaen's "particularattention" to it, earnestly soliciting him to "release Captain Flindersimmediately, and to allow him either to take his passage to India in theThetis or to return to England in the first neutral ship. " Rear-AdmiralSir Edward Pellew, commander-in-chief of the British naval forces in theEast Indies, tried to effect an exchange by the liberation of a Frenchofficer of equal rank. But in this direction nothing was concluded. 

Under these circumstances, with agreeable society, amidst sympatheticfriends, in a charming situation, well and profitably employed upon hisown work, Flinders spent over five years of his captivity. He neverceased to chafe under the restraint, and to move every availableinfluence to secure his liberty, but it cannot be said that the chainswere oppressively heavy. Decaen troubled him very little. Once (in May, 1806) the General's anger flamed up, in consequence of a strong letter ofprotest received from Governor King of New South Wales. King's affectionfor Flinders was like that of a father for a son, and on receipt of thenews about the Cumberland his indignation poured itself out in thisletter to Decaen, with which he enclosed a copy of Flinders' letter tohim. It happened that, at the time of the arrival of the letter inIle-de-France, Flinders was on a visit to Port Louis, where he had beenpermitted to come for a few days. The result of King's intervention wasthat Decaen ordered him to return to Wilhelm's Plains, and refused theapplication he had made to be allowed to visit two friends who wereliving on the north-east side of the island. 

John Elder, Flinders' servant, remained with him until June, 1806. Hemight have left when there was a general exchange of prisoners in August, 1805, and another opportunity of quitting the island was presented inApril, 1806, when the lame seaman departed on an American ship bound forBoston. But Elder was deeply attached to his master, and would haveremained till the end had not his mind become somewhat unhinged byfrequent disappointments and by his despair of ever securing liberation. When his companion, the lame seaman, went away, Elder developed a form ofmelancholy, with hallucinations, and appeared to be wasting away fromloss of sleep and appetite. Permission for him to depart was thereforeobtained, and from July, 1806, Flinders was the only remaining member ofthe Cumberland's company. 

Throughout the period of detention Flinders was placed on half-pay by theAdmiralty. It cannot be said that he was treated with generosity by theGovernment of his own country at any time. He was not a prisoner of warin the strict sense, and the rigid application of the ordinaryregulations of service in his peculiar case seems to have been a ratherstiff measure. Besides, the Admiralty had evidence from time to time, inthe receipt of new charts and manuscripts, that Flinders wasindustriously applying himself to the duties of the service on which hehad been despatched. But there was the regulation, and someone inauthority ruled that it had to apply in this most unusual instance. Thereis some pathos in a letter written by Mrs. Flinders to a friend inEngland (August, 1806) "The Navy Board have thought proper to curtail myhusband's pay, so it behoves me to be as careful as I can; and I mean tobe very economical, being determined to do with as little as possible, that he may not deem me an extravagant wife. "

CHAPTER 25. THE ORDER OF RELEASE. 

The several representations concerning the case of Flinders that weremade in France, the attention drawn to it in English newspapers, and thelively interest of learned men of both nations, produced a moving effectupon Napoleon's Government. Distinguished Frenchmen did not hesitate tospeak plainly. Fleurieu, whose voice was attentively heard on all matterstouching geography and discovery, declared publicly that "the indignitiesimposed upon Captain Flinders were without example in the nauticalhistory of civilised nations. Malte-Brun, a savant of the first rank, expressed himself so boldly as to incur the displeasure of theauthorities. Bougainville, himself a famous navigator, made personalappeals to the Government. Sir Joseph Banks, whose friendly relationswith French men of science were not broken by the war, used all theinfluence he could command. He had already, "from the graciouscondescension of the Emperor, " obtained the release of five persons whohad been imprisoned in France, * and had no doubt that if he could getNapoleon's ear he could bring about the liberation of his protege. (*Banks to Flinders, Historical Records 5 646. )

At last, in March, 1806, the affair came before the Council of State inParis, mainly through the instrumentality of Bougainville. Banks wrote toMrs. Flinders:* (* Flinders' Papers. ) "After many refusals on the part ofBonaparte to applications made to him from different quarters, he at lastconsented to order Captain Flinders' case to be laid before the Councilof State. "

On the first of March an order was directed to be sent to Decaen, approving his previous conduct, but informing him that, moved "by asentiment of generosity, the Government accord to Captain Flinders hisliberty and the restoration of his ship. " Accompanying the despatch wasan extract from the minutes of the Council of State, dated March 1st, 1806, recording that: "The Council of State, which, after the return ofHis Majesty the Emperor and King, has considered the report of its Marinesection on that of the Minister of Marine and the Colonies concerning thedetention of the English schooner Cumberland and of Captain Flinders atIle-de-France (see the documents appended to the report), is of opinionthat the Captain-General of Ile-de-France had sufficient reason fordetaining there Captain Flinders and his schooner; but by reason of theinterest that the misfortunes of Captain Flinders has inspired, he seemsto deserve that His Majesty should authorise the Minister of Marine andthe Colonies to restore to him his liberty and his ship. " This documentwas endorsed: "Approuve au Palais des Tuileries, le onze Mars, 1806. 

NAPOLEON. "

The terms of the despatch with which the order was transmitted containeda remarkable statement. Decres informed Decaen that he, as Minister, hadon the 30th July, 1804--nearly one year and nine months before the orderof release--brought Flinders' case under the notice of the Council ofState. But nothing was done: the Emperor had to be consulted, and at thatdate Napoleon was not accessible. He was superintending the army encampedat Boulogne, preparing for that projected descent upon England which evenhis magnificent audacity never dared to make. He did not return to St. Cloud, within hail of Paris, till October 12th. * (* The movements ofNapoleon day by day can be followed in Schuerman's Itineraire General deNapoleon. ) Then the officials surrounding him were kept busy withpreparations for crowning himself and the Empress Josephine, a ceremonyperformed by Pope Pius VII, at Notre Dame, on December 2nd. Theconsequence was that this piece of business about an unfortunate Englishcaptain in Ile-de-France--like nearly all other business concerned withthe same colony at the time--got covered up beneath a mass of more urgentaffairs, and remained in abeyance until the agitation stimulated byBanks, Fleurieu, Bougainville, Malte-Brun and others forced the caseunder the attention of the Emperor and his ministers. 

Even then the despatch did not reach Ile-de-France till July, 1807, sixteen months after the date upon it; and it was then transmitted, notby a French ship, but by an English frigate, the Greyhound, under a flagof truce. The reason for that was unfortunate for Flinders as anindividual, but entirely due to the efficiency of the navy of which hewas an officer. In 1805 the British fleet had demolished the French atTrafalgar, and from that time forward until the end of the war, GreatBritain was mistress of the ocean in full potency. Her frigates patrolledthe highways of the sea with a vigilance that never relaxed. In January, 1806, she took possession of the Cape of Good Hope for the second time, and has held it ever since. The consequences to Decaen and his garrisonwere very serious. With the British in force at the Cape, how couldsupplies, reinforcements and despatches get through to him inIle-de-France? He saw the danger clearly, but was powerless to avert it. Of this particular despatch four copies were sent from France on as manyships. One copy was borne by a French vessel which was promptly capturedby the British; and on its contents becoming known the Admiralty sent itout to Admiral Pellew, in order that he might send a ship under a flag oftruce to take it to Decaen. The Secretary to the Admiralty, Marsden, wrote to Pellew (December, 1806) that the despatch "has already beentransmitted to the Isle of France in triplicate, but as it may be hopedthat the vessels have been all captured you had better take anopportunity of sending this copy by a flag of truce, provided you havenot heard in the meantime of Flinders being at liberty. " As a fact, oneother copy did get through, on a French vessel. 

Pellew lost no time in informing Flinders of the news, and the captivewrote to Decaen in the following terms:* (* Decaen Papers. )

"July 24, 1807. 

"General, "By letters from Rear-Admiral Sir Edward Pellew, transmitted to meyesterday by Colonel Monistrol, I am informed that orders relating to mehave at length arrived from His Excellency the Marine Minister of France, which orders are supposed to authorize my being set at liberty. 

"Your Excellency will doubtless be able to figure to yourself thesensations such a communication must have excited in me, after adetention of three years and a half, and my anxiety to have suchagreeable intelligence confirmed by some information of the steps it isin Your Excellency's contemplation to take in consequence. If theseletters have flattered me in vain with the hopes of returning to mycountry and my family, I beg of you, General, to inform me; if they arecorrect, you will complete my happiness by confirming their contents. Thestate of incertitude in which I have so long remained will, I trust, beadmitted as a sufficient excuse for my anxiety to be delivered from it. 

"I have the honour to be, Your Excellency's most obedient humble servant, "MATTW. FLINDERS. 

"His Excellency the Captain-General Decaen. "

In reply Decaen transmitted to Flinders a copy of the despatch of theMinister of Marine, and informed him through Colonel Monistrol "that, sosoon as circumstances will permit, you will fully enjoy the favour whichhas been granted you by His Majesty the Emperor and King. "

But now, having at length received orders, countersigned by Napoleonhimself, that Flinders should be liberated, Decaen came to a decisionthat on the face of it seems extremely perplexing. We have seen that inAugust, 1805, Flinders, well informed by persons who had conversed withDecaen, believed that the General "would be very glad to get handsomelyclear of me, " and that in November of the same year he made the assertionthat Decaen "would have gladly suffered me to depart long since" but forthe reference of the case to Paris. We have direct evidence to the sameeffect in a letter from Colonel Monistrol regarding Lord Wellesley'sapplication for Flinders' release. * (* Historical Records 5 651. ) TheColonel desired "with all my heart" that the request could be acceded to, but the Captain-General could not comply until he had received a responseto his despatch. Yet, when the response was received, and Flinders mighthave been liberated with the full approbation of the French Government, Decaen replied to the Minister's despatch in the following terms (August20th, 1807):

"I have the honour to inform Your Excellency that by the English frigateGreyhound, which arrived here on July 21st under a flag of truce, in thehope of gathering information concerning His British Majesty's shipsBlenheim and Java, I have received the fourth copy of Your Excellency'sdespatch of March 21st, 1806, Number 8, relative to Captain Flinders. Having thought that the favourable decision that it contains regardingthat officer had been determined at a time when the possibility of somerenewal of friendliness with England was perceived, I did not considerthat the present moment was favourable for putting into operation thatact of indulgence on the part of His Majesty. I have since received thesecond copy of the same despatch; but, the circumstances having becomestill more difficult, and that officer appearing to me to be alwaysdangerous, I await a more propitious time for putting into execution theintentions of His Majesty. My zeal for his service has induced me tosuspend the operations of his command. I trust, Monsieur, that thatmeasure of prudence will obtain your Excellency's approbation. I have thehonour to be, etc. , etc. , etc. , DECAEN. "* (* This despatch was originallypublished by M. Albert Pitot, in his Esquisses Historiques del'Ile-de-France. Port Louis, 1899. )

It will be observed that in this despatch Decaen describes thecircumstances of the colony he governed as having become "moredifficult, " and Flinders as appearing to him to be "always dangerous. " Wemust, then, examine the circumstances to ascertain why they had become sodifficult, and why he considered that it would now be dangerous to letFlinders go. 

It is easy enough to attribute the General's refusal to obstinacy ormalignity. But his anger had cooled down by 1807; his prisoner was acharge on the establishment to the extent of 5400 francs a year, andDecaen was a thrifty administrator; why, then, should he apparently havehardened his heart to the extent of disobeying the Emperor's command? Theexplanation is not to be found in his temper, but in the militarysituation of Ile-de-France, and his belief that Flinders was accuratelyinformed about it; as was, indeed, the case. 

At this time Decaen was holding Ile-de-France by a policy fairlydescribable as one of "bluff. " The British could have taken it bythrowing upon it a comparatively small force, had they known how weak itsdefences were. But they did not know; and Decaen, whose duty it was todefend the place to the utmost, did not intend that they should if hecould prevent information reaching them. After the crushing of Frenchnaval power at Trafalgar and the British occupation of the Cape, Decaen'sposition became untenable, though a capitulation was not forced upon himtill four years later. He constantly demanded reinforcements and money, which never came to hand. The military and financial resources of Francewere being strained to prosecute Napoleon's wars in Europe. There wereneither men nor funds to spare for the colony in the Indian Ocean. Decaenfelt that his position was compromised. * (* "Il sentait sa positioncompromise. " Prentout page 521; who gives an excellent account of thesituation. ) He addressed the Emperor personally "with all the sadness ofa wounded soul, " but nothing was done for Ile-de-France. There was notenough money to repair public buildings and quays, which fell into ruins. There was no timber, no sail-cloth to re-fit ships. Even nails werelacking. A little later (1809) he complained in despatches of theshortness of flour and food. There was little revenue, no credit. Nowthat the British had asserted their strength, and held the Cape, prizeswere few. Above all he represented "the urgent need for soldiers. " Hefelt himself abandoned. But still, with a resolute tenacity that onecannot but admire, he hung on to his post, and maintained a bold front tothe enemy. 

Did Flinders know of this state of things? Unquestionably he did; andDecaen knew that he knew. He could have informed the British Government, had he chosen to violate his parole; but he was in all things ascrupulously honourable man, and, as he said, "an absolute silence wasmaintained in my letters. " He was constantly hoping that an attack wouldbe made upon the island, and "if attacked with judgment it appeared to methat a moderate force would carry it. "* (* Voyage to Terra Australis 2419. ) But all this while the British believed that Ile-de-France wasstrong, and that a successful assault upon it would require a largerforce than they could spare at the time. Even after Flinders had returnedto England, when he was asked at the Admiralty whether he thought that acontemplated attack would succeed, his confident assurance that it wouldwas received with doubt. Decaen's "bluff" was superb. 

On one point, if we may believe St. Elme le Duc, Decaen did Flinders agrave injustice. It was believed, says that writer's manuscript, thatFlinders had several times managed to go out at night, that he had madesoundings along the coast, and had transmitted information to Bengalwhich was of use when ultimately the colony was taken by the English. Forthat charge there is not a shadow of warrant. There is not the faintestground for supposing that he did not observe his parole with the utmoststrictness. Had he supplied information, Ile-de-France would have passedunder British rule long before 1810. * (* The belief that Flinders tooksoundings appears to have been common among the French inhabitants ofPort Louis. In the Proceedings of the South Australian Branch of theRoyal Geographical Society, 1912 to 1913 page 71, is printed a briefaccount of the detention of Flinders, by a contemporary, D'Epinay, alawyer of the town. Here it is stated: "It is found out that at night hetakes soundings off the coast and has forwarded his notes to India. "Those who gave credence to this wild story apparently never reflectedthat Flinders had no kind of opportunity for taking soundings. )

A few passages written for inclusion in the Voyage to Terra Australis, but for some reason omitted, may be quoted to show how rigorouslyvisiting ships were treated lest information should leak out. * (*Manuscript, Mitchell Library. )

"It may not be amiss to mention the rules which a ship is obliged toobserve on arriving at Port North-West, since it will of itself give someidea of the nature of the Government. The ship is boarded by a pilot oneor two miles from the entrance to the port, who informs the commanderthat no person must go on shore, or any one be suffered to come on boarduntil the ship has been visited by the officer of health, who comes soonafter the ship has arrived at anchor in the mouth of the port, accompanied with an officer from the captain of the port, and, if it is aforeign ship, by an interpreter. If the health of the crew presents noobjection, and after answering the questions put to him concerning theobject of his coming to the island, the commander goes on shore in theFrench boat, and is desired to take with him all papers containingpolitical information, and all letters, whether public or private, thatare on board the vessel; and although there should be several parcels ofnewspapers of the same date, they must all go. On arriving at theGovernment House, to which he is accompanied by the officer andinterpreter, and frequently by a guard, he sooner or later sees theGovernor, or one of his aides-de-camp, who questions him upon his voyage, upon political intelligence, the vessels he has met at sea, hisintentions in touching at the island, etc. ; after which he is desired toleave his letters, packets, and newspapers, no matter to whom they areaddressed. If he refuse this, or to give all the information he knows, however detrimental it may be to his own affairs, or appears toequivocate, if he escapes being imprisoned in the town he is sent back tohis ship under a guard, and forbidden all communication with the shore. If he gives satisfaction, he is conducted from the General to thePrefect, to answer his questions, and if he satisfies him also, is thenleft at liberty to go to his consul and transact his business. Theletters and packets left with the General, if not addressed to personsobnoxious to the Government, are sent unopened, according to theirdirection. I will not venture to say that the others are opened andafterwards destroyed, but it is much suspected. If the newspapers containno intelligence but what is permitted to be known, they are also sent totheir address. The others are retained; and for this reason it is thatall the copies of the same paper are demanded, for the intention is notmerely to gain intelligence, but to prevent what is disagreeable frombeing circulated. "

Decaen's conduct in refusing to liberate Flinders when the order reachedhim need not be excused, but it should be understood. To impute sheermalignity to him does not help us much, nor does it supply a sufficientmotive. What we know of his state of mind, as well as what we know of thefinancial position of the colony, induce the belief that he would havebeen quite glad to get rid of Flinders in 1807, had not other andstronger influences intervened. But he was a soldier, placed in anexceedingly precarious situation, which he could only maintain bydetermining not to lose a single chance. War is an affliction thatscourges a larger number of those who do not fight than of those who do;and Flinders, with all his innocence, was one of its victims. He wasthought to know too much. That was why he was "dangerous. " A learnedFrench historian* stigmatises Decaen's conduct as "maladroit and brutal, but not dishonest. " (* Prentout page 661. ) Dishonest he never was; as tothe other terms we need not dispute so long as we understand the peculiartwist of circumstances that intensified the maladroitness and brutalitythat marked the man, and without which, indeed, he would not perhaps havebeen the dogged, tough, hard-fighting, resolute soldier that he was. 

Flinders could have escaped from Ile-de-France on several occasions, hadhe chosen to avail himself of opportunities. He did not, for two reasons, both in the highest degree honourable to him. The first was that he hadgiven his parole, and would not break it; the second that escape wouldhave meant sacrificing some of his precious papers. In May, 1806, anAmerican captain rejoicing in the name of Gamaliel Matthew Ward called atPort Louis, and hearing of Flinders' case, actually made arrangements forremoving him. It was Flinders himself who prevented the daring skipperfrom carrying out his plan. "The dread of dishonouring my parole, " hewrote, "made me contemplate this plan with a fearful eye. "* (* Flinders'Papers. ) In December of the same year he wrote to John Aken: "Since Ifind so much time elapse, and no attention paid to my situation by theFrench Government, I have been very heartily sorry for having given myparole, as I could otherwise have made my escape long ago. " Again, hewrote to his wife: "Great risks must be run and sacrifices made, but myhonour shall remain unstained. No captain in His Majesty's Navy shallhave cause to blush in calling me a brother officer. "

As time went on, and release was not granted, he several times thought ofsurrendering his parole, which would have involved giving up the pleasantlife at Wilhelm's Plains, and being again confined in Port Louis. Butescape would have meant the loss of many of his papers, the authenticrecords of his discoveries; and he could not bring himself to face that. 

Consequently the captivity dragged itself wearily out for three yearsafter the order of release was received. The victim chafed, protested, left no stone unturned, but Decaen was not to be moved. Happilydepression did not drag illness in its miserable train. "My healthsustains itself tolerably well in the midst of all my disappointments, "he was able to write to Banks in 1809. 

CHAPTER 26. THE RELEASE. 

From June, 1809, the British squadron in the Indian Ocean commenced toblockade Ile-de-France. * (* Flinders to Banks, Historical Records 7 202. )Decaen's fear of Flinders' knowledge is revealed in the fact that heordered him not for the future to go beyond the lands attached to MadameD'Arifat's habitation. Flinders wrote complying, and henceforth declinedinvitations beyond the immediate neighbourhood of the plantation. Heamused himself by teaching mathematics and the principles of navigationto the two younger sons of the family, and by the study of Frenchliterature. 

After October the blockade increased in strictness, under CommodoreRowley. Decaen's situation was growing desperate. Fortunately for him, the French squadron brought in three prizes in January, 1810, slippingpast Rowley's blockade, much to that enterprising officer's annoyance. The situation was temporarily relieved, but the assistance thus affordedwas no better than a plaster on a large wound. Here again we findFlinders accurately and fully informed: Decaen did not underrate his"dangerous" potentialities. "The ordinary sources of revenue andemolument were nearly dried up, and to have recourse to the merchants fora loan was impossible, the former bills upon the French treasury, drawnit was said for three millions of livres, remaining in great part unpaid;and to such distress was the Captain-General reduced for ways and meansthat he had submitted to ask a voluntary contribution in money, wheat, maize, or any kind of produce from the half-ruined colonists. It was evensaid to have been promised that, if pecuniary succour did not arrive insix months, the Captain-General would retire and leave the inhabitants togovern themselves. "

Decaen, in fact, saw clearly that the game was up. His threat to retirein six months did not mean that he would not have given the British afight before he lowered the tricolour. He was not the man to surrenderquite tamely; but he knew that he could no longer hold out for more thana measurable period, the length of which would depend upon the enemy'sinitiative. 

There was, therefore, no longer any purpose in prolonging the captivityof the prisoner who was feared on account of his knowledge of thesituation; and Decaen availed himself of the first opportunity presentedin 1810 to grant Flinders his longed-for release. In March, Mr. Hugh Hopewas sent to Ile-de-France by Lord Minto (who had become Governor-Generalof India in 1807) to negotiate for the exchange of prisoners. Thisgentleman had done his best to secure Flinders' release on a formeroccasion, and had been refused. But now Decaen realised that the end wasdrawing near, and there was no sound military purpose to serve in keepingthe prisoner any longer. It is quite probable that he would have beenglad if information had been conveyed to the British which would expeditethe inevitable fight and the consequent fall of French power inMauritius. 

On March 15th Flinders received a letter from Mr. Hope informing him thatthe Governor had consented to his liberation. A fortnight later cameofficial confirmation of the news in a letter from Colonel Monistrol, whoassured him of the pleasure he had in making the announcement. His joywas great. At once he visited his French friends in the neighbourhood togive them the news and bid them farewell; next day he took anaffectionate leave of the kind family who had been his hosts for fouryears and a half; and as soon as possible he departed for Port Louis, where he stayed with his friend Pitot until he went aboard the cartel. Atthe end of the month a dinner was given in his honour by the president ofthe Societe D'Emulation, to which a large number of English men and womenwere invited. When Flinders arrived in Ile-de-France, more than six yearsbefore, he could speak no French and could only decipher a letter in thatlanguage with the aid of a dictionary; but now, when he found himselfagain in the company of his own countrymen, he experienced a difficultyin speaking English!

On June 13th, Flinders' sword was restored to him. He was required tosign a parole, wherein he pledged himself not to act in any service whichmight be considered as directly or indirectly hostile to France or herallies during the present war. On the same day the cartel Harriet sailedfor Bengal. Flinders was free: "after a captivity of six years fivemonths and twenty-seven days I at length had the inexpressible pleasureof being out of the reach of General Decaen. "

Rowley's blockading squadron was cruising outside the port, and theHarriet communicated with the commodore. It was ascertained that thesloop Otter was running down to the Cape with despatches on the followingday, and Flinders had no difficulty in securing a passage in her. Afterdining with Rowley he was transferred to the Otter. He was delayed forsix weeks at the Cape, but in August embarked in the Olympia, and arrivedin England on the 23rd of October, after an absence of nine years andthree months. 

News of his release had preceded him, and his wife had come up fromLincolnshire to meet him. He speaks in a letter to a friend of themeeting with the woman whom he had left a bride so many years before:* (*Flinders' Papers. ) "I had the extreme good fortune to find Mrs. Flindersin London, which I owe to the intelligence of my liberty having precededmy arrival. I need not describe to you our meeting after an absence ofnearly ten years. Suffice it to say I have been gaining flesh eversince. " John Franklin, then a midshipman on the Bedford, had come up toLondon to welcome his old commander, and, much to his disturbance, witnessed the meeting of Flinders and his wife, as we find from a letterwritten by him: "Some apology would be necessary for the abrupt manner inwhich I left you, except in the peculiar circumstances wherein mydeparture was taken. I felt so sensibly the affecting scene of yourmeeting Mrs. Flinders that I would not have remained any longer in theroom under any consideration. "

The capture of Ile-de-France by the British, when ultimately an attackwas made (on 3rd December, 1810), gave peculiar pleasure to navalofficers and Anglo-Indians. "It is incredible, " Mr. Hope wrote toFlinders, "the satisfaction which the capture of that island has diffusedall over India, and everyone is now surprised that an enterprise of suchimportance should never have been attempted before. " When the change ofrulers took place, some of the French inhabitants objected to take theoath of allegiance to the British Crown, and a letter on the subject wassent to Napoleon. His comment was pithy: "I should like to see anybodyrefuse me the oath of allegiance in any country I conquered!"* (*Flinders' Papers. )

It will be convenient to deal at this point with the oft-repeated charge, to which reference has been made previously, that charts were taken fromFlinders during his imprisonment, and were used in the preparation of theAtlas to Peron and Freycinets' Voyage de Decouvertes aux TerresAustrales. 

The truth is that no charts were at any time taken from the trunkswherein they were deposited in 1803, except by Flinders himself, nor wasa single one of his charts ever seen by any French officer unless hehimself showed it. He never made any such charge of dishonesty againsthis enemy, Decaen, or against the General's countrymen. He had, as willbe seen, a cause of grievance against Freycinet, who was responsible forthe French charts, and gave voice to it; but plagiarism was neitheralleged nor suspected by him. 

On each occasion when Flinders applied to Decaen to be supplied withpapers from the trunks, he gave a formal receipt for them. The firstoccasion when papers were removed was on December 18th, 1803, whenFlinders took from one of his trunks his Cumberland log-book, in orderthat Decaen might ascertain from it his reasons for calling atIle-de-France. It was never restored to him. Mr. Hope made applicationfor it in 1810, when he was set free, but Decaen did not give it up; andin 1813 Decres was still demanding it unavailingly. This book and the boxof despatches were the only papers of Flinders that Decaen ever saw. Whenit was handed over, all other books and papers were replaced in thetrunk, "and sealed as before. " The second occasion was on December 27th, 1803, when the trunk containing printed books was restored to Flinders athis request in order that he might employ himself in confinement at thePort Louis tavern. The third occasion was on December 29th, when he wasconducted to Government House, and was allowed to take out of the sealedtrunk there his private letters and journals, two log-books, and othermemoranda necessary to enable him to construct a chart of the Gulf ofCarpentaria. All other papers were "locked up in the trunk and sealed asbefore. " The fourth occasion was in July, 1804, when Flinders was allowedto take out of the same trunk a quantity of other books, papers andcharts, which he required for the pursuit of his work. For these also areceipt was duly given. In that instance Flinders was especiallyvigilant. He had received a private warning that some of his charts hadbeen copied, but when the seals were broken and he examined the contentshe was satisfied that this was not true. He asked Colonel Monistrol, anhonourable gentleman who was always of friendly disposition, whether thepapers had been disturbed, and "he answered by an unqualified negative. "The fifth occasion was in August, 1807, when all the remaining papers, except the log-book and the despatches, were restored to him. He thengave the following receipt:* (* Decaen Papers. )

"Received from Colonel Monistrol, chef d'etat-major general of the Isleof France, one trunk containing the remainder of the books, papers, etc. , which were taken from me in Port North-West on December 16th, 1803, andDecember 20th of the same year, whether relating to my voyage ofdiscovery or otherwise; which books and papers, with those received by meat two different times in 1804, make up the whole that were so taken;with the following exceptions: First, Various letters and papers, eitherwholly or in part destroyed by rats, of which the remains are in thetrunk. Second, The third volume of my rough log-books, containing thejournal of my transactions and observations on board the Investigator, the Porpoise, the Hope cutter, and the Cumberland schooner, from sometime in June, 1803, to December 16th, 1803, of which I have no duplicate. Third, Two boxes of despatches; the one from his Excellency Governor Kingof New South Wales, addressed to His Majesty's principal Secretary ofState for the Colonies; the other from Colonel Paterson, Lieutenant-Governor at Port Jackson, the address of which I do notremember. In truth of which I hereunto sign my name at Port Napoleon, Isle of France this 24th day of August, 1807. 

"MATTW. FLINDERS, "Late commander of H. M. Sloop the Investigator, employed on discoveriesto the South Seas, with a French passport. "

The papers which the rats had destroyed were not described; but there isa letter of Flinders to the Admiralty, written after his return toEngland (November 8th, 1810), which informs us what they were. * (*Flinders' Papers. ) In this letter he explained that, when the trunkcontaining the papers was restored, "I found the rats had gotten into thetrunk and made nests of some of them. I transmitted the whole from theIsle of France in the state they then were, and now find that some of thepapers necessary to the passing of my accounts as commander and purser ofHis Majesty's sloop Investigator are wanting. I have therefore to requestyou will lay my case before their Lordships and issue an order todispense with the papers which from the above circumstances it isimpossible for me to produce. " It is apparent, therefore, that none ofthe navigation papers or charts were destroyed. Had any been abstractedFlinders, who was a punctiliously exact man, would have missed them. Hisintense feeling of resentment against Decaen would have caused him tocall attention to the fact if any papers whatever had been disturbed. 

The Quarterly Review pointed out the circumstance that the French chartswere "VERY LIKE" those of Flinders, giving sinister emphasis to the wordsin italics. They were very like in so far as they were good. It isevident that if two navigators sail along the same piece of coast, andeach constructs a chart of it, those charts will be "very like" eachother to exactly the degree in which they accurately represent the coastcharted. Freycinet, who did much of the hydrographical work on Baudin'sexpedition, was an eminently competent officer. Wherever we find him incharge of a section, the work is well done. His Atlas contained someextremely beautiful work. There is no reason whatever for suggesting thatit was not his own work. He certainly saw no chart of Flinders, exceptthe one shown to him at Port Jackson, until the Atlas to the Voyage toTerra Australis was published. 

Moreover, the reports and material prepared by Baudin's cartographers, upon which Freycinet worked, are in existence. The reports* to thecommander give detailed descriptions of sections of the Australian coasttraversed and charted, and show conclusively that some parts wereexamined with thoroughness. (* I have read the whole of these reportsfrom copies of the originals in the Depot de la Marine, ServiceHydrographique, Paris, but have not thought it necessary to make furtheruse of them in this book. ) For regions in which Baudin's expeditionssailed, Freycinet had no need to resort to Flinders' material. He hadenough of his own. The papers of Flinders which Freycinet might havewished to see were those relating to the Gulf of Carpentaria, TorresStrait, and the Queensland coast, which Baudin's vessels did not explore. But the French maps contain no new features in respect to these parts. They present no evidence that Freycinet was acquainted with thediscoveries made there by Flinders. 

The accusation of plagiarism arose partly from the intense animosity feltagainst Frenchmen by English writers in a period of fierce nationalhatred; partly from natural resentment of the treatment accorded toFlinders; partly from the circumstance that, while he was held incaptivity, French maps were published which appeared to claim credit fordiscoveries made by him; and partly from a misunderstanding of a chargevery boldly launched by an eminent French geographer. Malte-Brun, in hisAnnales des Voyages for 1814 (Volume 23 page 268) made an attack upon theFrench Atlas. He detested the Napoleonic regime, and published hisobservations while Napoleon was in exile at Elba. He pointed out thewrong done to Flinders in labelling the southern coast of Australia"Terre Napoleon, " and in giving French names to geographical features ofwhich Flinders, not Baudin, was the discoverer. He continued: "the motivefor that species of national plagiarism* is evident. (* "Le motif decette espece de plagiat national. ") The Government wished to create foritself a title for the occupation of that part of New Holland. "Malte-Brun should have known Napoleon better than that. When he wantedterritory, and was strong enough to take it, he did not "create titles. "He took: his title was the sword. 

But the point of importance is that Malte-Brun did not allege"plagiarism" against the authors of the French maps. His charge was madeagainst the Government. It was not that Freycinet had plagiarisedFlinders' charts, but that the Government had plagiarised his discoveriesby, as Malte-Brun thought, ordering French names to be strewn along theTerre Napoleon coasts. In a later issue of the Annales des Voyages*Malte-Brun testified to having seen Freycinet working at the materialupon which his charts were founded. (* Volume 24 273. ) But his former useof the word "plagiat" had created a general impression that Flinders'charts had been dishonestly taken from him in Mauritius, and used bythose responsible for the French maps; a charge which Malte-Brun nevermeant to make, and which, though still very commonly stated and believed, is wholly untrue. 

The really deplorable feature of the affair is that Peron and Freycinet, in their published book and atlas, gave no credit to Flinders fordiscoveries which they knew perfectly that he had made. They knew wherehe was while they were working up their material. It does not appear thateither of them ever moved in the slightest degree to try to secure hisliberation. Peron died in December, 1810. Malte-Brun, who saw himfrequently after the return of Baudin's expedition, says that inconversation on the discoveries of Flinders, Peron "always appeared to meto be agitated by a secret sorrow, and has given me to understand that heregretted not being at liberty to say in that regard all that he knew. "Flinders also believed Peron to be a worthy man who acted as he did "fromoverruling authority. " Those who have read the evidence printed in thisbook, exhibiting the detestable conduct of both Peron and Freycinet inrepaying indulgence and hospitality by base espionage, will hardly beprecipitate in crediting either of them with immaculate motives. There isno evidence that authority was exercised to induce them to name thesouthern coasts Terre Napoleon, or to give the name Golfe Bonaparte tothe Spencer's Gulf of Flinders, that of Golfe Josephine to his St. Vincent's Gulf, that of Ile Decres to his Kangaroo Island, that ofDetroit de Lacepede to his Investigator Strait, and so forth. They knewthat Flinders had made these discoveries before their own ships appearedin the same waters; they knew that only the fact of his imprisonmentprevented his charts from being published before theirs. The names withwhich they adorned their maps were a piece of courtiership and a means ofcurrying favour with the great and powerful, just as their espionage, andtheir supply of illicitly-obtained and flavoured information to Decaen inMauritius, were essays to advance their own interests by unworthyservices. 

Freycinet's anxiety to get his maps out before Flinders had time topublish is curiously exhibited in a letter from him to the Minister ofMarine (August 29th, 1811). Flinders was then back in England, hard atwork upon his charts. A volume of text, and one thin book of plates, containing only two maps, had been published at Paris in 1807. Then delayoccurred, and in 1811 the engravers, not having been paid for their work, refused to continue. Freycinet appealed to the Minister in these terms:*(* Manuscripts, Archives Nationales, Marine BB4 996. ) "Very powerfulreasons, Monsieur, appear to demand that the atlas should be publishedwith very little delay, and even before the text which is to accompanyit. Independently of the advantages to me personally as author, of whichI shall not speak, the reputation of the expedition ordered by HisMajesty appears to me to be strongly involved. I have the honour toremind your Excellency that Captain Flinders was sent on discovery toTerra Australis a short while after the French Government had despatchedan expedition having the same object. The rival expeditions carried outtheir work in the same field, but the French had the good fortune to bethe first to return to Europe. Now that Flinders is again in England, andis occupied with the publication of the numerous results of his voyage, the English Government, jealous on account of the rivalry between the twoexpeditions, will do all it can for its own. The conjectures I haveformed acquire a new force by the recent announcement made by thenewspapers, that Captain Flinders' voyages in the South Seas are to bepublished by command of the Lords of the Admiralty. If the Englishpublish before the French the records of discoveries made in New Holland, they will, by the fact of that priority of publication, take from us theglory which we have a right to claim. The reputation of our expeditiondepends wholly upon the success of our geographical work, and the morenearly our operations and those of the English approach perfection, andthe more nearly our charts resemble each other, the more likelihood thereis of our being accused of plagiarism, or at all events of giving rise tothe thought that the English charts were necessary to aid us inconstructing ours; because there will be no other apparent motive for thedelay of our publication. "

Here, it will be seen, Freycinet anticipated the charge of plagiarism, but thought it would spring from the prior publication of Flinders'charts. He had no suspicion at this time that the accusation would bemade that he used charts improperly taken from Flinders when he was underthe thumb of Decaen; and when this unjust impeachment was launched a fewyears later he repudiated it with strong indignation. In that he wasjustified; and our sympathy with him would be keener if his own record inother respects had been brighter. 

CHAPTER 27. LAST YEARS AND DEATH OF FLINDERS. 

One of the first matters which occupied Flinders after his arrival inEngland was the use of his influence with the Admiralty to secure therelease of a few French prisoners of war who were relatives of hisfriends in Mauritius. In a letter he pointed out that these men wereconnected with respectable families from whom he himself and severalother English prisoners had received kindness. * (* Flinders' Papers. ) Hisplea was successful. There was, surely, a peculiar beauty in this act ofsympathy on the part of one who had so recently felt the pain anddistress of captivity. 

Flinders was anxious for news about his old Investigator shipmates. Thefaithful Elder, he found, had secured an appointment as servant toAdmiral Hollowell, then on service in the Mediterranean, and was a greatfavourite. Franklin was able to enlighten him as to some of the others. Purdie, who had been assistant-surgeon, was surgeon on the Pompey. Inman, who had been sent out to act as astronomer during the latter part of thevoyage, was a professor at the Naval College, Portsmouth. Lacy andSinclair, midshipmen, were dead. Louth was a midshipman on the Warrior. Olive was purser on the Heir Apparent, and Matt, the carpenter, filledthat post on the Bellerophon. Of Dr. Bell Franklin knew nothing. "The oldship, " he said, "is lying at Portsmouth, cut down nearly to the water'sedge. "

In naval and scientific circles Flinders was the object of much honourand interest. He was received "with flattering attention" at theAdmiralty. We find him visiting Lord Spencer, who, having authorised theInvestigator voyage, was naturally concerned to hear of its eventfulhistory. Banks took him to the Royal Society and gave a dinner in hishonour. The Duke of Clarence, afterwards William IV, himself a sailor, wished to meet him and inspect his charts, and he was taken to see thePrince by Bligh. In 1812 he gave evidence before a Committee of the Houseof Commons on the penal transportation system. * (* House of CommonsPapers, 1812; the evidence was given on March 25th. ) What he had to sayrelated principally to the nature of the country he had examined in thecourse of his explorations. "Were you acquainted with Port Dalrymple?"the chairman asked him. "I discovered Port Dalrymple. " "Were you ever atthe Derwent?" "I was, and from my report, I believe, it was that thefirst settlement was made there. " He was one of the few early explorersof Australia whose vision was hopeful; and experience has in everyinstance justified his foreseeing optimism. 

But save for a few social events, and for some valuable experiments withthe magnetic needle, to be referred to in the final chapter, his time andenergies were absorbed by work upon his charts. He laboured incessantly. "I am at my voyage, " he said in a letter, "but it does by no meansadvance according to my wishes. Morning, noon and night I sit close atwriting, and at my charts, and can hardly find time for anything else. "He was a merciless critic when the proofs came from the engravers. Onehalf-sheet contains 92 corrections and improving marks in hishandwriting. Such directions as "make the dot distinct, " "strengthen thecoast-line, " "make this track a fair equal line, " "points wanting, " areabundant. As we turn over the great folio which represents so muchlabour, so much endurance, so much suffering, it is good to remember thatthese superb drawings are the result of the ceaselessly patient toil ofperhaps the most masterly cartographer who has ever adorned the Britishnaval service. 

He took similar pains with the text of A Voyage to Terra Australis. Itwas never meant to be a book for popular reading, though there is no lackof entertainment in it. It was a semi-official publication, in which theAdmiralty claimed and retained copyright, and its author was perhaps alittle hampered by that circumstance. Bligh asked that it should bededicated to him, but "the honour was declined. "* (* Flinders' Papers. )The book was produced under the direction of a committee appointed by theAdmiralty, consisting of Banks, Barrow, and Flinders himself. 

It abounds in exact data concerning the latitude and longitude of coastalfeatures. The English is everywhere clear and sound; but the book whichFlinders could have written had he lived a few years longer, if it hadbeen penned with the freedom which made his conversation so delightful tohis friends, might have been one of the most entertaining pieces oftravel literature in the language. At first he was somewhat apprehensiveabout authorship, and thought of calling in the aid of a friend; but theenforced leisure of Ile-de-France induced him to depend upon his ownefforts. Before he left England in 1801, he had suggested that he mightrequire assistance. In a letter to Willingham Franklin, John's brother, afellow of Oriel College, Oxford, and afterwards a Judge in Madras, hewrote (November 27th, 1801):* (* Flinders' Papers. )

"You must understand that this voyage of ours is to be written andpublished on our return. I am now engaged in writing a rough account, butauthorship sits awkwardly upon me. I am diffident of appearing before thepublic unburnished by an abler hand. What say you? Will you give me yourassistance if on my return a narration of our voyage should be called forfrom me? If the voyage be well executed and well told afterwards I shallhave some credit to spare to deserving friends. If the door now opensuits your taste and you will enter, it should be yours for theundertaking. A little mathematical knowledge will strengthen your styleand give it perspicuity. Arrangement is the material point invoyage-writing as well as in history. I feel great diffidence here. Sufficient matter I can easily furnish, and fear not to prevent anythingunseamanlike from entering into the composition; but to round a periodwell and arrange sentences so as to place what is meant in the mostperspicuous point of view is too much for me. Seamanship and authorshipmake too great an angle with each other; the further a man advances uponone line the further distant he becomes from any point on the other. "

It did not prove so in Flinders' own case, for his later letters and thelatter part of his book are written in an easier, more freely-flowingstyle than marks his earlier writings. He solicited no assistance in thefinal preparation of his work. He preferred to speak to his public in hisown voice, and was unquestionably well advised in so doing. It is aplain, honest sailor's story; that of a cultivated man withal. 

Intense application to the work in hand brought about a recurrence of theconstitutional internal trouble which had occasioned some pain inMauritius. The illness became acute at the end of 1813. He was only 39years of age, but Mrs. Flinders wrote to a friend that he had aged somuch that he looked 70, and was "worn to a skeleton. " He mentioned in hisjournal that he was suffering much pain. Yet he was never heard tocomplain, and was never irritable or troublesome to those about him. Hewas full of kindness and concern for his friends. We find him attendingsittings of the Admiralty Court, where his friend Pitot had a suitagainst the British Government, and he interested himself in thepromotion of two of his old Investigator midshipmen. He urged upon theAdmiralty with all his force that his own branch of the naval service wasas honourable and as deserving of official recognition as war service. The only inducement for young officers to join a voyage of discovery, andforego the advantages arising from prizes and active service, was thereasonable certainty of promotion on their return. "This, " he observed, "certainly has been relied upon and fulfilled in expeditions whichreturned in time of peace, when promotion is so difficult to be obtained;whereas I sailed and my officers returned during a war in which promotionwas never before so liberally bestowed. Yet no one of my officers, so faras I have been able to ascertain, has received promotion for theirservices in that voyage, although it has been allowed the service waswell executed. "* (* Flinders' Papers. )

The illness increased during 1814, while the "Voyage" and itsaccompanying atlas were passing through the press. He never saw thefinished book. The first copy of it came from the publishers, G. And W. Nicol, of Pall Mall, on July 18th, on the day before he died; but he wasthen unconscious. His wife took the volumes and laid them upon his bed, so that the hand that fashioned them could touch them. But he neverunderstood. He was fast wrapped in the deep slumber that preceded theend. On the 19th he died. His devoted wife stood by his pillow, hisinfant daughter (born April 1st, 1812) was in an adjoining room, andthere was one other friend present. Just before the brave life flickeredout, he started up, and called in a hoarse voice for "my papers. " Then hefell back and died. 

Upon the manuscript of the friend who wrote an account of his death, there is pencilled a brief memorandum, which chronicles a few wordsmuttered some time before death touched his lips. The pencil-writing isrubbed and only partly decipherable, but the letters "Dr. " are distinct. I take the meaning to be that the doctor attending him heard him murmurthe words. They are: "But it grows late, boys, let us dismiss!" One caneasily realise the kind of picture that floated before the mind of thedying navigator. It was, surely, a happy vision of a night among friendsand companions, who had listened with delight to the vivid talk of himwho had seen and done so much in his wonderful forty years of life. Insuch a company his mates would not be the first to wish to break thespell, so he gave the word: "it grows late, boys, let us dismiss. "

Flinders died at 14 London Street, Fitzroy Square, and was buried in thegraveyard of St. James's, Hampstead Road, which was a burial ground forSt. James's, Piccadilly. No man now knows exactly where his bones werelaid. * (* The vicar of St. James's, Piccadilly, who examined the burialregister in response to an enquiry by Mr. George Gordon McCrae, ofMelbourne, in 1912, states that the entry was made, by a clerical error, in the name of Captain Matthew Flanders, aged 40. ) A letter written yearslater by his daughter, Mrs. Petrie, says: "Many years afterwards my auntTyler went to look for his grave, but found the churchyard remodelled, and quantities of tombstones and graves with their contents had beencarted away as rubbish, among them that of my unfortunate father, thuspursued by disaster after death as in life. "

On the 25th of the same month died Charles Dibdin, who wrote the elegy ofthe perfect sailor:

"Here a sheer hulk lies poor Tom Bowling. The darling of our crew, No more he'll hear the tempest howlingFor death has broached him to. "

During his last years in London, Flinders lodged in six housessuccessively, and it may be as well to enumerate them. They were, 16 KingStreet, Soho, from November 5th, 1810; 7 Nassau Street, Soho, fromJanuary 19th, 1811; 7 Mary Street, Brook Street, from 30th September, 1811; 45 Upper John Street, Fitzroy Square, from March 30th, 1813; 7Upper Fitzroy Street, from May 28th, 1813; and 14 London Street, FitzroySquare, from February 28th, 1814. 

A letter from the widow to her husband's French friend Pitot, evidentlyin answer to a message of sympathy, is poignant: "You who were in ameasure acquainted with the many virtues and inestimable qualities hepossessed, will best appreciate the worth of the treasure I have lost, and you will easily imagine that, were the whole universe at my command, it could offer no compensation; and even the tenderest sympathy of thetruest friend avails but little in a case of such severe trial andaffliction. You will not be surprised when I say that sorrow continuallycircles round my heart and tears are my daily companion. 'Tis true thecompany of my little girl soothes and cheers many an hour that wouldotherwise pass most wearily away, but life has lost its chief charm, andthe world appears a dreary wilderness to me. 

An unpleasant feature of the subject, which cannot be overlooked, relatesto the Admiralty's ungenerous treatment of Flinders and his widow. Whenhe returned from Mauritius, the First Lord was Mr. C. P. Yorke after whomFlinders named Yorke's Peninsula, who was inclined to recognise that thespecial circumstances of the case demanded special treatment. He at oncepromoted Flinders to the rank of Post-Captain. But in consequence of hislong detention Flinders had lost the opportunity for earlier promotion. It was admitted that if he had returned to England in 1804 he would atonce have been rewarded for his services by promotion to post-captain'srank. Indeed, Lord Spencer had definitely promised him a step in rank. Itwas therefore urged in his behalf that, as he had not been a prisoner ofwar in the ordinary sense, his commission should be ante-dated to 1804. Yorke appeared to think the claim reasonable. The Admiralty conceded thathe had not been a prisoner of war, and he was not brought before acourt-martial, although the Cumberland, left to rot in Port Louis, hadbeen lost to the service. The First Lord directed that the commissionshould be ante-dated to the time of the release, but it was notconsidered that more could be done without an Order in Council. Thiscould not be obtained at the moment, because King George III was mentallyincapacitated. When the Regency was established (1811) an application didnot meet with a sympathetic response. "The hinge upon which my casedepends, " said Flinders in a letter, "is whether my having suffered solong and unjustly in the Isle of France is a sufficient reason that Ishould now suffer in England the loss of six years' rank. " The responseof the Admiralty officials was that the case was peculiar; there was "noprecedent" for ante-dating a promotion. 

Flinders asked that he might be put on full pay, while he was writing theVoyage, which would make up the difference in the expense to which hewould be put by living in town instead of in the country; but Barrowassured him that the Admiralty would object "for want of a precedent. " Heshowed that he would be 500 or 600 pounds out of pocket, to say nothingof the loss of chances of promotion by remaining ashore. It was to meetthis position that the Admiralty granted him 200 pounds; but as a matterof fact he was still 300 pounds out of pocket, * and was put out of healthirrecoverably by intense application to the task. (* Flinders' Papers. )His friend, Captain Kent, then of the Agincourt, advised him to abandonthe work. "I conjure you, " he wrote "to give the subject your seriousattention, and do not suffer yourself to be involved in debt to gratifypersons who seem to have no feeling. " But to have abandoned his belovedwork at this stage would have appeared worse to him than loss of lifeitself. The consequence was that his expenses during this period, evenwith the strictly economical mode of living which he adopted, entrenchedupon the small savings which he was able to leave to his widow. He wascompelled to represent that, unless a concession were made, he would haveto choose between abandoning his task or reducing his family to distress;and it was for this reason that the Admiralty granted a special allowanceof 200 pounds, in supplement of his half-pay. This, with 500 pounds "inlieu of compensation" on account of his detention in Ile-de-France wasthe entire consideration that he received. 

When he died, application was made to the Admiralty to grant a specialpension to Mrs. Flinders. The widow of Captain Cook had been granted apension of 200 pounds a year. (Mrs. Cook, by the way, was still living inEngland at this time; she did not die till 1835). Stout old Sir JosephBanks declared that he would not die happy unless something were done forthe widow and child of Matthew Flinders. But his influence with theAdmiralty was not so great as it had been in Lord Spencer's time, and hisefforts were ineffectual. The case was at a later date brought under thenotice of William IV, who said that he saw no reason why the widow ofCaptain Flinders should not receive the same treatment as the widow ofCaptain Cook. The King mentioned the subject to Lord Melbourne; he, however, was unsympathetic, and nothing whatever was done. Mrs. Flinderswas paid only the meagre pension of a post-captain's widow until she diedin 1852. No official reward of any kind was granted by the BritishGovernment for the truly great services and discoveries of Flinders. Thestinginess of a rich nation is a depressing subject to reflect upon in acase of this kind. 

A gratifying contrast is afforded by the voluntary action of twoAustralian colonies. It was learnt, to the surprise of many, some timeafter 1850, that the widow of the discoverer and her married daughterwere living in England, and were not too well provided for. The Coloniesof New South Wales and Victoria thereupon (1853) voted a pension of 100pounds a year each to Mrs. Flinders, with reversion to Mrs. Petrie. Thenews of this decision did not reach England in time to please the agedwidow, but the spirit of the grant gave unfeigned satisfaction toFlinders' daughter. "Could my beloved mother have lived to receive thisannouncement, " she wrote, * (* New South Wales Parliamentary Papers 1854 1785. ) "it would indeed have cheered her last days to know that myfather's long-neglected services were at length appreciated. But mygratification arising from the grant is extreme, especially as it comesfrom a quarter in which I had not solicited consideration; and thehandsome amount of the pension granted will enable me to educate my youngson in a manner worthy of the name he bears, Matthew Flinders. "* (* "Myyoung son" is the present Professor W. Matthew Flinders Petrie. )

The Voyage to Terra Australis, it may be mentioned, was originally soldfor 8 or 12 guineas, according to whether or not the atlas was boughtwith the two quarto volumes. A copy to-day, with the folio Atlas, sellsfor about 10 guineas. 

CHAPTER 28. CHARACTERISTICS. 

Matthew Flinders was a short, neatly-built, very lithe and active man. Hestood five feet six inches in height. * (* These particulars are from themanuscript sketch by a friend, previously cited; Flinders' Papers. ) Hisfigure was slight and well proportioned. When he was in full health, hislight, buoyant step was remarked upon by acquaintances. Neither of thetwo portraits of him conveys a good impression of his alert, commandinglook. His nose was "rather aquiline, " and his lips were customarilycompressed. "He had a noble brow, hair almost black, eyes dark, bright, and with a commanding expression, amounting almost to sternness. " So hisfriend records. 

Mrs. Flinders was not satisfied with the engraved portrait published inthe Naval Chronicle, 1814, nor with the miniature from which it wasreproduced. In a letter to Captain Stuart she wrote: "In the portrait youwill not be able to trace much of your departed friend. The miniaturefrom which it was taken is but an indifferent likeness, and the engraverhas not done justice to it. He has given the firmness of the countenancebut not the intelligence or animation. " It is quite certain that a rapid, piercing, commanding expression of eye and features was characteristic ofhim. During his captivity, the look in his eyes forbad all approach tofamiliarity. There is record of an occasion--in all probability connectedwith the sword incident--when he was addressed in terms that appeared tohim to be wanting in respect; and the unlucky Frenchman who ventured thusfar was so astonished at the sternness of countenance that immediatelyconfronted him, that he started back some paces. He had been accustomedto command from an early age, and had exercised authority on service of akind that compelled him to demand ceaseless vigilance and indefatigablevigour from himself and those under him. In a passage written inMauritius* (* Flinders' Papers. ) he makes allusion to the stern elementin his character; and surely what he says here is worthy of being wellpondered by all whose duty demands the exercise of power over other men:

"I shall learn patience in this island, which will perhaps counteract theinsolence acquired by having had unlimited command over my fellow men. You know, my dearest, that I always dreaded the effect that thepossession of great authority would have upon my temper and disposition. I hope they are neither of them naturally bad; but, when we see such avast difference between men dependent and men in power, any man who hasany share of impartiality must fear for himself. My brother will tell youthat I am proud, unindulgent, and hasty to take offence, but I doubtwhether John Franklin will confirm it, although there is more truth inthe charge than I wish there were. In this land, those malignantqualities are ostentatiously displayed. I am made to feel their stingmost poignantly. My mind has been taught a lesson in philosophy, and myjudgment has gained an accession of experience that will not soon beforgotten. "

That is a fairly rigorous piece of self-analysis; but there are abundantfacts to show that he exercised authority with a kindly and friendlydisposition, and did not surpass the limits of wisdom. Men like acommander who can command; the weak inspire no confidence. Flinders hadthe art of attracting people to him. His servant, the faithful JohnElder, willingly endured imprisonment with him, and would not leave himuntil his own health gave way. John Thistle, who had served under himbefore 1800, returned to England shortly before the Investigator sailed, and at once volunteered for service under him again. He ruled his crewsby sheer force of mind and unsparing example, and though the good of theservice in hand was ever his first thought, there is plenty of evidenceto prove that the happiness of the men under him was constantly in hismind. 

In hours of relaxation he was genial, a lively companion, a warm friend. An intimate friend records: "He possessed the social virtues andaffections in an eminent degree, and in conversation he was particularlyagreeable, from the extent of his general information and the livelyacuteness of his observations. His integrity, uprightness of intention, and liberality of sentiment were not to be surpassed. "

A scrap of dialogue written for insertion in the Voyage to TerraAustralis, but cancelled with other matter, enables us to realise that hecould recall an incident with some dramatic force. Bonnefoy, aninterpreter in Ile-de-France, told him a story of an American skipperunder examination by one of General Decaen's officers, and he wrote itdown as follows:--

"I was amused with his account of a blunt American captain who, havingleft a part of his people to collect seal-skins upon the island Tristand'Acuna, had come in for provisions, and to get his vessel repaired. Thishonest man did not wish to tell where he was collecting his cargo, nordid he understand all the ceremony he was required to go through. Thedialogue that passed between the old seaman and the French officers ofthe port was nearly thus:

Off. : From whence do you come, Sir?

From whence do I come? Haugh! why, Monsieur, I come from the AtlanticOcean. 

Off. : But, pray, Sir, from what port?

Port? You will find that out from my papers, which I suppose you want tosee?

Off. : It appears, Sir, that you have not above half your crew on board. Be so good as to inform me where are the rest?

O, my crew? Poor fellows, yes, why, Sir, we met with an island of ice onthe road, and I left them there a-basket-making. 

Off. : Making baskets on an island of ice? This is a very strange answer, Sir; and give me leave to tell you such will not do here; but you willaccompany me to the Captain-General, and we shall then see whether youwill answer or not. 

Ay, we shall see indeed. Why, look ye, Monsieur: as to what I have beenabout, that is nothing to anybody. I am an honest man, and that's enoughfor you; but if you want to know why I am come here, it is to buyprovisions and to lie quiet a little bit. I am not come to beg or steal, but to buy, and I fancy good bills upon M--- of Salem will suit you verywell, eh, Monsieur? Convenient enough?

Off. : Very well, Sir, you will come with us to the General. 

To the General? I have nothing to do with Generals! They don't understandmy business. Suppose I don't go?

Off. : You will do as you please, Sir; but if you do not, you willsoon... "

The sheet on which the continuation of this vigorous bit of dialogue waswritten* is unfortunately missing, so that we are deprived of the joy ofreading the conclusion of the comedy. But as the passage stands itpresents a truly dramatic picture. (* Manuscript, Mitchell Library. )

We get a glimpse of the way in which genial spirits regarded him in ajolly letter from Madras, from Lieutenant Fitzwilliam Owen, who had beena prisoner with him in Mauritius, and was on the cartel on which hesailed from that island. "You cannot doubt how much our society missesyou. We toasted you, Sir, like Englishmen. We sent the heartiest goodwishes of your countrymen, ay, and women too, to Heaven for your success, in three times three loud and manly cheers, dictated by that sinceritywhich forms the glorious characteristic of our rough-spun English. Nay, Waugh got drunk for you, and the ladies did each take an extra glass toyou. "* (* Flinders' Papers. )

A pleasant playful touch makes the following letter to his wife'shalf-sister worth quoting. He was hungry for home letters inIle-de-France, and thus gently chid the girl: "There is indeed a reportamong the whales in the Indian Ocean that a scrap of a letter from youdid pass by for Port Jackson, and a flying fish in the Pacific even sayshe saw it; but there is no believing these travellers. If you will takethe trouble to give it under your own hand I will then believe that youhave written to me. A certain philosopher being informed that his dearfriend was dead, replied that he would not believe it without having itcertified under his own hand; a very commendable prudence this, andworthy of imitation in all intricate cases. As I have a fund of justiceat the bottom of my conscience, which will not permit me to exact fromothers more than I would perform myself, I do hereby certify that I havethis day addressed a letter to my well-beloved sister Isabella Tyler, spinster, in which letter I do desire for her all manner of blessings, spiritual and temporal; that she may speedily obtain a husband six feethigh, if it so pleases her, with the wishing cap of Fortunatus. "

The strictness of the man's conduct, in his relations with superiors andsubordinates alike, sprang from his integrity of heart. Everybody trustedhim. A memoir published by a contemporary commented upon the fidelity ofhis friendships. "He was faithful to the utmost in the performance of apromise, whether important or trifling in its consequences. "

Some of the best friends he ever made were among the French inIle-de-France; and he became so much attached to them that, even when hesecured his longed-for freedom, he could not part from them without apang of regret. They saw in him not only a wronged man, but a singularlyhigh-minded one. Pitot, writing to Bougainville to urge him to do hisutmost to secure Flinders' release, repudiated, in these terms, the ideathat he could be a spy:* "No, Monsieur Flinders is not capable of suchconduct; his pure and noble character would never permit him to descendto the odious employment of a spy. " (* Manuscripts, Mitchell Library;letter dated 19 Vendemiaire, an 13. October 11, 1804. ) One wonderswhether by any chance Bougainville had occasion to show that letter toMessieurs Peron and Freycinet!

A touching and beautiful example of his gentleness occurred in connectionwith a wounded French officer whom he visited at Port Louis. LieutenantCharles Baudin des Ardennes had sailed as a junior officer on LeGeographe under Baudin (to whom he was not related) and Flinders hadknown him at Port Jackson. In 1807 he was serving as a lieutenant on LaSemillante, in the Indian Ocean. He was badly wounded in a sharpengagement with the British ship Terpsichore in March, 1807, and wasbrought into Port Louis, where his shattered right arm was amputated. Flinders, full of compassion for the young man, visited him, and, asoranges were required for the sufferer, bought up the whole stock of afruiterer, 53 of them. Upon his return to Wilhelm's Plains, he wroteBaudin a letter of sympathy and encouragement, bidding him reflect thatthere were other branches of useful service open to a sailor than that ofwarfare. He had commenced his naval career with discovery; he now knewwhat the horrors of war were. Which was the worthier branch of the two?Flinders continued: "No, my friend, I cannot contemplate this waste ofhuman life to serve the cause of restless ambition without horror. Nevershall my hands be voluntarily steeped in blood, but in the defence of mycountry. In such a cause every other sentiment vanishes. Also, my friend, if ever you have thought my actions worthy of being imitated, imitate mein this. You have, like me, had just sufficient experience to learn whatthe commander of a voyage of discovery ought to be, and what he ought toknow. Adieu, my dear friend. May the goodness of God speedily restore youto perfect health, and turn your thoughts from war to peace. " YoungBaudin, it may be added, was not compelled by the loss of his arm toleave the service. He became an Admiral in 1839, and lived till 1854. 

Flinders endeavoured to exert a stimulating influence upon youngofficers. Writing to his brother (December 6th, 1806) he said:* "Rememberthat youth is the time in which a store of knowledge, reputation andfortune must be laid in to make age respectable. Imitate, my dear Samuel, all that you have found commendable in my proceedings, manners, andprinciples, and avoid the rest. Study is necessary, as it gives theory. Ineed not speak to you now upon this, but active exertion is still morenecessary to a good sea officer. From both united it is that perfectionis attained. Neither would I have you neglect politeness, and the bestsociety to which circumstances may permit your admission; though not thebasis that constitutes a good officer or valuable member of society, themanners thereby acquired are yet of infinite service to those who possessthem. " (* Mr. Charles Bertie, of the Municipal Library, Sydney, haskindly supplied me with this letter, which was obtained from ProfessorFlinders Petrie. )

There could hardly be a sounder piece of advice to a young officer froman elder than is contained in a letter written by Flinders to JohnFranklin's father. It was intended for the youth's eye, beyond a doubt. It is dated May 10th, 1805:* (* Manuscripts, Mitchell Library. ) "I hopeJohn will have got into some active ship to get his time completed beforeI go out another voyage, and learn the discipline of the service. I haveno doubt of being able to get him a lieutenant's commission if it shouldbe agreeable to him to sail with me again. He may rest confident of myfriendship, although I believe he had some fears on that head when weparted, on account of a difference between him and my brother. He hasability enough, but he must be diligent, studious, active in his duty, not over-ready to take offence at his superior officers, nor yet humblingtoo much to them; but in all things should make allowances for differenceof disposition and ways of thinking and should judge principally from theintention. Above all things he should be strict in his honour andintegrity, for a man who forfeits either cannot be independent or braveat all times; and he should not be afraid to be singular, for, if he is, the ridicule of the vicious would beat him out of his rectitude as wellas out of his attention to his duty. I do not speak this from my fear ofhim, but from my anxiety to see him the shining character which I am surehe is capable of being. "

In a similar strain is a letter to John Franklin (January 14th, 1812)regarding a lad named Wiles, the son of a Jamaica friend, who had latelybeen put on the Bedford as a midshipman: "I will thank you to let me knowfrom time to time how he goes on. Pray don't let him be idle. Employ himin learning to knot and splice under a quartermaster; in working underobservation, in writing his journal, and in such studies as may be usefulto him. Make it a point of honour with him to be quick in relieving thedeck, and strict in keeping his watch; and when there are any courtsmartial endeavour either to take him with you or that he may attend whenit can be done. In fine, my dear John, endeavour to make a good officerand a good man of him, and be sure I shall always entertain a gratefulsense of your attention to him. "

Active-minded himself, he encouraged study among those who came incontact with him. It gave him pleasure to teach mathematics to MadameD'Arifat's sons at Wilhelm's Plains. He mastered French so as to speak itwith grace and write with ease. He worked at Malay because he thought itwould be useful on future voyages. From the early days, when he taughthimself navigation amidst the swamps of his native Lincolnshire, untilhis last illness laid him low, he was ever an eager student. Intelligentcuriosity and a desire to know the best that the best minds could teachwere a basic part of his character. We find him counselling Ann Chappell, at about the time when he became engaged to her:* (* Flinders' Papers. )"Learn music, learn the French language, enlarge the subjects of thypencil, study geography and astronomy and even metaphysics, sooner thanleave thy mind unoccupied. Soar, my Annette, aspire to the heights ofscience. Write a great deal, work with thy needle a great deal, and readevery book that comes in thy way, save trifling novels. "

Flinders read widely, and always carried a good library with him on hisvoyages. His acquaintance with the literature of navigation was veryextensive. Some of his books were lost in the Porpoise wreck; theremainder he took with him in the Cumberland, and, when he wasimprisoned, his anxiety to secure his printed volumes manifested the truebook-lover's hunger to have near him those companions of his intellectuallife. He derived great pleasure from the French literature which hestudied in Mauritius. A letter to his wife dated March, 1803, when he wasupon the north coast of Australia in the Investigator, reveals himrelieving his mind, amid anxieties about the condition of the ship, byreading Milton's Paradise Lost. "The elevation and, also, the fall of ourfirst parents, " he comments, "told with such majesty by him whose eyeslacked all of what he threw so masterly o'er the great subject, darkbefore and intricate--these with delight I perused, not knowing which toadmire most, the poet's daring, the subject, or the success with whichhis bold attempt was crowned. " He somewhat quaintly compares his wifewith Eve: "But in thee I have more faith than Adam had when he, complyingwith Eve's request of separation in their labours, said 'Go, thou best, last gift of God, go in thy native innocence. ' But how much dearer artthou here than our first mother! Our separation was not sought by thee, but thou borest it as a vine whose twining arms when turned from roundthe limb lie prostrate, broken, life scarcely left enough to keep thewithered leaf from falling off. " We should especially have welcomed notesfrom such a pen on a few passages in Milton which must have stirred hisdeepest interest, as for example the majestic comparison of Satan'sflight:

"As when far off at sea a fleet descriedHangs in the clouds, by equinoctial windsClose sailing from Bengala, or the islesOf Ternate or Tidore, whence merchants bringTheir spicy drugs; they on the trading flood, Through the wide Ethiopian to the Cape, Ply stemming nightly towards the pole: so seemedFar off the flying Fiend. "

To these characteristics may be added a passage illustrating the view ofour navigator concerning the marriage state. It must be confessed thatwhen he wrote it (June 30th, 1807) his experience was not extensive. Heleft England when he had been a husband only a few weeks; but the passageis interesting as conveying to his wife what his conception of the idealrelation was: "There is a medium between petticoat government and tyrannyon the part of the husband, that with thee I think to be very attainable;and which I consider to be the summit of happiness in the marriage state. Thou wilt be to me not only a beloved wife, but my most dear and mostintimate friend, as I hope to be to thee. If we find failings, we willlook upon them with kindness and compassion, and in each other's meritswe will take pride, and delight to dwell upon them; thus we will realise, as far as may be, the happiness of heaven upon the earth. I love notgreatness nor desire great riches, being confident they do not contributeto happiness, but I desire to have enough for ourselves and something toassist our friends in need. I think, my love, this is also thy way ofthinking. "

In the few concluding months of her husband's life, Mrs. Flinders had himbeside her under circumstances that were certainly far from easy. Theirsomewhat straitened means, consequent upon the Admiralty's niggardconstruction of regulations, the prolonged severity of his employment, and the last agonised weeks of illness, must have gone far to detractfrom perfect felicity in domestic conditions. The six changes ofresidence in four and a half years point to the same conclusion. Nevertheless we find Mrs. Flinders writing to a friend in these terms, wherein her own happiness is clearly mirrored: "I am well persuaded thatvery few men know how to value the regard and tender attentions of a wifewho loves them. Men in general cannot appreciate properly the delicateaffection of a woman, and therefore they do not know how to return it. Tomake the married life as happy as this world will allow it to be, thereare a thousand little amenities to be rendered on both sides, and as manylittle shades of comfort to be attended to. Many things must beoverlooked, for we are all such imperfect beings; and to bear and forbearis essential to domestic peace. You will say that I find it easy to talkon this subject, and that precept is harder than practice. I allow it, mydear friend, in the practical part I have only to return kind affectionand attention for uniform tenderness and regard. I have nothingunpleasant to call forth my forbearance. Day after day, month after monthpasses, and I neither experience an angry look nor a dissatisfied word. Our domestic life is an unvaried line of peace and comfort; and O, mayHeaven continue it such, so long as it shall permit us to dwell togetheron this earth. "

CHAPTER 29. THE NAVIGATOR. 

Not only is Flinders to be regarded as a discoverer whose researchescompleted the world's knowledge of the last extensive region of thehabitable globe remaining in his time to be revealed; not only as onewhose work was marked by an unrivalled exactitude and fineness ofobservation; but also as one who did very much to advance the science ofnavigation in directions calculated to make seafaring safer, morecertain, with better means and methods at disposal. Malte-Brun declared, when he died, that "the geographical and nautical sciences have lost inthe person of Flinders one of their most brilliant ornaments, "* and thatcriticism, coming from a foreign critic than whom there was no betterinformed savant in Europe, was no mere piece of obituary rhetoric. (*Annales des Voyages 23 268. )

In 1805 he wrote a paper on the Marine Barometer, based upon observationsmade during his Australian voyages. The instrument employed was one whichhad been used by Cook; Flinders always kept it in his cabin. He was thefirst to discover, and this essay was the first attempt to show, theconnection between the rise and fall of the barometer and the directionof the wind. Careful observation showed him that where his facts werecollected the mercury of the barometer rose some time before a changefrom landbreeze to seabreeze, and fell before the change from seabreezeto landbreeze. Consequently a change of wind might generally be predictedfrom the barometer. The importance of these observations was at oncerecognised by men connected with navigation. As the Edinburgh Reviewwrote, dealing with Flinders' paper when presented before the RoyalSociety on March 27th, 1806:* "It is very easy for us, speculating in ourcloset upon the theory of winds and their connection with thetemperature, to talk of drawing a general inference on this subject withconfidence. But when the philosopher chances to be a seaman on a verydangerous coast, it will be admitted that the strength of this confidenceis put to a test somewhat more severe; and we find nevertheless thatCaptain Flinders staked the safety of his ship and the existence ofhimself and his crew on the truth of the above proposition. " (* EdinburghReview, January, 1807; Flinders' Paper, "Observations on the MarineBarometer, " was published in the Philosophical Transactions of the RoyalSociety, Part 2 1806. ) Nowadays, indeed, the principal use of a barometerto a navigator aboard ship is to enable him to anticipate changes ofwind. 

Not less important were his experiments and writings upon variations ofthe compass aboard ship. The fact that the needle of a compass showeddeviations on being moved from one part of a ship to another had beenobserved by navigators in the eighteenth century, but Flinders was thefirst to experiment systematically to ascertain the cause and to invent aremedy. * (* For the history of the matter see Alexander Smith'sIntroduction to W. Scoresby's Journal of a Voyage to Australia forMagnetic Research, 1859. )

He observed not only that the direction of the needle varied according tothe part of the ship where it was placed, but also that a change in thedirection of the ship's head made a difference. Further, he found that innorthern latitudes (in the English Channel, for instance) the north endof the needle was attracted towards the bow of the ship; whilst insouthern latitudes, in Bass Strait, there was an attraction towards thestern; and at the equator there was no deviation. He came to theconclusion that these results were due to the presence of iron in theship. When he returned to England in 1810, he wrote a memorandum on thesubject to the Admiralty, and requested that experiments might be madeupon ships of the Navy, with the object of verifying a law which he haddeduced from a long series of observations. His conclusion was that "themagnetism of the earth and the attraction forward in the ship must actupon the needle in the nature of a compound force, and that errorsproduced by the attraction should be proportionate to the sines of theangles between the ship's head and the magnetic meridian. " Experimentswere made at Sheerness, Portsmouth, and Plymouth on five vessels. He tooka keen personal interest in them; and the result was his invention of theFlinders' bar, which is now used in every properly equipped ship in theworld. The purpose of the bar, which is a vertical rod of soft iron, placed so that its upper end is level with or slightly above the compassneedle, is to compensate for the effect of the vertical soft iron in theship. * (* See the excellent chapter on "Compasses" in Volume 2 of theBritish Admiralty's Manual of Seamanship. ) Flinders' work upon thistechnical subject was important even in the days of wooden ships. In thisera of iron and steel ships it is regarded by every sailor as of theutmost value. 

In Flinders' day the delicacy of the compass, its liability to error, thenature of the magnetic force to which it responds, and the necessity forcare in its handling, were very little appreciated. "Among the nauticalinstruments taken to sea there are not any so ill-constructed, nor ofwhich so little care is taken afterwards, as the compass, " he did nothesitate to write. * (* Manuscript, "Chapter in the History of Magnetism;"Flinders' Papers; another copy was sent to the Admiralty. ) Compasses weresupplied to the Admiralty by contract, and were not inspected. They werestowed in storehouses without any regard to the attraction to which theneedles might be exposed. They might be kept in store for a few years;and they were then sent on board ships without any re-touching, "for nomagnets were kept in the dockyards, and probably no person there ever sawthem used. " When a compass was sent aboard a ship of the Navy, it wasdelivered into the charge of the boatswain and put into his store orsail-room. Perhaps it was put on a shelf with his knives and forks and afew marline-spikes. Flinders urged that spare compasses should bepreserved carefully in officers' cabins. Magnets for re-touching were notkept in one ship in a hundred. Under these circumstances, he asked, "canit be a subject of surprise that the most experienced navigators arethose who put the least confidence in the compass, or that ships runningthree or four days without an observation should be found in situationsvery different from what was expected, and some of them lost? Thecurrents are easily blamed, and sometimes with reason. Ships coming homefrom the Baltic and finding themselves upon the shores of the Dutchcoast, when they were thought to be on the English side, lay it to thecurrents; but the same currents, as I am informed, do not prevail whensteering in the opposite direction. " The last is a neat stroke of irony. Flinders strongly recommended that the Admiralty should appoint aninspector of compasses, that there should be at every dockyard an officerfor re-touching compasses, and that a magnet for re-touching should becarried on each flagship. The recommendations may seem like a counsel ofelementary precautions to-day, but they involved an important reform ofmethod in 1810. 

Flinders also wrote on the theory of the tides; a set of notes on themagnetism of the earth exists in manuscript; a manuscript of 106 pages, consisting of a treatise on spheric trigonometry, is illustrated bybeautifully drawn diagrams, and includes an account of eight practicalmethods of calculating latitude and five of calculating longitude. InMauritius he read all he could obtain about the history of the island, and wrote a set of notes on Grant's History. 

He was eager to praise the work of previous navigators. Laperouse wasespecially a hero of his, and he wrote in French for the Societed'Emulation of Ile-de-France an account of the probable fate of thatcelebrated sailor. In an eloquent passage in this essay, speaking of thewreck, he cried: "O, Laperouse, my heart speaks to me of the agony thatrent yours. Ah, your eyes beheld the hapless companions of your dangersand your glory fall one after another exhausted into the sea. Ah, youreyes saw the fruit of vast and useful labours lost to the world. I thinkof your sorrowing family. The picture is too painful for me to dwell uponit; but at least when all human hope abandoned you, then--the lastblessing that God gives to the good--a ray of consolation shone upon youreyes, and showed you that beyond those furious waves which broke uponyour vessels and swept away from you your companions another refuge wasopened to your virtues by the angel of pity. "

Knowing the extreme difficulties attaching to navigation, even when inthe public interest he had to make a correction in the work of others, hewas anxious to cause no irritation. He sent to the editor of the NavalChronicle a correction in Horsburgh's Directions for Sailing to and fromthe East Indies, but requested the editor to submit it first to theauthor of that work, and to suppress publication if Horsburg so desired. He never expressed a tinge of regret that he had chosen a field ofprofessional employment wherein promotion and reward were not liberallybestowed. Entering the Navy under influential auspices, in a period whenactive service provided plentiful scope for advancement, he deliberatelypreferred the explorer's hard lot. The only prize money he ever won was10 pounds after Lord Howe's victory in 1794. "I chose a branch, " he saidin a letter to Banks, "which though less rewarded by rank and fortune isyet little less in celebrity. If adverse fortune does not oppose me, Iwill succeed. " He succeeded beyond all he could have hoped. 

The excellence of his charts was such that to this day the Admiraltycharts for those portions of the Australian coast where he did originalwork bear upon them the honoured name of Matthew Flinders; and amongstthe seamen who habitually traverse these coasts, no name, not even thatof Cook, is so deeply esteemed as his. Flinders is not a tradition; thenavigators of our own time count him a companion of the watch. 

CHAPTER 30. THE NAMING OF AUSTRALIA. 

The name Australia was given to the great southern continent by Flinders. When and why he gave it that name will now be shown. 

In the first place a common error must be set right. It is sometimes saidthat the Spanish navigator, Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, named one of theislands of the New Hebrides group, in 1606, Australia del Espiritu Santo. This is not the case. The narrative of his voyage described "all thisregion of the south as far as the Pole which from this time shall becalled Austrialia del Espiritu Santo, " from "His Majesty's title ofAustria. " The word Austrialia is a punning name. Quiros' sovereign, Philip III, was a Habsburg; and Quiros, in compliment to him, devised thename Austrialia as combining the meaning "Austrian land, " as well as"southern land. "* (* See Markham, Voyages of Quiros, Hakluyt SocietyVolume 1 page 30. )

In 1756 the word "Australasia" was coined. Charles de Brosses, in hisHistoire des Navigations aux Terres Australes, wanted a word to signify anew division of the globe. The maps marked off Europe, Asia, Africa andAmerica, but the vast region to the south of Asia required a namelikewise. De Brosses simply added "Austral" to "Asia, " and printed"Australasia" upon his map. 

The earliest use of the word Australia that I have been able to find, occurs in the index to the Dutch Generale Beschrijvinge van Indien(General Description of the Indies) published at Batavia in 1638. Thework consists mainly of accounts of voyages by Dutch vessels to the EastIndies. Among them is a history of the "Australische Navigatien" of Jacoble Maire and Willem Cornelisz Schouten, made in 1615 to 1617. They sailedthrough the Straits of Magellan, crossed the Pacific, touched at theSolomon Islands, and thence made their way round by the north of NewGuinea to Java. The word Australia does not occur anywhere in theblack-letter text of the narrative, and the word Australische in thephrase "Australische Navigatien, " simply means southern. There arereferences in the book to "Terra Australis, " but Le Maire and Schoutenknew not Australia. Nor does the narrative make any allusion to thecontinent which we know by that name. The Terra Australis of these Dutchnavigators was land of the southern hemisphere in general. But, curiously, the indexer of the Generale Beschrijvinge made four entries, in which he employed the word Australia. Thus, his entry "AustraliaIncognita Ondeckt" (Australia Incognita Discovered) referred to passagesin Le Maire and Schouten's voyage relating to the southern lands they hadseen. But it did not refer to the Australia of modern geography. It isvery strange that the Dutch indexer in Batavia should have hit upon theword and employed it when he did not find it in the text of the bookitself. 

The use of Australia in an English book of 1693 is also extremelycurious. In 1676 Gabriel de Foigny, under the assumed name of JacquesSadeur, published at Vannes a quaint little duodecimo volume, purportingto give a description of an unknown southern land. He called his book LaTerre Australe connue; c'est a dire, la description de ce pays inconnujusqu'ici. It was a "voyage imaginaire, " a pure piece of fancy. In 1693it was translated into English, and published in London, by John Dunton, under the title A New Discovery of Terra Incognita, or the SouthernWorld, by James Sadeur, a Frenchman, who being cast there by a shipwreck, lived 35 years in that country and gives a particular description of themanners, customs, religion, laws, studies and wars of those southernpeople, and of some animals peculiar to that place; with several otherrarities. In the original French the word Australia does not occur. Butin the English translation Foigny's phrase "continent de la TerreAustrale, " is rendered "Australia. " Foigny's ingenious piece of fictiondrew its "local colour" from the South American region, not from anysupposed land in the neighbourhood of the Australian continent. Theinstance is all the more interesting from the possibility that the bookmay have given a hint to Swift in the writing of Gulliver's Travels. * (*See the Cambridge History of English Literature 9 106; where, however, the English translation is erroneously cited as Journey of Jacques Sadourto Australia. )

In 1770 and 1771 Alexander Dalrymple published An Historical Collectionof Voyages and Discoveries in the South Pacific Ocean. In the preface tothat work he used the word Australia as "comprehending the discoveries ata distance from America to the eastward. "* (* Page 15 of the 1780 editionof Dalrymple. ) He did not intend it to include the present Australia atall. De Brosses had used the three names Magellanica, Polynesia andAustralasia, which Dalrymple accepted; but he thought there was room fora fourth for the area east of South America. The part of the Australiancontinent known when Dalrymple published his book--only the west andnorthern coasts--was included within the division which De Brosses calledAustralasia. 

Here we have three instances of the use of the word Australia in theseventeenth and eighteenth centuries, but without reference to thecontinent which now bears that name. 

In 1793, G. Shaw and J. E. Smith published in London a Zoology and Botanyof New Holland. Here the word Australia was used in its modern sense, asapplied to the southern continent. The authors wrote of "the vast island, or rather continent, of Australia, Australasia, or New Holland, which hasso lately attracted the particular attention of European navigators andnaturalists. "

The word was not therefore of Flinders' devising. But it may be taken tobe certain that he was unacquainted with the previous employment of it bythe Dutch indexer, by Foigny's English translator, or by Shaw and Smith. It is doubtful whether he had observed the previous use of it byDalrymple. Undoubtedly he had read that author's book. He may have hadthe volumes in his cabin library. But he was so exact and scrupulous aman that we can say with confidence that, had he remembered theoccurrence of the word in Dalrymple, he would have mentioned the fact. The point is not material, however, because, as already observed, Dalrymple did not apply "Australia" to this continent, but to a differentregion. The essential point is that "Australia was reinvented byFlinders. "* (* Morris, Dictionary of Austral English page 10. )

Flinders felt the need of a single word that would be a good name for theisland which had been demonstrated by his own researches to be one greatcontinent. It will be remembered that he had investigated the wholeextent of the southern coasts, had penetrated to the extremities of thetwo great gulfs found there, had proved that they did not open into apassage cutting Terra Australis in two, and had thoroughly examined theGulf of Carpentaria, finding no inlet southward there. The country wasclearly one immense whole. But what was it to be called? Terra Australis, Southern Land, was too long, was cumbrous, was Latin. That would not be aconvenient name for a country that was to play any part in the world. TheDutch had named the part which they found New Holland. But they knewnothing of the east. Cook called the part which he had discovered NewSouth Wales. But Cook knew nothing of the west. Neither the Dutch norCook knew anything of the south, a large part of which Flinders himselfhad discovered. 

We find him for the first time using the word "Australia" in a letterwritten to his brother Samuel on August 25th, 1804. * (* Flinders'Papers. ) He was then living at Wilhelm's Plains: "I call the whole islandAustralia, or Terra Australis. New Holland is properly that portion of itfrom 135 degrees of longitude westward; and eastward is New South Wales, according to the Governor's patent. "

Flinders' first public use of the word was not in English, but in French. In the essay on the probable fate of Laperouse, written for the Societed'Emulation in Ile-de-France (1807), he again stated the need for a wordin terms which I translate as follows: "The examination of the easternpart was commenced in 1770 by Captain Cook, and has since been completedby English navigators. * (* By himself; but in this paper he modestly saidnothing of his own researches. ) The first (i. E. , the west) is New Hollandproperly so called, and the second bears the name of New South Wales. Ihave considered it convenient to unite the two parts under a commondesignation which will do justice to the discovery rights of Holland andEngland, and I have with that object in view had recourse to the nameAustral-land or Australia. But it remains to be seen whether the namewill be adopted by European geographers. "* (* "Il reste a savoir si cenom sera adopte par des geographes europeens. " The paper was printed inthe Annales des Voyages by Malte-Brun (Paris, 1810). Flinders kept acopy, and his manuscript is now in the Melbourne Public Library. It is anexquisite piece of calligraphy, perhaps the most beautifully written ofall his manuscripts. )

After 1804 Flinders repeatedly used the word Australia in hiscorrespondence. Before that date he had invariably written of "NewHolland. " But in a letter to Banks (December 31st, 1804) he referred to"my general chart of Australia;"* (* Historical Records 5 531. ) in March, 1806, he wrote of "the north-west coast of Australia;"* (* Ibid 6 50. ) inJuly, 1806, writing to the King he underlined the word in the phrase "mydiscoveries in Australia;"* (* Ibid 6 107. ) in July, 1807, he spoke of"the north coast of Australia;"* (* Ibid 6 274. ) in February, 1809, of"the south coast of Australia;"* (* Ibid 7 52. ) and the same phrase wasemployed in January, 1810. * (* Ibid 7 275. ) It is therefore apparent thatbefore his return to England he had determined to use the namesystematically and to make its employment general as far as he could. Wedo not find it occurring in any other correspondence of the period. 

When he reached England in 1810 and commenced to work upon his book, hewished to use the name Australia, and brought the subject forward at ameeting at Sir Joseph Banks' house. But Banks was not favourable, andArrowsmith, the chart-publisher, "did not like the change" because hisfirm had always used the name New Holland in their charts. A MajorRennell was present at one of the meetings, when Flinders thought he hadconverted Sir Joseph. But afterwards he found Banks disinclined tosanction the name, and wrote to Major Rennell asking whether heremembered the conversation. The Major replied (August 15th, 1812):* (*Flinders' Papers. ) "I certainly think that it was as you say, thatAustralia was the proper name for the continent in question; and for thereason you mention. I suppose I must have been of that opinion at thetime, for I certainly think so now. It wants a collective name. "

Two days after the receipt of Major Rennell's letter Flinders wrote toBanks, reminding him that he was the first person consulted about thename Australia, and that he had understood that it was generallyapproved. Bligh had not objected to it. When part of the manuscript ofthe Voyage was submitted to Mr. Robert Peel, Under-Secretary for theColonies (afterwards Sir Robert Peel and Prime Minister of England), andto Lord Liverpool, the principal Secretary of State, there had been somediscussion respecting the inclusion of the Gulf of Carpentaria as part ofNew South Wales, and it was accordingly erased. But no objection wasraised to the name Australia. Flinders fought hard for his word, but didnot succeed completely. Captain Burney suggested that Terra Australis wasa name "more familiar to the public. " Banks on August 19th withdrew hisobjection to "the propriety of calling New Holland and New South Wales bythe collective name of Terra Australis, " and accordingly as A Voyage toTerra Australis his book ultimately went forth. The work being publishedunder the aegis of the Admiralty, he had to conform to the opinion ofthose who were less sensible of the need for an innovation than he was, and it was only in a modest footnote that he used the name he preferred. The passage in the book wherein he discussed the question may be quoted, together with his footnote:

"The vast regions to which this voyage was principally directedcomprehend, in the western part, the early discoveries of the Dutch, under the name of New Holland; and in the east the coasts explored byBritish navigators, and named New South Wales. It has not, however, beenunusual to apply the first appellation to both regions; but to continuethis would be almost as great an injustice to the British nation, whoseseamen have had so large a share in the discovery as it would be to theDutch were New South Wales to be so extended. This appears to have beenfelt by a neighbouring, and even rival, nation; whose writers commonlyspeak of these countries under the general term of Terres Australes. Infact, the original name, used by the Dutch themselves until some timeafter Tasman's second voyage in 1644, was Terra Australis, or 'GreatSouth Land;' and, when it was displaced by 'New Holland, ' the new termwas applied only to the parts lying westward of a meridian line passingthrough Arnhem's Land on the north, and near the isles of St. Francis andSt. Peter on the south; all to the eastward, including the shores of theGulf of Carpentaria, still remained as Terra Australis. This appears froma chart published by Thevenot in 1663; which, he says 'was originallytaken from that done in inlaid work upon the pavement of the newStadt-House at Amsterdam. ' The same thing is to be inferred from thenotes of Burgomaster Witsen in 1705 of which there will be occasion tospeak in the sequel. 

"It is necessary, however, to geographical precision, that so soon as NewHolland and New South Wales were known to form one land, there should bea general name applicable to the whole; and this essential point havingbeen ascertained in the present voyage, with a degree of certaintysufficient to authorise the measure, I have, with the concurrence ofopinions entitled to deference, ventured upon the adoption of theoriginal Terra Australis; and of this term I shall hereafter make usewhen speaking of New Holland and New South Wales in a collective sense;and when using it in the most extensive signification, the adjacentisles, including that of Van Diemen, must be understood to becomprehended. 

"There is no probability that any other detached body of land, of nearlyequal extent, will ever be found in a more southern latitude; the nameTerra Australis will, therefore, remain descriptive of the geographicalimportance of this country, and its situation on the globe, it hasantiquity to recommend it; and, having no reference to either of the twoclaiming nations, appears to be less objectionable than any other whichcould have been selected. "

Then comes the footnote in which the name Australia is suggested:

"Had I permitted myself any innovation upon the original term, it wouldhave been to convert it into Australia; as being more agreeable to theear, and an assimilation to the names of the other great portions of theearth. "

The name came into general use after the publication of Flinders' book, though it was not always adopted in official documents. GovernorMacquarie, of New South Wales, in a despatch in April, 1817, expressedthe hope that the name would be authoritatively sanctioned. * (* See M. Phillips, A Colonial Autocracy, London 1909 page 2 note. ) As alreadynoted, the officials of 1849 drew a distinction between New Holland, themainland, and Australia, which included the island of Tasmania; and soSir Charles Fitzroy, Governor of New South Wales, was styled"Governor-General of Australia, " in a commission dated 1851. The proudestof all places wherein this name is used is in the forefront of themajestic instrument cited as 63 and 64 Vict. , cap. 12--"An Act toconstitute the Commonwealth of Australia. "

APPENDICES. 

APPENDIX A. 

BAUDIN'S ACCOUNT OF ENCOUNTER BAY. 

[In a long letter of about 30, 000 words, written to the French Ministerof Marine from Port Jackson in 1802, Captain Baudin described hisexplorations in Australian waters up to that date. The manuscript is inthe Archives Nationales, Paris, BB4, 995, Marine. It has never beenpublished. In this appendix, which relates to Chapter 14 of the book, Itranslate the portion of the letter concerning the meeting of theInvestigator and Le Geographe in Encounter Bay, with a few notes. ]

"On the 18th, * (* Note 1: That is, the 18th Germinal in the Frenchrevolutionary calendar; April 8th by the Gregorian calendar. ) continuingto follow the coast and the various coves upon it, we sighted towards thenorth-east a long chain of high mountains, which appeared to terminate atthe border of the sea. The weariness we had for a long time experiencedat seeing coasts which for the most part were arid, and offered not theslightest resource, was dissipated by the expectation of coming upon amore promising country. A little later, a still more agreeable object ofdistraction presented itself to our view. A square-sailed ship wasperceived ahead. Nobody on board had any doubt that it was LeNaturaliste. As she was tacking south and we were tacking north, weapproached each other. But what was our astonishment when the othervessel hoisted a white flag on the mainmast. It was beyond doubt a signalof recognition, to which we responded. A little later, that signal washauled down, and an English ensign and pennant were substituted. * (* Note2: Flinders says: "Our colours being hoisted, she showed a French ensign, and afterwards an English jack forward, as we did a white flag. ") Wereplied by hoisting our colours; and we continued to advance towards eachother. The manoeuvre of the English ship indicating that she desired tospeak to us, we stood towards her. * (* Note 3: Flinders' own explanationof his manoeuvring is: "We veered round as Le Geographe was passing so asto keep our broadside to her lest the flag of truce should be adeception. ") When we got within hail, a voice enquired what ship we were. I replied simply that we were French. "Is that Captain Baudin?" "Yes, itis he. " The English captain then saluted me graciously, saying "I am veryglad to meet you. " I replied to the same effect, without knowing to whomI was speaking; but, seeing that arrangements were being made for someoneto come on board, I brought the ship to. 

"Mr. Flinders, who commanded the English vessel, presented himself. Assoon as I learnt his name, I no longer doubted that he, like ourselves, was occupied with the exploration of the south coast of New Holland; and, in spite of the reserve that he showed upon that first visit, I couldeasily perceive that he had already completed a part of it. Havinginvited him to come into my cabin, and finding ourselves alone there, theconversation became freer. * (* Note 4: "Nous trouvant seul, laconversation devint plus libre. " Flinders says that Brown accompaniedhim, and went into the cabin with him. "No person was present at ourconversations except Mr. Brown. ")

"He informed me that he had left Europe about eight months after us, andthat he was bound for Port Jackson, having previously refreshed at theCape of Good Hope. 

"I had no hesitation about giving him information concerning what we hadbeen doing upon the coast until that moment. I pointed out to him defectswhich I had observed in the chart which he had published* of the straitseparating New Holland from Van Diemen's Land, etc. , etc. (* Note 5: "lacarte qu'il nous a donne des detroits. " From this it appears that Baudinknew Flinders as the author of the chart, even while pointing out itsdefects. Flinders had the impression that Baudin did not know him till hewas about to leave Le Geographe at the end of the second interview. )

"Mr. Flinders observed to me that he was not unaware that the chartrequired to be checked, inasmuch as the sketch from which it was preparedhad been drawn from uncertain information, and that the means employedwhen the discovery was made did not conduce to securing exact results. *(* Note 6: Flinders: "On my pointing out a note upon the chart, explaining that the north side of the strait was seen only in an openboat by Mr. Bass, who had no good means of fixing either latitude orlongitude, he appeared surprised, not having before paid attention toit. ") Finally, becoming less circumspect than he had hitherto been, hetold me that he had commenced his work at Cape Leeuwin, and had followedthe coast to the place where we were met. He suggested that our shipsshould pass the night near together, and that early on the followingmorning he should come on board again, and give me some particulars whichwould be useful to me. I accepted his proposition with pleasure, and wetacked about at a short distance from each other during the night. It wasseven o'clock in the evening when he returned to his ship. * (* Note 7:Flinders: "I told him that some other and more particular charts of thestrait and its neighbourhood had since been published; and that if hewould keep company until next morning I would bring him a copy with asmall memoir belonging to them. This was agreed to. ")

"On the 19th* (* Note 8: April 9th. ) Mr. Flinders came on board at sixo'clock in the morning. We breakfasted together, * (* Note 9: Flindersdoes not mention this incident. ) and talked about our respective work. Heappeared to me to have been happier than we had been with respect to thediscoveries he had made. He told me about a large island, about a dozenor fifteen leagues away, which had been visited by him. According to hisaccount, he stayed there six weeks to prepare a chart of it;* (* Note 10:A mistake; Flinders was at Kangaroo Island only six days. ) and with theaid of a corvette* (* Note 11: Peron also had the erroneous impressionthat the Investigator had been accompanied by a corvette, which founderedin Spencer's Gulf, and so wrote in his Voyage de Decouvertes. Baudin musthave confused what Flinders told him about the drowning of Thistle andthe boat's crew, with an idea of his own that this boat was a consort ofthe Investigator as Le Naturaliste was of Le Geographe. ) had explored twodeep gulfs, the direction of which he sketched for me, as well as of hisKangaroo Island, which he had so named in consequence of the greatquantity of those quadrupeds found there. The island, though not far fromthe continent, did not appear to him to be inhabited. 

"An accident like that which had unfortunately happened to us on thecoast of Van Diemen's Land had overtaken Mr. Flinders. * (* Note 12:Baudin was referring to a boat party of his own, consisting ofBoullanger, one of his hydrographers, a lieutenant and eight sailors. They had gone out in a boat to chart a portion of the coast which LeGeographe could not reach. They did not return, and Baudin supposed themto have been lost. But they were in fact picked up by the sealing brigSnow-Harrington from Sydney, which afterwards sighted Le Naturaliste, andhanded the men over to her. ) He had lost a boat and eight men. His shipwas also short of stores, and he was not without uneasiness as to whatwould happen. 

"Before we separated the Captain asked me if I had any knowledge of anisland which was said to exist to the north of the Bass Strait islands. Ireplied that I had not, inasmuch as, having followed the coast fairlyclosely after leaving the Promontory as far as Westernport, I had not metwith any land placed in the position which he indicated. * (* Note 13:What Flinders asked Baudin was whether he had any "knowledge concerning alarge island said to lie in the western entrance of Bass Strait. But hehad not seen it and seemed to doubt much of its existence. " The referencewas to King Island. Baudin marked on his chart, in consequence of thisenquiry, an island "believed to exist, " guessing at its situation andplacing it wrongly; though he subsequently stayed at King Islandhimself. ) He appeared to be well pleased with my response, doubtless inthe hope of being the first to discover it. Perhaps Le Naturaliste, insearching for us in the Strait, will have discovered it. * (* Note 14:This sentence is interesting, as showing that Baudin wrote this part ofhis letter to the Minister at the time, not at Port Jackson weeks later. If the sentence had been written later, he would not have said that LeNaturaliste would perhaps sight the island. He by then knew that she didnot. ) At the moment of his departure, Mr. Flinders presented me withseveral new charts, published by Arrowsmith, and a printed memoir byhimself, dealing with discoveries in the strait, the north coast of VanDiemen's Land, the east coast, etc. , etc. He also invited me to sail, like himself, for Port Jackson, the resources of which he perhaps exaltedtoo highly, if I had to remain long in these seas. At eight o'clock we*separated. (* Note 15: Flinders: "I returned with Mr. Brown on board theInvestigator at half-past-eight in the morning, and we then separatedfrom Le Geographe; Captain Baudin's course being directed to thenorth-west and ours to the southward. ") He sailed south and we went tothe west. "

APPENDIX B. PERON'S REPORT ON PORT JACKSON. 

[The following is a fairly literal translation of Peron's report on PortJackson, furnished to General Decaen at Ile-de-France. ]

Port N. -O. , 20th Frimaire, Year 12. * (* Note 16: i. E. , Port North-West(Port Louis), December 11, 1802. )

Citizen Captain-General, Fifteen years ago England transported, at great expense, a numerouspopulation to the eastern coast of New Holland. At that time this vastcontinent was still almost entirely unknown. These southern lands and thenumerous archipelagoes of the Pacific were invaded by the English, whohad solemnly proclaimed themselves sovereign over the whole dominionextending from Cape York to the southern extremity of New Holland, thatis to say, from 10 degrees 37 minutes south, to 43 degrees 39 minutessouth latitude. In longitude their possessions had been fixed as reachingfrom 105 degrees west of Greenwich to the middle of the Pacific Ocean, including all the archipelagos with which it is strewn. * (* Note 17: Thisis a literal translation of Peron's statement, which is obviouslyconfused and wrong. 105 degrees west longitude is east of Easter Island, as well as being an "exact boundary" in the Pacific, which, Peron goes onto say, did not exist. The probability is that he gives here a muddledreproduction of the boundaries actually fixed by Phillip'scommission--"westward as far as the 135th degree of eastlongitude... Including all the islands adjacent in the Pacific Ocean. "[Mr. Jose's note. ])

Note especially in this respect that in the formal deed of annexation noexact boundary was fixed on the Pacific Ocean side. This omission seemsto have been the result of astute policy; the English Government thusprepared itself an excuse for claiming, at the right time and place, allthe islands which in the future may be, or actually are, occupied by theSpaniards--who thus find themselves England's next-door neighbours. 

So general a project of encroachment alarmed, as it must, all the nationsof Europe. The sacrifices made by England to maintain this colonyredoubled their suspicions. The Spanish expedition of Admiral Malaspina*had not fulfilled the expectations of its Government. (* Note 18: TwoSpanish ships, commanded by Don Alexandro Malaspina, visited Sydney inApril, 1793. They had left Cadiz on an exploring and scientificexpedition in July, 1789. ) Europe was still ignorant of the nature of theEnglish settlement; its object was unknown; its rapid growth was not evensuspected. 

Always vigilant in regard to whatever may humiliate the eternal rival ofour nation, the First Consul, soon after the revolution of the 18thBrumaire, * (* Note 19: It was on the 18th Brumaire (November 9th, 1799)that Bonaparte overthrew the Directory by a coup-d'etat, and became FirstConsul of the French Republic. ) decided upon our expedition. * (* Note 20:Peron's statement is quite wrong. The matter of despatching an expeditionto Australia had been considered and proposed to the Government by theprofessors of the Museum two years before the coup-d'etat of Brumaire:before therefore Bonaparte had anything to do with the Government. Theirletter to the Minister, making this proposal, is dated 12th Thermidor, year 6--that is, July 31st, 1797. Bonaparte was then a young generalcommanding the army of Italy. The project was taken up by the Instituteof France, and Bonaparte, as First Consul, sanctioned the expedition inMay, 1800. There is no evidence that he ever gave a thought to the matteruntil it was brought before him by the Institute. ) His real object wassuch that it was indispensable to conceal it from the Governments ofEurope, and especially from the Cabinet of St. James's. We must havetheir unanimous consent; and that we might obtain this, it was necessarythat, strangers in appearance to all political designs, we should occupyourselves only with natural history collections. Such a large expenditurehad been incurred to augment the collections of the Museum of theRepublic that the object of our voyage could not but appear to all theworld as a natural consequence of the previous action of our Government. It was far from being the case, however, that our true purpose had to beconfined to that class of work; and if sufficient time permitted it wouldbe very easy for me, citizen Captain-General, to demonstrate to you thatall our natural history researches, extolled with so much ostentation bythe Government, were merely a pretext for its enterprise, and wereintended to assure for it the most general and complete success. So thatour expedition, so much criticised by fault-finders, so much neglected bythe former administrators of this colony, was in its principle, in itspurpose, in its organization, one of those brilliant and importantconceptions which ought to make our present Government for everillustrious. Why was it that, after having done so much for the successof these designs, the execution of them was confided to a man utterlyunfitted in all possible respects to conduct them to their proper issue?

You have asked me, General, to communicate to you such information as Ihave been able to procure upon the colony of Port Jackson. A work of thatkind would be as long as it would be important; and, prepared as Iconceive it ought to be, and as I hope it will be when presented to theFrench Government, it would fix our attention to some useful purpose uponthat growing snare of a redoubtable power. Unfortunately, duty has madedemands upon me until to-day, and now that I find myself a little freerour departure is about to take place. Moreover, all the information wehave collected upon the regions in question is deposited in the chestwhich has to be forwarded, sealed, to the Government, and without accessto this the notes that I should desire to furnish to you cannot becompleted. Nevertheless, in order to contribute as far as possible toyour enlightenment on the subject, I take the liberty of furnishing youwith some particulars of the new establishment. In asking you to excuse, on account of the circumstances, faults both of style and ofpresentation, I venture to assure you, General, that you can rely upon myjealous exactitude in fulfilling as far as was in my power the intentionof the Government of my country. I have neglected no means of procuringall the information that as far as I could foresee would be of interest. I was received in the house of the Governor with much consideration. Heand his secretary spoke our language well. The commandant of the troopsof New South Wales, Mr. Paterson, a member of the Royal Society ofLondon, a very distinguished savant, always treated me with particularregard. I was received in his house, as one might say, as a son. I havethrough him known all the officials of the colony. The surgeon, adistinguished man, Mr. Thompson, honoured me with his friendship. Mr. Grimes, the surveyor of the colony, Mr. Palmer the commissary-general ofthe Government, Mr. Marsden, a clergyman of Parramatta, and a cultivatoras wealthy as he is discerning, were all capable of furnishing me withvaluable information. My functions on board permitted me to hazard theasking of a large number of questions which would have been indiscreet onthe part of another, particularly on the part of soldiers. I have, in aword, known at Port Jackson all the principal people of the colony, inall vocations, and each of them has furnished, unsuspectingly, information as valuable as it is new. Finally, I made with Mr. Patersonvery long excursions into the interior of the country. I saw most of thebest farms, and I assure you that I have gathered everywhere interestingideas upon things, which I have taken care to make exact as possible. 

FIRST: PRESENT ESTABLISHMENTS OF THE ENGLISH. 

Whilst in Europe they are spoken of as the colony of Botany Bay, as amatter of fact there is no establishment there. Botany Bay is a humid, marshy, rather sterile place, not healthy, and the anchorage for vesselsis neither good nor sure. 

Port Jackson, thirteen leagues from Botany Bay, is unquestionably one ofthe finest ports in the world. It was in these terms that GovernorPhillip spoke of it, and certainly he did not exaggerate when he addedthat a thousand ships of the line could easily manoeuvre within it. Thetown of Sydney has been founded in the heart of this superb harbour. Itis already considerable in extent, and, like its population, is growingrapidly. Here reside the Governor and all the principal Governmentofficers. The environs of Sydney are sandy and not very fertile; inalmost all of them there is a scarcity of water during the hot summermonths. 

Parramatta is the largest town founded by the English. It is in theinterior of the country, about six leagues from Sydney, from which it canbe reached by a small river called the Parramatta River. Small vesselscan proceed close to the town; larger ones have to discharge somedistance away. A very fine road leads overland from Sydney to Parramatta. Some very good houses have been built here and there along the road. Already people who have made considerable fortunes are to be found there. The land around Parramatta is of much better quality than that at Sydney. The country has been cleared to a considerable extent; and grazing inparticular presents important advantages. 

Toongabbie, further inland, three or four leagues from Parramatta, isstill more fertile. Its pastures are excellent. It is there that theflocks belonging to the Government have been established. 

Hawkesbury, more than 60 miles from Sydney, is in the vicinity of theBlue Mountains. It is the richest and most fruitful of the Englishestablishments. It may be regarded as the granary of the colony, beingcapable by itself of supplying nearly all the wants of the settlement. The depth of soil in some parts is as much as 80 feet; and it is trulyprodigious in point of fertility. These incalculable advantages are dueto the alluvial deposits of the Hawkesbury River, which descends incascades from the summits of the Blue Mountains, and precipitates itselfupon the plain loaded with a thick mud of a quality eminently suitablefor promoting vegetable growth. Unfortunately with benefits such as areconferred by the Nile it unites its inconveniences. It is subject tofrightful floods, which overwhelm everything. Houses, crops, andflocks--everything is destroyed unless men and animals save themselves byvery rapid flight. These unexpected floods are sometimes so prodigiousthat the water has been known to rise 60 and even 80 feet above thenormal level. But what gives a great importance to the town of Hawkesburyis the facility with which large ships can reach it by the river of whichI have just spoken. This part of New Holland will be a source of rapidand very large fortunes. 

Castle Hill is a new establishment in the interior of New Holland, distant 21 miles from Parramatta, from which it is reached by a superbroad, which traverses thick forests. Allotments of land are crowded roundthis place, and the clearances are so considerable that for more than aleague all round the town we could see the forest grants being burnt off. 

Richmond Hill, towards the Hawkesbury, is a more considerable place thanthe last mentioned, and is in a fertile situation. 

So, General, it will be seen that this colony, which people in Europestill believe to be relegated to the muddy marshes of Botany Bay, isdaily absorbing more and more of the interior of the continent. Citiesare being erected, which, at present in their infancy, present evidencesof future grandeur. Spacious and well-constructed roads facilitatecommunication with all parts, whilst important rivers render access bywater still more convenient and less expensive. 

But the English Government is no longer confining its operations to theeastern coast of New Holland. Westernport, on the extreme south, beyondWilson's Promontory, is already engaging its attention. At the time ofour departure a new establishment there was in contemplation. TheGovernment is balancing the expediency of founding a new colony there orat Port Phillip, to the north. * (* Note 21: "Le Port Phillip dans le nordde ce dernier. " Peron's information was correct. King had in May, 1802, made a recommendation to the British Government that a settlement shouldbe founded at Port Phillip. The reasons, also, are stated accurately byhim. ) In any case, it is indubitable, from what I have heard the Governorsay--it is indubitable, I say, that such a step will soon be taken. Indeed, whatever advantage Port Jackson may possess, it suffers from agrave disadvantage in the narrowness of its entry. Two frigates could bythemselves blockade the most numerous fleet within. Westernport would incertain eventualities offer an advantageous position. Moreover, thenavigation of Bass Strait is very dangerous. The winds there areterrible. Before negotiating the strait, ships from Europe, fatigued by along voyage, require succour and shelter. The new establishment will beable to accommodate them. A third reason, and no doubt the mostimportant, is that the English in spite of all their efforts, in spite ofthe devotion of several of their citizens, in spite of the sacrificesmade by the Government, have not yet been able to traverse theredoubtable barrier of the Blue Mountains and to penetrate into the westof New Holland. An establishment on the part of the coast that I havejust mentioned would guarantee them success in their efforts in thatdirection. At all events it is indubitable that the establishment towhich I have referred will be immediately founded, if indeed such is notalready the case, as appears very probable from the letter which theGovernor wrote to our commandant in that regard a few days after ourdeparture from Port Jackson. 

So then, the English, already masters of the eastern coast of NewHolland, now wish to occupy the immense extent of the west and south-westcoasts which contain very fine harbours, namely, that which they callWesternport, Port Phillip, Port Flinders* (* Note 22: Peron probablymeant the present Port Augusta in Spencer's Gulf; but the name PortFlinders was his own. ) at the head of one of the great gulfs of thesouth-west, Port Esperance, discovered by Dentrecasteaux, King George'sSound, etc. 

But still more, General, their ambition, always aspiring, is not confinedto New Holland itself, vast as it may be. Van Diemen's Land, andespecially the magnificent Dentrecasteaux Channel, have excited theircupidity. Another establishment has probably been founded there since ourdeparture from Port Jackson. Take a glance at the detailed chart of thatpart of Van Diemen's Land. Look at the cluster of bays and harbours to befound there, and judge for yourself whether it is likely that thatambitious nation will permit any other power to occupy them. Therefore, numerous preparations had been made for the occupation of that importantpoint. The authorities were only awaiting a frigate, the Porpoise, * (*Note 23: Peron spells the name as it sounded to him, La Poraperse. ) totransport colonists and provisions. That establishment is probably inexistence to-day. * (* Note 24: Again, Peron's information was correct. Asettlement on the Derwent, close to Dentrecasteaux Channel, was orderedto be founded in March, 1803, and the Porpoise, with the Lady Nelson astender, was employed to carry colonists and supplies thither. ) Severalreasons will have determined it; First: The indispensable necessity, forthe English, of keeping away from their establishments in that part ofthe world rivals and neighbours as redoubtable as the French; Second: Thedesire of removing from occupation by any other nation those impregnableports whence their important trade with New Zealand might be destroyedand their principal establishment itself be eventually shaken; Third: Thefertility of the soil in that part of Van Diemen's Land, and above allthe hope of discovering in the vast granite plateaux, which seems here toenclose the world, mines of precious metals or some new substance unknownto the stupid aboriginals of the country. 

I will not refer in detail to the Furneaux and Hunter's Islands, to KingIsland and Maria Island. Everywhere the British flag is flown with pride. Everywhere profitable fisheries are established. Seals of variousspecies, to be found upon these islands, open up a new source of wealthand power to the English nation. 

But New Zealand is especially advantageous to them in that regard. Thereis the principal seat of the wealth of their new colony. Thence a largenumber of ships sail annually for Europe laden with whale oil. Never, asthe English themselves acknowledge, was a fishery so lucrative and soeasy. The number of vessels engaged in it is increasing rapidly. Fouryears ago there were but four or five. Last year there were seventeen. *(* Note 25: It will be remembered that Bass intended to engage in the NewZealand fishery. Cf. Chapter 9. ) I shall have occasion to return to thissubject. 

Let us sum up what has been said concerning the English establishments inthis part of the world. Masters of the east coast of New Holland, we seethem rapidly penetrating the interior of the country, clearing pressedforward on all sides, towns multiplying. Everywhere there is hope ofabundance of great agricultural wealth. The south coast is menaced bycoming encroachments, which, perhaps, are by now effected. All the portsof the south-west will be occupied successively, and much sooner than iscommonly thought. Van Diemen's Land and all the neighbouring islandseither are to be occupied or already are so. New Zealand offers to them, together with excellent harbours, an extraordinarily abundant andlucrative fishery. In a word, everything in these vast regions presents apicture of unequalled activity, unlimited foresight, swollen ambition, and a policy as deep as it is vigilant. 

Well then--come forward now to the middle of these vast seas, so longunknown; we shall see everywhere the same picture reproduced, with thesame effects. Cast a glance over that great southern ocean. Traverse allthose archipelagos which, like so many stepping-stones, are scatteredbetween New Holland and the west coast of America. It is by their meansthat England hopes to be able to stretch her dominion as far as Peru. Norfolk Island has for a long time been occupied. The cedar that itproduces, coupled with the great fertility of the soil, render it animportant possession. It contains already between 1500 and 1800colonists. No settlement has as yet been founded in any of the otherislands, but researches are being pursued in all parts. The English landupon all the islands and establish an active commerce, by means ofbarter, with the natives. The Sandwich Islands, Friendly Islands, LoyaltyIslands, * (* Note 26: New Caledonian Group. ) Navigator Islands, * (* Note27: Samoan Group. ) Marquesas and Mendore Islands all furnish excellentsalt provisions. Ships, employed in trade, frequently arrive at PortJackson; and it increases every day, proof positive of the advantage thatis derived from it. 

The Government is particularly occupied with endeavouring to discoverupon some one of these archipelagos a strong military post, a species ofarsenal, nearer to the coasts of Peru and Chili. * (* Note 28: Thisstatement was entirely false. ) It is towards these two points that theEnglish Government appears to be especially turning its eyes. They arequite aware of the feebleness of the Spaniards in South America. They areabove all aware that the unconquered Chilians are constantly makingunexpected attacks, that like so many Bedouins they appear unawares witha numerous cavalry upon places where the Spaniards are most feeble, committing robberies and outrages in all directions before sufficientforces have been collected to repulse them. Then they retire with apromptitude which does not permit of their being followed to their savagefastnesses, which are unknown to the Spaniards themselves--retreatswhence they very soon reappear, to commit fresh massacres. (See theVoyage of Laperouse). The English, to whom nothing that occurs in thoseimportant regions is unknown, are equally aware that it is simply adeficiency in arms and ammunition which prevents the redoubtable Chiliansfrom pushing much farther their attacks against the Spaniards. It is tothe furnishing of these means that the English Government are at thepresent moment confining their enterprise. A very active contraband tradeis calculated to enable them to carry out their perfidious ends, whilstat the same time providing a profitable market for the produce of theirmanufacturers. Another manner in which they torment the Spaniards of Peruis by despatching a swarm of pirates to these seas. During the last warvery rich prizes were captured by simple whaling vessels, and you canjudge what attacks of this kind will be like when they are directed andsustained by the English Government itself. 

Their hopes in regard to the Spanish possessions are heightened, andtheir projects are encouraged, by the general direction of the winds inthese seas. A happy experience has at length taught the English that theprevailing wind, that which blows strongest and most constantly, is thewest wind. Determined by these considerations (would you believe it, General?) the English nowadays, instead of returning to Europe from PortJackson by traversing Bass Strait and doubling the Cape of Good Hope, turn their prows eastwards, abandon themselves to their favourite wind, traverse rapidly the great expanse of the South Seas, double Cape Horn, and so do not reach England until they have made the circuit of theglobe! Consequently those voyages round the world, which were formerlyconsidered so hazardous, and with which are associated so manyillustrious names, have become quite familiar to English sailors. Eventheir fishing vessels accomplish the navigation of the globe just assafely as they would make a voyage from Europe to the Antilles. Thatcircumstance is not so unimportant as may at first appear. The very ideaof having circumnavigated the globe exalts the enthusiasm of Englishsailors. What navigation would not seem to them ordinary after voyageswhich carry with them great and terrible associations? Anyhow--and thisis a most unfortunate circumstance for the Spaniards--it is indubitablethat the fact of the constancy of the west wind must facilitateextraordinarily projects of attack and invasion on the part of theEnglish, and everything sustains the belief that they will count for muchin the general plan of the establishment in New Holland. Therefore theEnglish Government appears day by day to take more interest in thecolony. It redoubles sacrifices of all kinds. It endeavours in every wayto increase the population as much as possible. Hardly a month passes butthere arrives some ship freighted by it, laden with provisions, goods, and above all with men and women, some transported people, who have toserve practically as slaves, others free immigrants, cultivators, to whomconcessions will be granted. Perhaps at first you will be astonished tolearn that honest men voluntarily transport themselves with theirfamilies to the extremity of the world, to live in a country which isstill savage, and which was originally, and is still actually, occupiedby brigands who have been thrust from the breast of society. But yourastonishment will cease when you learn under what conditions suchindividuals consent to exile themselves to these shores, and whatadvantages they are not slow in deriving from a sacrifice which mustalways be painful. 

In the first place, before their departure from Europe, a sufficient sumis allowed to each individual to provide for the necessities of a longvoyage. On board the vessel which transports them to Sydney a price isfixed for the sustenance of the immigrant and his family, if he has any. Upon his landing at Port Jackson concessions are granted to him inproportion to the number of individuals comprised in his family. A numberof convicts (that is the name they give the transported persons), inproportion to the extent of the concessions granted, are placed at hisdisposal. A house is constructed for him; he is provided with allnecessary furniture and household utensils, and all the clothes he needs;they grant him all the seed he needs to sow his land, all the tools heneeds to till it, and one or more pairs of all domestic animals andseveral kinds of poultry. Besides, they feed him, his family, and hisassigned servants during eighteen months. He is completely sustainedduring that period; and for the next twelve months half rations areallowed to him. At the end of that time the produce of his land is, withreason, expected to be sufficient for his requirements, and theGovernment leave him to his own resources. 

During five years he remains free of all contribution, accumulating theproduce of land all the more prolific because it is virgin. At the end ofthat time a slight repayment is required by the Government. Thisgradually and slightly increases as time goes on. But mark here, General, the profound wisdom of the English Government, that enlightened policywhich guides all their enterprises and assures them success. If the newimmigrant during these five years has shown himself to be a diligent andintelligent cultivator; if his clearings have been well extended and hisstock is managed with prudence; if the produce of his land has increasedrapidly--then, so far from finding himself a debtor to the Government, his holding is declared to be his own, and, as a recompense, freshconcessions are made to him, additional servants are assigned to him, hisimmunity from contributions is prolonged, and additional assistance ofall sorts is extended to him. It is to these extensive andwell-considered sacrifices that it is necessary to attribute the finefarms that daily increase in number in the midst of what was recentlywild and uncultivated forest. Activity, intelligence and applicationconduce here more rapidly than elsewhere to fortune; and already severalof the earlier immigrants have become very wealthy proprietors. Emulationof the noblest kind is stimulated everywhere. Experiments of all kindsare made and multiplied. The Government encourages them, and generouslyrecompenses those who have succeeded. 

What still further proves the particular interest which the EnglishGovernment takes in the colony is the enormous expense incurred inprocuring commodities for the new colonists. Nearly everything isfurnished by the Government. Vast depots are filled with clothes andfabrics of all kinds and qualities, from the commonest to the finest. Thesimplest furniture and household goods are to be found alongside the mostelegant. Thus the inhabitants are able to buy, at prices below thoseruling in England, * everything necessary to not only the bare wants oflife, but also its comforts and pleasures. (* Note 29: This statement issurprising, but probably true of part of the period when Peron was inSydney. There was then a glut of goods, as Bass found to his cost. He hadto sell commodities brought out in the Venus at 50 per cent below theirproper values. )

Anxious to maintain the settlement on a firm and unshakeable basis, it isto agriculture, the source of the true wealth of nations, that theEnglish Government endeavours to direct the tastes of the inhabitants ofthe new colony. Different kinds of cattle have been imported, and allthrive remarkably well. The better kinds, so far from losing quality, gain in size and weight. But the improvement in sheep is especiallyastonishing. Never was there a country so favourable to these animals asthe part of New Holland now occupied by the British. Whether it be theeffect of the climate or, as I think, the peculiar quality of the herbage(almost wholly aromatic), certain it is that the flocks of sheep havemultiplied enormously. It is true that the finest breeds have beenimported by the Government. At first, the choicest kinds of English andIrish sheep were naturalised. Then breeds from Bengal and the Cape ofGood Hope were introduced. Finally, the good fortune which seems to haveconspired with the enterprise of our rivals furnished them with severalpairs of merinos from Spain, which the Spanish Government at greatexpense were sending to the Viceroy of Peru, upon a ship which wascaptured upon the coast of that country by an English vessel out of PortJackson, and which were brought thither, much to the satisfaction of theGovernor, who neglected nothing to derive the fullest possible advantagefrom a present valuable to the colony. His endeavours have not been invain. This species, like the others, has improved much, and there isreason to believe that in a few years Port Jackson will be able to supplyvaluable and abundant material for the manufacturers of England. What ismost astonishing is that the Indian sheep, which naturally produce short, coarse hair instead of wool, in the course of three or four generationsin this country produce a wool that can hardly be distinguished from thatfurnished by English breeds, or even Spanish. I have seen at theGovernor's house an assortment of these different kinds of wool, whichwere to be sent to Lord Sydney, and I assure you that it would bedifficult to find finer samples. In my excursions with Mr. Paterson, Mr. Marsden and Mr. Cox, I have seen their flocks, and really one could notbut admire in that regard the incalculable influence of the industry ofman, so long as it is encouraged and stimulated by enlightened and justadministrators. 

Another source of production which appears to offer great advantages tothe English is that of hemp. In this country it is as fine in quality asit is abundant, and several persons whose testimony is beyond suspicionhave assured me that New Holland, before many years have passed, willherself be able to furnish to the British Navy all the hemp that itrequires, thus freeing England from the considerable tribute that shepays at present in that regard to the north of Europe. 

The climate also appears to be favourable to the cultivation of the vine. Its latitude, little different from that of the Cape of Good Hope, combined with its temperature, lead the Government to hope for greatadvantages from the introduction of this plant to the continent of NewHolland. Furthermore, French vignerons have been introduced at greatexpense to promote this object. It is true that their first attempts havenot been very happy, but the lack of success is due entirely to theobstinacy of the English Governor, who, in spite of the representationsof these men, compelled them to make their first plantations upon theside of a small, pleasant terrace forming a kind of semi-circle roundGovernment House at Parramatta. This was, unfortunately, exposed to thenorth-west winds, burning winds like the mistral of Italy and Provence, the khamsin of Egypt, etc. The French vignerons whom I had occasion tosee at Parramatta, in company with the Lieutenant-Governor, Mr. Paterson, assured me that they had found a piece of country very favourable totheir new plantations, and that they hoped for the greatest success fromtheir fresh efforts. Choice plants had been imported from Madeira and theCape. 

In all the English establishments on these coasts traces of grand designsfor the future are evident. The mass of the people, being originallycomposed of the unfortunate and of wrong-doers, might have propagatedimmorality and corruption, if the Government had not taken in good timemeans to prevent such a sad result. A house was founded in the early daysof the settlement for the reception of young girls whose parents were toopoor and too constrained in their circumstances at the commencement oftheir sojourn there to be able to devote much care to them; while ifparents, when emancipated, so conduct themselves that their example ortheir course of life is likely to have an evil effect on their offspring, the children are taken from them and placed in the home to which I havereferred. There they pursue regular studies; they are taught useful artsappropriate to their sex; they are instructed in reading, writing, arithmetic, sewing, etc. Their teachers are chosen with much care, andthe wife of the Governor himself is charged with the supervision of thathonourable establishment, a supervision in which she is assisted by thewife of the commandant of the troops. Each or both of them visit everyday their young family, as they themselves call it. They neglect nothingto ensure the maintenance of good conduct, the soundness of the educationand the quality of the provisions. I have several times accompanied theseadmirable ladies to the establishment, and have on every occasion beenmoved by their anxious solicitude and their touching care. 

When these young girls arrive at marriageable age they are not abandonedby the Government. The following is the sagacious and commendable mannerin which their establishment in life is provided for. Among the freepersons who come to Port Jackson are many men who are not yet married. The same is the case with some of those who by good conduct have earnedtheir freedom. When one of those young men wishes to take a worthy wife, he presents himself to the Governor's wife, who, after having obtainedinformation concerning his character, permits him to visit her youngflock. If he fixes his choice upon someone, he informs the Governor'swife, who, after consulting the tastes and inclinations of the youngperson, accords or refuses her consent. When a marriage is arranged, theGovernment endows the young girl by means of concessions, assignedservants, etc. ; and these unions have already become the nursery of aconsiderable number of good and happy homes. It is undoubtedly anadmirable policy, and one which has amply rewarded the English Governmentfor the sacrifices made to support it. 

The defence of the country has not up to the present been veryformidable, and has not needed to be, on account of the ignorance whichprevails in Europe respecting the nature of this colony. The EnglishGovernment is at the present moment directing men's minds towardsagriculture. It has not, however, neglected to provide what the physicalcondition of the land and the nature of its establishment demand. Twoclasses of men are much to be feared at present: first, the criminals, condemned for the most part to a long servitude, harshly treated, compelled to the roughest and most fatiguing labour. That infamous class, the vile refuse of civilised society, always ready to commit new crimes, needs to be ceaselessly restrained by force and violence. The EnglishGovernment therefore maintains a strong police. It is so efficient thatin the midst of that infamous canaille the most perfect security reignseverywhere, and--what may appear paradoxical to those who do not know thedetails of the administration of the colony--fewer robberies arecommitted than in a European town of equal population. As to murder, Ihave never heard tell of a crime of the kind being committed there, nor, indeed, did I hear of one occurring since the foundation of the colony. Nevertheless, the first consideration entails the maintenance of a veryconsiderable force; and with equal foresight and steadiness theGovernment has taken precautions against the efforts of these bandits. Asecond class of society, more formidable still (also much morerespectable, but having most to complain about, and the most interestingclass for us), is composed of legions of the unfortunate Irish, whom thedesire of freeing their country from the British yoke caused to arm inconcert with us against the English Government. Overwhelmed by force, they were treated with pitiless rigour. Nearly all those who took up armsin our favour were mercilessly transported, and mixed with thieves andassassins. The first families of Ireland count their friends andrelations upon these coasts of New Holland. Persecuted by that mostimplacable of all kinds of hatred, the hatred born of national animosityand differing convictions, they are cruelly treated, and all the more sobecause they are feared. Abandoned to themselves, it is felt, they can donothing, and the Government gains several interesting advantages fromtheir residence in this country. First, a population as numerous as it isvaliant is fixed upon these shores. Secondly, nearly all being condemnedto a servitude more or less long, they provide many strong arms for thelaborious work of clearing. Thirdly, the mixing of so many brave men withcriminals seems to obliterate the character of the settlement and toprovide, by the retention of a crowd of honest men, some sort of adefence against the opprobrium cast upon it. Fourthly, the Government hasrelieved itself in Europe of a number of enraged and daring enemies. Atthe same time, one must admit, this policy has its defects. The Irish, ruled by a sceptre of iron, are quiet to-day. But if ever the Governmentof our country, alarmed by the rapidly increasing strength of thiscolony, should formulate the project of taking or destroying it, at themere mention of the French name every Irish arm would be raised. We had avery striking example when we first arrived at Port Jackson. Upon theappearance of the French flag in the harbour the alarm in the country wasgeneral. We were again at war with England. They regarded our secondship, * (* Note 30: Le Naturaliste. ) which had been separated from us andcompelled to seek shelter at Port Jackson, as a French ship of war. Atthe name the Irish commenced to flock together. Everywhere they raisedtheir bowed foreheads, bent under an iron rule; and, if their mistake hadnot been so rapidly dispelled, a general rising would have taken placeamongst them. One or two were put to death on that occasion, and severalwere deported to Norfolk Island. In any case, that formidable portion ofthe population will always compel the English to maintain many troopsupon this continent, until, at all events, time and inter-marriage shallhave cicatrized the recent wounds of the poor Irish and softened theirresentment. 

The Government, however, appears to feel that considerably larger forcesare required than are now available. At the time of our departure theregiment forming the garrison at Port Jackson did not number more than800. But some were being continually removed to India, and to replacethem 5000 men were expected. The news of the war must have led to thechanging of these dispositions, because the troops, which were to havebeen transported on warships, were drawn from Europe, and probably theEnglish Government will have been careful not to despatch so considerablea force to New Holland in the critical situation in which it now findsitself. Moreover, General, do not believe that so many troops areindispensable to the security of the coasts of New Holland, but ratherconsider the advantages that the English nation is likely to draw fromits establishments in that part of the world. The climate of India, inimical to newcomers from Europe, is still more so to these Britishregiments, drawn from the frosty counties of the north of England andfrom the icy realms of Scotland. A considerable loss of men results fromtheir almost immediate transportation to the burning plains of India. Forced to look after a population which has little affinity with itsimmense possessions in both hemispheres, England has always set anexample of great sacrifices for all that can tend to the conservation ofthe health of its people. The new colony of Port Jackson will serve inthe future as a depot for troops destined for India. Actually the wholeof the territory occupied up to the present is extremely salubrious. Nota single malady endemic to the country has yet been experienced. Thewhole population enjoys the best of health. The children especially arehandsome and vigorous, though the temperature at certain times is veryhigh. We ourselves experienced towards the close of our visit very hotweather, though we were there in the months of Fructidor, Vendemiaire andBrumaire* (* Note 31: From Fructidor to Brumaire would be from September22nd to December 20th. ) nearly corresponding to our European spring. Thetemperature of New Holland, rather more than a mean between those ofEngland and India, ought to be valuable in preparing for the lattercountry that large body of soldiers which the Government despatches everyyear to Bengal, the Coromandel coast, Malabar, etc. , etc. Consequentlythe loss of men will be much less, and you will easily realise theadvantage that will accrue to a power like England, when it contemplatesthe invasion, with a mediocre population, of archipelagos, islands, andeven continents. 

NOTE: This portion of New Holland appears to owe its salubriousness:--

(1) To a situation resembling that of the Cape of Good Hope (Port Jacksonis in about latitude 34 degrees). 

(2) To the nature of the soil, which is very dry, especially roundSydney;

(3) To the nature of the vegetation, which is not vigorous enough tomaintain a noxious stagnation in the lower strata of the atmosphere;

(4) To the great, or rather enormous, quantity of aromatic plants whichconstitute the principal part of the vegetation, including even thelargest species;

(5) To the vicinity of the Blue Mountains, the elevation of whichcontributes largely to maintain a certain salutary freshness in theatmosphere;

(6) To the remarkable constancy of the light fresh breezes which blowfrom the south-east towards the middle of the day. 

I have not yet finished the account of the important advantages thatEngland draws from this colony. If time were not so pressing and if I hadat my disposal the abundant material consigned to our Government, I couldwrite more. I venture to sum up those considerations to which I havereferred, in a form which will be useful for determining your opinionupon this important and rising colony. 

(1) By means of it England founds an empire which will extend over thecontinent of New Holland, Van Diemen's Land, all the islands of BassStrait, New Zealand, and the numerous archipelagos of the Pacific Ocean. 

(2) She thereby becomes the mistress of a large number of superb ports, several of which can be compared with advantage to the most fortunatelysituated harbours in other parts of the world. 

(3) She thereby excludes her rivals, and, so to speak, blocks all thenations of Europe from entry to the Pacific. 

(4) Having become the neighbour of Peru and Chili, she casts towardsthose countries hopes increasingly assured and greedy. 

(5) Her privateers and her fleets in time of war will be able todevastate the coasts of South America; and, if in the last war sheattempted no such enterprise, the reason appears to be that her astutepolicy made her fear to do too much to open the eyes of Spain, and evenof all Europe. 

(6) In time of peace, by means of an active contraband trade, sheprepares redoubtable enemies for the Spaniards; she furnishes arms andammunition of all kinds to that horde of untamed people who have not yetbeen subjugated to the European yoke. 

(7) By the same means she enables the products of her manufacturers toinundate South America, which is shabbily and above all expensivelysupplied by Spain. 

(8) If amongst the numerous archipelagos that are visited constantly someformidable military position is found, England will occupy it and, becoming a nearer neighbour to the rich Spanish possessions, will menacethem more closely, more certainly, and above all more impatiently. Mr. Flinders, in an expedition of discovery which is calculated to last fiveyears, and who doubtless at the present moment is traversing the regionunder discussion, appears to have that object particularly in view. * (*Note 32: "M. Flinders, dans une expedition de decouverte qui doit durercinq ans, et qui sans doute parcourt en ce moment le theatre qui nousoccupe, paroit avoir plus particulierement cette objet en vue. " Thepassage is peculiarly interesting. At the time when Peron was writing, early in December, 1803, Flinders was, as a matter of fact, sailingtowards Ile-de-France in the Cumberland. )

(9) The extraordinarily lucrative whale fishery of New Zealand isEXCLUSIVELY* (* Note 33: Underlined in original. ) assured to them. NoEuropean nation can henceforth, according to the general opinion, competewith them for that object. 

(10) The fishery, no less lucrative, of the enormous seals which coverthe shores of several of the islands of Bass Strait, and from which isdrawn an oil infinitely superior to whale oil, guarantees them yetanother source of greatness and of wealth. Note: the seals in question, distinguished by the English under the name of sea elephants, aresometimes 25 or 30 feet long. They attain the bulk of a large cask: andthe enormous mass of the animal seems, so to say, to be composed ofsolid, or rather coagulated, oil. The quantity extracted from one seal isprodigious. I have collected many particulars on this subject. 

(11) A third fishery, even more lucrative and important, is that of theskins of various varieties of seal which inhabit most of the islands ofBass Strait, all the Furneaux Islands, all the islands off the easterncoast of Van Diemen's Land, and all those on the south-west coast of NewHolland, and which probably will be found upon the archipelagos of theeastern portion of this vast continent. The skins of these variousspecies of seal are much desired in China. The sale of a shipload ofthese goods in that country is as rapid as it is lucrative. The shipsengaged in the business are laden on their return to Europe with thatprecious merchandise of China which gold alone can extract from theclutch of its rapacious possessors. Accordingly, one of the mostimportant objects of the mission of Lord Macartney* to China, (* Note 34:Lord Macartney's embassy to China, 1792 to 1794, was, says the CambridgeModern History (2 718), "productive only of a somewhat betteracquaintance between the two Powers and an increased knowledge on thepart of British sailors of the navigation of Chinese waters. ") that ofdeveloping in that country a demand for some of the economic andmanufacturing products of England, so as to relieve that country of thenecessity of sending out such a mass of specie--that interesting objectwhich all the ostentatious display of the commercial wealth of Europe hadnot been able to attain, and all the astute diplomacy of Lord Macartneyhad failed to achieve--the English have recently accomplished. Masters ofthe trade in these kinds of skin, they are about to become masters of theChina trade. The coin accumulated in the coffers of the Government or ofprivate people will no longer be sunk in the provinces of China. Thatadvantage is incontestably one of the greatest that they have derivedfrom their establishment at Port Jackson. 

(12) This augmentation of distant possessions is likely to occasion afresh development in the British Navy. The practice of voyaging round theworld should exalt the enthusiasm of their sailors, whilst it increasestheir number and efficiency. I may add here that to attain thelast-mentioned end the English Government compels each ship which sailsfor these regions, and above all for New Zealand, to carry a certainnumber of young men below 19 years of age, who return from these voyagesonly after having obtained a very valuable endowment of experience. 

(13) The temperature and salubriousness of the country will enable it tolook after a very large number of soldiers who used to be incapacitatedevery year by the burning heat of Asia. 

(14) The abundance of the flocks, and the superiority of their wool, willfurnish an immense quantity of excellent material to the nationalmanufactures, already superior to those of the rest of Europe. 

(15) The cultivation of hemp and vines gives cause to the English to hopethat before very long they will be freed from the large tribute whichthey now pay for the first-named to all the Powers of the north ofEurope, and for the second to Portugal, France and Spain. 

(16) I will not discuss with you some substances indigenous to thecountry which are already in use, whether in medicine, or in the arts--ofeucalyptus gum, for example, which is at once astringent and tonic to avery high degree, and is likely soon to become one of our most energeticdrugs. Nor will I say much about the resin furnished by the tree whichthe English mis-name gourmier, * (* Note 35: Peron's word. ) a resin whichby reason of its hardness may become of very great value in the arts. Itwill be sufficient to say, General, that I possess a native axe obtainedfrom the aboriginals of King George's Sound. It is nothing better than achip of very hard granite fastened to the end of a piece of wood, whichserves as a handle, by means of the resin to which I have referred. Ihave shown it to several persons. It will rapidly split a wooden plankand one can strike with all one's force, without in the least degreeinjuring the resin. Though the edge of the stone has several times beenchipped, the resin always remained intact. I will say little of the fineand abundant timber furnished by what is called the casuarina tree, andby what the English improperly call the pear. This pear is what thebotanists term Xylomelum, and by reason of its extremely beautiful anddeep grain, and the fine polish which it is susceptible of receiving, itappears to be superior to some of the best known woods. I will not referat length to the famous flax of New Zealand, which may become the subjectof a large trade when its preparation is made easier; nor to cotton, which is being naturalised; nor to coffee, of which I myself have seenthe first plantations, etc. , etc. All these commodities are secondary inimportance in comparison with others to which I have referred; yet, considered together, they will add greatly to the importance of this newcolony. Similarly, I will pass over the diverse products which are sureto be furnished by the prolific archipelagos, and of which several arelikely to become of great value and to fetch high prices for use in thearts and in medicine. For example, the cargo of the last vessel thatarrived in Port Jackson from the Navigator Islands, during our stay, consisted partly of cordage of different degrees of thickness, made froma plant peculiar to those islands, the nature of which is such that, wewere assured, it is almost indestructible by water and the humidity ofthe atmosphere; whilst its toughness makes it superior to ordinarycordage. 

(17) The English hope for much from mineral discoveries. Those parts ofthe country lying nearest to the sea, which are of a sandstone or slatyformation, appear to contain only deposits of excellent coal; but theentire range of the Blue Mountains has not yet been explored forminerals. The colony had not up to the time of our visit a mineralogistin its service, but the Governor hoped soon to obtain the services ofone, to commence making investigations; and the nature of the country, combined with its extent, affords ground for strong hope in that regard. 

(18) There are, finally, other advantages, apparently less interesting, but which do not fail to exert an influence upon the character andprestige of a nation. I refer to the conspicuous glory which geographicaldiscoveries necessarily following upon such an establishment as thisbring upon a nation's name; to all that which accrues to a people fromthe discovery and collection of so many new and valuable things; to thedistinguished services which new countries call forth and which confer somuch distinction upon those who watch over their birth. 

Time does not permit me to pursue the enquiry. I wish only to add hereone fresh proof of the importance which England attaches to this newcolony. When we left Port Jackson, the authorities were awaiting thearrival of five or six large vessels laden with the goods of Englishpersons formerly domiciled at the Cape of Good Hope, whom the surrenderof that possession to the Dutch had compelled to leave. * (* Note 36: TheCape was surrendered to Holland in 1803, but British rule was restoredthere in 1806. ) That very great accession of population oughtsufficiently to indicate to you how great are the projects of the BritishMinistry in that region. 

Before concluding I should have liked to point out the impossibility, forFrance, of retarding the rapid progress of the establishment at PortJackson, or of entering into competition with its settlers in the tradein sealskins, the whale fishery, etc. But it would take rather too longto discuss that matter. I think I ought to confine myself to telling youthat my opinion, and that of all those among us who have moreparticularly occupied themselves with enquiring into the organization ofthat colony, is that it should be destroyed as soon as possible. * (* Note37: Mon sentiment et celui de tous ceux d'entre nous qui se sont plusparticulierement occupes de l'organisation de cette colonie seroit de ladetruire le plus tot possible. ") To-day we could destroy it easily; weshall not be able to do so in 25 years' time. 

I have the honour to be, with respectful devotion, Your very humble servant, PERON. 

P. S. M. Freycinet, the young officer, has especially concerned himselfwith examining all the points upon the coast of the environs of PortJackson which are favourable to the landing of troops. He has collectedparticular information concerning the entrance to the port; and, if everthe Government should think of putting into execution the project ofdestroying this freshly-set trap of a great Power, * that distinguishedofficer would be of valuable assistance in such an operation. (* Note 38:"Le projet de detruire ce piege naissant d'une grande puissance. " )

APPENDIX C. NAMES GIVEN BY FLINDERS TO IMPORTANT AUSTRALIAN COASTALFEATURES. 

Among the Flinders Papers is a list of names given by Flinders to pointson the Australian coast, with his reasons for doing so. The list isincomplete, but has served as the basis of the following catalogue, forhelp in the enlargement of which I am greatly indebted to Mr. WalterJeffery:--

TOM THUMB VOYAGE, WITH BASS:

Hat Hill, named by Flinders from Cook's suggestion that it "looked likethe crown of a hat. "Red Point. Martin's Isles, after the boy who accompanied them. Providential Cove (native name, Wattamowlee). 

VOYAGE OF THE FRANCIS:

Green Cape. Cape Barren Island. Clarke Island, Hamilton's Rocks, after members of the crew of the SydneyCove. Kent's Group, after the Captain of the Supply. Armstrong's Channel, after the Master of the Supply. Preservation Island. 

VOYAGE OF THE NORFOLK:

Chappell Islands, after Miss Ann Chappell. Settlement Island, Babel Islands (from the noises made by the sea-birds), and other names in the Furneaux Group. Double Sandy Point. Low Head. Table Cape. Circular Head. Hunter Islands, after Governor Hunter. Three-Hummock Island. Barren Island. Cape Grim. Trefoil Island. Albatross Island. Mount Heemskirk and Mount Zeehan, after Tasman's ships. Point Hibbs, after the Master of the Norfolk. Rocky Point. Mount de Witt. Point St. Vincent, after the First Lord of the Admiralty. Norfolk Bay and Mount. Cape Pillar. After the voyage was over, Hunter, apparently at Flinders' suggestion, named Cape Portland, Bass Strait, Port Dalrymple and Waterhouse Island. 

VOYAGE OF THE NORFOLK TO QUEENSLAND:

Shoal Bay. Sugarloaf Point. Pumice-stone River. Point Skirmish. Moreton Island. Curlew Inlet. 

VOYAGE OF THE INVESTIGATOR (Western Australia):

Cape Leeuwin, "the most projecting part of Leeuwin's Land. "Mount Manypeak. Haul-off Rock. Cape Knob. Mount Barren. Lucky Bay, discovered when the ship was in an awkward position. Goose Island. Twin Peaks Islands. Cape Pasley, after Admiral Pasley. Point Malcolm, after Captain Pulteney Malcolm. Point Culver. Point Dover. 

VOYAGE OF THE INVESTIGATOR (South Australia):

Nuyts' Reefs and Cape. Fowler's Bay and Point, after the First Lieutenant of the Investigator. Point Sinclair, after a midshipman on the Investigator. Point Bell, after the surgeon of the Investigator. Purdie's Islands, after the Assistant-surgeon of the Investigator. St. Francis Islands, adapted from the name given by Nuyts. Lound's Island, Lacy's Island, Evans' Island, Franklin's Island (inNuyts' Archipelago), after midshipmen on the Investigator. Petrel Bay. Denial Bay, "as well in allusion to St. Peter as to the deceptive hope wehad found of penetrating by it some distance into the interior country. "Smoky Bay, from the number of smoke columns rising from the shore. Point Brown, after the Botanist of the Investigator. Streaky Bay, "much seaweed floating about. "Cape Bauer, after the Botanical Draftsman of the Investigator. Point Westall, after the painter. Olive Island, after the ship's clerk. Cape Radstock, after Admiral Lord Radstock. Waldegrave Isles. Topgallant Isles. Anxious Bay, "from the night we passed in it. "Investigator Group. Pearson's Island, after Flinders' brother-in-law. Ward's Island, after his mother's maiden name. Flinders' Island, after Lieutenant S. W. Flinders. Cape (now Point) Drummond, after Captain Adam Drummond, R. N. Point Sir Isaac, Coffin's Bay, after Vice-Admiral Sir Isaac Coffin. Mount Greenly, Greenly Isles, after the lady to whom Sir Isaac Coffin wasengaged. Point Whidbey, Whidbey's Islands, after "My worthy friend theMaster-attendant at Sheerness. "Avoid Bay and Point, "from its being exposed to the dangerous southernwinds. "Liguanea Island, after an estate in Jamaica. Cape Wiles, after the Botanist on the Providence. Williams' Isle. Sleaford Bay, from Sleaford in Lincolnshire. Thistle Island, after the Master of the Investigator. Neptune Isles, "for they seemed inaccessible to men. "Thorny Passage, from the dangerous rocks. Cape Catastrophe, where the accident occurred. Taylor's Island, after a midshipman drowned in the accident. Wedge Island, "from its shape. "Gambier Isles, after Admiral Lord Gambier. Memory Cove, in memory of the accident. Cape Donington, after Flinders' birthplace. Port Lincoln, after the chief town in Flinders' native county. Boston Island, Bay and Point, Bicker Island, Surfleet Point, StamfordHill, Spalding Cove, Grantham Island, Kirton Point, Point Bolingbroke, Louth Bay and Isle, Sleaford Mere, Lusby Isle, Langton Isle, Kirkby Isle, Winceby Isle, Sibsey Isle, Tumby Isle, Stickney Isle, Hareby Isle. AllLincolnshire names, after places familiar to Flinders. Dalby Isle, after the Rev. M. Tyler's parish. Marum Isle, after the residence of Mr. Stephenson, Sir Joseph Banks'agent. Spilsby Island, after the town where the Franklins lived. Partney Isles, after the place where Miss Chappell lived, and whereFlinders was married. Revesby Isle, after Revesby Abbey, Banks' Lincolnshire seat. Northside Hill. Elbow Hill, from its shape. Barn Hill, from the form of its top. Mount Young, after Admiral Young. Point Lowly. Mount Brown, after the botanist. Mount Arden, Flinders' great-grandmother's name. Point Riley, after an Admiralty official. Point Pearce, after an Admiralty official. Corny Point, "a remarkable point. "Hardwicke Bay, after Lord Hardwicke. Spencer's Gulf and Cape, after Earl Spencer. Althorp Isles, after Lord Spencer's eldest son. Kangaroo Island and Head. Point Marsden, after the Second Secretary to the Admiralty. Nepean Bay, after Sir Evan Nepean, Secretary to the Admiralty. Mount Lofty, from its height. St. Vincent's Gulf, after Admiral Lord St. Vincent. Cape Jervis, Lord St. Vincent's family name. Troubridge Hill, after Admiral Troubridge. Investigator Strait. Yorke's Peninsula, after the Honourable C. P. Yorke. Prospect Hill. Pelican Lagoon. Backstairs Passage. Antechamber Bay. Cape Willoughby. Pages Islets. Encounter Bay. 

VOYAGE OF THE INVESTIGATOR (Victoria):

Point Franklin. Indented Head (Port Phillip). Station Peak (Port Phillip). 

VOYAGE OF THE INVESTIGATOR (Queensland):

Tacking Point. Mount Larcom, after Captain Larcom, R. N. Gatcombe Head. Port Curtis, after Admiral Sir Roger Curtis. Facing Island, the eastern boundary of Port Curtis, facing the sea. Port Bowen, after Captain James Bowen, R. N. , Naval Commandant at Madeirawhen the Investigator put in there. Cape Clinton, after Colonel Clinton of the 85th Regiment, Commandant atMadeira. Entrance Island. Westwater Head. Eastwater Hill. Mount Westall, after William Westall the artist. Townshend Island--Cook had so named the Cape which is its prominentfeature. Leicester Island. Aken's Island, after the Master of the Investigator. Strongtide Passage. Double Mount. Mount Funnel, from its form. Upper Head. Percy Isles, after the Northumberland family. Eastern Fields, coral banks near Torres Strait. Pandora's Entrance, after the Pandora. Half-way Island, convenient anchorage for ships going through TortesStrait. Good Island, after Peter Good, the botanist. 

VOYAGE OF THE INVESTIGATOR (in the Gulf of Carpentaria):

Duyfken Point, after the first vessel which entered the Gulf ofCarpentaria. Pera Head, after the second vessel that sailed along this coast in 1623. Sweers Island, after a member of the Batavia Council in Tasman's time. Inspection Hill. Lord William Bentinck's Island (now Bentinck Island), after the Governorof Madras. Allen's Island, after the "Miner"--i. E. , Geologist--of the Investigator. Horseshoe Island. Investigator Road. Pisonia Isle, from the soft white wood of the Pisonia tree found upon it. Bountiful Island. Wellesley Island, Mornington Isle--After the Marquess Wellesley, Governor-General of India, whose earlier title was Lord Mornington. 

VOYAGE OF THE INVESTIGATOR (Northern Territory):

Vanderlin Island, the Dutch "Cape Vanderlin. "Sir Edward Pellew Group, Cape Pellew, after Admiral Pellew. Craggy Isles. West Island. North Island. Centre Island. Observation Island. Cabbage-Tree Cove. Maria Island, the Dutch "Cape Maria. "Bickerton Island, after Admiral Sir Richard Bickerton. Cape Barrow, after Sir John Barrow. Connexion Island. North Point Island. Chasm Island, "the upper parts are intersected by many deep chasms. "North-West Bay. Winchelsea Island, after the Earl of Winchelsea. Finch's Island, after the Winchelsea family name. Pandanus Hill, from the clump of trees upon it. Burney Island, after Captain James Burney, R. N. Nicol Island, after "His Majesty's bookseller. "Woodah Island, "it having some resemblance to the whaddie, or woodah, awooden sword used by the natives of Port Jackson. "Bustard Isles--They "harboured several bustards. "Mount Grindall, Point Grindall, after Vice-Admiral Grindall. Morgan's Isle, after a seaman who died there. Bluemud Bay, "in most parts of the bay is a blue mud of so fine a qualitythat I judge it might be useful in the manufacture of earthenware. "Point Blane, after Sir Gilbert Blane of the Naval Medical Board. Cape Shield, after Commissioner Shield. Cape Grey, after General Grey, Commandant at Capetown. Point Middle. Mount Alexander. Point Alexander. Round Hill Island. Caledon Bay, after the Governor of the Cape of Good Hope. Cape Arnhem, extremity of Arnhem's Land. Mount Saunders. Mount Dundas, Melville Isles--After Dundas, Viscount Melville, acolleague of the younger Pitt. Mount Bonner. Drimmie Head. Cape Wilberforce, after W. Wilberforce, M. P. , the slave-emancipator, whowas a friend of Flinders. Melville Bay, after Viscount Melville. Harbour Rock. Point Dundas. Bromby Islands, after the Reverend F. Bromby, of Hull, a cousin of Mrs. Flinders. Malay Road. Pombasso's Island, after the chief of the Malay praus. Cotton's Island, after Captain Cotton of the East India Company'sDirectorate. English Company Islands, after the East India Company. Wigram Island. Truant Island, "from its lying away from the rest. "Inglis Island. Bosanquet Island. Astell Island. Mallison Island. Point Arrowsmith, after the map-publisher. Cape Newbald, Newbald Island--After Henrietta Newbald, nee Flinders, whointroduced him to Pasley. Arnhem Bay. Wessell Islands, name found on a Dutch chart. Point Dale. Wreck Reef. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

A. MANUSCRIPT SOURCES. 

1. The Flinders Papers, in the Melbourne Public Library, consisting of aletter-book of Flinders (August 31, 1807, to May 31, 1814); manuscriptnarrative of the voyage of the Francis; miscellaneous notes and memorandaby friends and relatives, a short manuscript memoir, and a large quantityof transcripts of journals, family letters, etc. This material is not atpresent numbered, and allusions to it in the text of the book aretherefore made by the general reference, "Flinders Papers. "

2. Decaen Papers, in the Municipal Library of Caen, Normandy. GeneralDecaen's manuscripts fill 149 volumes. The documents relating toFlinders, including a translation of portions of the Cumberland's log, are principally in volumes 10, 84, 92, and 105. Peron's important reportupon the British colony at Port Jackson is also in this collection, whichincludes many original letters of Flinders. 

3. Archives Nationales, Paris, Marine BB4, 996 to 999, contains aquantity of manuscripts relative to Baudin's expeditions, includingreports and letters by him, and many miscellaneous papers. 

4. The Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, nouveaux acquisitions, France, contains many documents relative to Baudin's expedition, including thediary of the commander. 

5. The Archives du Museum d'Histoire Naturelle de Paris contain reportsand documents concerning the scientific work of Baudin's expedition. 

6. The Depot de la Marine, service hydrographique, Paris, cartons 6, 22, and 23, contains many reports upon the Australian coast made to CaptainBaudin by his officers. 

7. The Library of the Royal Colonial Institute, London, containsWestall's original drawings executed on the Investigator voyage. Photographed copies are in the Mitchell Library, Sydney. 

8. The Mitchell Library, Sydney, contains Smith's manuscript journal ofthe Investigator voyage, and many Flinders and Franklin papers, as citedin the text. 

B. PRINTED DOCUMENTS. 

Most of the Flinders material contained in the Record Office, London, andthe British Museum, is printed in Volumes 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7 of theHistorical Records of New South Wales, edited by F. M. Bladen (Sydney, 1893 to 1901). Copies of other letters and documents, mainly from thesame source, are in course of publication by the Commonwealth Government, under the direction of the Commonwealth Library Committee, edited by Dr. F. Watson. 

C. WORKS BY FLINDERS. 

FLINDERS, MATTHEW, A Voyage to Terra Australis, 2 volumes, London, 1814. The principal authority for the voyages of the navigator. 

FLINDERS, M. , Observations on the Coasts of Van Diemen's Land, etc. , London, 1801. 

FLINDERS, M. , Papers on the Marine Barometer and on Variations of theMariner's Compass, printed in the Philosophical Transactions of the RoyalSociety, London, 1806 and 1807. 

FLINDERS, MATTHEW, Reise nach dem Austral-Lande, in der Absicht dieEntdeckung desselben zu vollenden unter nommen in den Jaksen, 1801, 1802and 1803. Aus dem Englischen, von F. Gotze. Weimar, 1816. A Germantranslation of the Voyage to Terra Australis. An accompanying map is ofgreat interest, as it essays for the first time to indicate by coloursthe portions of the Australian coast discovered by the English, the Dutchand the French. The map errs with regard to Kangaroo Island, inattributing the discovery of the north to the French and the south to theEnglish. The reverse was the case. 

MATTHEW FLINDERS, Ontdekkings-reis naar het Groote Zuidland anders NieuwHolland; besigtiging van het zelve in 1801, 1802 en 1803; noodlottigeschipbreak, en gevangenschap van 6 1/2 jaar by de Franschen op Mauritius. Uit het Engelsch. 4 volumes, Haarlem, 1815 and 1816. A Dutch translationof the Voyage to Terra Australis. 

D. OTHER PRINTED BOOKS. 

BARROW, SIR JOHN, articles in Quarterly Review, 1810 and 1817, stronglycondemning the work of Peron and Freycinet (see below), and championingthe cause of Flinders. Barrow had access to material in possession of theAdmiralty, sent to England from Mauritius by Flinders. 

BECKE, L. , and JEFFERY, W. , Naval Pioneers of Australia, London, 1899. Very useful. 

DALRYMPLE, ALEXANDER, Collection of Voyages and Discoveries in the SouthPacific Ocean, 2 volumes, London, 1770. 

EDINBURGH REVIEW, 1807, reviews with commendation Flinders' "Observationsupon the Marine Barometer. "

GRANT, Narrative of a Voyage of Discovery, London, 1803. 

LABILLIERE, F. P. , Early History of the Colony of Victoria, 2 volumes, London, 1878 to 1879. Prints extracts from Flinders' manuscript journalsrelating to Port Phillip. 

LAUGHTON, SIR J. K. , article on Flinders in Dictionary of NationalBiography. 

MAIDEN, J. H. , Sir Joseph Banks, the Father of Australia, Sydney, 1909. 

FOWLER, T. W. , "The Work of Captain Matthew Flinders in Port Phillip, "Victorian Geographical Journal, 1912. Good topographical account. 

MALTE-BRUN, Annales des Voyages, 1810 and 1814. Interesting references toFlinders; biographical sketch in Volume 23, 268. 

Naval Chronicle, Volume 32 (1814), contains a biography of Flinders, withportrait. 

PATERSON, G. , History of New South Wales, Newcastle-on-Tyne, 1811. Contains account of the early discoveries of Bass and Flinders. 

PERON and FREYCINET, Voyage de decouvertes aux Terres Australes, Paris, 1807 to 1817. Second edition, with additions by Freycinet, 1824. Veryimportant, but the historical statements have to be checked by referenceto Baudin's manuscript diary and letters (see reference to manuscriptsabove). 

SCORESBY, W. , Journal of a Voyage to Australia for Magnetic Research, 2volumes, London, 1859. The introduction by A. Smith deals with Flinders'discoveries regarding variations of the compass. 

SCOTT, ERNEST, Terre Napoleon, London, 1910. Deals generally with Frenchexplorations in Australia and particularly with the work of Baudin andFlinders. See also the bibliography to that book. 

SCOTT, ERNEST, English and French Navigators on the Victorian Coast, withmaps, etc. , in the Victorian Historical Magazine, 1912. 

SCOTT, ERNEST, "Baudin's Voyage of Exploration to Australia, " in EnglishHistorical Review, April, 1913. 

SMITH, E. , Life of Sir Joseph Banks, London, 1911. 

South Australian Geographical Society's Proceedings, 1912. Prints fromBaudin's letter to Minister of Marine his account of the meeting withFlinders in Encounter Bay, and Decaen's statement of his reasons fordetaining Flinders. 

PICARD, ERNEST (editor), Memoires et Journaux du General Decaen, 2volumes, Paris, 1911. 

PITOT, ALBERT, Esquisses historiques de l'Ile de France, 1715 to 1810, Port Louis, Mauritius, 1899. 

PRENTOUT, HENRI, L'Ile de France sous Decaen, Paris. 1901. Veryimportant. 

Victorian Geographical Journal, Volume 28 (1910 and 1911) prints abiographical sketch of Flinders from a manuscript found in a copy of AVoyage to Terra Australis in Donington vicarage in 1903. It is printedwith an Introduction (by G. Gordon McCrae) wherein it is stated to be"hitherto unpublished. " But it is simply the Naval Chronicle sketch, witha few paragraphs added, and it is from the same pen as the manuscriptsketch mentioned above. 

WALCKENAER, C. A. , biography of Flinders in the Biographie Universelle, Volume 14; excellent. 

WALKER, J. BACKHOUSE, Early Tasmania, Hobart, 1902. Gives an admirableaccount of Flinders' explorations in Tasmania. 

INDEX. 

Aboriginals, references to. 

Admiralty's treatment of Flinders. 

Aken, John. Sails in Cumberland. At Ile-de-France. Departure of. 

Albatross Island. 

Allen, John, miner, joins Investigator. 

Althorp Isles. 

Amiens, treaty of. 

Arnhem Bay. 

Arthur's Seat, Port Phillip. 

Australasia, name of. 

Australia, discovery of. Name of. Geography of, before Flinders. Theories concerning. French expedition to. South Coast discovery. Influence of Flinders on discovery. Circumnavigation of. 

"Australians, " Flinders' use of word. 

Babel Isles. 

Backstairs Passage. 

Banks, Cape. 

Banks' Group. 

Banks, Sir Joseph, promotes breadfruit expedition. His friendship for Flinders. His interest in Australian development. Dedication of Flinders' Observations to. His letters concerning Mrs. Flinders' proposed voyage on Investigator. Disapproves of Flinders' conduct towards Decaen. His dislike to word Australia. 

Barmouth Creek. 

Barois, Colonel. 

Barometer, marine, Flinders' paper on use of. 

Barrow, Sir John, his article on Flinders' case. 

Bass, Elizabeth, her marriage to George Bass. Letters from her husband. 

Bass, George, family of. Medical training of. Sails in Reliance. Character of. Friendship with Flinders. Discovery of Bass Strait. Exploration of Blue Mountains. Discovery of coal. Plans discovery voyage. Whaleboat crew. Discovery of Twofold Bay. Discovery of Wilson's Promontory. Adventure with escaped convicts. Discovery of Western Port. French admiration for. Report on Derwent. Fate of. Indifference to fame. Marriage of. Purchase of Venus. Voyage to Tahiti. New Zealand fishing project. South American projects. Reports concerning his end. Letters to his mother. Flinders' last letter to. See also Flinders. 

Bass Strait, discovery of. Governor Hunter on. Naming of. Importance of discovery. Flinders' chart of. 

Baudin des Ardennes, Lieutenant Charles, wounded, and visited byFlinders. 

Baudin, Captain Nicolas, his expedition to Australia. Instructions to. His career. Reaches Ile-de-France. Sails for Southern Tasmania. At Waterhouse Island. In Encounter Bay. At Kangaroo Island. At Port Jackson. Rumours of intended French settlement. Letter to Governor King. Report on Port Jackson. His account of the Encounter Bay meeting. 

Bauer, Cape. 

Bauer, Ferdinand, botanical draftsman, joins Investigator. 

Baye du Cap. 

Beautemps-Beaupre. 

Bell, Point. 

Bellerophon, H. M. S. Flinders appointed to. Battle off Brest. 

Bennelong Point. 

Bergeret, Captain. 

Blaxland, Gregory, his exploration of Blue Mountains. 

Bligh, Captain William, voyage under Captain Cook. Command of the Bounty. Mutiny of the Bounty. Character of. Second breadfruit expedition. Expedition reaches Tahiti, Voyage from Pacific to West Indies. Introduces Flinders to Duke of Clarence. Asks for dedication of Flinders' book. 

Blue Mountains, exploration of. 

Blue Mud Bay. 

Bolger, Commandant. 

Bongaree, aboriginal, accompanies Flinders on Queensland voyage. On Investigator. 

Boston, Point. 

Botany Bay. 

Bougainville. 

Boullanger, hydrographer on Le Geographe. 

Bounty, H. M. S. , voyage to Tahiti. Mutiny of. 

Bowling Green, Cape. 

Breadfruit. 

Bridgewater. Behaviour at Wreck Reef. Wreck of. 

Bridgewater, Cape. 

Brisbane River. 

Brouwer, Henrick, his new route to Java. 

Brown, Point. 

Brown, Robert, botanist. Joins Investigator. His Prodromus. 

Burney, Captain, and name Australia. 

Cape of Good Hope, Flinders at. Importance of to Australia. Voyage of Reliance to from Sydney. 

Carpentaria, Gulf of. 

Catastrophe, Cape. 

Cato. Wreck of. 

Cattle Point. 

Chappell, Ann, see Flinders, Mrs. Ann. 

Chappell Isles. 

Chappell, Mount. 

Clarence River. 

Clarke's Island. 

Coal, discovery of in New South Wales. 

Coalcliff. 

Coffin's Bay. 

Compass, variations of, Flinders' experiments. 

Convicts. Escaped. Isaac Nichols. Irish, Peron on. On Investigator. 

Cook, Captain James, his voyage. His belief in a strait between New Holland and Van Diemen's land. Pension to his widow. 

Coral reefs, Flinders on. 

Crossley, J. 

Cumberland, schooner, voyage to Ile-de-France. At Kupang. Arrival at Ile-de-France. Enters Port Louis. End of. 

Dalrymple, Alexander, naval hydrographer. His use of word Australia. 

Dalrymple, Port. 

Dampier, William. 

Dance, Commodore Nathaniel. 

D'Arifat, Madame. 

Darwin, on coral reefs. 

Decaen, General Charles. Career of. Napoleon's opinion of. Sent to India. Arrival at Pondicherry. Sails for Ile-de-France. Arrival at Port Louis. Character of. Examination of Flinders. Interrogates Flinders. Invites Flinders to dinner. Flinders' refusal. Accuses Flinders of impertinence. His intentions. Report to French Government. Motives for detaining Flinders. Anger against Flinders. Despatch arrives in France. Flinders' opinion of. Receives order for Flinders' release. Refuses to liberate Flinders. His reasons. Release of Flinders. 

Decres, French Minister of Marine. 

Dentrecasteaux. 

Derwent, estuary of the. 

Dirk Hartog Island. 

Donington, birthplace of Flinders. Flinders' monument at. Free school. The Flinders' house. 

Donington, Cape. 

Dunienville, Major. 

Dutch navigators, discoveries in Australia. 

East India Company, its interest in Australia. Interest in Investigator voyage. 

Elder, John, Flinders' servant. Sails in Cumberland. At Ile-de-France. 

Encounter Bay. Flinders and Baudin in. 

Everard, Cape. 

Fitzroy, Sir Charles. 

Fleurieu, Comte de, prepares instructions for French discovery voyages. 

Flinders, John, naval career. 

Flinders, Matthew, surgeon, father of the navigator. Marriage into Franklin family. Death of. 

Flinders, Matthew, genealogy. School days. Study of Robinson Crusoe. Anecdotes of childhood. Desire to go to sea. Advice of Uncle. Study of navigation. Introduction to Admiral Pasley. Anecdote of visit to Pasley. On the Scipio. On the Bellerophon. On the Dictator. Midshipman on Providence. Description of Teneriffe. Description of Dutch at the Cape. In Torres Strait. Return to Europe. Aide-de-camp on Bellerophon. First experience of war. Anecdote of battle. His journal of the engagement. Estimate of French seamen. Appointed to Reliance. Careful record of observations. Arrival at Port Jackson. Friendship with Bass. Exploration of George's River. Voyages in Tom Thumb. Adventure with aboriginals. Voyage on Francis. Discovery of Kent Group. Biological notes. On the sooty petrel. Description of wombat. Voyage to Norfolk Island. Exploration projects. Voyage of Norfolk. Character as an author. Discovery of Bass Strait. Circumnavigation of Tasmania. Description of Tasmanian mountains. Banks' friendship for. On Queensland coast. Adventures with Queensland aboriginals. Return to England. Marriage of. His Observations. Naming of Mount Chappell. Letters to his wife. Suggests new discovery voyage. Instructions for voyage. Passport from French Government. Correspondence concerning Mrs. Flinders' proposed voyage in Investigator. Reports sandbank at the Roar. Management of crew. On Australian coast. Method of research. Coastal names given by. On the character of John Thistle. Exploration of Spencer's Gulf. Discovery of Kangaroo Island. Discovery of St. Vincent's Gulf. In Encounter Bay. In Port Phillip. At King Island. Description of Port Phillip entrance. Influence on Australian discovery. Departure from Port Phillip. Arrival at Port Jackson. On Francois Peron. Circumnavigation of Australia. On coral reefs. Forced to return to Port Jackson. Death of father. Last letter to Bass. Sails in Porpoise. Observations on Sydney. Wrecked on Porpoise. Sails for Port Jackson in Hope. Arrives at Port Jackson. Arrival at Wreck Reef. Arrival at Kupang. Decides to sail for Ile-de-France. Sights Ile-de-France. Appears before Decaen. Seizure of his papers. Detained. Interrogated by Decaen. Invited to dinner by Decaen. His refusal. Accused of impertinence. Carries despatches for Governor King. Letters to Decaen. Obtains books and papers. Prolongation of captivity. Occupations in Garden Prison. Opinion of Decaen. Solicits examination by French officers. Refuses to surrender his sword. Removal to Wilhelm's Plains. Life at Wilhelm's Plains. Works on his Voyage. Paper on marine barometer. Treatment by Admiralty. Release ordered. Decaen refuses release. Knowledge of weakness of Ile-de-France. Allegations as to taking soundings. Possibilities of escape. Released. Arrival in England. Receipt for books, papers, etc. Interest in French prisoners of war. Honoured in London. Evidence before House of Commons Committee. Works at his Voyage and charts. Illness of. Death of. Place of burial. Characteristics. Visit to wounded French officer. Advice to young officers. As a navigator. Naming of Australia. 

Flinders, Mrs. Ann, marriage to Matthew Flinders. Flinders' letters to. Proposed voyage in Investigator. On Admiralty's treatment of Flinders. Meets Flinders on his return. Pension voted by Australian colonies. 

Flinders, S. W. , joins Investigator. On Wreck Reef. 

Flinders' bar, invention of. 

Flinders' Entrance. 

Flinders family. Connection with Tennysons. 

Flinders' Island. 

Foigny, Gabriel de, his La Terre Australe connue. 

Forfait, French Marine Minister, instructions to Baudin. 

Fowler, Robert, joins Investigator. On Rolla. 

Fowler's Bay. 

Francis, schooner, voyage of. Sails with Cumberland. 

Franklin, Sir John, connection with Flinders' family. On the Polyphemus. Influenced by Flinders. Joins Investigator. At wreck of Porpoise. On Rolla. On Flinders' return to England. 

Franklin's Isles. 

French Island. 

French Revolution. 

Freycinet, Lieutenant Louis de, at Sydney. On military situation at Port Jackson. His hydrographical work. Charge of plagiarism against. Publication of his charts. 

Furneaux, commander of Adventure. 

Furneaux Land. 

Gambier Isles. 

Gambier, Mount. 

Garden Prison, see Maison Despeaux. 

Geographe, Le. 

George's River, exploration of. 

Glasshouse Bay. 

Glasshouse Mountains. 

Good, Peter, gardener, joins Investigator. 

Grant, Captain, in command of Lady Nelson. Governor King on. Sails for Australia. 

Harrington, brig, and the American contraband trade. 

Hartog, Dirk, his metal plate. 

Hawkesbury River, the. 

Heemskirk, Mount. 

Hervey Bay. 

Hicks, Point. 

Hindmarsh, Sir John, his naval career. 

Hohenlinden, battle of. 

Hope, cutter. 

Howe, Lord, battle off Brest. 

Hunter, Captain John, appointed Governor of New South Wales. Interest in Australian colonisation. Discourteous treatment of by Portuguese Viceroy. Encourages Bass and Flinders. On Bass Strait. 

Ile-de-France. Flinders at. Interior of. Military situation of. Regulations concerning visiting ships. Blockade of. Captured by British. 

Investigator. Reasons for expedition. Formerly the Xenophon. Refitting of. Leakiness. Selection of crew. Sailing delayed. Sailing of. On South Coast. In Encounter Bay. In Port Phillip. Arrival at Port Jackson. Circumnavigation of Australia. Decrepit condition of. Taken to England. End of. 

Investigator Strait. 

Jervis Bay. 

Julia Percy Island. 

Jussieu, French botanist, recommends Baudin to command discovery voyage. 

Kangaroo Island, discovery of. Wild life on. Baudin at. 

Kent, Lieutenant William. 

Kent's Group. 

Keppel Bay. 

King, Governor, P. G. And Bass's South American project. His hospitality to French expedition. Receives news of Porpoise wreck. Entrusts despatches to Flinders. Protest against Flinders' imprisonment. 

King George's Sound. 

King Island. Discovery of. French at. 

Kupang. 

Lacepede. 

Lacy, midshipman. 

Lady Nelson. 

Laperouse. 

Launceston. 

Lawson, Lieutenant. His share in crossing Blue Mountains. 

Leeuwin, Cape. 

Linois, Rear-Admiral. 

Little Bay. 

Liverpool, Lord. 

Lofty, Mount. 

Louis XVI, his interest in discovery voyages. 

Louth Bay. 

Louth Isle. 

Lucky Bay. 

Macquarie, Fort. 

Macquarie, Governor, his use of word Australia. 

Maison Despeaux (Garden Prison). 

Malaspina, Admiral. 

Malte-Brun. Championship of Flinders. 

Maria Island. 

Marsden, Reverend Samuel. 

Martin's Isles. 

Mauritius, see Ile-de-France. 

Melville Bay. 

Memory Cove. 

Monistrol, Colonel. 

Moreau, General. 

Moreton Bay. 

Mornington. 

Mornington Island. 

Murray, Lieutenant John, discovers Port Phillip. Accompanies Flinders. 

Mutton birds. 

Napoleon, authorises French discovery voyage. His opinion of General Decaen. Sends Decaen to India. Hears of the Flinders case. Orders release of Flinders. His comment on oaths of allegiance. 

Naturaliste, Le. 

Navy, the British, promotion in. Entrance to. 

Nelson. 

Nelson, Cape. 

Nepean, Evan, Secretary of the Admiralty. 

Nepean Peninsula. 

Nichols, Isaac, case of. 

Norfolk, sloop. Flinders' description of. Importance of voyage. Voyage to Queensland coast. 

Northumberland, Cape. 

Nuyts, Pieter. 

Observations on the Coast of Van Diemen's Land, publication of. 

Otto, L. G. 

Otway, Cape. 

Palmer, Captain of Bridgewater. 

Pandora's Entrance. 

Papuans, fight with in Torres Strait. 

Park, Mungo, and the Investigator. 

Parramatta. 

Partney Isle. 

Pasley, Admiral Sir Thomas, Flinders' introduction to. His interest in Flinders' career. Command of Bellerophon. Wounded in battle off Brest. Character of. 

Pasley, Cape, naming of. 

Paterson, Lieutenant-Colonel. 

Peel, Sir Robert. 

Pellew, Rear-Admiral, his interest in Flinders' case. 

Pellew Group. 

Pelsart, Francis, on the Australian Coast. 

Percy Isles. 

Peron, Francois, at Sydney. His report on British settlement. Plays the spy on British designs. Flinders on. Scientific work of. Effect of his report on Decaen. Malte-Brun on. Death of. 

Petrie, Professor W. M. Flinders, grandson of Matthew Flinders. 

Phillip Island. 

Pinkerton, Modern Geography. 

Pitot, Thomas. 

Pitt, Mount. 

Plagiarism, allegation against the French. Freycinet on. 

Pondicherry. 

Porpoise, Flinders sails in. Wreck of. 

Port Bowen. 

Port Curtis. 

Port Hacking. 

Port Jackson, see Sydney. 

Port Lincoln. Discovery and survey of. 

Port Louis. 

Port Phillip. Flinders in. Discovery of. Attempted settlement of. 

Portland Bay. 

Portlock, Lieutenant N. , Commander of Assistant. 

Portsea. 

Preservation Island. 

Providence, H. M. S. 

Providential Cove, see Wattamolla. 

Quarterly Review, article on Flinders' case. 

Queensland coasts. Flinders' voyages on. 

Quiros, voyage of. 

Red Point. 

Reliance, H. M. S. 

Revesby Isle. 

Robbins, Acting-Lieutenant. 

Robinson Crusoe, influence of on Flinders. 

Rowley, Commodore. 

St. Alouarn. 

St. Vincent's Gulf. Discovery of. 

Schanck, Cape. 

Schanck, Captain John, designs Lady Nelson. 

Seal-fisheries. 

Shaw and Smith, their use of the word Australia. 

Shinglar, Reverend John, schoolmaster of Flinders. 

Ships not elsewhere indexed:Adventure. Advice, brig. Agincourt. Albion. Alert. Aquilon. Assistant. Audacious. Barwell. Batavia. Bedford. Belier, brig. Belle Poule, La. Berceau, Le. Blenheim. Blonde, La. Brunswick. Buffalo. Caesar. Cape Chatham. Captivity. See also Bellerophon. Casuarina. Cerberus. Circe, frigate. Cygnet. Defence. Dictator. Duyfhen [Duyfken], yacht. Eendragt. Eliza, sloop. Elligood. Endeavour. Eole. Esperance. Ganges. Glatton. Glory. Greyhound, frigate. Harbinger, brig. Harriet, cartel. Heemskirk. Heir Apparent. Hercules. Hunter. Java. Latona. Leviathan. Lowestoft, frigate. Marengo, French frigate. Marlborough. Matilda, whaler. Minerva, frigate. Nautilus. Niger. Olympia. Orient, L'. Orion. Otter. Pandora. Phaeton. Phoenix. Piemontaise, La, privateer. Polyphemus. Pompey. Queen. Queen Charlotte. Recherche. Resolution. Resource. Revolutionnaire. Rolla. Royal Sovereign. Russell. Scipio. Seahorse. Semillante, La. Serpente, Le. See Le Geographe. Sirius. Southampton. Supply, tender. Temiraire. Terpsichore. Terrible. Theseus. Thetis. Thunderer. Trajan. Tremendous. Vengeur. Vesuve, Le. See Le Naturaliste. Vianen. Warren Hastings. Warrior. Xenophon. See Investigator. Zealand. Zeehan. 

Shoalhaven. 

Sibsey Isle. 

Sleaford Bay. 

Smith, Samuel, journal of. 

Spanish-American colonies. Contraband trade with. Alleged British designs on. 

Spencer, Earl, First Lord of the Admiralty, supports Flinders'exploration project. Grants passport to French discovery voyage. Visited by Flinders. 

Spencer's Gulf. Exploration of. 

Spilsby Isle. 

Stamford Hill. 

Station Peak. 

Stickney Isle. 

Streaky Bay. 

Surfleet Point. 

Swan Harbour. 

Swans, black. 

Sydney, growth of. Arrival of Investigator at, Baudin's expedition at. Peron's report on. Military forces at. Flinders' observations on. 

Sydney Cove, wreck of. 

Tahiti. Bass's voyages to. 

Tamar, discovery of. 

Tasman, voyage of. 

Tasmania, circumnavigation of. 

Taylor's Isle. 

Teneriffe, Flinders' description of. 

Tennysons, connection with Flinders' family. 

Termination Island. 

Terra Australis. 

Thistle, John, drowning of. Character. 

Thistle Island. 

Tides, theory of, Flinders' writings on. 

Tom Thumb, measurements of. Second boat of same name. 

Torres, voyage of. 

Torres Strait. 

Trafalgar, battle of. 

Transportation system, Peron on. 

Twofold Bay, discovery of. Adventure with aboriginal in. 

Vancouver, voyage of. His discoveries on Australian coast. 

Van Diemen, Cape. 

Venus, brig, Bass's purchase of. Voyages to Tahiti. Voyages to South America. Seizure of. 

Venus Bay. 

Vlaming, his metal plate. 

Waterhouse, Captain Henry. 

Waterhouse, Elizabeth, see Bass, Elizabeth. 

Waterhouse Island. 

Wattamolla (Watta-Mowlee). 

Wellesley, the Marquess, Governor-General of India. His interest in Flinders' case. 

Wellesley Isles. 

Wentworth, W. C. , his share in crossing Blue Mountains. 

Westall, Point. 

Westall, William, artist, joins Investigator. 

Westernport, discovery of. Le Naturaliste in. 

Whaleboat, Bass', measurements of. 

Wilhelm's Plains, Flinders' residence at. 

William IV inspects Flinders' charts. On proposed pension to Mrs. Flinders. 

Williams, mate of Bridgewater. 

Williamson, acting commissary. 

Wilson's Promontory. 

Winceby Isle. 

Wombat, Flinders' description of. 

Wool-growing. 

Wreck Reef. 

Yorke's Peninsula. 

You-yang Range. 

Zeehan, Mount.