THE LIFE OF ABRAHAM LINCOLNBY HENRY KETCHAM

 TO MY TWO OLDER BROTHERS, JOHN LEWIS KETCHAM, AND WILLIAM ALEXANDER KETCHAM, WHO UNDER ABRAHAM LINCOLN AS COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF LOYALLY SERVED THEIR COUNTRY IN THE WAR FOR THE PERPETUATION OF THE UNION AND THE DESTRUCTION OP SLAVERY, THIS BOOK IS AFFECTIONATELY DEDICATED. 

CONTENTS. 

 I. The Wild West II. The Lincoln Family III. Early Years IV. In Indiana V. Second Journey to New Orleans VI. Desultory Employments VII. Entering Politics VIII. Entering the Law IX. On the Circuit X. Social Life and Marriage XI. The Encroachments of Slavery XII. The Awakening of the Lion XIII. Two Things that Lincoln Missed XIV. Birth of the Republican Party XV. The Battle of the Giants XVI. Growing Audacity of the Slave Power XVII. The Backwoodsman at the Center of Eastern Culture XVIII. The Nomination of 1860 XIX. The Election XX. Four Long Months XXI. Journey to Washington XXII. The Inauguration XXIII. Lincoln his Own President XXIV. Fort Sumter XXV. The Outburst of Patriotism XXVI. The War Here to Stay XXVII. The Darkest Hour of the War XXVIII. Lincoln and Fremont XXIX. Lincoln and McClellan XXX. Lincoln and Greeley XXXI. Emancipation XXXII. Discouragements XXXIII. New Hopes XXXIV. Lincoln and Grant XXXV. Literary Characteristics XXXVI. Second Election XXXVII. Close of the War XXXVIII. Assassination XXXIX. A Nation's Sorrow XL. The Measure of a Man XLI. Testimonies

PREFACE. 

The question will naturally be raised, Why should there be another Lifeof Lincoln? This may be met by a counter question, Will there ever be atime in the near future when there will _not_ be another Life ofLincoln? There is always a new class of students and a new enrolment ofcitizens. Every year many thousands of young people pass from theGrammar to the High School grade of our public schools. Other thousandsare growing up into manhood and womanhood. These are of a differentconstituency from their fathers and grandfathers who remember the civilwar and were perhaps in it. 

"To the younger generation, " writes Carl Schurz, "Abraham Lincoln hasalready become a half mythical figure, which, in the haze of historicdistance, grows to more and more heroic proportions, but also loses indistinctness of outline and figure. " The last clause of this remark ispainfully true. To the majority of people now living, his outline andfigure are dim and vague. There are to-day professors and presidents ofcolleges, legislators of prominence, lawyers and judges, literary men, and successful business men, to whom Lincoln is a tradition. It cannotbe expected that a person born after the year (say) 1855, couldremember Lincoln more than as a name. Such an one's ideas are made upnot from his remembrance and appreciation of events as they occurred, but from what he has read and heard about them in subsequent years. 

The great mine of information concerning the facts of Lincoln's lifeis, and probably will always be, the History by his secretaries, Nicolay and Hay. This is worthily supplemented by the splendid volumesof Miss Tarbell. There are other biographies of great value. Specialmention should be made of the essay by Carl Schurz, which is classic. 

The author has consulted freely all the books on the subject he couldlay his hands on. In this volume there is no attempt to write a historyof the times in which Lincoln lived and worked. Such historical eventsas have been narrated were selected solely because they illustratedsome phase of the character of Lincoln. In this biography the singlepurpose has been to present the living man with such distinctness ofoutline that the reader may have a sort of feeling of being acquaintedwith him. If the reader, finishing this volume, has a vivid realizationof Lincoln as a man, the author will be fully repaid. 

To achieve this purpose in brief compass, much has been omitted. Someof the material omitted has probably been of a value fully equal tosome that has been inserted. This could not well be avoided. But if thereader shall here acquire interest enough in the subject to continuethe study of this great, good man, this little book will have servedits purpose. 

 H. K. WESTFIELD, NEW JERSEY, February, 1901. 

CHAPTER I. 

THE WILD WEST. 

At the beginning of the twentieth century there is, strictly speaking, no frontier to the United States. At the beginning of the nineteenthcentury, the larger part of the country was frontier. In any portion ofthe country to-day, in the remotest villages and hamlets, on theenormous farms of the Dakotas or the vast ranches of California, one iscertain to find some, if not many, of the modern appliances ofcivilization such as were not dreamed of one hundred years ago. Aladdinhimself could not have commanded the glowing terms to write theprospectus of the closing years of the nineteenth century. So, too, itrequires an extraordinary effort of the imagination to conceive of thecondition of things in the opening years of that century. 

The first quarter of the century closed with the year 1825. At thatdate Lincoln was nearly seventeen years old. The deepest impressions oflife are apt to be received very early, and it is certain that theinfluences which are felt previous to seventeen years of age have muchto do with the formation of the character. If, then, we go back to theperiod named, we can tell with sufficient accuracy what were thecircumstances of Lincoln's early life. Though we cannot precisely tellwhat he had, we can confidently name many things, things which in thisday we class as the necessities of life, which he had to do without, for the simple reason that they had not then been invented ordiscovered. 

In the first place, we must bear in mind that he lived in the woods. The West of that day was not wild in the sense of being wicked, criminal, ruffian. Morally, and possibly intellectually, the people ofthat region would compare with the rest of the country of that day orof this day. There was little schooling and no literary training. Butthe woodsman has an education of his own. The region was wild in thesense that it was almost uninhabited and untilled. The forests, extending from the mountains in the East to the prairies in the West, were almost unbroken and were the abode of wild birds and wild beasts. Bears, deer, wild-cats, raccoons, wild turkeys, wild pigeons, wildducks and similar creatures abounded on every hand. 

Consider now the sparseness of the population. Kentucky has an area of40, 000 square miles. One year after Lincoln's birth, the totalpopulation, white and colored, was 406, 511, or an average of tenpersons--say less than two families--to the square mile. Indiana hasan area of 36, 350 square miles. In 1810 its total population was24, 520, or an average of one person to one and one-half square miles;in 1820 it contained 147, 173 inhabitants, or about four to the squaremile; in 1825 the population was about 245, 000, or less than seven tothe square mile. 

The capital city, Indianapolis, which is to-day of surpassing beauty, was not built nor thought of when the boy Lincoln moved into the State. 

Illinois, with its more than 56, 000 square miles of territory, harboredin 1810 only 12, 282 people; in 1820, only 55, 211, or less than one tothe square mile; while in 1825 its population had grown a trifle over100, 000 or less than two to the square mile. 

It will thus be seen that up to his youth, Lincoln dwelt only in thewildest of the wild woods, where the animals from the chipmunk to thebear were much more numerous, and probably more at home, than man. 

There were few roads of any kind, and certainly none that could becalled good. For the mud of Indiana and Illinois is very deep and verytenacious. There were good saddle-horses, a sufficient number of oxen, and carts that were rude and awkward. No locomotives, no bicycles, noautomobiles. The first railway in Indiana was constructed in 1847, andit was, to say the least, a very primitive affair. As to carriages, there may have been some, but a good carriage would be only a waste onthose roads and in that forest. 

The only pen was the goose-quill, and the ink was home-made. Paper wasscarce, expensive, and, while of good material, poorly made. Newspaperswere unknown in that virgin forest, and books were like angels' visits, few and far between. 

There were scythes and sickles, but of a grade that would not besalable to-day at any price. There were no self-binding harvesters, nomowing machines. There were no sewing or knitting machines, thoughthere were needles of both kinds. In the woods thorns were used forpins. 

Guns were flint-locks, tinder-boxes were used until the manufacture ofthe friction match. Artificial light came chiefly from the openfireplace, though the tallow dip was known and there were somehousewives who had time to make them and the disposition to use them. Illumination by means of molded candles, oil, gas, electricity, camelater. That was long before the days of the telegraph. 

In that locality there were no mills for weaving cotton, linen, orwoolen fabrics. All spinning was done by means of the hand loom, andthe common fabric of the region was linsey-woolsey, made of linen andwoolen mixed, and usually not dyed. 

Antiseptics were unknown, and a severe surgical operation waspractically certain death to the patient. Nor was there ether, chloroform, or cocaine for the relief of pain. 

As to food, wild game was abundant, but the kitchen garden was notdeveloped and there were no importations. No oranges, lemons, bananas. No canned goods. Crusts of rye bread were browned, ground, and boiled;this was coffee. Herbs of the woods were dried and steeped; this wastea. The root of the sassafras furnished a different kind of tea, asubstitute for the India and Ceylon teas now popular. Slippery elm barksoaked in cold water sufficed for lemonade. The milk-house, when therewas one, was built over a spring when that was possible, and the milkvessels were kept carefully covered to keep out snakes and othercreatures that like milk. 

Whisky was almost universally used. Indeed, in spite of theconstitutional "sixteen-to-one, " it was locally used as the standard ofvalue. The luxury of quinine, which came to be in general usethroughout that entire region, was of later date. 

These details are few and meager. It is not easy for us, in the midstof the luxuries, comforts, and necessities of a later civilization, torealize the conditions of western life previous to 1825. But thesituation must be understood if one is to know the life of the boyLincoln. 

Imagine this boy. Begin at the top and look down him--a long look, forhe was tall and gaunt. His cap in winter was of coon-skin, with thetail of the animal hanging down behind. In summer he wore a misshapenstraw hat with no hat-band. His shirt was of linsey-woolsey, abovedescribed, and was of no color whatever, unless you call it "the colorof dirt. " His breeches were of deer-skin with the hair outside. In dryweather these were what you please, but when wet they hugged the skinwith a clammy embrace, and the victim might sigh in vain for sanitaryunderwear. These breeches were held up by one suspender. The huntingshirt was likewise of deer-skin. The stockings, --there weren't anystockings. The shoes were cow-hide, though moccasins made by his motherwere substituted in dry weather. There was usually a space of severalinches between the breeches and the shoes, exposing a tanned and bluishskin. For about half the year he went barefoot. 

There were schools, primitive and inadequate, indeed, as we shallpresently see, but "the little red schoolhouse on the hill, " with thestars and stripes floating proudly above it, was not of that day. Therewere itinerant preachers who went from one locality to another, holding"revival meetings. " But church buildings were rare and, to say theleast, not of artistic design. There were no regular means of travel, and even the "star route" of the post-office department was slow inreaching those secluded communities. 

Into such circumstances and conditions Lincoln was born and grew intomanhood. 

CHAPTER II. 

THE LINCOLN FAMILY. 

When one becomes interested in a boy, one is almost certain to ask, Whose son is he? And when we study the character of a great man, it isnatural and right that we should be interested in his family. Where didhe come from? who were his parents? where did they come from? Thesequestions will engage our attention in this chapter. 

But it is well to be on our guard at the outset against thefascinations of any theory of heredity. Every thoughtful observer knowssomething of the seductions of this subject either from experience orfrom observation. In every subject of research there is danger ofclaiming too much in order to magnify the theory. This is emphaticallytrue of this theory. Its devotees note the hits but not the misses. "Ittook five generations of cultured clergymen to produce an Emerson. "Undoubtedly; but what of the sixth and seventh generations? "Darwin'sgreatness came from his father and grandfather. " Very true; but arethere no more Darwins?

If Abraham Lincoln got his remarkable character from parents orgrandparents, from whom did he get his physical stature? His father wasa little above medium height, being five feet ten and one-half inches. His mother was a little less than medium height, being five feet fiveinches. Their son was a giant, being no less than six feet four inches. It is not safe to account too closely for his physical, mental, ormoral greatness by his descent. The fact is that there are too manyunexplored remainders in the factors of heredity to make it possible toapply the laws definitely. 

The writer will therefore give a brief account of the Lincoln familysimply as a matter of interest, and not as a means of proving orexplaining any natural law. 

The future president was descended from people of the middle class. There was nothing either in his family or his surroundings to attractthe attention even of the closest observer, or to indicate any materialdifference between him and scores of other boys in the same generallocality. 

Lincoln is an old English name, and in 1638 a family of the namesettled in Hingham, Mass. , near Boston. Many years later we find theancestors of the president living in Berks County, Pa. It is possiblethat this family came direct from England; but it is probable that theycame from Hingham. Both in Hingham and in Berks County there is afrequent recurrence of certain scriptural names, such as Abraham, Mordecai, and Thomas, which seems to be more than a coincidence. 

From Berks County certain of the family, who, by the way, were Quakers, moved to Rockingham County, Va. In 1769 Daniel Boone, the adventurouspioneer, opened up what is now the state of Kentucky, but was then apart of Virginia. 

About twelve years later, in 1781, Abraham Lincoln, great-grandfatherof the president, emigrated from Virginia into Kentucky. People haveasked, in a puzzled manner, why did he leave the beautiful Shenandoahvalley? One answer may be given: The Ohio valley also is beautiful. During the major portion of the year, from the budding of the leaves inApril until they pass away in the blaze of their autumn glory, theentire region is simply bewitching. No hills curve more gracefully, noatmosphere is more soft, no watercourses are more enticing. Into thisregion came the Virginian family, consisting, besides the parents, ofthree sons and two daughters. 

A year or two later the head of the family was murdered by a skulkingIndian, who proceeded to kidnap the youngest son, Thomas. The oldestson, Mordecai, quickly obtained a gun and killed the Indian, thusavenging his father and rescuing his little brother. 

This boy Thomas was father of the president. He has been called by somewriters shiftless and densely ignorant. But he seems to have been morea creature of circumstances. There were no schools, and he, consequently, did not go to school. There was no steady employment, andconsequently he had no steady employment. It is difficult to see how hecould have done better. He could shoot and keep the family suppliedwith wild game. He did odd jobs as opportunity opened and "justgrowed. "

But he had force enough to learn to read and write after his marriage. He had the roving disposition which is, and always has been, a trait ofpioneers. But this must be interpreted by the fact that he wasoptimistic rather than pessimistic. He removed to Indiana because, tohim, Indiana was the most glorious place in the whole world. He laterremoved to Illinois because that was more glorious yet. 

He certainly showed good taste in the selection of his wives, and whatis equally to the purpose, was able to persuade them to share hishumble lot. He had an unfailing stock of good nature, was expert intelling a humorous story, was perfectly at home in the woods, a faircarpenter and a good farmer; and in short was as agreeable a companionas one would find in a day's journey. He would not have been at home ina library, but he was at home in the forest. 

In 1806 he married Nancy Hanks, a young woman from Virginia, who becamethe mother of the president. Doubtless there are many women among theobscure who are as true and loyal as she was, but whose life is notbrought into publicity. Still, without either comparing or contrastingher with others, we may attest our admiration of this one as a "womannobly planned. " In the midst of her household cares, which were neitherfew nor light, she had the courage to undertake to teach her husband toread and write. She also gave her children a start in learning. Of herthe president, nearly half a century after her death, said to Seward, with tears, --"All that I am or hope to be, I owe to my angel mother--blessings on her memory. "

Mr. Lincoln himself never manifested much interest in his genealogy. Atone time he did give out a brief statement concerning his ancestorsbecause it seemed to be demanded by the exegencies of the campaign. Butat another time, when questioned by Mr. J. L. Scripps, editor of theChicago _Tribune_, he answered: "Why, Scripps, it is a great piece offolly to attempt to make anything out of me or my early life. It canall be condensed into a single sentence, and that sentence you willfind in Gray's Elegy:

 'The short and simple annals of the poor. '

That's my life, and that's all you or any one else can make out of it. "

In all this he was neither proud nor depreciative of his people. He wassimply modest. Nor did he ever outgrow his sympathy with the commonpeople. 

CHAPTER III. 

EARLY YEARS. 

The year 1809 was fruitful in the birth of great men in the Anglo-Saxonrace. In that year were born Charles Darwin, scientist, AlfredTennyson, poet, William E. Gladstone, statesman, and, not least, Abraham Lincoln, liberator. 

Thomas Lincoln was left fatherless in early boyhood, and grew upwithout any schooling or any definite work. For the most part he didodd jobs as they were offered. He called himself a carpenter. But in aday when the outfit of tools numbered only about a half dozen, and whenevery man was mainly his own carpenter, this trade could not amount tomuch. Employment was unsteady and pay was small. 

Thomas Lincoln, after his marriage to Nancy Hanks, lived inElizabethtown, Ky. , where the first child, Sarah, was born. Shortlyafter this event he decided to combine farming with his trade ofcarpentering, and so removed to a farm fourteen miles out, situated inwhat is now La Rue County, where his wife, on the twelfth day ofFebruary, 1809, gave birth to the son who was named Abraham after hisgrandfather. The child was born in a log cabin of a kind very common inthat day and for many years later. It was built four-square andcomprised only one room, one window, and a door. 

[Illustration: Lincoln's Boyhood Home in Kentucky. ]

Here they lived for a little more than four years, when the fatherremoved to another farm about fifteen miles further to the northeast. 

The occasion of this removal and of the subsequent one, two or threeyears later, was undoubtedly the uncertainty of land titles in Kentuckyin that day. This "roving disposition" cannot fairly be charged toshiftlessness. In spite of the extraordinary disadvantages of ThomasLincoln's early life, he lived as well as his neighbors, though thatwas humble enough, and accumulated a small amount of property in spiteof the low rate of compensation. 

In the year 1816 Thomas determined to migrate to Indiana. He sold outhis farm, receiving for it the equivalent of $300. Of this sum, $20 wasin cash and the rest was in whisky--ten barrels--which passed as a kindof currency in that day. He then loaded the bulk of his goods upon aflat boat, floating down the stream called Rolling Fork into SaltCreek, thence into the Ohio River, in fact, to the bottom of thatriver. The watercourse was obstructed with stumps and snags of diverssorts, and especially with "sawyers, " or trees in the river which, forced by the current, make an up-and-down motion like that of a mansawing wood. 

The flat boat became entangled in these obstructions and was upset, andthe cargo went to the bottom. By dint of great labor much of this wasrescued and the travelers pushed on as far as Thompson's Ferry in PerryCounty, Indiana. There the cargo was left in the charge of friends, andLincoln returned for his family and the rest of his goods. 

During his father's absence, the boy Abe had his first observation ofsorrow. A brother had been born in the cabin and had died in infancy. The little grave was in the wilderness, and before leaving that countryforever, the mother, leading her six-year-old boy by the hand, paid afarewell visit to the grave. The child beheld with awe the silent griefof the mother and carried in his memory that scene to his dying day. 

The father returned with glowing accounts of the new home. The familyand the furniture, --to use so dignified a name for such meagerpossessions, --were loaded into a wagon or a cart, and they were soon onthe way to their new home. 

The traveling was slow, but the weather was fine, the journeyprosperous, and they arrived duly at their destination. They pushednorthward, or back from the river, about eighteen miles into the woodsand settled in Spencer County near to a hamlet named Gentryville. Herethey established their home. 

The first thing, of course, was to stake off the land, enter the claim, and pay the government fee at the United States Land Office atVincennes. The amount of land was one quarter section, or one hundredand sixty acres. 

The next thing was to erect a cabin. In this case the cabin consistedof what was called a half-faced camp. That is, the structure wasentirely open on one of its four sides. This was at the lower side ofthe roof, and the opening was partly concealed by the hanging of theskins of deer and other wild animals. This open face fully supplied allneed of door and window. 

The structure was built four square, fourteen feet each way. Posts wereset up at the corners, then the sides were made of poles placed as neartogether as possible. The interstices were filled in with chips andclay, which was called "chinking. " The fireplace and chimney were builtat the back and outside. The chief advantage of this style of domicileis that it provides plenty of fresh air. With one side of the roomentirely open, and with a huge fireplace at the other side, thesanitary problem of ventilation was solved. 

There were no Brussels carpets, no Persian rugs, no hardwood floors. The bare soil was pounded hard, and that was the floor. There were twobeds inn the two rear corners of the rooms. The corner position savedboth space and labor. Two sides of the bed were composed of parts ofthe two walls. At the opposite angle a stake, with a forked top, wasdriven into the ground, and from this to the walls were laid two polesat right angles. This made the frame of the bed. Then "shakes, " orlarge hand-made shingles, were placed crosswise. Upon these were laidthe ticks filled with feathers or corn husks, and the couch wascomplete. Not stylish, but healthful and comfortable. 

The produce of his farm was chiefly corn, though a little wheat wasraised for a change of diet. Doubtless there were enough of the staplevegetables which grow easily in that country. Butcher shops were notneeded, owing to the abundance of wild game. 

The principal portion of the life of the average boy concerns hisschooling. As nearly as can be determined the aggregate of youngLincoln's schooling was about one year, and this was divided betweenfive teachers--an average of less than three months to each--and spreadout over as many years. The branches taught were "readin', writin', andcipherin' to the rule of three. " Any young man who happened along witha fair knowledge of the three great R's--"Readin', 'Ritin', and'Rithmetic"--was thought fit to set up a school, taking his small pay incash and boarding around--that is, spending one day or more at a timeas the guest of each of his patrons. 

There was nothing of special interest in any of these teachers, buttheir names are preserved simply because the fact that they did teachhim is a matter of great interest. The first teacher was ZachariahRiney, a Roman Catholic, from whose schoolroom the Protestants wereexcluded, or excused, during the opening exercises. Then came CalebHazel. These were in Kentucky, and therefore their instruction ofLincoln must have come to an end by the time he was seven years old. When ten years old he studied under one Dorsey, when about fourteenunder Crawford, and when sixteen under Swaney. 

It can hardly be doubted that his mother's instruction was of moreworth than all these put together. A woman who, under such limitations, had energy enough to teach her husband to read and write, was a rarecharacter, and her influence could not be other than invaluable to thebright boy. Charles Lamb classified all literature in two divisions:"Books that are not books, and books that are books. " It is importantthat every boy learn to read. But a far more important question is, What use does he make of his ability to read? Does he read "books thatare books?" Let us now see what use Lincoln made of his knowledge ofreading. 

In those days books were rare and his library was small and select. Itconsisted at first of three volumes: The Bible, Aesop's Fables andPilgrim's Progress. Some-time in the eighties a prominent magazinepublished a series of articles written by men of eminence in thevarious walks of life, under the title of "Books that have helped me. "The most noticeable fact was that each of these eminent men--men whohad read hundreds of books--specified not more than three or fourbooks. Lincoln's first list was of three. They were emphatically books. Day after day he read, pondered and inwardly digested them until theywere his own. Better books he could not have found in all theuniversities of Europe, and we begin to understand where he got hismoral vision, his precision of English style, and his shrewd humor. 

Later he borrowed from a neighbor, Josiah Crawford, a copy of Weems'Life of Washington. In lieu of a bookcase he tucked this, one night, into the chinking of the cabin. A rain-storm came up and soaked thebook through and through. By morning it presented a sorry appearance. The damage was done and could not be repaired. Crestfallen the ladcarried it back to the owner and, having no money, offered to pay forthe mischief in work. Crawford agreed and named seventy-five cents (inlabor) as a fair sum. 

"Does this pay for the book, " the borrower asked, "or only for thedamage to the book?" Crawford reckoned that the book "wa'n't of muchaccount to him nor to any one else. " So Lincoln cheerfully did thework--it was for three days--and owned the book. 

Later he had a life of Henry Clay, whom he nearly idolized. His onepoet was Burns, whom he knew by heart "from a to izzard. " Throughouthis life he ranked Burns next to Shakespeare. 

The hymns which he most loved must have had influence not only on hisreligious spirit, but also on his literary taste. Those which arementioned are, "Am I a soldier of the cross?" "How tedious andtasteless the hours, " "There is a fountain filled with blood, " and"Alas, and did my Saviour bleed?" Good hymns every one of them, in thatday, or in any day. 

Having no slate he did his "sums" in the sand on the ground, or on awooden shovel which, after it was covered on both sides, he scrapeddown so as to erase the work. A note-book is preserved, containing, along with examples in arithmetic, this boyish doggerel:

 Abraham Lincoln his hand and pen he will be good but god knows When. 

The penmanship bears a striking resemblance to that in later life. 

[Illustration: Lincoln's Early Home In Indiana. ]

About a year after Thomas Lincoln's family settled in Indiana, theywere followed by some neighbors, Mr. And Mrs. Sparrow and Dennis Hanks, a child. To these the Lincolns surrendered their camp and built forthemselves a cabin, which was slightly more pretentious than the first. It had an attic, and for a stairway there were pegs in the wall upwhich an active boy could readily climb. There was a stationary table, the legs being driven into the ground, some three-legged stools, and aDutch oven. 

In the year 1818 a mysterious epidemic passed over the region, workinghavoc with men and cattle. It was called the "milk-sick. " Just what itwas physicians are unable to determine, but it was very destructive. Both Mr. And Mrs. Sparrow were attacked. They were removed, for bettercare, to the home of the Lincolns, where they shortly died. By thistime Mrs. Lincoln was down with the same scourge. There was no doctorto be had, the nearest one being thirty-five miles away. Probably itmade no difference. At all events she soon died and the futurepresident passed into his first sorrow. 

The widowed husband was undertaker. With his own hands he "rived" theplanks, made the coffin, and buried Nancy Hanks, that remarkable woman. There was no pastor, no funeral service. The grave was marked by awooden slab, which, long years after, in 1879, was replaced by a stonesuitably inscribed. 

A traveling preacher known as Parson Elkin had occasionally preached inthe neighborhood of the Lincolns in Kentucky. The young boy now put touse his knowledge of writing. He wrote a letter to the parson invitinghim to come over and preach the funeral sermon. How he contrived to getthe letter to its destination we do not know, but it was done. Thekind-hearted preacher cheerfully consented, though it involved a longand hard journey. He came at his earliest convenience, which was sometime the next year. 

There was no church in which to hold the service. Lincoln never saw achurch building of any description until he was grown. But theneighbors to the number of about two hundred assembled under the trees, where the parson delivered the memorial sermon. 

Lincoln was nine years old when his mother died, October 5th, 1818. Herlot was hard, her horizon was narrow, her opportunities wererestricted, her life was one of toil and poverty. All through her lifeand after her untimely death, many people would have said that she hadhad at best but a poor chance in the world. Surely no one would havepredicted that her name would come to be known and reverenced fromocean to ocean. But she was faithful, brave, cheerful. She did her dutylovingly. In later years the nation joined with her son in paying honorto the memory of this noble, overworked, uncomplaining woman. 

CHAPTER IV. 

IN INDIANA. 

The death of his wife had left Thomas Lincoln with the care of threeyoung children: namely, Sarah, about eleven years old, Abe, ten yearsold, and the foster brother, Dennis (Friend) Hanks, a year or twoyounger. The father was not able to do woman's work as well as his wifehad been able to do man's work, and the condition of the home waspitiable indeed. To the three motherless children and the bereavedfather it was a long and dreary winter. When spring came they had thebenefits of life in the woods and fields, and so lived through theseason until the edge of the following winter. It is not to be wonderedat that the father was unwilling to repeat the loneliness of thepreceding year. 

Early in December, 1819, he returned to Elizabethtown, Ky. , andproposed marriage to a widow, Mrs. Sally Bush Johnston. The proposalmust have been direct, with few preliminaries or none, for the couplewere married next morning. The new wife brought him a fortune, inaddition to three children of various ages, of sundry articles ofhousehold furniture. Parents, children, and goods were shortly afterloaded into a wagon drawn by a four-horse team, and in all the style ofthis frontier four-in-hand, were driven over indescribable roads, through woods and fields, to their Indiana home. 

The accession of Sally Bush's furniture made an important improvementin the home. What was more important, she had her husband finish thelog cabin by providing window, door, and floor. What was most importantof all, she brought the sweet spirit of an almost ideal motherhood intothe home, giving to all the children alike a generous portion ofmother-love. 

The children now numbered six, and not only were they company for oneanother, but the craving for womanly affection, which is the mostpersistent hunger of the heart of child or man, was beautifully met. She did not humor them to the point of idleness, but wisely ruled withstrictness without imperiousness. She kept them from bad habits andretained their affection to the last. The influence upon the growinglad of two such women as Nancy Hanks and Sally Bush was worth more thanthat of the best appointed college in all the land. 

The boy grew into youth, and he grew very fast. While still in histeens he reached the full stature of his manhood, six feet and fourinches. His strength was astonishing, and many stories were told ofthis and subsequent periods to illustrate his physical prowess, suchas: he once lifted up a hencoop weighing six hundred pounds and carriedit off bodily; he could lift a full barrel of cider to his mouth anddrink from the bung-hole; he could sink an ax-halve deeper into a logthan any man in the country. 

During the period of his growth into youth he spent much of his time inreading, talking, and, after a fashion, making speeches. He also wrotesome. His political writings won great admiration from his neighbors. He occasionally wrote satires which, while not refined, were verystinging. This would not be worth mentioning were it not for the factthat it shows that from boyhood he knew the force of this formidableweapon which later he used with so much skill. The country storefurnished the frontier substitute for the club, and there the men werewont to congregate. It is needless to say that young Lincoln was thelife of the gatherings, being an expert in the telling of a humorousstory and having always a plentiful supply. His speech-making proved soattractive that his father was forced to forbid him to practise itduring working hours because the men would always leave their work tolisten to him. 

During these years he had no regular employment, but did odd jobswherever he got a chance. At one time, for example, he worked on aferryboat for the munificent wages of thirty-seven and one half cents aday. 

When sixteen years old, Lincoln had his first lesson in oratory. Heattended court at Boonville, county seat of Warwick County and heard acase in which one of the aristocratic Breckenridges of Kentucky wasattorney for the defense. The power of his oratory was a revelation tothe lad. At its conclusion the awkward, ill-dressed, bashful butenthusiastic young Lincoln pressed forward to offer his congratulationsand thanks to the eloquent lawyer, who haughtily brushed by him withoutaccepting the proffered hand. In later years the men met again, thistime in Washington City, in the white house. The president remindedBreckenridge of the incident which the latter had no desire to recall. 

When about nineteen years old, he made his first voyage down the Ohioand Mississippi rivers. Two incidents are worth recording of this trip. The purpose was to find, in New Orleans, a market for produce, whichwas simply floated down stream on a flat-boat. There was, of course, arow-boat for tender. The crew consisted of himself and young Gentry, son of his employer. 

Near Baton Rouge they had tied up for the night in accordance with thecustom of flat-boat navigation. During the night they were awakened bya gang of seven ruffian negroes who had come aboard to loot the stuff. Lincoln shouted "Who's there?" Receiving no reply he seized a handspikeand knocked over the first, second, third, and fourth in turn, when theremaining three took to the woods. The two northerners pursued them ashort distance, then returned, loosed their craft and floated safely totheir destination. 

It was on this trip that Lincoln earned his first dollar, as he inafter years related to William H. Seward:

". .. A steamer was going down the river. We have, you know, no wharveson the western streams, and the custom was, if passengers were at anyof the landings, they were to go out in a boat, the steamer stoppingand taking them on board. .. . Two men with trunks came down to the shorein carriages, and looking at the different boats, singled out mine, andasked, 'Who owns this?' I modestly answered, 'I do. ' 'Will you take usand our trunks out to the steamer?' 'Certainly. '. .. The trunks were putin my boat, the passengers seated themselves on them, and I sculledthem out to the steamer. They got on board, and I lifted the trunks andput them on the deck. The steamer was about to put on steam again, whenI called out: 'You have forgotten to pay me. ' Each of them took fromhis pocket a silver half dollar and threw it on the bottom of my boat. I could scarcely believe my eyes as I picked up the money. You maythink it was a very little thing, and in these days it seems to me likea trifle, but it was a most important incident in my life. I couldscarcely credit that I, a poor boy, had earned a dollar in less than aday; that by honest work I had earned a dollar. I was a more hopefuland thoughtful boy from that time. "

The goods were sold profitably at New Orleans and the return trip wasmade by steamboat. This was about twenty years after Fulton's firstvoyage from New York to Albany, which required seven days. Steamboatshad been put on the Ohio and Mississippi rivers, but these crafts wereof primitive construction--awkward as to shape and slow as to speed. The frequency of boiler explosions was proverbial for many years. Thelads, Gentry and Lincoln, returned home duly and the employer was wellsatisfied with the results of the expedition. 

In 1830 the epidemic "milk sick" reappeared in Indiana, and ThomasLincoln had a pardonable desire to get out of the country. Illinois wasat that time settling up rapidly and there were glowing accounts of itsdesirableness. Thomas Lincoln's decision to move on to the new land ofpromise was reasonable. He sold out and started with his family andhousehold goods to his new destination. The time of year was March, just when the frost is coming out of the ground so that the mud isapparently bottomless. The author will not attempt to describe it, forhe has in boyhood seen it many times and knows it to be indescribable. It was Abe's duty to drive the four yoke of oxen, a task which musthave strained even his patience. 

They settled in Macon County, near Decatur. There the son faithfullyworked with his father until the family was fairly settled, thenstarted out in life for himself. For he had now reached the age oftwenty-one. As he had passed through the periods of childhood andyouth, and was on the threshold of manhood, it is right and fitting toreceive at this point the testimony of Sally Bush, his stepmother:

"Abe was a good boy, and I can say what scarcely one woman--a mother--can say in a thousand: Abe never gave me a cross word or look, andnever refused, in fact or appearance, to do anything I requested him. Inever gave him a cross word in all my life. .. . He was a dutiful son tome always. I think he loved me truly. I had a son John who was raisedwith Abe. Both were good boys; but I must say, both being now dead, that Abe was the best boy I ever saw, or expect to see. "

These words of praise redound to the honor of the speaker equally withthat of her illustrious stepson. 

Lincoln came into the estate of manhood morally clean. He had formed nohabits that would cause years of struggle to overcome, he had committedno deed that would bring the blush of shame to his cheek, he was asfree from vice as from crime. He was not profane, he had never tastedliquor, he was no brawler, he never gambled, he was honest andtruthful. On the other hand, he had a genius for making friends, he wasthe center of every social circle, he was a good talker and a closereasoner. Without a thought of the great responsibilities awaiting him, he had thus far fitted himself well by his faithfulness in such dutiesas fell to him. 

CHAPTER V. 

SECOND JOURNEY TO NEW ORLEANS. 

The first winter in Illinois, 1830-31, was one of those epochal seasonswhich come to all communities. It is remembered by "the oldestinhabitant" to this day for the extraordinary amount of snow that fell. There is little doing in such a community during any winter; but insuch a winter as that there was practically nothing doing. Lincolnalways held himself ready to accept any opportunity for work, but therewas no opening that winter. The only thing he accomplished was what hedid every winter and every summer of his life: namely, he made manyfriends. 

When spring opened, Denton Offutt decided to send a cargo ofmerchandise down to New Orleans. Hearing that Lincoln, John Hanks, andJohn Johnston were "likely boys, " he employed them to take charge ofthe enterprise. Their pay was to be fifty cents a day and "found, " and, if the enterprise proved successful, an additional sum of twentydollars. Lincoln said that none of them had ever seen so much money atone time, and they were glad to accept the offer. 

Two events occurred during this trip which are of sufficient interestto bear narration. 

The boat with its cargo had been set afloat in the Sangamon River atSpringfield. All went well until, at New Salem, they came to a mill damwhere, in spite of the fact that the water was high, owing to thespring floods, the boat stuck. Lincoln rolled his trousers "five feetmore or less" up his long, lank legs, waded out to the boat, and gotthe bow over the dam. Then, without waiting to bail the water out, hebored a hole in the bottom and let it run out. He constructed a machinewhich lifted and pushed the boat over the obstruction, and thus theirvoyage was quickly resumed. Many years later, when he was a practisinglawyer, he whittled out a model of his invention and had it patented. The model may to-day be seen in the patent office at Washington. Thepatent brought him no fortune, but it is an interesting relic. 

This incident is of itself entirely unimportant. It is narrated heresolely because it illustrates one trait of the man--his ingenuity. Hehad remarkable fertility in devising ways and means of getting out ofunexpected difficulties. When, in 1860, the Ship of State seemed liketo run aground hopelessly, it was his determination and ingenuity thataverted total wreck. As in his youth he saved the flatboat, so in hismature years he saved the nation. 

The other event was that at New Orleans, where he saw with his own eyessome of the horrors of slavery. He never could tolerate a moral wrong. At a time when drinking was almost universal, he was a total abstainer. Though born in a slave state, he had an earnest and growing repugnanceto slavery. Still, up to this time he had never seen much of itsworkings. At this time he saw a slave market--the auctioning off ofhuman beings. 

The details of this auction were so coarse and vile that it isimpossible to defile these pages with an accurate and faithfuldescription. Lincoln saw it all. He saw a beautiful mulatto girlexhibited like a race-horse, her "points" dwelt on, one by one, inorder, as the auctioneer said, that "bidders might satisfy themselveswhether the article they were offering to buy was sound or not. " One ofhis companions justly said slavery ran the iron into him then andthere. His soul was stirred with a righteous indignation. Turning tothe others he exclaimed with a solemn oath: "Boys, if ever I get achance to hit that thing [slavery] I'll hit it hard!"

He bided his time. One-third of a century later he had the chance tohit that thing. He redeemed his oath. He hit it hard. 

CHAPTER VI. 

DESULTORY EMPLOYMENTS. 

Upon the arrival of the Lincoln family in Illinois, they had the fewtools which would be considered almost necessary to every frontiersman:namely, a common ax, broad-ax, hand-saw, whip-saw. The mauls and wedgeswere of wood and were made by each workman for himself. To this stockof tools may also be added a small supply of nails brought fromIndiana, for at that period nails were very expensive and used with thestrictest economy. By means of pegs and other devices people managed toget along without them. 

When Abraham Lincoln went to New Salem it was (like all frontier towns)a promising place. It grew until it had the enormous population ofabout one hundred people, housed--or log-cabined--in fifteen primitivestructures. The tributary country was not very important in acommercial sense. To this population no less than four general stores--that is, stores containing nearly everything that would be needed inthat community--offered their wares. 

The town flourished, at least it lived, about through the period thatLincoln dwelt there, after which it disappeared. 

Lincoln was ready to take any work that would get him a living. Aneighbor advised him to make use of his great strength in the work of ablacksmith. He seriously thought of learning the trade, but was, fortunately for the country, diverted from doing so. 

The success of the expedition to New Orleans had won the admiration ofhis employer, Denton Offutt, and he now offered Lincoln a clerkship inhis prospective store. The offer was accepted partly because it gavehim some time to read, and it was here that he came to know the twogreat poets, Burns and Shakespeare. 

Offutt's admiration of the young clerk did him credit, but his volubleexpression of it was not judicious. He bragged that Lincoln was smartenough to be president, and that he could run faster, jump higher, throw farther, and "wrastle" better than any man in the country. In theneighborhood there was a gang of rowdies, kind at heart but very rough, known as "the Clary's Grove boys. " They took the boasting of Offutt asa direct challenge to themselves and eagerly accepted it. So they putup a giant by the name of Jack Armstrong as their champion and arrangeda "wrastling" match. All went indifferently for a while until Lincolnseemed to be getting the better of his antagonist, when the "boys"crowded in and interfered while Armstrong attempted a foul. InstantlyLincoln was furious. Putting forth all his strength he lifted Jack upand shook him as a terrier shakes a rat. The crowd, in their turn, became angry and set out to mob him. He backed up against a wall and inhot indignation awaited the onset. Armstrong was the first to recoverhis good sense. Exclaiming, "Boys, Abe Lincoln's the best fellow thatever broke into the settlement, " he held out his hand to Lincoln whoreceived it with perfect good nature. From that day these boys neverlost their admiration for him. He was their hero. From that day, too, he became the permanent umpire, the general peacemaker of the region. His good nature, his self-command, and his manifest fairness placed hisdecisions beyond question. His popularity was established once for allin the entire community. 

There are some, anecdotes connected with his work in the store whichare worth preserving because they illustrate traits of his character. He once sold a half pound of tea to a customer. The next morning as hewas tidying up the store he saw, by the weights which remained in thescales, that he had inadvertently given her four, instead of eight, ounces. He instantly weighed out the balance and carried it to her, notwaiting for his breakfast. 

At another time when he counted up his cash at night he discovered thathe had charged a customer an excess of six and a quarter cents. Heclosed up the store at once and walked to the home of the customer, andreturned the money. It was such things as these, in little matters aswell as great, that gave him the nickname of "honest Abe" which, to hishonor be it said, clung to him through life. 

One incident illustrates his chivalry. While he was waiting upon somewomen, a ruffian came into the store using vulgar language. Lincolnasked him to desist, but he became more abusive than ever. After thewomen had gone, Lincoln took him out of the store, threw him on theground, rubbed smartweed in his face and eyes until he howled formercy, and then he gave him a lecture which did him more practical goodthan a volume of Chesterfield's letters. 

Some time after Offutt's store had "winked out, " while Lincoln waslooking for employment there came a chance to buy one half interest ina store, the other half being owned by an idle, dissolute fellow namedBerry who ultimately drank himself into his grave. Later, anotheropening came in the following way: the store of one Radford had beenwrecked by the horse-play of some ruffians, and the lot was bought byMr. Greene for four hundred dollars. He employed Lincoln to make aninvoice of the goods and he in turn offered Greene two hundred andfifty dollars for the bargain and the offer was accepted. But even thatwas not the last investment. The fourth and only remaining store in thehamlet was owned by one Rutledge. This also was bought out by the firmof Berry & Lincoln. Thus they came to have the monopoly of themercantile business in the hamlet of New Salem. 

Be it known that in all these transactions not a dollar in moneychanged hands. Men bought with promissory notes and sold for the sameconsideration. The mercantile venture was not successful. Berry wasdrinking and loafing, and Lincoln, who did not work as faithfully forhimself as for another, was usually reading or telling stories. So whena couple of strangers, Trent by name, offered to buy out the store, theoffer was accepted and more promissory notes changed hands. About thetime these last notes came due, the Trent brothers disappeared betweentwo days. Then Berry died. 

The outcome of the whole series of transactions was that Lincoln wasleft with an assortment of promissory notes bearing the names of theHerndons, Radford, Greene, Rutledge, Berry, and the Trents. With oneexception, which will be duly narrated, his creditors told him to paywhen he was able. He promised to put all of his earnings, in excess ofmodest living expenses, into the payment of these obligations. It wasthe burden of many years and he always called it "the national debt. "But he kept his word, paying both principal and the high rate ofinterest until 1848, or after fifteen years, when a member of congress, he paid the last cent. He was still "honest Abe. " This narrative ranksthe backwoodsman with Sir Walter Scott and Mark Twain, though nodinners were tendered to him and no glowing eulogies were publishedfrom ocean to ocean. 

His only further experience in navigation was the piloting of aCincinnati steamboat, the _Talisman_, up the Sangamon River (during thehigh water in spring time) to show that that stream was navigable. Nothing came of it however, and Springfield was never made "the head ofnavigation. "

It was in the midst of the mercantile experiences above narrated thatthe Black Hawk war broke out. Black Hawk was chief of the Sac Indians, who, with some neighboring tribes, felt themselves wronged by thewhites. Some of them accordingly put on the paint, raised the whoop, and entered the warpath in northern Illinois and southern Wisconsin. The governor called for soldiers, and Lincoln volunteered with therest. 

The election of captain of the company was according to an originalmethod. The two candidates were placed a short distance apart and themen were invited to line up with one or the other according to theirpreference. When this had been done it was seen that Lincoln had aboutthree quarters of the men. This testimony to his popularity wasgratifying. After he became president of the United States he declaredthat no success that ever came to him gave him so much solidsatisfaction. 

Lincoln saw almost nothing of the war. His only casualty came after itsclose. He had been mustered out and his horse was stolen so that he wascompelled to walk most of the way home. After the expiration of histerm of enlistment he reenlisted as a private. As he saw no fightingthe war was to him almost literally a picnic. But in 1848, when he wasin congress, the friends of General Cass were trying to make politicalcapital out of his alleged military services. This brought from Lincolna speech which showed that he had not lost the power of satire which hepossessed while a lad in Indiana. 

"Did you know, Mr. Speaker, I am a military hero? In the days of theBlack Hawk war I fought, bled, and--came away. I was not at Stillman'sdefeat, but I was about as near it as General Cass was to Hull'ssurrender; and, like him, I saw the place very soon afterwards. It isquite certain I did not break my sword, for I had none to break, but Ibent my musket pretty bad on one occasion. If General Cass went inadvance of me picking whortleberries, I guess I surpassed him incharges on the wild onions. If he saw any live fighting Indians, it wasmore than I did, but I had a good many bloody struggles with themosquitoes; and although I never fainted from loss of blood, I cantruly say I was often very hungry. If ever I should conclude to doffwhatever our Democratic friends may suppose there is of black-cockadeFederalism about me, and thereupon they shall take me up as theircandidate for the Presidency, I protest that they shall not make fun ofme, as they have of General Cass, by attempting to write me into amilitary hero. "

In 1833 Lincoln was appointed postmaster at New Salem. To him the chiefadvantage of this position was the fact that it gave him the means ofreading the papers. The principal one of these was the Louisville_Journal_, an exceedingly able paper, for it was in charge ofGeorge D. Prentice, one of the ablest editors this country has everproduced. The duties of the post-office were few because the mail waslight. The occasional letters which came were usually carried around bythe postmaster in his hat. When one asked for his mail, he wouldgravely remove his hat and search through the package of letters. 

This office was discontinued in a short time, but no agent of thegovernment came to close up the accounts. Years afterwards, whenLincoln was in Springfield, the officer suddenly appeared and demandedthe balance due to the United States, the amount being seventeendollars and a few cents. A friend who was by, knowing that Lincoln wasshort of funds, in order to save him from embarrassment, offered tolend him the needful sum. "Hold on a minute and let's see how we comeout, " said he. He went to his room and returned with an old ragcontaining money. This he counted out, being the exact sum to a cent. It was all in small denominations of silver and copper, just as it hadbeen received. In all his emergencies of need he had never touched thissmall fund which he held in trust. To him it was sacred. He was still"honest Abe. "

In the early thirties, when the state of Illinois was being settledwith great rapidity, the demand for surveyors was greater than thesupply. John Calhoun, surveyor for the government, was in urgent needof a deputy, and Lincoln was named as a man likely to be able to fithimself for the duties on short notice. He was appointed. He borrowedthe necessary book and went to work in dead earnest to learn thescience. Day and night he studied until his friends, noticing thewearing effect on his health, became alarmed. But by the end of sixweeks, an almost incredibly brief period of time, he was ready forwork. 

It is certain that his outfit was of the simplest description, andthere is a tradition that at first, instead of a surveyor's chain heused a long, straight, wild-grape vine. Those who understand theconditions and requirements of surveying in early days say that this isnot improbable. A more important fact is that Lincoln's surveys havenever been called in question, which is something that can be said offew frontier surveyors. Though he learned the science in so short atime, yet here, as always, he was thorough. 

It was said in the earlier part of this chapter that to the holders ofLincoln's notes who consented to await his ability to pay, there wasone exception. One man, when his note fell due, seized horse andinstruments, and put a temporary stop to his surveying. But a neighborbought these in and returned them to Lincoln. He never forgot thekindness of this man, James Short by name, and thirty years laterappointed him Indian agent. 

At this point may be mentioned an occurrence which took place a year ortwo later. It was his first romance of love, his engagement to abeautiful girl, Ann Rutledge, and his bereavement. Her untimely deathnearly unsettled his mind. He was afflicted with melancholy to such adegree that his friends dared not leave him alone. For years afterwardsthe thought of her would shake his whole frame with emotion, and hewould sit with his face buried in his hands while the tears trickledthrough. A friend once begged him to try to forget his sorrow. "Icannot, " he said; "the thought of the rain and snow on her grave fillsme with indescribable grief. "

Somehow, we know not how, the poem "Oh, why should the spirit of mortalbe proud?" was in his mind connected with Ann Rutledge. Possibly it mayhave been a favorite with her. There was certainly some association, and through his whole life he was fond of it and often repeated it. Nordid he forget her. It was late in life that he said: "I really andtruly loved the girl and think often of her now. " Then, after a pause, "And I have loved the name of Rutledge to this day. "

This bereavement took much from Lincoln. Did it give him nothing?Patience, earnestness, tenderness, sympathy--these are sometimes thegifts which are sent by the messenger Sorrow. We are justified inbelieving that this sad event was one of the means of ripening thecharacter of this great man, and that to it was due a measure of hisusefulness in his mature years. 

CHAPTER VII. 

ENTERING POLITICS. 

Lincoln's duties at New Salem, as clerk, storekeeper, and postmaster, had resulted in an intimate acquaintance with the people of thatgeneral locality. His duties as surveyor took him into the outlyingdistricts. His social instincts won for him friends wherever he wasknown, while his sterling character gave him an influence unusual, bothin kind and in measure, for a young man of his years. He had alwayspossessed an interest in public, even national, questions, and hisfondness for debate and speech-making increased this interest. Moreoverhe had lived month by month going from one job to another, and had notyet found his permanent calling. 

When this combination of facts is recalled, it is a foregone conclusionthat he would sooner or later enter politics. This he did at the age oftwenty-three, in 1832. 

According to the custom of the day he announced in the spring hiscandidacy. After this was done the Black Hawk war called him off theground and he did not get back until about ten days before theelection, so that he had almost no time to attend to the canvass. Oneincident of this campaign is preserved which is interesting, partlybecause it concerns the first known speech Lincoln ever made in his ownbehalf, and chiefly because it was an exhibition of his character. 

He was speaking at a place called Cappsville when two men in theaudience got into a scuffle. 

Lincoln proceeded in his speech until it became evident that his friendwas getting the worst of the scuffle, when he descended from theplatform, seized the antagonist and threw him ten or twelve feet awayon the ground, and then remounted the platform and took up his speechwhere he had left off without a break in the logic. 

The methods of electioneering are given by Miss Tarbell in thefollowing words:

"Wherever he saw a crowd of men he joined them, and he never failed toadapt himself to their point of view in asking for votes. If the degreeof physical strength was the test for a candidate, he was ready to lifta weight, or wrestle with the countryside champion; if the amount ofgrain a man could cut would recommend him, he seized the cradle andshowed the swath he could cut" (I. 109). 

The ten days devoted to the canvass were not enough, and he wasdefeated. The vote against him was chiefly in the outlying region wherehe was little known. It must have been gratifying to him that in hisown precinct, where he was so well known, he received the almostunanimous vote of all parties. Biographers differ as to the precisenumber of votes in the New Salem precinct, but by Nicolay and Hay it isgiven as 277 for, and three against. Of this election Lincoln himself(speaking in the third person) said: "This was the only time Abrahamwas ever defeated on the direct vote of the people. "

His next political experience was a candidacy for the legislature 1834. At this time, as before, he announced his own candidacy. But not asbefore, he at this time made a diligent canvass of the district. Whenthe election came off he was not only successful but he ran ahead ofhis ticket. He usually did run ahead of his ticket excepting whenrunning for the presidency, and then it was from the nature of the caseimpossible. Though Lincoln probably did not realize it, this, his firstelection, put an end forever to his drifting, desultory, frontier life. Up to this point he was always looking for a job. From this time on hewas not passing from one thing to another. In this country politics andlaw are closely allied. This two-fold pursuit, politics, for the sakeof law, and law for the sake of politics, constituted Lincoln'svocation for the rest of his life. 

The capital of Illinois was Vandalia, a village said to be named afterthe Vandals by innocent citizens who were pleased with the euphony ofthe word hut did not know who the Vandals were. Outwardly the villagewas crude and forbidding, and many of the Solons were attired in coon-skin caps and other startling apparel. The fashionable clothing, theone which came to be generally adopted as men grew to be "genteel, " wasblue jeans. Even "store clothes, " as they came to be called, were asyet comparatively unknown. 

But one must not be misled by appearances in a frontier town. Thefrontier life has a marvelous influence in developing brains. It is ashard for some people in the centers of culture to believe in thepossible intelligence of the frontier, as it was in 1776 for thecultured Englishmen to believe in the intelligence of the colonialpatriots. In that collection of men at Vandalia were more than a fewwho afterwards came to have national influence and reputation. 

Apart from Lincoln himself, the most prominent member of thelegislature was his lifelong antagonist, Stephen A. Douglas. Whatevermay be said of this man's political principles, there can be noquestion as to the shrewdness of his political methods. It is theopinion of the present writer that in the entire history of ourpolitical system no man has ever surpassed him in astuteness. Even to-day all parties are using the methods which he either devised orintroduced. The trouble with him was that he was on the wrong side. Hedid not count sufficiently on the conscience of the nation. 

Lincoln was re-elected to the legislature as often as he was willing tobe a candidate, and served continuously for eight years. One session ismuch like another, and in this eight years of legislative experienceonly two prominent facts will be narrated. One was the removal of thecapital to Springfield. To Lincoln was entrusted the difficult task--difficult, because there were almost as many applications for the honorof being the capital city as there were towns and villages in thecentral part of the state. He was entirely successful, andthenceforward he was inseparably connected with Springfield. It was hishome as long as he lived, and there his remains were buried. 

The prophetic event of his legislative work was what is known as theLincoln-Stone protest. This looks to-day so harmless that it is noteasy to understand the situation in 1837. The pro-slavery feeling wasrunning high, an abolitionist was looked on as a monster and a menaceto national law and order. It was in that year that the Reverend ElijahP. Lovejoy was murdered--martyred--at Alton, Ill. The legislature hadpassed pro-slavery resolutions. There were many in the legislature whodid not approve of these, but in the condition of public feeling, itwas looked on as political suicide to express opposition openly. Therewas no politic reason why Lincoln should protest. His protest could dono practical good. To him it was solely a matter of conscience. Slaverywas wrong, the resolutions were wrong, and to him it became necessaryto enter the protest. He succeeded in getting but one man to join him, and he did so because he was about to withdraw from politics andtherefore had nothing to lose. Here is the document as it was spread onthe journal:

"Resolutions upon the subject of domestic slavery having passed bothbranches of the General Assembly at its present session, theundersigned hereby protest against the passage of the same. 

"They believe that the institution of slavery is founded on bothinjustice and bad policy, but that the promulgation of abolitiondoctrines tends rather to increase than abate its evils. 

"They believe that the Congress of the United States has no power underthe Constitution to interfere with the institution of slavery in thedifferent States. 

"They believe that the Congress of the United States has the power, under the Constitution, to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, but that the power ought not to be exercised, unless at the request ofthe people of the District. 

"The difference between these opinions and those contained in the aboveresolutions is their reason for entering this protest. "

 (Signed) DAN STONE, A. LINCOLN, "Representatives from the county of Sangamon. "

In 1836 Lincoln made an electioneering speech which was fortunatelyheard by Joshua Speed, and he has given an account of it. Be itremembered that at that time lightning rods were rare and attracted anunreasonable amount of attention. One Forquer, who was Lincoln'sopponent, had recently rodded his house--and every one knew it. Thisman's speech consisted partly in ridiculing his opponent, his bigness, his awkwardness, his dress, his youth. Lincoln heard him throughwithout interruption and then took the stand and said:

"The gentleman commenced his speech by saying that this young man wouldhave to be taken down, and he was sorry the task devolved upon him. Iam not so young in years as I am in the tricks and trades of apolitician; but live long or die young, I would rather die now than, like the gentleman, change my politics and simultaneous with the changereceive an office worth three thousand dollars a year, and then have toerect a lightning-rod over my house to protect a guilty conscience froman offended God. "

It need hardly be said that that speech clung to its victim like aburr. Wherever he went, some one would be found to tell about theguilty conscience and the lightning-rod. The house and its lightning-rod were long a center of interest in Springfield. Visitors to the citywere taken to see the house and its lightning-rod, while the story wastold with great relish. 

Having served eight terms in the legislature, Lincoln in 1842 aspiredto congress. He was, however, defeated at the primary. His neighborsadded insult to injury by making him one of the delegates to theconvention and instructing him to vote for his successful rival, Baker. This did not interrupt the friendship which united the two for manyyears, lasting, indeed, until the death of Colonel Baker on the fieldof battle. 

In 1846 he renewed his candidacy, and this time with flatteringsuccess. His opponent was a traveling preacher, Peter Cartwright, whowas widely known in the state and had not a little persuasive power. Inthis contest Cartwright's "arguments" were two: the first, that Lincolnwas an atheist, and the second that he was an aristocrat. These"arguments" were not convincing, and Lincoln was elected by a handsomemajority, running far ahead of his ticket. This was, at the time, theheight of his ambition, yet he wrote to Mr. Speed: "Being elected tocongress, though I am grateful to our friends for having done it, hasnot pleased me as much as I expected. "

His one term in congress was uneventful. Twice his humor bubbled over. Once was when he satirized the claims that Cass was a military hero, inthe speech already mentioned. The other time was his introducing theresolutions known as the "spot resolutions. " The president had sent tocongress an inflammatory, buncombe message, in which he insisted thatthe war had been begun by Mexico, "by invading our territory andshedding the blood of our citizens on our own soil. " The resolutionsrequested from the president the information:

"_First_. Whether the spot on which the blood of our citizens was shed, as in his messages declared, was or was not within the territory ofSpain, at least after the treaty of 1819, until the Mexicanrevolution. "

"_Second_. Whether that spot is or is not within the territory whichwas wrested from Spain by the revolutionary government of Mexico. "

"_Third_. Whether the spot is or is not, etc. , etc. It is therecurrence of the word _spot_ which gave the name to the resolutions. "

Lincoln had now served eight years in the legislature and one term incongress. He had a good understanding of politics. He was never a time-server, and he had done nothing unwise. He knew how to win votes and heknew what to do with himself when the votes were won. He held theconfidence of his constituency. His was a constantly growingpopularity. He could do everything but one, --he could not dishonor hisconscience. His belief that "slavery was founded on injustice" was theonly reason for his protest. He never hesitated to protest againstinjustice. The Golden Rule had a place in practical politics. TheSermon on the Mount was not an iridescent dream. 

CHAPTER VIII. 

ENTERING THE LAW. 

In treating of this topic, it will be necessary to recall certainthings already mentioned. One characteristic which distinguishedLincoln all through his life was thoroughness. When he was President aman called on him for a certain favor, and, when asked to state hiscase, made a great mess of it, for he had not sufficiently preparedhimself. Then the President gave him some free advice. "What you needis to be thorough, " and he brought his hand down on the table with thecrash of a maul, --"to be thorough. " It was his own method. After asuccessful practise of twenty years he advised a young law student:"Work, work, work is the main thing. " He spoke out of his ownexperience. 

There is one remarkable passage in his life which is worth repeatinghere, since it gives an insight into the thoroughness of this man. Thefollowing is quoted from the Rev. J. P. Gulliver, then pastor of theCongregational church in Norwich, Conn. It was a part of a conversationwhich took place shortly after the Cooper Institute speech in 1860, andwas printed in _The Independent_ for September 1, 1864. 

"Oh, yes! 'I read law, ' as the phrase is; that is, I became a lawyer'sclerk in Springfield, and copied tedious documents, and picked up whatI could of law in the intervals of other work. But your questionreminds me of a bit of education I had, which I am bound in honesty tomention. "

"In the course of my law reading I constantly came upon the word_demonstrate_. I thought, at first, that I understood its meaning, butsoon became satisfied that I did not. I said to myself, What do I dowhen I _demonstrate_ more than when I _reason_ or _prove_? How does_demonstration_ differ from any other proof? I consulted Webster'sDictionary. They told of 'certain proof, ' 'proof beyond the possibilityof doubt'; but I could form no idea of what sort of proof that was. Ithought a great many things were proved beyond the possibility ofdoubt, without recourse to any such extraordinary process of reasoningas I understood _demonstration_ to be. I consulted all the dictionariesand books of reference I could find, but with no better results. Youmight as well have defined _blue_ to a blind man. At last Isaid, --Lincoln, you never can make a lawyer if you do not understandwhat _demonstrate_ means; and I left my situation in Springfield, wenthome to my father's house, and stayed there till I could give anyproposition in the six books of Euclid at sight. I then found out what_demonstrate_ means, and went back to my law studies. "

Was there ever a more thorough student?

 * * * * *

He, like every one else, had his library within the library. Though heread everything he could lay his hands on, yet there are five books tobe mentioned specifically, because from childhood they furnished hisintellectual nutriment. These were the Bible, Aesop's Fables andPilgrim's Progress, Burns, and Shakespeare. These were his mentalfood. They entered into the very substance of his thought andimagination. "Fear the man of one book. " Lincoln had five books, andso thoroughly were they his that he was truly formidable. These didnot exclude other reading and study; they made it a thousand timesmore fruitful. And yet people ask, where did Lincoln get the majesty, the classic simplicity and elegance of his Gettysburg address? Theanswer is here. 

While Lincoln was postmaster, he was a diligent reader of thenewspapers, of which the chief was the Louisville _Journal_. It wasedited by George D. Prentice, who was, and is, second to no othereditor in the entire history of American journalism. The ability ofthis man to express his thoughts with such power was a mystery to thisreader. The editor's mastery of language aroused in Lincoln a burningdesire to obtain command of the English tongue. He applied for counselto a friend, a schoolmaster by the name of Mentor Graham. Grahamrecommended him to study English grammar, and told him that a copy ofone was owned by a man who lived six miles away. Lincoln walked to thehouse, borrowed the book--"collared" it, as he expressed it--and at theend of six days had mastered it with his own thoroughness. 

The first law book he read was "The Statutes of Indiana. " This was whenhe was a lad living in that state, and he read the book, not for anyspecial desire to know the subject but, because he was in the habit ofreading all that came into his hands. 

His next book was Blackstone's "Commentaries. " The accidental wayin which he gained possession of, and read, this book is of sufficientinterest to narrate in his own words. It was shortly after he got intothe grocery business:

"One day a man who was migrating to the West drove up in front of mystore with a wagon which contained his family and household plunder. Heasked me if I would buy an old barrel for which he had no room in hiswagon, and which he said contained nothing of special value. I did notwant it, but to oblige him I bought it, and paid him, I think, half adollar for it. Without further examination I put it away in the storeand forgot all about it. Some time after, in overhauling things, I cameupon the barrel, and emptying it upon the floor to see what itcontained, I found at the bottom of the rubbish a complete edition ofBlackstone's "Commentaries. " I began to read those famous works, and Ihad plenty of time; for during the long summer days, when the farmerswere busy with their crops, my customers were few and far between. Themore I read, the more intensely interested I became. Never in my wholelife was my mind so thoroughly absorbed. I read until I devoured them. "

All this may have been fatal to the prosperity of the leading store inthat hamlet of fifteen log cabins, but it led to something better thanthe success of the most magnificent store in New York. 

It was in 1834 that Lincoln was first elected to the legislature. During the canvass he was brought into the company of Major John T. Stuart, whom he had met in the Black Hawk war. Stuart advised him toenter definitely on the study of the law. He decided to do this. Thisproved to be quite the most important thing that occurred to him thatyear. 

Stuart further offered to lend him the necessary books. This offer wasgladly accepted, and having no means of travel, he walked to and fromSpringfield, a distance of twenty miles, to get the books and returnthem. During this tramp he was able to read forty pages of the volume. Thus he read, and we may venture to say mastered, Chitty, Greenleaf, and Story, in addition to Blackstone before mentioned. It was the bestfoundation that could have been laid for a great lawyer. 

During this reading he was getting his bread and butter by the otheremployments--store-keeping, postmaster, and surveyor. These may nothave interfered greatly with the study of the law, but the study of thelaw certainly interfered with the first of these. He read much out ofdoors. He would lie on his back in the shade of some tree, with hisfeet resting part way up the tree, then follow the shadow around fromwest to east, grinding around with the progress of the sun. When in thehouse his attitude was to cock his feet high in a chair, thus "sittingon his shoulder blades, " to use a common expression. When in his officehe would throw himself on the lounge with his feet high on a chair. These attitudes, bringing his feet up to, and sometimes above, thelevel with his head, have been characteristic of American students timeout of mind. He never outgrew the tendency. Even when President andsitting with his Cabinet, his feet always found some lofty perch. 

While he was not reading, he was pondering or memorizing. Thus he tooklong walks, talking to himself incessantly, until some of his neighborsthought he was going crazy. 

He was admitted to the bar in 1837. At that date there was no lawyernearer to New Salem than those in Springfield, which was twenty milesoff. Consequently he had a little amateur practise from his neighbors. He was sometimes appealed to for the purpose of drawing up agreementsand other papers. He had no office, and if he chanced to be out ofdoors would call for writing-materials, a slab of wood for a desk, drawup the paper, and then resume his study. 

This same year he became a partner of Stuart, in Springfield. Thelatter wanted to get into politics, and it was essential that heshould, have a trustworthy partner. So the firm of Stuart and Lincolnwas established in 1837 and lived for four years. In 1841 he enteredinto partnership with Logan, and this also lasted about four years. Inthe year 1845 was established the firm of Lincoln and Herndon, whichcontinued until the assassination of the president in 1865. 

After a brief period Lincoln himself got deeper into politics, thisperiod culminating with the term in congress. In this he necessarilyneglected the law more or less. But late in 1848, or early in 1849, hereturned to the law with renewed vigor and zeal, giving it hisundivided attention for six years. It was the repeal of the MissouriCompromise that called him back into the arena of politics. This willbe narrated later. 

His partnership with Stuart of course necessitated his removal toSpringfield. This event, small in itself, gives such a pathetic pictureof his poverty, and his cheerful endurance, that it is well worthnarrating. It is preserved by Joshua F. Speed, who became, and throughlife continued, Lincoln's fast friend. The story is given in Speed'swords:

"He had ridden into town on a borrowed horse, with no earthly propertysave a pair of saddlebags containing a few clothes. I was a merchant atSpringfield, and kept a large country store, embracing dry-goods, groceries, hardware, books, medicines, bed-clothes, mattresses--infact, everything that the country needed. Lincoln said he wanted to buythe furniture for a single bed. The mattress, blankets, sheets, coverlet, and pillow, according to the figures made by me, would costseventeen dollars. He said that perhaps was cheap enough; but small asthe price was, he was unable to pay it. [Note that at this time he wascarrying the debts of the merchants of New Salem. THE AUTHOR. ] But if Iwould credit him until Christmas, and his experiment as a lawyer was asuccess, he would pay then; saying in the saddest tone, 'If I fail inthis, I do not know that I ever can pay you. ' As I looked up at him Ithought then, and I think now, that I never saw a sadder face. 

I said to him: 'You seem to be so much pained at contracting so small adebt, I think I can suggest a plan by which you can avoid the debt, andat the same time attain your end. I have a large room with a double bedup-stairs, which you are very welcome to share with me. '

'Where is your room?' said he. 

'Up-stairs, ' said I, pointing to a pair of winding-stairs, which ledfrom the store to my room. 

He took his saddle-bags on his arm, went upstairs, set them on thefloor, and came down with the most changed expression of countenance. Beaming with pleasure, he exclaimed:

'Well, Speed, I am moved!'"

Thus he became established in the profession of the law and a residentof Springfield. It was not a large city, but it was a very active one, though small, and was the capital of the state. Lincoln was therefavorably known, because he had been chiefly instrumental in gettingthe capital moved to that place from Vandalia. His first law partnerwas very helpful to him, and he had abundant reason all his life to bethankful also for the friendship of Joshua F. Speed. 

CHAPTER IX. 

ON THE CIRCUIT. 

The requirements of the lawyer in that part of the country, at thatdate, were different from the requirements in any part of the world atthe present date. The Hon. Joseph H. Choate, in a lecture at Edinburgh, November 13, 1900, said: "My professional brethren will ask me howcould this rough backwoodsman . .. Become a learned and accomplishedlawyer? Well, he never did. He never would have earned his salt as awriter for the 'Signet, ' nor have won a place as advocate in the Courtof Session, where the teachings of the profession has reached itshighest perfection, and centuries of learning and precedent areinvolved in the equipment of a lawyer. "

The only means we have of knowing what Lincoln could do is knowing whathe did. If his biography teaches anything, it teaches that he neverfailed to meet the exigencies of any occasion. The study of his lifewill reveal this fact with increasing emphasis. Many a professionalbrother looked on Lincoln as "this rough backwoodsman, " unable to"become a learned and accomplished lawyer, " to his own utterdiscomfiture. We are justified in saying that if he had undertaken theduties of the Scots writer to the "Signet, " he would have done themwell, as he did every other duty. 

When Douglas was congratulated in advance upon the ease with which hewould vanquish his opponent, he replied that he would rather meet anyman in the country in that joint debate than Abraham Lincoln. Atanother time he said: "Lincoln is one of those peculiar men who performwith admirable skill whatever they undertake. "

Lincoln's professional duties were in the Eighth Judicial Circuit, which then comprised fifteen counties. Some of these counties havesince been subdivided, so that the territory of that district waslarger than would be indicated by the same number of counties to-day. It was one hundred and fifty miles long and nearly as wide. There werefew railroads, and the best county roads were extremely poor, so thattraveling was burdensome. The court and the lawyers traveled from onecounty seat to another, sometimes horseback, sometimes in buggies orwagons, and sometimes afoot. The duties of one county being concluded, the entire company would move on to another county. Thus only a smallpart of his duties were transacted at Springfield. 

These periodic sessions of the court were of general interest to thecommunities in which they were held. There were no theaters, no lyceumsfor music or lectures, and few other assemblages of any sort, exceptingthe churches and the agricultural fairs. It thus came about that thecourt was the center of a greater interest than would now be possible. It was the rostrum of the lecturer and the arena of the debate. Norwere comedies lacking in its multifarious proceedings. The attorney wastherefore sure of a general audience, as well as of court and jury. 

This peripatetic practise threw the lawyers much into one another'scompany. There were long evenings to be spent in the country taverns, when sociability was above par. Lincoln's inexhaustible fund of wit andhumor, and his matchless array of stories, made him the life of thecompany. In this number there were many lawyers of real ability. Thejudge was David Davis, whose culture and legal ability will hardly bequestioned by any one. Judge Davis was almost ludicrously fond ofLincoln. He kept him in his room evenings and was very impatient ifLincoln's talk was interrupted. 

There were two qualities in Lincoln's anecdotes: their resistless fun, and their appropriateness. When Lincoln came into court it was usuallywith a new story, and as he would tell it in low tones the lawyerswould crowd about him to the neglect of everything else, and to thegreat annoyance of the judge. He once called out: "Mr. Lincoln, wecan't hold two courts, one up here and one down there. Either yours ormine must adjourn. "

Once Lincoln came into the room late, leaned over the clerk's desk andwhispered to him a little story. Thereupon the clerk threw back hishead and laughed aloud. The judge thundered out, "Mr. Clerk, you mayfine yourself five dollars for contempt of court. " The clerk quietlyreplied, "I don't care; the story's worth it. " After adjournment thejudge asked him, "What was that story of Lincoln's?" When it wasrepeated the judge threw back his head and laughed, and added, "You mayremit the fine. "

A stranger, hearing the fame of Lincoln's stories, attended court andafterward said, "The stories are good, but I can't see that they helpthe case any. " An admiring neighbor replied with more zeal and justicethan elegance, "Don't you apply that unction to your soul. " Theneighbor was right. Lincoln had not in vain spent the days and nightsof his boyhood and youth with Aesop. His stories were as luminous ofthe point under consideration as were the stories which explained that"this fable teaches. "

Judge Davis wrote of him that "he was able to claim the attention ofcourt and jury when the cause was most uninteresting by the_appropriateness_ of his anecdotes. " Those who have tried to claimJudge Davis' attention when he did not want to give it, will realizethe greatness of praise implied in this concession. 

To this may be joined the remark of Leonard Swett, that "any man whotook Lincoln for a simple-minded man would wake up with his back in theditch. "

As Lincoln would never adopt the methods of his partner Herndon, thelatter could not quite grasp the essential greatness of the former, andhe uses some patronizing words. We may again quote Judge Davis: "In allthe elements that constitute a great lawyer he had few equals . .. Heseized the strong points of a cause and presented them with clearnessand great compactness. .. . Generalities and platitudes had no charms forhim. An unfailing vein of humor never deserted him. " Then follows thepassage already quoted. 

Lincoln never could bring himself to charge large fees. Lamon was hislimited partner (with the office in Danville and Bloomington) for manyyears. He tells one instance which will illustrate this trait. Therewas a case of importance for which the fee was fixed in advance at$250, a very moderate fee under the circumstances. It so happened thatthe case was not contested and the business required only a short time. The client cheerfully paid the fee as agreed. As he went away Lincolnasked his partner how much he charged. He replied, "$250. " "Lamon, " hesaid, "that is all wrong. Give him back at least half of it. " Lamonprotested that it was according to agreement and the client wassatisfied. "That may be, but _I_ am not satisfied. This is positivelywrong. Go, call him back and return him half the money at least, or Iwill not receive one cent of it for my share. "

One may imagine the amazement of the client to receive back one half ofthe fee. But the matter did not end here. The affair had attracted theattention of those near at hand, including the court. Judge Davis wasof enormous physical size, and his voice was like a fog horn. Theauthor writes this from vivid remembrance. Once in early youth hequaked in his shoes at the blast of that voice. The conclusion of theincident is given in the words of Lamon: "The judge never couldwhisper, but in this case he probably did his best. At all events, inattempting to whisper to Mr. Lincoln he trumpeted his rebuke in aboutthese words, and in rasping tones that could be heard all over thecourt room: 'Lincoln, I have been watching you and Lamon. You areimpoverishing this bar by your picayune charges of fees, and thelawyers have reason to complain of you. You are now almost as poor asLazarus, and if you don't make people pay you more for your services, you will die as poor as Job's turkey. "

The event justified the Judge's remarks. It was not unusual forLincoln's name, as attorney, to be found on one side or the other ofevery case on the docket. In other words, his practise was as large asthat of any lawyer on the circuit, and he had his full proportion ofimportant cases. But he never accumulated a large sum of money. Probably no other successful lawyer in that region had a smallerincome. This is a convincing commentary on his charges. 

The largest fee he ever received was from the Illinois CentralRailroad. The case was tried at Bloomington before the supreme courtand was won for the road. Lincoln went to Chicago and presented a billfor $2, 000 at the offices of the company. "Why, " said the official, inreal or feigned astonishment, "this is as much as a first-class lawyerwould have charged. "

Lincoln was greatly depressed by this rebuff, and would have let thematter drop then and there had not his neighbors heard of it. Theypersuaded him to raise the fee to $5, 000, and six leading lawyers ofthe state testified that that sum was a moderate charge. Lincoln suedthe road for the larger amount and won his case. It is a matter ofinterest that at that time the vice-president of the railroad wasGeorge B. McClellan. 

It was Lincoln's habit always to go to the heart of a case. Quibblesdid not interest him. The non-professional public who have attendedjury trials will not easily forget the monotonous "I object" of theattorneys, usually followed by, "I except to the ruling of the court, "and "The clerk will note the exception. " Lincoln generally met theobjections by the placid remark, "I reckon that's so. " Thus he gave uppoint after point, apparently giving away his case over and over again, until his associates were brought to the verge of nervous prostration. After giving away six points he would fasten upon the seventh, whichwas the pivotal point of the case, and would handle that so as to win. This ought to have been satisfactory, but neither Herndon nor his otherassociates ever got used to it. 

Lincoln put his conscience into his legal practise to a greater degreethan is common with lawyers. He held (with Blackstone) that law is forthe purpose of securing justice, and he would never make use of anytechnicality for the purpose of thwarting justice. When othersmaneuvered, he met them by a straightforward dealing. He never did orcould take an unfair advantage. On the wrong side of a case, he wasworse than useless to his client, and he knew it. He would never takesuch a case if it could be avoided. His partner Herndon tells how hegave some free and unprofessional advice to one who offered him such acase: "Yes, there is no reasonable doubt but that I can gain your casefor you. I can set a whole neighborhood at loggerheads; I can distressa widowed mother and her six fatherless children, and thereby get foryou six hundred dollars, which rightfully belongs, it appears to me, asmuch to them as it does to you. I shall not take your case, but willgive a little advice for nothing. You seem a sprightly, energetic man. I would advise you to try your hand at making six hundred dollars insome other way. "

Sometimes, after having entered on a case, he discovered that hisclients had imposed on him. In his indignation he has even left thecourt room. Once when the Judge sent for him he refused to return. "Tell the judge my hands are dirty; I came over to wash them. "

The most important law-suit in which Lincoln was ever engaged was theMcCormick case. McCormick instituted a suit against one Manny foralleged infringement of patents. McCormick virtually claimed themonopoly of the manufacture of harvesting machines. The suit involved alarge sum of money besides incidental considerations. The leadingattorney for the plaintiff was the Hon. Reverdy Johnson, one of theforemost, if not the foremost, at the bar in the entire country. It wasthe opportunity of crossing swords with Johnson that, more thananything else, stirred Lincoln's interest. With him, for the defense, was associated Edwin M. Stanton. 

The case was to be tried at Cincinnati, and all parties were on hand. Lincoln gave an extraordinary amount of care in the preparation of thecase. But some little things occurred. Through an open doorway he heardStanton make some scornful remarks of him, --ridiculing his awkwardappearance and his dress, particularly, for Lincoln wore a linenduster, soiled and disfigured by perspiration. When the time came forapportioning the speeches, Lincoln, although he was thoroughly preparedand by the customs of the bar it was his right to make the argument, courteously offered the opportunity to Stanton, who promptly accepted. It was a great disappointment to Lincoln to miss thus the opportunityof arguing with Reverdy Johnson. Neither did Stanton know what hemissed. Nor did Johnson know what a narrow escape he had. 

This chapter will not be complete without making mention of Lincoln'sprofessional kindness to the poor and unfortunate. Those who could findno other friends were sure to find a friend in Lincoln. He would freelygive his services to the needy. At that time the negro found it hard toget help, friendship, justice. Though Illinois was a free state, publicopinion was such that any one who undertook the cause of the negro wassure to alienate friends. Lincoln was one of the few who neverhesitated at the sacrifice. 

A young man, a free negro living in the neighborhood, had been employedas cabin boy on a Mississippi river steamboat. Arriving at New Orleans, he went ashore without a suspicion of what the law was in a slavestate. He was arrested for being on the street after dark without apass, thrown into jail, and fined. Having no money to pay the fine, hewas liable to be sold into slavery, when his mother, in her distress, came to Lincoln for help. Lincoln sent to the governor to see if therewas no way by which this free negro could be brought home. The governorwas sorry that there was not. In a towering wrath Lincoln exclaimed:"I'll have that negro back soon, or I'll have a twenty years'excitement in Illinois until the governor does have a legal andconstitutional right to do something in the premises!"

He had both. He and his partner sent to New Orleans the necessary moneyby which the boy was released and restored to his mother. The twentyyears' excitement came later. 

CHAPTER X. 

SOCIAL LIFE AND MARRIAGE. 

Springfield was largely settled by people born and educated in olderand more cultured communities. From the first it developed a sociallife of its own. In the years on both sides of 1840, it maintained aslarge an amount of such social activity as was possible in a newfrontier city. In this life Lincoln was an important factor. The publicinterest in the man made this necessary, even apart from considerationsof his own personal preferences. 

We have seen that he was extremely sociable in his tastes. He was fondof being among men. Wherever men were gathered, there Lincoln went, andwherever Lincoln was, men gathered about him. In the intervals of work, at nooning or in the evening, he was always the center of an interestedgroup, and his unparalleled flow of humor, wit, and good nature was thelife of the assemblage. This had always been so from childhood. It hadbecome a second nature with him to entertain the crowd, while the crowdcame to look upon him as their predestined entertainer. 

But Lincoln had been brought up in the open air, on the very frontier, "far from the madding crowd. " His social experience and his tastes werewith men, not ladies. He was not used to the luxuries of civilization, --elegant carpets, fine china, fashionable dress. Though he had greatdignity and nobility of soul, he did not have that polish of mannerswhich counts for so much with ladies. His ungainly physique accentedthis lack. He was not, he never could be, what is known as a ladies'man. While his friendly nature responded to all sociability, he was notfond of ladies' society. He was naturally in great demand, and heattended all the social gatherings. But when there, he drifted awayfrom the company of the ladies into that of the men. Nor were the menloath to gather about him. 

The ladies liked him, but one of them doubtless spoke the truth, whenshe declared that their grievance against him was that he monopolizedthe attention of the men. This was natural to him, it had beenconfirmed by years of habit, and by the time he was thirty years old itwas practically impossible for him to adopt the ways acceptable toladies. 

Into this society in Springfield came a pretty, bright, educated, cultured young lady--Miss Mary Todd. She was of an aristocratic familyfrom Kentucky. It is said that she could trace the family genealogyback many centuries. She may have been haughty--she was said to be so--and she may have been exacting in those little matters which make up solarge a measure of what is known as polish of manners. These would beprecisely the demands which Lincoln was unable to meet. 

It was a foregone conclusion that the two would be thrown much intoeach other's society, and that the neighbors would connect them inthought. For Lincoln was the most popular man and Miss Todd was themost popular young lady in Springfield. It was simply another case ofthe attraction of opposites, for in everything except their popularitythey were as unlike as they could be. 

It is proverbial that the course of true love never did run smooth. Ifthere were ripples and eddies and counter-currents in the course ofthis love, it was in nowise exceptional. It is only the prominence ofthe parties that has brought this into the strong light of publicity. 

Much has been written that is both unwarranted and unkind. Even themost confidential friends do not realize the limitations of theirknowledge on a matter so intimate. When they say they know all aboutit, they are grievously mistaken. No love story (outside of novels) isever told truly. In the first place, the parties themselves do not tellall. They may say they do, but there are some things which neither mannor woman ever tells. In the heart of love there is a Holy of Holiesinto which the most intimate friend is not allowed to look. 

And in the second place, even the lovers do not see things alike. Ifboth really understood, there could be no _mis_understanding. Itis, then, presumptive for even the confidants, and much more for thegeneral public, to claim to know too much of a lovers' quarrel. 

We would gladly pass over this event were it not that certain salientfacts are a matter of public record. It is certain that Lincoln becameengaged to Miss Todd in the year 1840. It is certain that he broke theengagement on January 1, 1841. It is certain that about that time hehad a horrible attack of melancholy. And we have seen that he neveroutgrew his attachment to his early love, Ann Rutledge. Whether thismelancholy was the cause of his breaking the engagement, or was causedby it, we cannot say. Whether the memory of Ann Rutledge had anyinfluence in the matter, we do not know. 

Whatever the mental cause of this melancholy, there is no doubt that ithad also a physical cause. This was his most violent attack, but by nomeans his only one. It recurred, with greater or less severity, allthrough his life. He had been born and had grown up in a climate notedfor its malaria. Excepting for the facts that he spent much time in theopen air, had abundant exercise, and ate plain food, the laws ofsanitation were not thought of. It would be strange if his system werenot full of malaria, or, what is only slightly less abominable, of themedicines used to counteract it. In either case he would be subject todepression. An unfortunate occurrence in a love affair, coming at thetime of an attack of melancholy, would doubtless bear abundant andbitter fruit. 

Certain it is that the engagement was broken, not a little to thechagrin of both parties. But a kind neighbor, Mrs. Francis, whosehusband was editor of the Springfield _Journal_, interposed with herfriendly offices. She invited the two lovers to her house, and theywent, each without the knowledge that the other was to be there. Theirsocial converse was thus renewed, and, in the company of a thirdperson, Miss Jayne, they continued to meet at frequent intervals. Amongthe admirers of Miss Todd were two young men who came to be widelyknown. These were Douglas and Shields. With the latter only we areconcerned now. He was a red-headed little Irishman, with a pepperytemper, the whole being set off with an inordinate vanity. He must havehad genuine ability in some directions, or else he was wonderfullylucky, for he was an officeholder of some kind or other, in differentstates of the Union, nearly all his life. It is doubtful if anotherperson can be named who held as many different offices as he; certainlyno other man has ever represented so many different states in thesenate. 

At this particular time, Shields was auditor of the state of Illinois. The finances of the state were in a shocking condition. The state bankswere not a success, and the currency was nearly worthless. At the sametime, it was the only money current, and it was the money of the state. These being the circumstances, the governor, auditor, and treasurer, issued a circular forbidding the payment of state taxes in this papercurrency of the state. This was clearly an outrage upon the taxpayers. 

Against this Lincoln protested. Not by serious argument, but by themerciless satire which he knew so well how to use upon occasion. Underthe pseudonym of Aunt Rebecca, he wrote a letter to the Springfield_Journal_. The letter was written in the style of Josh Billings, and purported to come from a widow residing in the "Lost Townships. " Itwas an attempt to laugh down the unjust measure, and in pursuance ofthis the writer plied Shields with ridicule. The town was convulsedwith laughter, and Shields with fury. The wrath of the little Irishmanwas funnier than the letter, and the joy of the neighbors increased. 

Miss Todd and Miss Jayne entered into the spirit of the fun. Then theywrote a letter in which Aunt Rebecca proposed to soothe his injuredfeelings by accepting Shields as her husband. This was followed by adoggerel rhyme celebrating the event. 

Shields' fury knew no bounds. He went to Francis, the editor of the_Journal_, and demanded the name of the author of the letters. Francis consulted with Lincoln. The latter was unwilling to permit anyodium to fall on the ladies, and sent word to Shields that he wouldhold himself responsible for those letters. 

If Shields had not been precisely the kind of a man he was, the mattermight have been explained and settled amicably. But no, he must haveblood. He sent an insulting and peremptory challenge. When Lincolnbecame convinced that a duel was necessary, he exercised his right, asthe challenged party, of choosing the weapons. He selected "broadswordsof the largest size. " This was another triumph of humor. The midget ofan Irishman was to be pitted against the giant of six feet four inches, who possessed the strength of a Hercules, and the weapons were--"broadswords of the largest size. "

The bloody party repaired to Alton, and thence to an island or sand-baron the Missouri side of the river. There a reconciliation was effected, honor was satisfied all around, and they returned home in good spirits. For some reason Lincoln was always ashamed of this farce. Why, we donot know. It may have been because he was drawn into a situation inwhich there was a possibility of his shedding human blood. And he whowas too tender-hearted to shoot wild game could not make light of thatsituation. 

The engagement between Lincoln and Miss Todd was renewed, and they werequietly married at the home of the bride's sister, Mrs. Edwards, November 4th, 1842. Lincoln made a loyal, true, indulgent husband. Mrs. Lincoln made a home that was hospitable, cultured, unostentatious. Theylived together until the death of the husband, more than twenty-twoyears later. 

They had four children, all boys. Only the eldest, Robert Todd Lincoln, grew to manhood. He has had a career which is, to say the least, creditable to the name he bears. For a few months at the close of thewar he was on the staff of General Grant. He was Secretary of Warunder Garfield and retained the office through the administration ofArthur. Under President Harrison, from 1889 to 1893, he was minister toEngland. He is a lawyer by profession, residing in Chicago--the citythat loved his father--and at the present writing is president of thePullman Company. In every position he has occupied he has exercised anotably wide influence. 

CHAPTER XI. 

THE ENCROACHMENTS OF SLAVERY. 

It is necessary at this point to take a glance at the history ofAmerican slavery, in order to understand Lincoln's career. In 1619, orone year before the landing of the _Mayflower_ at Plymouth, a Dutchman-of-war landed a cargo of slaves at Jamestown, Virginia. For nearlytwo centuries after this the slave trade was more or less brisk. Theslaves were distributed, though unevenly, over all the colonies. But astime passed, differences appeared. In the North, the public consciencewas awake to the injustice of the institution, while in the South itwas not. There were many exceptions in both localities, but the publicsentiment, the general feeling, was as stated. 

There was another difference. Slave labor was more valuable in theSouth than in the North. This was due to the climate. The negro doesnot take kindly to the rigors of the North, while in the South theheat, which is excessive to the white man, is precisely suited to thenegro. In the course of years, therefore, there came to becomparatively few negroes in the North while large numbers were foundin the South. 

It is generally conceded that the founders of our government lookedforward to a gradual extinction of slavery. In the first draft of theDeclaration of Independence, Thomas Jefferson inserted some scathingremarks about the King's part in the slave traffic. But it was feltthat such remarks would come with ill grace from colonies that abettedslavery, and the passage was stricken out. It was, however, providedthat the slave trade should cease in the year 1808. 

The Ordinance of 1787 recognized the difference in sentiment of the twoportions of the country on the subject, and was enacted as acompromise. Like several subsequent enactments, it was supposed to setthe agitation of the subject for ever at rest. This ordinance providedthat slavery should be excluded from the northwestern territory. Atthat time the Mississippi river formed the western boundary of thecountry, and the territory thus ordained to be free was that out ofwhich the five states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, andWisconsin were subsequently formed. It was not then dreamed that thefuture acquisition of new territory, or the sudden appreciation of thevalue of the slave, would reopen the question. 

But three facts changed the entire complexion of the subject. It wasdiscovered that the soil and climate of the South were remarkably welladapted to the growth of cotton. Then the development of steam powerand machinery in the manufacture of cotton goods created a sudden andenormous demand from Liverpool, Manchester, and other cities in Englandfor American cotton. There remained an obstacle to the supply of thisdemand. This was the difficulty of separating the cotton fiber from theseed. A negro woman was able to clean about a pound of cotton in a day. 

In 1793, Eli Whitney, a graduate of Yale college, was teaching schoolin Georgia, and boarding with the widow of General Greene. Certainplanters were complaining, in the hearing of Mrs. Greene, of thedifficulty of cleaning cotton, when she declared that the Yankee schoolteacher could solve the difficulty, that he was so ingenious that therewas almost nothing he could not do. 

The matter was brought to Whitney's attention, who protested that heknew nothing of the subject, --he hardly knew a cotton seed when he sawit. Nevertheless he set to work and invented the cotton gin. By thismachine one man, turning a crank; could clean fifty pounds of cotton aday. The effect of this was to put a new face upon the cotton trade. Itenabled the planters to meet the rapidly-increasing demand for rawcotton. 

It had an equal influence on the slavery question. Only negroes canwork successfully in the cotton fields. There was a phenomenal increasein the demand for negro labor. And this was fifteen years before thetime limit of the slave trade in 1808. 

There soon came to be a decided jealousy between the slave-holding andthe non-slave-holding portion of the country which continuallyincreased. At the time of the Ordinance of 1787 the two parts of thecountry, were about evenly balanced. Each section kept a vigilant watchof the other section so as to avoid losing the balance of power. 

As the country enlarged, this balance was preserved by the admission offree and slave states in turn. Vermont was paired with Kentucky;Tennessee with Ohio; Louisiana with Indiana; and Mississippi withIllinois. In 1836, Michigan and Arkansas were admitted on the same day. On the same day. This indicates that the jealousy of the two partieswas growing more acute. 

Then Texas was admitted December 29, 1845, and was not balanced untilthe admission of Wisconsin in 1848. 

We must now go back to the admission of Missouri. It came into theUnion as a slave state, but by what is known as the Missouri Compromiseof 1820. By this compromise the concession of slavery to Missouri wasoffset by the enactment that all slavery should be forever excludedfrom the territory west of that state and north of its southernboundary: namely, the parallel of 36 degrees 30'. 

The mutterings of the conflict were heard at the time of the admissionof Texas in 1848. It was again "set forever at rest" by what was knownas the Wilmot proviso. A year or two later, the discovery of gold inCalifornia and the acquisition of New Mexico reopened the wholequestion. Henry Clay of Kentucky, a slaveholder but opposed to theextension of slavery, was then a member of the House. By a series ofcompromises--he had a brilliant talent for compromise--he once more setthe whole question "forever at rest. " This rest lasted for four years. But in 1852 Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe published "Uncle Tom's Cabin, "an event of national importance. To a degree unprecedented, it rousedthe conscience of those who were opposed to slavery and inflamed thewrath of those who favored it. 

The sudden and rude awakening from this rest came in 1854 with therepeal of the Missouri Compromise. The overland travel to Californiaafter the year 1848 had given to the intervening territory animportance far in excess of its actual population. It early becamedesirable to admit into the Union both Kansas and Nebraska; and thequestion arose whether slavery should be excluded according to the actof 1820. The slave-holding residents of Missouri were hostile to theexclusion of slavery. It was situated just beyond their border, andthere is no wonder that they were unable to see any good reason whythey could not settle there with their slaves. They had the sympathy ofthe slave states generally. 

On the other hand, the free states were bitterly opposed to extendingthe slave power. To them it seemed that the slaveholders were planningfor a vast empire of slavery, an empire which should include not onlythe southern half of the United States, but also Mexico, CentralAmerica, and possibly a portion of South America. The advocates ofslavery certainly presented and maintained an imperious and despotictemper. Feeling was running high on both sides in the early fifties. 

A leading cyclopedia concludes a brief article on the MissouriCompromise with the parenthetical reference, --"see DOUGLAS, STEPHEN A. "The implication contained in these words is fully warranted. The chiefevent in the life of Douglas is the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. And the history of the Missouri Compromise cannot be written withoutgiving large place to the activity of Douglas. His previous utteranceshad not led observers, however watchful, to suspect this. In thecompromise of 1850 he had spoken with great emphasis: "In taking leaveof this subject, I wish to state that I have determined never to makeanother speech upon the slavery question. .. . We claim that thecompromise is a final settlement. .. . Those who preach peace should notbe the first to commence and reopen an old quarrel. "

This was the man who four years later recommenced and reopened this oldquarrel of slavery. In the meantime something had occurred. In 1852 hehad been the unsuccessful candidate for the democratic nomination forPresident, and he had aspirations for the nomination in 1856, when anomination would have been equivalent to an election. It thus seemedpolitic for him to make some decided move which would secure to him theloyalty of the slave power. 

Upon Stephen A. Douglas rested the responsibility of the repeal of theMissouri Compromise. He was at that time chairman of the Senatecommittee on Territories. His personal friend and political manager forIllinois, William A. Richardson, held a similar position in the House. The control of the legislation upon this subject was then absolutely inthe hands of Senator Douglas, the man who had "determined never to makeanother speech on the slavery question. "

It is not within the scope of this book to go into the details of thisiniquitous plot, for plot it was. But the following passage may bequoted as exhibiting the method of the bill: "It being the true intentand meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any territory orstate, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereofperfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions intheir own way, subject only to the Constitution. " In other words, nostate or territory could be surely safe from the intrusion of slavery. 

Lincoln had been practising law and had been out of politics for sixyears. It was this bill which called him back to politics, "like afire-bell in the night. "

CHAPTER XII. 

THE AWAKENING OF THE LION. 

The repeal of the Missouri Compromise caused great excitementthroughout the land. The conscience of the anti-slavery portion of thecommunity was shocked, as was also that of the large numbers of peoplewho, though not opposed to slavery in itself, were opposed to itsextension. It showed that this institution had a deadening effect uponthe moral nature of the people who cherished it. There was nocompromise so generous that it would satisfy their greed, there were nopromises so solemn that they could be depended on to keep them. Theywere not content with maintaining slavery in their own territory. Itwas not enough that they should be allowed to take slaves into aterritory consecrated to freedom, nor that all the powers of the lawwere devoted to recapturing a runaway slave and returning him torenewed horrors. They wanted all the territories which they hadpromised to let alone. It was a logical, and an altogether probableconclusion that they only waited for the opportunity to invade thenorthern states and turn them from free-soil into slave territory. 

The indignation over this outrage not only flamed from thousands ofpulpits, but newspapers and political clubs of all kinds took up thesubject on one side or the other. Every moralist became a politician, and every politician discussed the moral bearings of his tenets. 

In no locality was this excitement more intense than in Illinois. Therewere special reasons for this. It is a very long state, stretchingnearly five hundred miles from north to south. Now, it is a general lawamong Americans that migration follows very nearly the parallels oflatitude from East to West. For this reason the northern portion of thestate was mostly settled by northern people whose sympathies wereagainst slavery; while the southern portion of the state was mostlysettled by southern people, whose sympathies were in favor of slavery. The state was nearly evenly divided, and the presence of these twoparties kept up a continual friction and intensified the feeling onboth sides. 

To this general condition must be added the fact that Illinois was thehome of Douglas, who was personally and almost solely responsible forthe repeal of the Missouri Compromise. In that state he had risen fromobscurity to be the most conspicuous man in the United States. Hisparty had a decided majority in the state, and over it he had absolutecontrol. He was their idol. Imperious by nature, shrewd, unscrupulous, a debater of marvelous skill, a master of assemblies, a man who knewnot the meaning of the word fail--this was Douglas. But his home was inChicago, a city in which the anti-slavery sentiment predominated. 

When Douglas returned to his state, _his_ in more than one sense, itwas not as a conquering hero. He did not return direct from Washington, but delayed, visiting various portions of the country. Possibly thiswas due to the urgency of business, probably it was in order to givetime for the excitement to wear itself out. But this did not result, and his approach was the occasion of a fresh outbreak of feeling inChicago; the demonstrations of the residents of that city were not aflattering welcome home. Bells were tolled as for public mourning, flags were hung at half mast. Nothing was omitted that might emphasizethe general aversion to the man who had done that infamous deed. 

A public meeting was planned, at which he was to speak in defense ofhis course. A large crowd, about five thousand people, gathered. Douglas was surrounded by his own friends, but the major portion of thecrowd was intensely hostile to him. When he began to speak theopposition broke out. He was interrupted by questions and comments. These so exasperated him that he completely lost control of himself. Hestormed, he shook his fist, he railed. The meeting broke up inconfusion. Then came a reaction which greatly profited him. The paperspublished that he had attempted to speak and had not been allowed to doso, but had been hooted by a turbulent mob. All of which was true. Bythe time he spoke again the sympathy of the public had swung to hisside, and he was sure of a favorable hearing. 

This second speech was on the occasion of the state fair atSpringfield. Men of all kinds and of every political complexion werepresent from even the remotest localities in the state. The speech wasto be an address to a large audience fairly representative of theentire state. 

Lincoln was there. Not merely because Springfield was his home. Hedoubtless would have been there anyhow. His ability as a politician, his growing fame as a lawyer and a public speaker, his well-knownantipathy to slavery, singled him out as the one man who waspreeminently fitted to answer the speech of Douglas, and he was by atacit agreement selected for this purpose. 

Lincoln himself felt the stirring impulse. It is not uncommon for thecall of duty, or opportunity, to come once in a lifetime to the heartof a man with over-mastering power, so that his purposes and powers areroused to an unwonted and transforming degree of activity. It is theflight of the eaglet, the awakening of the lion, the transfiguration ofthe human spirit. To Lincoln this call now came. He was the same man, but he had reached another stage of development, entered a newexperience, exhibiting new powers, --or the old powers to such a degreethat they were virtually new. It is the purpose of this chapter to notethree of his speeches which attest this awakening. 

The first of these was delivered at the state Fair at Springfield. Douglas had spoken October 3d, 1854. Lincoln was present, and it wasmentioned by Douglas, and was by all understood, that he would replythe following day, October 4th. Douglas was, up to that time, not onlythe shrewdest politician in the country, but he was acknowledged to bethe ablest debater. He was particularly well prepared upon thissubject, for to it he had given almost his entire time for nearly ayear, and had discussed it in congress and out, and knew thoroughly thecurrent objections. The occasion was unusual, and this was to be, anddoubtless it was, his greatest effort. 

The following day came Lincoln's reply. As a matter of fairness, hesaid at the outset that he did not want to present anything but thetruth. If he said anything that was not true, he would be glad to haveDouglas correct him at once. Douglas, with customary shrewdness, tookadvantage of this offer by making frequent interruptions, so as tobreak the effect of the logic and destroy the flow of thought. FinallyLincoln's patience was exhausted, and he paused in his argument to say:"Gentlemen, I cannot afford to spend my time in quibbles. I take theresponsibility of asserting the truth myself, relieving Judge Douglasfrom the necessity of his impertinent corrections. " This silenced hisopponent, and he spoke without further interruption to the end, hisspeech being three hours and ten minutes long. 

The effect of the speech was wonderful. The scene, as described nextday in the Springfield _Journal_, is worth quoting:

"Lincoln quivered with feeling and emotion. The whole house was asstill as death. He attacked the bill with unusual warmth and energy, and all felt that a man of strength was its enemy, and that he meant toblast it if he could by strong and manly efforts. He was mostsuccessful; and the house approved the glorious triumph of truth byloud and long-continued huzzas. .. . Mr. Lincoln exhibited Douglas in allthe attitudes he could be placed in a friendly debate. He exhibitedthe bill in all its aspects to show its humbuggery and falsehoods, andwhen thus torn to rags, cut into slips, held up to the gaze of the vastcrowd, a kind of scorn was visible upon the face of the crowd, and uponthe lips of the most eloquent speaker. .. . At the conclusion of thespeech, every man felt that it was unanswerable--that no human powercould overthrow it or trample it under foot. The long and repeatedapplause evinced the feelings of the crowd, and gave token, too, of theuniversal assent to Lincoln's whole argument; and every mind presentdid homage to the man who took captive the heart and broke like a sunover the understanding. "

The speech itself, and the manner of its reception, could not otherthan rouse Douglas to a tempest of wrath. It was a far more severepunishment than to be hooted from the stage, as he had been in Chicago. He was handled as he had never been handled in his life. He took theplatform, angrily claimed that he had been abused, and started toreply. But he did not get far. He had no case. He became confused, losthis self-control, hesitated, finally said that he would reply in theevening, and left the stage. That was the end of the incident so far asDouglas was concerned. When the evening came he had disappeared, andthere was no reply. 

Twelve days later, on October 16, Lincoln had promised to speak inPeoria. To that place Douglas followed, or preceded him. Douglas madehis speech in the afternoon, and Lincoln followed in the evening. Itwas the same line of argument as in the other speech. Lincoln laterconsented to write it out for publication. We thus have the Springfieldand Peoria speech, _minus_ the glow of extemporaneous address, theinspiration of the orator. These are important factors which not eventhe man himself could reproduce. But we have his own report, which istherefore authentic. The most salient point in his speech is his replyto Douglas's plausible representation that the people of any localitywere competent to govern themselves. "I admit, " said Lincoln, "that theemigrant to Kansas and Nebraska is competent to govern himself, but Ideny his right to govern any other person without that other person'sconsent. " This is the kernel of the entire question of human slavery. 

The result of this speech at Peoria was less dramatic than that atSpringfield, but it was no less instructive. Douglas secured fromLincoln an agreement that neither of them should again speak duringthat campaign. It was quite evident that he had learned to fear hisantagonist and did not wish again to risk meeting him on the rostrum. Lincoln kept the agreement. Douglas did not. Before he got home inChicago, he stopped off to make another speech. 

These speeches were made in 1854. It is now worth while to skip overtwo years to record another epoch-making speech, one which in spiritand temper belongs here. For it shows to what intensity Lincoln wasaroused on this vast and ever-encroaching subject of slavery. This wasat the convention which was held in Bloomington for the purpose oforganizing the Republican party. The date of the convention was May 29, 1856. The center of interest was Lincoln's speech. The reporters werethere in sufficient force, and we would surely have had a verbatimreport--except for one thing. The reporters did not report. Let JosephMedill, of the Chicago _Tribune_, tell why:

"It was my journalistic duty, though a delegate to the convention, tomake a 'long-hand' report of the speeches delivered for the Chicago_Tribune_. I did make a few paragraphs of what Lincoln said in thefirst eight or ten minutes, but I became so absorbed in his magneticoratory, that I forgot myself and ceased to take notes, and joined withthe convention in cheering and stamping and clapping to the end of hisspeech. 

I well remember that after Lincoln had sat down and calm had succeededthe tempest, I waked out of a sort of hypnotic trance, and then thoughtof my report for the _Tribune_. There was nothing written but anabbreviated introduction. 

It was some sort of satisfaction to find that I had not been 'scooped, 'as all the newspaper men present had been equally carried away by theexcitement caused by the wonderful oration, and had made no report orsketch of the speech. "

Mr. Herndon, who was Lincoln's law partner, and who knew him sointimately that he might be trusted to keep his coolness during theenthusiasm of the hour, and who had the mechanical habit of takingnotes for him, because he was his partner, said: "I attempted for aboutfifteen minutes, as was usual with me then, to take notes, but at theend of that time I threw pen and paper away and lived only in theinspiration of the hour. "

There is no doubt that the audience was generally, if not unanimously, affected in the same way. The hearers went home and told about thiswonderful speech. Journalists wrote flaming editorials about it. Thefame of it went everywhere, but there was no report of it. It thereforecame to be known as "Lincoln's lost speech. "

Precisely forty years afterwards one H. C. Whitney published in one ofthe magazines an account of it. He says that he made notes of thespeech, went home and wrote them out. Why he withheld this report fromthe public for so many years, especially in view of the general demandfor it, does not precisely appear. The report, however, is interesting. 

But after the lapse of nearly half a century, it is a matter of minorimportance whether Mr. Whitney's report be accurate or not. To us thevalue of the three speeches mentioned in this chapter is found largelyin the impression they produced upon the hearers. The three takentogether show that Lincoln had waked to a new life. The lion in him wasthoroughly roused, he was clothed with a tremendous power, which up tothis point had not been suspected by antagonists nor dreamed of byadmiring friends. This new and mighty power he held and wielded untilhis life's end. Thenceforth he was an important factor in nationalhistory. 

CHAPTER XIII. 

TWO THINGS THAT LINCOLN MISSED. 

Lincoln's intimate friends have noted that he seemed to be under theimpression that he was a man of destiny. This phrase was a favoritewith Napoleon, who often used it of himself. But the two men were sowidely different in character and career, that it is with reluctancethat one joins their names even for the moment that this phrase isused. Napoleon was eager to sacrifice the whole of Europe to satisfythe claims of his personal ambition; Lincoln was always ready to standaside and sacrifice himself for the country. The one was selfishnessincarnate; the other was a noble example of a man who never hesitatedto subordinate his own welfare to the general good, and whose careercame to its climax in his martyrdom. Whether the presidency was or wasnot, Lincoln's destiny, it was certainly his destination. Had anythingoccurred to thrust him one side in this career, it would have preventedhis complete development, and would have been an irreparable calamityto his country and to the world. 

Twice in his life he earnestly desired certain offices and failed toget them. Had he succeeded in either case, it is not at all probablethat he would ever have become President. One therefore rejoices in theknowledge that he missed them. 

After his term in congress he was, in a measure, out of employment. Political life is like to destroy one's taste for the legitimatepractise of the law, as well as to scatter one's clients. Lincoln wasnot a candidate for reelection. Upon the election of General Taylor itwas generally understood that the democrats would be turned out ofoffice and their places supplied by whigs. The office of LandCommissioner was expected to go to Illinois. At the solicitation offriends he applied for it, but so fearful was he that he might stand inthe way of others, or impede the welfare of the state, that he did noturge his application until too late. The President offered him thegovernorship of the territory of Oregon, which he declined. Had he beensuccessful in his application, it would have kept him permanently outof the study and practise of the law. It would have kept his residencein Washington so that it would not have been possible for him to holdhimself in touch with his neighbors. So far as concerned hisillustrious career, it would have side-tracked him. He himselfrecognized this later, and was glad that he had failed in this, hisfirst and only application for a government appointment. 

About six years later he again missed an office to which he aspired. This was in 1854, the year of the speeches at Springfield and Peoriadescribed in the last chapter. Shields, the man of the duel with broad-swords, was United States senator. His term of office was about toexpire and the legislature would elect his successor. The state ofIllinois had been democratic, --both the senators, Shields and Douglas, were democrats, --but owing to the new phases of the slavery question, the anti-slavery men were able to carry the legislature, though by anarrow margin. 

Lincoln had been very useful to the party during the campaign and hadbeen elected to the legislature from his own district. He wanted to besenator. He was unquestionably the choice of nearly all the whigs. Hadan election taken place then, he would undoubtedly have been elected. 

But a curious obstacle intervened. There was a provision in theconstitution of Illinois which disqualified members of the legislaturefrom holding the office of United States senator. Lincoln was thereforenot eligible. He could only become so by resigning his seat. Thereappeared to be no risk in this, for he had a safe majority of 605. Itseemed as though he could name his successor. But there are manyuncertainties in politics. 

The campaign had been one of unusual excitement and it was followed bythat apathy which is the common sequel to all excessive activity. Thedemocrats kept quiet. They put up no candidate. They fostered theimpression that they would take no part in the special election. Onlyone democrat was casually named as a possible victim to be sacrificedto the triumph of the whigs. He was not a popular nor an able man, andwas not to be feared as a candidate for this office. 

But the unusual quietness of the democrats was the most dangerous sign. They had organized a "still hunt. " This was an adroit move, but it wasperfectly fair. It is not difficult to guess whose shrewdness plannedthis, seeing that the question was vital to the career of Douglas. Thedemocratic party preserved their organization. The trusted lieutenantsheld the rank and file in readiness for action. When the polls wereopened on election day, the democrats were there, and the whigs werenot. At every election precinct appeared democratic workers toelectioneer for the man of their choice. Carriages were provided forthe aged, the infirm, and the indifferent who were driven to the pollsso that their votes were saved to the party. 

The whigs were completely taken by surprise. It was too late to talk uptheir candidate. They had no provision and no time to get the absentand indifferent to the polls. The result was disastrous to them. Lincoln's "safe" majority was wiped out and a Douglas democrat waschosen to succeed him. 

It may be surmised that this did not tend to fill the whigs withenthusiasm, nor to unite the party. From all over the state there arosegrumblings that the Sangamon contingent of the party had been soignobly outwitted. Lincoln had to bear the brunt of this discontent. This was not unnatural nor unreasonable, for he was the party managerfor that district. When the legislature went into joint session Lincolnhad manifestly lost some of his prestige. It may be said by way ofpalliation that the "still hunt" was then new in politics. And it wasthe only time that Lincoln was caught napping. 

Even with the loss to the whigs of this seat, the Douglas democratswere in a minority. Lincoln had a plurality but not a majority. Thebalance of power was held by five anti-Nebraska democrats, who wouldnot under any circumstances vote for Lincoln or any other whig. Theircandidate was Lyman Trumbull. After a long and weary deadlock, thedemocrats dropped their candidate Shields and took up the governor ofthe state. The governor has presumably a strong influence with thelegislature, and this move of the partisans was a real menace to theanti-slavery men. Lincoln recognized the danger, at once withdrew hiscandidacy, and persuaded all the anti-slavery men to unite on Trumbull. This was no ordinary conciliation, for upon every subject except theNebraska question alone, Trumbull was an uncompromising democrat. Thewhig votes gave him the necessary majority. The man who started in withfive votes won the prize. Lincoln not only failed to get into thesenate, but he was out of the legislature. 

In commenting on this defeat of Lincoln for the United States senate, the present writer wishes first of all to disavow all superstitions andall belief in signs. But there is one fact which is worthy of mention, and for which different persons will propose different explanations. Itis a fact that in all the history of the United States no person hasbeen elected direct from the senate to the presidency. This is the moreinteresting because the prominent senator wields a very powerfulinfluence, an influence second only to that of the President himself. When one considers the power of a leading senator, one would supposethat that was the natural stepping-stone to the presidency. But historydoes not support this supposition. It teaches the opposite. 

Many prominent senators have greatly desired to be president, but noone has succeeded unless he first retired from the senate. Among themore widely known aspirants to the presidency who have beenunsuccessful, are Jackson (his first candidacy), Clay, Webster, Douglas, Morton, Seward, Sherman, and Blaine. So many failures may be amere coincidence. On the other hand there may be a reason for them. They seem to teach that the senate is not the best start for thepresidential race, but the worst. 

The history of ethics teaches that the most determined hostilityagainst the best is the good, not the bad. So it may be that in thepolitics of this country, the greatest obstacle to the highest positionmay be the next highest. 

These facts, of course, do not prove that if Lincoln had been electedsenator in 1854, or in 1858 when he was the opposing candidate toDouglas, he would therefore have failed of election to the presidency. He may have been an exception. He may have been the only one to breakthis rule in over a hundred years. But the sequel proved that he wasbest where he was. He remained among his people. He moused about thestate library, enduring criticism but mastering the history of slavery. He kept a watchful eye on the progress of events. He was always alertto seize an opportunity and proclaim in trumpet tones the voice ofconscience, the demands of eternal righteousness. But he waited. Hishour had not yet come. He bided his time. It was not a listlesswaiting, it was intensely earnest and active. Far more than he couldrealize, he was in training for the stupendous responsibilities whichshould in due time fall upon him. It is fortunate for all that he didnot learn to limit his powers to the arena of the senate, which, thoughgreat, is limited. He kept near to the people. When his hour struck, hewas ready. 

For this reason we call his two failures escapes. He did not get thegovernment land office, he did not get the senatorship. He did get thepresidency, and that in the crisis of the history of the nation. Whatis more, when he got that he was thoroughly furnished unto every goodwork. 

CHAPTER XIV. 

THE BIRTH OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 

In the course of history there sometimes arises a man who has amarvelous power of attaching others to himself. He commands a measureof devotion and enthusiasm which it is impossible fully to understand. Such a man was Henry Clay. Under the fascination of his qualitiesLincoln lived. From childhood to maturity Clay had been his idol, andClay's party, the whig, nearly synonymous with all that was desirablein American politics. It was therefore no easy matter for Lincoln toleave the whig party. Nothing could accomplish this but theovermastering power of a noble emotion. 

From childhood Lincoln had hated slavery. The fact that Kentucky was aslave state had its influence in his father's removal to Indiana. Hispersonal observations upon his journeys down the Mississippi River hadgiven him a keener feeling on the subject. The persistent and ever-increasing outrages of the slave power had intensified his hatred. Thetime had come when he, and such as he, felt that other party questionswere of minor importance, and that everything else should for the timebe subordinated to the supreme question of slavery. 

There were certain reasons why the whig party could not accomplish thedesired end. Its history had identified it with a different class ofsubjects. Though Clay himself and a majority of his party were opposedto the extension of slavery, there were still pro-slavery men in itsranks in sufficient numbers to prevent any real efficiency on theslavery question. 

On the other hand, while the democratic party was overwhelmingly pro-slavery, there were anti-slavery democrats who, from their numbers, ability, and character, were not to be overlooked. The election to thesenate of Lyman Trumbull as an anti-Douglas democrat had crystalizedthis wing of the party. The fiasco of Lincoln's defeat when the whigswere in a good plurality caused much discontent in that party. If theanti-slavery men were to be united for efficiency in opposing Douglas, it must be under another organization--a new party must be formed. 

In this the newspapers took the initiative. A number of paperseditorially called for a convention, which was really a mass meeting, for there were no accredited delegates, and could be none. This met inDecatur on Washington's birthday, 1856. It was a motley assembly, froma political standpoint. It included whigs, democrats, free-soilers, abolitionists, and know-nothings. Said Lincoln: "Of strange, discordant, even hostile elements, we gathered from the four winds. "Politicians were conspicuously absent, for it would imperil theirpolitical orthodoxy to be seen there. Lincoln was the principal one whohad anything to lose. He was consulted on all measures, and gave freelyof his counsel. The proceedings ended with a dinner, at which he made aspeech. 

He was the most prominent man in the new movement, was popularthroughout the state, and was the logical candidate for governor. Hewould have been highly gratified with the candidacy. But again he putpersonal desires one side that the general good might not beendangered. He therefore proposed, in his after-dinner speech, fornomination a democrat who had a record of earnest opposition to theslave power. Refusing the use of his own name, he added: "But I cansuggest a name that will secure not only the old whig vote, but enoughanti-Nebraska democrats to give us the victory. That man is ColonelWilliam H. Bissell. " Bissell was afterwards regularly nominated andtriumphantly elected. The meeting at Decatur called for a convention tobe held at Bloomington on the 29th of May. 

About the same thing had been going on in some other free states. Onthe very day of the Decatur meeting there was a notable meeting for thesame purpose in Pittsburg. This was attended by E. D. Morgan, governorof New York, Horace Greeley, O. P. Morton, Zach. Chandler, Joshua R. Giddings, and other prominent men. They issued the call for the firstnational convention of the republican party to be held in Philadelphiain June. 

In May the Illinois convention assembled in Bloomington, and the mostconspicuous person there was Lincoln. It was there that he made theamazing speech already described. It was the speech which held even thereporters in such a spell that they could not report it. It is known inhistory as the "lost speech, " but the fame of it endures to this day. 

The democratic convention met in Cincinnati early in June and nominatedJames Buchanan to succeed Franklin Pierce. Thus Douglas was for asecond time defeated for the nomination. 

The republican convention met a few days later in Philadelphia. At thattime John C. Fremont was at the height of his fame. His character wasromantic, and the record of his adventures was as fascinating as anovel by Dumas. He had earned the name of "pathfinder" by crossing thecontinent. Although unauthorized, he had in California raised amilitary company which was of material assistance to the naval forcesof the United States against a Mexican insurrection. He was an ardenthater of slavery. He was precisely the man, as standard-bearer, toinfuse enthusiasm into the new party and to give it a good start in itscareer. He did this and did it well. The large vote which he polledaugured well for the future. 

All this we may claim without denying the fact that it was fortunatefor the party and for the country that he was not elected. There was nodoubt of his sincerity or his patriotism. But he lacked self-control, wariness, patience. He was hot-headed, extreme, egotistical. He nevercould have carried the burdens of the first administration of therepublican party. 

When the election was over, it was found that Buchanan had carriedevery slave state except Maryland, which went to Fillmore. Fremont hadcarried every New England state and five other northern states. Buchanan received 174 electoral votes; Fremont, 114; Fillmore, 8. Thepopular vote was, for Buchanan, 1, 838, 169; for Fremont, 1, 341, 264; forFillmore, 874, 534. That was an excellent showing for the new party. Itshowed that it had come to stay, and gave a reasonable hope of victoryat the next presidential election. 

Lincoln was at the head of the electoral ticket of the state ofIllinois. He usually was on the ticket. He playfully called himself oneof the electors that seldom elected anybody. In Illinois the honors ofthe election were evenly divided between the two parties. Buchanancarried the state by a handsome majority, but Bissell was electedgovernor by a good majority. Lincoln had faithfully canvassed the stateand made nearly fifty speeches. One paragraph from a speech made inGalena should be quoted. The slave party had raised the cry ofsectionalism, and had charged that the republicans purposed to destroythe Union. Lincoln said:

"But the Union, in any event, will not be dissolved. We don't want todissolve it, and if you attempt it we won't let you. With the purse andsword, the army, the navy, and the treasury in our hands and at ourcommand, you could not do it. This government would be very weak indeedif a majority with a disciplined army and navy and a well-filledtreasury could not preserve itself, when attacked by an unarmed, undisciplined minority. All this talk about the dissolution of theUnion is humbug, nothing but folly. We do not want to dissolve theUnion; you shall not. "

These words were prophetic of the condition of the country and of hisown policy four or five years later. But he apparently did notapprehend that an unscrupulous administration might steal the army andthe munitions of war, scatter the navy, and empty the treasury. 

On the 10th of December Lincoln spoke at a republican banquet inChicago. It was after the election, after Buchanan's superciliousmessage to congress. The purpose of the speech was to forecast thefuture of the young party. The following quotations may be read withinterest:

"He [Buchanan, in his message to congress] says the people did it. Heforgets that the 'people, ' as he complacently calls only those whovoted for Buchanan, are in a minority of the whole people by about fourhundred thousand votes. .. . All of us who did not vote for Mr. Buchanan, taken together, are a majority of four hundred thousand. But in thelate contest we were divided between Fremont and Fillmore. Can we notcome together for the future? Let every one who really believes, and isresolved, that free society is not and shall not be a failure, and whocan conscientiously declare that in the past contest he has done onlywhat he thought best, let every such one have charity to believe thatevery other one can say as much. Let bygones be bygones; let pastdifferences as nothing be; and with steady eye on the real issue, letus re-inaugurate the good old 'central ideas' of the republic. We can doit. The human heart is with us; God is with us. We shall again be ableto declare, not that 'all states as states are equal, ' nor yet that'all citizens as citizens are equal, ' but to renew the broader, betterdeclaration, including these and much more, that 'all men are createdequal. '"

It was upon the wisdom of this plan that, four years later, he held thefoes of slavery united, while the foes of freedom were divided amongthemselves. It was this that carried the party to its first victory andmade him president. 

CHAPTER XV. 

THE BATTLE OF THE GIANTS. 

The admiring friends of Douglas had given him the nickname of "thelittle giant. " To this he was fairly entitled. Physically he was verylittle. Intellectually he was a giant. He was in 1858 perhaps the mostprominent man in the United States. He was the unquestioned leader ofthe dominant party. He had been so long in public life that he wasfamiliar with every public question, while upon the burning question ofslavery he was the leader. 

Lincoln was a giant physically, and it soon became evident that he wasno less intellectually. These two men soon were to come together in aseries of joint debates. It was manifest that this would be a battle ofintellectual giants. No other such debates have ever occurred in thehistory of the country. 

Events led up to this rapidly and with the certainty of fate. In 1854Lincoln had been candidate for the senate to succeed Shields, but hisparty had been outwitted and he was compelled to substitute Trumbull. In 1856 he was the logical candidate for governor, but he was ofopinion that the cause would be better served permanently by placing ananti-slavery democrat in nomination. This was done and Bissell waselected. Now in 1858 the senatorial term of Douglas was about to expireand a successor would be chosen. Douglas was the candidate of his ownparty. The republicans turned naturally and spontaneously to Lincoln, for it would be no light task to defeat so strong an opponent. 

The republican convention met in Springfield on the 16th of June. Lincoln was by acclamation nominated "as the first and only choice" ofthe republican party for United States senator. The above time-honoredphrase was used sincerely on that occasion. There was great enthusiasm, absolute unanimity. 

On the evening of the following day he addressed the convention in aspeech which has become historic. His opening words were:

"If we could first know where we are and whither we are tending, wecould better judge what to do and how to do it. We are now far into thefifth year since a policy was initiated, with the avowed object andconfident promise of putting an end to the slavery agitation. Under theoperation of that policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, buthas constantly augmented. In my opinion it will not cease until acrisis shall have been reached and passed. 'A house divided againstitself cannot stand. ' I believe this government cannot endurepermanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to bedissolved--I do not expect the house to fall--but I do expect it willcease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it isin the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push itforward till it shall become alike lawful in all the states, old aswell as new, North as well as South. "

This speech came quickly to be known as "the house-divided-against-itself speech. " By that name it is still known. Concluding he said:"Our cause, then, must be entrusted to and conducted by its ownundoubted friends, those whose hands are free, whose hearts are in thework, who do care for the result. .. . The result is not doubtful. Weshall not fail. If we stand firm we shall not fail. Wise counsels mayaccelerate or mistakes delay it, but sooner or later the victory issure to come. " This was a strong speech, delivered before an audienceof men of unusual ability, delegates who represented all parts of thestate. It was in no wise a harangue. It was entirely thoughtful andstrictly logical. The effect of it was to intensify the enthusiasm, andto spread it all through the state. It was a speech that Douglas couldnot ignore, though he might misrepresent it. This he did by raising thecharge of sectionalism against his adversary. 

About three weeks later, on the 9th of July, Douglas made an elaboratespeech in Chicago. Lincoln was in the audience. It was unofficiallyarranged that he should reply. He did so the following evening. A weeklater a similar thing occurred in Springfield. Douglas made a speech inthe afternoon to which Lincoln replied in the evening. Shortly afterthis Lincoln wrote Douglas a letter proposing a series of jointdiscussions, or challenging him to a series of joint debates. Douglasreplied in a patronizing and irritating tone, asked for a slightadvantage in his own favor, but he accepted the proposal. He did not doit in a very gracious manner, but he did it. They arranged for sevendiscussions in towns, the locations being scattered fairly over theentire territory of the state. 

If Illinois had before been "the cynosure of neighboring eyes, " muchmore was it so now. Lincoln was by no means the most prominent anti-slavery man, but he was the only man in a position to beard his rival. The proposed debates excited not only the interest of the state and theneighboring states, but from the East and the South all minds wereturned to this tournament. It was not a local discussion; it was anational and critical question that was at issue. The interest was noless eager in New York, Washington, and Charleston than inIndianapolis, Milwaukee, and St. Louis. 

The two men had been neighbors for many years. They were togethermembers of the legislature, first in Vandalia and then in Springfield. They had frequently met socially in Springfield. Both paid markedattentions to the same young lady. Both had served in Washington City. Douglas was for most of his life an officeholder, so that in one way oranother Lincoln would be brought into association with him. But thoughthey met so frequently it is not probable that, before this time, either recognized in the other his supreme antagonist. After the repealof the Missouri Compromise Lincoln had, as already related, discussedDouglas with great plainness of speech. This had been twice repeated inthis year. But these were, comparatively speaking, mere incidents. Thegreat contest was to be in the debates. 

In the outset, Douglas had the advantage of prestige. Nothing succeedslike success. Douglas had all his life had nothing but success. Hetwice had missed the nomination for presidency, but he was still themost formidable man in the senate. He was very popular in his ownstate. He was everywhere greeted by large crowds, with bands of musicand other demonstrations. He always traveled in a special car and oftenin a special train, which was freely placed at his disposal by theIllinois Central Railway. Lincoln traveled by accommodation train, freight train, or wagon, as best he could. As both the men wereeveryday speaking independently between the debates, this question oftransportation was serious. The inconveniences of travel made a greatdrain upon the nervous force and the health. One day when the freighttrain bearing Lincoln was side-tracked to let his rival's special trainroll by, he good-humoredly remarked that Douglas "did not smell anyroyalty in this car. "

Another fact which gave Douglas the advantage was the friendship andsympathy of Horace Greeley and others, who had much influence with theparty of Lincoln. Douglas had broken with Buchanan's administration ona question relating to Kansas. The iniquity of the powers at Washingtonwent so far that even Douglas rebelled. This led Greeley and others tothink that Douglas had in him the making of a good republican if he wasonly treated with sufficient consideration. Accordingly, all of thatinfluence was bitterly thrown in opposition to Lincoln. 

The methods of the two men were as diverse as their bodily appearance. Douglas was a master of what the ancient Greeks would have called"making the worse appear the better reason. " He was able to misstatehis antagonist's position so shrewdly as to deceive the very elect. Andwith equal skill he could escape from the real meaning of his ownstatements. Lincoln's characterization is apt: "Judge Douglas isplaying cuttlefish--a small species of fish that has no mode ofdefending himself when pursued except by throwing out a black fluidwhich makes the water so dark the enemy cannot see it, and thus itescapes. "

Lincoln's method was to hold the discussion down to the point at issuewith clear and forcible statement. He arraigned the iniquity of slaveryas an offense against God. He made the phrase "all men" of theDeclaration of Independence include the black as well as the white. Said he: "There is no reason in the world why the negro is not entitledto all the natural rights enumerated in the Declaration ofIndependence--the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit ofhappiness. .. . In the right to eat the bread, without the leave ofanybody else, which his own hand earns, he is my equal, and the equalof Judge Douglas, and the equal of every living man. " He quotedJefferson's remark, "I tremble for my country when I remember that Godis just. " Mercilessly he analyzed Douglas's speeches and exposed hissophistry. 

The forensic ability of the two men is suggestively indicated by theremark of a lady who heard them speak, and afterward said: "I canrecall only one fact of the debates, that I felt so sorry for Lincolnwhile Douglas was speaking, and then _so_ sorry for Douglas whileLincoln was speaking. "

These debates occupied seven different evenings of three hours each. The speeches were afterwards published in book form and had a widecirculation. These speeches, numbering twenty-one in all, filled alarge volume. It is not the purpose of this chapter to give an outlineof the debates, it is only to give a general idea of their result. Butout of them came one prominent fact, which so influenced the careers ofthe two men that it must be briefly recorded. This went by the name of"the Freeport doctrine. "

In the first debate Douglas had asked Lincoln a series of questions. The villainy of these questions was in the innuendo. They began, "Idesire to know whether Lincoln stands to-day, as he did in 1854, infavor of, " etc. Douglas then quoted from the platform of a conventionwhich Lincoln had not attended, and with which he had nothing to do. Lincoln denied these insinuations, and said that he had never favoredthose doctrines; but the trick succeeded, and the impression was madethat Douglas had cornered him. The questions, to all intents andpurposes, were a forgery. This forgery was quickly exposed by a Chicagopaper, and the result was not helpful to Douglas. It was made manifestthat he was not conducting the debates in a fair and manly way. 

Further than this, the fact that these questions had been asked gaveLincoln, in turn, the right to ask questions of Douglas. This right heused. For the next debate, which was to be at Freeport, he prepared, among others, the following question: "Can the people of a UnitedStates territory, in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen ofthe United States, exclude slavery from its limits prior to theformation of a state constitution?" If this were answered "No, " itwould alienate the citizens of Illinois. If it were answered "Yes, " itwould alienate the democrats of the South. 

On the way to Freeport he met a number of friends and took counsel ofthem. When he read question number two, the one above quoted, hisfriends earnestly and unanimously advised him not to put that question. "If you do, " said they, "you never can be senator. " To which Lincolnreplied: "Gentlemen, I am killing larger game. If Douglas answers, hecan never be President, and the battle of 1860 is worth a hundred ofthis. "

It is not probable that Lincoln expected to be in 1860 the nominee ofthe republican party. But he did see the danger of the election ofDouglas to the presidency. He was willing to surrender the senatorialelection to save the country from a Douglas administration. Thesacrifice was made. The prediction proved true. Lincoln lost thesenatorship, Douglas lost the presidency. 

The popular verdict, as shown in the election, was in favor of Lincoln. The republicans polled 125, 430 votes; the Douglas democrats, 121, 609, and the Buchanan democrats, 5, 071. But the apportionment of thelegislative districts was such that Douglas had a majority on the jointballot of the legislature. He received 54 votes to 46 for Lincoln. Thissecured his reelection to the senate. 

The popular verdict outside the state of Illinois was in favor ofLincoln. The republican party circulated the volume containing the fullreport of the speeches. It does not appear that the democrats did so. This forces the conclusion that the intellectual and moral victory wason the side of Lincoln. 

There is a pathetic sequel to this. The campaign had been very arduouson Lincoln. Douglas had made 130 speeches in 100 days, not countingSundays. Lincoln had made probably about the same number. These werenot brief addresses from a railway car, but fully elaborated speeches. The labors commenced early in July and continued through the heat ofthe summer. With Lincoln the inadequate means of travel added to thedraft upon his strength. At the end of all came the triumphant electionof his rival. Add to this the fact that the next day he received aletter from the republican committee saying that their funds would notmeet the bills, and asking for an additional contribution. The rest isbest told in Lincoln's own words:

"Yours of the 15th is just received. I wrote you the same day. As tothe pecuniary matter, I am willing to pay according to my ability, butI am the poorest hand living to get others to pay. I have been onexpense so long without earning anything that I am absolutely withoutmoney now for even household purposes. Still, if you can put up $250for me towards discharging the debt of the committee, I will allow itwhen you and I settle the private matter between us. This, with what Ihave already paid, and with an outstanding note of mine, will exceed mysubscription of $500. This, too, is exclusive of my ordinary expensesduring the campaign, all which, being added to my loss of time andbusiness, bears pretty heavily on one no better off in world's goodsthan I; but as I had the post of honor, it is not for me to be over-nice. You are feeling badly--'And this, too, shall pass away. ' Neverfear. "

CHAPTER XVI. 

GROWING AUDACITY OF THE SLAVE POWER. 

So closely is the life of Lincoln intertwined with the growth of theslave power that it will be necessary at this point to give a briefspace to the latter. It was the persistent, the ever-increasing, theimperious demands of this power that called Lincoln to his post ofduty. The feeling upon the subject had reached a high degree of tensionat the period we are now considering. To understand this fully, we mustgo back and come once again down through the period already treated. There are three salient points of development. 

The first of these is the fugitive slave law. At the adoption of theConstitution it was arranged that there should be no specific approvalof slavery. For this reason the word "slave" does not appear in thatdocument. But the idea is there, and the phrase, "person held toservice or labor, " fully covers the subject. Slaves were a valuableproperty. The public opinion approved of the institution. To set up onepart of the territory as a refuge for escaped slaves would be aninfringement of this right of property, and would cause unceasingfriction between the various parts of the country. 

In 1793, which happens to be the year of the invention of the cottongin, the fugitive slave law was passed. This was for the purpose ofenacting measures by which escaped slaves might be recaptured. This lawcontinued in force to 1850. As the years passed, the operation of thislaw produced results not dreamed of in the outset. There came to befree states, communities in which the very toleration of slavery was anabomination. The conscience of these communities abhorred theinstitution. Though these people were content to leave slaveryunmolested in the slave states, they were angered at having the horrorsof slave-hunting thrust upon them. In other words, they were unable toreside in any locality, no matter how stringent the laws were in behalfof freedom, where they were not liable to be invaded, their very homesentered, by the institution of slavery in its most cruel forms. 

This aroused a bitter antagonism in the North. Societies were formed toassist fugitive slaves to escape to Canada. Men living at convenientdistances along the route were in communication with one another. Thefugitives were passed secretly and with great skill along this line. These societies were known as the Underground Railway. Theappropriateness of this name is obvious. The men themselves whosecreted the fugitive slaves were said to keep stations on thatrailway. 

This organized endeavor to assist the fugitives was met by an increasedimperiousness on the part of the slave power. Slavery is imperious inits nature. It almost inevitably cultivates that disposition in thosewho wield the power. So that the case was rendered more exasperating bythe passage, in 1850, of another fugitive slave law. Nothing could havebeen devised more surely adapted to inflame the moral sense of thosecommunities that were, in feeling or conscience, opposed to slavery, than this law of 1850. This was a reenactment of the law of 1793, butwith more stringent and cruel regulations. The concealment or assistingof a fugitive was highly penal. Any home might be invaded and searched. No hearth was safe from intrusion. The negro could not testify in hisown behalf. It was practically impossible to counteract the oath oraffidavit of the pretended master, and a premium was practically putupon perjury. The pursuit of slaves became a regular business, and itsoperation was often indescribably horrible. These cruelties wereemphasized chiefly in the presence of those who were known to be averseto slavery in any form, and they could not escape from the revoltingscenes. 

The culmination of this was in what is known as the Dred Scottdecision. Dred Scott was a slave in Missouri. He was by his mastertaken to Fort Snelling, now in the state of Minnesota, then in theterritory of Wisconsin. This was free soil, and the slave was, at leastwhile there, free. With the consent of his former master he married afree woman who had formerly been a slave. Two children were born tothem. The master returned to Missouri, bringing the negroes. He hereclaimed that they, being on slave soil, were restored to the conditionof slavery. 

Scott sued for his freedom and won his case. It was, however, appealedto the Supreme Court of the United States. The first opinion of thecourt was written by Judge Nelson. This treated of this specific caseonly. Had this opinion issued as the finding of the court, it would nothave aroused general attention. 

But the court was then dominated by the slave sentiment, and theopportunity of laying down general principles on the subject of slaverycould not be resisted. The decision was written by Chief Justice Taney, and reaches its climax in the declaration that the negro "had no rightswhich the white man was bound to respect. " Professor T. W. Dwight saysthat much injustice was done to Chief Justice Taney by the erroneousstatement that he had himself affirmed that the negro "had no rightswhich the white man was bound to respect. " But while this may besatisfactory to the legal mind, to the lay mind, to the averagecitizen, it is a distinction without a difference, or, at best, with avery slight difference. The Judge was giving what, in his opinion, wasthe law of the land. It was his opinion, nay, it was his decision. Norwas it the unanimous ruling of the court. Two justices dissented. Thewords quoted are picturesque, and are well suited to a battle-cry. Onevery side, with ominous emphasis in the North, one heard that thenegro had no rights which the white man was bound to respect. This was, until 1860, the last and greatest exhibition of audacity on the part ofthe slave power. 

There was another exhibition of the spirit of slavery which deservesspecial mention. This is the history of the settlement of Kansas. Thatremarkable episode, lasting from 1854 to 1861, requires a volume, not aparagraph, for its narration. It is almost impossible for theimagination of those who live in an orderly, law-abiding community, toconceive that such a condition of affairs ever existed in any portionof the United States. The story of "bleeding Kansas" will long remainan example of the proverb that truth is stranger than fiction. 

The repeal of the Missouri Compromise, in 1854, opened up to this freeterritory the possibility of coming into the Union as a slave state. Itwas to be left to the actual settlers to decide this question. Thisprinciple was condensed into the phrase "squatter sovereignty. " Theonly resource left to those who wished Kansas to come in as a freestate was to settle it with an anti-slavery population. 

With this purpose in view, societies were formed in anti-slaverycommunities, extending as far east as the Atlantic coast, to assistemigrants. From Iowa, Illinois, Ohio, Massachusetts, and elsewhere, emigrants poured into Kansas. But the slave party had the advantage ofgeographical location. The slave state of Missouri was only just acrossthe river. It was able, at short notice and with little expense, topour out its population in large numbers. This it did. Many went fromMissouri as actual settlers. By far the larger part went onlytemporarily and for the purpose of creating a disturbance. These werepopularly called "border ruffians. " Their excesses of ruffianism arenot easily described. They went into the territory for the purpose ofdriving out all the settlers who had come in under the emigrant aidsocieties. Murder was common. At the elections, they practisedintimidation and every form of election fraud then known. Everyelection was contested, and both parties always claimed the victory. The parties elected two separate legislatures, adopted twoconstitutions, established two capitals. For several years, civil warand anarchy prevailed. 

There is no doubt, either reasonable or unreasonable, --there is nodoubt whatever that the anti-slavery men had a vast majority of actualsettlers. The territorial governors were appointed by Presidents Pierceand Buchanan. These were uniformly pro-slavery and extremely partisan. But every governor quickly came to side with the free-state men, orelse resigned to get out of the way. 

The pro-slavery men, after the farce of a pretended vote, declared theLecompton constitution adopted. The governor at that time was Walker, of Mississippi, who had been appointed as a sure friend of theinterests of slavery. But even he revolted at so gross an outrage, andmade a personal visit to Washington to protest against it. It was atthis point, too, that Senator Douglas broke with the administration. 

In spite of the overwhelming majority of anti-slavery settlers in thestate, Kansas was not admitted to the Union until after theinauguration of Abraham Lincoln. 

So unscrupulous, imperious, grasping was the slave power. Whom the godswish to destroy, they first make mad. The slave power had reached thereckless point of madness and was rushing to its own destruction. Thesethree manifestations, --the fugitive-slave law, the Dred Scott decision, and the anarchy in Kansas, --though they were revolting in the extremeand indescribably painful, hastened the end. 

CHAPTER XVII. 

THE BACKWOODSMAN AT THE CENTER OF EASTERN CULTURE. 

Lincoln's modesty made it impossible for him to be ambitious. Heappreciated honors, and he desired them up to a certain point. But theydid not, in his way of looking at them, seem to belong to him. He wasslow to realize that he was of more than ordinary importance to thecommunity. 

At the first republican convention in 1856, when Fremont was nominatedfor President, 111 votes were cast for Lincoln as the nominee for vice-president. The fact was published in the papers. When he saw the itemit did not enter his head that he was the man. He said "there was acelebrated man of that name in Massachusetts; doubtless it was he. "

In 1858, when he asked Douglas the fatal question at Freeport, he wassimply killing off Douglas's aspirations for the presidency. It waswith no thought of being himself the successful rival. 

Douglas had twice been a candidate for nomination before the democraticconvention. Had it not been for this question he would have beenelected at the next following presidential election. 

As late as the early part of 1860, Lincoln vaguely desired thenomination for the vice-presidency. He would have been glad to be therunning-mate of Seward, nothing more. Even this honor he thought to bebeyond his reach, so slowly did he come to realize the growth of hisfame. 

The reports of the Lincoln-Douglas debates had produced a profoundsensation in the West. They were printed in large numbers and scatteredbroadcast as campaign literature. Some Eastern men, also, had beenalert to observe these events. William Cullen Bryant, the scholarlyeditor of the New York _Evening Post_, had shown keen interest inthe debates. 

Even after the election Lincoln did not cease the vigor of hiscriticisms. It will be remembered that before the formal debate Lincolnvoluntarily went to Chicago to hear Douglas and to answer him. Hefollowed him to Springfield and did the same thing. He now, after theelection of 1858, followed him to Ohio and answered his speeches inColumbus and Cincinnati. 

The Reverend Henry Ward Beecher, who was always watchful of thedevelopment of the anti-slavery sentiment, now invited Lincoln tolecture in Plymouth Church, Brooklyn. The invitation was accepted withthe provision that the lecture might be a political speech. 

J. G. Holland, who doubtless knew whereof he wrote, declares that itwas a great misfortune that Lincoln was introduced to the country as arail-splitter. Americans have no prejudice against humble beginnings, they are proud of self-made men, but there is nothing in the ability tosplit rails which necessarily qualifies one for the demands ofstatesmanship. Some of his ardent friends, far more zealous thanjudicious, had expressed so much glory over Abe the rail-splitter, thatit left the impression that he was little more than a rail-splitter whocould talk volubly and tell funny stories. This naturally alienated thefinest culture east of the Alleghanies. "It took years for the countryto learn that Mr. Lincoln was not a boor. It took years for them tounlearn what an unwise and boyish introduction of a great man to thepublic had taught them. It took years for them to comprehend the factthat in Mr. Lincoln the country had the wisest, truest, gentlest, noblest, most sagacious President who had occupied the chair of statesince Washington retired from it. "

When he reached New York he found that there had been a change of plan, and he was to speak in Cooper Institute, New York, instead of Beecher'schurch. He took the utmost care in revising his speech, for he feltthat he was on new ground and must not do less than his best. 

But though he made the most perfect intellectual preparation, theesthetic element of his personal appearance was sadly neglected. He wasangular and loose-jointed, --he could not help that. He had providedhimself, or had been provided, with a brand-new suit of clothes, whether of good material or poor we cannot say, whether well-fitting orill-fitting we do not know, though we may easily guess. But we do knowthat it had been crowded into a small carpet-bag and came out a mass ofwrinkles. And during the speech the collar or lappel annoyed bothspeaker and audience by persisting in rising up unbidden. 

These details are mentioned to show the difficulty of the task beforethe orator. In the audience and on the platform were many of the mostbrilliant and scholarly men of the metropolis. There were also largenumbers who had come chiefly to hear the westerner tell a lot of funnystories. The orator was introduced by Bryant. 

The speech was strictly intellectual from beginning to end. ThoughLincoln was not known in New York, Douglas was. So he fittingly tookhis start from a quotation of Douglas. The speech cannot be epitomized, but its general drift may be divined from its opening and closingsentences. 

The quotation from Douglas was that which had been uttered at Columbusa few months before: "Our fathers, when they framed the governmentunder which we live, understood this question (the question of slavery)just as well, and even better, than we do now. " To this proposition theorator assented. That raised the inquiry, What was their understandingof the question? This was a historical question, and could be answeredonly by honest and painstaking research. 

Continuing, the speaker said: "Does the proper division of local fromFederal authority, or anything in the Constitution, forbid our Federalgovernment to control as to slavery in our Federal territories? Uponthis Senator Douglas holds the affirmative and the republicans thenegative. This affirmation and denial form an issue, and this issue--this question--is precisely what the text declares our fathersunderstood 'better than we. '

"I defy any one to show that any living man in the whole world everdid, prior to the beginning of the present century (and I might almostsay prior to the beginning of the last half of the present century), declare that in his understanding any proper division of local fromFederal authority, or any part of the Constitution, forbade the Federalgovernment to control as to slavery in the Federal territories. Tothose who now so declare, I give, not only 'our fathers who framed thegovernment under which we live, ' but with them all other living menwithin the century in which it was framed, among whom to search, andthey shall not be able to find the evidence of a single man agreeingwith them. "

One paragraph is quoted for the aptness of its illustration: "But youwill not abide the election of a republican President! In that supposedevent, you say you will destroy the Union; and then you say, the greatcrime of having destroyed it will be upon us! That is cool. Ahighwayman holds a pistol to my ear, and mutters through his teeth, 'Stand and deliver, or I shall kill you, and then you will be amurderer!' To be sure, what the robber demanded of me--my money--was myown, and I had a clear right to keep it; but it was no more my own thanmy vote is my own; and the threat of death to me to extort my money, and the threat of destruction to the Union to extort my vote, canscarcely be distinguished in principle. "

The speech reached its climax in its closing paragraph: "Wrong as wethink slavery is, we can yet afford to let it alone where it is, because that so much is due to the necessity arising from its actualpresence in the nation; but can we, while our votes will prevent it, allow it to spread into the national territories, and to overrun ushere in the free states? If our sense of duty forbids this, then let usstand by our duty, fearlessly and effectively. Let us be diverted bynone of those sophistical contrivances wherewith we are soindustriously plied and belabored--contrivances such as groping forsome middle ground between the right and the wrong, vain as the searchfor a man who would be neither a living man nor a dead man; such as apolicy of 'don't care' on a question about which all true men do care;such as Union appeals to beseech all true Union men to yield toDisunionists; reversing the divine rule, and calling, not the sinners, but the righteous, to repentance; such as invocations to Washington, imploring men to unsay what Washington said, and undo what Washingtondid. 

"Neither let us be slandered from our duty by false accusations againstus, nor frightened from it by menaces of destruction to the government, nor of dungeons to ourselves. Let us have faith that right makes might, and in that faith, let us, to the end, dare to do our duty as weunderstand it. "

This speech placed Lincoln in the line of the presidency. Not only wasit received with unbounded enthusiasm by the mass of the people, but itwas a revelation to the more intellectual and cultivated. Lincolnafterwards told of a professor of rhetoric at Yale College who waspresent. He made an abstract of the speech and the next day presentedit to the class as a model of cogency and finish. This professorfollowed Lincoln to Meriden to hear him again. The _Tribune_ gaveto the speech unstinted praise, declaring that "no man ever before madesuch an impression on his first appeal to a New York audience. "

The greatest compliment, because the most deliberate, was that of thecommittee who prepared the speech for general distribution. Theirpreface is sufficiently explicit:

"No one who has not actually attempted to verify its details canunderstand the patient research and historical labors which itembodies. The history of our earlier politics is scattered throughnumerous journals, statutes, pamphlets, and letters; and these aredefective in completeness and accuracy of statement, and in indices andtables of contents. Neither can any one who has not traveled over thisprecise ground appreciate the accuracy of every trivial detail, or theself-denying impartiality with which Mr. Lincoln has turned from thetestimony of 'the fathers' on the general question of slavery, topresent the single question which he discusses. From the first line tothe last, from his premises to his conclusion, he travels with a swift, unerring directness which no logician ever excelled, an argumentcomplete and full, without the affectation of learning, and without thestiffness which usually accompanies dates and details. A single, easy, simple sentence of plain Anglo-Saxon words, contains a chapter ofhistory that, in some instances, has taken days of labor to verify, andwhich must have cost the author months of investigation to acquire. "

Surely Mr. Bryant and Mr. Beecher and the rest had every reason forgratification that they had introduced this man of humble beginnings toso brilliant a New York audience. 

Lincoln went to Exeter, N. H. , to visit his son who was in PhillipsAcademy preparing for Harvard College. Both going and returning he madeseveral speeches, all of which were received with more than ordinaryfavor. By the time he returned home he was no longer an unknown man. Hewas looked on with marked favor in all that portion of the countrywhich lies north of Mason and Dixon's line. 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

THE NOMINATION OF 1860. 

The subject of this chapter is the republican convention that nominatedLincoln for the presidency. But for an intelligent narration of this, it is necessary to give a brief account of at least one of the threeother important political conventions that were held that year. Thatone was the regular democratic convention at Charleston. And certainother facts also must be narrated. 

Leaven was working in two respects. The first is that the plan ofsecession and of setting up a Southern nation founded upon slavery, wasnot a sudden or impromptu thought. The evidence is conclusive that theplan had been maturing for years. Recent events had shown that slaveryhad reached the limit of its development so far as concerned theterritory of the United States. The plan to annex Cuba as a garden forthe culture of slavery, had failed. California had been admitted as afree state. Slavery had been excluded from Kansas, although thatterritory had for two years been denied admission to the sisterhood ofstates. 

As the slave power was not content with any limitation whatever, itsleaders now looked for an opportunity to break up this presentgovernment and start a new one. At the time (December, 1860) SouthCarolina passed the ordinance of secession, to be narrated later, certain things were said which may be quoted here. These utterancesexposed the spirit that animated the slave power long before Lincoln'selection, long before he was even known in politics. 

Parker said that the movement of secession had been "graduallyculminating for _a long series of years_. "

Inglis endorsed the remark and added, "Most of us have had this matterunder consideration for the last twenty years. "

Keitt said, "I have been engaged in this movement _ever since Ientered political life_. "

Rhett said, "The secession of South Carolina was not the event of aday. It is not anything produced by Mr. Lincoln's election, or by thenon-execution of the fugitive slave law. It is a matter which has beengathering head _for thirty years_. The election of Lincoln andHamlin was the last straw on the back of the camel. But it was not theonly one. The back was nearly broken before. 

The other important fact was the result of Lincoln's Freeport question. The answer of Douglas was: "I answer _emphatically_ . .. That in myopinion the people of a territory can, by lawful means, exclude slaveryfrom its limits prior to the formation of a state constitution. " Thisanswer satisfied the democrats of Illinois and secured his election tothe senate, as Lincoln predicted that it would. But it angered thesouthern leaders beyond all reason--as Lincoln knew it would. 

When, therefore, the democratic convention met in Charleston, the firstpurpose of the southern leaders was to defeat Douglas. In theirjudgment he was not orthodox on slavery. He was far the strongestcandidate before the convention, but he was not strong enough to securethe two-thirds vote which under the rules of that party were necessaryto a choice. After fifty-seven ballots, and a corresponding amount ofdebating, the feeling of antagonism rising, continually higher, thecrisis came. The southern delegates withdrew from the convention andappointed a convention of their own to be held in Richmond. This wasdone with the full knowledge that, if it accomplished anything, itwould accomplish the defeat of the party. It was probably done for thisvery purpose, --to defeat the party, --so as to give an excuse, more orless plausible, for carrying out the matured plan of secession, claiming to be injured or alarmed at the ascendancy of the republicanparty. 

Up to this point, at least, Lincoln had no aspirations for thepresidency. But he did aspire to the United States senate. He acceptedhis defeat by Douglas in 1858 as only temporary. He knew there would beanother senatorial election in four years. When asked how he felt aboutthis defeat, he turned it into a joke, and said that he felt "like theboy who had stubbed his toe, too badly to laugh, and he was too big tocry. "

He had thought of being nominated as vice-president with Seward asPresident, which would have given him, if elected, a place in thesenate. He was glad of any possible prominence in the Chicagoconvention, which was still in the future. For that would help hissenatorial aspirations when the time came. But as to anything higher, he declared, "I must in all candor say that I do not think myself fitfor the presidency. " And he was an honest man. With the senate still inview, he added, "I am not in a position where it would hurt me much notto be nominated [for president] on the national ticket; but I am whereit would hurt some for me not to get the Illinois delegates. "

Thus, at the beginning of the year 1860, Lincoln was in no sense in therace for the presidential nomination. About that time a list of twenty-one names of possible candidates was published in New York; Lincoln'sname was not on the list. A list of thirty-five was published inPhiladelphia. Lincoln's name was not on that list. After the speech atCooper Institute the Evening Post mentioned Lincoln's name along withothers. That was the only case in the East. 

In Illinois his candidacy developed in February and came to ahead atthe republican state convention at Decatur. Lincoln's name had beenprominent in the preceding local conventions, and the enthusiasm wasgrowing. Decatur was very near to the place where Thomas Lincoln hadfirst settled when he came into the state. When Abraham Lincoln cameinto this convention he was greeted with an outburst of enthusiasm. After order had been restored, the chairman, Governor Oglesby, announced that an old-time Macon County democrat desired to make acontribution to the convention. The offer being accepted, a banner wasborne up the hall upon two old fence rails. The whole was gailydecorated and the inscription was:

 ABRAHAM LINCOLN, THE RAIL CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT IN 1860. 

 Two rails from a lot of 3, 000 made in 1830 by Thos. Hanks and Abe Lincoln-whose father was the first pioneer of Macon County. 

This incident was the means of enlarging the soubriquet "Honest Abe" to"Honest Old Abe, the Rail-splitter. " The enthusiasm over the railsspread far and wide. That he had split rails, and that he even had doneit well, was no test of his statesmanship. But it was a reminder of hishumble origin, and it attached him to the common people, between whomand himself there had always been a warm feeling of mutual sympathy. 

The democratic convention had, after the bolt of the extremesoutherners, adjourned to Baltimore, where they duly nominated Douglas. What any one could have done for the purpose of restoring harmony inthe party, he did. But the breach was too wide for even that astutepolitician to bridge over. Lincoln grasped the situation. It was whathe had planned two years before, and he confidently expected just thisbreach. "Douglas never can be President, " he had said. He fullyunderstood the relentless bitterness of the slave power, and he wellknew that whatever Douglas might do for the northern democrats, he hadlost all influence with the southern branch of that party. So Lincolntold his "little story" and serenely awaited the result. 

The second republican national convention met in Chicago, May 16, 1860. A temporary wooden structure, called a wigwam, had been built for thepurpose. It was, for those days, a very large building, and wouldaccommodate about ten thousand people. 

The man who was, far and away, the most prominent candidate for thenomination, was William H. Seward, of New York. He had the benefit ofthirty years of experience in political life. He was a man of widelearning, fine culture, unequaled as a diplomatist; he was a patriot, astatesman, and loyal to the principles of the republican party. He hada plurality of the delegates by a wide margin, though not a majority. It seemed a foregone conclusion that he would be nominated. HoraceGreeley, who was determinedly opposed to him, gave up the contest andtelegraphed to his paper that Seward would be nominated. Theopposition, he said, could not unite on any one man. 

The next most prominent name was Lincoln. He had the full delegation ofIllinois, who, at Decatur, had been instructed to vote for him as "thefirst and only choice" of the state. He had many votes, too, from theneighboring states. 

In addition to these two candidates before the convention, there werehalf a dozen others, all "favorite sons" of their own states, but whoat no time developed any great strength. 

The only point against Seward was his inability to carry certaindoubtful states. If the split in the democratic party had not occurred, and if the election were to be carried according to the experience of1856, it would be necessary for the republicans to carry certain stateswhich they had at that time failed to carry. The most available stateswere Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Indiana, and Illinois. Under favorablecircumstances, these could be carried. Seward's long public career hadinevitably caused antagonisms, and these necessary states he could notcarry. The question with his opponents then was, Who is most likely tocarry these states? Lincoln's popularity in three of the four statesnamed singled him out as the rival of Seward. It then became only aquestion whether the opposition to Seward could or could not unite inthe support of Lincoln. 

At this point there came in a political ruse which has been often usedin later years. Seward's friends had taken to Chicago a small army ofclaquers, numbering nearly or quite two thousand. These weredistributed through the audience and were apparently under orders toshout whenever Seward's name was mentioned. This gave the appearance ofspontaneous applause and seemed to arouse great enthusiasm for thecandidate. 

Lincoln's friends soon came to understand the situation and planned tobeat their rivals at their own game. They sent out into the country andsecured two men with phenomenal voices. It was said, with playfulexaggeration, that these two men could shout so as to be heard acrossLake Michigan. They were made captains of two stentorian bands offollowers. These were placed on opposite sides of the auditorium andwere instructed to raise the shout at a preconcerted signal and keep itup as long as desired. The plan worked. 

Leonard Swett describes the result: "Caleb B. Smith of Indiana thenseconded the nomination of Lincoln, and the West came to his rescue. Nomortal before ever saw such a scene. The idea of us Hoosiers andSuckers being out-screamed would have been as bad to them as the lossof their man. Five thousand people at once leaped to their seats, womennot wanting in the number, and the wild yell made soft vesperbreathings of all that had preceded. No language can describe it. Athousand steam-whistles, ten acres of hotel gongs, a tribe of Comanchesheaded by a choice vanguard from pandemonium, might have mingled in thescene unnoticed. "

A dramatic scene had occurred at the adoption of the platform. When thefirst resolution was read, Joshua E. Giddings, an old-time abolitionistof the extreme type, moved as an amendment to incorporate the wordsfrom the Declaration of Independence which announce the right of allmen to "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. " The hostility tothis amendment was not so much owing to an objection to the phrase, asto its being introduced upon the motion of so extreme a partisan asGiddings. The new party was made up of men of various old parties, andit was important that the moderate democrats should not be antagonizedby the extreme abolitionists. The motion was lost by a decided vote, and the old man, almost broken-hearted, left the hall amid theprotestations of his associates. 

There then came to his rescue a young man, about thirty-six years ofage, who was then not widely known, but who since has more than oncedecidedly influenced republican conventions at a critical stage of theproceedings. It was George William Curtis. When the second resolutionwas under consideration he presented the amendment of Giddings in aform slightly modified. He then urged it in an impassioned speech, andby his torrent of eloquence carried the enthusiasm of the conventionwith him. "I have to ask this convention, " he concluded, "whether theyare prepared to go upon the record before the country as voting downthe words of the Declaration of Independence. .. . I rise simply to askgentlemen to think well before, upon the free prairies of the West, inthe summer of 1860, they dare to wince and quail before the assertionof the men of Philadelphia in 1776--before they dare to shrink fromrepeating the words that these great men enunciated. "

The amendment was adopted in a storm of applause. Giddings, overjoyedat the result, returned to the hall. He threw his arms about Curtisand, with deep emotion, exclaimed, --"God bless you, my boy! You havesaved the republican party. God bless you!"

The candidates in those days were simply announced without speeches ofglorification, Mr. Evarts of New York named Seward, and Mr. Judd ofIllinois named Lincoln. The names of half a dozen "favorite sons" wereoffered by their states, the most important being Bates of Missouri. After the seconding of the nominations the convention proceeded to theballot. There were 465 votes, and 233 were necessary for a choice. 

On the first ballot Seward received 173-1/2, and Lincoln, 102. The restwere scattering. On the second ballot Seward received 184-1/2, andLincoln, 181. Seward was still ahead, but Lincoln had made by far thegreater gain. On the third ballot Seward received 180, and Lincoln 231-1/2. But this ballot was not announced. The delegates kept tally duringthe progress of the vote. When it became evident that Lincoln was aboutelected, while the feeling of expectancy was at the highest degree oftension, an Ohio delegate mounted his chair and announced a change offour Ohio votes from Chase to Lincoln. There was instantly a break. Onevery side delegates announced a change of vote to Lincoln. The resultwas evident to every one, and after a moment's pause, the crowd wentmad with joy. One spectator has recorded the event:

"The scene which followed baffles all human description. After aninstant's silence, which seemed to be required to enable the assemblyto take in the full force of the announcement, the wildest andmightiest yell (for it can be called by no other name) burst forth fromten thousand voices which were ever heard from mortal throats. Thisstrange and tremendous demonstration, accompanied with leaping up anddown, tossing hats, handkerchiefs, and canes recklessly into the air, with the waving of flags, and with every other conceivable mode ofexultant and unbridled joy, continued steadily and without pause forperhaps ten minutes. "

"It then began to rise and fall in slow and billowing bursts, and forperhaps the next five minutes, these stupendous waves of uncontrollableexcitement, now rising into the deepest and fiercest shouts, and thensinking, like the ground swell of the ocean, into hoarse and lesseningmurmurs, rolled through the multitude. Every now and then it would seemas though the physical power of the assembly was exhausted, when all atonce a new hurricane would break out, more prolonged and terrific thananything before. If sheer exhaustion had not prevented, we don't knowbut the applause would have continued to this hour. "

During all this time Lincoln remained at Springfield, where he was intelegraphic communication with his friends at Chicago, though not byprivate wire. At the time of his nomination he had gone from his officeto that of the Sangamon _Journal_. A messenger boy came rushing upto him, carrying a telegram and exclaiming, "You are nominated. " Thefriends who were present joyously shook his hands and uttered theireager congratulations. Lincoln thanked them for their good wishes, andsaid "There is a little woman on Eighth Street who will be glad to hearthis, and I guess I'll go up and carry her the news. " Pocketing thetelegram he walked home. 

At the wigwam, the news spread quickly. A man had been stationed on theroof as picket. He shouted, "Hallelujah! Abe Lincoln is nominated. Firethe cannon!" The frenzy of joy spread to the immense throng of citizensoutside the wigwam, then through the city, then through the state, thenthrough the neighboring states. At Washington that night some oneasked, "Who is this man Lincoln, anyhow?" Douglas replied, "There won'tbe a tar barrel left in Illinois' tonight. " With unprecedentedenthusiasm the republican party started on this campaign which led toits first victory in the election of Abraham Lincoln of Illinois, andHannibal Hamlin of Maine. 

CHAPTER XIX. 

THE ELECTION. 

There are two things which made the campaign of 1860 paradoxical, so tospeak. One was that the nomination was equivalent to an election, unless unforeseen difficulties should arise. The other was that thiselection might be used by the extreme Southern democrats as an excusefor precipitating war. They threatened this. 

After the nomination the committee of the convention duly called onLincoln to give him the formal notification. This committee includedsome names that were at that time, and still more so later, widelyknown. Among them were three from Massachusetts: Ashmun, then Governor, and chairman of the Chicago convention, Bowles, editor of theSpringfield _Republican_, and Boutwell. There were also GideonWelles, Carl Schurz, Francis P. Blair, and W. M. Evarts. The chairmanof this committee notified Lincoln in a brief speech, to which heresponded with equal brevity. Even these few words impressed hishearers with a sense of dignity and manliness which they were only tooglad to perceive. Said Mr. Boutwell: "Why, sir, they told me he was arough diamond. Nothing could have been in better taste than thatspeech. "

One who had opposed Lincoln in the convention said: "We might have donea more daring thing [than nominate him], but we certainly could nothave done a better thing. " Carl Schurz evidently shared this feeling. 

Judge Kelly of Pennsylvania was a very tall man and was proud of thefact. During the brief ceremony he and Lincoln had been measuring eachother with the eye. At the conclusion of the ceremony, the President-elect demanded:

"What's your height?"

"Six feet three. What is yours, Mr. Lincoln?"

"Six feet four. "

"Then, " said the judge, "Pennsylvania bows to Illinois. My dear man, for many years my heart has been aching for a President I could _lookup to_, and I've found him at last in the land where we thoughtthere were none but _little_ giants. "

The general feeling of the committee was that the convention had madeno mistake. This feeling quickly spread throughout the entire party. Some of Seward's friends wanted him to run on an independent ticket. Itis to his credit that he scouted the idea. The democrats, at least theopponents of Lincoln, were divided into three camps, The first was theregular party, headed by Douglas. The second was the bolting party offire-eaters, who nominated Breckinridge. The third was the party thatnominated Bell and Everett. This was wittily called the Kangarooticket, because the tail was the most important part. Lincoln's popularvote at the November election was about forty per cent, of the total. It was plain that if his supporters held together and his opponentswere divided, he could readily get a plurality. There were attempts onthe part of the opponents of Lincoln to run fusion tickets in New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, so as to divert the electoral votes fromhim; but these came to nothing more than that New Jersey diverted threeof her seven electoral votes. 

A curious feature of the campaign was that all four candidates declaredemphatically for the Union. Breckinridge, who was the candidate of theSouthern disunionists, wrote; "The Constitution and the equality of thestates, these are symbols of everlasting union. " Lincoln himself couldhardly have used stronger language. Some people were doubtless deceivedby these protestations, but not Douglas. He declared: "I do not believethat every Breckinridge man is a disunionist, but I do believe thatevery disunionist in America is a Breckinridge man. " During the periodof nearly six months between nomination and election, Lincoln continuedsimple, patient, wise. He was gratified by the nomination. He was notelated, for he was not an ambitious man. On the contrary, he felt theburden of responsibility. He was a far-seeing statesman, and no manmore distinctly realized the coming tragedy. He felt the call of duty, not to triumph but to sacrifice. This was the cause of his seriousnessand gravity of demeanor. 

There was no unnecessary change in his simple manners and unpretentiousmethod of living. Friends and neighbors came, and he was glad to seethem. He answered the door-bell himself and accompanied visitors to thedoor. Some of his friends, desiring to save his strength in theselittle matters, procured a negro valet, Thomas by name. But Abrahamcontinued to do most of the duties that by right belonged to Thomas. 

Some one sent him a silk hat, that he might go to Washington with head-gear equal to the occasion. A farmer's wife knit him a pair of yarnstockings. Hundreds of such attentions, kind in intent, grotesque inappearance, he received with that kindness which is the soul ofcourtesy. There was a woman at whose modest farmhouse he had once dinedon a bowl of bread and milk, because he had arrived after everythingelse had been eaten up. She came into Springfield to renew herapologies and to remind him that he had said that that repast was "goodenough for the President. " While he commanded the respect of Bryant, Schurz, Boutwell, and such, he was at the same time the idol of theplain people, whom he always loved. He once said he thought the Lordparticularly loved plain people, for he had made so many of them. 

Shortly after his nomination he was present at a party in Chicago. Alittle girl approached timidly. He asked, encouragingly, if he could doanything for her. She replied that she wanted his name. He looked aboutand said, "But here are other little girls--they will feel badly if Igive my name only to you. " She said there were eight of them in all. "Then, " said he, "get me eight sheets of paper, and a pen and ink, andI will see what I can do for you. " The materials were brought, and inthe crowded drawing-room he sat down, wrote a sentence and his name oneach sheet of paper. Thus he made eight little girls happy. 

The campaign was one of great excitement. His letter of acceptance wasof the briefest description and simply announced his adherence to theplatform. For the rest, his previous utterances in the debates withDouglas, the Cooper Institute speech, and other addresses, were inprint, and he was content to stand by the record. He showed his wisdomin his refusing to be diverted, or to allow his party to be diverted, from the one important question of preventing the further extension ofslavery. The public were not permitted to lose sight of the fact thatthis was the real issue. The Chicago wigwam was copied in many cities:temporary wooden structures were erected for republican meetings. Thesedid good service as rallying centers. 

Then the campaign biographers began to appear. It was said that by Junehe had had no less than fifty-two applications to write his biography. One such book was written by W. D. Howells, not so famous in literaturethen as now. Lincoln furnished a sketch of his life, an "autobiography"so called. This contains only about five hundred words. Its brevity isan indication of its modesty. 

Nor was there any lack of eulogistic music. Among the writers ofcampaign songs were J. G. Whittier and E. C. Stedman. 

The parading contingent of the party was represented by the "Wide-Awakes. " The uniform was as effective as simple. It consisted of acadet cap and a cape, both made of oil-cloth, and a torch. The firstcompany was organized in Hartford. It had escorted Lincoln from thehotel to the hall and back again when he spoke in that city in Februaryafter his Cooper Institute speech. The idea of this uniformed companyof cadets captivated the public fancy. Bands of Wide-Awakes wereorganized in every community in the North. At the frequent politicalrallies they poured in by thousands and tens of thousands, a verypicturesque sight. The original band in Hartford obtained the identicalmaul with which Lincoln had split those rails in 1830. It is now in thecollection of the Connecticut Historical Society, in Hartford. 

Though Lincoln had much to cheer him, he had also his share ofannoyances. One of his discouragements was so serious, and at this dayit appears so amazing, that it is given nearly in full. A carefulcanvas had been made of the voters of Springfield, and the intention ofeach voter had been recorded. Lincoln had the book containing thisrecord. He asked his friend Mr. Bateman, the State Superintendent ofPublic Instruction, to look through the book with him. They notedparticularly those who might be considered leaders of public morals:clergymen, officers, or prominent members of the churches. 

When the memorandum was tabulated, after some minutes of silence, heturned a sad face to Mr. Bateman, and said: "Here are twenty-threeministers, of different denominations, and all of them are against mebut three; and here are a great many prominent members of the churches, a very large majority of whom are against me. Mr. Bateman, I am not aChristian--God knows I would be one--but I have carefully read theBible, and I do not so understand this book. " He drew from his pocket aNew Testament. "These men well know that I am for freedom in theterritories, freedom everywhere as far as the Constitution and lawswill permit, and that my opponents are for slavery. They know this, andyet, with this book in their hands, in the light of which human bondagecannot live a moment, they are going to vote against me. I do notunderstand it at all. "

After a long pause, he added with tears: "I know there is a God, andthat He hates injustice and slavery. I see the storm coming, and I knowthat His hand is in it. If He has a place and work for me--and I thinkHe has--I believe I am ready. I am nothing, but truth is everything. Iknow I am right because I know that liberty is right, for Christteaches it, and Christ is God. I have told them that a house dividedagainst itself cannot stand, and Christ and reason say the same; andthey will find it so. Douglas doesn't care whether slavery is voted upor voted down, but God cares, and humanity cares, and I care; and withGod's help I shall not fail. I may not see the end; but it will comeand I shall be vindicated; and these men will find that they have notread their Bibles aright. "

After another pause: "Doesn't it appear strange that men can ignore themoral aspects of this contest? A revelation could not make it plainerto me that slavery or the government must be destroyed. The futurewould be something awful, as I look at it, but for this rock [theTestament which he was holding] on which I stand, --especially with theknowledge of how these ministers are going to vote. It seems as if Godhad borne with this thing [slavery] until the very teachers of religionhad come to defend it from the Bible, and to claim for it a divinecharacter and sanction; and now the cup of iniquity is full, and thevials of wrath will be poured out. "

Lincoln did not wear his heart upon his sleeve. On the subject ofreligion, he was reticent to a degree. Peter Cartwright had called himan atheist. There was a wide, if not general, impression, that he wasnot a religious man. This did him great injustice. It is for thisreason that his remarks to Mr. Bateman are here quoted at length. Fromhis early boyhood, from before the time when he was at great pains tohave a memorial sermon for his mother, he was profoundly, intenselyreligious. He did no injustice to any other man, he did not do justiceto himself. 

The election occurred on the sixth day of November. The vote was asfollows: Lincoln received 1, 866, 452 popular votes, and one hundred andeighty electoral votes. Douglas received 1, 375, 157 popular votes, andtwelve electoral votes. Breckinridge received 847, 953 popular votes, and seventy-two electoral votes. Bell received 590, 631 popular votes, and thirty-nine electoral votes. 

Lincoln carried all the free states, excepting that in New Jersey theelectoral vote was divided, he receiving four out of seven. In thefifteen slave states he received no electoral vote. In ten states notone person had voted for him. 

Of the 303 electoral votes he had received 180, while the aggregate ofall against him numbered 123, giving him an absolute majority of 57. The electoral vote was duly counted in the joint session of the twohouses of congress February 13, 1861, and it was officially announcedthat Abraham Lincoln, having received a majority of the votes of thepresidential electors, was duly elected President of the United Statesfor four years, beginning March 4, 1861. 

One circumstance is added which may be of interest to the reader. Thiswas published, after his death, by his personal friend, Noah Brooks. Itis given in Lincoln's own words: "It was just after my election, in1860, when the news had been coming in thick and fast all day, andthere had been a great 'Hurrah boys!' so that I was well tired out andwent home to rest, throwing myself upon a lounge in my chamber. Opposite to where I lay was a bureau with a swinging glass upon it; andlooking in that glass, I saw myself reflected nearly at full length;but my face, I noticed, had two separate and distinct images, the tipof the nose of the one being about three inches from the tip of theother. I was a little bothered, perhaps startled, and got up and lookedin the glass, but the illusion vanished. On lying down again, I saw ita second time, plainer, if possible, than before; and then I noticedthat one of the faces was a little paler--say five shades--than theother. I got up, and the thing melted away, and I went off, and, in theexcitement of the hour, forgot all about it, --nearly, but not quite, for the thing would once in a while come up, and give me a little pangas though something uncomfortable had happened. When I went home, Itold my wife about it, and a few days after I tried the experimentagain, when, sure enough, the thing came back again; but I neversucceeded in bringing the ghost back after that, though I once triedvery industriously to show it to my wife, who was worried about itsomewhat. She thought it was 'a sign' that I was to be elected to asecond term of office, and that the paleness of one of the faces was anomen that I should not see life through the last term. "

The incident is of no interest excepting in so far as everything aboutLincoln is of interest. The phenomenon is an optical illusion notuncommon. One image--the "paler, " or more indistinct, one--is reflectedfrom the surface of the glass, while the other is reflected from thesilvered back of the glass. Though Lincoln understood that it was anoptical illusion, yet the thought of it evidently weighed on him. Otherwise he would not have repeated the experiment several times, norwould he have told of it to different persons. 

CHAPTER XX. 

FOUR LONG MONTHS. 

Four months would not ordinarily be considered a long period of time. But when one is compelled to see the working of a vast amount ofmischief, powerless to prevent it, and knowing one's self to be thechief victim of it all, the time is long. Such was the fate of Lincoln. The election was not the end of a life of toil and struggle, it was thebeginning of a new career of sorrow. The period of four months betweenthe election and inauguration could not be devoted to rest or to thepleasant plans for a prosperous term of service. There developed a planfor the disruption of the government. The excuse was Lincoln'selection. But he was for four months only a private citizen. He had nopower. He could only watch the growing mischief and realize that he wasthe ultimate victim. Buchanan, who was then President, had a genius fordoing the most unwise thing. He was a northern man with southernprinciples, and this may have unfitted him to see things in their truerelations. He certainly was putty in the hands of those who wished todestroy the Union, and his vacillation precisely accomplished what theywished. Had he possessed the firmness and spirit of John A. Dix, whoordered, --"If any man attempts to haul down the American flag, shoothim on the spot;" had he had a modicum of the patriotism of AndrewJackson; had he had a tithe of the wisdom and manliness of Lincoln;secession would have been nipped in the bud and vast treasures of moneyand irreparable waste of human blood would have been spared. Whateverthe reason may have been, --incapacity, obliquity of moral and politicalvision, or absolute championship of the cause of disruption, --certainit is that the southern fire-eaters could not have found a tool moreperfectly suited to their purpose than James Buchanan. He was thecenter of one of the most astonishing political cabals of all history. 

Lincoln did not pass indiscriminate condemnation upon all men ofsouthern sympathies. At the time of which we are now writing, andconsistently up to the end of his life, he made a marked distinctionbetween the rank and file of the Confederates on the one hand, andthose leaders who, on the other hand, had, while in the service of theUnited States government, sought to accomplish its destruction. Thefirst were revolutionists; they were so regarded generally in Europe, and he believed they were sincere; he regarded them as having thespirit of revolutionists. For the second, who held office under, drewpay from, and were under solemn oath to support, the government, whilethey were using the vantage of their official position to violate theConstitution and disrupt that government, there is but one word, andthat a strong one, --traitors. This was Lincoln's judgment of the men. 

Let us now briefly describe the situation. Jefferson Davis, though nota member of Buchanan's cabinet, was probably the most influential ofthe Southerners in Washington. He had been Secretary of War underPierce, and it was he who inaugurated the policy of stripping the Northfor the purpose of strengthening the military defenses of the South. This policy was vigorously pursued under his successor. 

The only person to call a halt to the treasonable proceedings wasGeneral Winfield Scott. He was residing in New York City, and onOctober 29th addressed a letter to President Buchanan containing hisviews upon the situation. A day or two later he added supplementaryconsiderations addressed to the Secretary of War. He set forth, withmuch clearness and force, the necessity of garrisoning the southernforts before they should be lost; His letter had its faults, but itaccomplished one thing: it showed that there was one high official whowas in earnest in the discharge of his duties, and with whom it was notsafe to trifle. 

President Buchanan sent in his annual message to Congress December3, 1860. In his discussion of the subject of slavery, he recommendedthat it be extended to the territories, --the very thing that the peoplehad just voted should not be done. Concerning secession, he said forsubstance that the government had the power to suppress revolt, butthat it could not use that power in reference to South Carolina, thestate then under consideration. The secessionists had apparently tiedthe hands of the executive effectually. 

Now observe what was going on in the cabinet. Lewis Cass had beenSecretary of State, but resigned in indignation over the inaction ofthe President when he failed to succor the forts in Charleston Harbor. He was succeeded by Jeremiah S. Black, who, as attorney-general, hadgiven to Buchanan an opinion that the Federal government had no powerto coerce a seceding state. 

Howell Cobb, Secretary of the Treasury, having wasted the funds anddestroyed the credit of the government, resigned and left an emptytreasury. 

John B. Floyd, Secretary of War, was not the least active. He carriedout fully the plan which Jefferson Davis had begun to operate severalyears before. The northern arsenals were stripped of the arms andammunition which were sent South for storage or use. The number ofregular troops was small, but the few soldiers there were, he scatteredin distant places, so that they should be out of reach. They were notto be available for the use of the government until the conspiratorsshould have time to complete their work. It was Floyd whom an emotionalVirginian later eulogized. With quite as much truth as poetry hedeclared that the Secretary of War "thwarted, objected, resisted, andforbade" the efforts of General Scott. This same admirer of Floydfurther declared that, if Scott's plans had been adopted and hismeasures executed, the conspiracy would have been defeated and it wouldhave been impossible to form the Southern Confederacy. 

Not worse, perhaps, but more flagrant, was the action of the Secretaryof the Interior, Thompson of Mississippi. With the advice and consentof Buchanan, he left his post at Washington to visit North Carolina andhelp on the work of secession, and then returned and resumed hisofficial prerogatives under the government he had sworn to sustain. This is so grave a matter that a passage from the diary of Mr. Clingmanis here inserted, quoted by Nicolay and Hay: "About the middle ofDecember (1860) I had occasion to see the Secretary of the Interior onsome official business. On my entering the room, Mr. Thompson said tome, 'Clingman, I am glad you have called, for I intended presently togo up to the senate to see you. I have been appointed a commissioner bythe state of Mississippi to go down to North Carolina to get your stateto secede. ' . .. I said to him, 'I did not know you had resigned. ' Heanswered, 'Oh, no! I have not resigned. ' 'Then, ' I replied, 'I supposeyou resign in the morning. ' 'No, ' he answered, 'I do not intend toresign, for Mr. Buchanan wished us all to hold on, and go out with himon the 4th of March. ' 'But, ' said I, 'does Mr. Buchanan know for whatpurpose you are going to North Carolina?' 'Certainly, ' he said, 'heknows my object. '" In the meanwhile, Isaac Toucey, the Secretary of theNavy, had been prevailed on to put the navy out of reach. The armedvessels were sent to the ends of the earth. At the critical period, only two were available to the government. What was going on incongress? That body was very busy doing nothing. Both senate and houseraised committees for the purpose of devising means of compromise. Butevery measure of concession was promptly voted down by the body thathad appointed the committees. In the senate the slave power was in fullcontrol. In the house the slave power was not in majority, but theyenjoyed this advantage that they were able to work together, while theconstituency of the free states were usually divided among themselves. And in joint session the extreme pro-slavery men were always able toprevent anything from being accomplished. This was all they wished. They had sufficient pledges from the President that nothing would bedone before the 4th of March, and it was their belief that by that timethe new power would have so good a start that it could treat with theUnited States on equal terms. On January 7, 1861, Senator Yulee, ofFlorida, wrote: "By remaining in our places until the 4th of March, itis thought we can keep the hands of Mr. Buchanan tied, and disable therepublicans from effecting any legislation which will strengthen thehands of the incoming administration. "

On December 14, thirty of the southern senators and representatives hadissued a circular to their constituents. They said that the argumentwas exhausted, that all hope of relief was extinguished, that therepublicans would grant nothing satisfactory, and that the honor, safety, and independence of the Southern people required theorganization of a Southern Confederacy. 

South Carolina was the first to act. Six days later that state passedthe ordinance of secession. 

Upon this, one of the extreme traitors was forced out of the cabinet. Floyd, the mischievous Secretary of War, was displaced by Holt, a loyalman. Floyd, however, had done nearly, if not quite, all the mischief hecould have done. Stanton had already replaced Black as Attorney-General. 

The conspirators then held a caucus. It is supposed that this caucuswas held in one of the rooms of the Capitol. At all events it was heldin the city of Washington. It was composed of the extreme southerncongressmen. It decided to recommend immediate secession, the formationof the Southern Confederacy, and, not least, that the congressmenshould remain in their seats to keep the President's hands tied. Thecommittee to carry out these plans consisted of Jefferson Davis, Slidell, and Mallory. By the first day of February, seven states hadpassed ordinances of secession. 

This is about what was going on during the four months Lincoln waswaiting for the appointed time when he should enter upon his duties. Itwas not unlike looking upon a house he was shortly to occupy, andseeing vandals applying the torch and ax of destruction, while he wasnot permitted to go to the rescue, all the while knowing that he wouldbe held accountable for the preservation of the structure. So Lincolnsaw this work of destruction going on at Washington. It was plain thatthe mischief ought to be, and could be, stopped. But Buchanan would notstop it, and Lincoln was, until March 4th, a private citizen and coulddo nothing. The bitterest part of it was that all the burden would fallon him. As soon as he should become President it would be his duty tosave the government which these men were now openly destroying. 

Miss Tarbell has recorded a conversation between Lincoln and his friendJudge Gillespie, which took place in Springfield early in January, inwhich the former expressed his feelings upon the situation. "Gillespie, " said he, "I would willingly take out of my life a periodin years equal to the two months which intervene between now and theinauguration, to take the oath of office now. "

"Why?"

"Because every hour adds to the difficulties I am called upon to meetand the present administration does nothing to check the tendencytowards dissolution. I, who have been called to meet this awfulresponsibility, am compelled to remain here, doing nothing to avert itor lessen its force when it comes to me. .. . Every day adds to thesituation and makes the outlook more gloomy. Secession is beingfostered rather than repressed. .. . I have read, upon my knees, thestory of Gethsemane, where the Son of God prayed in vain that the cupof bitterness might pass from him. I am in the garden of Gethsemanenow, and my cup of bitterness is full to overflowing" (Tarbell, "Lifeof Lincoln, " II. , 406). 

It was indeed hard to keep his patience and self-control. He wasimportuned for expressions of his views, for messages conciliatory tothe South, for some kind of a proclamation which might quiet the publicfeeling. But he saw clearly that anything he might say at that time, nomatter how wise or conciliatory, would surely be misused as fuel to addto the flames. While therefore he talked and wrote freely to hisfriends, he made no public announcement. He merely referred to hisrecord. His opinions had been fully expressed in the debates withDouglas and in other speeches. There were four important points as tohis future policy. The Union should be preserved, the Constitutionshould be upheld, and the fugitive slave law (being a law) should beenforced, but slavery should not be extended. These fully covered allthe necessary points of the subject, and beyond these he would not go. He who would control others must first control himself. It is hard toimagine a more severe test than this imposed on Lincoln during thisperiod of waiting. He made his preparations in silence, and not aninjudicious word escaped him. He left his home for Washington the 11thday of February, but though he made several speeches on the way, he didnot outline his policy until he read his inaugural address on the 4thof March. 

CHAPTER XXI. 

JOURNEY TO WASHINGTON. 

The long period of waiting approached its end. Most of the states andcities lying between Springfield and Washington invited him officiallyto visit them on his way to the capital. It was decided that he shouldaccept as many as possible of these invitations. This would involve azigzag route and require considerable time. The invitation ofMassachusetts he declined on account of the pressure of time. Marylandwas conspicuous by its omission of courtesy. Two private citizens ofBaltimore invited him to dinner. That was all. 

The presidential party consisted of about a dozen, all told. They wereto leave Springfield February 11, and to consume about two weeks on theway. It was a dreary morning, partly drizzling, and partly snowing. Alarge crowd of neighbors had assembled at the dingy railway station tobid him good-by. The process of handshaking was interrupted by thearrival of the train. After the party had entered the car, thePresident reappeared on the rear platform. He raised his hand to speak, but did not utter a word until the solemn silence became painful. Then, with great tenderness and seriousness, he spoke as follows:

"My friends, no one, not in my situation, can appreciate my feeling ofsadness at this parting. To this place, and the kindness of thesepeople, I owe everything. Here I have lived a quarter of a century, andhave passed from a young to an old man. Here my children have beenborn, and one is buried. I now leave, not knowing when or whether everI may return, with a task before me greater than that which rested uponWashington. Without the assistance of that Divine Being who everattended him, I cannot succeed. With that assistance, I cannot fail. Trusting in Him who can go with me, and remain with you, and beeverywhere for good, let us confidently hope that all will yet be well. To His care commending you, as I hope in your prayers you will commendme, I bid you an affectionate farewell. "

The speech was telegraphed, with substantial accuracy all over thecountry, and was read with loving sympathy by millions of loyalcitizens. The words above given are the report as revised by Lincolnhimself, and first published in the _Century_ for December, 1887. 

The party was in charge of Colonel Ward Hill Lamon, afterwards Marshalof the District of Columbia. He was a trained athlete, a Hercules instrength, a man who knew not what fear was, and, with an enthusiasmakin to religious zeal, he was devoted to his chief soul and body. Inthe words of a later Marshal, he "worshiped every bone in his body. "

A few friends had accompanied the presidential party to Indianapolis, where the first stop was made. After the address of welcome by GovernorMorton and the response, after the speech to the legislature, after thereception and the handshaking, they were left in quiet in the BatesHouse. These friends then took Lamon into a room, locked the door, andin the most solemn and impressive manner laid upon him theresponsibilities of guarding Lincoln's person until they should reachWashington. The scene was concluded by Dubois with a mixture ofsolemnity and playfulness, who said: "Now, Lamon, we intrust the sacredlife of Mr. Lincoln to your keeping; and if you don't protect it, neverreturn to Illinois, for we will murder you on sight. "

Neither the exhortation nor the threat were in the least needed byLamon, who was thoroughly alert. But it is of interest in this, that itindicates that there was a wide-spread feeling that this journey wasfraught with unusual dangers. 

Of course Lincoln made many brief speeches. These were closely scannedin the hope of finding some premonition of his inaugural. But not onesuch word escaped him. He complained that though he had in his day donemuch hard work, this was the hardest work he had ever done, --to keepspeaking without saying anything. It was not quite true that he did notsay anything, for the speeches were thoughtful and full of interest. But he did not anticipate his inaugural, and to that the popularcuriosity was alive. He did not say the things that were uppermost inhis mind. 

At Indianapolis he asked pregnant questions: "What, then, is'coercion'? What is 'invasion'?. .. If the United States should merelyhold and retake its own forts and other property [in South Carolinathat had seceded], and collect the duties on foreign importations, oreven withhold the mails from places where they were habituallyviolated, would any, or all, of these things be 'invasion' or'coercion'?. .. Upon what principle, what rightful principle, may astate, being no more than one-fiftieth part of the nation in soil andpopulation, break up the nation, and then coerce a proportionallylarger subdivision of itself in the most arbitrary way? What mysteriousright to play tyrant is conferred on a district of country, with itspeople, by merely calling it a state? Fellow-citizens, I am notasserting anything. I am merely asking questions for you to consider. "

At Trenton, New Jersey, historic in the annals of the revolutionarywar, he spoke with simple candor of the influence upon his life ofWeems' "Life of Washington, " one of the first books he ever read. Theaudience broke into cheers, loud and long, when he appealed to them tostand by him in the discharge of his patriotic duty. "I shallendeavor, " said he, "to take the ground I deem most just to the North, the East, the West, the South, and the whole country. I take it, Ihope, in good temper; certainly with no malice towards any section. Ishall do all that may be in my power to promote a peaceful settlementof all our difficulties. The man does not live who is more devoted topeace than I am, none who would do more to preserve it; but it may benecessary to put the foot down firmly. And if I do my duty and doright, you will sustain me, will you not?"

At Philadelphia he spoke in Independence Hall on Washington's Birthday, and raised a flag. "Our friends, " he said of it, "had provided amagnificent flag of our country. They had arranged it so that I wasgiven the honor of raising it to the head of its staff. And when itwent up, I was pleased that it went to its place by the strength of myown feeble arm. When, according to the arrangement, the cord waspulled, and it flaunted gloriously to the wind without an accident, inthe bright glowing sunshine of the morning, I could not help hopingthat there was in the entire success of that beautiful ceremony atleast something of an omen of what is to come. "

On this very day, President Buchanan, in Washington City, wasapologizing for permitting the American flag to be carried at the headof a procession that was marching to celebrate the birthday of GeorgeWashington!

It was at Philadelphia that matters became more exciting. At that placethey were informed of a plot to assassinate the President as he passedthrough Baltimore. This information came to them from a variety ofsources entirely independent, and the various stories so nearly agreedin substance that they could not be disregarded. Most important ofthese informants was Allan Pinkerton of Chicago, one of the most famousdetectives in the world. He had been personally with his assistants inBaltimore and knew the details of the plot. But Lincoln was neithersuspicious nor timid, and was therefore disinclined to pay heed to thewarnings of Pinkerton. 

At about this time the son of William H. Seward met Lincoln withconfidential communications from his father. This gave other evidencesof this plot, gathered by some detectives from New York City. These twosets of detectives had worked on the case; each party entirely ignorantof the other. Both got specific evidence of the plot. 

It was remembered, too, that since leaving Springfield ten days before, they had had at least two escapes. The track had been tampered with ina manifest attempt to wreck the train. A hand grenade had been found inone of the cars. It is not likely that this deadly machine was taken onthe train merely for fun. 

The members of the party were deeply concerned about the Baltimorerevelations. But it was hard to get Lincoln to take them seriously. With difficulty was he persuaded to follow Pinkerton's plan and enterWashington secretly. He consented to do this really out ofconsideration for the judgment of others, not that he shared theirapprehension. On one thing, however, Lincoln was firm. He had madecertain appointments for speaking _en route_ which he would notabandon. His promise had been given and would be kept. One was theflag-raising at Philadelphia, narrated above, and the other was toaddress the legislature at Harrisburg. "Both these appointments, " saidhe, "I will keep _if it costs me my life_. " These words suggestthat he may have realized more of the danger than he was willing toshow. 

There are also intimations of the same thing which will be noticed bythe careful reader of the speeches at Philadelphia and Harrisburg. Indeclining to give a hint of the details of his proposed policy, hesaid: "It were useless for me to speak of details of plans now; I shallspeak officially next Monday week, _if ever_. If I should notspeak then, it were useless for me to do so now. "

Again: "If this country cannot be saved without giving up thatprinciple, --I was about to say that I would rather be _assassinatedon this spot_ than surrender it. "

And finally: "I may have said something indiscreet. But I have saidnothing but what I am willing to live by, and, if it be the pleasure ofAlmighty God, _die by_. "

These veiled references would pass unnoticed by the crowd, but theywould be perfectly intelligible to those who knew of the warnings thathad just been received. Lincoln was not in the habit of using suchphrases, and the fact that he used them at this particular time canhardly be explained as a mere coincidence. He took in the situation, and--except for keeping the engagements already made--he submittedmeekly to Pinkerton's plans. 

An incident occurred at Harrisburg which made a great stir in thelittle party. This was nothing less than the loss of the manuscript ofthe inaugural address. This precious document the President himself hadcarried in a satchel. This satchel he had given to his son Robert tohold. When Robert was asked for it, it was missing. He "_thought_he had given it to a waiter--or somebody. " This was one of the rareoccasions on which Lincoln lost control of his temper, and for aboutone minute he addressed the careless young man with great plainness ofspeech. 

For obvious reasons it was not judicious to say much about this loss. The President applied to Lamon for help. "Lamon, " he whispered, "I havelost my certificate of moral character written by myself. Bob has lostmy gripsack containing my inaugural address. I want you to help me findit. "

Lamon, who knew Lincoln intimately, said that he never saw him so muchannoyed, nor, for the time, so angry. If the address were to bepublished prematurely, it might be made the occasion of a vast amountof mischief. Then, too, it was the product of much painstaking thoughtand he had no duplicate copy. 

Lincoln and Lamon instituted a search for the missing satchel and weredirected to the baggage-room of the hotel. Here they spied a satchelthat looked like the lost one. Lincoln tried the key. It fitted. Withgreat joy he opened it, and he found within--one bottle of whisky, onesoiled shirt, and several paper collars. So quickly from the sublime tothe ridiculous. 

A little later the right satchel was found, and was not again entrustedto Robert. The President kept it in his own hands. After the nervousstrain was over, the humor of the situation grew on the President, andit reminded him of a little story. 

A man had saved up his earnings until they reached the sum of fifteenhundred dollars. This was deposited for safekeeping in a bank. The bankfailed and the man received as his share, ten per cent, or one hundredand fifty dollars. This he deposited in another bank. The second bankalso failed and the poor fellow again received ten per cent, or fifteendollars. When this remnant of his fortune was paid over to him, he heldit in his hand, looking at it thoughtfully. Finally he said: "Now, I'vegot you reduced to a portable shape, so I'll put you in my pocket. "Suiting the action to the word, Lincoln took his "certificate of moralcharacter" from the satchel and carefully put it in the inside pocketof his vest. No further mishap came to that document. 

The journey from Harrisburg to Washington was accomplished as planned, with the assistance of certain officials of the railway and telegraphcompanies. First all the wires leading out of Harrisburg were cut, sothat, if Lincoln's departure were discovered, the news could not becommunicated by telegraph. Then, after the reception, Lincoln, attendedby Lamon, left the hotel by a side door and was driven to the railwaystation. Here they found waiting a special train consisting of onebaggage car and one passenger car. The track was for the time keptentirely clear for this train. Arriving at Philadelphia they stoppedoutside the station, where Pinkerton met them with a closed carriage inreadiness. They were driven rapidly across the city to the Washingtontrain which had been detained a few minutes for "a sick passenger andone attendant. " They entered the rear door of the sleeping car. The"sick passenger" went to his berth at once and the attendant gave thetickets to the conductor who did not even see the "sick passenger, " andwho did not dream of what a precious life he was carrying. They arrivedat six o'clock in the morning at Washington City, where they were metby Seward and Washburn and taken to Willard's Hotel. 

The rest of the party came on schedule time. At Baltimore there was alarge crowd in waiting, but no disturbance. The news of the President'sarrival had been telegraphed over the country, and the band ofassassins were for the time helpless. Their intended victim hadescaped. There was no reason why they should create a disturbance. 

Lincoln always regretted this "secret passage. " He later came todiscount heavily the revelations of a professional spy. Long after, hesaid: "I did not then, nor do I now, believe I should have beenassassinated had I gone through Baltimore as first contemplated, but Ithought it wise to run no risk where no risk was necessary. "

It is positively asserted by Lamon, who knew whereof he spake, thatthere was no time, from the moment of leaving Springfield to his death, when Lincoln was free from danger of murder. Yet he never could beprevailed on to accept precautions. What were the reasons for hisapparent carelessness?

It is almost certain that he realized, more than he would have hisfriends know, that he was surrounded by dangers. He probably realizedthis more keenly than they did. They could locate specific dangers, butno man ever better understood the murderous spirit which underlay muchof the hatred towards this man who had never harmed a human being. Hefelt that an escape from one danger might be simply running intoanother more deadly. It was like dodging bullets on the field ofbattle. He, better than they, realized that the unseen dangers weregreater than those which they thought they had discovered. The onlyway, then, was to go straight ahead as if unmindful of all dangers. 

Then, too, though Lincoln could understand dangers in the abstract, hismind did not seem to be able to individualize them. He knew full wellthat many persons wanted to kill him, but when it came to the point ofthe murder being done by X, or Y, or Z, he did not believe it possiblethat they would do such a thing. 

These explanations are suggested. There may be others. But these twoconflicting and paradoxical facts must be kept in mind. All through hispublic life he was oppressed with the belief that he would not live tosee the end of the national crisis. On the other hand, not all theimportunities of his most devoted friends could persuade him to guardhimself. In the light of what we now know, it is wonderful that heescaped these plots for more than four years. Had he been morecautious, he might not have escaped so long. At the same time, as weshall presently see, had he heeded the last caution of his devotedfriend, he would not have been shot in 1865. 

CHAPTER XXII. 

THE INAUGURATION. 

Beautiful for situation and beautiful in construction is the WashingtonCity of to-day. But it was not so in Lincoln's day. The properdecoration of the city did not begin until Grant's administration. In1861 it was comparatively a small city. Its population numbered onlyabout 65, 000. The magnificent modern residences had not been built. Thehouses were few, low, not handsome, with hideous spaces of unimprovedland lying between. The streets were not paved with asphalt. Some werepaved with cobble stones, and some consisted of plain aboriginal mud. The dome of the Capitol was but half finished when Lincoln saw it forthe first time, and the huge derrick which surmounted it was painfullysuggestive of the gallows. The approach was not a well-kept lawn, but ameadow of grass, ragged and ill-cared for. 

Washington society was then, as always, composed of people of educationand social culture, but it was not such as would kindle the enthusiasmof the patriot. From the time whereof the memory of man runneth not tothe contrary, it had been dominated by the slave power. The District ofColumbia is situated in a slave state. The politics of South Carolinaand Mississippi had always been aggressive, and the social leadershiphad been the same. J. G. Holland estimated that not more than one infive of the people in Washington in the winter of 1860-61 were glad tohave Lincoln come. He was not far from right. Lamon called the city "afocus of political intrigue and corruption. "

For many years, specifically since 1848, the slave power had beenmasterful in Washington, while its despotic temper had growncontinually more assertive. The intellectual and moral atmospherebecame increasingly repulsive to those who believed in freedom, andsuch people would not therefore choose that city as a place ofresidence. 

The departments were of course filled with employees in sympathy withslavery. Pierce had been made President in 1853. The MissouriCompromise had been repealed in 1854. Buchanan came into office in1857. The crowning act of his administration was supporting the Kansasinfamy in 1859. From these indications it is easy to estimate thepolitical status of Washington society when Lincoln entered the cityFebruary 23, 1861. Many thousands of his friends poured in from allquarters north of Mason and Dixon's line to attend the ceremonies ofthe inaugural. But these were transients, and foreign to the prevailingsentiment of the city. 

Every official courtesy, however, was shown to the President-elect. Theoutgoing President and cabinet received him politely. He had manysupporters and some personal friends in both houses of congress. Thesereceived him with enthusiasm, while his opponents were not uncivil. Themembers of the Supreme Court greeted him with a measure of cordiality. Both Douglas and Breckinridge, the defeated candidates at the lateelection, called on him. The so-called Peace Conference had broughttogether many men of local influence, who seized the opportunity ofmaking his acquaintance. So the few days passed busily as the time forinauguration approached. 

Of course anxiety and even excitement were not unknown. One instance isenough to relate here. Arrangements were about concluded for thecabinet appointments. The most important selection was for theSecretary of State. This position had been tendered to Seward monthsbefore and had by him been accepted. The subsequent selections had beenmade in view of the fact that Seward was to fill this position. OnSaturday, March 2d, while only a few hours remained before theinaugural, Seward suddenly withdrew his promised acceptance. Thisutterly upset the balancings on which Lincoln had so carefully workedfor the last four months, and was fitted to cause consternation. Lincoln's comment was: "I can't afford to have Seward take the firsttrick. " So he sent him an urgent personal note on the morning of March4th, requesting him to withdraw this refusal. Seward acceded to thisand the matter was arranged satisfactorily. 

The morning of the day of the inauguration was clear, mild, beautiful. The military display gave a bright and showy appearance to the scene. General Scott had used the utmost care to have the arrangements for thedefense of the President perfect. There were guards about the carriage, guards about the Capitol, a flying battery upon a commanding hill. Besides this, sharpshooters were posted on the roofs of the housesalong the route of travel, with injunctions to watch narrowly thewindows opposite and fire upon the first manifestation of disorder. Onecannot resist the temptation to speculate upon the excitement thatwould have developed had a mischievous boy set off a large fire-crackerat a critical moment!

Shortly after twelve o'clock, noon, Buchanan called to escort hissuccessor to the Capitol. The retiring President and the President-elect rode side by side through the streets. Reaching the grounds ofthe Capitol they found an improvised board tunnel through which theywalked arm in arm to the building. This tunnel had been constructed toguard against assassination, of which there had recently been manythreats. They passed through the senate chamber and through thebuilding to the large platform which had been erected at the eastfront. The procession was headed by the justices of the Supreme Courtclothed in cap and gown. 

The platform was densely packed, but in the number there were four menof especial interest. When Lincoln had first been nominated for thesenate, at Springfield, June 16, 1858, he made the speech which came tobe known as "the house-divided-against-itself speech. " One remarkableparagraph is here quoted:

"We cannot absolutely know that all these exact adaptations are theresult of preconcert. But when we see a lot of framed timbers, different portions of which we know have been gotten out at differenttimes and places and by different workmen--Stephen, Franklin, Roger, and James, for instance--and when we see these timbers joined together, and see they exactly make the frame of a house or a mill, all thetenons and mortices exactly fitting, and all the lengths andproportions of the different pieces exactly adapted to their respectiveplaces, and not a piece too many or too few--not omitting evenscaffolding--or, if a single piece be lacking, we see the place in theframe exactly fitted and prepared yet to bring the piece in--in such acase, we find it impossible not to believe that Stephen and Franklinand Roger and James all understood one another from the beginning, andall worked upon a common plan or draft drawn up before the first blowwas struck. "

The manifest reference here is to the co-workers for the extension ofslavery: namely, Stephen A. Douglas, Franklin Pierce, Roger B. Taney, and James Buchanan. One of this number, Franklin, had fallen intowelcome oblivion; James had escorted Lincoln to the platform; Stephenstood immediately behind him, alert to show him any courtesy; andRoger, as Chief Justice, was about to administer the oath of office. Itwas a rare case of poetic justice. 

Lincoln was introduced to the vast audience by his former neighbor, E. D. Baker, at this time senator from Oregon. In one hand Lincoln had hissilk hat, and as he looked about for a place to put it, his oldantagonist, Douglas, took it. To a lady he whispered: "If I can't bePresident, I can at least hold the President's hat. "

The inaugural address had been submitted confidentially to a fewtrusted friends for criticism. The only criticisms of importance werethose of Seward. By these Lincoln was guided but not governed. Aperusal of the documents will show that, while Seward's suggestionswere unquestionably good, Lincoln's finished product was far better. This is specifically true of the closing paragraph, which has beenwidely admired for its great beauty. From the remarkable address wequote only two passages. In the first he meets the charge that he wouldinvolve the country in war. It is as follows:

"I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins uponme, that the laws of the Union shall be faithfully executed in all thestates. Doing this, which I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, Ishall perfectly perform it, so far as is practicable, unless myrightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisition, or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary. I trust this willnot be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of theUnion that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself. 

"In doing this, there need be no bloodshed or violence, and there shallbe none unless it is forced upon the national authority. _The powerconfided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the propertyand places belonging to the government, and collect the duties andimposts. _ But beyond what may be necessary for these objects therewill be no invasion, no using of force against or among the peopleanywhere. "

Concerning the clause above italicised there was a generalquestioning, --Does he mean what he says? In due time they learned thathe meant what he said, and all of it. 

The address concluded as follows:

"In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, isthe momentous issue of civil war. The government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. Youhave no oath registered in Heaven to destroy the government, while Ishall have the most solemn one to 'preserve, protect, and defend' it. 

"I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not beenemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break, our bondsof affection. The mystic cords of memory, stretching from every battle-field and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all overthis broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when againtouched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature. "

The address was listened to closely throughout. Immediately upon itsconclusion the speaker was sworn into office by Chief Justice Taneywhose name is connected with the famous Dred Scott decision. JamesBuchanan was now a private citizen and the pioneer rail-splitter was atthe head of the United States. 

In all the thousands of people there assembled, there was no one wholistened more intently than Stephen A. Douglas. At the conclusion hewarmly grasped the President hand's, congratulated him upon theinaugural, and pledged him that he would stand by him and support himin upholding the Constitution and enforcing the laws. The nobler partof the nature of the "little giant" came to the surface. The clearness, the gentleness, the magnanimity, the manliness expressed in thisinaugural address of his old rival, won him over at last, and hepledged him here his fealty. For a few months, while the storm wasbrewing, Douglas was inactive, so that his influence counted on theside of the hostile party, the party to which he had always belonged. But when war actually broke out, he hastened to stand by the President, and right nobly did he redeem his promise which he had given. Had helived, there are few men whose influence would have been more weightyin the cause of the Union. An untimely death cut him off at thebeginning of this patriotic activity. His last public act was toaddress to the legislature of Illinois a masterly plea for the supportof the war for the Union. He died in Chicago on the 3d of June, 1861. 

CHAPTER XXIII. 

LINCOLN HIS OWN PRESIDENT. 

Had the question been asked early in 1861, Who will be the real forceof the republican administration? almost every unprejudiced observerwould have answered promptly, Seward. He was a man of unusualintellectual powers, of the best education, and of the finest culture. In regard to the moral aspects of politics, he was on the right side. He had a career of brilliant success extending over thirty years ofpractical experience. He had been governor of the Empire State, and oneof the leading members of the United States senate. He was the mostaccomplished diplomatist of the day. 

In marked contrast was the President-elect. He had, in his encounterswith Douglas, shown himself a master of debate. But his actualexperience of administration was practically _nil_. He had serveda few years in a frontier legislature and one term in the lower houseof congress. Only this and nothing more. His record as representativemay be summarized as follows:

 1 comic speech on General Cass. 

 1 set of humorous resolutions, known as the spot resolutions. 

 1 bill in reference to slavery in the District of Columbia, which bill failed to pass. 

There was thus no comparison between the careers of the two men. Seward's friends, and Seward himself, assumed as a self-evident truth, that "where Seward sits is the head of the table. " Lincoln did notassent to this proposition. 

He considered himself President and head of the cabinet. How the mattercame out will appear later in the chapter. 

The selection of a cabinet was a difficult and delicate task. It mustbe remembered that Lincoln confronted a solid South, backed by adivided North. It has already been said that in fifteen states hereceived not a single electoral vote, and in ten of these not a singlepopular vote. That was the solid South. 

The divided condition of the North may be inferred from the followingletter, written by ex-President Franklin Pierce to Jefferson Davisunder date of January 6, 1860:

"If, through the madness of Northern abolitionists, that dire calamity[the disruption of the Union] must come, the fighting will not be alongMason and Dixon's line merely. It will be _within our own borders, inour own streets_, between the two classes of citizens to whom I havereferred. Those who defy law, and scout constitutional obligation, will, if we ever reach the arbitrament of arms, find occupation enoughat home. "

It is plain that unless Lincoln could, in a large measure, unite thevarious classes of the North, his utter failure would be a foregoneconclusion. He saw this with perfect clearness. His first move was inthe selection of his cabinet. These selections were taken not only fromthe various geographical divisions of the country, but also from thedivers political divisions of the party. It was not his purpose to havethe secretaries simply echoes of himself, but able and representativemen of various types of political opinion. At the outset this did notmeet the approval of his friends. Later, its wisdom was apparent. Inthe more than a hundred years of cabinets in the history of the UnitedStates there has never been an abler or a purer cabinet than this. 

As guesses, more or less accurate, were made as to what the cabinetwould be, many "leading citizens" felt called on to labor with thePresident and show him the error of his ways. As late as March 2d therewas an outbreak against Chase. A self-appointed committee, large innumbers and respectable in position, called on Lincoln to protestvigorously. He heard them with undivided attention. When they werethrough he replied. In voice of sorrow and disappointment, he said, insubstance: "I had written out my choice and selection of members forthe cabinet after most careful and deliberate consideration; and nowyou are here to tell me I must break the slate and begin the thing allover again. I don't like your list as well as mine. I had hoped to haveMr. Seward as Secretary of State and Mr. Chase as Secretary of theTreasury. But of course I can't expect to have things just as I wantthem. .. . This being the case, gentlemen, how would it do for us toagree to a change like this? To appoint Mr. Chase Secretary of theTreasury, and offer the State department to Mr. Dayton of New Jersey?

"Mr. Dayton is an old whig, like Mr. Seward and myself. Besides, he isfrom New Jersey, which is next door to New York. Then Mr. Seward can goto England, where his genius will find wonderful scope in keepingEurope straight about our troubles. "

The "committee" were astounded. They saw their mistake in meddling inmatters they did not understand. They were glad enough to back out ofthe awkward situation. Mr. Lincoln "took _that_ trick. "

The names sent on March 5th were: for Secretary of State, William H. Seward, of New York; for Secretary of the Treasury, Salmon P. Chase, ofOhio; for Secretary of War, Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania; forSecretary of the Navy, Gideon Welles, of Connecticut; for Secretary ofthe Interior, Caleb B. Smith of Indiana; for Attorney-General, EdwardBates, of Missouri; for Postmaster-General, Montgomery Blair, ofMaryland. 

All these names were confirmed by the senate the next day, March 6th. Of the variety of the selection he said, "I need them all. They enjoythe confidence of their several states and sections, and they willstrengthen the administration. The times are too grave and perilous forambitious schemes and rivalries. " To all who were associated with himin the government, he said, "Let us forget ourselves and join hands, like brothers, to save the republic. If we succeed, there will be gloryenough for all. " He playfully spoke of this cabinet as his happyfamily. 

The only one who withdrew early from this number, was Cameron. He wasaccused of various forms of corruption, especially of giving fatgovernment contracts to his friends. Whether these charges were true ornot, we cannot say. But in the following January he resigned and wassucceeded by Edwin M. Stanton, a lifelong democrat, one who hadaccepted office under Buchanan. Probably no person was more amazed atthis choice than Stanton himself. But he patriotically accepted thecall of duty. With unspeakable loyalty and devotion he served his chiefand his country to the end. 

As has already been indicated, Seward cheerfully assumed that he wasthe government, while Lincoln's duties were to consist largely insigning such papers as he instructed him to sign. As difficulties grewfast and thick, he wrote home, "These cares fall chiefly on me. " Mr. Welles wrote that confidence and mutual frankness existed among all themembers of the cabinet, "with the exception of Mr. Seward, who had, oraffected, a mysterious knowledge which he was not prepared to impart. "He went so far as to meddle with the affairs of his associates. He didnot entirely approve of the cabinet meetings and served notice that hewould attend only upon special summons of the President. 

This condition reached its climax on the first day of April, anappropriate date. Seward addressed on that day a document entitled, "Some Thoughts for the President's Consideration, April 1, 1861. "

Henry Watterson said that Seward could not have spoken more explicitlyand hardly more offensively if he had simply said: "Mr. Lincoln, youare a failure as President, but turn over the direction of affairsexclusively to me, and all shall be well and all be forgiven. " Thisstatement gives a fair and truthful idea of Seward's letter. It is notlikely that its amazing assurance has ever been equaled in any nationby "thoughts" addressed by an inferior officer to his chief. The paperitself is here omitted from lack of space, but its tenor can be guessedfrom the character of the reply, which is given in full:

 EXECUTIVE MANSION, April 1, 1881. 

"HON. W. H. SEWARD, "MY DEAR SIR: Since parting with you I have been considering your paperdated this day, and entitled 'Some Thoughts for the President'sConsideration. ' The first proposition in it is, 'First, We are at theend of a month's administration, and yet without a policy eitherdomestic or foreign. '"

"At the beginning of that month, in the inaugural, I said, 'The powerconfided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the propertyand places belonging to the Government, and to collect the duties andimposts. ' This had your distinct approval at the time; and, taken inconnection with the order I immediately gave General Scott, directinghim to employ every means in his power to strengthen and hold theforts, comprises the exact domestic policy you now urge, with thesingle exception that it does not propose to abandon Fort Sumter. "

"Again, I do not perceive how the reinforcement of Fort Sumter would bedone on a slavery or party issue, while that of Fort Pickens would beon a more national and patriotic one. "

"The news received yesterday in regard to St. Domingo certainly bringsa new item within the range of our foreign policy; but up to that timewe have been preparing circulars and instructions to ministers and thelike, all in perfect harmony, without even a suggestion that we had noforeign policy. "

"Upon your closing propositions that 'whatever policy we adopt, theremust be an energetic prosecution of it, "

"'For this purpose it must be somebody's business to pursue and directit incessantly, "

"'Either the President must do it himself, and be all the while activein it, or"

"'Devolve it on some member of his cabinet. Once adopted, debates on itmust end, and all agree and abide. '"

"I remark that if this must be done, I must do it. When a general lineof policy is adopted, I apprehend there is no danger of its beingchanged without good reason or continuing to be a subject ofunnecessary debate; still, upon points arising in its progress I wish, and suppose, I am entitled to have the advice of all the cabinet. "

 "Your ob't serv't, A. LINCOLN. "

The courtesy, the convincing logic, the spirit of forbearance shown inthis letter, were characteristic of the man at the helm. It need hardlybe said that Seward never again tried the experiment of patronizing hischief. He saw a great light. He suddenly realized that these cares didnot fall chiefly on him. 

So far as is known, neither gentleman ever made any reference to thiscorrespondence. The result was worth while. It bound Seward to hisPresident with hoops of steel. For four long, weary, trying years heserved his chief with a loyal devotion which did credit to both men. Thus the hallucination that he was premier was forever dispelled. The"Public Man" wrote: "There can be no doubt of it any longer. This manfrom Illinois is not in the hands of Mr. Seward. "

There was surely no doubt of it. Lincoln was President. In thecouncils, the place where Lincoln sat was the head of the table. Sewardwas his secretary. And a good secretary he was, as well as a true man. 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

FORT SUMTER. 

The events connected with the fall of Fort Sumter were so dramatic thatthat name is in memory linked with, and stands for, the opening of thewar. The fort was not a large military structure. The number of mendefending it was not great. But the events connected with it weregreat. It stood as the representative of great principles and facts. The firing on it marked an epoch in the same sense as Caesar's crossingthe Rubicon. It is vitally connected with events that precede andfollow. 

Wendell Phillips says that when Charles Sumner entered the senate, freespeech could hardly be said to exist there. To him, as much as to anyman, was due the breaking of the chain that fettered free speech. Onall important subjects he spoke his mind eloquently and in words thatwere not ambiguous. In August, 1852, he made a speech--the moreaccurate phrase would be, he delivered an oration--under the title, "Freedom National, Slavery Sectional. " It may easily be guessed thatthis highly incensed the slave power and the fire-eaters never outgrewtheir hatred of the Massachusetts senator. 

In May, 1856, he delivered an excoriating address upon "the Crimeagainst Kansas. " This greatly angered the southern congressmen. Afterthe senate had adjourned, Sumner was seated at his desk writing. Preston S. Brooks, of South Carolina, approached from the rear and witha heavy cane began to beat Sumner on the head. He was not onlydefenseless, but, though a powerful man in body, was to a certainextent held down by his desk, and it was only as he wrenched the deskfrom the floor that he was able to rise. The beating had been terribleand Sumner suffered from it, often with the most excruciating pains, until the day of his death. This ruffian attack was by a large portionof the North looked on as an exhibition of southern chivalry, socalled, and not entirely without reason as the sequel showed. Congresscensured Brooks _by a divided vote_. He resigned but was reelectedby his constituents with great enthusiasm. Thus his act was by themadopted as representative of their spirit and temper. This was his"vindication. "

South Carolina was the first state to secede, and since Fort Sumtercommanded Charleston Harbor, it instantly became the focus of nationalinterest. The Secretary of War, Floyd, had so dispersed the little armyof the United States that it was impossible to command the few hundredmen necessary adequately to garrison the United States forts. Asmatters in and about Charleston grew threatening, Major Anderson, whowas in command of the twin forts, Moultrie and Sumter, decided toabandon the former and do his utmost to defend the latter. The removalwas successfully accomplished in the night, and when the fact wasdiscovered it was greeted by the South Carolinians with a howl ofbaffled wrath. Buchanan had endeavored to send provisions. The steamer, _Star of the West_, had gone there for that purpose, but had beenfired on by the South Carolinians and forced to abandon the attempt. 

When Lincoln took the government at Washington, it may well be believedthat he found matters in a condition decidedly chaotic. His task wasmany sided, a greater task than that of Washington as he had justlysaid. First, of the fifteen slave states seven had seceded. It was hispurpose to hold the remaining eight, or as many of them as possible. Ofthis number, Delaware and Maryland could have been held by force. Kentucky and Missouri, though slave states, remained in the Union. TheUnion party in Tennessee, under the lead of Andrew Johnson, made astrong fight against secession, but failed to prevent the ordinance. 

The next task of Lincoln was to unite the North as far as possible. Thedifficulty of doing this has already been set forth. On the other handthere was in the North a sentiment that had been overlooked. It wasdevotion to the flag. Benjamin F. Butler, though an ardent democrat, had cautioned his southern brethren that while they might count on alarge pro-slavery vote in the North, war was a different matter. Themoment you fire on the flag, he said, you unite the North; and if warcomes, slavery goes. 

Not the least task of the President was in dealing with foreignnations. The sympathies of these, especially England and France, wereardently with the South. They would eagerly grasp at the slightestexcuse for acknowledging the Southern Confederacy as an independentnation. It was a delicate and difficult matter so to guide affairs thatthe desired excuse for this could not be found. 

The tactics of the southerners were exceedingly exasperating. They kept"envoys" in Washington to treat with the government. Of course thesewere not officially received. Lincoln sent them a copy of his inauguraladdress as containing a sufficient answer to their questions. But theystayed on, trying to spy out the secrets of the government, trying toget some sort of a pledge of conciliation from the administration, or, what would equally serve the purpose, to exasperate the administrationinto some unguarded word or act. Their attempts were a flat failure. 

Lincoln held steadily to the two promises of his inaugural. First, thathe would hold the United States forts, and second, that he would not bethe aggressor. "In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, andnot in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The government willnot assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves theaggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy thegovernment; while I have the most solemn one to 'preserve, protect, anddefend' it. "

To this plan he adhered. It there was to be war it must be begun by theenemies of the country, and the government would patiently bearoutrages rather than do a thing which could be tortured into anappearance of 'invading the South' or being an aggressor of any sort. 

Meanwhile, Major Anderson was beleaguered in Fort Sumter. He had ahandful of men, 76 combatants and 128 all told. He had insufficientammunition and was nearly out of provisions. Lincoln at last concludedto "send bread to Sumter, "--surely not a hostile act. Owing tocomplications which he inherited from Buchanan's administration he hadgiven to Governor Pickens, of South Carolina, a promise that he wouldnot attempt to relieve Sumter without first giving him notice. He nowsent him notice that there would be an attempt to provision Sumterpeaceably if possible, or otherwise by force. 

All this while the southerners were busy perfecting theirfortifications, which were now overwhelmingly better, both in numberand in completeness of appointment, than the one fort held by theUnited States that rightfully controlled the entire harbor. GeneralBeauregard was in command of the military forces. He sent to MajorAnderson a summons to surrender. The latter replied that if he receivedfrom Washington no further direction, and if he was not succored by the15th of the month, April, he would surrender on honorable terms. It ischaracteristic of the southern general that he intercepted MajorAnderson's mail before notifying him of hostilities. It ischaracteristic of Lincoln that he sent notice to Governor Pickens ofthe intended provision of the fort. 

On Friday, April 12th, 1861, at 3:30 P. M. , General Beauregard gavenotice to Major Anderson that he would open fire on Fort Sumter in onehour. Promptly at the minute the first gun was fired and the war hadbegun. Batteries from various points poured shot and shell into Sumteruntil nightfall caused a respite. 

The little garrison sat up half the night after the attack, as they haddone the preceding night, and with their six needles, all they had, made cartridges out of old blankets, old clothing, and whatever elsethey could lay hands on. These one hundred and twenty-eight men madeall the defense that could be made under the circumstances. 

The next day the officer's quarters were set on fire either by anexploding shell or by hot shot. The men fought the flames gallantly, but the wind was unfavorable. Then the water tanks were destroyed. Asthe flames approached the magazine, the powder had to be removed. Asthe flames approached the places where the powder was newly stored, ithad to be thrown into the sea to prevent explosion. In the mean timethe stars and stripes were floating gloriously. The flag pole had beenstruck seven times on Friday. It was struck three times the next day. The tenth shot did the work, the pole broke and the flag fell to theground at one o'clock Saturday afternoon. An officer and some menseized the flag, rigged up a jury-mast on the parapet, and soon it wasflying again. 

But ammunition was gone, the fire was not extinguished, and there wasno hope of relief. Negotiations were opened and terms of surrender werearranged by eight o'clock that evening. The next day, Sunday, April14th, the garrison saluted the flag as it was lowered, and then marchedout, prisoners of war. Sumter had fallen. 

Beauregard was a military man, Lincoln was a statesman. The general gotthe fort, the President got nearly everything else. The war was on andit had been begun by the South. The administration had not invaded orthreatened invasion, but the South had fired on the flag. Dearly theypaid for this crime. 

The effect of the fall of Sumter was amazing. In the South it washailed with ecstatic delight, especially in Charleston. There was apopular demonstration at Montgomery, Ala. , the provisional seat of theConfederate government. L. P. Walker, Confederate Secretary of War, made a speech and, among other things, said that "while no man couldtell where the war would end, he would prophesy that the flag which nowflaunts the breeze here, would float over the dome of the old Capitolat Washington before the end of May, " and that "it might eventuallyfloat over Fanueil Hall itself. " The Confederate government raised aloan of eight millions of dollars and Jefferson Davis issued letters ofmarque to all persons who might desire to aid the South and at the sametime enrich themselves by depredations upon the commerce of the UnitedStates. 

The effect upon the North was different. There was a perfect storm ofindignation against the people who had presumed to fire on the flag. Butler's prediction proved to be nearly correct. This did unite theNorth in defense of the flag. Butler was a conspicuous example of thiseffect. Though a Breckinridge democrat, he promptly offered hisservices for the defense of the country, and throughout the war he hadthe distinction of being hated by the South with a more cordial hatredthan any other Union general. 

It was recollected throughout the North that Lincoln had beenconciliatory to a fault towards the South. Conciliation had failedbecause that was not what the South wanted. They wanted war and by themwas war made. This put an end forever to all talk of concession andcompromise. Douglas was one of the many whose voice called in trumpettones to the defense of the flag. 

At the date of the fall of Sumter, Lincoln had been in office less thansix weeks. In addition to routine work, to attending to extraordinarycalls in great numbers, he had accomplished certain very importantthings: He had the loyal devotion of a cabinet noted for its abilityand diversity. He had the enthusiastic confidence of the doubtful mindsof the North. He had made it impossible for the European monarchies torecognize the South as a nation. So far as our country was concerned, he might ask for anything, and he would get what he asked. These wereno mean achievements. The far-seeing statesman had played for this andhad won. 

Beauregard got the fort, but Lincoln got the game. In his own words, "he took _that_ trick. "

CHAPTER XXV. 

THE OUTBURST OF PATRIOTISM. 

The fall of Sumter caused an outburst of patriotism through the entireNorth such as is not witnessed many times in a century. On Sundaymorning, April 14th, it was known that terms of surrender had beenarranged. On that day and on many succeeding Sundays the voices from athousand pulpits sounded with the certainty of the bugle, the call tothe defense of the flag. Editors echoed the call. Such newspapers aswere suspected of secession tendencies were compelled to hoist theAmerican flag. For the time at least, enthusiasm and patriotism ranvery high. Those who were decidedly in sympathy with the South remainedquiet, and those who were of a doubtful mind were swept along with thetide of popular feeling. The flag had been fired on. That one factunified the North. 

On that same evening Senator Douglas arranged for a private interviewwith President Lincoln. For two hours these men, rivals and antagonistsof many years, were in confidential conversation. What passed betweenthem no man knows, but the result of the conference was quickly madepublic. Douglas came out of the room as determined a "war democrat" ascould be found between the oceans. He himself prepared a telegram whichwas everywhere published, declaring that he would sustain the Presidentin defending the constitution. 

Lincoln had prepared his call for 75, 000 volunteer troops. Douglasthought the number should have been 200, 000. So it should, and sodoubtless it would, had it not been for certain iniquities ofBuchanan's mal-administration. There were no arms, accouterments, clothing. Floyd had well-nigh stripped the northern arsenals. Lincolncould not begin warlike preparations on any great scale because thatwas certain to precipitate the war which he so earnestly strove toavoid. 

Further, the 75, 000 was about five times the number of soldiers then inthe army of the United States. Though the number of volunteers wassmall, their proportion to the regular army was large. 

That night Lincoln's call and Douglas's endorsement were sent over thewires. Next morning the two documents were published in every dailypaper north of Mason and Dixon's line. 

The call for volunteer soldiers was in the South greeted with a howl ofderision. They knew how the arsenals had been stripped. They had alsofor years been quietly buying up arms not only from the North, but alsofrom various European nations. They had for many years been preparingfor just this event, and now that it came they were fully equipped. During the first months of the war the administration could not wiselymake public how very poorly the soldiers were armed, for this wouldonly discourage the defenders of the Union and cheer the enemy. 

This call for troops met with prompt response. The various governors ofthe northern states offered many times their quota. The first in thefield was Massachusetts. This was due to the foresight of ex-GovernorBanks. He had for years kept the state militia up to a high degree ofefficiency. When rallied upon this he explained that it was to defendthe country against a rebellion of the slaveholders which was sure tocome. 

The call for volunteers was published on the morning of April 15th. Byten o'clock the 6th Massachusetts began to rendezvous. In less thanthirty-six hours the regiment was ready and off for Washington. Theywere everywhere cheered with much enthusiasm. In New York they wereguests of the Astor House, whose patriotic proprietor would receive nocompensation from the defenders of the flag. 

The reception in Baltimore was of a very different sort. Some ruffiansof that city had planned to assassinate Lincoln in February, and nowthey in large numbers prepared to attack the soldiers who werehastening to the defense of the national capital. Here was the firstbloodshed of the war. The casualties were four killed and thirty-sixwounded. When the regiment reached Washington City, the march from therailway station was very solemn. Behind the marching soldiers followedthe stretchers bearing the wounded. The dead had been left behind. Governor Andrew's despatch to Mayor Brown, --"Send them hometenderly, "--elicited the sympathy of millions of hearts. 

The mayor of Baltimore and the governor of Maryland sent a deputationto Lincoln to ask that no more troops be brought through that city. ThePresident made no promise, but he said he was anxious to avoid allfriction and he would do the best he could. He added playfully that ifhe granted that, they would be back next day to ask that no troops besent around Baltimore. 

That was exactly what occurred. The committee were back the next dayprotesting against permitting any troops to cross the state ofMaryland. Lincoln replied that, as they couldn't march around thestate, nor tunnel under it, nor fly over it, he guessed they would haveto march across it. 

It was arranged that for the time being the troops should be brought toAnnapolis and transported thence to Washington by water. This was oneof the many remarkable instances of forbearance on the part of thegovernment. There was a great clamor on the part of the North forvengeance upon Baltimore for its crime, and a demand for sternermeasures in future. But the President was determined to show all theconciliation it was possible to show, both in this case and in ahundred others. 

These actions bore good fruit. It secured to him the confidence of thepeople to a degree that could not have been foreseen. On the 22d ofJuly, 1861, Mr. Crittenden, of Kentucky, offered the followingresolution:

"_Resolved by the House of Representatives of the United States_, That the present deplorable civil war has been forced upon the countryby the disunionists of the Southern States, now in arms against theConstitutional Government and in arms around the capital:

"That in this national emergency, congress, banishing all feelings ofmere passion or resentment, will recollect only its duty to the wholecountry;

"That this war is not waged on their part in any spirit of oppression, or for any purpose of conquest or subjugation, or purpose ofoverthrowing or interfering with the rights or established institutionsof those states, but to defend and maintain the _supremacy_ of theConstitution, and to preserve the Union with all the dignity, equality, and rights of the several states unimpaired; and that, as soon as theseobjects are accomplished, the war ought to cease. "

This resolution was passed with only two dissenting votes. Lincoln'spatience, forbearance, conciliation had accomplished this marvel. 

Very early in the war the question of slavery confronted the generals. In the month of May, only about two months after the inauguration, Generals Butler and McClellan confronted the subject, and their methodsof dealing with it were as widely different as well could be. WhenButler was in charge of Fortress Monroe three negroes fled to thatplace for refuge. They said that Colonel Mallory had set them to workupon the rebel fortifications. A flag of truce was sent in from therebel lines demanding the return of the negroes. Butler replied: "Ishall retain the negroes as _contraband of war_. You were usingthem upon your batteries; it is merely a question whether they shall beused for or against us. " From that time the word _contraband_ wasused in common speech to indicate an escaped slave. 

It was on the 26th day of the same month that McClellan issued to theslaveholders a proclamation in which are found these words: "Not onlywill we abstain from all interference with your slaves, but we will, onthe contrary, with an iron hand crush any attempt at insurrection ontheir part. " It is plain that McClellan's "we" did not include hisbrother-general at Fortress Monroe. Further comment on his attitude isreserved to a later chapter. 

The early victims of the war caused deep and profound sympathy. Thecountry was not yet used to carnage. The expectancy of a people notexperienced in war was at high tension, and these deaths, which wouldat any time have produced a profound impression, were emphaticallyimpressive at that time. 

One of the very first martyrs of the war was Elmer E. Ellsworth. He wasyoung, handsome, impetuous. At Chicago he had organized among thefiremen a company of Zouaves with their spectacular dress and drill. These Zouaves had been giving exhibition drills in many northern citiesand aroused no little interest. One result was the formation of similarcompanies at various places. The fascinating Zouave drill became quitepopular. 

In 1861 Ellsworth was employed in the office of Lincoln and Herndon inSpringfield. When the President-elect journeyed to WashingtonEllsworth, to whom Lincoln was deeply attached, made one of the party. At the outbreak of hostilities he was commissioned as colonel to raisea regiment in New York. On the south bank of the Potomac, directlyopposite Washington, was Alexandria. The keeper of the Mansion House, in that place, had run up a secession flag on the mast at the top ofthe hotel. This flag floated day after day in full sight of Lincoln andEllsworth and the others. 

Ellsworth led an advance upon Alexandria on the evening of May 23d. Therebels escaped. The next morning as usual, the secession flag floatedtauntingly from the Mansion House. Ellsworth's blood was up and heresolved to take down that flag and hoist the stars and stripes withhis own hand. Taking with him two soldiers he accomplished his purpose. 

Returning by a spiral stairway, he carried the rebel flag in his hand. The proprietor of the hotel came out from a place of concealment, placed his double-barreled shot-gun nearly against Ellsworth's body andfired. The assassin was instantly shot down by private Brownell, butEllsworth was dead. The rebel flag was dyed in the blood of his heart. Underneath his uniform was found a gold medal with the inscription, _non solum nobus, sed pro patria_, --"not for ourselves only but for ourcountry. "

The body was removed to Washington City, where it lay in state in theEast room until burial. The President, amid all the cares of that busyperiod, found time to sit many hours beside the body of his friend, andat the burial he appeared as chief mourner. 

This murder fired the northern imagination to a degree. The picture ofEllsworth's handsome face was everywhere familiar. It is an easy guessthat hundreds, not to say thousands, of babies were named for himwithin the next few months, and to this day the name Elmer, startingfrom him, has not ceased to be a favorite. 

A little more than two weeks later, on the 10th of June, the first realbattle of the war was fought. This was at Big Bethel, Va. , nearFortress Monroe. The loss was not great as compared with later battles, being only eighteen killed and fifty-three wounded. But among thekilled was Major Theodore Winthrop, a young man barely thirty-threeyears of age. He was the author of several successful books, and gavepromise of a brilliant literary career. He was a true patriot and agallant soldier. His death was the source of sorrow and anger to manythousands of readers of "Cecil Dreeme. "

It was two months later that General Lyon fell at Wilson's Creek, Mo. He had been conspicuous for his services to the country before thistime. The battle was bitterly contested, and Lyon showed himself averitable hero in personal courage and gallantry. After three wounds hewas still fighting on, leading personally a bayonet charge when he wasshot for the fourth time, fell from his horse, and died immediately. Itwas the gallant death of a brave soldier, that touches the heart andfires the imagination. 

These deaths, and such as these, occurring at the beginning of the war, taught the country the painful truth that the cost of war is deeperthan can possibly be reckoned. The dollars of money expended, and thelists of the numbers killed, wounded, and missing, do not fully expressthe profound sorrow, the irreparable loss. 

CHAPTER XXVI. 

THE WAR HERE TO STAY. 

Lincoln was a man of great sagacity. Few statesmen have had keenerinsight, or more true and sane foresight. While cordially recognizingthis, it is not necessary to claim for him infallibility. He had hisdisappointments. 

The morning after the evacuation of Fort Sumter he issued his call for75, 000 volunteers to serve for three months. We have seen that onereason why the number was so small was that this was the largest numberthat could possibly be clothed, armed, and officered at short notice. Subsequent experience showed that the brief enlistment of three monthswas an utterly inadequate period for so serious an insurrection. DidLincoln really think the rebellion could be put down in three months?Why did he not save infinite trouble by calling for five-yearenlistments at the beginning?

For one thing, he had at that time no legal power to call for a longerperiod of enlistment. Then he desired to continue the conciliatorypolicy as long as possible, so as to avoid alienating the undecided inboth the North and the South. Had the first call been for 500, 000 forthree years, it would have looked as if he intended and desired a longand bloody war, and this would have antagonized large numbers ofpersons. But it is probable that neither he nor the community at largesuspected the seriousness of the war. The wars in which the men thenliving had had experience were very slight. In comparison with whatfollowed, they were mere skirmishes. How should they foresee that theywere standing on the brink of one of the longest, the costliest, thebloodiest, and the most eventful wars of all history?

Virginia was dragooned into secession. She declined to participate inthe Charleston Convention. Though a slave state, the public feeling wasby a decided majority in favor of remaining in the Union. But after thefall of Sumter she was manipulated by skilful politicians, appealed toand cajoled on the side of prejudice and sectional feeling, and onApril 17th passed the ordinance of secession. It was a blunder and amore costly blunder she could not have made. For four years her soilwas the theater of a bitterly contested war, and her beautiful valleyswere drenched with human blood. 

Back and forth, over and over again, fought the two armies, literallysweeping the face of the country with the besom of destruction. Theoldest of her soldiers of legal age were fifty-five years of age whenthe war closed. The youngest were twelve years of age when the waropened. Older men and younger boys were in the war, ay, and were killedon the field of battle. As the scourge of war passed over that statefrom south to north, from north to south, for four years, many anancient and proud family was simply exterminated, root and branch. Ofsome of the noblest and best families, there is to-day not a trace andscarcely a memory. 

All this could not have been foreseen by these Virginians, nor by thepeople of the North, nor by the clear-eyed President himself. Even themost cautious and conservative thought the war would be of briefduration. They were soon to receive a rude shock and learn that "waris hell, " and that _this_ war was here to stay. This revelationcame with the first great battle of the war, which was fought July 21, 1861, at Bull Run, a location not more than twenty-five or thirty milesfrom Washington. 

Certain disabilities of our soldiers should be borne in mind. Most ofthem were fresh from farm, factory, or store, and had no militarytraining even in the militia. A large number were just reaching theexpiration of their term of enlistment and were homesick and eager toget out of the service. The generals were not accustomed to handlinglarge bodies of men. To add to the difficulty, the officers and menwere entirely unacquainted with one another. Nevertheless most of themwere ambitious to see a little of real war before they went back to theindustries of peace. They saw far more than they desired. 

It was supposed by the administration and its friends that one crushingblow would destroy the insurrection, and that this blow was to be dealtin this coming battle. The troops went to the front as to a picnic. Thepeople who thronged Washington, politicians, merchants, students, professional men, and ladies as well, had the same eagerness to see abattle that in later days they have to witness a regatta or a game offootball. The civilians, men and women, followed the army in largenumbers. They saw all they looked for and more. 

The battle was carefully planned, and except for delay in gettingstarted, it was fought out very much as planned. It is not the scope ofthis book to enter into the details of this or any battle. But thusmuch may be said in a general way. The Confederates were all the dayreceiving a steady stream of fresh reinforcements. The Federals, on theother hand, had been on their feet since two o'clock in the morning. Bythree o'clock in the afternoon, after eleven hours of activity and fivehours of fighting in the heat of a July day in Virginia, these men weretired, thirsty, hungry, --worn out. Then came the disastrous panic andthe demoralization. A large portion of the army started in a race forWashington, the civilians in the lead. 

The disaster was terrible, but there is nothing to gain by magnifyingit. Some of the oldest and best armies in the world have been brokeninto confusion quite as badly as this army of raw recruits. They didnot so far lose heart that they were not able to make a gallant standat Centerville and successfully check the pursuit of the enemy. It wassaid that Washington was at the mercy of the Confederates, but it ismore likely that they had so felt the valor of the foe that they wereunfit to pursue the retreating army. It was a hard battle on bothsides. No one ever accused the Confederates of cowardice, and theysurely wanted to capture Washington City. That they did not do so isample proof that the battle was not a picnic to them. It had beenboasted that one southern man could whip five northern men. This catchyphrase fell into disuse. 

It was natural and politic for the Confederates to magnify theirvictory. This was done without stint by Jeff Davis who was present as aspectator. He telegraphed the following:

"Night has closed upon a hard-fought field. Our forces were victorious. The enemy was routed and fled precipitately, abandoning a large amountof arms, ammunition, knapsacks, and baggage. The ground was strewed formiles with those killed, and the farmhouses and the ground around werefilled with wounded. Our force was fifteen thousand; that of the enemyestimated at thirty-five thousand. "

That account is sufficiently accurate except as to figures. Jeff Davisnever could be trusted in such circumstances to give figures with anyapproach to accuracy. Lossing estimates that the Federal forces were13, 000, and the Confederates about 27, 000. This is certainly nearer thetruth than the boast of Jeff Davis. But a fact not less important thanthe numbers was that the Confederate reinforcements were fresh, whilethe Federal forces were nearly exhausted from marching half the nightbefore the fighting began. 

Although the victorious forces were effectively checked at Centerville, those who fled in absolute rout and uncontrollable panic were enough togive the occasion a lasting place in history. The citizens who had goneto see the battle had not enjoyed their trip. The soldiers who hadthought that this war was a sort of picnic had learned that the foe wasformidable. The administration that had expected to crush theinsurrection by one decisive blow became vaguely conscious of the factthat the war was here to stay months and years. 

It is a curious trait of human nature that people are not willing toaccept a defeat simply. The mind insists on explaining the particularcauses of that specific defeat. Amusing instances of this are seen inall games: foot-ball, regattas, oratorical contests. Also in elections;the defeated have a dozen reasons to explain why the favorite candidatewas not elected as he should have been. This trait came out somewhatclamorously after the battle of Bull Run. A large number of plausibleexplanations were urged on Mr. Lincoln, who finally brought the subjectto a conclusion by the remark: "I see. We whipped the enemy and thenran away from him!"

The effect of the battle of Bull Run on the South was greatly toencourage them and add to their enthusiasm. The effect on the North wasto deepen their determination to save the flag, to open their eyes tothe fact that the southern power was strong, and with renewed zeal anddetermination they girded themselves for the conflict. But the greatburden fell on Lincoln. He was disappointed that the insurrection wasnot and could not be crushed by one decisive blow. There was need ofmore time, more men, more money, more blood. These thoughts and therelative duties were to him, with his peculiar temperament, a severertrial than they could have been to perhaps any other man living. Hewould not shrink from doing his full duty, though it was so hard. 

It made an old man of him. The night before he decided to send bread toSumter he slept not a wink. That was one of very many nights when hedid not sleep, and there were many mornings when he tasted no food. Butweak, fasting, worn, aging as he was, he was always at his post ofduty. The most casual observer could see the inroads which these mentalcares made upon his giant body. It was about a year later than thisthat an old neighbor and friend, Noah Brooks of Chicago, went toWashington to live, and he has vividly described the change in theappearance of the President. 

In _Harper's Monthly_ for July, 1865, he writes: "Though theintellectual man had greatly grown meantime, few persons wouldrecognize the hearty, blithesome, genial, and wiry Abraham Lincoln ofearlier days in the sixteenth President of the United States, with hisstooping figure, dull eyes, careworn face, and languid frame. The oldclear laugh never came back; the even temper was sometimes disturbed;and his natural charity for all was often turned into unwontedsuspicion of the motives of men, whose selfishness caused him so muchwear of mind. "

Again, the same writer said in _Scribner's Monthly_ for February, 1878:"There was [in 1862] over his face an expression of sadness, and afaraway look in the eyes, which were utterly unlike the Lincoln ofother days. .. . I confess that I was so pained that I could almost haveshed tears. .. . By and by, when I knew him better, his face was oftenfull of mirth and enjoyment; and even when he was pensive or gloomy, his features were lighted up very much as a clouded alabaster vasemight be softly illuminated by a light within. "

He still used his epigram and was still reminded of "a little story, "when he wished to point a moral or adorn a tale. But they weresuperficial indeed who thought they saw in him only, or chiefly, thejester. Once when he was reproved for reading from a humorous book hesaid with passionate earnestness that the humor was his safety valve. If it were not for the relief he would die. It was true. But he livedon, not because he wanted to live, for he would rather have died. Butit was God's will, and his country needed him. 

CHAPTER XXVII. 

THE DARKEST HOUR OF THE WAR. 

There were so many dark hours in that war, and those hours were sodark, that it is difficult to specify one as the darkest hour. Perhapsa dozen observers would mention a dozen different times. But Lincolnhimself spoke of the complication known as the Trent affair as thedarkest hour. From his standpoint it was surely so. It was so becausehe felt the ground of public confidence slipping out from under him asat no other time. The majority of the North were with him in sentimentfor the most part. A goodly number were with him all the time, --exceptthis. This time, Charles Sumner, the Chairman of the Senate Committeeon Foreign Relations, was in agreement with him, but beyond that, everybody was against him, North and South, and all Europe as well. Upon him fell the task of turning the very turbulent current of publicsentiment into the channel of duty and wisdom. 

The facts of the affair were simple. Two men, Mason and Slidell, bothex-senators of the United States, had started, with their secretariesand families, to England and France as emissaries of the Confederategovernment. These countries had already recognized the Confederates asbelligerents, and the mission of these men was to secure therecognition of the Confederate government as a nation. They succeededin running the blockade at Charleston and put in at Havana. There theywere received with much ostentation. They took passage on the Britishmail steamer _Trent_ to St. Thomas, intending to take the packet thenceto England. 

Captain Wilkes, commanding a war vessel of the United States, was inthe neighborhood and learned of these proceedings and plans. He stoppedthe British vessel on the high seas and by force took the two men andtheir secretaries. They were confined in Fort Warren, Boston Harbor. 

This capture set the entire North ablaze with enthusiasm. Seward was infavor of it. Stanton, who a few weeks later was appointed Secretary ofWar, applauded the act. Welles, Secretary of the Navy, wrote acongratulatory letter upon the "great public service. " The people ofBoston tendered a banquet to the hero of the hour. When congressassembled about a month later, it gave him a vote of thanks. This waveof public enthusiasm swept the country from ocean to ocean. Thesouthern sympathies of England and France had been so pronounced thatthis whole country seemed to unite in hilarious triumph over thiscapture, and regarded it as a slap in the face to England's pride. Thefact that the complications threatened war with that nation only addedfuel to the flames. 

The excitement ran highest among the soldiers. Camp life had becomemonotonous, no decisive victories had raised their courage andenthusiasm. They were tired. They were exasperated with England'spolicy. They wanted to fight England. 

The feeling upon the other side of the question ran equally high in theSouth, in England, and in France. As soon as the matter could receiveofficial attention, the British minister at Washington was instructedto demand the instant release of the four men with a suitable apology. He was to wait seven days for an answer, and if the demand was not metby that time, he was to break off diplomatic relations with the UnitedStates. This of course meant war. 

Sumner seems to have been the only other one who said, "We shall haveto give them up. " Lincoln, when he heard of the capture, declared thatthey would prove to be white elephants on our hands. "We shall have togive them up, " he too said. But the difficulty was to lead the excitednation to see the need of this as he saw it. He declared that "wefought Great Britain for doing just what Captain Wilkes has done. IfGreat Britain protests against this act and demands their release, wemust adhere to our principles of 1812. We must give up these prisoners. Besides, one war at a time. " He again said that it was "the bitterestpill he ever swallowed. But England's triumph will not last long. Afterthis war is over we shall call her to account for the damage she hasdone us in our hour of trouble. "

The policy of the government with regard to this matter was not settledin the cabinet meeting until the day after Christmas. Public enthusiasmby that time had had six weeks in which to cool down. In that time thesober second judgment had illuminated many minds, and the generalpublic was ready to see and hear reason. The outline of the reply ofthe United States was directed by Lincoln, but he instructed Seward tochoose his own method of arguing the case. The reply was set forth in avery able and convincing paper. It reaffirmed our adhesion to thedoctrine of 1812, said that Captain Wilkes had not done in an orderlyway that which he did, promised that the prisoners would be cheerfullyset at liberty, but declined to make any apology. 

At this late date we are able to look somewhat behind the scenes, andwe now know that the Queen and the Prince consort were very deeplyconcerned over the possibility of a war with us. They had only thekindest feelings for us, and just then they felt especially gratefulfor the many courtesies which had been shown to the Prince of Walesupon his recent visit to this country. They were glad to get throughwith the incident peaceably and pleasantly. 

Seward's reply was accepted as fully satisfactory. The Englishconcurred, the Americans concurred, and the danger was over. There wasthen something of a revulsion of feeling. The feeling between ourgovernment and that of England was more cordial than before, and thesame is true of the feeling between the two peoples. The South andtheir sympathizers were bitterly disappointed. The wise management ofour President had turned one of the greatest dangers into a mostvaluable success. There was never again a likelihood that England wouldform an alliance with the Southern Confederacy. 

The result was most fortunate for us and unfortunate for the southernemissaries. They were no longer heroes, they were "gentlemen ofeminence, " but not public functionaries. They were like othertravelers, nothing more. They were not received at either court. Theycould only "linger around the back doors" of the courts where theyexpected to be received in triumph, and bear as best they could thestudied neglect with which they were treated. The affair, so ominous atone time, became most useful in its practical results to our cause. Lord Palmerston, the British premier, got the four prisoners, butLincoln won the game. 

This is a convenient place to speak of the personal griefs of thePresident. From his earliest years on, he was wonderfully affected bythe presence of death. Very few people have had this peculiar feelingof heart-break with such overwhelming power. The death of his infantbrother in Kentucky, the death of his mother in Indiana, impressed himand clouded his mind in a degree entirely unusual. We have seen that inSpringfield the death of Ann Rutledge well-nigh unseated his reason. From these he never recovered. 

The horror of war was that it meant death, death, death! He, whoseheart was tender to a fault, was literally surrounded by death. Thefirst victim of the war, Colonel Ellsworth, was a personal friend, andhis murder was a personal affliction. There were others that came nearto him. Colonel E. D. Baker, an old friend and neighbor of Lincoln, theman who had introduced him at his inaugural, was killed at Ball's BluffOct. 21, 1861. Baker's personal courage made him conspicuous and markedhim out as a special target for the enemy's aim. While gallantlyleading a charge, he fell, pierced almost simultaneously by fourbullets. It fell upon Lincoln like the death of a brother. He wasconsumed with grief. 

The following February his two boys, Willie and Tad, were taken ill. Lincoln's fondness for children was well known. This general love ofchildren was a passion in regard to his own sons. In this sickness henot only shared the duties of night-watching with the nurse, but atfrequent intervals he would slip away from callers, and even fromcabinet meetings, to visit briefly the little sufferers. Willie died onFebruary 20th, and for several days before his death he was delirious. His father was with him almost constantly. 

This is one of the few instances when he could be said to neglectpublic business. For a few days before, and for a longer period after, Willie's death, he was completely dejected. Though he was a devoutChristian, in spirit and temper, his ideas of personal immortality werenot at that time sufficiently clear to give him the sustaining helpwhich he needed under his affliction. 

J. G. Holland records a pathetic scene. This was communicated to him bya lady whose name is not given. She had gone to Washington to persuadethe President to have hospitals for our soldiers located in the North. He was skeptical of the plan and was slow to approve it. His hesitationwas the occasion of much anxiety to her. When he finally granted thepetition, she thanked him with great earnestness and said she was surehe would be happy that he had done it. He sat with his face in hishands and groaned: "Happy? I shall never be happy again!"

Below all his play of wit and humor, there was an undercurrent ofagony. So great were his kindness, gentleness, tenderness of heart, that he could not live in this cruel world, especially in the periodwhen the times were so much out of joint, without being a man ofsorrows. The present writer never saw Lincoln's face but twice, once inlife and once in death. Both times it seemed to him, and as heremembers it after the lapse of more than a third of a century, itstill seems to him, the saddest face his eyes have ever looked upon. 

CHAPTER XXVIII. 

LINCOLN AND FREMONT. 

In a community like that of the United States, where free press andfree, speech prevail, where every native-born boy is a possiblePresident, some undesirable results are inevitable. The successful menbecome egotistic, and it is a common, well-nigh universal, practise forall sorts and conditions of men to speak harshly of the authorities. Inthe loafers on the street corners, in the illiterate that use thecountry store as their club, in the very halls of congress, are heardthe most unsparing criticisms and denunciations of the administration. These unwarranted comments fell thick and fast on Lincoln, because hewas at the post of responsibility in a critical period, a time ofgeneral unrest. Self-appointed committees of business men, politicians, clergymen, editors, and what not, were continually telling him what todo and how to do it. Not a few of even the generals caught theinfection. 

It is not possible nor desirable to tell of Lincoln's relations withmany of the eminent men with whom he dealt. But a few will be selected--Fremont, McClellan, Greeley, and Grant--in order to explain some ofthe difficulties which were continually rising up before him, and byshowing how he dealt with them to illustrate certain phases of hischaracter. This chapter will treat of Fremont. 

At the outbreak of the war he was the most conspicuous military man inthe North. He had earned the gratitude of the country for distinguishedservices in California, and he was deservedly popular among therepublicans for his leadership of the party in 1856. He was at the bestperiod of life, being forty-eight years of age. His abilities weremarked, and he possessed in an unusual degree the soldierly quality ofinspiring enthusiasm. If he could turn all his powers into the channelof military efficiency, he would be the man of the age. He had thepublic confidence, and he had such an opportunity as comes to few men. 

At the opening of the war he was in Paris and was at once summonedhome. He arrived in this country about the first of July and was by thePresident appointed Major-General in the regular army. On the 3d ofJuly he was assigned to the Western department with headquarters at St. Louis. This department included the state of Illinois and extended asfar west as the Rocky Mountains. 

At that time the condition of affairs in Missouri was distressful andextremely threatening. The state of Missouri covers a very largeterritory, 69, 415 square miles, and it was imperfectly provided withrailroads and other means of communication. Private bands of maraudersand plunderers were numerous and did a great amount of damage amonglaw-abiding citizens. There were also several insurgent armies of nomean dimensions threatening the state from the southwest. There weregood soldiers and officers there in defense of the Union, but they wereuntried, insufficiently armed and accoutered, unprovided with means oftransportation, and, above all, they were in need of a commandinggeneral of sagacity, daring, and personal resources. Fremont seemed tobe just the man for the important post at that critical hour. 

Generals Lyon, Hunter, and others, were sore pressed in Missouri. Theyneeded the presence of their commander and they needed him at once. Fremont was ordered to proceed to his post immediately. This order hedid not obey. He could never brook authority, and he was not in thehabit of rendering good reasons for his acts of disobedience. Though hewas aware that the need of his presence was urgent, he dallied aboutWashington a long time and then proceeded west with leisure, arrivingin St. Louis nearly three weeks later than he should have done. Thesethree weeks were under the circumstances time enough for anincalculable amount of damage, enough to make all the differencebetween success and failure. It was long enough to insure the death (onAugust 10th) of that brave soldier, General Lyon, and long enough toaccount for many other disasters. 

One of the most annoying things with which the subordinate generals hadto contend, was that about this time the term of service of the men whohad enlisted for three months was beginning to expire. Many of thesereenlisted, and many did not. It was not possible to plan an expeditionof any sort when it was probable that a large portion of the commandwould be out of service before it was completed. There was need of amaster hand at organizing and inspiring loyalty. 

Though Fremont had so unaccountably delayed, yet when he came he wasreceived with confidence and enthusiasm. Lincoln gave to him, as he didto all his generals, very nearly a _carte blanche_. His instructionswere general, and the commander was left to work out the details inhis own way. All that he required was that something should be donesuccessfully in the prosecution of the war. The country was not ajudge of military plans; it was a judge of military success andfailure. They expected, and they had a right to expect, that Fremontshould do something more than keep up a dress parade. Lincoln laid onhim this responsibility in perfect confidence. 

The first thing Fremont accomplished in Missouri was to quarrel withhis best friends, the Blair family. This is important chiefly as athermometer, --it indicated his inability to hold the confidence ofintelligent and influential men after he had it. About this timeLincoln wrote to General Hunter a personal letter which showed well howthings were likely to go:--

"My dear Sir: General Fremont needs assistance which it is difficult togive him. He is losing the confidence of men near him, whose supportany man in his position must have to be successful. His cardinalmistake is that he isolates himself and allows no one to see him; andby which he does not know what is going on in the very matter he isdealing with. He needs to have by his side a man of large experience. Will you not, for me, take that place?"

It was Louis XV. Who exclaimed, "_L'etat? C'est moi!_" "The state?_I'm_ the state!" The next move of Fremont can be compared only withthat spirit of the French emperor. It was no less than a proclamationof emancipation. This was a civic act, while Fremont was an officer ofmilitary, not civil, authority. The act was unauthorized, the Presidentwas not even consulted. Even had it been a wise move, Fremont wouldhave been without justification because it was entirely outside of hisprerogatives. Even had he been the wisest man, he was not an autocratand could not have thus transcended his powers. 

But this act was calculated to do much mischief. The duty of the hourwas to save the Union. Fremont's part in that duty was to drive therebels out of Missouri. Missouri was a slave state. It had not seceded, and it was important that it should not do so. The same was true ofKentucky and Maryland. It is easy to see, upon reading Fremont'sproclamation, that it is the work not of a soldier, but of apolitician, and a bungling politician at that. 

When this came to the knowledge of the President he took promptmeasures to counteract it in a way that would accomplish the greatestgood with the least harm. He wrote to the general:

"Allow me, therefore, to ask that you will, as of your own motion, modify that paragraph so as to conform to the first and fourth sectionsof the act of congress entitled, 'An act to confiscate property usedfor insurrectionary purposes, ' approved August 6, 1861, and a copy ofwhich act I herewith send you. This letter is written in a spirit ofcaution, and not of censure. "

But Fremont was willing to override both President and congress, anddeclined to make the necessary modifications. This placed him, withsuch influence as he had, in direct antagonism to the administration. That which ought to have been done by Fremont had to be done byLincoln, upon whom was thrown the onus of whatever was objectionable inthe matter. It did give him trouble. It alienated many of the extremeabolitionists, including even his old neighbor and friend, Oscar H. Browning. They seemed to think that Lincoln was now championingslavery. His enemies needed no alienation, but they made adroit use ofthis to stir up and increase discontent. 

So matters grew no better with Fremont, but much worse for threemonths. The words of Nicolay and Hay are none too strong: "He hadfrittered away his opportunity for usefulness and fame; such anopportunity, indeed, as rarely comes. "

On October 21st, the President sent by special messenger the followingletter to General Curtis at St. Louis:

"DEAR SIR: On receipt of this, with the accompanying enclosures, youwill take safe, certain, and suitable measures to have the inclosureaddressed to Major-General Fremont delivered to him with all reasonabledespatch, subject to these conditions only, that if, when GeneralFremont shall be reached by the messenger, --yourself or any one sent byyou, --he shall then have, in personal command, fought and won a battle, or shall then be in the immediate presence of the enemy in expectationof a battle, it is not to be delivered but held for further orders. "

The inclosure mentioned was an order relieving General Fremont andplacing Hunter temporarily in command. It is plain that the Presidentexpected that there would be difficulties, in the way of delivering theorder, --that Fremont himself might prevent its delivery. GeneralCurtis, who undertook its delivery, evidently expected the same thing, for he employed three different messengers who took three separatemethods of trying to reach Fremont. The one who succeeded in deliveringthe order did so only because of his successful disguise, and when itwas accomplished Fremont's words and manner showed that he had expectedto head off any such order. This incident reveals the peril which wouldhave fallen to American institutions had he been more successful in hisaspirations to the presidency. 

Fremont had one more chance. He was placed in command of a corps inVirginia. There he disobeyed orders in a most atrocious manner, and byso doing permitted Jackson and his army to escape. He was superseded byPope, but declining to serve under a junior officer, resigned. And thatwas the end of Fremont as a public man. The fact that he had ceased tobe a force in American life was emphasized in 1864. The extremeabolitionists nominated him as candidate for the presidency inopposition to Lincoln. But his following was so slight that he withdrewfrom the race and retired permanently to private life. 

Yet he was a man of splendid abilities of a certain sort. Had hepractised guerilla warfare, had he had absolute and irresponsiblecommand of a small body of picked men with freedom to raid or doanything else he pleased, he would have been indeed formidable. Theterror which the rebel guerilla General, Morgan, spread over wideterritory would easily have been surpassed by Fremont. But guerillawarfare was not permissible on the side of the government. The aim ofthe Confederates was destruction; the aim of the administration wasconstruction. It is always easier and more spectacular to destroy thanto construct. 

One trouble with Fremont was his narrowness of view. He could not workwith others. If he wanted a thing in his particular department, it didnot concern him that it might injure the cause as a whole. Anothertrouble was his conceit. He wanted to be "the whole thing, " President, congress, general, and judiciary. Had Lincoln not possessed thepatience of Job, he could not have borne with him even so long. Thekindness of the President's letter, above quoted, is eloquent testimonyto his magnanimity. 

CHAPTER XXIX. 

LINCOLN AND MCCLELLAN. 

McClellan was a very different man from Fremont. Though he was asnearly as possible opposite in his characteristics, still it was noteasier to get along with him. He was a man of brilliant talents, fineculture, and charming personality. Graduating from West Point in 1846, he went almost immediately into the Mexican War, where he earned hiscaptaincy. He later wrote a manual of arms for use in the United Statesarmy. He visited Europe as a member of the commission of officers togather military information. 

His greatest genius was in engineering, a line in which he had nosuperior. He went to Illinois in 1857 as chief engineer of the CentralRailroad, the following year he became vice-president, and the yearafter that president of the St. Louis and Cincinnati Railway. At theoutbreak of the war this captain was by the governor of Ohiocommissioned as major-general, and a few days later he received fromLincoln the commission of major-general in the United States army. 

He was sent to West Virginia with orders to drive out the rebels. Thishe achieved in a brief time, and for it he received the thanks ofcongress. He was, after the disaster at Bull Run, called to Washingtonand placed in command of that portion of the Army of the Potomac whosespecific duty was the defense of the capital. He was rapidly promotedfrom one position to another until age and infirmity compelled theretirement of that grand old warrior, Winfield Scott, whereupon he wasmade general-in-chief of the United States army. All this occurred inless than four months. Four months ago, this young man of thirty-fiveyears was an ex-captain. To-day he is general-in-chief, not of thelargest army, but probably of the most intelligent army, the world hasever seen. He would be almost more than human if such a sudden turn ofthe wheel of fortune did not also turn his head. 

It was Lincoln's habit to let his generals do their work in their ownways, only insisting that they should accomplish visible and tangibleresults. This method he followed with McClellan, developing it withgreat patience under trying circumstances. On this point there is nobetter witness than McClellan himself. To his wife he wrote, "They giveme my way in everything, full swing and unbounded confidence. " Later heexpressed contempt for the President who "showed him too muchdeference. " He was a universal favorite, he became known as "the youngNapoleon, " he had the confidence of the country and the loyal devotionof the army, and the unqualified support of the administration. Of himgreat things were expected, and reasonably so. In the power ofinspiring confidence and enthusiasm he was second only to Napoleon. 

As an organizer and drill-master he was superb. The army after Bull Runwas as demoralized as an army could be. The recruits soon began toarrive from the North, every day bringing thousands of such intoWashington. These required care and they must be put into shape foreffective service. This difficult task he accomplished in a way thatfully met the public expectation and reflected great credit uponhimself. 

In defense he was a terrible fighter. That is to say, when he fought atall--for he fought only in defense--he fought well. A distinguishedConfederate soldier said, "There was no Union general whom we so muchdreaded as McClellan. He had, as we thought, no equal. " And theydeclared they could always tell when McClellan was in command by theway the men fought. 

An illustrious comment on this is the splendid fighting at Antietam. That was one of the greatest battles and one of the most magnificentvictories of the war. It showed McClellan at his best. 

We know what the Army of the Potomac was previous to the accession ofMcClellan. Let us see what it was after his removal. "McClellan wasretired, " says the Honorable Hugh McCulloch, "and what happened to theArmy of the Potomac? Terrible slaughter under Burnside atFredericksburg; crushing defeat at Chancellorsville under Hooker. " Allthis shows that McClellan narrowly missed the fame of being one of thegreatest generals in history. But let us glance at another page in theledger. 

His first act, when in command at Cincinnati, was to enter into anagreement with General Buckner that the state of Kentucky should betreated as neutral territory. That agreement put that state into theposition of a foreign country, like England or China, when the verypurpose of the war was to insist that the United States was one nation. This act was a usurpation of authority, and further, it wasdiametrically wrong even had he possessed the authority. 

His next notable act, one which has already been mentioned, was toissue a proclamation in defense of slavery, promising to assist [therebels] to put down any attempt at insurrection by the slaves. This waswrong. His duty was to conquer the enemy. It was no more his duty todefend slavery than it was Fremont's to emancipate the slaves. 

The next development of McClellan was the hallucination, from which henever freed himself, that the enemy's numbers were from five to tentimes as great as they really were. "I am here, " he wrote August 16, 1861, "in a terrible place; the enemy have from three to four times myforce. The President, the old general, cannot or will not see the truestate of affairs. " At that time the "true state of affairs" was thatthe enemy had from one-third to one-half his force. That is a fairspecimen of the exaggeration of his fears. That is, McClellan'sestimate was from six to twelve times too much. 

At Yorktown he faced the Confederate Magruder, who commanded 11, 000 alltold. Of this number, 6, 000 were spread along a line of thirteen milesof defense across the peninsula, leaving 5, 000 for battle. McClellan'simagination, or fears, magnified this into an enormous army. With his58, 000 effective troops he industriously prepared for defense, and whenthe engineering work was accomplished thought he had done a great actin defending his army. All the while he was calling lustily forreinforcements from Washington. When Magruder was ready he retired withhis little army and McClellan's opportunity was gone. 

At Antietam he won a brilliant victory, but he failed to follow it up. There was a chance to annihilate the Confederate army and end the war. To do that was nearly as important as it had been to win the victory. To be sure his troops were worn, but as compared with the shatteredcondition of the enemy, his army was ready for dress parade. So theenemy was allowed to cross the Potomac at leisure, reform, reorganize, and the war was needlessly prolonged. It was this neglect which, morethan any other one thing, undermined the general confidence inMcClellan. 

Later, at second Bull Run he left Pope to suffer. It was clearly hisduty to reinforce Pope, but he only said that Pope had got himself intothe fix and he must get out as he could. He seemed to forget that therenever was a time when he was not calling for reinforcements himself. This wanton neglect was unsoldierly, inhuman. He also forgot that thismethod of punishing Pope inflicted severe punishment on the nation. 

His chronic call for reinforcements, were it not so serious, would makethe motive of a comic opera. When he was in Washington, he wanted allthe troops called in for the defense of the city. When he was inVirginia, he thought the troops which were left for the defense of thecity ought to be sent to reinforce him, --the city was safe enough! Hetelegraphed to Governor Denison of Ohio to pay no attention toRosecrans' request for troops. He thought that 20, 000, with what couldbe raised in Kentucky and Tennessee, was enough for the MississippiValley, while he needed 273, 000. When he was insisting that Washingtonshould be stripped in order to furnish him with 50, 000 additional men, the President asked what had become of his more than 160, 000; and inhis detailed reply he gave the item of 38, 500 absent on leave. Here wasnearly the number of 50, 000 which he asked for, if he would only callthem in. 

Incidentally to all this were persistent discourtesies to thePresident. He would sit silent in the cabinet meetings pretending tohave secrets of great importance. Instead of calling on the Presidentto report, he made it necessary for the President to call on him. Atother times he would keep the President waiting while he affected to bebusy with subordinates. Once indeed he left the President waiting whilehe went to bed. All this Lincoln bore with his accustomed patience. Heplayfully said, when remonstrated with, that he would gladly holdMcClellan's horse if he would only win the battles. This he failed todo. And when he was finally relieved, he had worn out the patience notonly of the President, but of his army, and of the entire country. Onewriter of the day said with much bitterness, but with substantialtruth, that "McClellan, with greater means at his command thanAlexander, Caesar, Napoleon, or Wellington, has lost more men and meansin his disasters than they in their victories. "

What were the defects of this remarkable man? In the first place, hebelieved in slavery. At this late day it is difficult to realize thedevotion which some men had for slavery as a "divine institution, "before which they could kneel down and pray, as if it was the very arkof God. McClellan was one such. And it is not improbable that he earlyhad more than a suspicion that slavery was the real cause of all thetrouble. This would in part account for his hesitation. 

Then there was a bitter personal hatred between him and Stanton. Thisled him to resent all suggestions and orders emanating from the WarDepartment. It also made him suspicious of Stanton's associates, including the President. 

Then he seemed to lack the nerve for a pitched battle. He could doeverything up to the point of action, but he could not act. This lackof nerve is a more common fact in men in all walks of life than isusually recognized. He was unconquerable in defense, he did not knowthe word _aggressive_. Had he possessed some of the nerve of Sheridan, Hooker, Sherman, or any one of a hundred others, he would have been oneof the four great generals of history. But he could not be persuaded orforced to attack. His men might die of fever, but not in battle. So faras he was concerned, the Army of the Potomac might have beenreorganizing, changing its base, and perfecting its defenses againstthe enemy, to this day. 

A fatal defect was the endeavor to combine the military and thepolitical. Few men have succeeded in this. There were Alexander, Caesar, Napoleon, --but all came to an untimely end; the first met anearly death in a foreign land, the second was assassinated, the thirddied a prisoner in exile. McClellan and Fremont, with all theirsplendid talents, made the fatal mistake. They forgot that for the timethey were only military men. Grant was not a politician until after hismilitary duties were ended. 

The conclusion of the relations between Lincoln and McClellan was notgenerally known until recently made public by Lincoln's intimate friendLamon. McClellan was nominated in 1864 for President by the democrats. As election day approached it became increasingly clear that McClellanhad no chance whatever of being elected. But Lincoln wanted somethingmore than, and different from, a reelection. His desires were for thewelfare of the distracted country. He wanted peace, reconstruction, prosperity. A few days before election he sent a remarkable propositionthrough a common friend, Francis P. Blair, to McClellan. Mr. Blair wasin hearty sympathy with the plan. 

This proposition set forth the hopelessness of McClellan's chances forthe presidency, which he knew perfectly well. It was then suggestedthat McClellan withdraw from the contest and let the President bechosen by a united North, which would bring the war to a speedy closeand stop the slaughter of men on both sides. The compensations for thisconcession were to be: McClellan was to be promoted immediately to beGeneral of the Army, his father-in-law Marcy was to be appointed major-general, and a suitable recognition of the democratic party would bemade in other appointments. 

At first blush McClellan was in favor of the arrangement. It isprobable that if left to himself he would have acceded. The imaginationcan hardly grasp the fame that would have come to "little Mac, " and theblessings that would have come to the reunited country, had this wiseplan of Lincoln been accepted. But McClellan consulted with friends whoadvised against it. The matter was dropped, --and that was the end ofthe history of McClellan. He had thrown away his last chance of successand fame. All that followed may be written in one brief sentence: Onelection day he resigned from the army and was overwhelmingly defeatedat the polls. 

CHAPTER XXX. 

LINCOLN AND GREELEY. 

Much of the mischief of the world is the work of people who mean well. Not the least of the annoyances thrust on Lincoln came from people whoought to have known better. The fact that such mischief-makers arecomplacent, as if they were doing what was brilliant, and useful, addsto the vexation. 

One of the most prominent citizens of the United States at the time ofthe civil war was Horace Greeley. He was a man of ardent convictions, of unimpeachable honesty, and an editorial writer of the first rank. Hedid a vast amount of good. He also did a vast amount of mischief whichmay be considered to offset a part of the good he accomplished. 

His intellectual ability made it impossible for him to be anywhere anonentity. He was always prominent. His paper, the New York _Tribune_, was in many respects the ablest newspaper of the day. Large numbers ofintelligent republicans took the utterances of the _Tribune_ as gospeltruth. 

It is not safe for any man to have an excess of influence. It is notsurprising that the wide influence which Greeley acquired made himegotistic. He apparently came to believe that he had a mortgage on therepublican party, and through that upon the country. His editorialbecame dictatorial. He looked upon Lincoln as a protege of his own whorequired direction. This he was willing to give, --mildly but firmly. All this was true of many other good men and good republicans. But itwas emphatically true of Greeley. 

If there is anything worse than a military man who plumes himself uponhis statesmanship, it is the civilian who affects to understandmilitary matters better than the generals, the war department, and thecommander-in-chief. This was Greeley. He placed his military policy inthe form of a war-cry, --"On to Richmond!"--at the head of his editorialpage, and with a pen of marvelous power rung the changes on it. 

This is but one sample of the man's proneness to interfere in othermatters. With all the infallibility of an editor he was ever ready totell what the President ought to do as a sensible and patriotic man. _He_ would have saved the country by electing Douglas, by permittingpeaceable secession, by persuading the French ambassador to intervene, by conference and argument with the Confederate emissaries, and byassuming personal control of the administration. At a later date hewent so far as to propose to force Lincoln's resignation. He did notseem to realize that Lincoln could be most effective if allowed to dohis work in his own way. He did not grasp the truth that he could be ofthe highest value to the administration only as he helped andencouraged, and that his obstructions operated only to diminish theefficiency of the government. If Greeley had put the same degree offorce into encouraging the administration that he put into hinderingits work, he would have merited the gratitude of his generation. 

He was singularly lacking in the willingness to do this, or in theability to recognize its importance. Like hundreds of others hepersisted in expounding the duties of the executive, but hispatronizing advice was more harmful in proportion to the incisivenessof his literary ability. This impertinence of Greeley's criticismreached its climax in an open letter to Lincoln. This letter is, inpart, quoted here. It shows something of the unspeakable annoyancesthat were thrust upon the already overburdened President, from thosewho ought to have delighted in holding up his hands, those of whombetter things might have been expected. The reply shows the patiencewith which Lincoln received these criticisms. It further shows theskill with which he could meet the famous editor on his own ground; forhe also could wield a trenchant pen. 

Greeley's letter is very long and it is not necessary to give it infull. But the headings, which are given below, are quite sufficient toshow that the brilliant editor dipped his pen in gall in order that hemight add bitterness to the man whose life was already filled to thebrim with the bitter sorrows, trials, and disappointments of adistracted nation. The letter is published on the editorial page of theNew York _Tribune_ of August 20, 1862. 

"THE PRAYER OF TWENTY MILLIONS:

"To ABRAHAM LINCOLN, _President of the United States_:

"DEAR SIR: I do not intrude to tell you--for you must know already--that a great proportion of those who triumphed in your election, andof all who desire the unqualified suppression of the Rebellion nowdesolating our country, are sorely disappointed and deeply pained bythe policy you seem to be pursuing with regard to the slaves of theRebels. I write only to set succinctly and unmistakably before youwhat we require, what we think we have a right to expect, and of whatwe complain. 

"I. We require of you, as the first servant of the Republic, chargedespecially and preeminently with this duty, that you EXECUTE THELAWS. .. . "

"II. We think you are strangely and disastrously remiss in thedischarge of your official and imperative duty with regard to theemancipating provisions of the new Confiscation Act. .. . "

"III. We think you are unduly influenced by the counsels, therepresentations, the menaces, of certain fossil politicians hailingfrom the Border States. .. . "

"IV. We think the timid counsels of such a crisis calculated to proveperilous and probably disastrous. .. . "

"V. We complain that the Union cause has suffered and is now sufferingimmensely, from mistaken deference to Rebel Slavery. Had you, Sir, inyour Inaugural Address, unmistakably given notice that, in case theRebellion already commenced were persisted in, and your efforts topreserve the Union and enforce the laws should be resisted by armedforce, you _would recognize no loyal person as rightfully held inSlavery by a traitor_, we believe that the Rebellion would havereceived a staggering, if not fatal blow. .. . "

"VI. We complain that the Confiscation Act which you approved ishabitually disregarded by your Generals, and that no word of rebuke forthem from you has yet reached the public ear. .. . "

"VII. Let me call your attention to the recent tragedy in New Orleans, whereof the facts are obtained entirely through Pro-Slaverychannels. .. . "

"VIII. On the face of this wide earth, Mr. President, there is not onedisinterested, determined, intelligent champion of the Union Cause whodoes not feel that all attempts to put down the Rebellion and at thesame time uphold its inciting cause are preposterous and futile--thatthe Rebellion, if crushed out to-morrow, would be renewed within a yearif Slavery were left in full vigor--that the army of officers whoremain to this day devoted to Slavery can at best be but half way loyalto the Union--and that every hour of deference to Slavery is an hour ofadded and deepened peril to the Union. .. . "

"IX. I close as I began with the statement that what an immensemajority of the Loyal Millions of your countrymen require of you is afrank, declared, unqualified, ungrudging execution of the laws of theland, more especially of the Confiscation Act. .. . As one of themillions who would gladly have avoided this struggle at any sacrificebut that of Principle and Honor, but who now feel that the triumph ofthe Union is indispensable not only to the existence of our country, but to the well-being of mankind, I entreat you to render a hearty andunequivocal obedience to the law of the land. "

"Yours, "

"HORACE GREELEY. "

"NEW YORK, August 19, 1862. "

Those who are familiar with the eccentricities of this able editor willnot be slow to believe that, had Lincoln, previous to the writing ofthat letter, done the very things he called for, Greeley would notimprobably, have been among the first to attack him with his causticcriticism. Lincoln was not ignorant of this. But he seized thisopportunity to address a far wider constituency than that representedin the subscription list of the _Tribune_. His reply was publishedin the Washington _Star_. He puts the matter so temperately andplainly that the most obtuse could not fail to see the reasonablenessof it. As to Greeley, we do not hear from him again, and may assumethat he was silenced if not convinced. The reply was as follows:

"EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 22, 1862. 

"HON. HORACE GREBLEY, "DEAR SIR: I have just read yours of the 19th, addressed to myselfthrough the New York _Tribune_. If there be in it any statements, or assumptions of fact, which I may know to be erroneous, I do not, nowand here, controvert them. If there be in it any inferences which I maybelieve to be falsely drawn, I do not, now and here, argue againstthem. If there be perceptible in it an impatient and dictatorial tone, I waive it in deference to an old friend, whose heart I have alwayssupposed to be right. As to the policy I 'seem to be pursuing, ' as yousay, I have not meant to leave any one in doubt. I would save theUnion. I would save it the shortest way under the Constitution. Thesooner the national authority can be restored, the nearer the Unionwill be 'the Union as it was. ' If there be those who would not save theUnion unless they could at the same time save slavery, I do not agreewith them. If there be those who would not save the Union unless theycould at the same time destroy slavery, I do not agree with them. Myparamount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is noteither to save or to destroy slavery. If I could save the Union withoutfreeing any slave, I would do it; if I could save it by freeing all theslaves, I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing some andleaving others alone, I would also do that. What I do about slavery andthe colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save the Union:and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help tosave the Union. I shall do less whenever I shall believe what I amdoing hurts the cause, and I shall do more whenever I shall believedoing more will help the cause. I shall try to correct errors whenshown to be errors, and I shall adopt new views so fast as they shallappear to be true views. I have here stated my purpose according to myview of official duty; and I intend no modification of my oft expressedpersonal wish that all men everywhere could be free. "

"Yours, A. LINCOLN. "

Not the least interesting fact connected with this subject is that atthis very time Lincoln had the Emancipation Proclamation in mind. Butnot even the exasperating teasing that is fairly represented byGreeley's letter caused him to put forth that proclamation prematurely. It is no slight mark of greatness that he was able under so greatpressure to bide his time. 

This was not the last of Greeley's efforts to control the President orrun the machine. In 1864 he was earnestly opposed to his renominationbut finally submitted to the inevitable. 

In July of that year, 1864, two prominent Confederates, Clay ofAlabama, and Thompson of Mississippi, managed to use Greeley for theirpurposes. They communicated with him from Canada, professing to haveauthority to arrange for terms of peace, and they asked for a safe-conduct to Washington. Greeley fell into the trap but Lincoln did not. There is little doubt that their real scheme was to foment discontentand secure division throughout the North on the eve of the presidentialelection. Lincoln wrote to Greeley as follows:

"If you can find any person, anywhere, professing to have authorityfrom Jefferson Davis, in writing, embracing the restoration of theUnion and the abandonment of slavery, whatever else it embraces, say tohim that he may come to me with you. "

Under date of July 18, he wrote the following:

"_To whom it may concern:_"

"Any proposition which embraces the restoration of peace, the integrityof the whole Union, and the abandonment of slavery, and which comes byand with an authority that can control the armies now at war with theUnited States, will be received and considered by the Executivegovernment of the United States, and will be met on liberal terms onsubstantial and collateral points; and the bearer or bearers thereofshall have safe-conduct both ways. "

"ABRAHAM LINCOLN. "

Greeley met these "commissioners" at Niagara, but it turned out thatthey had no authority whatever from the Confederate government. Thewhole affair was therefore a mere fiasco. But Greeley, who had beencompletely duped, was full of wrath, and persistently misrepresented, not to say maligned, the President. According to Noah Brooks, thePresident said of the affair:

"Well, it's hardly fair to say that this won't amount to anything. Itwill shut up Greeley, and satisfy the people who are clamoring forpeace. That's something, anyhow. " The President was too hopeful. It didnot accomplish quite that, for Greeley was very persistent; but it didprevent a serious division of the North. 

CHAPTER XXXI. 

EMANCIPATION. 

The institution of slavery was always and only hateful to the earnestand honest nature of Lincoln. He detested it with all the energy of hissoul. He would, as he said, gladly have swept it from the face of theearth. Not even the extreme abolitionists, Garrison, Wendell Phillips, Whittier, abominated slavery with more intensity than Lincoln. But hedid not show his hostility in the same way. He had a wider scope ofvision than they. He had, and they had not, an appreciative historicalknowledge of slavery in this country. He knew that it was tolerated bythe Constitution and laws enacted within the provisions of theConstitution, though he believed that the later expansion of slaverywas contrary to the spirit and intent of the men who framed theConstitution. And he believed that slaveholders had legal rights whichshould be respected by all orderly citizens. His sympathy with theslave did not cripple his consideration for the slave-owner who hadinherited his property in that form, and under a constitution and lawswhich he did not originate and for which he was not responsible. 

He would destroy slavery root and branch, but he would do it in amanner conformable to the Constitution, not in violation of it. Hewould exterminate it, but he would not so do it as to impoverish law-abiding citizens whose property was in slaves. He would eliminateslavery, but not in a way to destroy the country, for that would entailmore mischief than benefit. To use a figure, he would throw Jonahoverboard, but he would not upset the ship in the act. 

Large numbers of people have a limited scope of knowledge. Suchoverlooked the real benefits of our civilization, and did not realizethat wrecking the constitution would simply destroy the good that hadthus far been achieved, and uproot the seeds of promise of usefulnessfor the centuries to come. They wanted slavery destroyed at once, violently, regardless of the disastrous consequences. On the otherhand, Lincoln wanted it destroyed, but by a sure and rational process. He wished--and from this he never swerved--to do also two things:first, to compensate the owners of the slaves, and second to providefor the future of the slaves themselves. Of course, the extremeradicals could not realize that he was more intensely opposed toslavery than themselves. 

Let us now glance at his record. We have already seen (in chapter V. )how he revolted from the first view of the horrors of the institution, and the youthful vow which he there recorded will not readily beforgotten. That was in 1831 when he was twenty-two years of age. 

Six years later, or in 1837, when he was a youthful member of theIllinois legislature, he persuaded Stone to join him in a protestagainst slavery. There was positively nothing to be gained by thisprotest, either personally or in behalf of the slave. The only possiblereason for it was that he believed that slavery was wrong and could notrest until he had openly expressed that belief. "A timely utterancegave that thought relief, And I again am strong. "

When he was in congress, in 1846, the famous Wilmot Proviso came up. This was to provide "that, as an express and fundamental condition tothe acquisition of any territory from the republic of Mexico by theUnited States . .. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shall everexist in any part of the said territory. " By reason of amendments, thissubject came before the house very many times, and Lincoln saidafterwards that he had voted for the proviso in one form or anotherforty-two times. 

On the 16th day of January, 1849, he introduced into congress a billfor the emancipation of slavery in the District of Columbia. This was awise and reasonable bill. It gave justice to all, and at the same timegathered all the fruits of emancipation in the best possible way. Thebill did not pass, there was no hope at the time that it would pass. But it compelled a reasonable discussion of the subject and had acertain amount of educational influence. 

It is interesting that, thirteen years later, April 10, 1862, he hadthe privilege of fixing his presidential signature to a bill similar tohis own. Congress had moved up to his position. When he signed thebill, he said: "Little did I dream, in 1849, when I proposed to abolishslavery in this capital, and could scarcely get a hearing for theproposition, that it would be so soon accomplished. "

After the expiration of his term in congress he left political life, ashe supposed, forever. He went into the practise of the law in earnest, and was so engaged at the time of the repeal of the Missouri Compromisewhich called him back to the arena of politics. 

In the early part of the war there were certain attempts atemancipation which Lincoln held in check for the reason that the timefor them had not arrived. "There's a tide in the affairs of men. " It isof prime importance that this tide be taken at the flood. So far asemancipation was concerned, this came in slower than the eagerness ofGenerals Fremont and Hunter. But it was coming, and in the meantimeLincoln was doing what he could to help matters on. The difficulty wasthat if the Union was destroyed it would be the death-blow to the causeof emancipation. At the same time not a few loyal men wereslaveholders. To alienate these by premature action would bedisastrous. The only wise plan of action was to wait patiently until asufficient number of these could be depended on in the emergency ofemancipation. This was what Lincoln was doing. 

The first part of the year 1862 was very trying. The North had expectedto march rapidly and triumphantly into Richmond. This had not beenaccomplished, but on the contrary disaster had followed disaster inbattle, and after many months the two armies were encamped facing eachother and almost in sight of Washington, while the soldiers from theNorth were rapidly sickening and dying in the Southern camps. Smallwonder if there was an impatient clamor. 

A serious result of this delay was the danger arising from Europeansources. The monarchies of Europe had no sympathy with Americanfreedom. They became impatient with the reports of "no progress" in thewar, and at this time some of them were watching for a pretext torecognize the Southern Confederacy. This came vividly to the knowledgeof Carl Schurz, minister to Spain. By permission of the President hereturned to this country--this was late in January, 1862--to lay thematter personally before him. With the help of Schurz, Lincolnproceeded to develop the sentiment for emancipation. By his requestSchurz went to New York to address a meeting of the EmancipationSociety on March 6th. It need not be said that the speaker delivered amost able and eloquent plea upon "Emancipation as a Peace Measure. "Lincoln also made a marked contribution to the meeting. He telegraphedto Schurz the text of his message to congress recommending emancipationin the District of Columbia, --which resulted in the law alreadymentioned, --and this message of Lincoln was read to the meeting. Theeffect of it, following the speech of Schurz, was overwhelming. It wasquite enough to satisfy the most sanguine expectations. This was not acoincidence, it was a plan. Lincoln's hand in _the whole matter_was not seen nor suspected for many years after. It gave a markedimpetus to the sentiment of emancipation. 

To the loyal slaveholders of the border states he made a proposal ofcompensated emancipation. To his great disappointment they rejectedthis. It was very foolish on their part, and he cautioned them thatthey might find worse trouble. 

All this time, while holding back the eager spirits of theabolitionists, he was preparing for his final stroke. But it was ofcapital importance that this should not be premature. McClellan'sfailure to take Richmond and his persistent delay, hastened the result. The community at large became impatient beyond all bounds. There cameabout a feeling that something radical must be done, and that quickly. But it was still necessary that he should be patient. As the bravestfireman is the last to leave the burning structure, so the wisestatesman must hold himself in check until the success of so importanta measure is assured beyond a doubt. 

An event which occurred later may be narrated here because itillustrates the feeling which Lincoln always had in regard to slavery. The item was written out by the President himself and given to thenewspapers for publication under the heading, "THE PRESIDENT'S LAST, SHORTEST, AND BEST SPEECH. "

"On Thursday of last week, two ladies from Tennessee came before thePresident, asking the release of their husbands, held as prisoners ofwar at Johnson's Island. They were put off until Friday, when they cameagain, and were again put off until Saturday. At each of the interviewsone of the ladies urged that her husband was a religious man. OnSaturday, when the President ordered the release of the prisoners, hesaid to this lady: You say your husband is a religious man; tell himwhen you meet him that I say I am not much of a judge of religion, butthat, in my opinion, the religion that sets men to rebel and fightagainst their government because, as they think, that government doesnot sufficiently help _some_ men to eat their bread in the sweatof _other_ men's faces, is not the sort of religion upon whichpeople can get to heaven. "

As the dreadful summer of 1862 advanced, Lincoln noted surely that thetime was at hand when emancipation would be the master stroke. Indiscussing the possibilities of this measure he seemed to take theopposite side. This was a fixed habit with him. He drew out thethoughts of other people. He was enabled to see the subject from allsides. Even after his mind was made up to do a certain thing, he wouldstill argue against it. But in any other sense than this he tookcounsel of no one upon the emancipation measure. The work was his work. He presented his tentative proclamation to the cabinet on the 22d ofJuly, 1862. The rest of the story is best told in Lincoln's own words:--

"It had got to be midsummer, 1862. Things had gone on from bad toworse, until I felt that we had reached the end of our rope on the planof operations we had been pursuing; that we had about played our lastcard, and must change our tactics or lose the game. I now determinedupon the adoption of the emancipation policy; and without consultationwith, or knowledge of, the cabinet, I prepared the original draft ofthe proclamation, and after much anxious thought called a cabinetmeeting upon the subject. .. . I said to the cabinet that I had resolvedupon this step, and had not called them together to ask their advice, but to lay the subject-matter of a proclamation before them, suggestions as to which would be in order after they had heard itread. "

The members of the cabinet offered various suggestions, but none whichLincoln had not fully anticipated. Seward approved the measure butthought the time not opportune. There had been so many reverses in thewar, that he feared the effect. "It may be viewed, " he said, "as thelast measure of an exhausted government, a cry for help; the governmentstretching forth its hands to Ethiopia, instead of Ethiopia stretchingforth her hands to the government. " He then suggested that theproclamation be not issued until it could be given to the countrysupported by military successes. This seemed to Lincoln a wisesuggestion, and he acted on it. The document was laid away for thetime. 

It was not until September 17th that the looked-for success came. TheConfederate army had crossed the Potomac with the intention of invadingthe North. They were met and completely defeated in the battle ofAntietam. Lincoln said of it: "When Lee came over the river, I made aresolution that if McClellan drove him back I would send theproclamation after him. The battle of Antietam was fought Wednesday, and until Saturday I could not find out whether we had gained a victoryor lost a battle. It was then too late to issue the proclamation thatday; and the fact is I fixed it up a little Sunday, and Monday I letthem have it. "

This was the preliminary proclamation and was issued September 22d. Thesupplementary document, the real proclamation of emancipation, wasissued January 1, 1863. As the latter covers substantially the groundof the former, it is not necessary to repeat both and only the secondone is given. 

EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION. 

Whereas, on the twenty-second day of September, in the year of our Lordone thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, a proclamation was issued bythe President of the United States, containing, among other things, thefollowing, to wit:--

That on the first day of January in the year of our Lord one thousandeight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within anystate, or designated part of a state, the people whereof shall then bein rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforwardand forever free, and the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize andmaintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts torepress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make fortheir actual freedom. 

That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid byproclamation, designate the states and part of states, if any, in whichthe people thereof respectively shall then be in rebellion against theUnited States; and the fact that any state, or the people thereof, shall on that day be in good faith represented in the congress of theUnited States by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majorityof the qualified voters of such state shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusiveevidence that such state and the people thereof are not then inrebellion against the United States:--

_Now, therefore, _ I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the UnitedStates, by virtue of the power in me vested as commander-in-chief ofthe army and navy of the United States, in time of actual armedrebellion against the authority of, and government of, the UnitedStates, and as a fit and necessary war measure for suppressing saidrebellion, do, on this first day of January, in the year of our Lordone thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and in accordance with mypurpose so to do, publicly proclaimed for the full period of onehundred days from the day first above mentioned, order, and designate, as the states and parts of states wherein the people thereofrespectively are this day in rebellion against the United States [herefollows the list]. 

And by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I do orderand declare that all persons held as slaves within said designatedstates and parts of states, are and henceforward shall be free; andthat the executive government of the United States, including themilitary and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain thefreedom of said persons. 

And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free, to abstainfrom all violence, unless in necessary self-defense, and I recommend tothem, that in all cases, when allowed, they labor faithfully forreasonable wages. 

And I further declare and make known that such persons of suitablecondition will be received into the armed service of the United Statesto garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, and to manvessels of all sorts in said service. 

And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, warranted by the Constitution, upon military necessity, I invoke theconsiderate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of almighty God. 

_In Testimony whereof, _ I have hereunto set my name and caused theseal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this first day of January, in the yearof our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of theIndependence of the United States of America the eighty-seventh. 

 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 

By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. 

So he fulfilled his youthful vow. He had hit that thing, and he had hitit hard! From that blow the cursed institution of slavery will notrecover in a thousand years. 

CHAPTER XXXII. 

DISCOURAGEMENTS. 

The middle period of the war was gloomy and discouraging. Though theConfederates made no substantial progress they certainly held theirown. Time is an important factor in all history, and the fact that theConfederates at least gained time counted heavily against the Union. There were no decisive victories gained by the Federal troops. Antietam, to be sure, was won, but the fruits of the victory were lost. For many months the two armies continued facing each other, and for themost part they were much nearer Washington than Richmond. 

Meantime the summer, fall, winter were passing by and there was notangible evidence that the government would ever be able to maintainits authority. All this time the Army of the Potomac was magnificent innumbers, equipment, intelligence. In every respect but one they weredecidedly superior to the enemy. The one thing they needed wasleadership. The South had generals of the first grade. The generalshipof the North had not yet fully developed. 

Lincoln held on to McClellan as long as it was possible to do so. Henever resented the personal discourtesies. He never wearied of thefruitless task of urging him on. He never refused to let him have hisown way provided he could show a reason for it. But his persistentinactivity wore out the patience of the country and finally of the armyitself. With the exception of northern democrats with southernsympathies, who from the first were sure of only one thing, namely, that the war was a failure, the clamor for the removal of McClellan waswell-nigh unanimous. To this clamor Lincoln yielded only when it becamemanifestly foolish longer to resist it. 

A succeeding question was no less important: Who shall take his place?There was in the East no general whose record would entitle him to thisposition of honor and responsibility. In all the country there was atthat time no one whose successes were so conspicuous as to point himout as the coming man. But there were generals who had done goodservice, and just at that time. Burnside was at the height of hissuccess. He was accordingly appointed. His record was good. He was anunusually handsome man, of soldierly bearing, and possessed manyvaluable qualities. He was warmly welcomed by the country at large andby his own army, who thanked God and took courage. 

His first battle as commander of the Army of the Potomac was fought atFredericksburg on the 15th of December and resulted in his beingrepulsed with terrible slaughter. It is possible, in this as in everyother battle, that had certain things been a little different, --had itbeen possible to fight the battle three weeks earlier, --he would havewon a glorious victory. But these thoughts do not bring to life the menwho were slain in battle, nor do they quiet the clamor of the country. Burnside showed a certain persistence when, in disregard of theunanimous judgment of his generals, he tried to force a march throughthe heavy roads of Virginia, as sticky as glue, and give battle again. But he got stuck in the mud and the plan was given up, the onlycasualty, being the death of a large number of mules that were killedtrying to draw wagons through the bottomless mud. After this onebattle, it was plain that Burnside was not the coming general. 

The next experiment was with Hooker, a valiant and able man, whosewarlike qualities are suggested by his well-earned soubriquet of"fighting Joe Hooker. " He had his limitations, as will presentlyappear. But upon appointing him to the command Lincoln wrote him apersonal letter. This letter is here reproduced because it is a perfectillustration of the kindly patience of the man who had need of so muchpatience:

"EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C. , January 26, 1863. 

MAJOR-GENERAL HOOKER, GENERAL: I have placed you at the head of the Army of the Potomac. Ofcourse I have done this upon what appears to me to be sufficientreasons, and yet I think it best for you to know that there are somethings in regard to which I am not satisfied with you. I believe you tobe a brave and skilful soldier, which of course I like. I also believethat you do not mix politics with your profession, in which you areright. You have confidence in yourself, which is a valuable, if notindispensable, quality. You are ambitious, which, within reason, doesgood rather than harm; but I think that during General Burnside'scommand of the army you have taken counsel of your ambition andthwarted him as much as you could, in which you did a great wrong tothe country, and to a most meritorious and honorable brother officer. Ihave heard, in such a way as to believe it, of your recently sayingthat both the army and the government needed a dictator. Of course itwas not for this, but in spite of it, that I have given you thecommand. Only those generals who gain success can be dictators. What Inow ask of you is military success, and I will risk the dictatorship. The government will support you to the utmost of its ability, which isneither more nor less than it has done and will do for all commanders. I much fear that the spirit you have aimed to infuse into the army, ofcriticising their commander and withholding confidence from him, willnow turn upon you. I shall assist you as far as I can to put it down. Neither you, nor Napoleon, if he were alive again, could get any goodout of an army while such a spirit prevails in it. And now, beware ofrashness. Beware of rashness, but, with energy and sleepless vigilance, go forward and give us victories. 

 Yours, very truly, A. LINCOLN. "

The first effect of this letter was to subdue the fractious spirit ofthe fighter. He said, "That is just such a letter as a father mightwrite to a son. It is a beautiful letter, and although I think he washarder on me than I deserved, I will say that I love the man who wroteit. "

But later his conceit took possession of him. According to Noah Brookshe said to some friends: "I suppose you have seen this letter or a copyof it?" They had. "After I have been to Richmond I shall have theletter published in the newspapers. It will be amusing. " When this wastold Lincoln he took the good-natured view of it and only said, "PoorHooker! I am afraid he is incorrigible. "

It was in January, 1863, that Hooker took command of the army. Threemonths later he had it in shape for the campaign, and Lincoln went downto see the review. It was indeed a magnificent army, an inspiringsight. But it was noticed by many that Lincoln's face had not thejoyous radiancy of hope which it had formerly worn; it was positivelyhaggard. It was plain that he did not share his general's easyconfidence. He could not forget that he had more than once seen an armymagnificent before battle, and shattered after battle. He spent a weekthere, talking with the generals, shaking hands with "the boys. " Many aprivate soldier of that day carries to this day as a sacred memory theearnest sound of the President's voice, "God bless you!"

Then came Chancellorsville with its sickening consequences. When thenews came to Washington, the President, with streaming eyes, could onlyexclaim: "My God, my God! what will the country say?"

The next we hear of Hooker, he had not entered Richmond nor had hefound the amusement of publishing the President's fatherly letter. Hewas chasing Lee in a northerly direction, --towards Philadelphia or NewYork. He became angry with Halleck who refused him something andsummarily resigned. It was not, for the country, an opportune time forchanging generals, but perhaps it was as well. It certainly shows thatwhile Lincoln took him as the best material at hand, while hecounseled, encouraged, and bore with him, yet his diagnosis of Hooker'sfoibles was correct, and his fears, not his hopes, were realized. 

He was succeeded by George C. Meade, "four-eyed George, " as he wasplayfully called by his loyal soldiers, in allusion to his eyeglasses. It was only a few days later that the great battle of Gettysburg wasfought under Meade, and a brilliant victory was achieved. But here, asat Antietam, the triumph was bitterly marred by the disappointment thatfollowed. The victorious army let the defeated army get away. Theexcuses were about the same as at Antietam, --the troops were tired. Ofcourse they were tired. But it may be assumed that the defeated armywas also tired. It surely makes one army quite as tired to sufferdefeat as it makes the other to achieve victory. It was again a goldenopportunity to destroy Lee's army and end the war. 

Perhaps Meade had achieved enough for one man in winning Gettysburg. Itwould not be strange if the three days' battle had left him with nervesunstrung. The fact remains that he did not pursue and annihilate thedefeated army. They were permitted to recross the Potomac withoutmolestation, to reenter what may be called their own territory, toreorganize, rest, reequip, and in due time to reappear as formidable asever. It is plain that the hero of Gettysburg was not the man destinedto crush the rebellion. 

Here were three men, Burnside, Hooker, and Meade, all good men andgallant soldiers. But not one of them was able successfully to commandso large an army, or to do the thing most needed, --capture Richmond. The future hero had not yet won the attention of the country. 

In the meantime affairs were very dark for the administration, and upto the summer of 1863 had been growing darker and darker. Some splendidmilitary success had been accomplished in the West, but the West is atbest a vague term even to this day, and it has always seemed so remotefrom the capital, especially as compared to the limited theater of warin Virginia where the Confederate army was almost within sight of thecapital, that these western victories did not have as much influence asthey should have had. 

And there were signal reverses in the West, too. Both Louisville andCincinnati were seriously threatened, and the battle of Chickamauga wasanother field of slaughter, even though it was shortly redeemed byChattanooga. But the attention of the country was necessarily focussedchiefly on the limited territory that lay between Washington andRichmond. In that region nothing permanent or decisive had beenaccomplished in the period of more than two years, and it is smallwonder that the President became haggard in appearance. 

He did what he could. He had thus far held the divided North, andprevented a European alliance with the Confederates. He now used, oneby one, the most extreme measures. He suspended the writ of _habeascorpus_, declared or authorized martial law, authorized theconfiscation of the property of those who were providing aid andcomfort for the enemy, called for troops by conscription whenvolunteers ceased, and enlisted negro troops. Any person who studiesthe character of Abraham Lincoln will realize that these measures, ormost of them, came from him with great reluctance. He was not a man whowould readily or lightly take up such means. They meant that thecountry was pressed, hard pressed. They were extreme measures, notcongenial to his accustomed lines of thought. They were as necessities. 

But what Lincoln looked for, longed for, was the man who could useskillfully and successfully, the great Army of the Potomac. He had notyet been discovered. 

CHAPTER XXXIII. 

NEW HOPES. 

The outlook from Washington during the first half of the year 1863 wasas discouraging as could well be borne. There had been no real advancesince the beginning of the war. Young men, loyal and enthusiastic, hadgone into the army by hundreds of thousands. Large numbers of these, the flower of the northern youth, had been slain or wounded, and farlarger numbers had died of exposure in the swamps of Virginia. Therewas still no progress. Washington had been defended, but there washardly a day when the Confederates were not within menacing distance ofthe capital. 

After the bloody disaster at Chancellorsville matters grew even worse. Lee first defeated Hooker in battle and then he out-maneuvered him. Hecleverly eluded him, and before Hooker was aware of what was going on, he was on his way, with eighty thousand men, towards Philadelphia andhad nearly a week's start of the Union army. The Confederates hadalways thought that if they could carry the war into the northernstates they would fight to better advantage. Jeff Davis had threatenedthe torch, but it is not likely that such subordinates as General Leeshared his destructive and barbarous ambition. Still, Lee had amagnificent army, and its presence in Pennsylvania was fitted toinspire terror. It was also fitted to rouse the martial spirit of thenorthern soldiers, as afterwards appeared. 

As soon as the situation was known, Hooker started in hot pursuit. After he had crossed the Potomac going north, he made certain requestsof the War Department which were refused, and he, angry at the refusal, promptly sent in his resignation. Whether his requests were reasonableis one question; whether it was patriotic in him to resign on the eveof what was certain to be a great and decisive battle is anotherquestion. But his resignation was accepted and Meade was appointed tothe command. He accepted the responsibility with a modest and soldierlyspirit and quit himself like a man. It is one of the rare cases in allhistory in which an army has on the eve of battle made a change ofgenerals without disaster. That is surely highly to the credit ofGeneral Meade. Lee's objective point was not known. He might captureHarrisburg or Philadelphia, or both. He would probably desire to cutoff all communication with Washington. The only thing to do was toovertake him and force a battle. He himself realized this and was fullydecided not to give battle but fight only on the defensive. Curiouslyenough, Meade also decided not to attack, but to fight on thedefensive. Nevertheless, "the best laid schemes o' mice an' men gangaft agley. "

The result was Gettysburg, and the battle was not fought in accordancewith the plan of either commander. Uncontrollable events forced thebattle then and there. This battle-field was some distance to thenorth, that is to say, in advance of Pipe Creek, the location selectedby Meade. But a conflict between a considerable force on each sideopened the famous battle on July 1st. A retreat, or withdrawal, to PipeCreek would have been disastrous. The first clash was between Heth'sdivision on the Confederate side, and Buford and Reynolds on the Unionside. Rarely have soldiers been more eager for the fray than were thoseof the Union army at this time, especially the sons of Pennsylvania. "Up and at 'em" was the universal feeling. It was hardly possible tohold them back. The generals felt that it was not wise to hold themback. Thus, as one division after another, on both sides, came up tothe help of their comrades, Gettysburg was accepted as the battle-field. It was selected by neither commander, it was thrust upon them bythe fortunes of war, it was selected by the God of battles. 

Almost the first victim on the Union side was that talented and bravesoldier, the general in command, Reynolds. His place was later in theday, --that is, about four o'clock in the afternoon, --filled, and wellfilled, by General Hancock. 

The scope of this volume does not permit the description of this greatbattle, and only some of the results may be given. The evening of July1st closed in with the Union army holding out, but with the advantages, such as they were, on the Confederate side. The second day the fightwas fiercely renewed and closed with no special advantage on eitherside. On the third day it was still undecided until in the afternoonwhen the climax came in Pickett's famous charge. This was the veryflower of the Confederate army, and the hazard of the charge was takenby General Lee against the earnest advice of Longstreet. They wererepulsed and routed, and that decided the battle. Lee's army was turnedback, the attempted invasion was a failure, and it became manifest thateven Lee could not fight to advantage on northern soil. 

Gettysburg was the greatest battle ever fought on the westernhemisphere, and it will easily rank as one of the great battles ofeither hemisphere. The number of troops was about 80, 000 on each side. In the beginning the Confederates decidedly outnumbered the Federals, because the latter were more scattered and it took time to bring themup. In the latter part, the numbers were more nearly evenly divided, though nearly one-fourth of Meade's men were not in the battle at anytime. 

The total loss of killed, wounded, and missing, was on the Confederateside over 31, 000; on the Union side, about 23, 000. The Confederateslost seventeen generals, and the Federals twenty. When we consider thisloss of generals, bearing in mind that on the Union side they weremostly those on whom Meade would naturally lean, it is hardly to bewondered at that he so far lost his nerve as to be unwilling to pursuethe retreating enemy or hazard another battle. He could not realizethat the enemy had suffered much more than he had, and that, despitehis losses, he was in a condition to destroy that army. Not all thatLincoln could say availed to persuade him to renew the attack upon theretreating foe. When Lee reached the Potomac he found the river soswollen as to be impassable. He could only wait for the waters tosubside or for time to improvise a pontoon bridge. 

When, after waiting for ten days, Meade was aroused to make the attack, he was just one day too late. Lee had got his army safely intoVirginia, and the war was not over. Lincoln could only say, "Providencehas twice [the other reference is to Antietam] delivered the Army ofNorthern Virginia into our hands, and with such opportunities lost weought scarcely to hope for a third chance. "

Lincoln wrote a letter to Meade. He also wrote him a second letter--orwas it the first?--which he did not send. We quote from this because itreally expressed the President's mind, and because the fact that he didnot send it only shows how reluctant he was to wound another's feelingseven when deserved. 

"Again, my dear general, I do not believe you appreciate the magnitudeof the misfortune involved in Lee's escape. He was within your easygrasp, and to have closed upon him would, in connection with our otherlate successes, have ended the war. As it is, the war will be prolongedindefinitely. If you could not safely attack Lee last Monday, how canyou possibly do so south of the river, when you can take with you veryfew more than two-thirds of the force you then had in hand? It would beunreasonable to expect, and I do not expect, that you can now effectmuch. Your golden opportunity is gone, and I am distressed immeasurablybecause of it. I beg you will not consider this a prosecution orpersecution of yourself. As you had learned that I was dissatisfied, Ithought it best to kindly tell you why. "

While not overlooking Meade's omission, as this letter shows, heappreciated the full value of the victory that checked Lee's advance, and thanked the general heartily for that. 

On the same afternoon of July 3d, almost at the very minute thatPickett was making his charge, there was in progress, a thousand milesto the west, an event of almost equal importance. Just outside thefortifications of Vicksburg, under an oak tree, General Grant had metthe Confederate General, Pemberton, to negotiate terms of surrender. The siege of Vicksburg was a great triumph, and its capitulation was ofscarcely less importance than the victory at Gettysburg. Vicksburgcommanded the Mississippi River and was supposed to be impregnable. Surely few cities were situated more favorably to resist either attackor siege. But Admiral Porter got his gunboats below the city, runningthe batteries in the night, and Grant's investment was complete. TheConfederate cause was hopeless, their men nearly starved. 

Grant's _plan_ was to make a final attack (if necessary) on the 6th or7th day of July; but some time previous to this he had predicted thatthe garrison would surrender on the fourth. General Pemberton tried hisutmost to avoid this very thing. When it became apparent that he couldnot hold out much longer, he opened negotiations on the morning of July3d for the specific purpose of forestalling the possibility ofsurrender on the next day, Independence Day. In his report to theConfederate government he claims to have chosen the 4th of July forsurrender, because he thought that he could secure better terms on thatday. But his pompous word has little weight, and all the evidencepoints the other way. When on the morning of the 3d of July he openednegotiations, he could not possibly have foreseen that it would taketwenty-four hours to arrange the terms. 

It was, then, on the 4th of July that Grant occupied Vicksburg. Theaccount by Nicolay and Hay ends with the following beautifulreflection: "It is not the least of the glories gained by the Army ofthe Tennessee in this wonderful campaign that not a single cheer wentup from the Union ranks, not a single word [was spoken] that couldoffend their beaten foes. "

The loss to the Union army in killed, wounded, and missing, was about9, 000. The Confederate loss was nearly 50, 000. To be sure many of theparoled were compelled to reenlist according to the policy of theConfederate government. But even so their parole was a good thing forthe cause of the Union. They were so thoroughly disaffected that theirrelease did, for the time, more harm than good to the southern cause. Then it left Grant's army free. 

The sequel to this victory came ten months later in Sherman's march tothe sea: not less thrilling in its conception and dramatic in itsexecution than any battle or siege. Much fighting, skilful generalship, long patience were required before this crowning act could be done, butit came in due time and was one of the finishing blows to theConfederacy, and it came as a logical result of the colossal victory atVicksburg. 

There were some eddies and counter currents to the main drift ofaffairs. About the time that Lee and his beaten army were making goodtheir escape, terrific riots broke out in New York City in resistingthe draft. As is usual in mob rule the very worst elements of human ordevilish depravity came to the top and were most in evidence. Forseveral days there was indeed a reign of terror. The fury of the mobwas directed particularly against the negroes. They were murdered. Their orphan asylum was burnt. But the government quickly suppressedthe riot with a firm hand. The feeling was general throughout thecountry that we were now on the way to a successful issue of the war. The end was almost in sight. Gettysburg and Vicksburg, July 3 and 4, 1863, had inspired new hopes never to be quenched. 

On the 15th day of July the President issued a thanksgivingproclamation, designating August 6th as the day. Later in the year heissued another thanksgiving proclamation, designating the last Thursdayin November. Previous to that time, certain states, and not a fewindividuals, were in the habit of observing a thanksgiving day inNovember. Indeed the custom, in a desultory way, dates back to PlymouthColony. But these irregular and uncertain observances never took on thesemblance of a national holiday. _That_ dates from the proclamationissued October 3d, 1863. From that day to this, every President hasevery year followed that example. 

Lincoln was invited to attend a public meeting appointed for August26th at his own city of Springfield, the object of which was to concertmeasures for the maintenance of the Union. The pressure of publicduties did not permit him to leave Washington, but he wrote acharacteristic letter, a part of which refers to some of the eventstouched on in this chapter. A few sentences of this letter are heregiven:

"The Father of Waters again goes unvexed to the sea. Thanks to thegreat Northwest for it; nor yet wholly to them. Three hundred miles tipthey met New England, Empire, Keystone, and Jersey, hewing their wayright and left. The sunny South, too, in more colors than one, alsolent a helping hand. On the spot, their part of the history was jotteddown in black and white. The job was a great national one, and let nonebe slighted who bore an honorable part in it. And while those who havecleared the great river may well be proud, even that is not all. It ishard to say that anything has been more bravely and well done than atAntietam, Murfreesboro, Gettysburg, and on many fields of less note. Nor must Uncle Sam's web-feet be forgotten. At all the watery marginsthey have been present, not only on the deep sea, the broad bay, andthe rapid river, but also up the narrow, muddy bayou, and wherever theground was a little damp, they have been and made their tracks. Thanksto all. For the great republic--for the principle it lives by and keepsalive--for man's vast future--thanks to all. 

"Peace does not appear so distant as it did. I hope it will come soonand come to stay; and so come as to be worth the keeping in all futuretime. It will then have been proved that among freemen there can be nosuccessful appeal from the ballot to the bullet, and that they who takesuch appeal are sure to lose their case and pay the cost. And therewill be some black men who can remember that with silent tongue andclenched teeth and steady eye and well-poised bayonet they have helpedmankind on to this great consummation; while I fear there will be somewhite ones unable to forget that with malignant heart and deceitfulspeech they have striven to hinder it. "

It is plain that after July 4, 1863, the final result was no longerdoubtful. So Lincoln felt it. There were indeed some who continued tocry that the war was a failure, but in such cases the wish was onlyfather to the thought. 

CHAPTER XXXIV. 

LINCOLN AND GRANT. 

The great army of R. E. Lee operated, through the whole period of thefour years of the war, almost within sight of Washington City. It isnot in the least strange that eastern men, many of whom had hardlycrossed the Alleghanies, should think that the operations in Virginiawere about all the war there was, and that the fighting in the West wasof subordinate importance. Lincoln could not fall into this error. Notonly had he a singularly broad vision, but he was himself a westernman. He fully appreciated the magnitude of the operations in that vastterritory lying between the Alleghanies on the east and the westernboundary of Missouri on the west. He also clearly understood theimportance of keeping open the Mississippi River throughout its entirelength. 

At the very time the Army of the Potomac was apparently doing nothing, --winning no victories, destroying no armies, making no permanentadvances, --there was a man in the West who was building up for himselfa remarkable reputation. He was all the while winning victories, destroying armies, making advances. He was always active, he was alwayssuccessful. The instant one thing was accomplished he turned hisenergies to a new task. This was Grant. 

He was a graduate of West Point, had seen service in the Mexican War, and ultimately rose to the grade of captain. At the outbreak of the warhe was in business with his father in Galena, Illinois. When thePresident called for the 75, 000 men, Grant proceeded at once to makehimself useful by drilling volunteer troops. He was by the governor ofIllinois commissioned as colonel, and was soon promoted. His firstservice was in Missouri. When stationed at Cairo he seized Paducah onhis own responsibility. This stroke possibly saved Kentucky for theUnion, for the legislature, which had up to that time been wavering, declared at once in favor of the Union. 

He was then ordered to break up a Confederate force at Belmont, a fewmiles below Cairo. He started at once on his expedition, and though theenemy was largely reinforced before his arrival, he was entirelysuccessful and returned with victory, not excuses. 

Then came Forts Henry and Donaldson. The latter attracted unusualattention because it was the most important Union victory up to thattime, and because of his epigrammatic reply to the offer of surrender. When asked what terms he would allow, his reply was, "Unconditionalsurrender. " As these initials happened to fit the initials of his name, he was for a long time called "Unconditional Surrender Grant. " So hepassed promptly from one task to another, from one victory to another. And Lincoln kept watch of him. He began to think that Grant was the manfor the army. 

It has been said that Lincoln, while he gave general directions to hissoldiers, and freely offered suggestions, left them to work out themilitary details in their own way. This is so well illustrated in hisletter to Grant that, for this reason, as well as for the intrinsicinterest of the letter, it is here given in full:

"MY DEAR GENERAL:--I do not remember that you and I ever metpersonally. I write this now as a grateful acknowledgment for thealmost inestimable service you have done the country. I wish to say aword further. When you first reached the vicinity of Vicksburg, Ithought you should do what you finally did--march the troops across theneck, run the batteries with the transports, and thus go below; and Inever had any faith, except a general hope that you knew better than I, that the Yazoo Pass expedition and the like could succeed. When you gotbelow and took Port Gibson, Grand Gulf, and vicinity, I thought youshould go down the river and join General Banks; and when you turnednorthward, east of the Big Black, I thought it was a mistake. I nowwish to make the personal acknowledgment that you were right and I waswrong. "

There was surely no call for this confession, no reason for the letter, except the bigness of the heart of the writer. Like the letter toHooker, it was just such a letter as a father might write a son. It wasthe production of a high grade of manliness. 

Prominence always brings envy, fault-finding, hostility. From thisGrant did not escape. The more brilliant and uniform his successes, themore clamorous a certain class of people became. The more strictly heattended to his soldierly duties, the more busily certain people triedto interfere, --to tell him how to do, or how not to do. In their self-appointed censorship they even besieged the President and made life aburden to him. With wit and unfailing good nature, he turned theircriticisms. When they argued that Grant could not possibly be a goodsoldier, he replied, "I like him; he fights. "

When they charged him with drunkenness, Lincoln jocularly proposed thatthey ascertain the brand of the whisky he drank and buy up a largeamount of the same sort to send to his other generals, so that theymight win victories like him!

Grant's important victories in the West came in rapid and brilliantsuccession. Forts Henry and Donaldson were captured in February, 1862. The battle of Shiloh, or Pittsburg Landing, was fought in April of thesame year. Vicksburg surrendered July 4th, 1863. And the battle ofChattanooga took place in November of that year. 

Grant was always sparing of words and his reports were puzzling to theadministration. He always reported, and that promptly. But his reportswere of the briefest description and in such marked contrast to thoseof all other officers known to the government, that they were a mysteryto those familiar with certain others. Lincoln said that Grant could doanything except write a report. He concluded to send a trusty messengerto see what manner of man this victorious general was. Charles A. Dana, Assistant-Secretary of War, was chosen for this purpose. Hisinvestigation was satisfactory, fully so. Lincoln's confidence in, andhopes for, this rising warrior were fully justified. 

It was after the capitulation of Vicksburg that Grant grasped the factthat he was the man destined to end the war. After the battle ofChattanooga public opinion generally pointed to him as the general whowas to lead our armies to ultimate victory. In February, 1864, congresspassed an act creating the office of Lieutenant General. The Presidentapproved that act on Washington's birthday, and nominated Grant forthat office. The senate confirmed this nomination on March 2d, andGrant was ordered to report at Washington. 

With his usual promptness he started at once for Washington, arrivingthere the 8th of March. The laconic conversation which took placebetween the President and the general has been reported about asfollows:--

"What do you want me to do?"

"To take Richmond. Can you do it?"

"Yes, if you furnish me troops enough. "

That evening there was a levee at the White House which he attended. The crowd were very eager to see him, and he was persuaded to mount asofa, which he did blushing, so that they might have a glimpse of him, but he could not be prevailed on to make a speech. On parting thatevening with the President, he said, "This is the warmest campaign Ihave witnessed during the war. "

That evening Lincoln informed him that he would on the next dayformally present his commission with a brief speech--four sentences inall. He suggested that Grant reply in a speech suitable to be given outto the country in the hope of reviving confidence and courage. Theformality of the presentation occurred the next day, but the generaldisappointed the President as to the speech. He accepted the commissionwith remarks of soldier-like brevity. 

It is fitting here to say of General Meade that as he had accepted hispromotion to the command of the Army of the Potomac with dignifiedhumility, so he accepted his being superseded with loyal obedience. Inboth cases he was a model of a patriot and a soldier. 

As soon as he received his commission Grant visited his future army--the Army of the Potomac. Upon his return Mrs. Lincoln planned to give adinner in his honor. But this was not to his taste. He said, "Mrs. Lincoln must excuse me. I must be in Tennessee at a given time. "

"But, " replied the President, "we can't excuse you. Mrs. Lincoln'sdinner without you would be Hamlet with Hamlet left out. "

"I appreciate the honor Mrs. Lincoln would do me, " he said, "but timeis very important now--and really--Mr. Lincoln--I have had enough ofthis show business. "

Mr. Lincoln was disappointed in losing the guest for dinner, but he wasdelighted with the spirit of his new general. 

Grant made his trip to the West. How he appreciated the value of timeis shown by the fact that he had his final conference with hissuccessor, General Sherman, who was also his warm friend, on therailway train _en route_ to Cincinnati. He had asked Sherman toaccompany him so far for the purpose of saving time. 

On March 17th General Grant assumed command of the armies of the UnitedStates with headquarters in the field. He was evidently in earnest. AsLincoln had cordially offered help and encouragement to all the othergenerals, so he did to Grant. The difference between one general andanother was not in Lincoln's offer of help, or refusal to give it, butthere was a difference in the way in which his offers were received. The following correspondence tells the story of the way he held himselfalert to render assistance:

"EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 30, 1864. 

LIEUT. -GENERAL GRANT:

Not expecting to see you again before the spring campaign opens, I wishto express in this way my entire satisfaction with what you have doneup to this time, so far as I understand it. The particulars of yourplan I neither know nor seek to know. You are vigilant and self-reliant; and, pleased with this, I wish not to obtrude any constraintsor restraints upon you. While I am very anxious that any great disasteror capture of our men in great numbers shall be avoided, I know thesepoints will be less likely to escape your attention than they would bemine. If there is anything wanting which is within my power to give, donot fail to let me know it. And now, with a brave army and a justcause, may God sustain you. 

 Yours very truly, A. LINCOLN. "

 "Headquarters Armies of the United States, Culpepper Court-House, May 1, 1864. "

THE PRESIDENT:

"Your very kind letter of yesterday is just received. The confidenceyou express for the future and satisfaction with the past in mymilitary administration is acknowledged with pride. It will be myearnest endeavor that you and the country shall not be disappointed. From my first entrance into the volunteer service of the country to thepresent day, I have never had cause of complaint--have never expressedor implied a complaint against the Administration, or the Secretary ofWar, for throwing any embarrassment in the way of my vigorouslyprosecuting what appeared to me my duty. Indeed since the promotionwhich placed me in command of all the armies, and in view of the greatresponsibility and importance of success, I have been astonished at thereadiness with which everything asked for has been yielded, withouteven an explanation being asked. Should my success be less than Idesire and expect, the least I can say is, the fault is not with you. 

 Very truly, your obedient servant, U. S. Grant, _Lieut-General_. "

There is just here a subject on which there is a curious difference ofopinion between Grant and John Hay. Grant says that, on his last visitto Washington before taking the field, the President had becomeacquainted with the fact that a general movement had been ordered allalong the line, and _seemed_ (italics ours) to think it a newfeature in war. He explained this plan to the President who was greatlyinterested and said, "Oh, yes! I see that. As we say out West, if a mancan't skin, he must hold a leg while somebody else does. "

There is, at the same time, documentary evidence that Lincoln had beencontinually urging this precise plan on all his generals. Mr. Haytherefore distrusts the accuracy of General Grant's memory. To thepresent writer, there is no mystery in the matter. The full truth islarge enough to include the statement of Grant as well as that ofNicolay and Hay. Mr. Hay is certainly right in claiming that Lincolnfrom the first desired such a concerted movement all along the line;for, even though not all could fight at the same time, those notfighting could help otherwise. This was the force of the westernproverb, "Those not skinning can hold a leg, " which he quoted to allhis generals from Buell to Grant. 

When therefore Grant explained precisely this plan to Lincoln, thelatter refrained from the natural utterance, --"That is exactly what Ihave been trying to get our generals to do all these years. " Incourtesy to Grant he did not claim to have originated the plan, hutsimply preserved a polite silence. He followed eagerly as the generalreiterated his own ideas, and the exclamation, "Oh, yes! I see that, "would mean more to Lincoln than Grant could possibly have guessed. Hedid see it, he had seen it a long time. 

It will be remembered that Lincoln had, for the sake of comprehendingthe significance of one word, mastered Euclid after he became a lawyer. There is here another evidence of the same thoroughness and force ofwill. During the months when the Union armies were accomplishingnothing, he procured the necessary books and set himself, in the midstof all his administrative cares, to the task of learning the science ofwar. That he achieved more than ordinary success will now surprise noone who is familiar with his character. His military sagacity isattested by so high an authority as General Sherman. Other generalshave expressed their surprise and gratification at his knowledge andpenetration in military affairs. But never at any time did he lord itover his generals. He did make suggestions. He did ask McClellan whyone plan was better than another. He did ask some awkward questions ofMeade. But it was his uniform policy to give his generals all possiblehelp, looking only for results, and leaving details unreservedly intheir hands. This is the testimony of McClellan and Grant, and thetestimony of the two generals, so widely different in character andmethod, should be and is conclusive. Grant says that Lincoln expresslyassured him that he preferred not to know his purposes, --he desiredonly to learn what means he needed to carry them out, and promised tofurnish these to the full extent of his power. 

Side by side these two men labored, each in his own department, untilthe war was ended and their work was done. Though so different, theywere actuated by the same spirit. Not even the southern generalsthemselves had deeper sympathy with, or greater tenderness for, themass of the Confederate soldiers. It was the same magnanimity inLincoln and Grant that sent the conquered army, after their finaldefeat, back to the industries of peace that they might be able toprovide against their sore needs. 

When that madman assassinated the President, the conspiracy includedalso the murder of the general. This failed only by reason of Grant'sunexpected absence from Washington City on the night of the crime. 

CHAPTER XXXV. 

LITERARY CHARACTERISTICS. 

The duties of the President of the United States include the writing ofstate papers that are considerable both in number and in volume. Manyof the Presidents, from Washington down, have been men of greatability, and almost all of them have had sufficient academic trainingor intellectual environments in their early years. These state papershave frequently been such as to compare favorably with those of theablest statesmen of Europe. With every new election of President thepeople wait in expectancy for the inaugural address and the messages tocongress. These are naturally measured by the standard of what haspreceded--not of all that has preceded, for the inferior ones areforgotten, but of the best. This is no light test for any man. 

Lincoln's schooling was so slight as to be almost _nil_. He did notgrow up in a literary atmosphere. But in the matter of his officialutterances he must be compared with the ablest geniuses and mostcultured scholars that have preceded him, and not merely with his earlyassociates. He is to be measured with Washington, the Adamses, Jefferson, and not with the denizens of Gentryville or New Salem. 

Perhaps the best study of his keenness of literary criticism will befound in his correction of Seward's letter of instruction to CharlesFrancis Adams, minister to England, under date of May 21, 1861. Sewardwas a brilliant scholar, a polished writer, a trained diplomatist. Ifany person were able to compose a satisfactory letter for the criticalconditions of that period, he was the one American most likely to doit. He drafted the letter and submitted it to Lincoln for suggestionsand corrections. The original manuscript with Lincoln'sinterlineations, is still preserved, and facsimiles, or copies, aregiven in various larger volumes of Lincoln's biography. This documentis very instructive. In every case Lincoln's suggestion is a markedimprovement on the original. It shows that he had the better command ofprecise English. Lowell himself could not have improved his criticisms. It shows, too, that he had a firmer grasp of the subject. Had Seward'spaper gone without these corrections, it is almost certain thatdiplomatic relations with England would have been broken off. Inliterary matters Lincoln was plainly the master and Seward was thepupil. 

The power which Lincoln possessed of fitting language to thought ismarked. It made him the matchless story-teller, and gave sublimity tohis graver addresses. His thoroughness and accuracy were a source ofwonder and delight to scholars. He had a masterful grasp of greatsubjects. He was able to look at events from all sides, so as toappreciate how they would appear to different grades of intelligence, different classes of people, different sections of the country. Morethan once this many-sidedness of his mind saved the country from ruin. Wit and humor are usually joined with their opposite, pathos, and it istherefore not surprising that, being eminent in one, he should possessall three characteristics. In his conversation his humor predominated, in his public speeches pure reasoning often rose to pathos. 

If the author were to select a few of his speeches or papers fitted togive the best example of his literary qualities, and at the same timepresent an evidence of the progress of his doctrine along politicallines, he would name the following: The House-divided-against-itselfspeech, delivered at Springfield June 16, 1858. The underlying thoughtof this was that the battle between freedom and slavery was sure to bea fight to the finish. 

Next is the Cooper Institute speech, Feb. 12, 1860. The argument inthis is that, in the thought and intent of the founders of ourgovernment, the Union was permanent and paramount, while slavery wastemporary and secondary. 

Next was his inaugural, March 4, 1861. This warned the country againstsectional war. It declared temperately but firmly, that he wouldperform the duties which his oath of office required of him, but hewould _not_ begin a war: if war came the aggressors must be thoseof the other side. 

The next was the Emancipation Proclamation, September 22, 1862, andJanuary 1, 1863. This was not a general and complete emancipation ofall slaves, it was primarily a military device, a war measure, freeingthe slaves of those who were in actual and armed rebellion at the time. It was intended to weaken the belligerent powers of the rebels, and anotice of the plan was furnished more than three months in advance, giving ample time to all who wished to do so, to submit to the laws oftheir country and save that portion of their property that was investedin slaves. 

Then came the second inaugural, March 4, 1865. There was in this littleto discuss, for he had no new policy to proclaim, he was simply tocontinue the policy of the past four years, of which the country hadshown its approval by reelecting him. The end of the war was almost insight, it would soon he finished. But in this address there breathes anintangible spirit which gives it marvelous grandeur. Isaiah was aprophet who was also a statesman. Lincoln--we say it with reverence--was a statesman who was also a prophet. He had foresight. He had_in_sight. He saw the hand of God shaping events, he saw the spirit ofGod in events. Such is his spiritual elevation of thought, such histenderness of yearning, that there is no one but Isaiah to whom we mayfittingly compare him, in the manly piety of his closing paragraph:

"Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge ofwar may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue untilall the wealth piled by the bondman's two hundred and fifty years ofunrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn withthe lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was saidthree thousand years ago, so still it must be said, 'The judgments ofthe Lord are true and righteous altogether. With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right, as God gives us tosee the right, let us strive to finish the work we are in; to bind upthe nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have home the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan; to do all which may achieve andcherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations. "

The study of these five speeches, or papers, will give the salientpoints of his political philosophy, and incidentally of hisintellectual development. These are not enough to show the man Lincoln, but they do give a true idea of the great statesman. They show asymmetrical and wonderful growth. Great as was the House-divided-against-itself speech, there is yet a wide difference between that andthe second inaugural: and the seven years intervening accomplished thisgrowth of mind and of spirit only because they were years of greatstress. 

Outside of this list is the address at the dedication of Gettysburgcemetery, November 19, 1863. This was not intended for an oration. Edward Everett was the orator of the occasion. Lincoln's part was topronounce the formal words of dedication. It was a busy time--all timeswere busy with him, but this was unusually busy--and he wrote it on asheet of foolscap paper in such odd moments as he could command. Inform it is prose, but in effect it is a poem. Many of its sentences arerhythmical. The occasion lifted him into a higher realm of thought. Thehearers were impressed by his unusual gravity and solemnity of mannerquite as much, perhaps, as by the words themselves. They were awed, many were moved to tears. The speech is given in full:

GETTYSBURG ADDRESS. 

"Fourscore and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth on thiscontinent a new nation, conceived in liberty and dedicated to theproposition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in agreat civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation soconceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a greatbattle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of thatfield as a final resting-place for those who here gave their lives thatthat nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that weshould do this. But in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannotconsecrate, we cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living anddead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our poor powerto add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember, whatwe say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated here to the unfinished work whichthey who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather forus to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us, --thatfrom these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause forwhich they gave the last full measure of devotion, --that we here highlyresolve that these dead shall not have died in vain, --that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom, --and that government ofthe people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from theearth. "

The effect of this speech was not immediate. Colonel Lamon was on theplatform when it was delivered and he says very decidedly that Everett, Seward, himself, and Lincoln were all of opinion that the speech was afailure. He adds: "I state it as a fact, and without fear ofcontradiction, that this famous Gettysburg speech was not regarded bythe audience to whom it was addressed, or by the press or people of theUnited States, as a production of extraordinary merit, nor was itcommented on as such until after the death of the author. "

A search through the files of the leading New York dailies for severaldays immediately following the date of the speech, seems to confirmLamon's remark--all except the last clause above quoted. These papersgive editorial praise to the oration of Everett, they comment favorablyon a speech by Beecher (who had just returned from England), but theymake no mention of Lincoln's speech. It is true that a day or two laterEverett wrote him a letter of congratulation upon his success. But thismay have been merely generous courtesy, --as much as to say, "Don't feelbadly over it, it was a much better speech than you think!" Or, on theother hand, it may have been the result of his sober second thought, the speech had time to soak in. 

But the silence of the great daily papers confirms Lamon up to acertain point. At the very first the speech was not appreciated. Butafter a few days the public awoke to the fact that Lincoln's "fewremarks" were immeasurably superior to Everett's brilliant and learnedoration. The author distinctly remembers that it was compared to theoration of Pericles in memory of the Athenian dead; that it wascurrently said that there had been no memorial oration from that dateto Lincoln's speech of equal power. This comparison with Pericles iscertainly high praise, but is it not true? The two orations are verydifferent: Lincoln's was less than three hundred words long, that ofPericles near three thousand. Pericles gloried in war, Lincoln mournedover the necessity of war and yearned after peace. But both oratorsalike appreciated the glory of sacrifice for one's country. And it issafe to predict that this Gettysburg address, brief, hastily prepared, underestimated by its author, will last as long as the republic shalllast, as long as English speech shall endure. 

CHAPTER XXXVI. 

SECOND ELECTION. 

It was Lincoln's life-long habit to keep himself close to the plainpeople. He loved them. He declared that the Lord must love them or hewould not have made so many of them. Out of them he came, to them hebelonged. In youth he was the perennial peacemaker and umpire ofdisputes in his rural neighborhood. When he was President the samepeople instinctively turned to him for help. The servants called himOld Abe, --from them a term of affection, not of indignity. The soldierscalled him Father Abraham. He was glad to receive renowned politiciansand prominent business men at the White House; he was more glad to seethe plain people. When a farmer neighbor addressed him as "MisterPresident, " he said, "Call me Lincoln. " The friendship of these peoplerested him. 

Then, too, he had a profound realization of their importance to thenational prosperity. It was their instincts that constituted thenational conscience. It was their votes that had elected him. It wastheir muskets that had defended the capital. It was on their loyaltythat he counted for the ultimate triumph of the Union cause. As hisadministrative policy progressed it was his concern not to outstripthem so far as to lose their support. In other words, he was to leadthem, not run away from them. His confidence in them was on the wholewell founded, though there were times when the ground seemed to beslipping out from under him. 

The middle portion of 1864 was one such period of discouragement. Thematerial for volunteer soldiers was about exhausted, and it wasbecoming more and more necessary to depend upon the draft, and thatmeasure caused much friction. The war had been long, costly, sorrowful. Grant was before Petersburg, Farragut at Mobile, and Sherman atAtlanta. The two first had no promise of immediate success, and as tothe third it was a question whether he was not caught in his own trap. This prolongation of the war had a bad effect on the northern public. 

Lincoln, shrewdly and fairly, analyzed the factions of loyal people asfollows:

"We are in civil war. In such cases there always is a main question;but in this case that question is a perplexing compound--Union andslavery. It thus becomes a question not of two sides merely, but of atleast four sides, even among those who are for the Union, sayingnothing of those who are against it. Thus--

Those who are for the Union with, but not without, slavery;

Those for it without, but not with;

Those for it with or without, but prefer it with; and

Those for it with or without, but prefer it without. 

Among these again is a subdivision of those who are for gradual, butnot for immediate, and those who are for immediate, but not forgradual, extinction of slavery. "

One man who was in the political schemes of that day says that inWashington there were only three prominent politicians who were notseriously discontented with and opposed to Lincoln. The three namedwere Conkling, Sumner, and Wilson. Though there was undoubtedly alarger number who remained loyal to their chief, yet the discontent wasgeneral. The President himself felt this. Nicolay and Hay havepublished a note which impressively tells the sorrowful story:

 "Executive Mansion, Washington, August 28, 1864. 

This morning, as for some days past, it seems exceedingly probable thatthis administration will not be reelected. Then it will be my duty toso cooperate with the President-elect as to save the Union between theelection and the inauguration, as he will have secured his election onsuch ground that he cannot possibly save it afterward. 

 A. Lincoln. "

Early in the year this discontent had broken out in a disagreeable anddangerous form. The malcontents were casting about to find a candidatewho would defeat Lincoln. They first tried General Rosecrans, and fromhim they got an answer of no uncertain sound. "My place, " he declared, "is here. The country gave me my education, and so has a right to mymilitary services. "

Their next attempt was Grant, with whom they fared no better. Then theytried Vice-President Hamlin who was certainly dissatisfied with theslowness with which Lincoln moved in the direction of abolition. ButHamlin would not be a candidate against his chief. 

Then the Secretary of the Treasury, Chase, entered the race as a rivalof Lincoln. When this became known, the President was urged by hisfriends to dismiss from the cabinet this secretary who was so far outof sympathy with the administration he was serving. He refused to dothis so long as Chase did his official duties well, and when Chaseoffered to resign he told him there was no need of it. But the citizensof Ohio, of which state Chase had in 1860 been the "favorite son, " didnot take the same view of the matter. Both legislature and massmeetings demanded his resignation so emphatically that he could notrefuse. He did resign and was for a short time in private life. InDecember, 1864, Lincoln, in the full knowledge of the fact that duringthe summer Chase had done his utmost to injure him, nominated him aschief justice, and from him received his oath of office at his secondinaugural. 

The search for a rival for Lincoln was more successful when Fremont wassolicited. He was nominated by a convention of extreme abolitioniststhat met in the city of Cleveland. But it soon became apparent that hisfollowing was insignificant, and he withdrew his name. 

The regular republican convention was held in Baltimore, June 8, 1864. Lincoln's name was presented, as in 1860, by the state of Illinois. Onthe first ballot he received every vote except those from the state ofMissouri. When this was done, the Missouri delegates changed theirvotes and he was nominated unanimously. 

In reply to congratulations, he said, "I do not allow myself to supposethat either the convention or the League have concluded to decide thatI am either the greatest or best man in America, but rather that theyhave concluded that it is not best to swap horses while crossing theriver, and have further concluded that I am not so poor a horse thatthey might not make a botch of it trying to swap. "

That homely figure of "swapping horses while crossing the river" caughtthe attention of the country. It is doubtful if ever a campaign speech, or any series of campaign speeches, was so effective in winning andholding votes as that one phrase. 

But, as has already been said, the prospects during the summer, --forthere was a period of five months from the nomination to the election, --were anything but cheering. At this crisis there developed a means ofvigorous support which had not previously been estimated at its fullvalue. In every loyal state there was a "war governor. " Upon these menthe burdens of the war had rested so heavily that they understood, asthey would not otherwise have understood, the superlative weight ofcares that pressed on the President, and they saw more clearly thanthey otherwise could have seen, the danger in swapping horses whilecrossing the river. These war governors rallied with unanimity and withgreat earnestness to the support of the President. Other willinghelpers were used. The plain people, as well as the leading patriots, rallied to the support of the President. 

The democrats nominated McClellan on the general theory that the warwas a failure. As election day approached, the increased vigor withwhich the war was prosecuted made it look less like a failure, eventhough success was not in sight. The result of the election was what inlater days would be called a landslide. There were two hundred andthirty-three electors. Of this number two hundred and twelve were forLincoln. The loyal North was back of him. He might now confidently girdhimself for finishing the work. 

Such was his kindliness of spirit that he was not unduly elated bysuccess, and never, either in trial or achievement, did he becomevindictive or revengeful. After the election he was serenaded, and inacknowledgment he made a little speech. Among other things he said, "Now that the election is over, may not all, having a common interest, reunite in a common effort to save our common country? For my own part, I have striven, and will strive, to place no obstacle in the way. Solong as I have been here _I have not willingly planted a thorn in anyman's bosom_. "

CHAPTER XXXVII. 

CLOSE OF THE WAR. 

As the year 1864 wore towards its close, military events manifestlyapproached a climax. In 1861 the two armies were comparatively green. For obvious reasons the advantage was on the side of the South. TheSouth had so long been in substantial control at Washington that theyhad the majority of the generals, they had nearly all the arms andammunition, and, since they had planned the coming conflict, theirmilitia were in the main in better condition. But matters weredifferent after three years. The armies on both sides were now composedof veterans, the generals had been tried and their value was known. Notleast of all, Washington, while by no means free from spies, was not socompletely overrun with them as at the first. At the beginning thedepartments were simply full of spies, and every movement of thegovernment was promptly reported to the authorities at Richmond. Threeand a half years had sufficed to weed out most of these. 

In that period a splendid navy had been constructed. The MississippiRiver was open from Minnesota to the Gulf of Mexico. Every southernport was more or less successfully blockaded, and the power of thegovernment in this was every month growing stronger. 

Strange as it may seem, the available population of the North hadincreased. The figures which Lincoln gave prove this. The loyal statesof the North gave in 1860 a sum total of 3, 870, 222 votes. The samestates in 1864 gave a total of 3, 982, 011. That gave an excess of votersto the number of 111, 789. To this should be added the number of all thesoldiers in the field from Massachusetts, Rhode Island, New Jersey, Delaware, Indiana, Illinois, and California, who by the laws of thosestates could not vote away from their homes, and which number could nothave been less than 90, 000. Then there were two new states, Kansas andNevada, that had cast 33, 762 votes. This leaves an increase for theNorth of 234, 551 votes. It is plain that the North was not becomingexhausted of men. 

Nor had the manufactures of the North decreased. The manufacture ofarms and all the munitions of war was continually improving, and otherindustrial interests were flourishing. There was indeed much povertyand great suffering. The financial problem was one of the most seriousof all, but in all these the South was suffering more than the North. On the southern side matters were growing desperate. The factor of timenow counted against them, for, except in military discipline, they werenot improving with the passing years. There was little hope of foreignintervention, there was not much hope of a counter uprising in theNorth. It is now generally accepted as a certainty that, if theConfederate government had published the truth concerning the progressof the war, especially of such battles as Chattanooga, the southernpeople would have recognized the hopelessness of their cause and thewickedness of additional slaughter, and the war would have terminatedsooner. 

In the eighth volume of the History by Nicolay and Hay there is asuccession of chapters of which the headings alone tell the glad storyof progress. These headings are: "Arkansas Free, " "Louisiana Free, ""Tennessee Free, " "Maryland Free, " and "Missouri Free. "

In August Admiral Farragut had captured Mobile. General Grant with hisveterans was face to face with General Lee and his veterans inVirginia. General Sherman with his splendid army had in the early fallstruck through the territory of the Southern Confederacy and onChristmas day had captured Savannah. The following letter from thePresident again shows his friendliness towards his generals:

 "EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 26, 1864. 

MY DEAR GENERAL SHERMAN:

Many, many thanks for your Christmas gift, the capture of Savannah. 

When you were about leaving Atlanta for the Atlantic, I was anxious, ifnot fearful; but feeling that you were the better judge, andremembering that 'nothing risked, nothing gained, ' I did not interfere. Now, the undertaking being a success, the honor is all yours; for Ibelieve none of us went further than to acquiesce. 

And taking the work of General Thomas into the count, as it should betaken, it is indeed a great success. Not only does it afford theobvious and immediate military advantages; but in showing to the worldthat your army could be divided, putting the stronger part to animportant new service, and yet leaving enough to vanquish the oldopposing force of the whole, --Hood's army, --it brings those who sat indarkness to see a great light. But what next?

I suppose it will be safe if I leave General Grant and yourself todecide. 

Please make my grateful acknowledgment to your whole army--officers andmen. 

 Yours very truly, A. LINCOLN. "

The principal thing now to be done was the destruction of theConfederate army or armies in Virginia. That and that only could endthe war. The sooner it should be done the better. Grant's spirit cannotin a hundred pages be better expressed than in his own epigram, --"Ipropose to fight it out on this line if it takes all summer. " It didtake all summer and all winter too, for the Confederates as well as theFederals had grown to be good fighters, and they were no cowards. They, too, were now acting on the defensive and were able to take advantageof swamp, hill, and river. This was an important factor. Grant hadindeed captured two armies and destroyed one, but this was different. 

It needed not an experienced eye or a military training to see thatthis could only be done at a costly sacrifice of life. But let it beremembered that the three years of no progress had also been at acostly sacrifice of life. The deadly malaria of Virginia swamps wasquite as dangerous as a bullet or bayonet. Thousands upon thousands ofsoldiers were taken to hospital cursing in their wrath: "If I couldonly have been shot on the field of battle, there would have been someglory in it. But to die of drinking the swamp water--this is awful!"The sacrifice of life under Grant was appalling, but it was not greaterthan the other sort of sacrifice had been. What is more, itaccomplished its purpose. Inch by inch he fought his way through manybloody months to the evacuation of Richmond and the surrender of Lee'sarmy at Appomattox, April 9, 1865. Then the war was over. 

[Illustration: Grant's Campaign around Richmond. ]

The sympathies of the President were not limited to his own friends orhis own army. The author is permitted to narrate the followingincident--doubtless there were many others like it--which is given byan eye-witness, the Reverend Lysander Dickerman, D. D. , of New YorkCity:

It was at Hatcher's Run on the last Sunday before the close of the war. A detachment of Confederate prisoners, possibly two thousand in all, had just been brought in. They were in rags, starved, sick, andaltogether as wretched a sight as one would be willing to see in alifetime. A train of cars was standing on the siding. The Presidentcame out of a car and stood on the platform. As he gazed at thepitiable sufferers, he said not a word, but his breast heaved withemotion, his frame quivered. The tears streamed down his cheeks and heraised his arm ("I don't suppose, " commented the Doctor, "he had ahandkerchief") and with his sleeve wiped away the tears. Then hesilently turned, reentered the car which but for him was empty, satdown on the further side, buried his face in his hands, and wept. Thatis the picture of the man Lincoln. Little did the Southerners suspect, as they in turn cursed and maligned that great and tender man, what anoble friend they really had in him. 

As the end came in sight an awkward question arose, What shall we dowith Jeff Davis--if we catch him? This reminded the President of alittle story. "I told Grant, " he said, "the story of an Irishman whohad taken Father Matthew's pledge. Soon thereafter, becoming verythirsty, he slipped into a saloon and applied for a lemonade, andwhilst it was being mixed he whispered to the bartender, 'Av ye coulddrap a bit o' brandy in it, all unbeknown to myself, I'd make no fussabout it. ' My notion was that if Grant could let Jeff Davis escape allunbeknown to himself, he was to let him go. I didn't want him. "Subsequent events proved the sterling wisdom of this suggestion, forthe country had no use for Jeff Davis when he was caught. 

Late in March, 1865, the President decided to take a short vacation, said to be the first he had had since entering the White House in 1861. With a few friends he went to City Point on the James River, whereGrant had his headquarters. General Sherman came up for a conference. The two generals were confident that the end of the war was near, butthey were also certain that there must be at least one more greatbattle. "Avoid this if possible, " said the President. "No morebloodshed, no more bloodshed. "

On the second day of April both Richmond and Petersburg were evacuated. The President was determined to see Richmond and started under the careof Admiral Porter. The river was tortuous and all knew that the channelwas full of obstructions so that they had the sensation of being insuspense as to the danger of torpedoes and other devices. AdmiralFarragut who was in Richmond came down the river on the same day, April4th, to meet the presidential party. An accident happened to his boatand it swung across the channel and there stuck fast, completelyobstructing the channel, and rendering progress in either directionimpossible. The members of the presidential party were impatient anddecided to proceed as best they could. They were transferred to theAdmiral's barge and towed up the river to their destination. 

The grandeur of that triumphal entry into Richmond was entirely moral, not in the least spectacular. There were no triumphal arches, nomartial music, no applauding multitudes, no vast cohorts with flyingbanners and glittering arms. Only a few American citizens, in plainclothes, on foot, escorted by ten marines. The central figure was thatof a man remarkably tall, homely, ill-dressed, but with a countenanceradiating joy and good-will. It was only thirty-six hours sinceJefferson Davis had fled, having set fire to the city, and the fire wasstill burning. There was no magnificent civic welcome to the modestparty, but there was a spectacle more significant. It was the largenumber of negroes, crowding, kneeling, praying, shouting "Bress deLawd!" Their emancipator, their Moses, their Messiah, had come inperson. To them it was the beginning of the millennium. A few poorwhites added their welcome, such as it was, and that was all. But allknew that "Babylon had fallen, " and they realized the import of thatfact. 

Johnston did not surrender to Sherman until April 26th, but Lee hadsurrendered on the 9th, and it was conceded that it was a matter of buta few days when the rest also would surrender. On Good Friday, April14th, --a day glorious in its beginning, tragic at its close, --thenewspapers throughout the North published an order of the Secretary ofWar stopping the draft and the purchase of arms and munitions of war. The government had decreed that at twelve o'clock noon of that day thestars and stripes should be raised above Fort Sumter. The chaplain wasthe Reverend Matthias Harris who had officiated at the raising of theflag over that fort in 1860. The reading of the psalter was conductedby the Reverend Dr. Storrs of Brooklyn. The orator of the occasion wasthe eloquent Henry Ward Beecher. And the flag was raised by Major (nowGeneral) Anderson, whose staunch loyalty and heroic defense has linkedhis name inseparably with Sumter. 

The war was over and Lincoln at once turned his attention to the dutiesof reconstruction. 

CHAPTER XXXVIII. 

ASSASSINATION. 

Ward H. Lamon asserts that there was no day, from the morning Lincolnleft Springfield to the night of his assassination, when his life wasnot in serious peril. If we make generous allowance for the fears whichhad their root in Lamon's devoted love for his chief, and for thatnatural desire to magnify his office--for his special charge was toguard the President from bodily harm--which would incline him toestimate trifles seriously, we are still compelled to believe that thelife was in frequent, if not continual, danger. There are, and alwayshave been, men whose ambition is in the direction of a startling crime. There were not less than three known attempts on the life of Lincolnbetween Springfield and Washington. There may have been others that arenot known. If any one was in a position to know of real and probableplots against the President's life, it was Lamon. It was he, too, whoshowed the greatest concern upon the subject, though he was personallya man of unlimited courage. 

An event occurred early in 1862, which we here transcribe, not merelybecause of its intrinsic interest, but especially because it hints ofdangers not known to the public. Lincoln was at this time residing atthe Soldier's Home and was accustomed to riding alone to and from thisplace. His friends could not prevail on him to accept an escort, thoughthey were in daily fear of kidnapping or murder. Lamon narrates theoccurrence substantially (in the President's words) as follows: One dayhe rode up to the White House steps, where the Colonel met him, andwith his face full of fun, he said, "I have something to tell you. " Thetwo entered the office, where the President locked the door andproceeded:

"You know I have always told you I thought you an _idiot_ that ought tobe put in a strait jacket for your apprehensions of my personal dangerfrom assassination. You also know that the way we skulked into thiscity in the first place has been a source of shame and regret to me, for it did look so cowardly!"

"Yes, go on. "

"Well, I don't now propose to make you my father-confessor andacknowledge a change of heart, yet I am free to admit that just now Idon't know what to think: I am staggered. Understand me, I do not wantto oppose my pride of opinion against light and reason, but I am insuch a state of 'betweenity' in my conclusions, that I can't say thatthe judgment of _this court_ is prepared to proclaim a decision uponthe facts presented. "

After a pause he continued:

"Last night about eleven o'clock, I went to the Soldiers' Home alone, riding _Old Abe_, as you call him; and when I arrived at the foot ofthe hill on the road leading to the entrance to the Home grounds, I wasjogging along at a slow gait, immersed in deep thought, when suddenly Iwas aroused--I may say the arousement lifted me out of my saddle aswell as out of my wits--by the report of a rifle, and seemingly thegunner was not fifty yards from where my contemplations ended and myaccelerated transit began. My erratic namesake, with little warning, gave proof of decided dissatisfaction at the racket, and with onereckless bound he unceremoniously separated me from my eight-dollarplug hat, with which I parted company without any assent, express orimplied, upon my part. At a break-neck speed we soon arrived in a havenof safety. Meanwhile I was left in doubt whether death was moredesirable from being thrown from a runaway Federal horse, or as thetragic result of a rifle-ball fired by a disloyal bushwhacker in themiddle of the night. "

"I tell you there is no time on record equal to that made by the twoOld Abes on that occasion. The historic ride of John Gilpin, and HenryWilson's memorable display of bareback equestrianship on the stray armymule from the scenes of the battle of Bull Run, a year ago, are nothingin comparison to mine, either in point of time made or in ludicrouspageantry. "

"No good can result at this time from giving [this occurrence]publicity. It does seem to me that I am in more danger from theaugmentation of an imaginary peril than from a judicious silence, bethe danger ever so great; and, moreover, I do not want it understoodthat I share your apprehensions. I never have. "

When one takes into account the number of Lincoln's bitter enemies, andthe desperate character of some of them, the wonder is that he was notshot sooner. There were multitudes of ruffians in Washington City andelsewhere, who had murder in their hearts and plenty of deadly weaponswithin reach. Yet Lincoln lived on for four years, and was reluctant toaccept even a nominal body guard. The striking parallel between him andWilliam the Silent will at once occur to the reader. He, like Lincoln, would take no precaution. He exposed himself freely, and there wereplots almost innumerable against his life before he was slain. Suchpersons seem to have invisible defenders. 

Lincoln was not a fatalist, but he did believe that he would live tocomplete his specific work and that he would not live beyond that. Perhaps he was wise in this. Had he surrounded himself with pomp anddefense after the manner of Fremont he could not have done his work atall, for his special calling required that he should keep near to thepeople, and not isolate himself. Moreover, it is a question whether anelaborate show of defense would not have invited a correspondinglyelaborate ingenuity in attack. His very trustfulness must have disarmedsome. The wonder is not that he was slain at last, but that under thecircumstances he was not slain earlier. 

Much has been written, and perhaps justly, of Lincoln's presentiments. It is not exceptional, it is common in all rural communities tomultiply and magnify signs. The commonest occurrences are invested withan occult meaning. Seeing the new moon over the right shoulder or overthe left shoulder, the howling of a dog at night, the chance assemblageof thirteen persons, the spilling of salt, --these and a thousand otherthings are taken to be signs of something. The habit of attending tothese things probably originates in mere amusements. It takes theplace, or furnishes the material, of small talk. But years of attentionto these things, especially in the susceptible period of childhood andyouth, are almost certain to have a lasting effect. A person gets intothe habit of noting them, of looking for them, and the influencebecomes ingrained in his very nature so that it is next to impossibleto shake it off. This condition is a feature of all rural communities, not only in the West, but in New England: in fact, in Europe, Asia, Africa, and Australia. 

Lincoln shared the impressibility of the community in which he grew up;no more, no less. Like all the rest, indeed, like all of mankind, hecounted the hits, not the misses. Being unusually outspoken, he oftentold of impressions which another would not have mentioned. The verytelling of them magnified their importance. He had been havingpremonitions all his life, and it would be strange if he did not havesome just before his death. He did, and these are the ones that areremembered. 

In spite of all, he was in excellent spirits on Good Friday, April 14, 1865. The burdens and sorrows of bloodshed had made an old man of him. But the war was at an end, the stars and stripes were floating overSumter, the Union was saved, and slavery was doomed. There came backinto his eyes the light that had long been absent. Those who were abouthim said the elasticity of his movements and joyousness of his mannerwere marked. "His mood all day was singularly happy and tender. "

The events of the day were simple. It was the day of the regularmeeting of the cabinet. Grant, who had arrived in Washington thatmorning, attended this meeting. It was the President's idea that theleaders of the Confederacy should be allowed to escape, --much as he hadalready jocularly advised Grant to let Jeff Davis escape "all unbeknownto himself. " He spoke plainly on the subject. "No one need expect me totake any part in hanging or killing these men, even the worst of them. Enough lives have been sacrificed. " After the discussion of variousmatters, when the cabinet adjourned until the following Tuesday, thelast words he ever uttered to them were that "they must now begin toact in the interests of peace. "

In the afternoon he went for a drive with Mrs. Lincoln. Theconversation embraced plans of living--in Chicago? or California?--after the expiration of his term of office. This fact shows that hispresentments did not make so real an impression on him as many peoplehave believed. 

Three days before this his devoted servant Colonel Lamon--we mightalmost call him his faithful watch-dog, so loving, loyal, and watchfulwas he--had gone on an errand for him to Richmond. Lamon, who was loathto start, tried to secure from him a promise in advance of divulgingwhat it was to be. Lincoln, after much urging, said he thought he wouldventure to make the promise. It was that he would promise not to go outafter night in Lamon's absence, and _particularly to the theater_(italics Lamon's). The President first joked about it, but beingpersistently entreated said at last: "Well, I promise to do the best Ican towards it. "

But for the evening of the day under consideration, Mrs. Lincoln hadgot up a theater party--her husband was always fond of the diversionof the theater. The party was to include General and Mrs. Grant. Butthe general's plans required him to go that evening to Philadelphia, and so Major Rathbone and Miss Harris were substituted. This partyoccupied the upper proscenium box on the right of the stage. 

About ten o'clock, J. Wilkes Booth, a young actor twenty-six years ofage, and very handsome, glided along the corridor towards that box. Being himself an actor and well known by the employees of the theater, he was suffered to proceed without hindrance. Passing through thecorridor door he fastened it shut by means of a bar that fitted into aniche previously prepared, and making an effectual barricade. A holehad been bored through the door leading into the box so that he couldsurvey the inmates without attracting their attention. With revolver inone hand and dagger in the other he noiselessly entered the box andstood directly behind the President who was enjoying the humor of thecomedy. 

"The awful tragedy in the box makes everything else seem pale andunreal. Here were five human beings in a narrow space--the greatest manof his time, in the glory of the most stupendous success in ourhistory, the idolized chief of a nation already mighty, withillimitable vistas of grandeur to come; his beloved wife, proud andhappy; a pair of betrothed lovers, with all the promise of felicitythat youth, social position, and wealth could give them; and this youngactor, handsome as Endymion upon Latmos, the pet of his little world. The glitter of fame, happiness, and ease was upon the entire group, butin an instant everything was to be changed with the blinding swiftnessof enchantment. Quick death was to come on the central figure of thatcompany--the central figure, we believe, of the great and good men ofthe century. Over all the rest the blackest fates hovered menacingly--fates from which a mother might pray that kindly death would save herchildren in their infancy. One was to wander with the stain of murderon his soul, with the curses of a world upon his name, with a price setupon his head, in frightful physical pain, till he died a dog's deathin a burning barn; the stricken wife was to pass the rest of her daysin melancholy and madness; of those two young lovers, one was to slaythe other, and then end his life a raving maniac" (Nicolay and Hay, X. 295). 

The revolver was thrust near to the back of the head of theunsuspecting victim--that kind man who had "never willingly planted athorn in any man's bosom, " who could not bear to witness suffering evenin an animal. The report of the pistol was somewhat muffled and wasunnoticed by the majority of the audience. The ball penetrated thePresident's brain, and without word or sound his head dropped upon hisbreast. Major Rathbone took in the situation and sprang at the murdererwho slashed him savagely with the dagger, tore himself free, and leapedover the balustrade upon the stage. It was not a high leap for anathletic young man, but his spur caught in a flag with which the boxwas draped, so that he did not strike quite squarely on his feet. Theresult was that he broke his leg or ankle. But gathering himself up, heflourished his dagger, declaiming the motto of Virginia, _Sic semperTyrannis_ (Thus ever to tyrants), and before the audience could realizewhat was done, he disappeared. He ran out of the rear of the theaterwhere a fleet horse was in waiting. He mounted and rode for his life. For eleven days he was in hiding, with the curse of Cain upon him, suffering all the while excruciating agonies from his broken leg, whichcould be but imperfectly cared for. He was finally corralled in a barn, the barn was set on fire, and while thus at bay he was shot down. 

Aid came at once to the President, but the surgeons saw at a glancethat the wound was mortal. They carried him out into the open air. Whenthey reached the street the question arose, Where shall we take him? Onthe opposite side of the street was an unpretentious hotel. A man, standing on the front steps, saw the commotion and asked what it meant. On being told, he said, "Take him to my room. " It was thus that thegreatest man of the age died in a small room of a common hotel. Butthis was not unfitting; he was of the plain people, he always lovedthem, and among them he closed his earthly record. He lingeredunconscious through the night, and at twenty minutes after seveno'clock, on the morning of April 15th, he died. 

The band of assassins of which Booth was the head, planned to murderalso other officials. Grant escaped, having suddenly left the city. Theonly other person who was actually attacked was Seward. Though theassassin was a giant in stature and in strength, though he fought likea madman, and though Seward was at the time in bed with his right armand jaw fractured, he having been thrown from a horse, yet strangelyenough he was not killed. The assassin inflicted many and terriblewounds, especially upon Frederick Seward, his son, who did not regainconsciousness for weeks; but no one in that house was killed. 

Surely never did the telegraph hear heavier news than when it flashedthe message, "Lincoln has been assassinated. " More than one ex-Confederate stoutly declared that "when Lincoln was murdered the Southlost its best friend. " And thousands of others replied, that was thetruth! At the dedication of his monument in 1874 General Grant gaveutterance again to this thought: "In his death the nation lost itsgreatest hero; in his death the South lost its most just friend. "

CHAPTER XXXIX. 

A NATION'S SORROW. 

The outburst of sorrow and indignation over the foul murder of thePresident was so great as to lead people to assume that Lincoln was atall times and universally a favorite. Those who know better havesometimes thought it discreet to preserve silence. But the greatness ofhis work cannot be appreciated at its full value unless one bears inmind that he had not the full measure of sympathy and a reasonable helpfrom those on whom he had a right to depend. During the four years thathe was in Washington he was indeed surrounded by a band of devotedfollowers. But these people were few in numbers. Those who sympathizedwith Fremont, or McClellan, or Greeley, plus those who were againstLincoln on general principles, constituted a large majority of thepeople who ought to have sustained him. All of these factions, orcoteries, however much they differed among themselves, agreed inhampering Lincoln. For one person Lincoln was too radical, for anothertoo conservative, but both joined hands to annoy him. 

Much of this annoyance was thoughtless. The critics were conscientious, they sincerely believed that their plans were the best. They failed tograsp the fact that the end desired might possibly be better reached byother methods than their own. But on the other hand much of thisannoyance was malicious. 

When the shock of the murder came, there was a great revulsion offeeling. The thoughtless were made thoughtful, the malicious werebrought to their senses. Neither class had realized into whatdiabolical hands they were playing by their opposition to theadministration. It was the greatness of the sorrow of the people--theplain people whom he had always loved and who always loved him--thatsobered the contentions. Even this was not fully accomplished at once. There is documentary evidence to show that the extreme radicals, represented by such men as George W. Julian, of Indiana, consideredthat the death of Lincoln removed an obstruction to the propergoverning of the country. Julian's words (in part) are as follows:

"I spent most of the afternoon [April 15, 1864, the day of Lincoln'sdeath] in a political caucus held for the purpose of considering thenecessity for a new Cabinet and a line of policy less conciliating thanthat of Mr. Lincoln; and while everybody was shocked at his murder, thefeeling was nearly universal that the accession of Johnson to thepresidency would prove a godsend to the country. .. . On the followingday, in pursuance of a previous engagement, the Committee on theConduct of the War met the President at his quarters at the TreasuryDepartment. He received us with decided cordiality, and Mr. Wade saidto him: 'Johnson, we have faith in you. There will be no trouble now inrunning the government. '. .. While we were rejoiced that the leadingconservatives of the country were not in Washington, we felt that thepresence and influence of the committee, of which Johnson had been amember, would aid the Administration in getting on the right track. .. . The general feeling was . .. That he would act on the advice of GeneralButler by inaugurating a policy of his own, instead of administering onthe political estate of his predecessor. " (Julian, "PoliticalRecollections, " p. 255, ff. ). 

The names of the patriots who attended this caucus on the day ofLincoln's death, are not given. It is not necessary to know them. It isnot probable that there were many exhibitions of this spirit after thedeath of the President. This one, which is here recorded in the wordsof the confession of one of the chief actors, is an exception. But_before_ the death of Lincoln, this spirit of fault-finding, obstruction, hostility, was not uncommon and was painfully aggressive. _After_ his death there was a revulsion of feeling. Many who had failedto give the cheer, sympathy, and encouragement which they might havegiven in life, shed bitter and unavailing tears over his death. 

On the other, the Confederate, side, it is significant that during theten days the murderer was in hiding, no southern sympathizer whom hemet wished to arrest him or have him arrested, although a large rewardhad been offered for his apprehension. As to the head of theConfederacy, Jeff Davis, there is no reasonable doubt that he approvedthe act and motive of Booth, whether he had given him a definitecommission or not. Davis tried to defend himself by saying that he hadgreater objection to Johnson than to Lincoln. But since the conspiracyincluded the murder of both Lincoln and Johnson, as well as others, this defense is very lame. It was certainly more than a coincidencethat Booth--a poor man who had plenty of ready money--and JacobThompson, the Confederate agent in Canada, had dealings with the samebank in Montreal. Davis himself said, "For an enemy so relentless, inthe war for our subjugation, I could not be expected to mourn. "

To put it in the mildest form, neither Jeff Davis in the South, nor theextreme radicals in the North, were sorry that Lincoln was out of theway. Extremes had met in the feeling of relief that the late Presidentwas now out of the way. This brings to mind a statement in an ancientbook which records that "Herod and Pilate became friends with eachother that very day; for before they were at enmity betweenthemselves. "

On Friday evening there had been general rejoicing throughout the loyalNorth. On Saturday morning there rose to heaven a great cry ofdistress, --such a cry as has hardly been paralleled since thedestruction of the first-born in Egypt. For the telegraph--inventedsince Lincoln had come into manhood--had carried the heavy news toevery city and commercial center in the North. The shock plunged thewhole community, in the twinkling of an eye, from the heights ofexultation into the abyss of grief. 

There was no business transacted that day. The whole nation was givenup to grief. Offices, stores, exchanges were deserted. Men gathered inknots and conversed in low tones. By twelve o'clock noon there wasscarcely a public building, store, or residence in any northern citythat was not draped in mourning. The poor also procured bits of blackcrepe, or some substitute for it, and tied them to their door-knobs. The plain people were orphaned. "Father Abraham" was dead. 

Here and there some southern sympathizer ventured to expressexultation, --a very rash thing to do. Forbearance had ceased to be avirtue, and in nearly every such case the crowd organized a lynchingbee in the fraction of a minute, and the offender was thankful toescape alive. 

Though this wave of sorrow swept over the land from ocean to ocean, itwas necessarily more manifest in Washington than elsewhere. There thecrime had been committed. There the President's figure was a familiarsight and his voice was a familiar sound. There the tragedy was nearerat hand and more vivid. In the middle of the morning a squad ofsoldiers bore the lifeless body to the White House. It lay there instate until the day of the funeral, Wednesday. It is safe to say thaton the intervening Sunday there was hardly a pulpit in the North, fromwhich, by sermon and prayer, were not expressed the love of the chief. On Wednesday, the day of the funeral in Washington, all the churches inthe land were invited to join in solemnizing the occasion. 

The funeral service was held in the East room of the White House, conducted by the President's pastor Dr. Gurley, and his eloquentfriend, Bishop Simpson of the Methodist Episcopal church. Mrs. Lincoln, prostrated by the shock, was unable to be present, and little Tad wouldnot come. Only Robert, a recent graduate of Harvard and at the time amember of Grant's staff, was there to represent the family. 

After the service, which was brief and simple, the body was borne withsuitable pomp and magnificence, the procession fittingly headed bynegro troops, to the Capitol, where it was placed in the rotunda untilthe evening of the next day. There, as at the White House, innumerablecrowds passed to look upon that grave, sad, kindly face. The negroescame in great numbers, sobbing out their grief over the death of theirEmancipator. The soldiers, too, who remembered so well his oft repeated"God bless you, boys!" were not ashamed of their grief. There were alsoneighbors, friends, and the general public. 

It was arranged that the cortege should return to Springfield over asnearly as possible the same route as that taken by the President in1861, --Baltimore, Harrisburg, Philadelphia, New York, Albany, Cleveland, Columbus, Indianapolis, and Chicago. In the party there werethree of those who had escorted him to Washington, --David Davis, W. H. Lamon, and General Hunter. 

At eight o'clock on Friday, April 21st, the funeral train leftWashington. It is hardly too much to say that it was a funeralprocession two thousand miles in length. All along the route peopleturned out, not daunted by darkness and rain--for it rained much of thetime--and stood with streaming eyes to watch the train go by. At thelarger cities named, the procession paused and the body lay for somehours in state while the people came in crowds so great that it seemedas if the whole community had turned out. At Columbus and Indianapolisthose in charge said that it seemed as if the entire population of thestate came to do him honor. The present writer has never witnessedanother sight so imposing. 

Naturally the ceremonies were most elaborate in New York City. But atChicago the grief was most unrestrained and touching. He was thereamong his neighbors and friends. It was the state of Illinois that hadgiven him to the nation and the world. They had the claim of fellow-citizenship, he was one of them. As a citizen of the state of whichChicago was the leading city, he had passed all his public life. Theneighboring states sent thousands of citizens, for he was a western manlike themselves, and for the forty-eight hours that he lay in state acontinuous stream of all sorts and conditions of men passed bysorrowing. 

In all these cities not a few mottoes were displayed. Most of thesewere from his own writings, such as, "With malice toward none, withcharity for all;" and, "We here highly resolve that these dead shallnot have died in vain. " Two others are firmly fixed in the mind of thewriter which are here given as a sample of all. The first is from theBible: "He being dead yet speaketh. " The second is from Shakespeare:

 "His life was gentle, and the elements So mix'd in him, that Nature might stand up And say to all the world, This was a man!"

His final resting-place was Springfield. Here, and in all theneighboring country, he was known to every one. He had always a kindword for every one, and now all this came back in memory. His goodnesshad not been forgotten. Those whom he had befriended had delighted totell of it. They therefore came to do honor not merely to the greatstatesman, but to the beloved friend, the warm-hearted neighbor. Manycould remember his grave face as he stood on the platform of the carthat rainy morning in February, 1861, and said, "I now leave, notknowing when or whether ever I shall return. " Between the two days, what a large and noble life had been lived. 

The city had made elaborate preparations for the final services. Thefuneral in Springfield was on May 4th. The order of service included adirge, a prayer, the reading of his second inaugural address, and anoration. The latter was by Bishop Simpson and was worthy of the nobleand eloquent orator. It was a beautiful day, the rain which had beenfalling during the long journey was over, and May sunshine filled earthand sky. Near the close of the day the body of the President, togetherwith that of his little son Willie, which also had been brought fromWashington, was laid in a vault in Oak Ridge cemetery. 

A movement was at once set on foot to erect a suitable monument. Forthis purpose a few large sums of money were subscribed, but most of itcame in small sums from the plain people. The negro troops contributed$8, 000. The sum of $180, 000 in all was raised and a noble structure waserected. It was dedicated in 1874. The orator of the day was his old-time friend, Governor, afterwards General, Oglesby. Warm words ofappreciation were added by Generals Grant and Sherman. The former, whoserved under him as general and for two terms succeeded him in office, among other things said, "To know him personally was to love andrespect him for his great qualities of heart and head, and for hispatience and patriotism. "

[Illustration: Tomb of Abraham Lincoln at Springfield, Illinois. ]

Lincoln was never a resident of Chicago, but he was always a favoritein that city, even though it was the home of his great rival, JudgeDouglas. It was there he was nominated in 1860, and the city alwaysfelt as if it had a personal claim on him. It has done itself honor bythe construction of Lincoln Park. The chief ornament is a bronze statueof heroic size, by the sculptor St. Gaudens. The statue representsLincoln in the attitude of speaking, and the legend, which is letteredat the base, is the sublime paragraph that concludes the secondinaugural. The beauty of the park--lawn, flowers, shrubbery, trees--and the majesty of the statue, constitute a noble memorial of the manwhose name they perpetuate. 

CHAPTER XL. 

THE MEASURE OF A MAN. 

 "God's plan And measure of a stalwart man. "--_Lowell_. 

Lincoln's physical characteristics have been sufficiently described, --his unmanageable height and his giant strength. His mental traits havebeen treated in chapter xxxv. We now consider his moral qualities, thatis to say his character. 

Conspicuous was his honesty. The sobriquet "Honest Abe Lincoln, " whichhis neighbors fastened on him in his youth was never lost, shaken off, or outgrown. This was something more than the exactness of commercialhonesty which forbade him to touch a penny of the funds that remainedover from the extinct post-office of New Salem, though the governmentwas for years negligent in the matter of settling up. In youth healways insisted on fairness in sports so that he came to be thestanding umpire of the neighborhood. It came out also in his practiseof the law, when he would not lend his influence to further scoundrelschemes, nor would he consent to take an unfair advantage of anopponent. But the glory of his honesty appeared in his administration. It is a wonderful fact that there has never been any suspicion, evenamong his enemies, that he used the high powers of his office for gain, or for the furtherance of his political ambition. When contracts, tothe amount of many millions of dollars, were being constantly given outfor a period of four years, there was never a thought that a dishonestdollar would find its way, either directly or indirectly, into thehands of the President, or with his consent into the hands of hisfriends. When he was a candidate for reelection he was fully aware thatsome officials of high station were using their prerogatives for thepurpose of injuring him. It was in his power to dismiss these indisgrace, --and they deserved it. This he refused to do. So long asthey did well their official duties, he overlooked their injustice tohim. No President has surpassed him in the cleanness of his record, andonly Washington has equaled him. 

His tenderness of heart over-rode almost everything. In childhood hewould not permit boys to put live coals on the back of a turtle. Inyouth he stayed out all night with a drunkard to prevent his freezingto death, a fate which his folly had invited. In young manhood with theutmost gentleness he restored to their nest some birdlings that hadbeen beaten out by the storm. When a lawyer on the circuit, bedismounted from his horse and rescued a pig that was stuck in the mud. This spoiled a suit of clothes, because he had to lift the pig in hisarms. His explanation was that he could not bear to think of thatanimal in suffering, and so he did it simply for his own peace of mind. 

But when he became President, his tenderness of heart was as beautifulas the glow of the sunset. To him the boys in blue were as sons. On himas on no one else the burden of the nation's troubles rested. It maywith reverence be said that he "bore our sorrows, he carried ourgrief. " Not only was this true in general, but in specific cases hisactions showed it. When the soldiers were under sentence from court-martial--many of them mere boys--the sentence came to Lincoln forapproval. If he could find any excuse whatever for pardon he wouldgrant it. His tendency to pardon, his leaning towards the side ofmercy, became proverbial and greatly annoyed some of the generals whofeared military discipline would be destroyed. But he would not turn adeaf ear to the plea of mercy, and he could not see in it any permanentdanger to the republic. One or two examples will stand fairly for alarge number. When a boy was sentenced to death for desertion, he said:

"Must I shoot a simple-minded soldier boy who deserts, and not touch ahair of the wily agitator who induces him to desert? I think that insuch a case, to silence the agitator and save the boy, is not onlyconstitutional, but withal a great mercy. "

Early in the war he pardoned a boy who was sentenced to be shot forsleeping at his post as sentinel. By way of explanation the Presidentsaid: "I could not think of going into eternity with the blood of thatpoor young man on my skirts. It is not to be wondered at that a boy, raised on a farm, probably in the habit of going to bed at dark, should, when required to watch, fall asleep; and I cannot consent toshoot him for such an act. " The sequel is romantic. The dead body ofthis boy was found among the slain on the field of the battle ofFredericksburg. Next his heart was a photograph of the President onwhich he had written "God bless President Abraham Lincoln!"

On the 21st day of November, 1864, he wrote to Mrs. Bixby, of Boston, Mass. , the following letter which needs no comment or explanation:

"DEAR MADAM: I have been shown, in the files of the War Department, astatement of the Adjutant-General of Massachusetts, that you are themother of five sons who have died gloriously on the field of battle. Ifeel how weak and fruitless must be any words of mine which shouldattempt to beguile you from the grief of a loss so overwhelming. But Icannot refrain from tendering to you the consolation that may be foundin the thanks of the Republic they died to save. I pray that ourHeavenly Father may assuage the anguish of your bereavement, and leaveyou only the cherished memory of the loved and lost, and the solemnpride that must be yours to have laid so costly a sacrifice upon thealtar of freedom. 

 Yours, very sincerely and respectfully, ABRAHAM LINCOLN. "

A different side of his character is shown in the following incident. Aslave-trader had been condemned, in Newburyport, Mass. , to a fine ofone thousand dollars and imprisonment for five years. He served out histerm of imprisonment, but he could not pay his fine, because he had nomoney and no way of getting any. Consequently he was still held for thefine which he was unable to pay. Some people of influence interestedthemselves in the case, and a congressman from eastern Massachusetts, who stood very near to the President, laid the facts before him withthe request for a pardon. He was indeed much moved by the appeal, buthe gave his decision in substantially the following words: "My friend, this appeal is very touching to my feelings, and no one knows myweakness better than you. I am, if possible to be, too easily moved byappeals for mercy; and I must say that if this man had been guilty ofthe foulest murder that the arm of man could perpetrate, I mightforgive him on such an appeal. But the man who could go to Africa, androb her of her children, and then sell them into interminable bondage, with no other motive than that which is furnished by dollars and cents, is so much worse than the most depraved murderer that he can neverreceive pardon at my hand. No, sir; he may stay in jail forever beforehe shall have liberty by any act of mine. "

It was his magnanimity that constructed his cabinet. Hardly another manin the world would have failed to dismiss summarily both Seward andChase. But, thanks to his magnanimous forbearance, Seward became notonly useful to the country, but devotedly loyal to his chief. AfterChase's voluntary retirement Lincoln appointed him Chief Justice. Tohis credit be it said that he adorned the judiciary, but he never didappreciate the man who saved him from oblivion, not to say disgrace. Upto the year 1862, his only personal knowledge of Stanton was such as torouse only memories of indignation, but when he believed that Stantonwould make a good Secretary of War he did not hesitate to appoint him. It is safe to say that this appointment gave Stanton the greatestsurprise of his life. 

He was always ready to set aside his preference, or to do the expedientthing when no moral principle was involved. When such a principle wasinvolved he was ready to stand alone against the world. He was nocoward. In early youth he championed the cause of temperance in acommunity where the use of liquors was almost universal. In theIllinois legislature and in congress he expressed his repugnance to thewhole institution of slavery, though this expression could do him nopossible good, while it might do him harm. When, he was a lawyer, hewas almost the only lawyer of ability who did not dread the odium sureto attach to those who befriended negroes. 

When in the White House, he stood out almost alone against the clamorsof his constituents and directed the release of Mason and Slidell. 

Personally he was a clean man. The masculine vices were abhorrent tohim. He was not profane. He was not vulgar. He was as far removed fromsuspicion as Caesar could have demanded of his wife. He was not givento drink. When a young man he could not be tricked into swallowingwhisky. At the close of the war, a barrel of whisky was sent him fromsome cellar in Richmond, as a souvenir of the fall of the city, but hedeclined to receive it. Wine was served at the table of the White Housein deference to foreign guests who did not know, and could not betaught, how to dine without it. As a matter of courtesy he went throughthe form of touching the glass to his lips, but he never drank. Howwidely his life was separated from many of his associates! Theatmosphere of the White House has been sweeter and purer ever since heoccupied it, and this is largely due to the influence of hisincorruptible purity. 

In the matter of religion, he did not wear his heart on his sleeve, andsome of his friends have refused to believe that he was religious. Itis true that he was not a church member, but there were special reasonsfor this. The church with which he was naturally affiliated was thePresbyterian. The most eloquent preacher of that denomination was theReverend Dr. Palmer of New Orleans, who was an aggressive champion ofslavery as a divine institution. His teachings were feebly echoed inthousands of other pulpits. Now Lincoln abhorred slavery. Heincorporated human freedom into his religion. The one point on which heinsisted all his life was that "slavery is wrong!" It may therefore beseen that the church did not give him a cordial invitation. If thisneeds any proof, that proof is found in the fact that the pastors inSpringfield voted almost unanimously against him. Even Peter Cartwrighthad denounced him as an atheist. 

The marvel is that this did not embitter him against the church. Butall his life long he kept up such bonds of sympathy with the church aswere possible. He bore with the faults of the church and of ministerswith that patience which made his whole character so remarkablygenuine. He was a constant attendant at the services, he was favorableto all the legitimate work of the church, and he was exceptionally kindto ministers, though they were often a sore trial to him. 

In childhood he would not rest until a clergyman had traveled manymiles through the forests to preach a memorial discourse over the graveof his mother. When his father was ill he wrote a letter of religiousconsolation intended for him: "Tell him to remember to call upon andconfide in our great and good and merciful Maker, who will not turnaway from him in any extremity. He notes the fall of a sparrow, andnumbers the hairs of our heads, and He will not forget the dying manwho puts his trust in Him. "

Hugh McCulloch, in a personal letter to the author, January 28, 1889, wrote: "He was, as far as I could judge, a pure man, and 'in spirit andtemper' a Christian. " His pastor, Dr. Gurley, regarded him as aChristian. Other clergymen who were acquainted with him did so. 

J. G. Holland has preserved the following incident:

Colonel Loomis, who was commandant of Fort Columbus, Governor's Island, in New York Harbor, reached the age at which by law he should be put onthe retired list. He was a very religious man, and his influence was somarked that the chaplain and some others, determined to appeal to thePresident to have him continued at the post. The Reverend Dr. Duryea ofBrooklyn was sent to Washington to prefer the request. "What does theclergyman know of military matters?" inquired the President. "Nothing, "was the reply. "It is desired to retain Colonel Loomis solely for thesake of his Christian influence. He sustains religious exercises at thefort, leads a prayer-meeting, and teaches a Bible class in the SundaySchool. " "That is the highest possible recommendation, " replied thePresident. He approved the request, and the Christian officer wasretained there until imperative military duty called him elsewhere. 

The religious strain that runs through his papers and addresses cannotbe overlooked. But there are two that deserve special mention. Thefirst is the "Sunday Order, " which is as follows:

"The importance for man and beast of the prescribed weekly rest, thesacred rights of Christian soldiers and sailors, a becoming deferenceto the best sentiment of a Christian people, and a due regard for theDivine will, demand that Sunday labor in the army and navy be reducedto the measure of strict necessity. The discipline and character of thenational forces should not suffer, nor the cause they defend beimperiled, by the profanation of the day or the name of the Most High. "

The other is his thanksgiving proclamation. He it was who nationalizedthis festival which had previously been local and irregular. Hissuccessors in office have done well to follow his example in thematter. Every November, when the entire population turns from dailytoil to an hour of thanksgiving, they should not forget that they arethereby acting on his recommendation, and in doing this they arestrengthening the best possible monument to the grand, good man whomthe Most High mercifully gave to this country in the time of her direstneed. 

 "He was a _man_; take him for all in all I shall not look upon his like again. "

CHAPTER XLI. 

TESTIMONIES. 

We have now followed the career of Lincoln throughout. It is fittingthat this book should conclude with a record of what some observant menhave said about him. Accordingly this, the last, chapter is willinglygiven up to these testimonies. Of course such a list could easily beextended indefinitely, but the quotations here given are deemedsufficient for their purpose. 

H. W. Beecher:

Who shall recount our martyr's sufferings for this people? Since theNovember of 1860 his horizon has been black with storms. By day and bynight, he trod a way of danger and darkness. On his shoulders rested agovernment dearer to him than his own life. At its integrity millionsof men were striking home. Upon this government foreign eyes lowered. It stood like a lone island in a sea full of storms; and every tide andwave seemed eager to devour it. Upon thousands of hearts great sorrowsand anxieties have rested, but not on one such, and in such measure, asupon that simple, truthful, noble soul, our faithful and saintedLincoln. Never rising to the enthusiasm of more impassioned natures inhours of hope, and never sinking with the mercurial in hours of defeatto the depths of despondency, he held on with immovable patience andfortitude, putting caution against hope, that it might not bepremature, and hope against caution, that it might not yield to dreadand danger. He wrestled ceaselessly through four black and dreadfulpurgatorial years, wherein God was cleansing the sin of his people asby fire. .. . 

Then the wail of a nation proclaimed that he had gone from among us. Not thine the sorrow, but ours, sainted soul! Thou hast indeed enteredthe promised land, while we are yet on the march. To us remains therocking of the deep, the storm upon the land, days of duty and nightsof watching; but thou art sphered high above all darkness and fear, beyond all sorrow and weariness. Rest, O weary heart! Rejoiceexceedingly, thou that hast enough suffered! Thou hast beheld Him whoinvisibly led thee in this great wilderness. Thou standest among theelect. Around thee are the royal men that have ennobled human life inevery age. Kingly art thou, with glory on thy brow as a diadem. And joyis upon thee forevermore. Over all this land, over all this littlecloud of years, that now from thine infinite horizon moves back as aspeck, thou art lifted up as high as the star is above the clouds thathide us, but never reach it. In the goodly company of Mount Zion thoushalt find that rest which thou hast sorrowing sought in vain; and thyname, an everlasting name in heaven, shall flourish in fragrance andbeauty as long as men shall last upon the earth, or hearts remain, torevere truth, fidelity, and goodness. 

. .. Four years ago, O Illinois, we took from your midst an untried man, and from among the people. We return him to you a mighty conqueror. Notthine any more but the Nation's; not ours, but the world's. Give himplace, O ye prairies! In the midst of this great continent his dustshall rest, a sacred treasure to myriads who shall pilgrim to thatshrine to kindle anew their zeal and patriotism. Ye winds that moveover the mighty places of the West, chant his requiem! Ye people, behold a martyr whose blood, as so many articulate words, pleads forfor fidelity, for law, for liberty!

Noah Brooks:

He became the type, flower, and representative of all that is worthilyAmerican; in him the commonest of human traits were blended with anall-embracing charity and the highest human wisdom; with singledevotion to the right he lived unselfishly, void of selfish personalambition, and, dying tragically, left a name to be remembered with loveand honor as one of the best and greatest of mankind. 

W. C. Bryant:

 Oh, slow to smite and swift to spare, Gentle and merciful and just! Who, in the fear of God, didst bear The sword of power, a nation's trust!

 In sorrow by thy bier we stand, Amid the awe that hushes all, And speak the anguish of a land That shook with horror at thy fall. 

 Thy task is done; the bond are free: We bear thee to an honored grave, Whose proudest monument shall be The broken fetters of the slave. 

 Pure was thy life; its bloody close Hath placed thee with the sons of light, Among the noble host of those Who perished in the cause of Right. 

J. H. Choate:

A rare and striking illustration of the sound mind in the sound body. He rose to every occasion. He led public opinion. He knew the heart andconscience of the people. Not only was there this steady growth ofintellect, but the infinite delicacy of his nature and capacity forrefinement developed also, as exhibited in the purity and perfection ofhis language and style of speech. 

R. W. Emerson:

He had a face and manner which disarmed suspicion, which inspiredconfidence, which confirmed good will. He was a man without vices. Hehad a strong sense of duty. .. . He had what the farmers call a longhead. .. . He was a great worker; he had a prodigious faculty ofperformance; worked easily. .. . He had a vast good nature which made himaccessible to all. .. . Fair-minded . .. Affable . .. This wise man. 

What an occasion was the whirlwind of the war! Here was the place forno holiday magistrate, no fair-weather sailor; the new pilot was hurledto the helm in a tornado. In four years, --four years of battle-days, --his endurance, his fertility of resources, his magnanimity, were sorelytried and never found wanting. There, by his courage, his justice, hiseven temper, his fertile counsel, his humanity, he stood a heroicfigure in the center of a heroic epoch. He is the true history of theAmerican people in his time. Step by step he walked before them; slowwith their slowness, quickening his march by theirs, the truerepresentative of this continent; an entirely public man; father of hiscountry, the pulse of twenty millions throbbing in his heart, thethought of their minds articulated by his tongue. 

J. G. Holland:

Conscience, and not expediency, not temporary advantage, not popularapplause, not the love of power, was the ruling and guiding motive ofhis life. He was patient with his enemies, and equally patient withequally unreasonable friends. No hasty act of his administration can betraced to his impatience. He had a tender, brotherly regard for everyhuman being; and the thought of oppression was torment to him. .. . Astatesman without a statesman's craftiness, a politician without apolitician's meannesses, a great man without a great man's vices, aphilanthropist without a philanthropist's impracticable dreams, aChristian without pretensions, a ruler without the pride of place andpower, an ambitious man without selfishness, and a successful manwithout vanity. 

O. W. Holmes:

 Our hearts lie buried in the dust With him so true and tender, The patriot's stay, the people's trust, The shield of the offender. 

J. R. Lowell:

On the day of his death, this simple Western attorney, who, accordingto one party was a vulgar joker, and whom the _doctrinaires_ amonghis own supporters accused of wanting every element of statesmanship, was the most absolute ruler in Christendom, and this solely by the holdhis good-humored sagacity had laid on the hearts and understandings ofhis countrymen. Nor was this all, for it appeared that he had drawn thegreat majority not only of his fellow-citizens, but of mankind also, tohis side. So strong and so persuasive is honest manliness without asingle quality of romance or unreal sentiment to help it! A civilianduring times of the most captivating military achievement, awkward, with no skill in the lower technicalities of manners, he left behind afame beyond that of any conqueror, the memory of a grace higher thanthat of outward person, and of a gentlemanliness deeper than merebreeding. Never before that startled April morning did such multitudesof men shed tears for the death of one whom they had never seen, as ifwith him a friendly presence had been taken away from their lives, leaving them colder and darker. Never was funeral panegyric so eloquentas the silent look of sympathy which strangers exchanged when they meton that day. Their common manhood had lost a kinsman. 

 Wise, steadfast in the strength of God, and true. How beautiful to see Once more a shepherd of mankind indeed, Who loved his charge, but never loved to lead; One whose meek flock the people joyed to be, Not lured by any Cheat of birth, But by his clear-grained human worth, And brave old wisdom of sincerity!

 * * * * *

 Great Captains, with their guns and drums, Disturb our judgment for the hour, But at last silence comes; These all are gone, and, standing like a tower, Our children shall behold his fame, The kindly-earnest, brave, foreseeing man, Sagacious, patient, dreading praise, not blame, New birth of our new soil, the first American. 

Clara Morris:

God's anointed--the great, the blameless Lincoln. .. . The homely, tender-hearted "Father Abraham"--rare combination of courage, justice, and humanity. 

H. J. Raymond:

But there was a native grace, the out-growth of kindness of heart, which never failed to shine through all his words and acts. His heartwas as tender as a woman's, --as accessible to grief and gladness as achild's, --yet strong as Hercules to bear the anxieties andresponsibilities of the awful burden that rested on it. Littleincidents of the war, --instances of patient suffering in devotion toduty, --tales of distress from the lips of women, never failed to touchthe innermost chords of his nature, and to awaken that sweet sympathywhich carries with it, to those who suffer, all the comfort the humanheart can crave. Those who have heard him, as many have, relate suchtouching episodes of the war, cannot recall without emotion thequivering lip, the face gnarled and writhed to stifle the rising sob, and the patient, loving eyes swimming in tears, which mirrored thetender pity of his gentle and loving nature. He seemed a stranger tothe harsher and stormier passions of man. Easily grieved, he seemedincapable of hate. .. . It is first among the marvels of a marveloustime, that to such a character, so womanly in all its traits, shouldhave been committed, absolutely and with almost despotic power, theguidance of a great nation through a bloody and terrible civil war. .. . 

Carl Schurz:

As the state of society in which Abraham Lincoln grew up passes away, the world will read with increasing wonder of the man who, not only ofthe humblest origin, but remaining the simplest and most unpretendingof citizens, was raised to a position of power unprecedented in ourhistory; who was the gentlest and most peace-loving of mortals, unableto see any creature suffer without a pang in his own breast, andsuddenly found himself called to conduct the greatest and bloodiest ofour wars; who wielded the power of government when stern resolution andrelentless force were the order of the day, and then won and ruled thepopular mind and heart by the tender sympathies of his nature; who wasa cautious conservative by temperament and mental habit, and led themost sudden and sweeping social revolution of our time; who, preservinghis homely speech and rustic manner, even in the most conspicuousposition of that period, drew upon himself the scoffs of politesociety, and then thrilled the soul of mankind with utterances ofwonderful beauty and grandeur; who, in his heart the best friend of thedefeated South, was murdered because a crazy fanatic took him for itsmost cruel enemy; who, while in power, was beyond measure lampooned andmaligned by sectional passion and an excited party spirit, and aroundwhose bier friend and foe gathered to praise him--which they have sincenever ceased to do--as one of the greatest of Americans and the best ofmen. 

Henry Watterson:

He went on and on, and never backward, until his time was come, whenhis genius, fully developed, rose to the great exigencies intrusted tohis hands. 

Where did he get his style? Ask Shakespeare and Burns where they gottheir style. Where did he get his grasp upon affairs and his knowledgeof men? Ask the Lord God, who created miracles in Luther andBonaparte!. .. Where did Shakespeare get his genius? Where did Mozartget his music? Whose hand smote the lyre of the Scottish plowman, andstayed the life of the German priest? God, God, and God alone; and assurely as these were raised up by God, inspired by God, was AbrahamLincoln; and a thousand years hence, no drama, no tragedy, no epicpoem, will be filled with greater wonder, or be followed by mankindwith deeper feeling, than that which tells the story of his life anddeath. 

THE END.