THE LIFE STORY OF AN OLD REBEL

BY JOHN DENVIR

AUTHOR OF "THE IRISH IN BRITAIN" "THE BRANDONS" ETC. 

DUBLIN SEALY, BRYERS & WALKER 86 MIDDLE ABBEY STREET 1910

[Illustration: John Denvir]

CONTENTS. 

CHAP. 

I. --Early Recollections--"Coming Over" from Ireland

II. --Distinguished Irishmen--"The Nation" News-paper--"The Hibernians"

III. --Ireland Revisited

IV. --O'Connell in Liverpool--Terence Bellew MacManus and the RepealHall--The Great Irish Famine

V. --The "No-Popery" Mania--The Tenant League--The Curragh Camp

VI. --The Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood--Escape of JamesStephens--Projected Raid on Chester Castle--Corydon the Informer

VII. --The Rising of 1867--Arrest and Rescue of Kelly and Deasy--TheManchester Martyrdom

VIII. --A Digression--T. D. Sullivan--A National Anthem--The EmeraldMinstrels--"The Spirit of the Nation"

IX. --A Fenian Conference at Paris--The Revolvers for the ManchesterRescue--Michael Davitt sent to Penal Servitude

X. --Rescue of the Military Fenians

XI. --The Home Rule Movement

XII. --The Franco-Prussian War--An Irish Ambulance Corps--The FrenchForeign Legion

XIII. --The Home Rule Confederation of Great Britain

XIV. --Biggar and Parnell--The "United Irishman"--The O'Connell Centenary

XV. --Home Rule in Local Elections--Parnell succeeds Butt as Presidentof the Irish Organisation in Great Britain

XVI. --Michael Davitt's Return from Penal Servitude--Parnell and the"Advanced" Organisation

XVII. --Blockade Running--Attempted Suppression of "UnitedIreland"--William O'Brien and his Staff in Jail--How Pat Egan kept theflag flying

XVIII. --Patrick Egan

XIX. --General Election of 1885--Parnell a Candidate for ExchangeDivision--Retires in favour of O'Shea--T. P. O'Connor elected forScotland Division of Liverpool

XX. --Gladstone's "Flowing Tide"

XXI. --The "Times" Forgeries Commission

XXII. --Disruption of the Irish Party--Home Rule carried in theCommons--Unity of Parliamentary Party Restored--Mr. John Redmond becomesLeader

XXIII. --The Gaelic Revival--Thomas Davis--Charles GavanDuffy--Anglo-Irish Literature--The Irish Drama, Dramatists, and Actors

XXIV. --"How is Old Ireland and how does She Stand?"

~THE LIFE STORY OF AN OLD REBEL~

 * * * * *

CHAPTER I. 

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS--"COMING OVER" FROM IRELAND. 

I owe both the title of this book and the existence of the book itselfto the suggestion of friends. I suppose a man of 76 may be called "old, "although I have by no means given up the idea that I can still be of useto my country. 

And a Rebel? Yes! Anything of the nature of injustice or oppression hasalways stirred me to resentment, and--is it to be wondered at?--most ofall when the victims of that injustice and oppression have been my ownpeople. And why not? If there were no rebels against wrong-doing, wrong-doing would prosper. To an Irishman, who is a fighter bytemperament, and a fighter by choice against those in high places, lifeis sure to provide plenty of excitement; and that, no doubt, is why myfriends have thought my recollections worth printing. The curious thingis that my share in the struggle for Irish self-government has beenalmost entirely what I might call outpost work, for I have lived all mylife in England. 

Indeed, it seemed but a stroke of good luck that I was born in Irelandat all. My father (John, son of James Denvir, of Ballywalter, Lecale)came to England in the early part of the last century, and settled inLiverpool, where my eldest brother was born. It was during a briefperiod, when our family returned to Ireland, that I and a youngerbrother were born there. My father was engaged for about three years asclerk of the works for the erection of a castle for Sir FrancisMacnaghten, near Bushmills, County Antrim. This must be one of the leastCatholic parts of Ireland, for there was no resident priest, and I hadto be taken a long distance to be christened. There was a decentCatholic workman at the castle, James MacGowan, who was my god-father, and my Aunt Kitty had to come all the way from "our own place" in theCounty Down to be my god-mother. 

Brought to England, my earliest remembrances are of Liverpool, which hasa more compact and politically important Irish population than any othertown in Great Britain. 

Anyone who has mixed much among our fellow-countrymen in England, Scotland and Wales knows that, generally, the children and grandchildrenof Irish-born parents consider themselves just as much Irish as thoseborn on "the old sod" itself. No part of our race has shown moredetermination and enthusiasm in the cause of Irish nationality. As arule the Irish of Great Britain have been well organised, and, duringthe last sixty years and more, have been brought into constant contactwith a host of distinguished Irishmen--including the leaders of theconstitutional political organisations--from Daniel O'Connell to JohnRedmond. 

I have taken an active part in the various Irish movements of my time, and it so happens that, while I know so little personally of Irelanditself, there are few, if any, living Irishmen who have had suchexperience, from actual personal contact with them, as I have had of ourpeople in every part of Great Britain. As will be seen, too, in thecourse of these recollections, circumstances have brought me intointimate connection with most of the Irish political leaders. 

My father came to England in one of the sloops in which our people usedto "come over" in the old days. They sometimes took a week in crossing. The steamers which superseded them, though an immense improvement asregards speed, had often less accommodation for the deck passengers thanfor the cattle they brought over. 

Most of the Irish immigration to Liverpool came through the ClarenceDock, where the steamers used to land our people from all parts. Sincethe Railway Company diverted a good deal of the Irish traffic throughthe Holyhead route, there are not so many of these steamers coming toLiverpool as formerly. 

The first object that used to meet the eyes of those who had just "comeover, " as they looked across the Clarence Dock wall, was an effigy ofSt. Patrick, with a shamrock in his hand, as if welcoming them from "theold sod. " This was placed high upon the wall of a public house kept bya retired Irish pugilist, Jack Langan. In the thirties and forties ofthe last century, up to 1846, when he died, leaving over £20, 000 to hischildren, Langan's house was a very popular resort of Irishmen, moreparticularly as, besides being a decent, warm-hearted, open-handed man, he was a strong supporter of creed and country. 

I am old enough to remember hearing Mass in what was an interestingrelic in Liverpool of the Penal days. This was the old building known toour people as "Lumber Street Chapel. " Of course, the present ProtestantChurch of St. Nicholas (known as "the old church") is a Catholicfoundation. Lumber Street chapel was not, however, the first of ourplaces of worship built during the Penal days, for the Jesuits had asmall chapel not far off, erected early in the eighteenth century, butdestroyed by a No-Popery mob in 1746. St. Mary's, Lumber Street, too, was originally a Jesuit mission, but, in 1783, it was handed over to theBenedictines, who have had charge of it ever since. Father John Price, S. J. , built a chapel in Sir Thomas's Buildings in 1788. I can recollectthis building since my earliest days, but Mass was never said in itduring my time. 

Lancashire is the only part of England where there are any great numberof the native population who have always kept the faith. I once spent afew weeks in one of these Catholic districts. My employer had analteration to make in the house of a gentleman at Lydiate, nearOrmskirk. I used to come home to Liverpool for the Sundays, but for therest of the week I had lodgings in the house of a Catholic family atLydiate. 

There was an old ruin, which they called Lydiate Abbey, but I found itwas the chapel of St. Catherine, erected in the fifteenth century. Thepriest of the mission had charge of the chapel which, though unroofed, was the most perfect ecclesiastical ruin in Catholic hands in SouthLancashire. During the time I was at Lydiate there came a Holiday ofObligation, when I heard Mass in the house of a Catholic farmer namedRimmer. This was a fine old half-timbered building of Elizabethan days, and here, all through the Penal times, Mass had been kept up, a priestto say it being always in hiding somewhere in the district. 

The priest in charge of Lydiate at the time I was there told me he wascollecting for a regular church or chapel, and hoped soon to make acommencement of the building. Some years later he was able to do so. Ourchurch choir at Copperas Hill, Liverpool, was then considered one of thebest in the diocese. The choirmaster and organist, John Richardson, wasa distinguished composer of Catholic church music, and held in such highesteem that, for any important celebration, he could always secure theservices of the chief members of the musical profession in and aboutLiverpool. In this way, on one occasion Miss Santley came to help us. She was accompanied by her brother, then a boy, who has since risen tothe highest position in the musical world--the eminent baritone, SirCharles Santley. 

St. Nicholas' was, as it is yet, the pro-Cathedral of the diocese, andwhenever a new church had to be opened, or there was any importantceremonial anywhere in Lancashire, our choir was generally invited. Inthis way I was delighted to go to the opening of the new church atLydiate, so that I was taking part in the third stage of the Catholichistory of the diocese--having said a prayer in the old ruin, andattended Mass in Rimmer's, and now assisting at the solemn High Mass atthe opening of the Church of our Lady, not far from the old chapel ofSt. Catherine. 

At the time I went to Mass in Lumber Street Chapel, Liverpool, which isnearly 70 years since, there were but four other _chapels_, as they weregenerally called then, in the town--Copperas Hill (St. Nicholas'), SeelStreet (St. Peter's), St. Anthony's and St. Patrick's. It must have beena custom acquired in the Penal days to call the older Catholic places ofworship rather after the names of the streets in which they weresituated than of the saint to whom they were dedicated. During theFamine years the bishops and clergy must have found it extremelydifficult to provide for the tremendous influx of our people. I haveseen them crowded out into the chapel yards and into the open streets;satisfied if they could get even a glimpse of the inside of the sacredbuilding through an open window. I see by the Catholic Directory thereare at the time I now write thirty-nine churches and chapels inLiverpool. The schools have increased in a like proportion. 

The progress in numbers, wealth and influence of the Irish people maybe pretty well marked by the gradual increase in the number of churchesand schools, which have been built for the most part by the Irish andtheir descendants. All honour to the noble-hearted, hard-handed toilerswho have contributed to such work, and greater glory still to the humblemen who, after a hard week's work in a ship's hold at the docks, orperhaps in the "jigger loft" of a warehouse eight stories high, turnout every Sunday morning to act as "collectors, " and go in pairs fromdoor to door, one with the book and the other with the bag in hand, toraise the means of erecting the noble churches and schools thateverywhere meet our view in Liverpool to-day. 

With regard to the social position our people occupy in Liverpool, therehave been many Irishmen who have come well to the front in the race oflife, some of whom have occupied the foremost positions in connectionwith the public life of the town. On the other hand; a large number ofour fellow-countrymen in Liverpool are by no means in that enviablecondition. Many of them have set out from Ireland, intending to go toAmerica, but, their little means failing them, have been obliged toremain in Liverpool. Here they considered themselves fortunate if theymet someone from the same part of the country as themselves to give thema helping hand, for it is a fine trait in the Irish character--and"over here in England" the trait has not been lost--that, however poor, they are always ready to befriend what seems to them a still poorerneighbour. Those who have lived here some time are glad to see someonefrom their "own place, " and, amid the squalor of an English city, theimaginative Celt--as he listens to the gossip about the changes, themarriages, and the deaths that have taken place since he left "home"--for a brief moment lives once more upon "the old sod, " and seesvisions of the little cabin by the wood side where dwelt those he loved, of the mountain chapel where he worshipped, of a bright-eyed Irish girlbeloved in the golden days of youth. These and a host of otherassociations of the past come floating back upon his memory, as he hearsthe tidings brought by Terence, or Michael, or Maurya, who has just"come over. " It often so happens that, from the very goodness of theIrish heart, the newcomers are frequently drawn into the same miserablemode of life as the friends who have come to England before them mayhave fallen into. 

Irish intellect and Irish courage have in thousands of cases brought ourpeople to their proper place in the social scale, but it is only toooften the case that adverse circumstances compel the great bulk of themto have recourse to the hardest, the most precarious, and the worst paidemployments to be found in the British labour market. 

In the large towns, in the poorer streets in which our people live, astranger would be struck by the swarms of children, and of an evening, at the number of grown-up people sitting on the doorsteps of theirwretched habitations. John Barry once told me that a friend of hisasked one of these how they could live in such places? "Because, " wasthe reply, "we live so much _out_ of them. " The answer showed, at anyrate, that their lot was borne cheerfully. 

Nevertheless, there are Irishmen too--men who know how to keep what theyhave earned--who, by degrees, get into the higher circles of thecommercial world, so that I have seen among the merchant princes "on'Change" in Liverpool men who, themselves, or whose fathers before them, commenced life in the humblest avocations. 

Liverpool has, on the whole, been a "stony-hearted stepmother" to itsIrish colony, which largely built its granite sea-walls, and for manyyears humbly did the laborious work on which the huge commerce of theport rested. But, perhaps, in years to come Liverpool will realise thevalue of the wealth of human brains and human hearts which it held forso long unregarded or despised in its midst. 

CHAPTER II. 

DISTINGUISHED IRISHMEN--"THE NATION" NEWSPAPER--"THE HIBERNIANS. "

I have met, as I have said elsewhere, most of the Irish politicalleaders of my time in Liverpool, but I will always remember with whatpleasure I listened to a distinguished Irishman of another type, SamuelLover, when he was travelling with an entertainment consisting ofsketches from his own works and selections from his songs. Few men weremore versatile than Lover, for he was a painter, musician, composer, novelist, poet, and dramatist. When I saw him in one of the public hallshe sang his own songs, told his own stories, and was his ownaccompanist. 

His was one of a series of performances, very popular in Liverpool formany years, called the "Saturday Evening Concerts. " He was a little man, with what might be called something of a "Frenchified" style about him, but having with it all a bright eye and thoroughly Irish face which, with all his bodily movements, displayed great animation. I can readilybelieve his biographers, who say he excelled in all the arts hecultivated, for his was a most charming entertainment. 

Lover undoubtedly had patriotism of a kind, and some of his songs showit. It certainly was not up to the mark of the "Young Irelanders, " oneof whom attacked him on one occasion, when he made the clever retortthat "the fount from which _he_ drew his patriotism was a more genuinesource than a fount of Irish type"--alluding to the plentiful use of theGaelic characters in "The Spirit of the Nation, " the world-famedcollection of songs by the Young Ireland contributors to the "Nation"newspaper. There are passages in Lover's novel of "Rory O'More" and his"He Would be a Gentleman" that show he was a sincere lover of hiscountry. I agree in the main with what the "Nation" said of him in1843--"Though he often fell into ludicrous exaggerations and burlesquesin describing Irish life, there is a good national spirit runningthrough the majority of his works, for which he has not received duecredit. "

One of his stories, "Rory O'More, " achieved universal popularity also asa play, a song and an air. In it there is a passage which, when I firstread it, I looked upon as an exaggeration, and as somewhat reflectingupon the dignity of a great national movement like that of the UnitedIrishmen. Lover brings his hero, Rory, into somewhat questionablesurroundings in a Munster town--intended for Cork or some otherseaport--to meet a French emissary. One would think that a struggle forthe freedom of Ireland should be carried on amongst the most loftysurroundings. But I found in after life that the incidents described byLover were not so exaggerated as might be supposed, for, as "necessityhas no law, " during a later revolutionary struggle we had often to meetin strange and unromantic places, as I shall describe later, for mostimportant projects. 

Lover's wit was spontaneous, and bubbled over in his ordinaryconversation with friends. An English lady friend, deeply interested inIreland, once said to him--"I believe I was intended for an Irishwoman. "Lover gallantly replied--"Cross over to Ireland and they will swear youwere intended for an Irishman. "

A famous Irishman, whom I saw in Liverpool when I was a boy, was theApostle of Temperance, Father Mathew. 

At this time he visited many centres of Irishmen in Great Britain, andadministered the pledge of total abstinence from intoxicating drink tomany thousands of his fellow-countrymen. In London alone over 70, 000took the pledge. As in Ireland, this brought about a great socialrevolution. The temperance movement certainly helped O'Connell's Repealagitation, which was in its full flood about this time. 

My remembrance of Father Mathew was that of a man of portly figure, rather under than above the middle height, with a handsome, pleasantface. He had a fine powerful voice, which could be heard at the furthestextremity of his gatherings, which often numbered several thousands. Ashe gave out the words of the pledge to abstain, with the Divineassistance, from all intoxicating liquors, he laid great emphasis on theword "liquors, " pronouncing the last syllable of the word with almostexaggerated distinctness. After this he would go round the ring of thosekneeling to take the pledge, and put round the neck of each the ribbonwith the medal attached. 

I ought to remember his visit to Liverpool, for I took the pledge fromhim three times during his stay in the town. 

My mother took the whole family, and, wherever he was--at St. Patrick's, or in a great field on one side of Crown Street, or at St. Anthony's--there she was with her family. She was a woman with thestrong Irish faith in the supernatural, and in the power of God and HisChurch, that can "move mountains. " A younger brother of mine had arunning in his foot which the doctors could not cure. She determined totake Bernard to Father Mathew and get him to lay his hands on her boy. 

At St. Patrick's, with her children kneeling around her, she asked thegood Father to touch her son. He, no doubt thinking it would bepresumptuous on his part to claim any supernatural gift, passed onwithout complying with her request. Father Mathew's next gathering wasin the Crown Street fields. I was a boy of about nine years, attendingCopperas Hill schools. Mr. Connolly, who was in charge, was a very goodmaster, but there was nothing very Irish in his teaching. Some idea ofthis may be formed when I mention that--though there were not a dozenboys in the school who were not Irish or of Irish extraction--the firstmap of Ireland I ever saw was on the back of one of O'Connell's Repealcards. 

It was not until the Christian Brothers came, a few years afterwards, that this was changed. I shall always be grateful to that noble body ofmen, not only for the religious but for the national training they gave. We had Brothers Thornton and Swan--the latter since the Superior of theOrder in Ireland. 

Under them we not only had a good map of Ireland, but they taught us, inour geography lessons, the correct Irish pronunciation of the names ofplaces, such as (spelling phonetically) "Carrawn Thooal, " "CrooghPhaudhrig, " and similar words. 

But our old master, Mr. Connolly, was a good man too, according to hislights. Hearing of Father Mathew's visit, he asked how many of the boyswould go to Crown Street to "take the pledge"--their parents beingwilling? Out of some 250 boys there were about a dozen who did not holdup their hands. 

It is unnecessary for me to say that my mother was there again with herafflicted boy and the rest of her children, and again she pleaded invain. She was a courageous woman, with great force of character--and a_third_ time she went to Father Mathew's gathering. This was in St. Anthony's chapel yard, and amongst the thousands there to hear him andto take the pledge she awaited her turn. Again she besought him to touchher boy's foot. He knew her again, and, deeply moved by her importunityand great faith he, at length, to her great joy, put his hand on mybrother's foot and gave him his blessing. My mother's faith in thepower of God, through His minister, was rewarded, for the foot washealed. 

I had an aunt--my mother's sister--married to a good patriotic Irishman, Hugh, or, as he was more generally called, Hughey, Roney, who kept apublic house in Crosbie Street. The street is now gone, but it stood onpart of what is now the goods station of the London & North WesternRailway. Nearly all in Crosbie Street were from the West of Ireland, and, amongst them, there was scarcely anything but Irish spoken. I haveoften thought since of the splendid opportunity let slip by O'Connelland the Repealers in neglecting to revive, as they could so easily havethen done, so strong a factor in nationality as the native tongue of ourpeople. My Aunt Nancy could speak the Northern Irish fluently, and, inthe course of her business, acquired the Connaught Irish and accent. 

After a time Hughey Roney retired, and the house was carried on by hisdaughter and her husband, John McArdle, a good, decent patrioticIrishman, much respected by his Connaught neighbours, though he was fromthe "Black North. " It used to be a great treat to hear John McArdle, ona Sunday night, reading the "Nation, " which then cost sixpence, and was, therefore, not so easily accessible, to an admiring audience, of whom Iwas sometimes one, and his son, John Francis McArdle, another. Thisyounger McArdle, originally intended for the Church, became in afterlife a brilliant journalist, and was for a time on the staff of the"Nation, " the teaching of which he had so early imbibed. The elderMcArdle was a big, imposing looking man, with a voice to match, who gavethe speeches of O'Connell and the other orators of Conciliation Hallwith such effect that the applause was always given exactly in the rightplaces, and with as much heartiness as if greeting the originalspeakers. 

After Father Mathew's visit, their trade fell away to such an extentthat John McArdle, determined to hold his ground--while still keepingthe public house open, though the business was all but gone--brokeanother door into the street, and made his parlour into a grocery andprovision store. This enterprise on his part was only necessary for ashort time, as the abnormal enthusiasm in the cause of temperance which, for the time being, had swept all before it, had subsided to such anextent that McArdle, after a time, turned the room to its originalpurpose, and was able to resume his readings from the "Nation" toadmiring audiences, as heretofore. 

Yet, though so many fell away from their temporary exaltation, therewere still large numbers who remained firm, and the lasting good fromFather Mathew's work was undeniable. 

So popular was John McArdle's house, that it was used as one of thelodges of the Ancient Order of Hibernians--then very strong inLiverpool, and stout champions of country and creed. In regard to thisorganisation, I find in the "Irish World" of New York a high tributepaid to them by the Very Rev. Thomas J. Shahan, of the CatholicUniversity of America. In his paper on "Hibernianism" he said there wasa tradition in the Ancient Order that they first started in Ireland inthe Penal days as a bodyguard to their poor parish priest when he saidMass in the open air. Anyone who has spent most of his life in England, as I have done, can well understand that this is not simply an effort ofthis good priest's imagination, for, over and over again I have seen theHibernians among the first to come forward in defence of their priestsand churches when these were threatened. In the course of his paper Dr. Shahan quoted a letter from the Brethren in Ireland, Scotland andEngland to the Brethren in New York. It sent instructions and authorityto the few brothers in New York to establish branches of their Societyin America. 

These were the qualifications laid down: Members must be Catholic andIrish, or of Irish descent. They must be of good moral character, andwere not to join in any secret societies contrary to the laws of theCatholic Church. They were to exercise hospitality towards theiremigrant brothers and to protect their emigrant sisters from all harmand temptation, so that they should still be known for their chastityall over the world. The members of the Order in America were to be atliberty to make laws for the welfare of the Society, but these must bein accord with the teaching of the Church, and their working must besubmitted to a Catholic priest. The letter says--"We send you theseinstructions, as we promised to do, with a young man that works on theship and who called on you before. " Directing that a copy of thedocument should be sent to another friend, then working inPennsylvania, the letter concluded--"Hoping the bearer and this copywill land safe and that you will treat him right, we remain yourbrothers in the true bond of friendship this 4th day of May, in the yearof our Lord, 1837"--

 "PATRICK M'GUIRE, County Fermanagh. "JOHN REILLY, County Cavan. "PATRICK M'KENNA, County Monaghan. "JOHN DURKIN, County Mayo. "PATRICK REILLY, County Derry. "PATRICK DOYLE, County Sligo. "JOHN FARRELL, County Meath. "THOMAS O'RORKE, County Leitrim. "JAMES M'MANUS, County Leitrim. "JOHN M'MAHON, County Longford. "PATRICK DUNN, County Tyrone "PATRICK HAMILL, County Westmeath. "DANIEL GALLAGHER, Glasgow. "JOHN MURPHY, Liverpool. "

It will be noticed that of the twelve Irish counties represented above, six are in the province of Ulster, three in Connaught, and three inLeinster, so that the Hibernians appear to have had their stronghold inthe Northern province and the adjoining counties in Connaught andLeinster. This is exactly as one might expect, seeing the necessity fora defensive organisation against the Orangemen of Ulster. The Order tookdeep root in Glasgow and Liverpool on account of the convenience ofaccess by sea from Ireland to these cities. 

I was too young to have known John Murphy, who signed the letter for theLiverpool Hibernians, but, from what I knew of these afterwards, it islikely that he was a dock labourer. As I will show, these men, over andover again, to my own knowledge, gave splendid proofs of their courageand love of creed and country. Their love of learning, too, has beenequal to that of their fathers in the days when our country was "TheIsland of Saints and Scholars. " Some of these poor men may not have hadmuch learning themselves, but they made great and noble sacrifices thattheir children should have it. I noted with interest in the Irish papersrecently that the name of the Secretary of the Hibernian Order at theBridge of Mayo, County Down, was "Brother Denvir. "

Our country sent over to Liverpool, besides sterling Nationalists, asbitter a colony of Irishmen--I suppose we can scarcely deny the name tomen born in Ireland--as were, perhaps, to be found anywhere in theworld. These were the Orangemen. If there was one place more obnoxiousto them than another it was the club room of the Hibernians in CrosbieStreet. But though in their frequent conflicts with the "Papishes" theywrecked houses and even killed several Irishmen--for they frequentlyused deadly weapons against unarmed Catholics--they were never able tomake a successful attack on McArdle's. One of my earliest experienceswas being on the spot on the occasion of a contemplated assault on theHibernian club room on the day of an Orange anniversary. This was in1843. 

Parallel to Crosbie Street, where the club room was situated, wasBlundell Street, where my uncle, Hughey Roney, lived in a houseimmediately behind McArdle's--the back door of the one house facing theback door of the other. This side of the street, with the whole ofCrosbie Street, has long since been absorbed by the railway companybefore mentioned. 

I cannot imagine why my mother chose this particular day to take me tosee our relatives, except it was the inveterate longing which her earlysurroundings and training had given her to assist at the "batin' of anOrangeman, " or why I should have been the chosen one of the family tocome, unless it was that she thought I was the one most after her ownheart in her warlike propensities. However this may have been, there wewere in the first-floor front room of my Uncle Hughey's. Every room, from cellar to garret, was crowded with stalwart dock labourers--at thattime these were almost to a man Irish--prepared to support anothercontingent of Hibernians who garrisoned McArdle's in a similar manner. Hearing outside the cry--"he Orangemen!" I looked out of the window andup the street, and there, sure enough, was a strong body of themmarching down, armed with guns, swords, and ship carpenters' hatchets. At once the word was passed to the contingent in Crosbie Street to beprepared to meet the threatened attack. 

Nearer and nearer the Orangemen came. They had got within some thirtyyards of Roneys when, between them and the object of their attack, outof Simpson street, which at this point crosses Blundell Street at rightangles, there intervened the head of a column of police, under theLiverpool Chief Constable, an Irishman, Michael James Whitty. There wasa desperate engagement, but, notwithstanding their murderous weapons, the Orangemen were utterly routed, flying before the disciplined chargeof the police, who freely used their batons on their retreatingopponents. 

A few words about Michael James Whitty, who led the charge with rightgood will, may not be inappropriate here. Many years afterwards, when wewere both engaged in the profession of journalism, I had the pleasure ofmaking his acquaintance through my reviewing in the "Catholic Times" avery able book of his, a "Life of Robert Emmet. " He asked Mr. ThomasGregson, his private secretary, a friend of mine: Who had written thisreview? Upon hearing who it was, he asked Mr. Gregson to bring ustogether. When we met, he told me how pleased he was with my review, andthat there was somebody on the "Catholic Times" who could appreciate hisbook. 

He became Chief Constable of Liverpool in 1828. About this time Messrs. Rockliffs published a weekly newspaper called the "Liverpool Journal, "which came into the hands of Mr. Whitty after he had resigned the officeof head constable. An offshoot of the "Journal" was the "Daily Post, "which, in Mr. Whitty's hands was (and indeed has been ever since underthe direction of Sir Edward Russell, who still holds the reins) apowerful organ of Liberalism. One of Whitty's sub-editors on the "DailyPost" was Stephen Joseph Meany, a somewhat prominent figure in the YoungIreland and Fenian movements. 

As showing the power of the Press, there is no doubt that Whitty andMeany, in the "Journal" and "Post, " and through their influenceotherwise, did much to secure recognition of a great Irish actor. Thiswas Barry Sullivan, who was, I think, the finest tragedian I have everseen. He is still remembered with appreciation by many in England, and, I am sure, in Ireland too. 

He was a patriotic Irishman, and once offered himself to our committeeas a Nationalist candidate for the Parliamentary representation ofLiverpool. This was in the days when it was a three-memberedconstituency. It was only the belief that the sacrifice which he thusoffered to make for his country would have injured his career as anactor that prevented us from accepting his offer. 

In my boyhood a great feature in Liverpool was the annual procession ofone or other of the local societies. 

The great Irish and Catholic procession, of which the Hibernians formedthe largest contingent, was, of course, on St. Patrick's Day. Aconsiderable portion of the processionists were dock labourers; a finebody of men, who were at this time, as I have already said, mostlyIrish. 

The Orange processions in Liverpool were often the occasion ofbloodshed, for in them they carried guns, hatchets, and other deadlyweapons, as if they were always prepared for deeds of violence. Theship carpenters were the most numerous body in the Orange processions. Indeed, they formed such a large proportion that, by many, the 12th ofJuly was called "Carpenter's Day. " Shipbuilding used to flourish inLiverpool, and, as none of the firms engaged in it would take a Catholicapprentice, it was quite an Orange preserve. This became somewhatchanged when the Chalenors, an English Catholic family, who were alreadyextensive timber merchants, commenced ship-building, and, of course, took Catholic apprentices. 

The Orange ring was thus gradually broken up, and, as iron shipssuperseded wooden ones, ultimately the shipbuilding trade almostvanished from Liverpool. The ship carpenters, for the most part, foundtheir occupation gone, and many of them ended their days in theworkhouse. 

A further instance of the decline of rabid Orangeism might be cited. Itwas not an altogether uncommon thing for people to be fired at from thewindows of Orange lodges. I see, according to the "Nation" of July 20th, 1850, that "an innkeeper of Liverpool named Wright fired out of hishouse and wounded three people. " In justification of this he stated that"a crowd of Ribbonmen assembled round his house. " At one time there usedto be a notorious Orange lodge held in a public house called "The WheatSheaf" in Scotland Road. The members of this body thought nothing offiring upon an unarmed and peaceable crowd from the windows, and Iremember an Irishman being shot dead upon one of these occasions. Thechange that has taken place in this district can be best realized fromthe facts that, in after years, the landlord of "The Wheatsheaf" borethe name of Patrick Finegan, that, at the present moment, Scotland Roadis, as it has been for many years, represented in the City Council by asterling body of Irish Nationalists, and that the Scotland Division ofthe Borough of Liverpool is the _one_ place in Great Britain where anIrish Home Ruler, _as such_, can be returned to Parliament against allcomers, as Mr. T. P. O'Connor has been, ever since the Division became aseparate constituency. 

To return to the St. Patrick's Day processions. I used to look forwardto them with delight in my childhood, and, even now, cannot helplingering lovingly on their memory. They were splendid displays, which Ican remember much better than many things which occurred, so to speak, but yesterday. 

"Our street, " which was close to Russell Street, Rodney Street, andother thoroughfares through which the procession passed, was by no meanswhat you would call an Irish street. Indeed, the most influential man init was a retired sea captain named Jamieson, who, if not an Orangeman"all out, " was certainly at one time an Orange sympathiser. He and mymother often had political discussions, which usually ended in fiercequarrels, and when he would swear he would have us "run out of thestreet, " she used to threaten to bring up the men from the docks andleave not a stone upon a stone of his house. Whether it was through hisbeing impressed by her terrible earnestness as a member of the Churchmilitant, or whatever else was the reason, Jamieson in the end became aCatholic, and died a most edifying death. 

Before his conversion, however, as well as after--Jamieson to thecontrary notwithstanding--"our street" always took a lively andneighbourly interest in the St. Patrick's procession, and used to turnout to a man, to a baby it would, perhaps, be more correct to say, forwas not one of the chief sights of the procession their decentneighbour, Timothy, or, as he was more generally called, "Thade"Crowley, the pork butcher, at the corner? There were splendid picturesand devices on the banners--I can see them all most vividly now--St. Patrick, Brian Bora, Sarsfield, O'Connell, the Irish Wolf Dog, with themotto "Gentle when stroked, fierce when provoked, " and harps andshamrocks _galore_, but Thade Crowley was in all our eyes the finestfigure in the procession. 

Among his greatest admirers were a Jewish family named Hyman, who livednext door to him. Though the Jews are supposed to hold what wasCrowley's stock-in-trade in abomination, the two old ladies--Mrs. Crowley, who used to say she was of "Cork's own town and God's ownpeople, " and Mrs. Hyman, who came from Cork, too, though, needless tosay, without a drop of Irish blood in her veins--were great cronies. 

As a consequence, the Hymans were among the most eager of the spectatorsto get the first glimpse of honest Thade Crowley as he walked in frontof his own particular lodge of the Hibernians. He was a portly, well-built man, of ruddy complexion, and open, genial countenance. Hewore buckskin breeches, top boots, green tabinet double-breastedwaistcoat, bottle-green coat with brass buttons, and beaver hat. TheCrowleys were very popular in the neighbourhood, as they never had but akindly word for everybody. 

When I was a small boy, about 9 or 10 years old, I often listened withdelight to Mrs. Crowley, who had a fluent tongue, expatiating on theglories of her native city--

 By the pleasant waters of the River Lee. 

and I have heard her exclaiming, I at the time believing it mostimplicitly:

"Sin, is it? Sure. I never heard of sin till I came to Liverpool;there's no sin in Cor-r-k!"

And she rattled the "r" with a strong rising inflexion, greatlyimpressing me with the high character of Ireland and of Cork inparticular. 

At that time I had never seen Ireland but as an infant at my mother'sbreast. 

CHAPTER III. 

IRELAND RE-VISITED. 

I was a boy of about 12 when I first re-visited Ireland; and, as thesteamer entered Carlingford Lough, which to my mind almost equalsKillarney's beauty--but that, perhaps, is a Northman's prejudice--withthe noble range of the Mourne mountains on the one side and theCarlingford Hills on the other, it seemed to my young imagination like aglimpse of fairy land. 

Carlingford reminded me of what my old masters, the Christian Brothers, used to teach us, that those places ending in "ford" had at one timebeen Norse settlements. There is not the slightest trace, I should say, of people of Norse descent along this coast now, unless we accept thetheory that would regard as such the descendants of the Norman DeCourcy's followers, who can be recognised by their names, and are stillto be found, side by side, and intermingling with those of the originalCeltic children of the soil in the barony of Lecale. It is astonishing, by the way, how you still find in Ireland, after centuries of successiveconfiscations, the old names in their old tribal lands, mingled inplaces, as in Lecale, with the Norman names; the two races being nowthoroughly amalgamated--as distinguished from the case of King James'sPlanters in Ulster, who, to this day are, as a rule, as distinct fromthe population amongst whom they live--whether of pure Celtic strain orwith a Norman admixture--as when first they came. 

There was an idea in our family that I had a vocation for thepriesthood, and I was being sent to my uncle, Father Michael O'Loughlin, parish priest of Dromgoolan, County Down, who placed me in charge of Mr. Johnson, a somewhat noted classical teacher in the neighbouring littletown of Castlewellan. 

I have seen but little of Ireland, but during the few months I was hereon this occasion I made the best use of my time. I could have had nobetter guide and preceptor than "Priest Mick, " as my mother used to callmy uncle. I imagine that the term "Priest, " which, in the North ofIreland, was formerly so much used as a prefix to the name of theCatholic clergyman, must have arisen amongst those not of his own flock, and was probably not intended to have exactly a respectful meaning. 

Father Michael sometimes came to see his relatives in Liverpool, whowere very numerous. He called them the "Tribe of Brian" (his father'sname) and he made a point of visiting them all, down to the very latestarrival--indeed, I think he was the only one who knew the whole of theramifications of "the Tribe. "

He used to say that his father--the aforesaid Brian--had one of thelargest noses in the country. There was only another man, he said, whocould approach him in that respect. If the two men met in a very narrow"loanan "--what they call a "boreen" in other parts of Ireland--theother man, who was a bit of a wag, would put his hand to his nose, andmake a motion of putting it aside, as if there was not sufficient roomfor two such organs, and call out with a kind of snuffle: "Pass, Brian!"

The late Mgr. O'Laverty, in his "History of the Dioceses of Down andConnor, " says: "From a government official survey in 1766 there werefifteen families in Castlewellan, of whom two only (Hagans andO'Donnells) were Catholics. " Up to that date there must have been, during this century, a considerable clearance of the Catholic populationfrom the best land of this district, for I should say--judging from KingJames's Army List and other authorities--that the Magennises (who, withthe MacCartans, were the chief territorial families of the old race inDown) still held land in the neighbourhood up to the end of theseventeenth century. As still further showing this, it will be foundthat "Eiver Magennis of Castlewellan" was one of the members for theCounty Down in what Thomas Davis truly describes as "The PatriotParliament" of 1689. 

The learned historian of Down and Connor gives an interesting account ofthe only Norman colony of any extent in the province of Ulster. I havealready spoken of this. Notwithstanding the very small Normanadmixture, in the main the Catholics of the North are the mostpure-blooded Celts in Ireland. And even in the case of Lecale, theoriginal Celtic population intermingled with the descendants of theNorman settlers, who, like the older native population have everremained true to the old faith. The preponderance of the Celtic elementin the Catholics of Ulster must be overwhelming. What is called"Protestant Ulster" is practically a foreign importation, which thenative population never absorbed, as they did the earlier invaders. 

Speaking of the Rev. Cornelius (or, as he was oftener called, Corney)Denvir, a relative of ours, who afterwards became Bishop of Down andConnor, Father O'Laverty says: "The Denvirs are a Norman race, broughtto Lecale by De Courcy. The late bishop observed the name in several ofthe towns in Normandy. "

I only met Bishop Denvir once, when my father--who was his secondcousin--took me to see him at the Grecian Hotel, Liverpool, when he wason his way either to or from Rome. I once, when a small boy, incurred myfather's displeasure by criticising adversely (from what I had read inthe "Nation") Dr. Denvir's support of what was called the "BequestBill. " There were some strictures in the "Nation" on the favour shown tothis Bill by three of the Irish Hierarchy, Archbishops Crolly andMurray, and Bishop Denvir. The last was a man of great learning. Anedition of the Bible was published under his auspices by Sims andMcIntyre, of Belfast. 

During my stay in Ireland, I lived in the house of my uncle, Owen (orOiney, as he was commonly called) Bannon, in the townland ofBallymagenaghy, where my mother was born. 

No boy could have had a better object lesson in the part of Irishhistory embracing the Plantation of Ulster than Ballymagenaghy. It iseminently typical of the kind of rocky and barren land to which thechildren of the soil were driven--land which would hardly bearcultivation. I need scarcely say that the people were "Papishes" to aman. 

There was a hill behind my Uncle Oiney's house called Carraig(pronounced "Corrig"), in English "rock, " and the name might well applyto most of the townland, in which the chief productions seemed to bestones and rocks. Carraig was a kind of shoulder of what I heard thepeople calling "My lord's mountain. " This was part of Lord Annesley'sdomain, and separated from Carraig and several small farms by a wall, which ran down to a sheet of water at the foot--Castlewellan Lough. I, as a student of the "Nation, " was not at all satisfied that an Irishmountain should be called by such a name, which spoke volumes for thestate of serfdom into which the people had fallen. I was not long infinding the real name--Sliab na Slat (mountain of Rods). 

I often looked with admiration at the view from its highest point. Underneath, the side of the mountain was clothed with trees down to theedge of the lough, which mirrored the wooded eminences of exquisitebeauty surrounding it. Looking eastward you could see Dundrum Bay andthe white sails of the fishing boats. (They used to sing a mournfullament around the turf fires of Ballymagenaghy of "The loss of theMourne Fishermen" in a great storm off this coast). Further off youmight see an occasional large sailing vessel or steamer, and, furtherstill, in the dim distance, you could just discern the Isle of Man. Southward the eye took in the noble range of the Mourne mountains, running from east to west, from where, at Newcastle, the Irish sea comesto kiss the foot of the lofty Slieve Donard, towering in majesty overall his fellows--rugged sentinels of the hills and vales of Down. 

Lying, as if nestling under the Mourne range, was a small, well-woodedhill, part of the domain of Lord Roden, who held high rank among theOrange ascendancy faction, and, as will be seen later, may be said tohave held the lives and liberties of his Catholic fellow-countrymen inthis district in his hands. 

In Ballymagenaghy I was oftener called by my mother's name than myfather's. In those days, as often as not, when a girl got married shewas still called by her friends by her maiden name. So, on the firstSunday after my arrival, when I was taken over to Leitrim chapel, whereI served my uncle's Mass, I found myself referred to as "PeggyLoughlin's wee boy. " It did not seem at all strange to me, for Iscarcely ever heard her called by any other name. Indeed, some fortyyears afterwards--when I was organising for the Irish NationalLeague--I met a County Down man in Cumberland. He was, as I soon found, from "our own place, " as they affectionately call it. He was trying totrace out what family I belonged to. At last he had it--"Oh" he said, "You would be a son of Margaret O'Loughlin?" I hesitated for moment, when Edward McConvey, the local organiser--a County Down man, too--whohad introduced us, laughed heartily as he said: "Here's a quare man;doesn't know his own mother's name!" In fact, I had so seldom heard mymother called anything else but "Peggy" that the proper name soundedstrange for the moment. Indeed, it had evidently taken our friend sometime to remember the name of "Margaret, " which he, no doubt, thought themore polite one to use in speaking of my mother. 

Her family did not generally use the prefix "O" in her younger days. Itwas only after her two brothers, Bernard and Michael, became priests, and always called and signed themselves "O'Loughlin, " that the prefixwas resumed. This is a common experience in other Irish families. 

Many of the small holdings in Ballymagenaghy would not support inanything approaching to comfort the large families with which the sturdyand industrious people were blessed. This was certainly the case withthe Bannons, but they were not entirely dependent on the land theytilled, as several of the family were employed in weaving in a portionof the house, the looms being their own. I have often admired thebeautiful damask table-cloths produced in the homes of these"mountainy" people, the webs, when finished, being taken to Banbridge, to the warehouses of the manufacturers, and the yarn and the patternsfor the next lot being brought back on the return journey. 

I believe that these cottage industries no longer exist, and that thebeautiful fabrics, for which our northern province is famous, are nowproduced by steam power in Banbridge and other Ulster towns. 

As the young men and boys of the Bannons worked at their looms, and thewomen and girls at their spinning and "flowering, " when not wanted tohelp on the land, the father, Oiney, would occasionally go over toEngland as a travelling packman, and so increase the family store. Ihave known in late years other Ulstermen doing this--amongst others myold friend Bernard MacAnulty, of whom I shall have more to say later. 

I had often, at my home in Liverpool, heard of Irish hospitality. Herein Ballymagenaghy I had many practical illustrations of this in the waythey treated the "poor man" or "poor woman" as they called them--theynever called them beggars--who came to their doors. Indeed, it seemedto me that these had no occasion to _ask_ for help, for more than once Ihave seen a "poor woman" coming in with her bed upon her back, puttingit down in the warmest corner behind the chimney breast, and makingherself at home as a matter of course, without going through theformality of asking for a night's lodging. 

Of the enormous number of harvestmen who passed every year throughLiverpool, except from the County Donegal, there were not so many fromthe northern province. The majority were from Connaught. They generallylanded at the Clarence Dock, Liverpool, a wiry, hardy-looking lot, withfrieze coats, corduroy breeches, clean white shirts with high collars, and blackthorn sticks. I have seen them filling the breadth of PrescotStreet, as they left the town, marching up like an army on foot to thevarious parts of England they were bound for. This was before specialcheap trains were run for harvestmen. 

At night, in my Irish mountain home, after I had prepared my Latinlessons for the following day, and my uncle, aunt, and cousins had leftoff work, I joined with great enjoyment in the family group around theturf fire, and listened with rapt attention to songs and stories; myfavourite among the latter being the adventures of Barney Henvey amongthe fairies in the old rath, or "forth, " as they called it, ofBallymagenaghy. 

I may say that, up to this moment, I have a certain liking for suchstories--of course _as_ fairy stories. But, being a boy of enquiringmind, I wanted to get at the whole theory of the existence of thesebeings, and, accordingly, this is what I gathered as to the origin, present existence, and future state of the "good people, " as they calledthem. In "The Irish Fairy Legends, " a number of my "Penny IrishLibrary, " I find I have dealt with the subject. As the passage gives theexplanation I got at my uncle Oiney's more correctly than I can trustto my memory to give it now, after a lapse of some sixty years, I may beexcused for giving the following extract:--

 The belief is that, in the great rebellion of Lucifer, of the spirits who fell from heaven, some, not so guilty as those who "went further and fared worse, " fell upon our earth, and into the air and water that surround it. These are the _Fairies_, who have their various dispositions, like mortals, and like them, at the day of judgment, will be rewarded or punished according to their deserts. 

In the "Fairy Legends" I have also given the story of "Barney Henvey"mentioned above. There is something like it in the "Ingoldsby Legends, "and, no doubt, in the fairy mythologies of other nations, but my storyis of Irish origin. Heaven only knows through how many ages it has beenhanded down to us. It is one of the fairy stories my mother andgrandmother used to tell us as long ago as I can remember. I have alittle grandson who, when smaller, used sometimes to insist when put tobed after he had said his "lying-down prayers, " upon hearing "BarneyHenvey" before he went to sleep; and so it will, no doubt, go on, andsuch stories may be told in ages to come, not only in Ireland--"A Nationonce again"--but in every settlement of the Clan-na-Gael throughout theworld. 

Friends and neighbours would come to my uncle Oiney's from besideCastlewellan Lough, and over from Dolly's Brae and Ballymagrehan, who, after the day's work, enjoyed going "a cailey. " I hope my Gaelic Leaguefriends will forgive me if I don't give the correct sound of this word, but that is my remembrance of how they pronounced it some sixty yearsago in the County Down. 

Sometimes at our little gatherings, the "wee boy from England, " as theneighbours called me, would be asked to read from the "Nation" a speechof the Liberator--the title his countrymen gave O'Connell after Catholicemancipation. I was always delighted with this; entering as fully andenthusiastically into the spirit of what I read as any of the company. 

As often as not, in Ballymagenaghy there would be sung, to theaccompaniment of fiddle, flute or clarionet, one of those stirring songswhich, week after week, appeared about this time in the "Nation" fromthe pens of Thomas Davis, and the brilliant young men in O'Connell'smovement known as the "Young Irelanders "--songs "racy of the soil, "like the "Nation" itself, which stirred the hearts of the Irish racelike the blast of a trumpet, songs which are still sung by IrishNationalists the world over. 

On the Sundays, the Bannons and their next neighbours, the Finegans, MacCartans, and MacKays, with their fiddles, flutes, and clarionets, supplied the chief part of the instrumental music of the choir--forthere was no organ--at the little mountain chapel at Leitrim, where myuncle, Father Michael, officiated. The happy remembrances of thoseSundays of my boyhood are always brought back to me whenever I readT. D. Sullivan's "Dear Old Ireland, " which is equally characteristic ofthis corner of the "black North" as of the raciest part of Munster--moreespecially where he sings:--

 And happy and bright are the groups that pass From their peaceful homes for miles, O'er fields, and roads, and hills to Mass, When Sunday morning smiles; And deep the zeal their true hearts feel When low they kneel and pray! Oh, dear old Ireland! Blest old Ireland! Ireland, boys, hurrah!

But nothing excited my boyish enthusiasm more than the stories of theInsurrection of 1798. I was too young to understand much of what mygrandmother used to tell us about these times before she died. My motherwas born in 1799, and was the youngest daughter of her family, but hereldest sister, my Aunt Mary, wife of Oiny Bannon, was 12 or 14 years oldat the time of the Rising, and could describe more vividly what she sawconnected with it than I can now recall incidents in the Repeal andYoung Ireland Movements. 

Listening to her, I could almost fancy I could see my grandfather, BrianO'Loughlin, leaving his home with the other Ballymagenaghy men, withtheir pikes and such guns as they could muster, to join the United Irishforces previous to the battles of Saintfield and Ballinahinch. At thetime of my visit to my mother's birthplace, my grandfather's house wasin the occupation of the family of his youngest son, Edward, and, as apilgrim visiting a sacred spot, I have stood on its floor, as Iafterwards did on the field of Ballinahinch itself. 

My Aunt Mary used to speak of an incident which I have never read of inany account of the battle, but I am inclined to believe there was somefoundation for what she used to tell us. In one part of the engagementit seemed as if the bravery of the insurgents would have been crownedwith a victory as decisive as they had gained at Saintfield, when, bysome untoward circumstance, the fortunes of the day turned, and, in theend, the United Men were defeated. Perhaps what my Aunt Mary told me maybe some explanation of the turn in the tide of battle. She used to saythat when it looked as if the United Men were carrying all before them, a portion of their forces called out for a "Presbyterian ('Prispatairan'she used to call it) Government, " that this caused some hesitation amongthe Catholics, that after this the battle went against them, and thatthe day ended in disaster. 

The story seems somewhat improbable, as it might be asked how, in theexcitement of a battle, men of one religion could be distinguished fromthose of another? But this will not seem so unlikely if thecircumstances arising out of the Ulster Plantation of King James I. Beremembered. As a consequence of this you will find townlands andparishes and whole districts, where the soil is poorest, where thepeople are almost exclusively Catholic, and others where thenon-Catholic population are in an overwhelming majority. In the Unitedforces the men of each locality would have been drilled and trainedtogether, and, in the same way would, no doubt, act together on thefield of battle, so that, without any actual arrangement for thatpurpose, the Catholic or the Presbyterian would, most likely, findhimself among his own co-religionists. 

It is wonderful how the memories of '98 were handed down from onegeneration to another, not only in Ireland, but wherever our people havemade their homes. 

This has been brought home to me in the most forcible possible manner bya circumstance which has come to my knowledge only a few monthssince--so to speak--after a lapse of over a hundred years. 

This is that General James William Denver--after whom, for hisdistinguished career, the capital of the State of Colorado was calledDenver City--had for his grandfather Patrick Denvir, who did a man'sshare in the insurrection of '98, and, for his connection with it, hadto fly from his native Down to America. 

This information I had from General Denver's daughter, replying onbehalf of her brother, to whom I had written to find if the family wereof Irish origin. I had some doubt about this, seeing that they spelltheir name with an "e" in the last syllable, whereas we and all of thename in the County Down use an "i. " The lady's letter was not onlyinteresting but most welcome, as showing that they were not only ofIrish but of patriotic origin. They evidently continue to take aninterest in the land from which they have sprung, for the lady madesome enquiries about the late Bishop Denvir, of whom I have alreadyspoken. 

Most of the United Irish leaders and a large proportion of the rank andfile in the '98 Rising were Presbyterians, and fought and bled forIreland with the same heroism as their Catholic neighbours, amongst whomno name is more cherished in the County Down than that of the ProtestantGeneral Monroe, who, my Aunt Mary used to tell us, was hanged at his owndoor in 1798. How is it that the sons of the men of 1782 and ofGrattan's Parliament, and of 1798 were not as good Irishmen as theirfathers? I think I can give a kind of explanation. 

It must be remembered that the era of Grattan's Parliament and of theVolunteer movement of 1782, of which present-day Nationalists are soproud, was also the era of the Penal laws. Since then the Protestantshave seen the Irish Catholic rising from the dust of serfdom andstanding in the attitude of manhood. They have seen him graduallyobtaining a share in the making of the laws of the land, and, naturally, becoming the predominant political power in Ireland--the Catholics beingthe majority of the population. I may be wrong, but I have a theory thatmany of the Protestants of Ireland--who once had all the political powerin their hands, and did not always use it too mercifully in theirtreatment of the rest of their countrymen--are afraid that if theyassisted in getting self-government for Ireland the power in the handsof the enfranchised majority might be used against them. 

That this is a groundless fear is shown from the fact that no men havebeen more honoured in Ireland than such Protestant leaders as WilliamSmith O'Brien, Thomas Davis, John Mitchel, John Martin, Isaac Butt, andCharles Stewart Parnell. The same feeling is constantly shown at thismoment towards distinguished Protestants among the present IrishParliamentary Party. 

What has fostered the Anti-Irish feeling among Irish Protestants for thelast hundred years has undoubtedly been the fell system of Orangeism, which has caused so much hatred and bloodshed among men who, whatevertheir race or creed, are now children of the one common soil. TheOrangeman looked upon himself as part of a foreign garrison, holding the"Papishes" in subjection. He was armed with deadly weapons;consequently, the defenceless Catholic was almost entirely at his mercy, and the Orangeman was but too often backed up in his lawlessness by thelaw and its administrators. 

This almost necessitated the existence, as a kind of defence againstOrangeism, of a body I used to hear them speaking of when I was a boy inBallymagenaghy, called the "Thrashers, " which, I imagine, must have beensome kind of a secret society. 

It must have been a sort of survival of these "Thrashers" that myfriend, Michael Davitt, many years afterwards, came across somewhere inthe North of England. The incident, as described by him, was bothamusing and saddening. He addressed them in his capacity as a FenianOrganiser. After they had heard him patiently, an old man, thespokesman, said:

"Tell me--do you have Prodestans in this Society of yours?"

"Certainly, " Davitt answered. "We invite all Irishmen. "

"Then we'll have nothing to do with yez!"

As my Aunt Mary could relate thrilling stories of '98, so could my ownmother tell me all about the savagery of Orangemen in her days. She usedto describe to me the attempts of an Orange procession to pass throughDolly's Brae, when she was a young girl, before she left Ireland. Dolly's Brae is a kind of rugged defile through which passes the roadfrom the town of Castlewellan, which, running westward, divides thetownlands of Ballymagenaghy and Ballymagrehan. It is an entirelyCatholic district, and not at all on the ordinary route by which theprocessionists would reach their homes. Yet, in a spirit of aggression, and well-armed, as usual, with Orange banners waving, drums beating, andbands playing "Croppies lie down, " "The Boyne Water, " and similar airs, this was the district they sought to march through. 

It so happened that the proposed hostile parade was not altogetherunexpected. In any case, their approach was heralded by the firing over"Papish" houses, as the processionists came towards Dolly's Brae. Fromthe heights above they were seen--my mother being one of thewatchers--in sufficient time to have the people of the immediateneighbourhood warned of the threatened Orange incursion. 

The defenders of Dolly's Brae had no firearms, as their opponents had, but they gathered up any weapons they could to repel the invaders. TheOrangemen came on, expecting an easy victory. They had got well into thedefile, and were firing at their opponents, who were in sight beforethem at some distance on the road, and into the houses on each side, when they were thrown into confusion by a storm of large stones andpieces of rock hurled down the steep sides of the defile upon them byassailants who had been up till then invisible. 

According to the description of my mother, who was always a militantCatholic of the most orthodox description, and a strong physical forceIrishwoman as well, the Dolly's Brae engagement must have borne someresemblance to the battle of Limerick, as described by Thomas Davis:--

 "The women fought before the men; Each man became a match for ten; So back they pushed the villains then From the city of Luimneach Lionnglas". 

She ought to know, for she was in the thick of the fight. The confusionof the Orangemen was turned into a complete rout, and they fled, leavingtheir banners and other trophies in the hands of the mountainy men. 

For many years the Orangemen never attempted to go near the place, but, with the connivance and active aid of the guardians of the peace, theydid at last, many years afterwards, appear on the scene again. TheOrange anniversary was celebrated at Tollymore Park, the seat of LordRoden, who was a sort of Orange deity at the time. Tollymore Park issome four or five miles south-east of Dolly's Brae, which is in theheart of the Catholic district, and, as I have said, far out of thedirect road of the Orangemen returning to their own homes. 

Yet they deliberately took this route. They were a formidable body, wellarmed with guns. At their head was one Beers, the agent of Lord Roden, and a magistrate who, for the "protection" of the Orangemen, had underhis command a strong body of the constabulary and a detachment ofsoldiers. The ordinary Englishman, who knows the police as they are inhis country as the guardians of the public peace, must not confound themwith those in Ireland. The Irish constabulary are simply the permanentBritish army of occupation, well armed and drilled, and, physically, asfine a body of men as any in the world. These were the forces under thecommand of Lord Roden's agent, for the invasion, for such it was, of apeaceful Catholic district. 

When the people sought to defend themselves from this invasion as bestthey could, Beers, in his capacity as a magistrate, gave the police andsoldiers under his command the order to fire--which they did--upon thepeople and into their houses. Consequently, what followed was nothingshort of a butchery, under cover of which the Orangemen wrecked theCatholic houses in the glen. 

I shall never forget the grief of my mother, at this time residing inLiverpool, at reading in the newspapers the names of the victims whohad been murdered outright or wounded. They were all her next doorneighbours "at home"--people she had known from childhood. 

The horrible outrage roused universal indignation. In Parliament theIrish members demanded a full official enquiry as to how this murderousbusiness came to be carried out by a Government official. As a resultLord Roden and his agent were deprived of the Commission of thePeace--their offence was too glaring to be entirely overlooked. But tothe friends of those who had been legally murdered, and the innocentpeople whose houses had been wrecked, this was a cruel mockery. Had thecriminals been Catholic peasants, they would have been put upon theirtrial for their lives, and, at the very least, sent into penalservitude. What confidence could the Catholics of Ulster have in theadministration of the law, knowing, as they did, that even where theywere more than able to hold their own against the Orangemen, they weresure to be sufferers in the long run, seeing that their opponents wouldbe backed up by the forces that should go to preserve law and order. 

It is thirty-five years since I last re-visited the County Down. I tookmy son with me. He was nearly of the same age as I was myself when Ilived in Ballymagenaghy, but I could only show him the site of OineyBannon's house. It was not the too common case of an eviction, for theAnnesleys had the reputation of being tolerably good landlords. Theland, as I have said, was very poor, in fact, if the people got it fornothing it would hardly repay cultivation. But it was picturesque, andtherefore Lord Annesley took some of it into his domain, and thesebarren hills and rocks, when planted with trees, added to the beauty ofthe scenery. The dispossessed tenants got land from him in Clarkhill, not far off. 

Since that time, judging from the Irish newspapers, there seems to havebeen progress in the right direction, for the little town ofCastlewellan, where for a short time I went to school, from being aplace where, in the Penal days, a Catholic was scarcely allowed to live, seems to have become a strong Nationalist centre for South Down. Thiswas my mother's part of the country. I have seen similar paragraphswhich proved to me that, in the barony of Lecale, County Down, myfather's part, the people, though not so demonstrative as the "mountainymen, " can still, as ever, be relied upon to stand as firm as SlieveDonard itself for creed and country. 

CHAPTER IV. 

O'CONNELL IN LIVERPOOL--TERENCE BELLEW MACMANUS AND THE REPEAL HALL--THEGREAT IRISH FAMINE. 

O'Connell, when passing through Liverpool on his way to Parliament, always made the Adelphi Hotel his headquarters, and used to hear Massnot far off at the Church of St. Nicholas, or, as it was more generallycalled, "Copperas Hill Chapel, " where I used to serve as an altar boy. Imust have been a very small boy at the time when I first remember theLiberator coming to Mass at our Church, for, on one occasion, onstretching up to the altar to remove the Missal it was so difficult forme to reach that I let it fall over my head. 

Without being by any means what is termed a "votheen, " O'Connell was afaithful and devout son of the Catholic Church. During the many yearswhen he was passing through Liverpool, going to and returning fromParliament, and on other occasions when he came to Irish gatherings inthe town, he attended Mass daily whenever possible, and frequentlyapproached Holy Communion. 

O'Connell spoke several times from the balcony of the Adelphi Hotel. From my earliest days I was an earnest politician, and one of my mostcherished remembrances is of having been brought by my father to one ofthese gatherings. The Liberator addressed a great multitude, who filledthe whole square in front, and overflowed into the adjoining streets. Myrecollection of him on this occasion is that of a big man, in a longcloak, wearing what appeared to me some kind of a cap with a gold bandon it. This must have been the famous "Repeal Cap" designed by the Irishsculptor, Hogan, who, when investing O'Connell with it at the greatgathering at Mullaghmast, said: "Sir, I only regret this cap is not ofgold. "

As in our later Irish movements, we frequently had meetings in one orother of the Liverpool theatres. O'Connell was, as often as hisattendance could be secured, the central figure, and drew enormousgatherings. At one of these meetings at the Royal Amphitheatre there wasan attempt by an armed body of Orangemen to storm the platform, on whichwere all our leading Irishmen. Among the most active of these wasTerence Bellew MacManus, who had all his lifetime been a devotedfollower and admirer of O'Connell. On this particular night, which waslong before the unfortunate split into "Old Ireland" and "YoungIreland, " he had a fine opportunity of displaying his "physical force"proclivities in defence of the "moral force" leader. 

The Orange attack was of short duration. They were simply cleared out asif by an irresistible whirlwind. We have always been able to hold ourown in Liverpool, when it came to physical encounters against allcomers. We have generally had some organisation or another--whetherconstitutional or unconstitutional--but, apart from this, the nature ofthe employment of our working-men, especially in O'Connell's time, brought them together in such a way that large numbers of them knew eachother, and could act together in case of emergency. 

MacManus, who had command of the stewards on the night of the attack, knew a number of men like Mick Digney, who was what was called a"lumper"--that is, a contractor in a small way who took work in the"lump" and employed men for loading and unloading ships. Digney andother friends would find their way for consultation and the making ofthe necessary arrangements beforehand on occasions like this toMacManus, whose place of business--he was an extensive forwardingagent--was one of those half-offices, half-warehouses, which used to bein North John Street. 

Another class of men who were reliable for such occasions were thebricklayers' labourers. Of course, it is different now--and a sure signthat our people are rising in the social scale--but in those years, andlong afterwards, I never knew a bricklayers' labourer who was not anIrishman. 

The frequent mention at these gatherings of a sterling Irishman I knewwell in after years, Patrick O'Hanlon, reminds me of two friends of myfather of the same name who belonged to another class of men, thewood-sawyers, who, at that time, were mostly Irish. They had notexactly the same name as Patrick, for it was not so customary to use theO' or Mac in those days as it has since become. Not that Hughey and NedHanlon did not know that they were entitled to the honourable Gaelicprefix, but, with the good nature which is rather too characteristic ofIrishmen sometimes, those who had preceded them had allowed other peopleto drop the O' in using their name, until it became rather difficult toresume it. 

Needless to say that Hughey and Ned Hanlon, John Green, Mike Doolan, andother wood-sawyers were at the Royal Amphitheatre among MacManus'svolunteers. The Hanlons, in particular, were fine lathy men, without anounce of spare flesh, but they had sinews of iron. Hughey used to cometo our house with other neighbours every week to hear the "Nation" read, and the songs in it sung to the accompaniment of Harry Starkey's or myUncle John's fiddle. The Hanlons were North of Ireland men, and Hugheyoften used to proudly tell us that the O'Hanlons were the Ulsterstandard-bearers. 

At that time, besides the Amphitheatre, where during those years severalIrish demonstrations were held, a popular place for our gatherings wasthe Adelphi Theatre (previously the "Queen's"), which was in somewhatbetter standing then than afterwards, though it, too, has had within itswalls most of the Irish leaders of the last half century. 

I remember one occasion in particular when O'Connell was, of course, thehero of the day, which impressed itself upon my youthful mind the moreforcibly on account of the presence on the platform of Jack Langan--ofwhom I have already spoken--a warm-hearted and generous supporter of thegreat Dan, and the Cause of Repeal. Indeed, we boys regarded the Irishchampion boxer with the admiration we would have bestowed upon FinnMacCool or some other of the ancient Fenians, could they have appearedin bodily form amongst us. 

Little we then thought that we should be welcoming on the same platformthe Fenians of our own days. 

That meeting in the Adelphi has also been frequently brought back to mymind since, because for a long time the "leading man" in the stockcompany at that theatre was Edmond O'Rourke (stage name Falconer), asterling Nationalist, with whom I made a closer acquaintance in lateryears. 

I was often brought by my father to the weekly gatherings in the RepealHall, Paradise Street, where, among the speakers on the Sunday nights Ican best remember were Terence Bellew MacManus, Patrick O'Hanlon, Dr. Reynolds, George Smyth, and George Archdeacon. 

MacManus and Smyth (the latter of whom I knew well in after years), besides being prominent workers in O'Connell's agitation for Repeal ofthe Union between Ireland and Great Britain, took active parts in the"Young Ireland" movement. Dr. Reynolds was another of the YoungIrelanders. So also was Archdeacon, who, in addition, still showed hisbelief in physical force by his connection with Fenianism, for which hesuffered imprisonment. 

Young as I was, I shall never forget the days of the Famine, forLiverpool, more than any other place outside of Ireland itself, felt itsappalling effects. It was the main artery through which the flyingpeople poured to escape from what seemed a doomed land. Many thousandscould get no further, and the condition of the already overcrowded partsof the town in which our people lived became terrible, for the wretchedpeople brought with them the dreaded Famine Fever, and Liverpool becamea plague-stricken city. Never was heroism greater than was shown by thedevoted priests--English as well as Irish--in ministering to the sickand dying. So terrible was the mortality amongst them that several ofthe churches lost their priests twice over. Our own family were nearlyleft orphans, for both father and mother were stricken down by thefever, but happily recovered. 

It will not be wondered at that one who saw these things, even though hewas only a boy, should feel it a duty stronger than life itself toreverse the system of misgovernment which was responsible. 

There was, no doubt, a good deal of English sympathy for thefamine-stricken people, and there were some remedial measures byParliament--totally inadequate, however, but I am afraid that the"Times" and "Punch, " two great organs of public opinion, but toofaithfully represented the feelings of many of our rulers. The "Times"actually gloated over what appeared to be the impending extinction ofour race. Young as I then was, but learning my weekly lessons from the"Nation, " I can remember how my blood boiled one day when I saw in ashop window a cartoon of "Punch"--a large potato, which was a caricatureof O'Connell's head and face, with the title--"The Real Potato Blight. "

At the time of the Rising of 1848 I was commencing my apprenticeshipwith a firm of builders, who were also my father's employers. They weresuccessors to the firm through whose agency he had been sent to Irelandas clerk of the works, just previous to my birth there. It was thecustom of the firm, when a boy came to commence his apprenticeship to bea joiner, to keep him in the office for a time as office boy. I wasemployed in the office at the time of the Rising, but one of thepartners in this firm of builders, who was also an architect, seeingthat I had had a good education, and, through attending evening classesat the Catholic Institute and Liverpool Institute, had a considerableknowledge of mathematics and architectural drawing, gave me employmentwhich was more profitable to the firm and congenial to me than that ofan ordinary office boy or junior clerk. Besides helping in the ordinaryclerical work in the office, I was put to copying and making tracings ofground plans, elevations and sections of buildings, and working drawingsfor the use of the artizans, besides assisting in surveying. I was aboutthree years employed in this way before entering into the joiners'workshop. The firm was most anxious that I should remain in the officealtogether, and I have often thought since that my father made amistake in insisting that I should learn the trade of a joiner, whichhe considered a more certain living than that of an architect ordraughtsman, unless one had influential connections. 

It was from the upper window of the office where I was at the work Ihave described that I could see the men belonging to our firm drillingas special constables in the school yard opposite, in anticipation oftrouble in connection with an Irish Rising. 

The authorities were evidently preparing for a formidable outbreak inLiverpool, for there was a large military camp at Everton--a suburb ofthe city--and three gunboats in the river ready for action, in case anypart of the town fell into the hands of the Irish Confederates. Specialconstables, as in the case of our own firm, were being sworn in all overthe town, and the larger firms were putting pressure upon theiremployees to be enrolled. Indeed, some 500 dock labourers weredischarged because they would not be sworn in. My father declined to bea special constable, but suffered no further from this than becoming asuspect--his services being too valuable to be dispensed with by hisemployers. 

He was a genuinely patriotic Irishman, steadfast in his political creed, though unostentatious in his professions, being more a man of actionthan of words. My mother, as I think I have already sufficientlyindicated, was, on the other hand, more demonstrative. I think she musthave had a positive genius for conspiracy. Whatever the movement was shemust have a hand in it. On one occasion--I forget exactly what itwas--some compromising documents had to be got out of the way for thetime being. In those days sloops used to come over from Ireland withpotatoes, and the cargoes used to be sold on the quay at the King'sDock. She often bought a load of potatoes here to supply a small generalshop which she kept to help out my father's earnings. It was under sucha load of potatoes that she had brought home that she concealed thedangerous documents. 

It was in June, 1848, in the columns of the "Nation" that I first metwith the name of Bernard MacAnulty. In after years I worked insuccessive national movements with him, and ever found him a dear friendand most active and enthusiastic colleague. As showing that he was a manof advanced proclivities, I may mention that he wrote to the "Nation"suggesting the formation of the "Felon Repeal Club" inNewcastle-on-Tyne. From then up to the last day of his life he was thesame generous whole-souled Irishman he had been from the beginning. Hisstalwart frame and pleasant, genial face were well known during thewhole of the Home Rule movement, in which I was thrown into frequentcontact with him, when we were both members of the Executive of the HomeRule Confederation of Great Britain. 

He was a North man, from the County Down, a successful merchant--havingstarted life as a packman--in Newcastle-on-Tyne, and so won the respectof all classes that he was elected a member of the Town Council, inwhich he served with great credit. The northern Catholic, who is sooften a pure Celt, is sometimes credited with having acquired some ofthe qualities of his Presbyterian neighbours of Lowland Scotsextraction. But this is only on the surface, and Bernard MacAnulty was atypical example of this. No braver or more generous Irishman everbreathed, and he had a fund of humour which would have done credit tothe quickest-witted Connaughtman or Munsterman that ever lived. Thoughthe Ulster accent is generally regarded as a hard one, I never thoughtit was so with my friend. Perhaps this is owing to my partiality as aCounty Down man, which, though born in Antrim, I always consider myself, Down being the native place of my people from time immemorial. I havealways thought that the people born and reared, as Bernard was, amongthe Mourne Mountains and their surroundings have anything but anunmusical accent. 

In connection with the Fenian movement my dear old friend was a strong, active, and generous sympathiser. His purse was always available forevery good National object, whether "legal" or "illegal, " and I know asa fact that many a good fellow "on the run" found shelter under hisroof, and never went away empty-handed. 

CHAPTER V. 

THE "NO-POPERY" MANIA--THE TENANT LEAGUE--THE CURRAGH CAMP. 

The restoration of the Catholic Hierarchy, September 29th, 1850, broughton what appeared to us one of John Bull's periodical fits of lunacy. Iwitnessed many scenes of mob violence at the time, when, in deference tothe prevailing bigotry in opposing what they termed "Papal Aggression" apart of the Penal Laws were revived in Lord John Russell'sEcclesiastical Titles Act. In due course John got over his paroxysm, andthe Act was repealed. 

But for a time the storm of bigotry raged fiercely, and, as thefollowing incident will show, while the mania lasted even the policewere not entirely free from it. 

The site of the noble Gothic edifice, Holy Cross Church, Great CrosshallStreet, Liverpool, was, at this time, occupied by a ramshackle placemade into a temporary chapel out of a number of old houses. It was soconstructed that from any part you could see the altar, if you could notalways hear Mass. 

This was not, however, an unusual thing in Liverpool in the old days, particularly in the Famine years, when our panic-stricken people cameinto Liverpool like the wreck of a routed army. 

The chief feature of the old Holy Cross Chapel was a long narrow flightof stairs, leading from Standish Street, the side street off GreatCrosshall Street, up to a higher part of the building which served thepurpose of a gallery. 

The famous Dr. Cahill came to Holy Cross to preach, and every part ofthe building was crowded to suffocation. In the middle of the sermon analarm was raised of a broken beam or something of the kind, and thepeople commenced to rush down the narrow stairs in a state of panic. 

Such of them as could crush their way out, instead of being assisted, were set upon and assaulted with their batons by several policemen, whowere in the street outside. So great was the indignation in the town, that a public inquiry was held, and it was proved that the police notonly brutally struck men, women and children, but even a blind man whowas trying to grope his way out. They also used foul expressions about"Popery" and the "bloody Papists, " and it was afterwards proved thatthese very men had themselves raised the alarm, apparently to get anexcuse for breaking the heads of the unfortunate people. An honestpolice official, whose duty it afterwards became to make a report ofwhat had occurred, came upon the scene, and did what he could to stopthe brutality. 

When Dowling, the head constable, came to the police office nextmorning, and saw the official report in the book kept for the purpose, he caused the leaf containing it to be torn out, and another report byone Sergeant Tomlinson to be substituted for it. Mr. Mansfield, thestipendiary magistrate, who conducted the inquiry, denounced Dowling andTomlinson for what he called "the disgraceful and discreditablesuppression of the report which, " he added, "was no doubt true. He hadnever heard of more disgraceful proceedings in his life. "

Pending a fuller investigation, the police office books were impounded, and, as a result of the inquiry, several of the police were suspended. Dowling was dismissed from his post as head constable of Liverpool, andlost a retiring pension which, if all had been well with him, he wouldhave come in for a short time afterwards. 

An amusing story is told of a Liverpool daily paper in those days. Itwas struggling with adversity, and the manager, a worthy Scotsman, satin his office on Monday morning with the weekly statement before him, showing increasing expense and decreasing revenue. 

To him entered a Liverpool parson--very determined and very menacing. Hehad asked for the editor, but that gentleman had not yet come down, andthe manager was the only person in authority visible, so he had to makeshift with him. 

"I am here, " the parson said, "as the mouthpiece of a large number ofpeople who are not satisfied with the attitude of the 'Liverpool ----'on the great question of the hour--Whether Popery is to dominate ourliberties or are we to crush Popery?"

"Yes, " said the manager, wearily, his mind still on the balance sheet. "What do you complain of?"

"I wish to tell you, sir, " said the parson, with impressive emphasis, "that only this morning I have heard the belief expressed by merchantson 'Change that the 'Liverpool ----' is actually in the pay of the Popeof Rome!"

In a second a ray of light seemed to irradiate the gloom of themanager's soul, as he contemplated in a flash of thought the untoldtreasures of the Vatican--

"Man!" he exclaimed fervently, "I wish to Heaven it was!"

But the numerous exhibitions of bigotry stirred up in connection withLord John Russell's Ecclesiastical Titles Act were of triflingconsequence compared with the injury done to the Irish people arisingout of the same Act. For it led to the ruin of the Tenant Rightagitation in Ireland, in which the Irish people, Protestant as well asCatholic, had been united as they had not been since 1798 and the daysof Grattan's Parliament. 

For the Tenant League and the Irish Party in Parliament had in theirranks some of the greatest rascals who had ever disgraced Irishpolitics. These, while posing as the champions of Catholicity inopposing Lord John Russell's bill, were simply working for their ownbase ends, and were afterwards known and execrated as the Sadlier-Keoghgang. 

Their infamous betrayal of the Irish tenantry dashed the hopes anddestroyed the union of North and South from which so much was expected, besides creating a distrust in constitutional agitation which lasted fornearly a generation. 

The after fate of the Sadlier-Keogh gang--including the suicide of JohnSadlier and the scarcely less wretched end of Keogh--have ever sincebeen terrible object-lessons to the Irish people. 

In his later years I enjoyed the friendship of one of the mostdistinguished of the Tenant Right leaders, who had also played aprominent and honourable part in the Repeal and Young Ireland movements. This was Charles Gavan Duffy, whom I met after his return fromAustralia. 

It was the Sadlier-Keogh treason, their selling themselves to theGovernment after the most solemn promises to the contrary, and the wayin which their conduct had been condoned by so many of the hierarchy, clergy and people of Ireland, that caused Gavan Duffy to lose heart forthe time, and to declare, as he left the country, in memorablewords--"that there was no more hope for Ireland than for a corpse on thedissecting table. "

But, as I learned from his own lips on his return to this country, henever lost sight of the National movement while in Australia, where hebecame first Minister of the Crown in a self-governing colony; and, onhis return, his old hope for the success of our Cause had, he assuredme, revived. 

Charles Gavan Duffy having sailed for Australia on the 6th of November, 1855, John Cashel Hoey succeeded him as editor of the "Nation, " hehaving, as one of his colleagues, Alexander Martin Sullivan, whoafterwards became sole proprietor and responsible editor. 

"A. M. " Sullivan, as he was always called, was an upright man, who had avery clear conception of his own policy in Irish matters. He franklyaccepted the British constitution, and worked inside those lines. To me, when my country was concerned, the British constitution (with the makingof which neither I nor my people had ever had anything to do) was amatter of very little moment. Any work for Ireland that commended itselfto my conscience and was practicable was good enough. Nevertheless, itwill ever be to me a source of pride that, from the moment when we firstknew each other to the hour of his death, we were the closest friends. 

In connexion with the "Papal aggression" mania, Cardinal Wiseman was thecentral figure against whom the storm of bigotry was chiefly directed. Iremember with pleasure that I took part in the reception given to him inLiverpool by Father Nugent and the students of the Liverpool CatholicInstitute, by whom the Cardinal's fine play of "The Hidden Gem" wasperformed in the Hall of the Institute during his stay in town. Thebringing of the Cardinal to Liverpool was only one of the many occasionswhen the good Father was the medium through whom, from time to time, anumber of distinguished Catholics and Irishmen were brought intointimate contact with their co-religionists and fellow-countrymen in thetown for the advancement of some worthy object connected with creed ornationality--most frequently with both. 

I have described the St. Patrick's Day annual processions in Liverpool. Notwithstanding some grand features in connection with them, they were, unfortunately, sometimes the occasion of rioting and intemperance. Father Nugent was of Irish parentage and sympathies, and possessed ofgreat zeal, capacity, energy and eloquence. He determined to make a newdeparture in celebrating the national anniversary, for though theprocessions were magnificent displays, and it was not the fault of theirpromoters if ever there was any scandal arising out of them, still therewas much that was inconsistent with a worthy celebration of the feast ofthe national saint of Ireland. Calling a number of young Irishmentogether, of whom I was one, he, with their help, organised on a grandscale a festival which was held in one of the large public halls of thetown. So successful was the first of these that they became an annualinstitution, which superseded the previous out-door celebrations. 

On these occasions there were selections of Irish music and song, andoratory from some distinguished Irishman, with an eloquent and stirringpanegyric on St. Patrick from Father Nugent himself, making a morecreditable and enjoyable celebration of the national festival than hadever been held in the town before. 

Such celebrations as these (which have for many years past been heldunder the auspices of the Irish national political organisation of theday), have become common in the Irish centres of Great Britain. Indeed, it has become one of the recognised duties of the members of the IrishParliamentary Party to hold themselves in readiness to be drafted off toone or another of these gatherings, which are the means of keepingsteadily burning the fire of patriotism in the breasts of our people. And what is of consequence from a financial point of view, the proceedsof these gatherings help to provide the sinews of war for carrying onthe Home Rule campaign in Great Britain. For over half a century, fromthe time when I assisted Father Nugent with his first celebration, Itook an active part in organising these gatherings in many places. 

I said at the commencement that I knew little of Ireland from personalcontact with it. Born there, I was too young to remember being broughtto England. For some months I was there again, as I have alreadymentioned, as a boy of twelve, under the care of my uncle, the Rev. Michael O'Loughlin. I had often desired to see more of Ireland, and, singularly enough, it was the Crimean War that gave me the opportunityof spending another three months there in the summer of 1855. 

A large firm in Liverpool had part of the contract for erecting thewooden houses and other buildings at the camp being erected on theCurragh of Kildare at the time of the war. I made application, and, withmy brother Bernard, was employed to go there. Reaching the Curragh, wefound that many of the men slept in the huts they were erecting, beingsupplied by the contractors with the requisite bed and bedding. Thecontractors also erected a large "canteen, " to be used afterwards by themilitary where the workmen could be supplied with food and drink--toomuch drink sometimes. These arrangements for food and sleeping weresomewhat necessary, as the nearest towns, Kildare, Kilcullen, andNewbridge were each some three miles off. 

But we were anxious to see as much of the country and of the people aswe could, and, besides, did not care for the mixed company sleeping inthe huts. We therefore managed to secure lodgings with the Widow Walsh, on the road leading from the Curragh to Suncroft. The widow's husbandhad but recently died, leaving her a pretty good farm, and, with the aidof her family--one of them a fine, grown-up young man--she was able tohold on to the land. But the ready cash she got from the Curragh men whocame to lodge with her was useful too. It was a good big house of thekind, and the widow made use of every available inch of it, so that shehad about a dozen of us in all. Mrs. Walsh, though an easy-going soulherself, had a fine bouncing girl to help her, but, with a dozen hungrymen coming with a rush at night, it used to be a scramble for thecooking utensils, as we were largely left to our own devices. We used toleave early in the morning for our work on the Curragh, taking with usthe materials for our breakfasts and dinners. As to the cooking, somewent to the canteen, while others got their meals wherever they happenedto be working. As there were plenty of chips and small cuttings of wood, only fit for that purpose, we used to make of these big fires on theshort grass, and we boiled our water for tea or coffee and our eggs, andfrizzled our chops or bacon at the end of a long stick. 

I have mentioned before that whenever one finds work particularlylaborious he is fairly certain to find Irishmen at it. It was so at theCurragh. When a carpenter or joiner lays down the boarding of a floor, if there is only a small quantity of it he planes it down himself tomake an even surface. But if there is a large quantity this does notpay, and the contractor brings in another artist called a "flogger, "who, in nine cases out of ten, in my time, was an Irishman. It wasgenerally given out as "piece work" to one man, the "master-flogger, " asyou might term him, who employed the others. One of these, a very decentIrishman, Tom Cassidy, whom I had known in Liverpool, had the contractfor the work at the Curragh Camp, and he had about a score of hisfellow-countrymen working for him. 

Going back to Liverpool for a holiday, while my brother and I were stillat the Curragh, honest Tom called on my father and mother, who knew himwell. They were glad to hear that he was lodging at the Widow Walsh's, and could tell them all about their boys. This he could do mosttruthfully without letting his imagination run away with him. "Aye, indeed, " he said, "Barney and John are lodging in the one house with me, with a decent widow woman, and many a glass we had together at Igoe's. "Tom had put in this bit of "local colouring" about Igoe's to show thegood fellowship between us, but as their sons were both teetotalers, the old people knew that this could not be true, and the rest of hisstory was somewhat discredited in consequence. 

Igoe's was a public house just on the corner of the road leading fromthe Curragh to Suncroft. What between the workmen at the Camp and thesoldiers and the militia, Igoe's must have been doing a roaring trade atthis time. Which reminds me that I one day saw John O'Connell (son ofthe Liberator), then a captain in the Dublin militia, trying to get alot of his men, who were the worse for liquor, out of Igoe's. It couldnot be said that he did not give an edifying example to his men, for Isaw him, on another occasion, going to Holy Communion, at the Soldiers'Mass, where the altar was fixed up under a verandah in the officers'quarter, the men being assembled in the open square in front. He was awell-meaning man, and tried to carry on the Repeal Association after hisfather's death, but it soon collapsed, for the mantle of Dan wasaltogether too big for John. 

Although he generally showed himself bitterly opposed to the YoungIrelanders, he was a poetical contributor to the "Nation, " where I findhim represented by two very fine pieces--"Was it a Dream?" and "What'smy Thought Like?" In the latter piece he pictures Ireland--

 No longer slave to England! but her sister if she will-- Prompt to give friendly aid at need, and to forget all ill! But holding high her head, and, with serenest brow, Claiming, amid earth's nations all, her fitting station now. 

I never met his brother Maurice, but I could imagine his a morecongenial spirit with the "Young Irelanders" than any other of theO'Connell family. He, too, is represented in "The Spirit of the Nation"by his rousing "Recruiting Song of the Irish Brigade" which, sung to theair of "The White Cockade, " has always been a favourite of mine. 

A fine, genial old priest, full of gossip and old-time stories, wasFather MacMahon, of Suncroft. If he met one of us on the road he wouldstop to have a gossip, and was always delighted when he found, as heoften did, along with an English tongue an Irish heart. From him it wasI heard the legend of St. Brigid's miraculous mantle and the origin ofthe Curragh--how the saint, to get "as much land as would graze a poorman's cow" made the very modest request from the king for as much groundas her mantle would cover; how he agreed, and she laid her mantle downon the "short grass;" how, to the king's astonishment, it spread andspread, until it covered the whole of the ground of what is now theCurragh; and how it would have spread over all Ireland but that it metwith a red-haired woman, and that, as everybody knows, is unlucky. Whenever, in our rambles along the country roads we afterwards met ared-haired woman, we used to wonder was she a descendant of the femalewho stopped the growth of the Curragh of Kildare. 

Father MacMahon could also tell us of the gallant fight made by the menof Kildare, and the massacre of the unarmed people on the Curragh in1798. Many of the men from the Curragh used to come to Mass on Sundaysat Suncroft, and often in his sermons--which were none the less edifyingbecause they were given in the same free and easy style as his gossipswith us on the road--he would tell his people of the talks he had hadwith the men from the Camp, and what good Irishmen he found among them. They, in their turn, were very fond of the good father, and most of themtook a practical way of showing their feeling when it came to theoffertory. 

Dear old Father MacMahon! I took up an Irish Church Directory the otherday and looked for the little village of Suncroft, in the dioceses ofKildare and Leighlin, to see if your name was still there, foolishlyforgetting that it is over fifty years since we met--you an old man andI a young one. I am an old man now, and you--you dear good oldsoul--must have gone to your reward long ago, where you in your turnwill be hearing from St. Brigid herself, and from the fine old Irishking who gave the Curragh, the true story of the miraculous mantle; andhow the king did not make such a bad bargain after all, for, in exchangefor his gift, he now, doubtless, has what St. Brigid promised, a kingdomfar greater than even her mantle would cover--the Kingdom of Heaven. 

On Sundays we used to have long walks. We did not often go nearNewbridge--it was too much like an ordinary English military station. Wepreferred going to Kildare, where stands the first Irish Round Tower Iever saw, and where the fine old ruined church of St. Brigid put us inmind of the patron saint of Ireland; or to Kilcullen, where the braveKildare pikemen routed General Dundas in 1798; and to others of theneighbouring places. We reviewed, too, every part of the famous Curraghitself, so full of memories--glorious and sad--of Irish history. 

As fast as we finished them, the huts we were building were occupied bythe military, and, whether regulars or militia, I found among them, driven to wear the uniform by stress of circumstances, as good Irishmenas I ever met. Coming home from work one evening, I met on the road tothe Curragh a party of them, carrying, for want of a better banner, abig green bush, and singing "The Green Flag. " Then, as they came insight of the famous plain itself, a man struck up:--

 Where will they have their camp? Says the _Shan Van Voct_

When, as if moved by one impulse, all joined in:--

 On the Curragh of Kildare, And the boys will all be there, With their pikes in good repair-- Says the _Shan Van Voct_!

"Igoe's porter!" a cynic might say. True, there may have been a glass ortwo and a little harmless rejoicing, but this was too spontaneous to beanything but the outpouring of the good, honest warm hearts of the poorfellows, burning with love for the land that bore them. 

Peter Maughan, who, like myself, was a house joiner, working at theCurragh, had similar experiences. Indeed, you might say that he was thenqualifying himself for the part he very efficiently filled some yearslater in the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood, as recruiting officeramong the soldiery of Britain. Of course, he found scoundrels amongstthem too, for, as the history of the Fenian movement shows, he washimself betrayed and sent to penal servitude. 

Before I returned to England I had a most interesting tour through theSouth of Ireland, that being, I may say, the most I have ever actuallyseen of my own country. Having a taste for drawing, I took sketches ofthe various noted places I visited, which I preserved for manyyears--the most cherished remembrances of my visit to the "old sod. "

After returning from the Curragh to Liverpool, I married there andcarried on business on my own account for several years as a joiner andbuilder, before taking service with Father Nugent, first as secretary ofhis Boy's Refuge, and then as conductor for some three years of hisnewspaper, the "Northern Press and Catholic Times. "

CHAPTER VI. 

THE IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD--ESCAPE OF JAMES STEPHENS--PROJECTEDRAID ON CHESTER CASTLE--CORYDON THE INFORMER. 

The trials in 1859, following the arrests in connection with the Phoenixmovement, with which the name of Jeremiah O'Donovan (called also"Rossa, " after his native place) was identified, were the first publicmanifestations of what developed into the great organisation known inAmerica as the Fenian Brotherhood, and, on this side of the Atlantic asthe I. R. B. , or Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood. 

Many years afterwards "Rossa" called at the office of the Irish NationalLeague in London, to see his old fellow-conspirator, James FrancisXavier O'Brien, then General Secretary of the constitutionalorganisation for the attainment of "Home Rule. " As I was chief organiserfor the League in Great Britain, and was in the, office at the time, Iwas introduced to his old comrade (who had, he said, often heard of me)by "J. F. X. , " as we used to call him, and it was to me a delightfulexperience to hear the two old warriors, who had done and suffered somuch for Ireland, fighting their battles over again. 

I was sitting in my office in Father Nugent's Refuge one day, about thebeginning of 1866, when my old friend, John Ryan, was shown in to me. 

As we had not seen each other for several years, our greeting was a mostcordial one. Though we had not met, I had heard of him from mutualfriends from time to time as being actively connected with the physicalforce movement for the freedom of Ireland. 

During this time I had often wished to see him, and I found that exactlythe same idea had been in _his_ mind regarding me; our object being thesame--my initiation into the ranks of the Irish RevolutionaryBrotherhood, of which he was an organiser. 

A word perhaps is due here--for I wish to pay respect to the opinion ofevery man--to those Irishmen who call themselves loyalists. On closeanalysis their language and arguments appear to me to be meaningless. Astudy of the history of the world and of the origins of civil power showthat there is only one thing that is recognisable as giving a good andstable title to any government, and that is the consent of the governed. 

A man who is a member of a community owes a duty to the community inreturn for the benefit arising out of his membership, but hisduty--which he may call loyalty if he pleases--is proportionate to theshare which he possesses in the imposition of responsibilities uponhimself. The application of this to Ireland is obvious, and it explainswhy in so many cases a man who has been a rebel in Ireland hasafterwards risen to the highest place in the self-governing communitieswhich are called British colonies. To put it in another way, a communityof intelligent men must be self-governing, or else it will be aforcing-house for rebels. I don't see any third way. 

As I have before suggested, the two questions that have always presentedthemselves to me in connection with work for Ireland have been--first, is it right? Second, is it practicable? In joining the I. R. B. I had nodoubt on either ground. As to the first, the misgovernment of Ireland, of which I had seen the hideous fruits in the Famine years andemigration, was ample justification. As to the second, there was everylikelihood of the success of the movement. It will be remembered thatduring these years the great Civil War in America was going on, in whichmany thousands of our fellow-countrymen, were engaged on both sides, mostly, however, for the North. A great number of these had entered intothis service chiefly with the object of acquiring the military trainingintended to be used in fighting on Irish soil for their country'sfreedom. Such an opportunity seemed likely to arise, for during thistime the "Alabama Claims" and other matters brought America and Englandto the verge of war. Had such a conflict arisen, one result of it, asMr. Gladstone and other British statesmen could not but have foreseen, would probably be the severance of the connexion, once for all, betweenIreland and Great Britain. 

John Ryan, knowing me so well, felt tolerably assured that no argumentfrom him would be required to induce me to join the I. R. B. ;consequently, one of the first things he did was, at my request, toadminister to me the oath of allegiance to the Irish Republic, as thesaying went, "now virtually established. "

After this we had a long _seanchus_, I telling him of all that hadhappened among our friends during his frequent absences from Liverpool, and he describing to me many of the adventures of himself and otherprominent men in the movement, which were to me both interesting andexciting. Among these were his assistance in the escape of JamesStephens, of which I will speak later. 

Before we parted, he arranged with me for my acting in Liverpool as amedium of communication in the organisation. In this way I was, forseveral years, brought into constant contact with the leaders, nearlyall of whom I met from time to time. 

I think the most capable Irishmen I ever met were the various members ofthe Breslin family, with several of whom I was intimately acquainted. Bravest among the brave, as they proved themselves at many a criticalmoment, there were none more prudent. John Breslin was hospital stewardin Richmond Prison when James Stephens, the Fenian chief, was imprisonedthere awaiting his trial. 

John Devoy was the man who successfully carried through, under thedirection of Colonel Kelly, the outside arrangements in connection withthe escape of the C. O. I. R. (Chief Organiser of the Irish Republic), ashe was called, in the early morning of the 24th of November, 1865. 

But John Breslin it was who, with the assistance of Daniel Byrne, nightwatchman, actually set Stephens free. Byrne was arrested and put uponhis trial for aiding the escape of Stephens, but nothing could bebrought home to him, and, after two successive juries had disagreed onhis case, he was released. Breslin, the chief instrument in the rescue, was not suspected. He simply bided his time until he took his annualholiday, from which he never returned, leaving the country before therewas any suspicion of him. Michael Breslin, his brother, held aresponsible position in the Dublin police, and was the means offrustrating many a well-laid scheme of the Castle, so that if theGovernment had its creatures in the revolutionary camp, the I. R. B. Hadagents in theirs. 

Another, as I have already mentioned, who took part in the Stephensrescue was my friend John Ryan, better known in the Brotherhood asCaptain O'Doherty. At our interview in Liverpool on the occasion of myinitiation, he gave me a full account of this among other incidents. Hewas, like Peter Maughan, an old schoolfellow of mine with the ChristianBrothers in Liverpool. He was one of the men picked out by Colonel Kellyto be on guard when the "old man"--one of Stephens' pet nick-names--cameover the prison wall. Ryan was a fine type of an Irishman, morally, intellectually and physically. As Stephens slipped down from the wall, holding on to the rope, he came with such force on my friend'sshoulders as almost to bear him to the ground. In my "Irish in Britain"I have described in detail how Breslin got a key made for Stephens'cell, and how he and Byrne helped the C. O. I. R. Over the prison wall towhere his friends awaited him, and also the adventures of the Fenianleader after his escape from Richmond. 

The man who made the key for Stephens' cell, from a mould taken by JohnBreslin, was Michael Lambert, a trusted member of the I. R. B. Though hisname was well known to the initiated at the time, it never was mentioneduntil later years, he being always referred to previously as "theoptician. "

After remaining in concealment several months Stephens got away fromIreland. The craft in which he escaped was one of a fleet of fishinghookers which sailed from Howth and Kinsale when engaged in theirregular work. The owner, who was delighted to have a hand in such anenterprise, was a warm-hearted and patriotic Irishman, Patrick De LacyGarton, for whom I acted as conducting agent, when he was returned bythe votes of his fellow-countrymen to the Liverpool Town Council, wherehe sat as a Home Ruler. 

I met several times, during 1866 and later, one of the most remarkablemen connected with the organisation. He was known as "Beecher, " and wasa man of singular astuteness, as he required to be, particularly at thetime when, unknown to his colleagues, Corydon was giving information tothe police. If at any time Beecher had fallen into their hands, theymight have made a splendid haul, which would have paralysed the movementon this side of the Atlantic, for he was the "Paymaster. " CaptainMichael O'Rorke--otherwise "Beecher"--was a well-balanced combination ofsagacity, cautiousness and daring, as you could not fail to see, ifbrought into contact with him a few times. Stephens had the mostabounding confidence in him, and it was well deserved. A native ofRoscommon, he emigrated to America when a boy of thirteen. When theCivil War broke out he joined the Federal Army, and served with muchdistinction. He was a member of the Fenian Brotherhood, and was greatlypleased to be called upon for active service in Ireland, and, sailingfrom New York, he reached Dublin on the 27th of July, 1865, when hereported himself to the C. O. I. R. He was entrusted with the payment ofthe American officers then in Ireland and Great Britain, which duty, Ineed scarcely say, involved his keeping in constant touch with them. Inthis way I, from time to time, came in contact with him in Liverpool, and was much impressed with the perfect way in which he carried out hisarduous duties. Before Stephens left for America, in March, 1866, hedirected Captain O'Rorke to send all the officers not arrested, and thenin Ireland, over to England. This was a proper measure of prudence, asthe Irish Americans would be less objects of suspicion, and less liableto arrest here than in Ireland. He had fifty officers, and sometimesmore, to provide for as Paymaster, or, as the informers and detectiveshad it, the "Fenian Paymaster. " He had to visit in this way at varioustimes all parts of the British organisation, sometimes paying his menpersonally, and at other times by letter, forwarded through trustedIrishmen in various places who had not laid themselves open tosuspicion. But he had to run his head into the lion's mouthoccasionally, too, for it was part of his duty to visit Dublin at leastonce a month. As a matter of precaution, there were but few who knew ofany address where he might be found. At a time when Corydon had startedto give information, but before "Beecher" actually knew of it, theinformer gave an address of his where he thought the "Paymaster" was tobe found to the Liverpool police. Major Greig, the chief constable, anda strong body of his men, surrounded the house, but the bird had flown. After that, he was more cautious than ever, only letting his whereaboutsbe known when it was absolutely necessary. 

A noted man among the Fenians was "Pagan O'Leary. " Jack Ryan told me ofhow he rather surprised the prison officials when they came to classifyhim under the head "Religion. " Being asked what he was, he said he was aPagan. No, they said, they could not accept that--they had headings _intheir books_, "Roman Catholic, " "Protestant, " and "Presbyterian, " butnot "Pagans. " "Well, " he said, "You have two kinds, the 'Robbers'(meaning Protestants) and the 'Beggars' (Catholics), and if I mustchoose, put me down a 'Beggar. '"

A startling incident in connection with the Fenian movement, the daringplan to seize Chester Castle, will enable me to introduce twoexceedingly interesting characters with whom I came in contact at thistime. The idea was to bring sufficient men from various parts ofEngland, armed with concealed revolvers, to overpower the garrison, which at the time was a very weak one, and to seize the large store ofarms then in the Castle. In connection with this, arrangements had beenmade for the cutting of wires, the taking up of rails, and the seizureof sufficient engines and waggons to convey the captured arms toHolyhead, whence, a steamer having been seized there for the purpose, the arms were to be taken to Ireland, and the standard of insurrectionraised. Of John Ryan, one of the leaders of this raid, I have alreadyspoken. Another of them, Captain John McCafferty, was one of theIrish-American officers who had crossed the Atlantic to take part in theprojected rising in Ireland. I met him several times in Liverpool incompany with John Ryan, and, from his own lips, got an account of hisadventurous career up to that time. 

Most of the American officers I came in contact with during these yearshad served in the Federal Army, but McCafferty fought on the side of theSouth in the American Civil War. He was a thorough type of a guerillaleader. With his well-proportioned and strongly-knit frame, and handsomeresolute-looking bronzed face, you could imagine him just the man forany dashing and daring enterprise. 

I frequently met John Flood, too, whose name, with that of McCafferty, is associated with the Chester raid. He was then about thirty years ofage, a fine, handsome man, tall and strong, wearing a full and flowingtawny-coloured beard. He had a genial-looking face, and, in yourintercourse with him, you found him just as genial as he looked. He wasa man of distinguished bearing, who you could imagine would fill withgrace and dignity the post of Irish Ambassador to some friendly power. He was a Wexford man, full of the glorious traditions of '98. He took anactive part in aiding the escape of James Stephens from Ireland. WithColonel Kelly he was aboard the hooker in which the C. O. I. R. Escaped, and to his skill and courage and rare presence of mind was largely duethe fact that Stephens did not again fall into the hands of his enemies. 

From then up to the time immediately preceding the Chester raid, hefrequently called on me in Liverpool in company with John Ryan. 

Father McCormick, of Wigan, a patriotic Irish priest, used to tell me, too, of the men coming to confession to him on their way to Chester, andafterwards to Ireland, for the rising on Shrove Tuesday. And yet thesewere the kind of men for whom, according to a certain Irish bishop, "Hell was not hot enough nor Eternity long enough. "

When John Ryan informed me of the plans that were being matured for theseizure of the arms and ammunition in Chester Castle, I volunteered forany duty that might be allotted to me. It was settled that I should holdmyself in readiness to carry out when called upon certain mechanicalarrangements in connection with the raid with a view to preventreinforcements from reaching Chester. 

These arrangements were to consist of the taking up of the rails oncertain railway lines and the cutting of the telegraphic wires leadinginto Chester. I, therefore, surveyed the ground, and besides therequired personal assistance, had in readiness crowbars, sledges, and, among other implements, the wrenches for unscrewing the nuts of thebolts fastening the fishplates which bound together the rails, end toend. I now held myself prepared for the moment when the call to actionwould reach me. 

This, however, never came, for I found afterwards that the leaders hadlearned in time of Corydon's betrayal of the project, and made theirarrangements accordingly. 

I heard nothing further of the projected Chester expedition untilMonday, February 11th, 1867. 

My employment was at this time in Liverpool, but I lived on the oppositebank of the Mersey, at New Ferry. Anybody who has to travel in and outof town, as I did by the ferry boat, to his employment gets soaccustomed to his fellow-passengers that he knows most of them by sight. But this morning it was different. In a sense some of those I saw werestrangers to me, but I had a kind of instinct that they were my ownpeople. They were fine, athletic-looking young men, and had atravel-stained appearance, as if they had been walking some distanceover dusty roads. 

When I reached the landing stage and saw the morning's papers I got theexplanation--the police had heard of the projected raid. 

These were our men returning from Chester, having been stopped on theroad by friends posted there for the purpose, and turned back--and werenow on their way through Liverpool to their homes in various parts ofLancashire and Yorkshire. It seemed that the information of the projectbeing abandoned had not reached them in time to prevent many of the menleaving their homes for Chester. 

I heard from John Ryan, whom I saw a few days afterwards, that the wordhad been sent round to a certain number of circles in the North ofEngland and the Midlands to move a number of picked men, some on theSunday night and some early on the Monday morning, and that thepromptness and cheerfulness with which the order was obeyed wasastonishing; so that, probably, not less than two thousand men were, bydifferent routes, quietly converging on Chester. Among these was MichaelDavitt and others, from Haslingden as well as from several otherLancashire towns. 

But it was promptly discovered that information had been given to thepolice authorities almost at the last moment. Those, therefore, who hadalready reached Chester were sent back, and men were placed at therailway stations and on the roads leading to Chester to stop those whowere coming. In this way the whole of the men forming the expeditiondispersed as silently as they had come. 

Corydon had given the information to Major Greig, the Liverpool HeadConstable, who at once communicated with Chester, where prompt measureswere taken to meet the threatened invasion. 

According to his own evidence in the subsequent trial, Corydon had beengiving information to the police since the previous September. There hadbeen some suspicious circumstances in connection with him. A manresembling him in appearance, and evidently disguised, had been seen incompany with individuals supposed to be police agents. But as there wasa man belonging to the organisation named Arthur Anderson, who stronglyresembled Corydon, the real informer, suspicion fell upon Anderson. 

After Corydon had thrown off the mask and openly appeared as aninformer, I had an opportunity of seeing him, and, so far as my memoryserves me, this is what he was like: At first sight you might set himdown as a third-rate actor or circus performer. He wore a frock coat, buttoned tightly, to set off a by no means contemptible figure, andcarried himself with a jaunty, swaggering air, after the conventionalstyle of a theatrical "professional. " He was about the middle height, ofwiry, active build, with features clearly cut, thin face, large roundforehead, a high aquiline nose, thick and curly hair, decidedly "sandy"in colour, and heavy moustache of the same tinge. His cheeks and chinwere denuded of beard. 

It was in the Liverpool Police Court I saw John Joseph Corydon, as thenewspapers spelled his name--if it were his name, which is verydoubtful, for it was said in Liverpool that he was the son of anabandoned woman of that town. 

There was at that time a reporter named Sylvester Redmond, whom I knewvery well, a very decent Irishman, who made a special feature of givinghumorous descriptions of the cases in the police court. I was told bysomeone in Court that the man whose hand Sylvester was so cordiallyshaking was the noted informer, Corydon. I was very much disgusted withthe old gentleman, until I heard afterwards that some wag among thepolice had introduced the informer to him as a distinguishedfellow-countryman. 

After the collapse of the Chester scheme, McCafferty and Flood madetheir way to Ireland to be ready for the Rising, but were arrested inDublin, charged with being concerned in the raid on Chester. They wereboth in due course put upon their trials, and sent into penal servitude. 

I find, from a graphic sketch written for my "Irish Library" by WilliamJames Ryan, that in the convict ship that took John Flood into penalservitude was another distinguished Irishman, John Boyle O'Reilly, whoseoffence against British rule was his successful recruiting for theI. R. B. Among the soldiery. Another lieutenant of John Devoy, who hadcharge of the organisation of the British army, was an old schoolfellowof mine with the Liverpool Christian Brothers, Peter Maughan, of whom Ihave already spoken as a fellow-workman at the Curragh. 

Before joining the I. R. B. Peter had been a member of the "Brotherhood ofSt. Patrick, " an organisation which furnished many members to the "IrishRevolutionary Brotherhood. "

Most of the Fenian prisoners were amnestied before the completion oftheir full terms. I have a letter in my possession from John McCaffertyto our mutual friend, William Hogan, written from Millbank Prison, 6thJune, 1871. In this he regrets that the terms of his release will notallow of his paying Hogan a visit. He says:--

 I know there are many who would like to shake my hand and bid me a kind farewell. God bless you before my departure. My route will afford me no opportunity of seeing the iron-bound coast of the home of my forefathers. Still God may allow me to see that isle again--Yes, and then perhaps I may meet somebody on the hills. 

He concludes with love to William Hogan's family and "Kind regard toeach and every friend. "

McCafferty did, I know, see the "iron-bound" coast of Ireland again, fora few years after this an extremely mild and inoffensive-looking, dark-complexioned person, with black side whiskers, came into myplace--I was carrying on a printing and newsagency business--in ByronStreet, Liverpool, and, though I did not recognise him at first, I waspleased to find that this Mr. Patterson, as he called himself, was noother than my old friend John McCafferty. 

The mission he was engaged on was one that can only be described by theword amazing. So daring was it, so hedged around with apparentimpossibilities, that to the ordinary man its very conception would beincredible. But McCafferty was perfectly serious and determined aboutit, and to him it seemed practicable enough, provided only he could geta few more men like himself: and indeed if the collection of just such acompany of conspirators _were_ practicable, no doubt the impossiblemight become possible enough. But the hypothesis is fatal, for theMcCafferty strain is a rare one indeed, so that his project never gotfurther than an idea. I think, however, that I cannot be accused ofexaggeration in saying that if he had been successful in carrying outhis idea, his achievement would have formed the most extraordinarychapter in English history--for it was no less than the abduction of thethen Prince of Wales, afterwards King Edward VII. , and the holding ofhim as a hostage for a purpose of the Fenian organisation. 

The plan was to take him to sea in a sailing vessel, and to keep himthere, until the Fenian prisoners still at that time unreleased were setat liberty. He was to be treated with the utmost consideration and--therecollection is not without its humorous side--McCafferty had amemorandum to spare no pains in finding what were the favouriteamusements of the Prince, so that he might have a "real good time" onboard. 

CHAPTER VII. 

THE RISING OF 1867--ARREST AND RESCUE OF KELLY AND DEASY--THE MANCHESTERMARTYRDOM. 

Although the Rising of 1867 had somewhat the character of "a flash inthe pan, " there were some heroic incidents in connexion with it. Withone of the Fenian leaders, James Francis Xavier O'Brien, I was broughtinto intimate connection many years after the Rising, when we were bothofficials, he as General Secretary and I as Chief Organiser, of the HomeRule organisation in Great Britain. When put upon his trial there wasevidence against him in connection with the taking of a police barrack, he being in command of the insurgents. It was proved that he not onlyacted with courage, but with a humanity that was commended by the judge, in seeing that the women and children were got out safely before theplace was set on fire. 

This, however, did not save him from being condemned to death--he wasthe last man sentenced in the old barbarous fashion to be hanged, drawnand quartered--this sentence being afterwards commuted to penalservitude. Certainly, whether on the field or facing the scaffold forIreland there was no more gallant figure among the Fenian leaders thanJames Francis Xavier O'Brien. 

Few knew of his sterling worth as I did. For several years after hisreturn to liberty I was in close daily contact with this white-hairedmild-looking old gentleman--still tolerably active and supple, though--who could blaze up and fight to the death over what heconsidered a matter of principle. The most admirable feature in hischaracter was that, in all things you found him _straight_. 

One of the Fenian chiefs I met in Liverpool was General Halpin, who, onthe night of the Rising, was in command of the district around Dublin. The first of the insurgents who reached Tallaght, the place ofrendezvous on the night of the 5th of March, 1867, were received by avolley from the police and dispersed. One party had captured the policebarracks at Glencullen and Stepaside, and disarmed the police, but onapproaching Tallaght, and hearing that all was over, they too dispersed. 

While most of the Irish-American officers bore the marks of theirprofession rather too prominently for safety against the observance of atrained detective, General Halpin was the last man in the world anyonewould, from his appearance, take to be a soldier. He looked far morelike a comfortable Irish parish priest. And yet he was, perhaps, themost thoroughly scientific soldier of all those that crossed theAtlantic at this time. 

Reading the evidence of Corydon in one of the trials, I find hedescribed Edmond O'Donovan as helping Halpin to make maps for use whenthe Rising would take place. Knowing both men so well, I can say thatnone better could be found for planning out a campaign. They werethoroughly scientific men, and always anxious to impart their knowledgeto other Irishmen for the good of the Cause. 

I remember Halpin one night, at what was a kind of select socialgathering, giving a number of us enthusiastic young men a lecture on theconstruction of fortifications and earthworks. 

We bade him farewell when he was leaving Liverpool after the Rising, andthought he had got safely away to America, but, unfortunately, he wasidentified at Queenstown in the outgoing steamer. He was arrested, putupon his trial, and met the same fate as so many of his comrades. 

Among the men I knew long ago, who afterwards became connected withFenianism, was Stephen Joseph Meany. He was for many years a journalistin Liverpool, having been sub-editor of the "Daily Post" under MichaelJames Whitty. He was an earnest and active Repealer and Young Irelander. When I first came in contact with him he was starting the "LancashireFree Press, " which, after passing through several hands and severalchanges, of name, ultimately became the "Catholic Times, " which was forthree years, when Father Nugent became the proprietor, under mydirection. Meany was a man of fine presence and handsome countenance, abrilliant writer and an eloquent speaker. He went to America in 1860, where he followed his original profession of journalism for severalyears. He returned to this country again, and was arrested in 1867 on acharge of Fenianism, and sentenced to fifteen years imprisonment. 

Liverpool was flooded with refugees after the Rising, and it took us allour time to find employment for them, or to get them away to America. Wehad then in Liverpool a corps of volunteers known as "The IrishBrigade. " Whatever Nationalist organisation might exist in the townalways strongly condemned young Irishmen for joining the corps. All wecould urge against it, however, could not prevent our young men who werecoming over from Ireland at this time from joining the "Brigade" for thepurpose, they said, of learning and perfecting themselves in the use ofarms. Colonel Bidwell and the officers must have had a shrewd suspicionof the truth, and there was a common remark in the town upon theimproved physical appearance of the "Brigade. " This was, of course, owing to the number of fine soldier-like young Irishmen who at this timefilled its ranks. 

During the two years that followed the escape of Stephens, I met ColonelKelly several times in Liverpool. When I first saw him he would be aboutthirty years of age. This is my remembrance of his personal appearance:His forehead was broad and square, with the thick dark hair carefullydisposed about it. He had somewhat high cheek bones, and wore a pointedmoustache over a tolerably full beard. The general impression of hisface seemed to me slightly cynical, and he had a constant smile thatbetokened self-possession and confidence. He sometimes wore a frockcoat, a light waistcoat buttoned high up, a black fashionable necktie, and light well-made trousers. After surveying him in detail, you wouldcome to the conclusion that he was a man of daring enough to involvehimself in danger of life, and with sufficient address to extricatehimself from the peril. He was undoubtedly a man capable of winning theconfidence and even devotion of others, as was shown when, falling intothe hands of the Government, he was snatched from their grasp in theopen day on the streets of Manchester. 

I met him some weeks after the Rising. The place of meeting reminded meof the incident in one of Samuel Lover's stories--"Rory O'More"--towhich I have already alluded, for, in our later revolutionary movements, as in 1798, projects of great importance had sometimes to be discussedin public houses. 

A few of the Liverpool men came to meet the leaders in a very humblebeer shop, kept by a decent County Down man, Owen McGrady, in one of thepoorer streets off Scotland Road. Here were met on this particular nighta notable company, which included, if I remember rightly, Colonel Kelly, Colonel Rickard Burke, Captains Condon, Murphy, Deasy and O'Brien, allAmerican officers who had crossed the Atlantic for the Rising, and stillremained, hoping for another opportunity. There were about half a dozenof the Liverpool men there. Of these I can remember a tall, fine-lookingyoung man, a schoolmaster from the North of Ireland, whom I then met forthe first time, my old school-fellow, John Ryan, and John Meagher, atailor, possessing the amount of eloquence you generally find in Irishmembers of the craft. There was also present, if I remember rightly, TomGates, of Newcastle. 

Although the Rising had collapsed almost as soon as it commenced, thedetermination to fight on Irish soil had by no means been given up bythe leaders in America. That was why the American officers on this sideremained at their posts, ready for active service at a moment's notice. At the meeting we learned that there was at that moment an "Expedition, "as it was termed, on the sea to co-operate with and bring arms foranother Rising in Ireland, should such be found practicable. It wasnotorious that, notwithstanding all the efforts of active agents, comparatively few arms had been got into Ireland. Indeed, my friend JohnRyan, who was in a position to know, estimated that there were not morethan a couple of thousands of rifles in Ireland at the time of theRising. 

Let us see what became of the Expedition. This was, of course, what hassince become a matter of history--the secret despatch from New York ofthe brigantine "Erin's Hope, " having on board several Irish-Americanofficers, 5, 000 stand of arms, three pieces of field artillery, and200, 000 cartridges. About the middle of May the vessel arrived in Irishwaters, agents going aboard at various points off the coast, includingSligo Bay, which she reached on the 20th of May, 1867. By that time itwas found that the chances of another Rising were but slender, and the"Erin's Hope" returned to America with her cargo, entirely unmolestedby the British cruisers, which were plentiful enough around the Irishcoast. 

The expedition certainly proved that sufficient weapons to commence aninsurrection with could be thrown into Ireland, providing there was thenecessary co-operation at the time and places required. 

I have often thought since of what became of those present in OwenMcGrady's beer house the night we met there to prepare for the receptionof the "Erin's Hope. "

The arrest and rescue of Kelly and Deasy, two of these, in the followingSeptember, and the fate of their gallant rescuers, formed the moststriking and startling chapter of Irish history during the nineteenthcentury. 

That such a scheme as the rescue of the two Fenian chiefs should besuccessfully carried out, not in Ireland amid sympathisers, but in theheart of a great English city, surrounded by a hostile population, showed unexpected capacity and daring on the part of the revolutionaryorganisation, and produced consternation in the British Government. 

At this time the organisation of the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood inGreat Britain had been placed in the hands of three of theIrish-American officers, Captain Murphy, who had charge in Scotland, Colonel Rickard Burke in the southern part of England, and CaptainEdward O'Meagher Condon in the northern counties. 

Previous to the arrest of the two leaders on the morning of September11th they, with Captain Michael O'Brien, had been staying with Condon, upon whom now devolved the command, the capture of Kelly and Deasyhaving taken place in his district. 

He at once arranged for their food while in prison, for their defence inthe law courts, and for their rescue, in which latter enterprise he wasenthusiastically supported by the chief men of the Manchester circles. 

But, whatever their good will and courage, they were deficient both inmoney and arms for such a daring undertaking. Condon had, therefore, adifficult task to accomplish. Money was soon raised, for our people areever generous and equal to the occasion when it arises. DanielDarragh--about whom I shall have more to say later--was sent toBirmingham, where by the aid of William Hogan he purchased and broughtback with him sufficient revolvers to arm the volunteers for the rescue. These last were picked men, the cream of the Manchester circles, andthere was some jealousy afterwards among many who had not been selected. I need scarcely say that the utmost secrecy was required in connectionwith such a perilous enterprise. 

To Edward O'Meagher Condon belongs the credit of having organised, managed, and carried out the Manchester Rescue, at the cost to himself, as it turned out, of years of penal servitude, and almost of his life. Though with the aid of Michael O'Brien and his Manchester friends he hadmade all the arrangements, selecting the spot where the prison van wasto be stopped, assigning to every man his post, and providing for everycontingency, including the possibility of the rescuing party being takenin the rear from Belle Vue prison, he wired for the assistance ofCaptain Murphy and Colonel Burke, the message being that "his uncle wasdying. "

Murphy was from home, but Burke came on to Manchester, and with MichaelO'Brien accompanied Condon on September 17th, the night before therescue, to meet the men chosen for the daring enterprise, when the armswere distributed, each man's post on the following day allotted to him, and the final arrangements made. 

The two Fenian chiefs stayed with Condon that night, fighting their oldcampaigns over again, e'er they retired to rest, not to meet again tilleleven years after the Manchester Rescue, when Condon and Burke cameacross each other in New York, each having suffered in the interval along term of imprisonment, and it was the last night that Burke andCondon passed on earth with Michael O'Brien, whose memory Irishmen, theworld over, honour as one of the "noble-hearted three"--the ManchesterMartyrs--who died for Ireland on the scaffold. 

The secret of the intended rescue was closely guarded, and though theMayor of Manchester did get a warning wire from Dublin Castle, itreached too late, and the birds had flown. When Kelly and Deasy werebrought before the city magistrates they were remanded. "They were, "said the "Daily News, " "placed in a cell with a view to removal to thecity jail at Belle Vue. At this time the police noticed outside thecourt house two men hanging about whom they suspected to be Fenians, anda policeman made a rush at one of them to arrest him, in which hesucceeded, but not until the man had drawn a dagger and attempted tostab him, the blow being warded off. The other made his escape. "

As to the incident just related, it seems that a patriotic but imprudentman belonging to one of the Manchester circles had got to hear of theintended rescue, and was indignant at being left out. His suspiciousconduct outside the court house drew the attention of the police--as wehave seen--with the result, as the paper said, that the authoritiesbecame alarmed. Kelly and Deasy were put in irons on their removal, anda strong body of police were sent with the van intended to take them toBelle Vue Prison. 

It was the custom for a policeman to ride outside the van, on the stepbehind, but, on this occasion, owing to the incident just described, Brett, the officer in charge, went _inside_ the van. The door was thenlocked, and the keys handed to him through the ventilator. 

It is certain that, up to this point, the Manchester police had nosuspicion of the intended rescue, and it was only the imprudentbehaviour of the man whom the police had arrested that caused additionalprecautions to be taken. Certain it is that if the Manchesterauthorities had had any information of the probability of an attemptedrescue there would have been a formidable escort of the police andmilitary. 

With so much false swearing at the trials with regard to the facts ofthe Manchester Rescue, it is important that the information given inbooks for the benefit of the present and future generations of Irishmenshould be correct. It is serious that in some of our best books soimportant a matter as the actual scene of the rescue is incorrectlygiven. One book says: "The van drove off for the _County jail atSalford_. " In another description it is stated: "Just as the van passedunder the arch that spans Hyde Road at Belle Vue, a _point midwaybetween the city police office and the Salford Jail, _ etc. " Followingthis, one of our ablest writers, apparently quoting from the previousdescriptions, falls into the same error. I can readily understand howthese errors have arisen--the writers concerned have confounded theplace of the execution of the Manchester Martyrs, Salford Jail, with theprison, Belle Vue, to which the prisoners were being taken on beingremanded. 

The point chosen by Condon as the most suitable for the attack wascertainly where the railway bridge crosses Hyde Road, but if the van hadbeen going to Salford Jail it would have been in a totally differentdirection. 

Since writing the above, I find it still more necessary I should correctthe mis-statement as to the scene of the rescue, for the error seems tobe getting perpetuated. I find in one of the leading Irish-Americannewspapers, in a description of the death of Colonel Kelly on February5, 1909, the scene of the rescue is given as "_midway between thepolice office and Salford Jail_. " This is evidently taken from theerroneous statement in the books I have referred to. 

After this slight digression, may I resume my narrative. 

At the police court a man appointed for the purpose took a cab inadvance of the van. When sufficiently close to them he waved a whitehandkerchief as a signal to the men in ambush. Just as the van passedunder the railway arch two men with revolvers barred the way. 

"Stop the van!" one cried. But the driver took no heed. A bullet firedover his head and another into one of the horses effectually stopped thevan. At the sound of the shots the rest of the rescuers came from theirambush behind the walls that lined the road, and from the shadow of theabutments of the railway arch. 

The police fled panic-stricken at the first volley fired over theirheads by the Fenians, for these wanted to release their chiefs withoutbloodshed if possible. One portion of the assailants, carrying out apre-arranged plan, formed an extended circle around the van, and keptthe police and mob who had rallied to their assistance at bay, while asecond party set themselves to effecting an entrance to the van. Thiswas more difficult than had been expected, for had Brett ridden on thestep behind as usual the keys could readily have been taken from him. The rescuing party were, however, equal to the occasion, and themilitary precision with which the work was carried out displayed thediscipline of the men and the able direction of the leaders. 

Indeed, the fullest testimony is borne to this by a great Englishnewspaper, the "Daily News, " which, while showing the most intensehostility to the men and their daring act, is thus compelled torecognise the courage and discipline of the devoted band ofFenians:--"The more astonishing, therefore, is it to read of theappearance of the public enemy in the heart of one of our greatestcities, organised and armed, overpowering, wounding and murdering theguardians of public order, and releasing prisoners of state. There is adistinctness of aim, a tenacity of purpose, a resolution in executionabout the Fenian attack upon the police van which is very impressive. The blow was sudden and swift, and effected its object. In the presenceof a small but compact body of Fenians, provided with repeatingfirearms, the police were powerless, and the release of Kelly and Deasywas quickly effected. "

An unfortunate accident was the killing of Brett, the policeman, by ashot fired with the intention of breaking the lock of the van. A femaleprisoner then handed out the keys on the demand of the Fenians outside, and the door was quickly opened, and the two leaders brought out, theirsafe retreat being guarded by their rescuers. 

As Captain Condon had anticipated and provided for, some of the wardersfrom Belle Vue quickly came upon the scene, as it was but a shortdistance across what were then brickfields from the prison to the sceneof action. But, when they saw the determined men who were guarding theleaders' retreat, they, too, like the police, kept at a safe distancefrom the Fenian revolvers, and devoted themselves to picking up anystragglers who had got separated from the main body of Irishmen. 

In this way a number of arrests were made, and, later on, Condon himselfwas taken, but the main object had been accomplished, and Kelly andDeasy got safely away, and, ultimately, as we shall see, out of thecountry. 

Following the rescue, there was a perfect reign of terror, the policeauthorities striking out wildly in all directions to gather into theirnet enough Irish victims to satisfy their baffled vengeance. There werenumerous arrests and no lack of witnesses to swear anything to secureconvictions. Every detail of the attack on the van while on the way fromthe courthouse to the prison, and of the release of the prisoners wassworn to with the utmost minuteness, as the witnesses professed toidentify one after another of the men in the dock, some of whom had noconnection or sympathy with the rescue at all. 

In Liverpool, men whom I knew were arrested who were at work all thatday at the docks, and yet were sworn to by numerous witnesses as havingassisted in the attack on the van in Hyde Road, Manchester, the mostminute details being given. 

I have mentioned a case of the kind in my "Irish in Britain. " WilliamMurphy, of Manchester, a man whom I knew well, was convicted and sentinto penal servitude as having taken part in the rescue. On hisliberation I was surprised to learn from his own lips that, although hewould gladly have borne his part if detailed for the duty, he was notpresent at the rescue of the Fenian leaders. With the authorities insuch a panic, it can readily be understood that it behoved any of us inLancashire who were in any way regarded as "suspects" to be ready withvery solid testimony as to where we were on the day in question. 

In a recent letter I have had from Captain Condon--from whomcommunications reach me from all parts of America, for he is constantlytravelling, holding as he does the post of Inspector of Public Buildingsin connection with the Treasury Department of the U. S. A. --he tells mesomething about William Murphy that I never heard before. He says: "WhenAllen, Larkin, O'Brien, myself, and the other men were sentenced, DigbySeymour (one of the counsel for the prisoners) went down to a large cellin the court house basement where all the others were kept together. Heurged them all to plead 'guilty' and throw themselves upon the mercy ofthe court, declaring that, if they refused to do this all would beconvicted and executed. 

"There was an instant's hesitation among the prisoners, but WilliamMurphy, who was later sentenced to seven years penal servitude, addressed his comrades, urging them to stand fast together, imitate ourexample, and die like men, rather than live like dogs, for as such theywould be regarded by all true Irishmen if they pleaded 'guilty. '

"To a man the whole twenty-two shouted out--'We will never pleadguilty!'

"And Seymour, baffled and irritated, went away without accomplishing hispurpose. "

Of the men convicted for taking part in the rescue, five--Allen, Larkin, O'Brien, Condon and Maguire--were sentenced to death. Condon wasreprieved, really on account of his American citizenship, and Maguire, who was a marine, because the authorities discovered in time that theevidence against him was false. A number of others were sent to penalservitude for various terms. 

The execution of Allen, Larkin and O'Brien, so far from striking terror, but gave new life to the cause of Irish Freedom, and to-day, over theworld, no names in the long roll of those who have suffered and died forIreland are more honoured than those of the "Manchester Martyrs, " whilethe determination has become all the stronger that, in the words of ourNational Anthem--founded on Condon's defiant shout in the dock of "GodSave Ireland!":--

 On the cause must go Amidst joy or weal or woe, Till we've made our isle a Nation free and grand. 

It is not generally known how Colonel Kelly got out of the country afterthe rescue. He lay concealed in the house of an Irish professional manfor some weeks, and then, all the railway stations being closely andconstantly watched night and day, he was driven in a conveyance by roadall the way from Manchester to Liverpool. 

It was a patriotic foreman ship-joiner, whom I knew well, who actuallygot him away to America. My friend Egan had charge of the fitting up ofthe berths aboard the steamer in which Colonel Kelly sailed. In emigrantsteamers the usual practice was for temporary compartments to be madeand taken down at the end of the voyage. I had fitted up such berthsmyself, and therefore perfectly understood what my friend had done tosecure Colonel Kelly's escape when he described it to me afterwards atmy place in Byrom Street. Egan actually built a small secretcompartment, so constructed as to attract no notice, and when Kelly wassmuggled aboard at the last moment--he might be supposed to be one ofEgan's men--he was put into it and actually boarded up, sufficientprovisions being left with him, until the steamer got clear of Britishwaters, when he could come out with safety. 

Deasy also made his way to America. 

In speaking of the after-career of those assembled that night atMcGrady's, I have sufficiently accounted for Michael O'Brien. 

Rickard Burke, who also assisted at the same gathering, was a remarkablepersonality, and one of the most astute men I ever met. He was agraduate of Queen's College, Cork, and an accomplished linguist. He wasa skilful engineer, and had served with distinction in the AmericanCivil War. When I knew him he was about thirty-five years of age, talland of fine presence. To him was deputed the work of purchasing armsfor the intended Rising in Ireland. 

After many adventures, he fell into the hands of the police, wasconvicted, and sentenced to a long term of imprisonment. It was with theidea of effecting his rescue that the Clerkenwell Prison wall was blownup on December 13th, 1867, this insane plan causing the death andmutilation of a number of people. Burke himself would probably have beenkilled had he happened to be confined in that part of the jail that wasblown up. 

While in Chatham prison he was reported as having lost his reason, andwas removed to Woking. The matter was brought before the House ofCommons by Mr. McCarthy Downing, who suggested that Burke's insanity hadbeen caused by his treatment in prison. He was released on Sunday, July9th, 1871. 

Captain Murphy, another of the company in our Scotland Road rendezvous, whom I had often met before, was a gentlemanly, genial man of portlypresence, and an exceedingly pleasant companion. After some time hefound his way back to America. 

Edward O'Meagher Condon was one of the American officers I mostfrequently came in contact with in Liverpool, previous to and after theRising. Since his return to America, after his release from penalservitude in 1878, we have frequently corresponded with each other. Froma report of a Manchester Martyr's Commemoration in a newspaper whichaccompanied one of his letters, and conversations I had with him when Iwas delighted to have him as my guest during his recent visit to thiscountry, I find he has just the same sanguine temperament as on thatnight at McGrady's, when the chances of another Rising were beingdiscussed. In the report I refer to he says, "Had the Irish people beenfurnished with the necessary arms and munitions of war, which ought andcould have been provided, they would have proved victors in thecontest. "

I have no doubt but that, in propounding this view, he had in his mindthe probability there was at one point of England being embroiled in aquarrel with America. None knew better than he, at the time, of theenormous number of Irishmen in the American armies, on both sides, during the Civil War who, with their military training, longed for thetask of sweeping English rule from the soil of Ireland. It will beremembered that it was Condon who, when sentenced to death, concludedhis speech in the dock with the prayer, "God save Ireland!" the wordswhich have since become the rallying cry of the whole Irish race, andhave given us a National Anthem. 

In his letters to me since his first return to America, I have beengratified to hear that he always took a warm interest in mypublications. I am pleased, too, to find from the newspaper reports hehas sent me that he is, as ever, an eminently practical man, andbelieves in using the means nearest to hand for the advancement of theIrish Cause. 

While giving his experiences in connection with the revolutionarymovement, he declares that no one can blame the Irish people for havingrecourse to any means which may enable them to remain on their nativesoil. They have, he says, to use whatever means have been left to savethemselves from extermination and Ireland from becoming a desert. He, therefore, declares his sympathy with the later movements of the Irishpeople--the Land League, the National League, and the United IrishLeague, while never abandoning the principles of '98, '48 and '67. 

I referred to two Liverpool men as being present at the meeting atMcGrady's. One of these, John Ryan, my dear old schoolfellow, one of therescuers of James Stephens, has been dead many years--God rest his soul!He was a noble character, and would have risen to the top in any walk oflife, but though he had a good home--his father was a prosperousmerchant of Liverpool--he gave his whole life to Ireland. I often heardfrom him of his adventures, for he always looked me up whenever he cameto Liverpool, and how, sometimes, he and his friends had to fare verybadly indeed. 

It was most extraordinary that, while constantly Tunning risks, for hewas a man of great daring, he never once was arrested, though he hadsome hair-breadth escapes. On one occasion, about the time of theRising, a good, honest, Protestant member of the Brotherhood, SamClampitt, was taken out of the same bedroom in which he was sleepingwith Ryan, who was left, the police little thinking of the bigger fishthey had allowed to escape from their net, the noted Fenian leader, "Captain O'Doherty. " I forget his precise name at this particular time, but it was a very Saxon one, for he was supposed to be an Englishartist sketching in Ireland. Questioned by the police, he was able tosatisfy them of his _bona fides_. He had a friend in Liverpool, an oldschoolfellow like myself, Richard Richards--"Double Dick" we used tocall him--a patriotic Liverpool-born Irishman. He was an exceedinglyable artist, making rapid progress in his profession, and, about thistime, having some very fine pictures, for which he got good prices, onthe walls of the Liverpool Academy Exhibition. Richards supplied all thetrappings for the part that Ryan was playing, and also sent him lettersof a somewhat humorous character, which he sometimes read to me beforesending off. In these he was anticipating all sorts of adventures forhis friend in the then disturbed state of Ireland. As John Ryan had muchartistic taste, and was himself a fair draughtsman, and well up in allthe necessary technicalities, and as Richards' letters, which he alwayscarried for emergencies like this, were strong evidences in his favour, he had not much difficulty in convincing the Dublin police he was whathe represented himself to be. 

Some of Jack Ryan's reminiscences had their droll sides, for he had akeen sense of humour. One of his stories was in connection with thewell-known old tradition of the Gaels--both Irish and Scottish--thatwherever the "_Lia Fail_" or "Stone of Destiny" may be must be the seatof Government. There is some doubt, as is well known, as to where thereal stone now is. At all events, the stone which is under theCoronation Chair in Westminster Abbey is that which was taken fromScone by King Edward, and that on which the Scottish monarchs werecrowned, having been originally brought from Ireland, the cradle of theGaelic race. The tradition is still, as it happens, borne out by thefact that Westminster is _now_ the seat of Government. 

Now two of John Ryan's Fenian friends, Irish-American officers, strandedin London--a not unusual circumstance--just when affairs looked veryblack indeed, conceived the brilliant idea of _stealing the stone_, bringing it over to Ireland, and, once for all, settling the Irishquestion. This, notwithstanding their oath to "The Irish _Republic_ nowvirtually (virtuously some of our friends used to say) established, " forit did not seem to strike them that they were proposing to bring toIreland an emblem of royalty. 

I never heard if they took any actual steps to accomplish their object. Perhaps they were impressed by the mechanical difficulties, as I wasmyself one day, when standing with David Barrett, an Irish NationalLeague organiser, in Edward the Confessor's Chapel, in front of thefamous "_Lia Fail_. " It is a rough-hewn stone, about two feet each way, and ten inches deep. I was telling my friend the story of the plot tocarry off the "Stone of Destiny, " and was making a calculation, based onthe weight of a cubic foot of stone, of what might be its weight. 

"We'll soon see, " said David, and, in a moment, he had vaulted over therailing, and taken hold of a corner of the stone. 

But, so closely is this national treasure watched, that instantaneouslya couple of attendants appeared, and broke up peremptorily our proposedcommittee of enquiry. An archaeological friend of mine suggests that, one day, when Ireland is making her own laws and able to enter on equalterms into a contract with England, a reasonable stipulation would bethe restoration of that stone--unless the Scottish Gaels can prove astronger claim to it. 

From John Ryan I heard of the mode of living of many of the Fenianorganisers and of the Irish-American officers, --very different from theslanderous statements of their "living in luxury upon the wages of Irishservant girls in America. " John was of a cheery disposition, nevercomplaining, but always sanguine, and loving to look at the bright sideof things. Yet I could see for myself, each time I saw him, how the lifeof hardship he was leading was telling upon his once splendidconstitution, and, I felt sure, shortening his days. John Ryan, I haveoften said, is dead for Ireland, for though he did not perish on thebattlefield or on the scaffold, as would have been his glory, I mostcertainly believe he would have been alive to-day but for the hardshipssuffered in doing his unostentatious work for Ireland. 

There is one other friend I mentioned as having been present that nightat Owen McGrady's--the school master. You will ask what became of him?Almost the last time I spoke to him--not very long before these lineswere written--was in the inner lobby of the British House of Commons, for he has been for many years a member of Parliament. Now some of mymost cherished friends are or have been members of Parliament, and Iwould be sorry to think any of them worse Irishmen than myself on thataccount. Their taking the oath of allegiance to the British sovereignwas a matter for their own consciences, but I never could bring myselfto do it. Mr. Parnell would, I know, have been pleased to see me inParliament, but he knew that I never would take the oath, and respectedmy conscientious objections to swear allegiance to any but my owncountry. 

With the exception of a few, whose names I forget, I have accounted forthe whole of the company comprising the Council of War at McGrady'spublic house. Summed up as follows, nothing in the pages of romancecould be more startling than the after fate of these men:--

 CAPTAIN MICHAEL O'BRIEN. --Hanged at Manchester. R. I. P. 

 COLONEL RICKARD BURKE. --Sent to Penal Servitude--Returned to America. 

 COLONEL THOMAS KELLY, CAPTAIN TIMOTHY DEASY. --Rescued from Prison Van in Manchester. 

 CAPTAIN EDWARD O'MEAGHER-CONDON. --Sentenced to death for the Manchester Rescues, but reprieved and sent to Penal Servitude--Returned to America. 

 CAPTAIN MURPHY. --Returned to America. Died a few years since. 

 THE SCHOOLMASTER. --A Member of Parliament. 

 JOHN RYAN. --Dead--God rest his soul. 

CHAPTER VIII. 

A DIGRESSION--T. D. SULLIVAN--A NATIONAL ANTHEM--THE EMERALDMINSTRELS--"THE SPIRIT OF THE NATION. "

If it were for nothing else, it will be sufficient fame for T. D. Sullivan for all time that he is the author of "God Save Ireland. " Hehad no idea himself, as he used to tell me, that the anthem would havebeen taken up so instantaneously and enthusiastically as it was. 

A National Anthem can never be made to order. It must grow spontaneouslyout of some stirring incident of the hour. Never in those days were ourpeople so deeply moved as by the Manchester Martyrdom. There is nogrander episode in all Irish history. The song of "God Save Ireland, "embodying the cry raised by Edward O'Meagher Condon, and taken up by hisdoomed companions in the dock, so expressed the feelings of all heartsthat it was at once accepted by Irishmen the world over as the NationalAnthem. 

I sympathise with the ground taken up by our friends of the GaelicLeague that a National Anthem should be in the national tongue. Thatobjection has to some extent been met by the very fine translation of"God Save Ireland" into Gaelic by Daniel Lynch. This appeared in one ofmy publications, and is the version now frequently sung at Irishpatriotic gatherings. 

With regard to the objection that the air--"Tramp, tramp, the boys aremarching"--to which T. D. Wrote the song is of American origin, I wasunder the impression that Patrick Sarsfield Gilmore, the famousIrish-American bandmaster, was the composer of it, and that, therefore, we could claim the air of "God Save Ireland" as being Irish as well asthe words. To place the matter beyond doubt, Gilmore himself being dead, I wrote to his daughter, Mary Sarsfield Gilmore, a distinguishedpoetical contributor to the "Irish World, " to ascertain the facts. I gotfrom her a most interesting reply, in which she said, "I am more thansorry to disappoint you by my answer, but my father was _not_ thecomposer of the air you mention. "

I have heard it suggested that McCann's famous war song "O'DonnellAboo!" should be adopted as our National Anthem instead of "God SaveIreland, " and I have heard of it being given as a _finale_ at GaelicLeague concerts. 

Without doubt it is a fine song, and the air to which it is generallysung is a noble one. A distinguished Irish poet tells me he is ofopinion that "what will be universally taken up as the Irish NationalAnthem has never yet been written. " My friend may be right, but let ussee what claim "O'Donnell Aboo!'"--song or air--has upon us for adoptionas our National Anthem. 

To do this I must go back in my narrative to the time when I made theacquaintance of Mr. Michael Joseph McCann, its author. This was a fewyears before "God Save Ireland" was written, and over twenty years after"O'Donnell Aboo!" appeared in the "Nation. "

A party of young Irishmen from Liverpool engaged the Rotunda, Dublin, for a week. They called themselves the "Emerald Minstrels, " and gave anentertainment--"Terence's Fireside; or the Irish Peasant at Home. " I wasone of the minstrels. The entertainment consisted of Irish nationalsongs and harmonized choruses, interspersed with stories such as mightbe told around an Irish fireside. There was a sketch at the finish, winding up with a jig. 

At my suggestion, one of the pieces in our programme was "O'DonnellAboo!" which first appeared in the "Nation" of January 28th, 1843, underthe title of "The Clan-Connell War Song--A. D. 1597, " the air to which itwas to be sung being given as "Roderigh Vich Alpine dhu, " This was thename of the boat song commencing "Hail to the Chief, " from Sir WalterScott's poem of "The Lady of the Lake. " This was published in 1810, andset to music for three voices soon afterwards by Count Joseph Mazzinghi, a distinguished composer of Italian extraction, born in London. 

As "Roderigh Vich Alpine" was the air given by Mr. McCann himself asthat to which his song was to be sung, we, of course, used Mazzinghi'smusic in our entertainment. 

One night--I think it was our first--at the close of our entertainmentin Dublin, a gentleman came behind to see us. It was Mr. McCann. He waspleased, he said, we were singing his song, but would like us to use anair to which it was being sung in Ireland, and which _he had put to ithimself_. He also told us he had made some alterations in the _words_ ofthe song, and was good enough to write into my "Spirit of the Nation"the changes he had made. This copy is the original folio edition, withmusic, published in 1845. It was presented to me by the members of St. Nicholas's Boys' Guild, Liverpool. I have that book still, and value itall the more as containing the handwriting of the distinguished poet. (Ishould say, however, that most of my friends do not consider thealterations in the song to be improvements. )

The measure and style of "O'Donnell Aboo!" were evidently imitated fromSir Walter Scott's boat song. Besides this strong resemblance, there isthe fact that Mr. McCann gave as the air to which his song was to besung, "Roderigh Vich Alpine, " part of the burden of Sir Walter's song. 

But not only is there a resemblance in the words and general style, butin the music. Indeed, it seems to me that most of the fine air of"O'Donnell Aboo!" as it is now sung is based on Mazzinghi'smusic--either that for the first, second, or bass voice, or upon theconcerted part for the three voices at the end of each verse. 

Another fact is worthy of mention. Since meeting Mr. McCann I have oftennoticed in Irish papers that when the air, as adapted by him, was playedat national gatherings, it was often given by the name of Scott's songand Mazzinghi's composition. And when Mr. Parnell was in the height ofhis popularity and attended demonstrations in Ireland, the air used tobe played as being applicable to the Irish leader, and given in somepapers as "Hail to the Chief, " while others described the same air as"O'Donnell Aboo!"

But if we cannot claim as an original Irish air McCann's song as it isnow sung, the same critical examination which brings out its resemblanceto Mazzinghi's music, also shows that the Italian composer most probablygot his inspiration from the music of the Irish or Scottish Gaels, asbeing most suitable for his theme. So that, perhaps, we may take thesame pride in the present air as our island mother might in some of herchildren who had been on the _shaughraun_ for a time, but had again comeback to the "old sod. "

It may be that even before the era of Irish independence some inspiredpoet may write, to some old or new Irish melody, a song which, by itstranscendent merits, may spring at once into the first place. But untilthat happens, or till "we've made our isle a nation free and grand" Ithink we may very well rest content with "God Save Ireland. "

It has been suggested to me that it might form an interesting portion ofthese recollections if I were to give some account of how we came tostart the "Emerald Minstrels, " and what we did while that company was inexistence. I may say without hesitation that we got our inspiration fromthe teaching of Young Ireland and the "Spirit of the Nation. " We calledour entertainment "Terence's Fireside; or The Irish Peasant at Home. "

We had most of us been boys in the old Copperas Hill school, then in theYoung Men's Guild connected with the church, and some of us members ofthe choir. At the Guild meetings on Sunday nights, the chaplain, FatherNugent, an Irishman, but, like most of ourselves, born out of his owncountry, used to delight in teaching us elocution, and encouraging us towrite essays, besides putting other means of culture in our way. 

After a time he founded an educational establishment, the CatholicInstitute, where, when he left Copperas Hill, many of us followed himand joined the evening classes. About this good priest I shall have moreto say in this narrative, and, though he was no politician, I don'tthink any man ever did so much to elevate the condition of the Irishpeople of his native town, and make them both respectable--in the bestsense--and respected, as Father Nugent. 

We started the "Emerald Minstrels" at a time when there was a lull inIrish politics; our objects being the cultivation of Irish music, poetryand the drama; Irish literature generally, Irish pastimes and customs;and, above all, Irish Nationality. 

Father Nugent's training from the time we were young boys had beeninvaluable. We numbered ten, the most brilliant member of our body, andthe one who did most in organising our entertainments, being JohnFrancis McArdle. Besides our main objects, already stated, we consideredwe were doing good work by elevating the tastes of our people, who had, through sheer good nature, so long tolerated an objectionable class ofso-called Irish songs, as well as the still more objectionable "StageIrishman. "

Some items from the programme will give an idea of our entertainment. Weopened with a prologue, originally written by myself, but re-cast andvery much improved by John McArdle. I may say that we two often did aconsiderable amount of journalistic work in that way in after years. Ican just remember a little of the prologue. These were the openinglines:--

 Sons of green Erin, we greet you this night! And you, too, her daughters--how welcome the sight! We come here before you, a minstrel band, To carol the lays of our native land. 

There was one particularly daring couplet in it, the contribution ofJohn McArdle:--

 In your own Irish way give us one hearty cheer. Just to show us at once that you welcome us here. 

Had mine been the task to speak these lines, I must inevitably havefailed to get the required response, but in the mouth of the regularreciter they never once missed fire. This was Mr. Barry Aylmer. Heafterwards adopted the stage as a profession, and became recognised as avery fine actor, chiefly in Irish parts, as might be expected. He alsotravelled with a very successful entertainment of his own, and it is buta short time since he informed me that he spoke our identical "EmeraldMinstrel" prologue in New York and other cities in America, adapting it, of course, to the circumstances of the occasion. I found that during themany years which had elapsed since I had previously seen him until I methim again quite recently he had been a great traveller, not only in thiscountry and America, but also in South Africa and Australia. 

We had a number of harmonized choruses, including several of Moore'smelodies, Banim's "Soggarth Aroon, " "Native Music, " by Lover; McCann's"O'Donnell Aboo!" and others. "Killarney, " words by Falconer, music byBalfe, was sung by James McArdle, who had a fine tenor voice. RichardCampbell was our principal humorous singer. He used chiefly to giveselections from Lover's songs, and one song written for him by JohnMcArdle, "Pat Delany's Christenin'. "

John had an instinctive grasp of stage effect. A hint of thepossibilities of an idea was enough for him. On my return from theCurragh I told him of how I had heard the militia men and soldierssinging the "Shan Van Vocht" on the road. He decided that this should beour _finale_, the climax of the first part of our minstrelentertainment. 

We had a drop scene representing the Lower Lake of Killarney. When itwas raised it disclosed the interior of the living room of a comfortableIrish homestead, with the large projecting open chimney, the turf fireon the hearth, and the usual pious and patriotic pictures proper to suchan interior--Terence's Fireside. 

Ours was a very self-contained company. Each had some special line assinger, musician, elocutionist, story teller or dancer. 

John Clarke was our chief actor. He excelled in "character parts, " and, when well "made up" as an old man made a capital "Terence" in the firstpart of the entertainment, besides giving a fine rendering of Lefanu's"Shemus O'Brien" between the parts. 

In the miscellaneous part there was a rattling Irish jig by Joseph Wardand Barry Aylmer. The latter, being of somewhat slight figure and agood-looking youth, made a bouncing Irish colleen. These two made apoint of studying from nature, not only in their dancing, but in theiracting and singing, so that their performances were always true to life, without an atom of exaggeration. They were always received with greatenthusiasm, particularly by the old people, who seemed transported back, as by the touch of a magic wand, to the scenes of their youth. 

We finished the evening with a sketch, written by John McArdle, called"Phil Foley's Frolics"--he was fond of alliteration. Noticing thatJoseph Ward had made a special study of the comfortable old Irish_vanithee_, and had many of her quaint and humorous sayings, he added tothe characters a special part for him--"Mrs. Casey, "--to which he didfull justice. Indeed, so incessant was the laughter that followed eachsally, that he and Barry Aylmer, who was the Phil Foley, sometimes foundit difficult to get the words of the dialogue in between. We hadanother sketch, "Pat Houlahan's Ghost, " which used to go very well. 

The first part of the entertainment, showing old Terence in the chimneycorner and the others singing songs and telling stories, almostnecessitated our sitting around in a semi-circular formation. This gaveus much the appearance of a nigger troupe. To depart from this somewhat, we occasionally introduced a trifling plot. We made it that one of thesons of the house entered while the family were engaged in their usualavocations, having unexpectedly returned from America. Then came theaffectionate family greeting, and the bringing in of the friends andneighbours, who formed a group sitting around the turf fire, making amerry night of it. 

The services of the "Emerald Minstrels" were in great demand, and werealways cheerfully given for Catholic, National and charitable objects. 

While our own people mostly furnished our audiences, our entertainmentwas appreciated by the general public. The best proof of this was thatMr. Calderwood, Secretary of the Concert Hall, Lord Nelson Street, gaveus several engagements for the "Saturday Evening Concerts, " in which, from time to time, Samuel Lover, Henry Russell, The English Glee andMadrigal Union, and other well-known popular entertainers, appeared. Mr. Calderwood told us he was well pleased to have in the town a companylike ours, upon whom he could always rely for a successfulentertainment. 

CHAPTER IX. 

A FENIAN CONFERENCE AT PARIS--THE REVOLVERS FOR THE MANCHESTERRESCUE--MICHAEL DAVITT SENT TO PENAL SERVITUDE. 

I have referred to Michael Breslin in speaking of his brother John. Michael was not suspected of any complicity with the revolutionarymovement until after the rising on the 5th of March, 1867, when he foundit prudent to get out of the country. 

He was, as the saying is, "on his keeping, " and stayed with me at myfather's house in Liverpool for a short time, until he found afavourable opportunity of getting away to America. This was by no meansan easy task, as all the ports were closely watched, and as, like hisbrother John, he was a fine handsome man, of splendid physique, and wellknown, of course, to the Irish police, it required all his cautionsuccessfully to run the gauntlet; but this eventually he did. 

The next I heard from him was that he was coming to Paris to aconference between the representatives of the two parties of AmericanFenians--what were known as the Stephens and Roberts wings. MichaelBreslin was sent as a representative of the Stephens party. There wereprominent members of the I. R. B. In this country, also friends ofBreslin, who were anxious that the two parties should join. I wrote tohim on their behalf, asking him to work towards that end. For greatersafety the letters for Breslin were sent under cover through my cousin, Father Bernard O'Loughlin, Superior of the Passionist Fathers in Paris. He, of course, knew nothing of the nature of the communications he washanding to Breslin, who did his best to bring about the desired unity;but his action was repudiated by his principals in America. 

He came over to England, and had a narrow escape from falling into thehands of the police. When William Hogan was arrested in Birmingham, charged with supplying the arms used in the Manchester Rescue, MichaelBreslin was in the house at the time. Questioned by the police, hedescribed himself as a traveller in the tea trade for Mr. James LysaghtFinigan, of Liverpool. As he had his proper credentials (samples, etc. , from James Finigan, who, anticipating an emergency of this kind, hadgiven them for this express purpose), he was allowed by the police to goon his way. 

James Lysaght Finigan was a good type of the Liverpool-born Irishman, educated by the Christian Brothers. With other members of his family hewas at the time engaged in the tea trade; but he was of an adventurousdisposition, and afterwards served in the French Foreign Legion in theFranco-Prussian War. Later still he became a member of the Irish Partyin the House of Commons. 

In connection with Breslin's narrow escape, the sequel, as regards ourfriend Hogan, is worth relating. Those who ever met William Hogan willagree with me that a more warm-hearted and enthusiastic Irishman neverlived. He was a good-looking man, of imposing presence--a director of anInsurance Company, for which he was also the resident manager inBirmingham. Living in that town, he was of great assistance to thevarious agents entrusted with the task of procuring arms for therevolutionary movement. It speaks much for his sagacity that a man ofhis impulsive and generous temperament should so long have escapedarrest in connection with such hazardous undertakings. Hogan, however, like Shemus O'Brien, "was taken at last. "

Some of the revolvers brought from Birmingham by Daniel Darragh, whichhad been used at the Hyde Road action, had been picked up from theground afterwards by the police. It was for supplying these that Hoganwas put upon his trial. The maker of the revolvers was brought fromBirmingham, and put in the witness box. He swore that a revolverproduced was one of his own make, which he had sold to the prisoner. Thus, fortunately for Hogan, the whole case against him turned on thispoint--not a very strong one, as it was obviously possible for the Crownwitness to be mistaken. 

Hogan's counsel produced a similar revolver, and asked the witness if hecould identify it as his manufacture? The witness unhesitatingly did so. The counsel, when his turn came, called another witness--adecent-looking man of the artizan class. The barrister handed him therevolver. 

"Do you recognise it?" he asked. 

"I do--I made it myself. "

The Court was astonished. The prosecuting counsel asked:--

"How do you know it is yours?"

"By certain marks on it, " the man replied, and these he proceeded todescribe. As the description was found to be correct, and as the otherwitness, who had sworn that _he_ had made the weapon, had not describedany such marks, the case against Hogan broke down, and he was acquitted. 

A few days afterwards he called on me, and explained how the thing hadhappened. When he was arrested, his friends in Birmingham, having stillon hand some of the revolvers he had purchased, had an exact copy of oneof them made by a gunsmith whom they could trust, with instructions toput his own private marks upon it, which he could afterwards identify. It was this weapon that had deceived the witness for the prosecution tosuch an extent that he wrongly swore to it as being his own manufacture. 

Daniel Darragh, who was also put upon his trial for supplying theweapons for the Manchester Rescue, was not so fortunate as his friendHogan, for he was convicted. He was sent into penal servitude on April15th, 1869, but, being in delicate health, did not long survive, for hedied in Portland Prison on June 28th of the following year. WilliamHogan, as the fulfilment of a sacred duty, brought the body of hisfriend home to Ireland, to be buried among his own kith and kin, in theCatholic cemetery of Ballycastle, Co. Antrim; and Edward O'MeagherCondon, when recently visiting this country, considered it a no lesssacred duty to visit the grave. 

It will be seen that William Hogan, with all his acuteness, had a verynarrow escape from falling into the hands of the law and suffering itspenalties. Still, it has been my experience, that men like him, who havestood their ground, following their usual legitimate occupations, werealways less liable to be molested than what might be termed birds ofpassage, such as Rickard Burke, Arthur Forrester, or Michael Davitt. 

Such, I consider, was the case of my friend, John Barry, when he was aresident in Newcastle-on-Tyne, in connection with an incident which herelated to me a short time since. Some arms were addressed to him "to becalled for, " under the name of "Kershaw, " a well-known north-countryname, not at all likely to be borne by an Irishman. By some means thepolice got wind of the nature of the consignment, and the arms were heldat the station, waiting for Mr. Kershaw to claim them. But it was a caseof plot and counterplot; and when John was actually on the way to therailway station, he was warned in time by a railway employé, an IrishProtestant member of the I. R. B. , and did not finish his journey. As"Kershaw" did not turn up, the case of arms was sent off to London to beproduced at a trial then impending. 

_John Barry_ was at that time a commercial traveller, and, strangelyenough, on one of his trips, he found himself in the same railwaycarriage with two detectives who were in charge of the arms on their wayto the metropolis. John, as everybody acquainted with him knows, "hasthe music on the tip of his tongue;" the racy accent acquired in hischildhood in his native Wexford. But he can put it off when the occasionrequires it; and the two police officers were quite charmed with thesocial qualities of the genial commercial "gent" who was theirfellow-traveller, never suspecting him to be an Irishman. They chattedtogether in the most agreeable manner, making no secret of their missionto London, and letting drop a few facts which proved useful to thecounsel for the defence in the subsequent trial. Reaching London, theyasked the commercial "gent" to spend a social evening with them and someof the witnesses in the case, which had some connection with the armsintended for "Mr. Kershaw. " He could not do so, he said, as he had aprevious engagement--which happened to be with Arthur Forrester and somewitnesses on the other side. But, he continued, he would be glad to seethem on the following day. Where could he see them? At Scotland Yard;and at Scotland Yard, accordingly, he met them, where they showed him, as an evidence of the desperate characters they had to deal with--hisown case of arms!

They told him of the pleasant evening he had missed, the only drawbackbeing, they said, that one of the witnesses, named Corydon, got drunkand was very troublesome. 

This reminds me of another case, in connection with which I, at thetime, fully expected to be arrested. The reader can form his ownconclusion, but my impression was, and is, that I owed my safety to agentleman I shall now introduce. Detective Superintendent LaurenceKehoe, of Liverpool, was a very decent man in his way. He was by nomeans of the type of John Boyle O'Reilly or the Breslins, who have shownthat in the British army and in the police force there have been men, mostly compelled by adverse circumstances, who have for a time worn theblue, or green, or scarlet coat of Britain without changing the Irishheart beneath. 

No; Larry (as he was generally called) was nothing of the kind. Still, Ibelieve he faithfully did his duty according to his lights, in theservice in which he was engaged. He was a conscientious Catholic, and ason of his is a most respected priest in the diocese of Liverpool. Hewas a kind-hearted, charitable man, always ready to do a good turn, particularly for a fellow-countryman. If an Irish policeman called hisattention to some poor waif of an Irish child who had lost its parents, or was in evil surroundings--having parents worse than none, or indanger of losing its faith--Laurence Kehoe would take the matter inhand. He would not always go through the formality of bringing the caseof such child under the notice of the managers of one or other of theCatholic orphanages. When I was Secretary of Father Nugent's Boys'Refuge, he brought one of these waifs to the Brother Director, andclaimed admittance for him. The place was full, the Brother said--itcould not be done. Without another word Kehoe left the child on thedoorstep, and simply saying, "Good-night, " left Brother Tertulliansorely perplexed, but with no alternative but to take the child in. 

Now, Laurence Kehoe must have known that I was a notorious suspect--forit was his duty to know--but we were good friends, never, however, talking politics by any possible chance. I cannot, of course, state forcertain how it was, but the reader, from what I am going to describe, may possibly come to the conclusion that Detective Superintendent Kehoemay have shut both eyes and ears in my particular case. 

To Rickard Burke was entrusted the critical and dangerous task of buyingand distributing arms for the revolutionary movement. _Exit_ RickardBurke, in the usual way, through the prison gate. _Enter_ ArthurForrester, who, in due course, found his way also--though but for ashort time--within prison walls. Then, following in quick succession, came Michael Davitt, engaged in the same task as Burke and Forrester. 

Forrester was a young man of great eloquence, and, like his mother andsister, a poet. Mrs. Ellen Forrester's "Widow's Message to her Son" is, I think, one of the finest and most heart-stirring poems we possess. Ihave often listened with pleasure to Arthur Forrester, when he used tocome to address the "boys" in Liverpool. On one of those occasionsMichael Davitt was with him, a modest, unassuming young man, with butlittle to say, although he was to make afterwards a more importantfigure in the world than his friend. Forrester was a young fellow fullof pluck, and made a desperate resistance when, a boy, he was firstarrested in Dublin. 

One night, just before Christmas, 1869, he left fifty revolvers with me. Early next morning I read in a daily paper that he had been arrested theprevious night in a Temperance Hotel where he had been staying. Therewere no arms found upon him or among his belongings. He had left themwith me;--indeed, as I read the account of his arrest, they were stillin my possession. You may depend upon it I quickly got them into saferhands than my own. Some compromising documents were found in Forrester'spossession, including a certain letter with which Michael Davitt's namewas connected. This same letter was brought forward in evidence someyears afterwards, in the famous "_Times_ Forgeries Commission, " with aview to showing that the Irish leaders had incited to murder. As Iexpected, I was not long without a visit from Laurence Kehoe'slieutenants. Horn and Cousens, detective officers, called upon me tomake enquiries about the revolvers which, they said, "Arthur had leftwith me. " I need scarcely say they gained nothing by their visitation. Ifully expected that the matter would not end here, and that I was likelyto find myself in the dock along with Forrester. 

The same evening I had a visit from my sister-in-law, Miss Naughton. She had a friend, a Miss Cameron, who was sister to the wife of LawrenceKehoe. Miss Cameron lived in the house of the Detective Superintendent, along with her sister, Mrs. Kehoe. In the middle of the previousnight--Miss Cameron told Miss Naughton--her room being on the samelanding as Kehoe's--she heard him called, and a man's voice saying:--

"We've taken Forrester. Shall we go to Denvir?" There was a pause; thenKehoe said, "No, " adding some words to the effect that he did not thinkthat I was implicated. 

I dare say, after the manner of some pious people I know, he hadpersuaded himself that such was the case. After he had worked out hisfull term in Purgatory (for he is dead many years, God rest his soul!), I don't think St. Peter can have kept the Heavenly gates closed on LarryKehoe for whatever he said about me that night. Nay, let us hope that itwas even put down to his credit. 

Forrester's explanation, when he was arrested, as to his employment wasthat he was a hawker. He had his licence, all quite regular, to show. Under this he could sell his revolvers. There was nothing illegal inthat, unless a connection were established with the revolutionarymovement. 

This, it appeared, they were not able to make out; but he was kept incustody, evidently with a view to gain time to establish such aconnection. In fact, his case was the same as Davitt's, who took up thework of procuring and distributing arms, after Forrester had become toowell known to the police in connection with it. Davitt, too, had ahawker's licence; and, at first, there was really no evidence to connecthim with the Fenian movement. The farce was gone through of bringingCorydon to identify him--not a very difficult task in the case of aone-armed man--though this was the first time Corydon had ever seenDavitt. 

The evident explanation of Forrester being kept in custody, andremanded, as he was, from day to day, without being charged with anyoffence, was that a similar connection might be established, to provewhich a little perjury would not stand in the way. 

Michael Davitt, who had not yet come under the notice of the police, came to me, along with Arthur Forrester's mother, on hearing of thearrest. They had tea with us, and, I need scarcely say, were warmlywelcomed in our little family circle, those in the house who were butsmall children then being in after years proud to remember that they hadhad such noble characters under their roof. 

Mrs. Ellen Forrester was a homely, sweet-looking, little North ofIreland woman. She was a native of the County Monaghan, and, at thistime, about forty years of age. Her maiden name was Magennis. Her fatherwas a schoolmaster, which would, no doubt, account for her literarytastes. Songs and poems of hers appeared in the "Nation" and "DundalkDemocrat. " She was quite young when she came to England, and settledfirst in Liverpool, and then in Manchester. She married MichaelForrester, a stonemason, and had five children. It was quite evidentthere was a poetic strain in the Magennis blood, for two of herdaughters, and her son Arthur, inherited the gift, which her brotherBernard also possessed. She produced "Simple Strains" and (inconjunction with her son Arthur) "Songs of the Rising Nation, " and otherpoems. She was a frequent contributor to the English press, her workbeing much appreciated. 

Arthur Forrester, whose release we were trying to effect, was, at thistime, only nineteen years old, though he looked much older. Besides thepoetic strain which he inherited from his mother, he must also have hadthat fiery and unconquerable spirit which displayed itself in thedetermined resistance he made against the police who came to arrest himin 1867, in Dublin, where he had found his way for the projected rising. He was a young Revolutionist truly--being then only seventeen. He wasnot long kept in prison that time, there being no evidence to connecthim with Fenianism, nor, indeed, was there now, when he had fallen intothe hands of the police in Liverpool, though they were doing their bestto manufacture some. 

His warlike proclivities seem to have been ever uppermost, as will beseen later, where we find him joining the French "Foreign Legion" duringthe Franco-Prussian War. Besides the "Songs of the Rising Nation" inconnection with his mother, he produced "An Irish Crazy Quilt, " proseand verse, and was a frequent contributor to the "Irish People" andother papers over the signature of "Angus" and "William Tell. "

It is too bad of me to be keeping poor Arthur in durance vile while Iam going into these particulars; but I want to show what kind of peoplethese Forresters were, and what the rebelly Ulster Magennis strain intheir blood let them into. 

Together, Davitt and I called upon several Liverpool Irishmen to getbail for Forrester. There was no difficulty--we could easily get thenecessary security; but, name after name, good, substantial bail, wasrefused by the police on one pretence or another. 

Ultimately, on Christmas Eve, when the prisoner was again brought beforethe stipendiary magistrate, Mr. Raffles, a very just and high-mindedman, Dr. Commins, barrister, acting for Forrester, claimed that nocharge, but a mere matter of suspicion, being forthcoming against him, the bail offered should be accepted. The magistrate agreed to accept twosureties of £100 each, "to keep the peace for one year, " and ArthurForrester was released. 

It is interesting to know that while one of the bails was WilliamRussell, a patriotic Irishman, having an extensive business, the otherwas Arthur Doran, a wholesale newsagent. He was a decent Irishman, ofLiverpool birth, who took no part in politics. He had been induced to gobail by one of the greatest scoundrels Ireland ever produced--RichardPigott, Doran being an agent for Pigott's papers, the "Irishman" and"Flag of Ireland. " Let this one good act, at all events, be put down toPigott's credit. 

To return to Forrester. After such a close shave as he had inLiverpool, with the eyes of the police now upon him, his occupation wasgone, and Michael Davitt took up the work. I am afraid that Davitt'svisit to Liverpool on this occasion brought him under the notice of thepolice, and may probably have led to his arrest a few months afterwards. 

This took place on May 14th, 1870, at Paddington Station, London, withhim being arrested also John Wilson, a Birmingham gunsmith. Davitt had£150 in his possession, and Wilson had fifty revolvers, it beingsuggested that the gunsmith was about to deliver the weapons in exchangefor the money. So far--Davitt having a hawker's licence, as in the caseof Forrester--this would have been perfectly legitimate. What was wantedby the authorities was evidence to show a connection with the Fenianconspiracy. They really had no such evidence, but as Davitt was a markedman, and as it was necessary to have him removed, Corydon was brought toidentify him, and, of course, had no difficulty, when a number of menwere brought into the corridor, in picking out the one-armed man fromamong them. 

At the trial Corydon swore, among other things, that Davitt took part inthe Chester raid. Now, Michael himself told me afterwards that Corydonhad never seen him before he "identified" him in prison; and that thoughhe really was at Chester, Corydon could not have known this. MichaelDavitt and John Wilson were convicted of treason-felony. As showing theman's noble character, it should not be forgotten that the Irishman madean earnest appeal for the Englishman, declaring that Wilson knewnothing of the object for which the weapons were wanted, and asking thatwhatever sentence was to be passed on the gunsmith might be added to hisown. This was quite worthy of Davitt's chivalrous and unselfish nature, and I can well imagine his tall and commanding figure in the dock, withhis strongly marked features and dark, bright eyes--while utterlydefiant of what the law might do to himself--making this appeal for theman who stood beside him. Davitt was, on July 11th, 1870, sentenced tofifteen years, and Wilson to seven years penal servitude. 

Michael Davitt will appear in these pages as the founder of anotherorganisation, the results of which seem likely to make the Irish peoplemore the real possessors of their own soil than they have ever beensince the Norman invasion. 

About this time I had started a printing and publishing business inLiverpool, and commenced to realise what I had long projected as auseful work for Ireland. This was the issue of my "Irish Library, "consisting chiefly of penny books of biographies, stories, songs, andstirring episodes of Irish history. 

In their production and afterwards, when I continued the issue of thesebooklets in London, I had valuable assistance from various friends, including Rev. Father Ambrose, Rev. Father O'Laverty, Michael Davitt, Daniel Crilly, T. D. Sullivan, Timothy McSweeney, Hugh Heinrick, WilliamJ. Ryan, Francis Fahy, William P. Ryan, Alfred Perceval Graves, MichaelO'Mahony, John J. Sheehan, Thomas Boyd, Thomas Flannery, John Hand, James Lysaght Finigan, and other well-known writers on Irish subjects. Some of the penny books were from my own pen, in addition to which Iwrote "The Brandons, " a story of Irish life in England, and other books, of which my most ambitious work was "The Irish in Britain. "

CHAPTER X. 

RESCUE OF THE MILITARY FENIANS. 

Before concluding the section of my Recollections connected withFenianism, I must re-introduce John Breslin, the rescuer of JamesStephens. 

Though the episode I am about to describe took place some six yearsafter the commencement of the constitutional Home Rule agitation, Ithink it well, as it was connected with Fenianism, for the sake ofcompactness, to introduce it here. 

My excuse for introducing it as part of _my_ recollections will be seenfurther on. 

It will be remembered that John Breslin, when a warder in RichmondPrison, was the man who actually opened the door of James Stephens'scell, and, with the aid of Byrne, another warder, helped the Head Centreover the prison wall, and left him in charge of John Ryan and otherfriends outside. 

It was no wonder, then, that, when a similar perilous and even morearduous undertaking was projected, John Breslin should be the man chosenas the chief instrument to carry it out. 

This was the rescue of six military Fenians from Freemantle, in WesternAustralia, which was ultimately effected on Easter Monday, 17th April, 1876. 

The enterprise was projected in America, among its most activepromoters being John Devoy. Associated with him were John Boyle O'Reilly(himself an escaped Fenian convict) and Captain Hathaway, City Marshalof New Bedford. An American barque, of 202 tons, the _Catalpa_, wasbought, and converted into a whaler, but was intended to be used incarrying off the convicts. She was ready for sea in March, 1875. It wasmore than a year before she took the prisoners away from Australia, anda further four months before she reached New York with the rescued men. The ship was taken out by Captain S. Anthony, an American, to whom wasconfided the object of the mission. The only Irishman on board among thecrew was Denis Duggan, the carpenter, a sterling Nationalist, to whomalso was made known the mission on which they were bound. 

As John Breslin was now in America, obviously he was the man of allothers to entrust with the command of the daring project of carrying offthe prisoners. Happily he was available for the work, and entered intoit heartily. He sent me the narrative of the rescue himself--through hisbrother Michael--on his return to America, after having successfullyaccomplished his mission. 

He and Captain Desmond sailed from San Francisco on the 13th ofSeptember, 1875, and reached Freemantle on 16th of November. They werenot long in opening up communications with the prisoners, so as to be inreadiness for the arrival of the _Catalpa_. In the meantime two more menjoined the expedition--John King, who brought a supply of money fromNew Zealand, which was most useful, and Thomas Brennan, who arrived atthe last moment, just as the _Catalpa_ appeared off the coast, and hadgot into communication with Breslin. 

Everything being arranged, it was determined to carry off the followingprisoners--Martin Harrington, Thomas Darragh, James Wilson, MartinJoseph Hogan, Robert Cranston, and Thomas Henry Hassett. They were atwork outside the prison walls, or at other employment equallyaccessible, when they were taken away in two traps from Freemantle, about nine o'clock in the morning of the 17th of April, 1876. By thetime the news of their flight, and of the direction they had taken, wasknown in the prison, the party had reached Rockingham, and were on thesea in the whale-boat which was to take them to the _Catalpa_. 

The gunboat _Conflict_, which was usually stationed at King George'sSound, was telegraphed for by the authorities, but it was found that thewires had been cut the previous night, and by the time they wererepaired the vessel had gone on a cruise. 

After some hours' delay, the governor engaged the passenger steamer_Georgette_ to go in pursuit. It was nine o'clock that evening beforeshe left Freemantle. The police boat was cruising about also, lookingfor the whaler and her boat. The _Georgette_ came up with the _Catalpa_about 8 o'clock on the following (Tuesday) morning. A demand to go onboard and search the barque was refused. As it was found there was ashort supply aboard the _Georgette_, she returned to Freemantle to coal, leaving the police boat to watch the _Catalpa_, and to look out for thewhale boat containing the rescued men, which had not yet appeared, although, as it turned out, not far off at the time. The boat had beenvainly searching for the _Catalpa_ all night, and had only nowdiscovered her. The party in the boat had actually seen the _Georgette_overhauling the _Catalpa_, and had yet themselves remained undiscovered. In order to keep clear of falling into the hands of the _Georgette_ theystood off from the ship, and it was about half-past two o'clock in theafternoon before the boat containing the rescued men approached the_Catalpa_ again. They then saw the police boat making for the ship atabout the same distance from her on the land side as the whale boat wasto the seaward. The men scrambled aboard just as the police boat wascoming up on the other side. 

Breslin says:--"As soon as my feet struck the deck over the quarterrail, Mr. Smith, the first mate, called out to me, 'What shall I do now, Mr. Collins (this was the name Breslin went by); what shall I do?' Ireplied, 'Hoist the flag, and stand out to sea;' and never was amanoeuvre executed in a more prompt and seamanlike manner. "

The police boat did not attempt to board the vessel, but made its wayback to Freemantle to report. There the _Georgette_ had been fullycoaled and provisioned, and had taken aboard, in addition to thepensioners and police, a twelve-pounder field-piece. At 11 o'clock thesame night (Tuesday) she steamed out once more. At daylight on thefollowing morning she came up with the _Catalpa_ again, and fired around shot across her bows. After some parleying, Captain Anthony beingprompted by Breslin, the _Georgette_ hailed that if the _Catalpa_ didnot heave to, the masts would be blown out of her. 

"Tell them, " said Breslin to the captain, "that's the American flag; youare on the high seas; and if he fires on the ship, he fires on theAmerican flag. "

Preparations were made to give the armed party on the _Georgette_ a warmreception should they attempt to board the whaler. But the pursuers hada wholesome fear of coming into conflict with a vessel sailing under theStars and Stripes, and, after some further parleying, left the _Catalpa_to pursue her homeward voyage unmolested. 

I was fortunate enough to get the account of _both_ expeditions--forthere were two--for the rescue of the military Fenians in each casedirect from the man having the command. 

I have already given John Breslin's account, which, it will, perhaps, beremembered I published at the time as a number of my penny "IrishLibrary. "

I had the pleasure of hearing John Walsh, who had charge of theexpedition from this country, relating the part he and his friend borein assisting the Irish-American rescuers. He told the story at a veryselect gathering in Liverpool, at which I was present. On the 13th ofJanuary, he said, two men, of whom he was one, left this country withmoney and clothing to carry out the rescue. They landed on the 28th ofFebruary at King George's Sound, whence a sailing vessel took them toFreemantle. 

They soon got into communication with the two men who had come fromAmerica, and had been on the spot since November, 1875--John Breslin andJ. Desmond, the latter of whom worked as a coach-builder at Perth. Walshand his friend offered their co-operation to the men from America in anycapacity, and arrangements were made accordingly. They lent theAmericans arms, and they cut the telegraph wires from Perth to KingGeorge's Sound, where a man-of-war was stationed. 

It will be seen from Breslin's account that this was why the man-of-warwas not available to deal with the _Catalpa_; for when the telegraphiccommunication was restored, it was found that the gunboat _Conflict_ hadleft on a cruise. 

Walsh and his friend were on the ground on the morning when theprisoners started to escape, and if a fight took place, they were tofight and fly with their friends. If there was no fight, they were toremain behind. If the _Catalpa_ failed, they were to fly to the bush, with the exception of some who were to remain behind to succour those inthe bush. 

John Walsh described how, when the rescued men were being driven in twotraps from Freemantle to Rockingham, to be taken on the whale-boat tothe _Catalpa_, which was lying off the coast awaiting them, he and hisfriend started with them, and remained behind to stop pursuit. He alsodescribed the attempt to recapture the escaped men, as told in Breslin'snarrative, and how the attempt failed. 

My own connection with this incident was that the funds, or some partof them, for John Walsh's expedition passed through my hands betweentheir collection and their distribution. 

On Monday, August 21st, 1876, while we were holding the AnnualConvention of the Home Rule Confederation of Great Britain, in theRotunda, Dublin, the joyful news reached us that the _Catalpa_, havingon board the rescued men and their rescuers, had safely reached NewYork. The news was received with the wildest enthusiasm. The terriblestrain of the last four months had passed, and we were relieved from theconstant dread that, after the gallant rescue, the men might again fallinto the hands of the enemy. 

A few more words about the Breslins before finishing this chapter. Michael went back to America after his escape from arrest in Birmingham. I have corresponded with him from time to time ever since. A letter ofmine to Michael, written after he finally went to America, came back tome in a very curious manner. A gentleman came into my place of businessin Liverpool one day, and presented to me, as an introduction, a letterI had sent to my friend about a month previously. I was somewhatsuspicious about this. I told him there was nothing to show that myletter had ever been in Breslin's hands at all. The gentleman agreedthat I was right, and said he would merely ask to be allowed to leavehis luggage for a short time. 

I got a careful watch kept on his movements in Liverpool, but nothingmore suspicious was reported than that he had been seen to enter aCatholic church, where he had gone to Confession. 

My friend William Hogan was in my place when my messenger returned, andwhen he heard this, exclaimed, in his usual impetuous style--"He's aspy!"

The deduction might not seem obvious, but, doubtless Hogan had in hismind one or two of the worst cases of the anti-Fenian informers, whomade a parade of great piety a cloak for their treachery. 

The gentleman returned and reclaimed his luggage, and I heard nothingfurther of him for about a month afterwards, when I had a letter fromMichael Breslin, saying that his friend, whom I had treated with suchsuspicion and such scant hospitality, was Mr. John B. Holland, thefamous submarine inventor. He was, I believe, in this country inconnection with his invention. 

It may be asked, after all, what did Fenianism do for Ireland? To thosewho ask the question I would answer that no honest effort for libertyhas ever been made in vain. If Fenianism did nothing else, it kept alivethe tradition and the spirit of freedom among Irishmen, and handed themon to the next generation. In so far as the men who took part in it wereunselfish, were whole-souled lovers of their country, and prepared torisk life and liberty for their country's sake--and I think with prideof the thousands of such men I knew or knew of--then the whole Irishrace was ennobled and lifted up from the mire of serfdom. 

But it did more than merely make martyrs. Its strength, its spontaneity, and the devotion of its adherents were such that they undoubtedlyawakened not merely some alarm, but also some sense of justice inEngland. 

Gladstone admitted that what first prompted him to set in motion themovement for the disestablishment of the Irish Church was "the intensityof Fenianism. " But the result did not end there. For many an Englishmanwas moved to the belief that surely there must be something wrong with asystem which provoked such a movement, something not wholly bad about acause for which men went with calm, proud confidence to the felon's cellor the scaffold. And, even to-day, England--with all her secret servicefacilities--does not know one-half of the danger from which she escaped;nor can I repeat much of what I myself could say of Fenianism inEngland. 

There are men who have made large fortunes in business; there areeminent men in many of the professions, whose former connection withFenianism is unsuspected, who, at the time, if the call had been madeupon them, would cheerfully have thrown aside their careers and takentheir places in the ranks. 

Once again "a soul came into Ireland, " and men were capable then of highenterprises which to-day seem to belong to another age. 

Even for myself, I have many times marvelled how light-heartedly inthose days I took the risks of conspiracy--how little it troubled methat there were dozens of men who bore my liberty, and perhaps my life, in their hands. But I never doubted them--and I was right!

CHAPTER XI. 

THE HOME RULE MOVEMENT. 

It now becomes my business to record the formation and progress ofanother organisation--one which appealed to me precisely on the samegrounds as Fenianism, namely, first, that it was based on justice; and, secondly, that it was practicable. 

This was the constitutional movement for what was known as Home Rule. Myprinciples have never altered, and I can see nothing inconsistent in myadapting myself to changed conditions. I and those who thought like mewere driven into Fenianism because it seemed likely to achieve success, and what was call "constitutional agitation" seemed hopeless. Now theposition was reversed. On the one hand Fenianism had collapsed, and onthe other there seemed a prospect, partly owing to the change wrought byFenianism, that a constitutional movement might succeed. 

This constitutional movement had been going on for some six yearsprevious to the rescue of the military Fenians, having been inauguratedat a meeting in the Bilton Hotel, Dublin, on the 19th May, 1870, fivedays after the arrest of Michael Davitt, and his disappearance for aseason from the stage of Irish history. 

In the pages which are to follow I shall have occasion to introducesome of those who took part in that first Home Rule gathering in Dublin. It was a hopeful beginning, as there were assembled men who were ofvarious creeds and politics--Catholics, Protestants, Feniansympathisers, Repealers, Liberals, and Tories--but all of whom had inview the happiness and prosperity of their common country. There theyestablished the "Home Government Association of Ireland, " the firstresolution passed being:--

 This Association is formed for the purpose of attaining for Ireland the right of self-government by means of a National Parliament. 

The fact was that the "intensity of Fenianism" had forced thinking menof every shade of opinion to realise that government of Ireland byoutsiders was an abject failure. Even Englishmen themselves began torealise that they were engaged in an impossible task, or, at all events, one in which they were quite at sea. A humorous story is attributed toMr. T. W. Russell on this point. It is that a certain Englishman, who wasappointed Chief Secretary for Ireland, went to an English official ofexperience in Dublin, and said--

"You know what I mean to do first of all, is to get at the facts--thefacts--then I shall be on sure ground. "

"My dear sir, " said the official wearily, "there are no facts inIreland. "

The conclusion was not a surprising one for a man who had for yearsbeen in touch with the "official sources" of information. 

While all honour is due to the men who initiated the new movement, thenames of those who carried on the constitutional struggle during theyears that preceded this date should not be forgotten. Of all the men Iever came into contact with in the course of my experience ofconstitutional agitation, I think the Sullivans--especially T. D. AndA. M. --deserve the most credit, for they kept the flag flying in thecolumns of the "Nation" and in other ways during all the gloomy yearsthat followed after Charles Gavan Duffy left the country in despair. Iam always proud to have reckoned these two men among my dearest and mosttrusted friends. 

Another great admirer of the Sullivans was Alfred Crilly, brother toDaniel Crilly, and father of Frederick Lucas Crilly, the presentrespected and able General Secretary of the United Irish League of GreatBritain. Alfred was one of the most brilliant Irishmen we ever had inLiverpool, and no man did better service for the cause in that cityduring his lifetime. It was always a pleasure to me to work in harnesswith him, as I did on many public occasions; for whatever was thenational organisation going on in Ireland for the time being wetwo--Alfred Crilly and myself--always did our best to have itscounterpart in Liverpool. Indeed it became the case that for many yearsour people there invariably looked to us to take the initiative in everynational movement. Whenever A. M. Sullivan came over to ourdemonstrations it did not need our assurance to convince him that everypulsation of the national heart in Ireland was as warmly and as stronglyfelt on this side of the Channel as though we still formed part of ourmother island. Indeed, the evidence of his own eyes, the enthusiasm hesaw when he came amongst us, caused him to declare at a vast gatheringin the Amphitheatre that he felt as if he were not out of Ireland atall, but on a piece cut from the "old sod" itself. 

I felt proud when two young men of my training, John McArdle, who hadbeen with me on the "Catholic Times"; and afterwards Daniel Crilly, onthe "United Irishman, " were appointed to the literary staff of the"Nation, " for which they were well fitted, seeing that, with theirbrilliant gifts, they had, from their earliest days, been imbued withthe doctrines of that newspaper. 

T. D. , like his brother, often came to Liverpool, and used to be equallydelighted with the enthusiastic receptions he got from hisfellow-countrymen. On one occasion he said to me he was at a loss how toshow his appreciation. I told him how to do this. "Write us a song, " Isaid. He did so; and with that admirable tact which is so characteristicof him he chose for his theme--"Erin's Sons in England, " a song which, written to the air of "The Shamrock, " has, for many years, been sung atour Irish festivals in Great Britain. As a personal favour to myself hewrote it for one of the penny books of my "Irish Library". 

I need make no apology for introducing T. D. Sullivan's song here. Itwill be seen that he sings our praise with no uncertain note; and, inreturn, I may say on their behalf that he had no warmer admirers thanamong the Irish of England. 

 ERIN'S SONS IN ENGLAND. 

 _Air--"Oh, the Shamrock_. "

 On every shore, the wide world o'er, The newest and the oldest, The sons are found of Erin's ground Among the best and boldest. But soul and will are turning still To Ireland o'er the ocean, And well I know where aye they glow With most intense devotion. 

 CHORUS:--Over here in England, Up and down through England, Fond and true and fearless too, Are Erin's sons in England. 

 Where toil is hard, in mill and yard, Their hands are strong to bear it; Where genius bright would wing its flight, The mind is theirs to dare it; But high or low, in joy or woe, With any fate before them, The sweetest bliss they know, is this-- To aid the land that bore them. 

 CHORUS:--Over here in England, &c. 

 By many a sign from Thames to Tyne, From Holyhead to Dover, The eye may trace the deathless race Our gallant land sent over. Midst beech and oak, midst flame and smoke. Up springs the cross-tipped steeple That, far and wide, tells where abide The faithful Irish people. 

 CHORUS:--Over here in England, &c. 

 And this I say--on any day That help of theirs is needed, Dear Ireland's call will never fall On their true hearts unheeded They'll plainly show to friend and foe. If e'er the need arises Her arm is long, and stout and strong, To work some strange surprises!

 CHORUS:--Over here in England, &c. 

It will be remembered that T. D. Never allowed himself to be bound byconventionalities. There was always a refreshing thoroughness andheartiness in what he did. For instance, when he was Lord Mayor ofDublin, he on one occasion "opened" a public bath by stripping andswimming round it--the Town Clerk and other officials following hisexample. 

I have mentioned the good work done in Liverpool by Father Nugent, andthat I had the pleasure of co-operating with him in some of hisundertakings. 

At the time of the Home Rule movement connected with the name of IsaacButt, and for some years previously, I had been brought into stillcloser contact with him, first, as secretary of his refuge for destituteand homeless boys, and then as manager and acting editor of the"Northern Press and Catholic Times, " after that paper had come into hishands. I also assisted him in the temperance movement which he startedin Liverpool. 

When Father Nugent asked me to take charge of the "Catholic Times, " Ientered upon the work literally single-handed, like some of the editorswe read of a generation or so ago in the Western States of America;for, when he left me for a nine months' tour in the States, Iconstituted in my own person the whole staff. We afterwards had someable men on the paper. Among these was John McArdle, who left us, as Ihave said, to join the "Nation. " He became later a well-known dramaticauthor, his chief works being burlesques and pantomimes. We also hadJames Lysaght Finigan, of whom I speak elsewhere. 

While Father Nugent was in America, we used to get great help from afine old Jesuit priest and good Irish Nationalist, Father JamesMcSwiney, then of St. Francis Xavier's, Liverpool. He was never happierthan when smoking his short pipe by the fire in our inner office. Withhis help we created a much admired feature in the "Catholic Times" inour "Answers to Correspondents. " With the view of drawing on realenquiries, he used to concoct and then answer questions on points ofdoctrine, etc. Some people were astonished at the profoundknowledge--and others at what they considered "the impudence"--displayedby Jack McArdle and John Denvir in answering any theological posers thatmight be put to us, never dreaming we had behind us one of the ablesttheologians of the Jesuit order. 

When Father Nugent took the paper in hands, the readers had suchconfidence in it that, from being merely a local paper, we were ablebefore long to make it a leading Catholic organ for the whole country. 

The reverend father was chaplain of the Liverpool Borough jail. He wasrespected by all classes, Protestant as well as Catholic, not only forwhat he did for the unfortunate creatures who came under hisministrations, but as a public-spirited citizen and benefactor of thetown. It would be wrong if I did not pay a high tribute to the splendidservice done by him in Liverpool towards elevating the condition of ourown people. I would be ungrateful, too, if I failed to recognise thegreat educational work he did in giving opportunities for culture tomany Liverpool Irishmen, myself among the number, which afterwards aidedtheir advancement in the battle of life. That is why I never regrettedthat I gave Father Nugent, when conducting the "Catholic Times" for him, three of the best years of my life. I never regretted my experiences inconnection with that paper, particularly in the reporting department, for they were often very pleasant ones. Among these was my having beenintroduced to the great Archbishop MacHale, when I went to St. Nicholas's to report his sermon. 

I have many vivid remembrances arising out of my connection with the"Catholic Times. "

It was during the time I was in charge of it that we started the Irishnational organisation on this side of the Channel--the Home RuleConfederation of Great Britain, formed at our first annual conventionheld in Manchester, at which I was elected as the first GeneralSecretary of the organisation. 

I was at the same time secretary of the Liverpool Catholic Club, and inthat capacity I assisted in entertaining the Canadian Papal Zouaves whenpassing through Liverpool on their way home, after their gallant butunsuccessful struggle to uphold the power of the Pope against therevolutionaries. 

In the same way it became my duty as secretary of the club to organisethe Catholic vote in Liverpool on the occasion of the first School BoardElection. The Irish and those of Irish extraction in Liverpool beingreckoned as about one-third of the population, the Catholic body iscorrespondingly numerous. We surprised both friend and foe in theresults. There were fifteen members to be elected, and we asked ourpeople to give three votes for each of our five candidates. They werenot only elected, but the votes actually given for them--on thecumulative principle--could have elected eight out of the fifteenmembers of the Board. 

Father Nugent, though immensely popular with all classes, was not, Ithink, a _persona grata_, any more than myself, with Canon Fisher, theVicar-General of the diocese, who was very anti-Irish, and, so far as hecould, prevented anyone connected with the "Catholic Times" coming intopersonal contact with Bishop Goss, who was a typical Englishman of thebest kind. The bishop had a blunt, hitting-out-from-the-shoulder styleof speaking in his sermons that compelled attention. But you couldhardly call them sermons at all; they were rather powerful discoursesupon social topics, which, from a newspaper point of view, made splendid"copy. " Accordingly, during the year before his death, I followed himall over the diocese to get his sermon for each week's paper. There isno doubt that Dr. Goss's sermons helped materially to put a backboneinto the "Catholic Times" and greatly to increase its circulation. 

In one of the rural districts the bishop was giving an illustration ofthe meaning of "Tradition, " and, very much to my embarrassment, I foundhim taking me for his text. He said--"So far as I know, there were nonewspapers in Our Lord's days; there was nobody taking down _His_sermons, as there is to-day taking mine; so that _His_ teaching had tobe by word of mouth, and much of it has come down to us as Tradition. "

In the interest of the paper, Father Nugent was anxious that I should beintroduced to the Bishop. But he knew, as well as I did, that thedifficulty in the way of this was what might be called the Grand Vizier, Canon Fisher. "You should push forward, Denvir, " Father Nugent wouldsay, "after Mass is over, and ask to see the Bishop. " Over and overagain I did so, but was always met at the vestry door by Canon Fisher, with his suave smile. "Well, Mr. Denvir, what can I do for you?" "Iwould like to see his lordship, " I would say. No use. The Canon wouldsay--"No, no; don't trouble the Bishop; I can give you all theinformation you want;" and so it went on, and I was baffled in myattempts. 

I ought to say that, though Canon Fisher was able to keep me from cominginto personal contact with Bishop Goss, Father Nugent was too strong forhim in the end; for, eventually, we got into communication with theBishop regularly every week on the subject of his sermons. Each Mondayas soon as my copy was set up, we sent him a proof, which he would readand correct and return. But his "corrections" often included theaddition of altogether new matter, which made the sermon the moreinteresting and valuable to us. Indeed, on several occasions, we usedhis new matter, with slight alterations, as leaders. The very week hedied we had one of these leaders in type, and it appeared in the sameissue which announced his death. 

When Cardinal Vaughan became Bishop of Salford, Father Nugent succeededin getting his support and influence for the "Catholic Times, " a mostvaluable thing for us, seeing that Manchester, though with a smallerCatholic population than Liverpool, was of more importance from apublishing point of view, as from that city can be more readily reacheda number of large manufacturing towns, of which it is the centre. Againit was--"Denvir, you must see the Bishop. " But this time there was nodifficulty, as an appointment had been made for me. Accordingly, byarrangement, I reached Manchester one morning between six and seveno'clock, that being the most convenient time for him that Bishop Vaughancould give me, and together we discussed the best means of forwardingthe interests of the paper in the diocese of Salford. I found him, besides being a man of courtly presence, as we all know, mostbroad-minded and genial, and keenly alive to the influence which a goodnewspaper would have upon his people. 

Whenever I see the "Catholic Times, " I feel gratified at its veryexistence, as a proof that my three years with Father Nugent were notaltogether spent in vain. For when he placed its control in my hands onhis departure for America, I found it with a very small circulation, andanything but a paying concern; whereas, when I yielded up the trust intohis hands, I had the satisfaction of handing over to him a substantialamount of cash in hand, a statement of assets and liabilities showing asatisfactory balance on the right side, and a paper with a largelyincreased and paying circulation. 

For many years previous to his death, I did not come into contact withhim. Indeed it was only the year before he died that I had thepleasure--and it was all the more a pleasure as we had differed stronglyduring previous years on some points--of meeting him at his house inFormby. This was before his last visit to America, where he contractedthe illness which terminated in his death soon after his return toEngland. 

CHAPTER XII. 

THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR--AN IRISH AMBULANCE CORPS--THE FRENCH FOREIGNLEGION. 

When the Franco-Prussian War broke out, the sympathy of Ireland wasnaturally, for historic reasons, on the side of France. It was notsurprising, then, that many young Irishmen who had served in America, orin the ranks of the Papal Volunteers, or had borne a share in the Fenianmovement, were anxious to show their sympathy in a practical way, and atthe same time to gratify the national propensity for a fight

 --in any good cause at all. 

I happened to number among my friends some of these young Irishmen, ofwhom I may mention Captain Martin Kirwan, James Lysaght Finigan, EdmondO'Donovan, Arthur Forrester, Frank Byrne, and James O'Kelly. There was astrong feeling in Ireland to send a considerable body of men to France, but the law stood in the way. It was evaded by the formation of anAmbulance Corps, and for this generous subscriptions flowed in, alongwith numerous applications from volunteers. These were all medicallyexamined, as if for a regular army, and in this way as fine a body ofyoung men as ever left Ireland was picked from those who hadvolunteered. The ambulance service was equipped in the most perfectmanner, and presented to the French nation. On arriving in France, therewere (as was, of course, intended) more men than were required for theambulance duties, and these at once volunteered for service as soldiers. They were formed into a company under the command of Captain Kirwan, oneof the sergeants being Frank Byrne, who was afterwards Kirwan'scolleague as an official of the Irish constitutional organisation inGreat Britain. The company might have developed into a regiment, andeven into a brigade, had the movement started earlier to get men over toFrance by various means. This could have been done, notwithstanding theForeign Enlistment Act; and towards the end of the war, French agentswere in this country providing for the sending over of large numbers ofmen to France, when the capitulation of Paris caused the collapse oftheir arrangements. 

The men of the Irish Ambulance Corps did their work so well as to showthat not only did Irishmen make good soldiers, but that, possessing thesympathetic Celtic nature, their services were highly appreciated by thewounded who fell to their charge. Captain Kirwan's company foughtbravely, sustaining the credit of their country through the wholecampaign, and, under Bourbaki, were among those who actually struck thelast blow the Germans received on French soil. 

Arthur Forrester, who joined the French Foreign Legion, was severelywounded in the foot. After the war he came into the office of the"Catholic Times, " when I was manager and John McArdle editor of thatpaper. We welcomed him, of course, not only as an old friend and brotherjournalist, but as one who had been fighting for France. 

In his "Camp Fires of the Legion" written for my "Irish Library, " JamesLysaght Finigan tells of his adventures in the war. He found his way toLille, in the north of France, and, with several hundreds of otherIrishmen became enrolled in the ranks of the Foreign Legion. InLieutenant Elliott he was delighted to recognise Edmond O'Donovan, whohad figured so prominently in the Fenian movement, and whoseincarceration in Ireland and exile in America were fresh in his memory. "The Legion, " Finigan says, "showed itself worthy of its predecessors, the Irish Brigades of former days, during the reverses that constantlybefel the armies of France. " He gives graphic accounts of the battlesthey were engaged in, and how, in the defence of Orleans, he and anumber of his comrades were taken prisoners, among those being hisfriend O'Donovan, who had been wounded by a piece of shell. 

The Foreign Legion must have borne the brunt of the fighting. The fourthbattalion was cut to pieces at Woerth, Gravelotte, and Sedan; the fifthbattalion was reduced from 3, 000 to some 300; the sixth battalion retookOrleans, was compelled to abandon it, and covered itself with glory atLe Mans and elsewhere; and the seventh was interned with Bourbaki inSwitzerland until the end of the war. 

Although I often heard from him afterwards, the last time I met EdmondO'Donovan, if I remember rightly, was in a North Lancashire town, inwhich John O'Connor Power had been lecturing the same night. I forgetexactly who else of the "boys" were there--I think William Hogan wasone--but there were some choice spirits, and we made just such an Irishnight of it as Finigan describes they had when he and O'Donovan foughtin the Foreign Legion. 

Edmond O'Donovan was the son of the famous Irish scholar and antiquary, John O'Donovan, the translator from the Gaelic--with O'Curry andPetrie--of that great Irish history, "The Annals of the Four Masters, "and other manuscripts. The elder O'Donovan had made the acquaintance ofSir Thomas Larcom, when both were young men together on the staff of theOrdnance Survey. John O'Donovan appointed his friend Larcom to beguardian of his children in case of his death. 

It was Larcom's duty, as an official of the Government, to hunt down theFenians, both native and foreign, so that he had undertaken a seriousand perplexing charge. For O'Donovan's elder sons were strongNationalists and Fenians; so that, on the death of his old friend, Larcom was like an old hen having charge of a brood of ducklings whocould not be kept from the troubled waters of Fenianism. There is nodoubt that Larcom's influence kept them from or saved them from a lotof trouble. The O'Donovans were an accomplished family, the one I knewbest, besides Edmond, being Richard, who has held a responsiblemercantile position for some years, and who furnished me with muchvaluable information about his father, when Thomas Flannery--one of ourbest Gaelic scholars--was writing a life of Dr. John O'Donovan for my"Irish Library" series. 

Besides being thoroughly acquainted with several languages, EdmondO'Donovan had an excellent scientific training, which was brought intorequisition in connection with the projected Fenian military movementsin Ireland. While a thorough classical scholar, the poems he liked bestwere the songs of Thomas Davis and the Young Irelanders. He was slenderof figure and had a handsome oval face. In speaking, whether in privateor before an audience, he had an animated and expressive manner, with agood deal of gesture, such as a Frenchman or Italian would use. I haveheard him singing songs like "Clare's Dragoons" with much fire andfervour, throwing his whole soul into it in a way I can never forget. 

In 1877-1878 he was a special correspondent in the Russo-Turkish warwith the Turkish army, and he sent home powerful and graphic accounts ofevery battle and siege. 

His intimate knowledge of Arabic stood to him in these and in theEgyptian campaigns in which he afterwards took part. In 1879 he wentthrough Russia to the shores of the Caspian Sea, travelled through thenorth of Persia and the adjacent territory of Khorassan, to the land ofthe Tekke Turcomans, and to Merv, thus penetrating the mysteries ofCentral Asia as no European traveller had ever done so perfectly before. In 1881 he returned to England, and published his book, "The MervOasis, " and afterwards read a paper before the Royal GeographicalSociety on "Merv and its surroundings. "

Finally, in 1883, he went as special correspondent to the Soudan, andthere this brilliant Irishman perished with the whole of Hicks Pasha'sarmy. No tidings ever came of how Edmond O'Donovan met his death, butthose who knew him best feel that he must have yielded up his gallantspirit to its Creator with a courage and fortitude worthy of anIrishman. 

In January, 1906, I had occasion to call upon his brother Richard inLiverpool, and asked if they had ever got any trace of Edmond. Nothinghad been heard of how he had actually perished, but an authentic relicof him had fallen into the hands of a priest in the Soudan. This was ablood-stained garment, which was proved beyond doubt to have belonged tohim. 

I have mentioned another name in connection with the Franco-PrussianWar--that of James O'Kelly. His career, like that of O'Donovan, had beenstormy and adventurous. I had previously met him in connection with theFenian movement. 

He had been in the French army, and served in the campaign which was sodisastrous to the Mexican Emperor Maximilian. His adventuroustemperament led him again to join the French service during theFranco-Prussian war. He was employed on the confidential mission ofraising a force of Irishmen for the war. I have described the formationof the company under Kirwan, which was the outcome of the AmbulanceCorps. It will be seen, too, that there were a considerable number ofIrishmen in the Foreign Legion. But, after all, these did not amount toa number sufficient to have much appreciable result on the ultimatefortunes of the war. The French military authorities, knowing whatsplendid fighting materials Irishmen would make, commissioned O'Kelly toraise a large force. For this purpose he made Liverpool hisheadquarters, and I was pleased to see him again when he called upon meat the office of the "Catholic Times" My sympathies were strongly withFrance, and I gave him what assistance I could in furthering the objectof his mission. At my suggestion, therefore, he took up his abode at thehotel opposite our office, at the corner of Moorfields and Dale Street. A large number of volunteers were got from among the advanced element inLiverpool and surrounding towns, who wanted to learn the use of arms inreal warfare--their ultimate object I need not mention. From otherquarters in Ireland as well as England there were volunteers for theFrench army. I had arranged through an emigration agent, Mr. MichaelFrancis Duffy, a much respected and patriotic Irishman of singularculture, for the charter of two steamers to take the men to Havre; butjust then Paris fell, after a long siege; the war ended, and the IrishLegion project collapsed. 

In 1872 James O'Kelly turned his attention to journalism as aprofession. He got his first opening on the "New York Herald, " partlythrough his thorough knowledge of the military profession, but stillmore by that singular tact that never failed him under the most tryingcircumstances. 

Some years after, he called on me again in Liverpool, and I heard fromhim of some stirring incidents in his career. Amongst those were hisperilous experiences in connection with the fighting in Cuba, from whichhe narrowly escaped with his life. 

Since then he has entered Parliament. He was a staunch supporter fromthe first of Mr. Parnell. When the unfortunate "split" came, he took theside of the "Chief, " but none is more pleased than he to be a member ofthe now re-united Irish Party. 

In connection with the Franco-Prussian war I may be allowed to referhere to a non-combatant, who, with his brother priests, remained attheir post during the terrible siege of Paris, ministering to the sickand dying. This was my cousin, Father Bernard O'Loughlin, Superior ofthe Passionist Order in Paris. 

And yet, notwithstanding their noble services to humanity on this andother occasions, the Passionist Fathers have since been driven out ofthe country by the French Government. The announcement of the danger ofthis, when it was first threatened, caused consternation in the foreignCatholic colony of Paris, to whom the Passionist Fathers had endearedthemselves by their labours on behalf of needy and strandedEnglish-speaking people, and their devoted spiritual ministrations. 

The Passionist mission in Paris was founded some forty years ago byFather Bernard, with his friend, Father Ignatius Spencer, also aPassionist, and uncle of the present Earl Spencer. 

The Archbishop of Paris had invited the Passionists to establish achurch in Paris, on account of the number of Irish, American, andEnglish Catholics requiring religious ministrations, few of the Frenchclergy being able to speak English. Father O'Loughlin first commencedhis labours in the Church of St. Nicholas, in the Rue Saint Honoré, where he remained three years. After this a sum of 200, 000 francs wassubscribed, chiefly by Irish, American, and English residents, for thesite and building of a church. Father Bernard was soon joined by severalother members of the order sent from England, and there were always fouror five Passionist Fathers attached as chaplains to the church. Thefollowing distinguished prelates have preached in this Church--CardinalManning, Cardinal Newman, Cardinal Richard, Archbishop Ireland, Archbishop Spalding, and Archbishop Passadière. 

Mrs. Mackay was the most generous of the supporters of the order inParis; and, in 1903, when the fathers found themselves unable to pay thetax created by the French "Loi d'accroissement, " she paid down the20, 000 francs required to save the church. 

Their devotion in remaining faithful to their flock during the long andterrible siege of Paris in 1870 ought to have recommended them to thesympathies of all patriotic Frenchmen. The Passionists not onlyministered to the spiritual but to the temporal wants of those comingunder their charge. They visited the sick and poor, relieved the age inneed, provided for orphans, and assisted stranded Irish and Englishgovernesses, irrespective of creed, who had come to Paris in search ofsituations. Those who suffered most from the withdrawal of thePassionists were the poor and afflicted. 

The Cardinal Archbishop of Paris, the American Embassy, and the BritishAmbassador, addressed the French Government on their behalf, pointingout that the services of the Passionists were indispensable--but invain. It is humiliating that the government of what is supposed to be agreat Catholic nation like France should be appealed to in such a cause, fruitlessly, by the ambassador of non-Catholic England. 

Father Bernard O'Loughlin's name in the world was John, after hisfather, my mother's brother, John O'Loughlin. The elder John was abrewer's traveller, and often came to our house in Liverpool, bringinghis violin with him. He had a wide knowledge of old Irish airs, and tohis accompaniment we had many a genuine Irish night, singing thestirring songs then appearing in the "Nation. "

CHAPTER XIII. 

THE HOME RULE CONFEDERATION OF GREAT BRITAIN. 

In the previous chapter it will be seen that I have somewhat anticipatedthe course of events described in this narrative in order to give briefsketches of some of my friends who took part, in various capacities, inthe Franco-Prussian war, and incidents arising out of it. I have also, for the sake of compactness, briefly touched on their subsequentcareers. 

I shall here now resume my recollections of the Home Rule movement fromits inception in 1870. 

From the first everything pointed to Isaac Butt as its leader. Hissplendid abilities, even when ranged against us in the celebrated debatein the Dublin Corporation with O'Connell, excited the admiration of hisfellow-countrymen; but now, when he had come over to the popular side, he was welcomed with acclamation, the more so that his genial andloveable nature was bound to win the hearts of a susceptible people likeours. Moreover, his joining the popular side was due to the impressionmade upon him by the Fenian leaders, so many of whom he defended in thetrials from '67 onward; and he has left on record a remarkable testimonyto the purity of their principles and the nobility of their ideals. 

He was lacking in certain qualities, the want of which in his characterprevented him being such a strong leader as O'Connell or Parnell. But, all the same, while he led he gave splendid services--which can never beforgotten--to the cause. 

As I have said, Alfred Crilly and I were generally expected to take theinitiative in any new Irish movement in Liverpool. Accordingly, towardsthe end of 1871, we were asked to make a move in connection with the neworganisation in Ireland. We formed a small committee, and invited IsaacButt to our projected opening demonstration. He was not able to come toour first gathering, but we had many opportunities during the years thatfollowed of making his acquaintance; and, personally, I received manykindnesses at his hands. With Alfred Crilly I was sent to Dublin by theCommittee to find influential speakers for our public inauguralLiverpool demonstration, to be held on the 3rd of January, 1872, ourassociation having been opened some months previously. We secured theservices of Mr. A. M. Sullivan and Professor Galbraith of TrinityCollege. 

When we returned to Liverpool it became our duty to find a chairman forour meeting worthy of the occasion. Mr. Charles Russell, who was firstasked, suggested that we should get some one of more influence thanhimself. "Why not ask Dr. Commins?" he said. 

Dr. Commins was a barrister on the same circuit as Charles Russell. Wedid ask him. He cheerfully consented, and from that hour he was for along time the leading figure in the struggle for Home Rule in GreatBritain, being for several years President of the organisation. There isno more homely and unassuming man, ever accessible to the humblest ofhis fellow-countrymen, than "the Doctor, " as his friends affectionatelycall him. 

He had a brilliant university career, and was a man of such wideattainments that I think there was a general belief amongst LiverpoolIrishmen that he knew _everything_. Accordingly, they used frequently togo to him to settle some knotty point beyond the ordinary conception, and they seldom came away unsatisfied. 

Dr. Commins is an accomplished poet, and was for many years acontributor to the columns of the "Nation" and the "United Irishman" (ofLiverpool). In 1876 he was elected as a Home Ruler to represent VauxhallWard in the Liverpool Town Council. He has ever since been a member ofthat body, being now an Alderman of the city. In due time he became amember of the Irish Parliamentary Party, of which several otherLiverpool Irishmen have been members. 

Liverpool was not alone in forming its Home Rule Association; most ofthe large towns had them in due course, but for some time there was nobond of union between them. This, however, was formed in due time, theman to take the first step in bringing us together being John Barry, then residing in Manchester, and the chief man in our organisationthere. 

John was, therefore, practically the founder of the great organisationwhich, under its various names--of the Home Rule Confederation of GreatBritain. Irish National Land League of Great Britain, Irish NationalLeague of Great Britain, and United Irish League of Great Britain--hasbeen in existence since 1873, working in accordance with and taking thename of whatever has been the recognised organisation for the time beingin Ireland. 

John Barry, who had borne an active share in the struggle forself-government--irrespective of the methods being constitutional orunconstitutional--was a man of attractive personality and anindefatigable worker and organiser. He was the Secretary of theManchester Home Rule Association, and, seeing the want of some body inwhich the various associations in Great Britain would be represented, he, in the name and with the authority of his branch, issued invitationsto the associations then known to exist to send delegates to aConvention to be held in Manchester. To give importance to the occasion, and the necessary authority, Isaac Butt was invited to preside, and toattend a great demonstration in the Free Trade Hall, on the night of theConvention, January 18th, 1873. 

Although I bore an active part in the organising of that first Home RuleConvention of Great Britain, it is only a short time since, after alapse of over thirty years, that I heard from John Barry himself thedifficulty he had in securing the presence of the Home Rule leader. Itwas a long time since we had seen each other, but I found him the samecheery, warm-hearted, generous, and patriotic John Barry as ever. Itwas in the office of his firm in London we met, and took advantage ofthe opportunity to fight our battles over again; and he reminded me ofthe sort of inner circle of the I. R. B. To which he and I, and others whohave since been prominent in Irish politics, belonged. 

He was always, however, a practical patriot, and would use everylegitimate method to serve Ireland. That was why he threw himself withsuch ardour into the Home Rule movement. 

He told me of how he went over to Dublin to secure the promise of IsaacButt to preside at the projected Convention, and to attend thedemonstration in the evening. He got the requisite promise, and theannouncement was made in all good faith in Manchester. So far all lookedpromising; but what was his alarm to hear, within three days of theevent, that Isaac Butt's professional engagements would prevent hisbeing able to attend. Added to this he had heard that Butt, who was of asomewhat irresolute temperament, was being warned that he was fallinginto the hands of a "Fenian gang. "

Barry spent all the money he had in sending to the Irish leader atelegram as earnest, hot, and forcible as he was capable of, beseechinghim to come, and pointing out to him the serious consequences to theCause in Great Britain of his failure to do so. This telegraphic budgetreached Butt in Court; and, as he turned over leaf after leaf of themessage, he said to a friend sitting alongside of him--"This man's inearnest, at any rate, " and immediately wired back--"Will go, if alive. "

Apart from the offensiveness of styling us a "gang, " those who hadwarned Butt of the hands into which he was falling may not, probably, have been far astray as regards some of those from whom he had receivedthe invitation; seeing that when the organisation for Great Britain wasduly formed, John Barry, John Ryan, John Walsh, and myself were electedon the Executive; but, at all events, Isaac Butt turned up. 

Some twenty Home Rule Associations responded to the invitation bysending delegates to the Convention. There is a remarkable contrastbetween this, the first of these Conventions, and those held every yearsince; for, at some of those, several hundreds of branches have beenrepresented--showing the growth of the organisation since 1873. 

At this Manchester Convention, at which Mr. Butt presided, it wasresolved to form a central body from the existing local associations, tobe called the Home Rule Confederation of Great Britain. Isaac Butthimself was elected the first President. I was elected the first GeneralSecretary, and it became my duty to find out the existing associationswhich had not sent delegates to Manchester, and to invite them, as wellas those who had been represented at the present gathering, to asupplementary convention. It was decided to hold this in Birmingham, tocomplete the arrangements made in Manchester for the future working ofthe organisation. 

On the night of the Manchester Convention Mr. Butt was the chief speakerat the public demonstration. Mr. John Ferguson, of Glasgow, was ourChairman. He was a sterling Ulster Protestant Nationalist. Many used tothink he was a Scot. Indeed, I thought at one time myself he must be ofScottish extraction at all events, there being, I thought, more ScottishFergusons than Irish. Speaking to him on the subject, I was reminded byhim of the Irish king, Fergus, the founder of the Scottish monarchy; andhe claimed to be of genuine Irish descent. 

He often used to call on me when I was conducting the "Catholic Times. "At that time he was travelling for his firm of Cameron & Ferguson, whopublished a good many popular works on Irish subjects. We were bothpleased to hear of the initiative John Barry had taken towards theformation of the Irish organisation of Great Britain. If I rememberrightly, John Ferguson was in Liverpool at the time, and we went toManchester together to attend this our first Annual Convention. 

After the Manchester Convention, I found there were considerably moreHome Rule Associations in existence than had been represented at ourfirst gathering. As a consequence we had a much larger and morerepresentative attendance at our adjourned Convention in Birmingham. Mr. Butt presided in the morning and Mr. A. M. Sullivan in the afternoon. 

The Chairman at the public demonstration at night was Father Sherlock, one of the finest specimens of the good old "soggarth aroon" type it hasever been my privilege to meet. Several years afterwards, when I wasorganiser for the League in the Birmingham district, I was right gladto have the opportunity of renewing my acquaintance with him. The verycontact with Father John Sherlock was elevating and inspiring, sotransparent were the simplicity and purity of his life. Here was asaint, I thought, if ever there was one on earth. 

In my experience I have generally found that the men who have taken thelead in most places have been professional men rather than traders. Thiswas true of Birmingham as well as elsewhere. There were no men who didbetter service than Hugh Heinrick, an able journalist (who afterwardsbecame editor of the "United Irishman, " the organ of our Confederation), and Professor Bertram Windle. I was glad to see in the newspapers theannouncement of such a genuine Irishman as Dr. Windle being appointedPresident of the University College, Cork. 

Professor Windle is an honour to his new position, and is as devoted tothe cause of creed and country as he was when one of the Professors ofthe Queen's University, Birmingham. 

During the years when I was organiser for the League in Birmingham; Ibecame intimately acquainted with him. I found him not only a man ofgreat learning, but an earnest Catholic and devoted Irish Nationalist. No man in our organisation did better service, and he was always readyto go at a moment's notice to speak or lecture wherever required. 

As a further illustration of what I have said about the aid given to thecause by professional men, I ought to mention Dr. James Mullin, ofCardiff. He was a leading and active man in his district when Itravelled in South Wales as an organiser. His talent as a poet has madehim well known in Wales, and his accounts of travels in many lands havefound many admiring readers. His heart is as warm as his brain isactive, which is saying much. 

CHAPTER XIV. 

BIGGAR AND PARNELL--THE "UNITED IRISHMAN "--THE O'CONNELL CENTENARY. 

The General Election of 1874 was remarkable as the first since the Unionwhich had clearly and distinctly returned a majority of Irish members ofParliament as Home Rulers. Previously most of them had been returned asLiberals or Tories. It is memorable in my eyes, as it was the occasionwhen two of my personal friends, Alexander Martin Sullivan and JosephGillis Biggar, first entered Parliament. It was in the year after he waselected that Mr. Biggar made his _debut_ as an "obstructionist. "

Charles Stewart Parnell having been, in the spring of 1875, elected assuccessor in the representation of Meath to "honest John Martin, " it wasnot long before the famous "Biggar and Parnell" combination, which wasdestined to revolutionize the whole system of Parliamentary procedure, was created. 

Feeling the necessity for a newspaper representing the views of the HomeRule Confederation and chronicling its work from week to week, theExecutive promoted the formation of a limited liability company for thepurpose, and the outcome was the issue of the "United Irishman, " thefirst number of which appeared on June 4th, 1875. I was appointedmanager, and was also the publisher, the paper being produced at myplace of business, 68 Byrom Street, Liverpool. The following were theDirectors--Andrew Commins, LL. D. , Chairman; and John Barry, JosephGillis Biggar, M. P. , John Ferguson, Richard Mangan, Bernard MacAnulty, and Peter McKinley. William John Oliver was Honorary Secretary, withHugh Heinrick as Editor at the commencement, and Daniel Crillyafterwards. 

The newspaper was fortunate in its Honorary Secretary, for William JohnOliver was one of the most enthusiastic workers we ever had in the HomeRule movement. He was at this time engaged in commerce in Liverpool, having previously been an officer in the Royal Navy. He was ever willingto be "the man in the gap" in case of an emergency, and that was how hebecame for a time the Honorary General Secretary of the Home RuleConfederation. He was always a cheery and, at the same time, aneminently practical man. He took a leading part in our local electionsin Liverpool from the time we began to fight them on Home Ruleprinciples--when the necessity arose, as I have elsewhere explained, tohave public men who were not afraid to identify themselves with thenational cause. 

Hugh Heinrick, our editor, was a brilliant writer, who had, for severalyears, been a strenuous worker in the Home Rule cause. He was a frequentcontributor of poetry to the "Nation" and other national journals, generally over the signature of "Hugh Mac Erin. " He was born in theCounty Wexford in 1831. Before taking up the editorship of the "UnitedIrishman" he was for many years resident in Birmingham, where he was aschoolmaster. He died in 1887. 

Daniel Crilly, one of the most active and eloquent advocates of theIrish cause in Liverpool, succeeded him--this being his maiden effort injournalism. He was afterwards on the staff of the "Nation, " and also didgood service while a member of the Irish Parliamentary Party. 

Among other contributors to the "United Irishman" were Isaac Butt, Dr. Commins, Frank Hugh O'Donnell, Michael Clarke, Captain Kirwan, and FrankByrne. Our poetry was a strong point with us--Dr. Commins, Frank Fox, John Hand, Patrick Clarke, Heber MacMahon, and Miss Bessie Murphy beingamong the contributors. 

When the "United Irishman" was started, the offices of the Home RuleConfederation, which had previously been in Manchester, were forconvenience removed to my place of business. As the executive meetingsand the meetings of the newspaper directors were held there, Ifrequently had the pleasure of meeting under my own roof Irishmen whoeither then were or afterwards became prominent members of the IrishParliamentary Party, including Isaac Butt, Charles Stewart Parnell, andJoseph Biggar. 

Mr. Biggar and I were always great friends. He had the reputation ofbeing close-fisted and penurious; but that this was not so I knew frommany circumstances, though it is quite true he would not allow himselfto be defrauded of a penny. 

He became a Catholic in his later days. Though such of us as were ofthe household of the faith welcomed him into the fold, his conversiondid not increase his value in our eyes--indeed, from a political pointof view, he was of more service to the cause as an Irish Protestant, there being too few of them in our ranks. He had a fresh, pleasant, shrewd-looking face, and spoke with a decided northern accent, which hadsomewhat of a metallic ring. Some of his brother Members of Parliamentthought his "obstruction" methods highly ungentlemanly, but he believedin fighting England with her own weapons. If good Irish measures werenot allowed to pass, he would throw every obstacle in the way of Englishmeasures being carried. The tempest of rage that assailed him in the"House" only added to his popularity outside. Not only was he an immensefavourite amongst Irishmen, but with democratic Englishmen also; and atgreat mass meetings of English miners and agricultural labourers hecould always get resolutions carried by the honest, hard-handed sons oftoil in favour of the restoration of Ireland's rights. 

Biggar used to get many letters approving of the attitude he and Parnellhad taken up in Parliament. One in particular, from a warm admirer, heused to show to his friends with great glee. It was a song in the old"Come-all-ye" style. A few lines I can remember sang in words of highcommendation of--

 --Joseph Biggar, That man of rigour, Whose form and figure Do foes appal!

My place being the head-quarters of the Confederation at this time, thefact of my being known to be generally on the spot made me a kind of"man in the gap, " to fill up engagements likely to fall through for wantof a speaker. In this way I was often rushed off to distant parts of thecountry at the shortest notice. 

The most important Irish event in 1875 was the celebration of theO'Connell Centenary in Dublin, on Friday, August 6th. Our Confederationwas well represented in the processions, there being, as might beexpected from its proximity, a large contingent from Liverpool. So greatwas the rush to cross the Channel for the celebration that we charteredseveral of the fine steamers of the City of Dublin Company, and keptthem for several days fully employed in crossing and recrossing. 

The pity of it was that there should be two processions--the magnificentdisplay organised by the official Centenary Committee and the processiongot up by the Amnesty Association. 

The speeches of Messrs. Butt, Sullivan, and Power on the platformerected in what was then Sackville Street, when the outdoor displaybroke up, explained why the Amnesty Committee and their friendsconsidered that a protest was necessary and justifiable--hence thesecond procession. The chief objections to the action of the officialcommittee were that, while all honour was to be paid to the memory ofO'Connell as the Liberator of his Catholic fellow-countrymen, hisservices as the champion of the political freedom of the Irish peoplewere being kept in the background. Also--and that was why the AmnestyAssociation for the release of political prisoners took the initiativein the protest against the action of the Centenary Committee--because, on a great national occasion like this, the very existence of themartyrs for freedom, who were suffering in English prisons, appeared tobe forgotten. Such forgetfulness was considered at the least highlyinappropriate. 

There was much indignation, too, that Lord O'Hagan should have beenchosen to speak the panegyric on O'Connell, seeing that he had actuallysentenced some of those very prisoners. 

The Irish organisation in Great Britain sympathised with these views, and the various branches sending contingents showed their feelings bythrowing in their part with the Amnesty Association. 

The contingent from Great Britain was, on the proposition of Mr. PatrickEgan, given the place of honour in front of the amnesty processionwhich, on the morning of the Centenary celebration, the 6th of August, 1875, started from Beresford Place, near the Custom House. The bannersof the three Liverpool branches were a picturesque feature in theprocession, as also was the Sarsfield Band, a body of fine youngLiverpool Irishmen who headed our contingent. 

CHAPTER XV. 

HOME RULE IN LOCAL ELECTIONS--PARNELL SUCCEEDS BUTT AS PRESIDENT OF THEIRISH ORGANISATION IN GREAT BRITAIN. 

It was at the Liverpool Municipal Elections of 1875 that we firstintroduced the question of Home Rule into local politics. When we wereholding our inaugural meeting to establish the Home Rule organisation inthe town, we could not get any of our Irish public men to take thechair. The reason was that these had not been elected as Irishmen but asLiberals. As a matter of fact, we had in Dr. Commins a man immenselysuperior to any of them. But we thought that men who had been elected topublic positions mainly by Irish votes should not refuse to identifythemselves with the national movement, and to help it by whateverinfluence they possessed. We therefore decided to _make_ some publicmen. In Scotland and Vauxhall Wards we had a clear majority, but thoughthe Irish vote in these wards was expected for Liberal candidates, whowere not Irish or Catholic, in no other ward could a Catholic orIrishman be elected. We, therefore, commenced to make a change byputting forward for Scotland Ward one of our own men, Lawrence Connolly, as a Home Ruler, and elected him _as such_. He afterwards sat in theImperial Parliament for an Irish constituency. His election was followedin succeeding years by that of other Home Rulers, so that there was soona considerable Nationalist Party in the City Council, and no lack ofpublic men to do the honours for the Irishmen of Liverpool when anydistinguished fellow-countryman came amongst them. Their civic utilitywas very great. 

Though I have been over twenty years out of Liverpool, I have never lostsight of what has been going on there, and I am pleased to find that theyounger generation--men whom we, the elders, have borne some share intraining--have improved upon our work, and that there are nowconsiderably more aldermen and city councillors than in our time. 

That they are doing good work I am well satisfied, and nothing gives megreater pleasure than to read from time to time in the papers such itemsas a recent one--the presentation of a congratulatory address from thelocal branches of the United Irish League to Councillor Thomas Burke onthe occasion of his being made a magistrate of the city of Liverpool. Iam somewhat proud of Tom Burke. I remember having charge of someelection that was going on, and his coming to me, a very small boy, fromBlundell Street, to offer his services. I put him in harness at once, and he has been at work in the Cause ever since, and it is with pleasurethat I recognise the fact that he is a good type of numerous Irishmenwho were either born in Liverpool or spent most of their lives in thatcity. 

There was a dear old _Soggarth_ at St. Joseph's, who did good servicefor us in our first municipal election in Scotland Ward. He had, previous to this, been a fellow priest with my uncle, Father BernardO'Loughlin, in the Isle of Man. As Father Peter McGrath was a good Irishscholar, he was soon able to make himself understood by such of the Manxpeople as still retained their native speech, its basis being, like thelanguage spoken in the Scottish Highlands, practically--making allowancefor provincialisms--the Gaelic spoken in Ireland. This was a great helpto him and his brother priest in disarming prejudice. 

Before I met Father McGrath in Liverpool I had heard from my uncle ofhis delightful and saintly character. He was a ministering angel amongour people in his district, which was one of the poorest in Liverpool. His charity was unbounded. Going on a sick call and being at the end ofhis monetary resources--for let his friends give him ever so much hewould never leave himself a penny--he had been known to give away hisown underclothing, and even to carry away his bed-clothes to relievesome case of abject poverty. 

He was a thorough Nationalist, and was delighted when we first raisedthe banner of Home Rule in Scotland Ward and made honest LawrenceConnolly our standard bearer. As part of the Ward was in his district, he was by far the best canvasser we had. Day by day he used to call onme to hear of the progress we were making. With the active personalhelp and the prayers of a saintly man like Father McGrath how could welose?

The return of a Home Ruler at an English municipal election was theforerunner of a still greater victory won in the same Scotland Ward, which as a Division of the Parliamentary Borough of Liverpool returnedto Parliament some ten years afterwards the only Irish Home Ruler who, _as such_, sits for a British constituency--Mr. T. P. O'Connor. 

At the Annual Convention of the Home Rule Confederation, held in theRotunda, Dublin, August 21st, 1876, Dr. Commins in the chair, a vote ofconfidence in Mr. Butt was passed. At the same time what was known asthe "Obstruction" policy was endorsed, though Mr. Butt had given itschief exponents, Biggar and Parnell, no countenance. It was alsoresolved to remove the headquarters of the Confederation from Liverpoolto London. 

Although, out of respect for his distinguished services, Mr. Butt wasallowed to remain as the nominal leader up to the time of his death, itis quite evident that our people favoured the more active policy of theyounger men. 

At a banquet given on the night of this Convention in the AncientConcert Room, Mr. Butt, as chairman, gave the toast of "The Queen, Lordsand Commons of Ireland. " It will be seen elsewhere that I have alwaysobjected to join in this toast on the ground that it implies anacceptance of the existing condition of government in Ireland. Findingit on the list, I remained away, but I am afraid my friends, who knew myviews, were scandalized at seeing in the newspaper report my name givenas having been present. How it occurred was through the reporter, desiring, no doubt, to save himself the trouble of making out a newlist, giving the names of those who had been present at the Conventionas having attended the banquet. I had a somewhat similar experience at aNewcastle-on-Tyne Convention--sixteen years later. The Newcastle men, inthe interval between the Convention and the banquet, asked my opinionabout the toast list. I gave them a sketch of what I thought a good one, but said, "Don't have the Queen. " They said they wouldn't, and I went tothe banquet. I was surprised to hear the chairman giving "The Queen, Lords and Commons of Ireland. " There was nothing for me to do but walkout. 

In Mr. Parnell Mr. Biggar found a colleague after his own heart inworking the "Obstruction" policy. From the time when I made theacquaintance of Parnell, when he came amongst us, a shy-looking youngman, under the wing of Isaac Butt, we were drawn towards each other--hebecause he looked upon me, from my life-long experience of them, as anauthority upon our people in this country, and I because I was impressedby the terrible earnestness that I soon recognised underlying the youngman's apparently impassive and unemotional exterior. I was one of thefirst he came in contact with in this country, and I believe he unbenthimself and showed more of his really enthusiastic nature to me than hedid to most men. He used to speak unreservedly to me. He knew my viewsas to Irishmen taking the oath of allegiance and entering the BritishParliament, of which he was at that time a member. He knew that, holdingthese views, I could not enter the British Parliament myself, though hewould have liked to see me there. With me it was a matter of conscience;I could not take an oath of allegiance to any but an Irish Government. At the same time, I have always been practical, and willing to fightIreland's battles with the weapons that come readiest to my hand. I, therefore, always gave what support I could to the Irish ParliamentaryParty, who could conscientiously enter the House of Commons, and to therecognised Irish organisations for the time being. 

It is not to be expected that every Irishman, even every IrishNationalist, will be of one mind as to which way his duty lies inserving his country. After all, a man who can honestly say "I am anIrishman and I love my country" is already nine-tenths of the way tobeing a Nationalist. If such a man tries to do his best, according tohis lights, for Ireland, he is entitled to all possible sympathy fromeven those who are working on other lines. 

On one occasion, when Parnell had returned from a special mission toAmerica, I had a long discussion with him on these points, and was boundto admit that the British Government would have been much better pleasedto encounter an insurrection in Ireland, which they could easily putdown, than the policy of the so-called "Obstructionists" in Parliament. Again, I said, there was another fact which I recognised. This was thathis being sent on a mission to America, whence he was then returning, showed the value of having a man holding such a well-recognised positionas a member of Parliament, elected by the votes of hisfellow-countrymen, in case we had to send a representative to speak inthe name of Ireland to some other nation, a circumstance which hadhappened before and might again. I said this, even taking into accountthe apparent failure of the mission to America, from which he wasreturning, for circumstances might arise in which the head of a Statemight be glad to recognise an embassy like theirs. He told me that wasexactly how he viewed the subject. 

It was in Dr. Commins' office that we had this conversation, and at ourrequest Mr. Parnell postponed his departure to Ireland in order toattend a celebration we were having that night of Home Rule victories wehad achieved in two wards of the town, in Vauxhall by the return of Dr. Commins to the Town Council, and in Scotland Ward by the election of Dr. Alexander Bligh. Parnell's appearance at our festival, which was held onMonday, November 13th, 1876, was a pleasing surprise to those present, who were not aware of his return from America, and this added to theintensity of the outburst of joy and enthusiastic applause which greetedhim. 

One of the most important of our Annual Conventions in Great Britain wasthat held in Liverpool on 27th August, 1877. Everything showed that, while our people in Ireland and here still loved the old leader, theyfavoured the policy of "Obstruction. " At this Convention there was nointention of displacing Mr. Butt from his position as President of theorganisation. They would have retained him on account of hisdistinguished services and eminently lovable character. But the old manhimself could see plainly enough that the people wanted to move fasterthan he was willing to lead, and, notwithstanding the appeals made tohim, insisted upon resigning his position. The Convention beingcompelled to accept his resignation, Charles Stewart Parnell was electedPresident of the organisation in his place. This was an indication ofwhat was likely to follow, for though Mr. Butt retained the nominalleadership of the Irish Parliamentary Party up to the time of his death, Parnell was the real leader, and eventually, after a short interval, when Mr. Shaw held the office, became the Chairman of the IrishParliamentary Party. 

John Ferguson was, I think, the first man publicly to indicate Parnellas the probable successor of Butt. But so great is the dread in ourpeople of even the semblance of disunion, that many, myself among thenumber, expostulated with him for this. Events, however, showed he wasright, and Mr. Butt himself plainly felt that it was inevitable. But atthe Convention, when Butt had distinctly refused to hold the office ofPresident any longer, nothing could be finer than the tribute paid toour retiring leader by Mr. John Ferguson in proposing the election ofMr. Parnell as his successor. As I was asked to take the officialaccount of that Convention, and have kept a record of it, I here give afew words of his and some of the other speeches. He said:--

 It is my intention to propose Mr. Parnell as the head of the Confederation. At the same time I feel the greatest possible regret that our grand old chieftain who, in trying times, raised the Irish banner, who has so long guided us, and who has been with us in so many hard fights, is to retire from amongst us. We are grateful to Issac Butt for leading us so far, but we are going to try a more determined policy, and Mr. Butt holds views different from those we are determined to carry out. I hope, though, he will take counsel with the true and earnest men of the Party, and that, after a time, he will return to lead us at this side of the water. 

Mr. John Barry, Mr. Biggar and others spoke in the same strain. 

So also did Mr. Parnell, who, concluding his speech seconding the voteof thanks to Mr. Butt, said:--

 I must confess to not having Mr. Butt's confidence in English justice and sense of right. It is not too late for him to see a way to deal with England that will obtain freedom for our country--a way that will show England that, if she will dare to trifle with Irish demands, it will be at the risk of endangering those institutions she feels so proud of, but which Irishmen have no reason to respect. To Mr. Butt is due a debt of gratitude by the Irish people which they can never repay, for he has taught them self-reliance and knowledge of their power. If I have felt it my duty to put myself in antagonism with Mr. Butt I hope he will forgive me. If I have said or written harsh things I have never said more nor less than was due to the gravity of the occasion. 

Mr. O'Donnell, who expressed a wish that the next session might find Mr. Butt at the head of a United Irish Party, supported the vote of thanksto Mr. Butt, which was carried unanimously, and with all sincerity anddepth of feeling. 

Mr. Butt replied, saying he would be ashamed of himself if he wereunmoved by that vote, and the manner in which it had been passed. Hehoped that the wish expressed by Mr. O'Donnell might be realized, and itwould not be his fault if they had not a United Irish Party in the Houseof Commons. After expressing his good wishes for the Home RuleConfederation of Great Britain, which he hoped might long continue toassert the power of the Irish people in this country, he took hisfarewell. 

Mr. Parnell was then elected President. 

The Convention of 1877 ended with the adoption of a resolution, on themotion of Mr. Peter Mulhall (Liverpool), seconded by Mr. Ryan (Bolton):--

 That this Convention of the Home Rule Confederation of Great Britain hereby endorses the vigorous policy of the Home Rule Parliamentary Party who are termed "Obstructionists. "

Mr. Mulhall just mentioned was an active worker in the National ranks inLiverpool, and even a more valuable adherent a little later was hisyounger brother James, one of the most thorough, sincere, and upright ofour young men, who never spared himself when there was good work to do. 

Before the venerable figure of Isaac Butt disappears from the scene, letme say a few words about his eminently agreeable personality. 

There was not an atom of selfishness about him. I remember his makinglittle of the difficulties some people used to raise in connection withthe planning of a Home Rule Bill, and saying, "Three men sitting round atable could in a short time draw up a plan of Home Rule for Ireland thatwould act, providing people all round meant honestly. "

He used to tell us humorous anecdotes of his experiences in the courts, of which I can recollect the following one: "A man came before amagistrate to have a neighbour bound over to keep the peace. In hisdeposition he stated after the usual preamble: 'That said Barney Trainorat said time and place threatened to send said deponent's soul to thelowest pit of Hell, and this deponent veribly believes that had it notbeen for the interference of the bystanders the aforesaid Barney Trainorwould have accomplished his horrible purpose. '"

Another story that I remember him telling was as to the origin of "BogLatin. " A sheriff's officer was sent to serve a writ, but the object ofhis search took refuge in a bog. The sheriff's officer, determined to dothe thing properly, endorsed his writ "Non comeatibus in swampo, " and inIrish legal circles the term "Bog Latin" was thereafter used to describeany mode of caricature of the ancient tongue. 

In something less than two years after Charles Stewart Parnell hadsucceeded him as our President, Isaac Butt died, on the 5th of May, 1879, mourned by Ireland as one of the most brilliant, patriotic, andself-sacrificing men she had ever nurtured. 

Of the members of Parliament and embryo members present at the 1877Convention, I should say a word of Tim Healy, by which name he is mostfrequently known, who, since then, has been on many occasions one of themost prominent figures in Irish politics. 

From the day when I first met him, a keen, quick-witted, enthusiasticIrish lad of about 18, from Newcastle-on-Tyne, until this 1877Convention and later, he did good work for the Cause. Great as is myaffection for him, my pain at his attitude in recent years has been asgreat. 

From the time we began to work together in the Home Rule movement Ishould say that Timothy Healy had not left his native place, Bantry, more than a couple of years. 

He is related to the Sullivan family, the connection being still closerfrom the fact that his wife is a daughter of our veteran poet, T. D. Sullivan, for whom I have always had the warmest admiration. 

Like myself, Healy had a leaning towards journalism, and we had a commonground in our admiration of the "Nation" newspaper, not only the"Nation" of O'Connell and the Young Irelanders, but of the Sullivans. 

Nothing, therefore, could be more congenial to him than to fill the postof London letter writer to that paper. 

He made his mark at once, as being a worthy scholar of the "Nation"school, both past and present, and no one recognised this more quicklythan Charles Stewart Parnell. It was no doubt this appreciation thatprompted the new Irish leader to ask Tim Healy to become his privatesecretary. 

Parnell possessed in a remarkable degree a gift which was of greatservice to him during his political career as the successor of IsaacButt. This was the faculty of weighing up the special qualities of thevarious members of the Irish Party and using them accordingly. Withoutattempting for a moment to underrate Parnell as a great leader of men, Imust say that there were members of the Party far abler in many respectsthan he was, and, no doubt, in looking around for someone to supply thequalities in which he, himself, was wanting, he could see that Healy wasthe very man for his purpose. 

When he was in America he wired to Tim offering him the post, whichoffer was at once accepted, and, in the shortest possible time, Parnell's new secretary had crossed the Atlantic, and was by his sideready to be put in harness at once. It was an excellent combination, andthere can be no doubt but that, during the time that the connectionexisted between them, Parnell owed much towards the successful carryingon of the national struggle to his young secretary's inspiration. 

Michael Davitt, in his "Fall of Feudalism, " pays a high tribute toHealy's splendid service in connection with Gladstone's Land Act. Undoubtedly his was the credit for what became known as the "HealyClause, " which provided that no rent should be payable for land onimprovements made by the tenant himself or his immediate predecessor. Not only was this credit conceded to him of being the author of thisclause by distinguished fellow-countrymen like Michael Davitt and LordRussell of Killowen, but by Mr. Gladstone himself. 

As I have referred to the opinions expressed on Healy in MichaelDavitt's book, perhaps I may be forgiven if I go out of my way somewhatin referring to another passage in the same book, in which he pays awell-deserved tribute to a noble Irishman, Patrick Ford, of the New York"Irish World, " with which, in common with Irish Nationalists the worldover, I cordially agree. There are some men whom you may never have seenin the flesh, but whom you feel, through correspondence with them and inother ways, that you know none the less thoroughly all the same. Such aman is Patrick Ford. It is nearly forty years since I first made hisacquaintance, and the years that have passed have only increased myregard for him. 

I had the pleasure of welcoming in the columns of the "Catholic Times, "which was then under my direction, the first number of the "IrishWorld. " I could feel at once that the paper and the man who edited ithad for me a congenial ring about them. I am deeply indebted for thekindly and generous interest which Patrick Ford has so long personallyand in the columns of the "Irish World" shewn in the success of my Irishpublications, and I am delighted to have the opportunity of joining inthe tribute paid to him by Michael Davitt. 

CHAPTER XVI. 

MICHAEL DAVITT'S RETURN FROM PENAL SERVITUDE--PARNELL AND THE "ADVANCED"ORGANISATION. 

In the year following the Liverpool Home Rule Convention of 1877, I hadthe pleasure of welcoming back to freedom my old friend, Michael Davitt, after he had been in penal servitude close upon eight years. He had beenreleased, along with other Fenian prisoners, and, with CorporalChambers, came on April 28th, 1878, to a gathering we organised and heldin the Adelphi Theatre, Liverpool, for the benefit of the liberated men, John O'Connor Power being the lecturer for the occasion, and Dr. Comminsour chairman. 

Michael Davitt, on rising to speak, was received with a terrificoutburst of cheering, again and again repeated. 

I was sitting immediately behind him on the platform, and I noticed, while he was speaking, a constant nervous twitching of his hand, whichhe held behind his back, and he was evidently in a state ofhighly-strung excitement. I was not surprised when we had that day apainful proof of how the prison treatment had undermined hisconstitution. After the gathering we brought the released prisoners andthe principal speakers to be entertained at the house of Patrick Byrne, a warm-hearted, patriotic Irishman, and were much alarmed when Davittfell into a deep faint, from which he only recovered through theministrations of one of our most respected Liverpool Nationalists, Dr. Bligh, who fortunately was present. For a few moments it seemed as if henever would revive. 

There is no doubt but that their treatment during their long term ofpenal servitude seriously affected the health of several of the Irishpolitical prisoners. It was only three months previous to his visit tous in Liverpool that Davitt reached Dublin, with three others of thereleased prisoners--Sergeant McCarthy, Corporal Chambers, and JohnO'Brien. To the consternation of his friends, McCarthy died suddenly atMorrison's Hotel, on January 15th, the cause, it was believed, beingheart disease. This caused such a shock to Chambers that his life, too, was put in danger. I was pleased to see him restored to health afterthis when he called on me in Liverpool with his brother, with whom I waswell acquainted. The shock of the sudden death of his friend McCarthymust have affected Michael Davitt too, as we found from the report ofour friend, Dr. Bligh, in what a precarious state of health he must havebeen at the time. It will be remembered that Rickard Burke becameinsane, it was thought, and stated in Parliament, owing to his treatmentwhile in Chatham Prison. 

Following our Liverpool gathering, we had on Sunday, May 5th, a meetingin the St. Helens Theatre for the same object. At this Parnell as wellas Davitt was present. Speaking that day by desire of our St. Helensfriends, I called attention to the appropriateness of our addressing theassembly from the boards of a theatre on which there had been the mimicrepresentation of many a stirring drama. But no play the audience hadever witnessed on those boards could exceed in dramatic interest thelife of the released convict, Michael Davitt. Nay, more, the grudgingterms on which he had been released enabled him to appear that day inthe real living character of a "Ticket-of-Leave-Man, " which, no doubt, they had seen impersonated on those boards by some clever actor in theplay of the same name. 

I am reminded of that St. Helens meeting by a passage in MichaelDavitt's book "The Fall of Feudalism in Ireland. " I travelled fromLiverpool to St. Helens to attend the meeting in the same carriage withMr. Parnell. As I could always speak unreservedly to him I knew thatthough he would not actually join the advanced organisation, he regardedit as a useful force behind the constitutional movement. In thecarriage, which it so happened we had to ourselves, we discussed theprobabilities of the result of a resort to physical force for securingIrish freedom, should circumstances justify such a course, for Parnellwould not have shrunk from taking the field if there had been areasonable hope of success. Singularly enough, I find in MichaelDavitt's book that he himself, on the day of that same St. Helensmeeting, made an advance to Parnell with a view to getting him to jointhe revolutionary organisation, should the conditions be somewhatmodified. Up till then I had seen more of Parnell than Davitt had andhad enjoyed his full confidence. I had, therefore, come to theconclusion, from my conversations with him, that he was of far moreservice to the Irish cause as he was than if he had actually joined therevolutionary movement. I am not surprised, therefore, at Parnell'sanswer to Davitt: "No, I will never join any political secret society, oath bound or otherwise. My belief is that useful things for our Causecan be done in the British Parliament. "

Nevertheless, I remember one public utterance of his which always struckme as most statesmanlike. After a frank statement that he was in favourof constitutional Home Rule, he, with equal frankness, declined tosubscribe to the entire finality of that solution of the Irish problem. How, he asked, could he or any man put bounds to the progress of anation?

Seeing that Gladstone gave as one reason for the disestablishing of theIrish Church "the intensity of Fenianism, " so, in the same way, no onerecognised more than Parnell did that the existence of a physical forcemovement was a strong argument for those engaged in the moral forceagitation. Therefore he was always anxious to conciliate and evencultivate the advanced element. Of this I will here give oneillustration, out of many I could mention, and this in connection withthe custom of drinking what was called "the loyal toast, " which at onetime used to be observed at some Home Rule celebrations. It is a matteron which I have already explained my point of view. 

On one occasion Mr. Parnell was invited by the Liverpool branches to aSt. Patrick's Day banquet at the Adelphi Hotel, where the drinking ofthe "loyal" toast was part of the programme. With the rest of thecommittee I met him at the railway station on his arrival, and came withhim to the hotel. After some conversation I was bidding him"good-night!" when he asked, as he took my hand, "Where are you going, Denvir? Are you not going to stay for the banquet?" I had not intendedmentioning it, but as he asked me so pointedly, I felt bound to tell himmy objection to being present. He did not attempt to controvert what Isaid, but still asked where I was going. I then told him I had beeninvited to a St. Patrick's celebration where the toast was _not_ to bedrunk, the gathering being one of our advanced Nationalist friends. 

He at once said "I should like to go there. " I told him I was sure theywould be delighted to see him, and that, as theirs was a dance, and itwould be kept up pretty late, I would come back for him after thebanquet, and take him to the other celebration. Our friends were wellpleased at his wish to attend, and asked me to go back and bring him towhere a hearty _cead mile failte_ awaited him. In due time I brought himover, and they gave him an enthusiastic reception, he being quite asdelighted to be present as they were to receive him, and they werestill more pleased when he addressed a few words to them. 

But that was as far as Parnell would go, and his answer to Davitt thatday at St. Helens pretty well indicated the course he intended to pursuein connection with the cause of Ireland. 

Indeed, it is on record that in later years Michael Davitt altered hisown view to such an extent that he would no longer have made thatproposition to Parnell. 

There was no man whose regard I more valued than that of Michael Davitt. Amongst all the vicissitudes of Irish politics our friendship was anunbroken one. He was little more than a boy when I first met him at asmall gathering to which none but the initiated were admitted. From thefirst I was strongly drawn towards that tall, dark-complexioned, bright-eyed, modest youth, with his typical Celtic face and figure. Hewas in company with Arthur Forrester, who was a fluent speaker andwriter, and who on this occasion did most of the talking, Davitt onlythrowing in some shrewd remark from time to time. We know since that hehad in him the natural gift of oratory, though it was not that so muchas other qualities which gave him the commanding position in Irishpolitics which he afterwards reached. 

He had then spent several of the best years of his life in penalservitude for his connection with the physical force movement. Thinkinglong and hard in the solitude of his prison cell, Davitt resolved thatthe first vital need of Ireland was to plant firmly in the soil ofIreland the people who were being uprooted--in other words, the landsystem must be changed. 

The result of his convictions was the formation of the Irish NationalLand League, which dated its birth from the great meeting projected byDavitt and held at Irishtown in April, 1879. Mr. Parnell was electedPresident of the new organisation, Mr. Patrick Egan treasurer, andMichael Davitt was one of the secretaries. He has been justly called the"Father" of the Land League. 

One of the earliest acts of the Land League was to endeavour to stop thetide of emigration from Ireland. In this connection, as certainemigration schemes had been set on foot in England, a branch of theLeague was founded in Liverpool at my request by Parnell and Davitt. 

In consequence of the prevailing distress and impending famine, Mr. Parnell was asked by the Irish National League to go to America to getthe assistance of our people there, and Mr. John Dillon was asked toaccompany him. 

Though there was little done by the Government to relieve the distress, the Irish people could always get coercion without stint, and Messrs. Davitt, Daly and Killen were arrested for "seditious" speeches inconnection with the Land League agitation. 

To protest against this, Mr. Parnell, previous to his departure forAmerica, attended a great open-air demonstration in Liverpool. Thegathering was held in the open space in front of St. George's Hall, andit was computed that about 50, 000 people were present. When the meetingwas publicly announced, there was a proclamation from the OrangeSociety, calling upon the brethren to put down the "Seditiousgathering. " Upon this our committee took the precaution of enrollingstalwart "stewards" to preserve order. Among those who offered theirservices were a large number of the Irish Volunteer Corps, under thecommand of Sergeant James MacDonnell, a County Down man of fineproportions and shrewd brain. To him was entrusted the direction of thewhole body of our men on the day of the meeting. The advanced party alsogave their services, and non-commissioned officers and men of the othervolunteer corps besides the Irish, skilled in military movements, gavevaluable help. Round the platform were a select body of nearly athousand men, many of them carrying revolvers in their pockets, readyfor action. 

The Orange body must have heard of our elaborate preparations, andfinding "discretion the better part of valour, " they countermanded theirproclamation to break up the meeting. 

The authorities of the town made full preparations to cope with possibledisturbances, and inside St. George's Hall they had, carefully kept outof view, a large body of the town police, armed with revolvers inaddition to their batons. In a window of the North Western Hotel, overlooking the meeting, was the chief constable, and with him weremagistrates, prepared to read the Riot Act if necessary. 

It was arranged that as I was at that time probably the best known manin the Irish body in Liverpool, I should be stationed on a prominentpart of the platform, which consisted of two lorries, in view of all, and alongside me, our general, Sergeant MacDonnell. As showing how wellin hand was that immense body of people it was remarked that when thecarriage of Dr. John Bligh, whose guest Mr. Parnell was, drew up in thestreet, facing the platform, and when I made a motion with both hands, to show where a passage was to be made for Mr. Parnell from the streetto the platform, how quickly and accurately the opening was made in thatdense and apparently impenetrable body of people. 

In Ireland, at this time, men were being prosecuted for what were termed"seditious" speeches. When Mr. Parnell stood up to speak he stepped upona chair, that he might be the better seen, and said "I am going to makea seditious speech. " A strong motion was passed at this meetingcondemnatory of coercion in Ireland. On the same evening a greatdemonstration was held in the League Hall. 

The authorities must have considered the St. George's Hall meeting avery serious business, and it was evidently made note of by the policefor use afterwards. 

At the "_Times_ Forgeries Commission, " Mr. Parnell was questioned aboutthis gathering, and about several on the platform who were mentioned byname. Asked if this one or that one were connected with the Fenianmovement, he generally answered he did not think so. When my name wasput to him by the Attorney-General (now the Lord Chief Justice), who wascross-examining him, he replied "He might have been. "

In a short time after the Liverpool demonstration Messrs. Parnell andDillon went to America, as had been arranged. They were everywherereceived with enthusiasm, and obtained sympathy and substantial help asthe ambassadors of Ireland. 

CHAPTER XVII. 

BLOCKADE RUNNING--ATTEMPTED SUPPRESSION OF "UNITED IRELAND"--WILLIAMO'BRIEN AND HIS STAFF IN JAIL--HOW PAT EGAN KEPT THE FLAG FLYING. 

"United Ireland suppressed" was the chief headline in the morning paperson the Friday before the Christmas of 1881. 

In point of fact, what had happened was that the detectives, actingunder the extraordinary powers given by the special "law" in force inIreland, had invaded the offices of the Land League organ the nightbefore, and seized all the copies of the paper found on the premises. 

It was a bungled job, for the country edition had already gone out, including the supplies for England and Scotland, so that the only copiesseized were those intended for Dublin and the suburbs. 

Nothing indicated the intensity of the struggle going on between thegovernment and the people more than the dead set which was being madeagainst "United Ireland. " Its editor was in jail, its sub-editor was injail, most of its contributors were in jail, even the commercial andmechanical staffs had been seized, one by one, and in the paper eachweek the names and descriptions of the victims appeared, prominentlyset out in tabular form, in the place where the first leading articlehad previously been printed. 

But, in spite of these difficulties, the paper appeared regularly eachweek, its fiery spirit not a whit abated, and its outspoken exposure ofMr. "Buckshot" Forster and his methods in no way curtailed. Confrontedwith this open failure, the government swallowed the last vestige of itsregard for appearances, and made the bold attack on the liberty of thepress involved in the seizure and attempted suppression of "UnitedIreland. "

It was not the first time (nor has it been the last) in Ireland that anational organ was thus attacked. From the days of the United Irishmen, towards the close of the 18th century, to those of 1867, there had beena long series of suppressions, of which, perhaps, John Mitchel's "UnitedIrishman" (1847) and the Fenian "Irish People" are the best rememberedinstances. 

In this case, however, the leaders of the popular movement determinedthat they would not be put down, but would use all "the resources ofcivilization"--to quote Mr. Gladstone's famous phrase--to keep the flagflying. I am very proud of the fact that they invited me to be theirinstrument. 

What happened was that two members of the printing staff, Mr. EdwardDonnelly, foreman, and Mr. William MacDonnell, assistant foreman, escaped to England, taking with them stereo plates of the "suppressed"issue. From these plates, my own jobbing machines not being big enoughto print a full-sized newspaper, I got a local firm to print sufficientcopies to cover the Dublin supply, which, as I have explained, had beenthe only part of the issue which fell into the hands of the police. Aquantity of these papers, made up in innocent looking parcels, my son, then a schoolboy, took over with him in the steamer from Liverpool toDublin, as personal luggage. He was to take them to the address whichhad been given to him of a member of the staff who was then "on hiskeeping. " I was alarmed the following morning, Christmas Eve, 1881, toread in the newspapers of the arrest of this gentleman, and feared thatmy son would also fall into the hands of the police. But he had actedwith wariness. Leaving the luggage behind him in the steamer, until hefound how the land lay, he saw the people of the house, heard of thearrest, and at once made his own arrangements for supplying the Dublinnewsagents, in which task he received invaluable help from two gentlemenon the "Nation" staff, Daniel Crilly and Eugene O'Sullivan. 

Thus the _whole_ of the issue of the "suppressed" number actuallyreached its destination. For future issues arrangements were madebetween my old friend Mr. Patrick Egan, Treasurer of the Land League, who was then in Paris, and myself. Our letters were never addresseddirect, but always through third persons, the intermediary in Parisbeing Mr. James Vincent Taaffe, and, in Liverpool, Miss Kate Swift. Mr. Egan had been sent to Paris to keep the League Funds out of the hands ofDublin Castle, and to maintain intact the machinery of the League, for, it must be remembered, Parnell, Davitt, William O'Brien, and most of ourprominent men were at the time in jail. 

Although illegal in Ireland, there was nothing in the ordinary law toprevent the printing and circulation of "United Ireland" in GreatBritain. Arrangements were, therefore, made with the MetropolitanPrinting Works, London, for the future production of the paper. Forseveral weeks the papers were printed by that firm, and sent to my placeof business in Byrom Street, Liverpool. 

As I had, in ordinary course, to supply the whole of the newsagents inEngland, Wales and Scotland, the police, by whom my place was, by dayand night, closely watched, could not know if in the quantity sent to mefrom London I was getting a supply for Ireland. 

The parcels for Ireland I could not send direct from Byrom Street, asthey would be followed by the police and traced. Therefore, for packingand forwarding to Ireland, we used a fish-curing shed, not far fromByrom Street, lent for the purpose by a patriotic Irishman, Patrick DeLacy Garton, at that time a member of the Liverpool City Council. 

With so many friends in Liverpool willing to assist, it was notdifficult to get the parcels of papers, through one channel or another, into our depot each week. 

I engaged the services of Mr. Michael Wolohan, to go to Ireland, and actas forwarding agent. It was his task to get people in various parts ofthe country to receive parcels of "United Ireland, " the papers beingpacked in such fashion as to correspond with the business of the personto whom each consignment was made. 

For instance, the edition for the week ending December 31st was packedin hampers provided by Mr. Garton, who advised me to send the lot asdried fish, and found a reliable consignee for them in Ireland. The"dried fish" arrived safely, and then the most arduous part of MichaelWolohan's work began. For it was difficult to get the actual parcels of"United Ireland" into the hands of the agents and sub-agents unknown tothe police, but this he did with consummate address, and on the wholevery successfully. 

On one occasion Michael wrote me he had a good consignee for "woollengoods. " Nothing easier, for here was Edward Purcell, a clothier, one ofour own young men, who afterwards became a city alderman, having a goodbusiness in Byrom Street, Liverpool. Besides helping actively with the"blockade running" in other ways, he at once gave us the necessarywrappers in which he had got his own goods from his woollen merchants, and assisted in packing our "woollen goods" in the correct fashion. Needless to say, these safely reached the consignee in Ireland. 

Although there was no illegality in printing "United Ireland" in London, the printers were perpetually harassed by the police to frighten theminto giving up the job. The parcels for the British newsagents could notlegally be stopped, but with the watchful eye of the police all overIreland on the look-out for the proscribed paper, it is not surprisingthat individual parcels fell into their hands. For that reason we tookcare to send the various kinds of goods in the names of mercantile firmswhose loyalty was unquestionable. I should say that to this day thesefirms have no idea of the large Irish trade they were doing at thisparticular time. 

But Liverpool became much too suspicious a place to send from. Itherefore adopted the plan of sending parcels, made up as various kindsof merchandise, to friends in Manchester, from which city there wasregular communication with inland towns in Ireland, and these friendssent on the parcels to their destinations more safely than if goingdirect from Liverpool. 

This scheme was working smoothly enough, but eventually the Londonprinters were frightened into giving up the contract, and the printinghad to be transferred to Paris. 

It is needless to say that, during this time, Michael Wolohan, our agentin Ireland (whose name had for the time being become Brownrigg), had theutmost difficulty in escaping the attention of the police. Some parcelshe was sending by the Broadstone terminus were detected and seized. Whattroubled him most was that, as he paid a considerable sum for carriageon these, and as the railway company had not forwarded them, he wasentitled to have the money returned, But the police were on the look outfor the so-called Brownrigg, and it was thought best that he should notventure near the station. It happened that week that my son arrived inDublin with some more of the kind of luggage he had brought over atChristmas, and, with the recklessness of youth, he went to the station, and, as Brownrigg, got the money returned. 

"United Ireland" for the week ending January 28th, 1882, was printed inParis, in a section of a printing office rented by Patrick Egan, andsent, addressed to me, for circulation in Ireland and Great Britain. Theparcels were seized on their arrival at Folkestone and Dover, and thoughthe seizure was illegal and I applied for the parcels as being myproperty (a question being also asked in Parliament) we could get nosatisfaction. 

But, notwithstanding the seizures made from time to time, it wasdetermined to keep the flag flying, and no matter what might be thedifficulty encountered in the production of "United Ireland, " not anissue was missed. Of course, as a natural consequence of thesedifficulties, the paper was sometimes hard to be got, so that, takingadvantage of this, some of the newsvendors and all the newsboys inDublin were reaping a rich harvest, as, owing to the anxiety of thepeople to get copies, they were frequently sold on the streets of thecities and towns in Ireland at from 6d. To 2s. 6d. A copy. The continuedpresence of the paper all over Ireland did perhaps more than anythingelse to keep heart in the people. Accordingly, it must be kept going atall hazards. The type for the paper continued to be set up in Paris, and, after a certain quantity had been printed off each week, fortransmission by post and otherwise, the matrices from the type werebrought over to me by carefully selected agents from Paris. From thesestereotype plates of the pages were cast. As my own machine was not bigenough, I arranged with a Liverpool firm of printers to machine thepaper for me each week. Accordingly, they printed the papers for theweek ending February 4th, and delivered the bulk of them to us, so thatwe got our parcels for that week sent off. 

The police must have got one of the copies being sold by the Liverpoolagents, and finding it had no imprint (which was illegal) went to theprinters referred to, who, on this being pointed out, handed over tothem the few remaining copies. 

As every printing firm was now afraid to touch "United Ireland, " it onlyremained for me to endeavour to print it with my own somewhat limitedappliances. It was now, therefore, reduced in size to four pages. Everyweek, as before, the matrices were brought to me, and, from the castingstaken from these, I printed the papers on my own small machine, and sentthem to their various destinations. 

And so the fight with the police went on with varying fortune. It wastrue, as regards size, half our flag had in a manner been shot away, butwe still kept it flying, and the Government, with their standing army ofpolice, were never able to suppress "United Ireland. "

As I expected, I was prosecuted for printing and publishing without animprint. Mr. Poland, Q. C. , chief prosecuting counsel to the Treasury, was sent down to conduct the case against me for the technical breach ofthe law involved in the matter of the imprint, and I was fined a sumamounting with costs to £25. I announced my intention in court ofcontinuing the publication, so the Government got very littlesatisfaction out of their action. 

Of the various editions of the paper produced in Ireland at this time Ishall not speak in detail, as in this narrative I only describe whatcame within my own personal knowledge. Mr. William O'Brien in a laterissue referred to the mysterious and unconquerable fashion in which onetown after another saw its edition of "United Ireland" appear, and then, when police and spies were hot upon its track, as mysteriously passaway. This was, of course, a picturesque exaggeration, but it had aconsiderable basis of truth. The paper was actually printed more thanonce in the old office in Dublin under the noses of the police, and onone occasion Mr. Wolohan set up a printing machine in a private house inDerry, and, assisted by my son, actually worked off the copies of thepaper next door to the house of the resident magistrate. 

Ultimately, there came the period of the "Kilmainham Treaty, " and mostof the political prisoners were released. The issue of "United Ireland"for March 11th did not appear as on previous occasions. I produced anissue, which I sent in charge of my son to Dublin, putting it at thedisposal of Mr. O'Brien. It was not, however, published, though Ireceived a long and interesting letter from Mr. William O'Brien--stillin Kilmainham jail--expressing the appreciation of the Irish leaders forthe work I had done in these words:--

~We are all deeply sensible of your extraordinary energy and courage inthis matter. ~

I am prevented from giving this letter, which explains the reasons forthe stoppage of the paper, as Mr. O'Brien has endorsed it "Private andConfidential. "

A few weeks later "United Ireland" appeared in its old publishing officein Abbey Street. Mr. O'Brien was set free on April 15th, Messrs. Parnell, Dillon and O'Kelly were released on May 2nd, and Michael Davittand others soon afterwards. 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

PATRICK EGAN. 

It will be seen that when "United Ireland" was "on the shaughraun"during the time that William O'Brien was in prison, though he was ableto send communications out regularly, the direction very largelydevolved upon Patrick Egan, who had taken up his quarters in Paris forthat and other purposes of the Land League. I may say that I have beenin frequent communication with Mr. Egan ever since, and it is butrecently that I got a letter from him touching upon this matter. Inmaking some valuable suggestions as to the contents of this book, hesays, "There just occurs to me as I write, a point that you mightintroduce as an added feature, namely--all the leading articles thatappeared in 'U. I. ' during those fateful months (or almost all of them)were written by William O'Brien _in Kilmainham Prison, smuggled out bythe underground railroad, which ran upon regular scheduled time_, andwere despatched by trusty messengers to me in Paris, which messengersbrought back on their return journey the matrices to which you refer forthe next issue of 'United Ireland. '

"There were four messengers, in order to avoid attracting attention--twoof them the Misses Stritch, whose father had been a resident magistratein Ireland. They were fine patriotic girls, and active members of MissAnna Parnell's Ladies' Land League. Both are now dead. "

After a time Patrick Egan returned from Paris to Ireland, calling uponme in Liverpool on his way home. 

On more than one occasion he has visited me at my home in Liverpool. Itwas always with sincere pleasure that I saw the alert figure, the keenyet smiling eyes, the trim moustache and beard, which were the firstimpressions one got of his personality. His unvarying suavity andpoliteness might have deceived a casual observer into supposing that hewas not a man of abnormal strength of character; they were only thesilken glove to conceal the hand of iron. Emphatically a man ofdetermination and practical common sense, he united to these qualities aremarkable degree of tact. In addition to much routine matter, whichneed not be specified here, although grave enough at the time, ourmeetings were concerned with important work in which we were engaged, as, for instance, the O'Connell Centenary, the political prisoners, andcombating the measures being taken to swell the tide of emigration fromIreland. 

In dealing with the eventful career of Patrick Egan may I be allowed togo both backward and forward in my dates, in order to bring the story ofhis life into, as far as possible, one consecutive narrative. 

Born in County Longford, he was brought to Dublin by his parents whenquite young. His shrewd business qualities enabled him to make his markearly in life, and his fine administrative abilities admirably fittedhim for the post he attained as managing director to the most extensiveflour milling company in Ireland. 

He has always been a practical patriot, always ready to work for Irelandby every honourable means that came to his hand, whether the means werethose of moral or physical force. Consequently, he was an active workerin the ranks of the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood from the earlysixties. He was one of the founders of the Amnesty Movement for therelease of the political prisoners of '65 and '67. 

When the Home Rule movement was started in Ireland he entered into itheartily, and was elected a member of the Council. He enjoyed theconfidence of Butt, John Martin, Justin McCarthy, and all the otherleaders of the movement, besides being trusted by Nationalists of allshades of opinion. Like most of us, without abating in the least hislove and esteem for Isaac Butt, he soon recognised the coming leader inCharles Stewart Parnell, who used to refer to him in privateconversation as his "political godfather" on account of the prominentpart he had played in securing his first election to Parliament for theCounty Meath, in succession to John Martin. 

During the early part of the Land League agitation he was three timesnominated, for King's County, Meath, and Tipperary, for Parliament, buthe refused election, on the ground of being an advanced Nationalist. Ihave more than once talked this matter over with Pat Egan, and, as I maysay in everything else, we were in complete accord; we neither of uscould bring ourselves to swear allegiance to what we considered aforeign power. At the same time, as practical patriots, we helped everymovement, inside the constitution as well as outside of it, calculatedto benefit Ireland. 

When the Land League movement was started in 1879, Egan became at onceone of the most prominent figures in it, and, besides acting as Trusteealong with Joseph Biggar and William H. O'Sullivan, he was HonoraryTreasurer. 

In the famous trial of the Land League Executive, in 1880-1881, he andMr. Parnell and eleven others were prosecuted, the jury being ten to twofor acquittal. 

In February, 1881, when coercion was so rampant in Ireland, he left hisbusiness in the sole charge of his partner, James Rourke, and went toParis, by desire of Parnell, Dillon and the other leaders, to keep theLeague Funds out of the hands of the enemy. While he was there I wasbrought into close relations with him in my endeavours, as I havealready described in this narrative, to carry out the honourable partallotted to me by our leaders of keeping "United Ireland" in circulationin every corner of the land, notwithstanding the watchfulness of theentire British garrison. 

In October, 1882, a National Convention passed a unanimous vote, thanking him for his distinguished services and sacrifices as Treasurerof the League, he having given gratuitously to the Cause three entireyears of his life, something like a million and a quarter of dollarshaving passed through his hands during that time. These and many othercircumstances that came to my knowledge abundantly prove that no man hasmore deserved the confidence and gratitude of the Irish race. 

In February, 1883, Michael Davitt tells us "In order to avoid themachinations of agents in the pay of Dublin Castle, he left Ireland. "

I don't know if I shall ever meet my friend again, and for that reason Ishall always remember, as I am sure he will, our last meeting inLiverpool on his return from Paris, when we fought our battles with theforces of the Government over again, and had many a hearty laugh at someof the humorous episodes that cropped up in connection with it. Neitherof us then thought that, before long, he would have to leave his homeagain for another period of exile. 

Up to this point I can include the chief incidents in Patrick Egan'scareer, either directly or indirectly, in my own personal recollections. In order not to break the continuity of this sketch of a noble life, Iwill briefly speak of his career in America. It will be found, therefore, that in some particulars I have had to anticipate theordinary course of this narrative. 

On arriving in America in 1883, he settled in Nebraska, where he soonestablished a large and prosperous business in grain. 

In 1884, at a Convention in Faneuil Hall, Boston, surrounded by some ofthe most distinguished of our race in America, he was presented with aservice of plate sent from Ireland, with a beautifully illuminatedaddress, paying tribute to the magnificent services he had given to hiscountry, and signed by three hundred of the national leaders in Ireland, including the Lord Mayor of Dublin (Charles Dawson), Parnell, Davitt, Dillon, Biggar. Justin McCarthy, Healy, William O'Brien, Sexton, Harrington and others. 

From 1884 to 1886 he was President of the Irish National League ofAmerica, during which time 360, 000 dollars were collected and sent toIreland. The salary of the President of the League was 3, 000 dollars ayear. At the end of his term Patrick Egan returned to his successor inthe office 6, 000 dollars as his personal contribution to the Fund. 

His career in America has been no less honourable than his services tothe Irish Cause on this side of the Atlantic. Irishmen everywhere feltproud when he was sent to represent the great American Republic asAmbassador to Chili. They took it not only as an honour to the manhimself, but to his nationality. We who knew him best followed withconfidence his record during the four years of storm and stress inChili, the most troublous, perhaps, that country had ever seen. 

That our confidence in him was not misplaced was proved by the tributeof admiration paid him by President Harrison in his message to Congressin December, 1891, for the splendid manner in which he had protectedthe important interests confided to his care, and for his defence of thehonour of the flag of the United States, and the rights and dignity ofAmerican citizenship. 

All this was endorsed in the most emphatic manner by the leadingstatesmen and naval and military commanders of America, includingSecretary of State James G. Blaine, Rear Admiral Evans, Admiral Brown, Rear-Admiral McCann, and numerous other officers of the army and navy. 

The strongest eulogies of Mr. Egan's conduct of the Chilian legationwere written by the ex-President of the United States, TheodoreRoosevelt, who, in 1892, gave a dinner at his home in Washington, D. C. , in his honour. In a public letter Mr. Roosevelt said, "Minister Egan hasacted as an American representative in a way that proves that hedeserves well of all Americans, and I earnestly hope that his career inour diplomatic service may be long, and that in it he may rise to thehighest positions. "

When I started a new series of my "Irish Library" in January, 1902, Ireceived words of encouragement from John Redmond, from Michael Davitt, and from other distinguished Irishmen, but there was none I valued morehighly than the letter of appreciation of my works from Pat Egan. Ofthese he asked me to send him a set, including my "Irish in Britain. "

In a letter he sent me in the May following, I could see the yearning ofthe exile for news from the "old sod" when he said "Write me a line tosay how you are, and how goes the good old cause. I often think withmuch interest of the last time I had the pleasure of seeing you inLiverpool. "

I have made my references to Patrick Egan somewhat lengthy, perhaps, butit is because in no work that I have ever seen has an adequate tributebeen paid to his services to Ireland. Unlike other men who are betterknown, he was little seen and not much heard of in the Land Leaguemovement, but his influence in shaping the movement was second only tothat of Davitt. He was eminently the practical patriot, and his mottowas "deeds not words. " If she had had in the past many men like Egan, Ireland would be both free and prosperous to-day. 

CHAPTER XIX. 

GENERAL ELECTION OF 1885--PARNELL A CANDIDATE FOR EXCHANGEDIVISION--RETIRES IN FAVOUR OF O'SHEA--T. P. O'CONNOR ELECTED FORSCOTLAND DIVISION OF LIVERPOOL. 

The Franchise and Re-Distribution Acts of 1884 and 1885, besidesplacing, for the first time, the Parliamentary representation in thehands of the great bulk of the people of Ireland, added greatly to ourpolitical power in England, Scotland and Wales. Many thousands of Irishhouseholders obtained votes where formerly, under the restrictedfranchise, such a thing as an Irish county voter was extremely rare. 

At the General Election of 1885, Mr. Parnell made Liverpool hisheadquarters. The Re-Distribution Act had given Liverpool nineParliamentary Divisions, in one of which (Scotland Division) we hadsufficient votes to return a Nationalist. As Mr. T. P. O'Connor was thecandidate chosen, and was, besides, the President of the organisation inGreat Britain, he, also, was on the spot. 

A central committee room was engaged in the North-Western Hotel, whereMr. Parnell and Mr. T. P. O'Connor were staying. I was detailed to act assecretary to them, and, as the electoral campaign all over the countrywas directed from this centre, I was kept busy from early morning untillate in the night answering the letters which poured in from all partsof the country. Mr. T. P. O'Connor having recently been married, Mrs. O'Connor also was staying in the North-Western. She presided at ourluncheon every day, and made a charming hostess. 

I have some pleasant remembrances of those days in Liverpool, when I wasassisting Mr. Parnell in carrying on the electoral campaign. One day, aswe stood together looking out of the window across Lime Street, hepointed to the hotel on the opposite side of the street, reminding methat it was there we first met. This was when he came amongst us, apromising young recruit, under the wing of Isaac Butt. I remembered itwell, and the number of questions he asked me about the condition of ourpeople, social and political, in this country, for he knew that I hadhad opportunities of acquiring a closer knowledge of them than mostpeople. He often afterwards sought from me such information. To me, fromfirst to last, he was always most open and friendly, and I never foundhim so "stand-off" and unapproachable as was the very common opinionabout him. 

In the Exchange Division of Liverpool, a Mr. Stephens, the officialLiberal candidate, had, for some reason, been replaced by CaptainO'Shea, who got the full support of the Liberal party. Followinginstructions from headquarters, the Irish Nationalists had denounced thecandidate of the Liberals, who, when recently in power, had coercedIreland, and O'Shea was condemned more unmercifully than any of them, asbeing, besides, a renegade Irishman. 

When Parnell himself came on the scene as a candidate for ExchangeDivision, Captain O'Shea was denounced more fiercely than ever. Mr. Parnell, however, withdrew on the nomination day, and at a great meetingon the same night, much to the astonishment of all, asked, in a veryhalting and hesitating manner, that O'Shea's candidature should besupported. So great was his power and prestige at the time that, whatever apprehension might be felt, no attempt was made to question hisaction. 

On the morning of the election I went to the North-Western. Mr. O'Connorwas somewhat late in getting to work. Parnell, noticing, I suppose, thatI seemed uneasy about something, asked, "What's amiss with you, Denvir?""We would like to see Mr. O'Connor on the ground in Scotland Division, "I said. He shook his head: "Ah, that's the way with him since he gotmarried. " I smiled and observed "We'll be losing you that way sometime. " "No, " he replied, as I thought somewhat sadly, "I lost my chancelong ago. "

All that day Parnell worked with desperate energy for O'Shea. He eventook some of our men from Scotland Division to help in Exchange. Iexpostulated with him, saying, "You'll be losing T. P. 's election forus. " As a matter of fact, we won Scotland Division by 1, 350 votes. 

In point of fact, if O'Shea had got the whole Irish vote he would havewon, but Mr. Parnell's vehement efforts could kindle no enthusiasm amongthe Irish electors, and there was a small but determined sectionwhich--while unwilling to let any public evidence of disagreement withMr. Parnell appear--absolutely refused to support O'Shea. This lost himthe seat. 

There was great jubilation in the League Hall that night at the winningof a seat in England by an Irish Home Ruler, elected _as such_, Mr. T. P. O'Connor having been returned that day for the Scotland Division ofLiverpool. 

Since that time there have been several Home Rulers, Irish by birth ordescent, returned to Parliament for English constituencies. These belongto the Labour Party. 

Besides T. P. O'Connor, Liverpool has provided for Parliament quite anumber of men who at one time or another have represented or stillrepresent Irish constituencies. These are Dr. Commins, Daniel Crilly, Lawrence Connolly, Michael Conway, Joseph Nolan, Patrick O'Brien, William O'Malley, James Lysaght Finigan, and Garrett Byrne. 

At the League Hall demonstration on the night of the election, Mr. Parnell appeared to have caught the high spirit and enthusiasm of hisaudience, and in a more powerful address than I had ever before heardfrom him, he said:--

 Ireland has been knocking at the English door long enough with kid gloves. I tell the English people to beware, and be wise in time. Ireland will soon throw off the kid gloves, and she will knock with a mailed hand. 

In this General Election, the Irish vote of Great Britain, inaccordance with the League manifesto, generally went for the Tories, whocame into office, but with a majority so small that they were turned outat the opening of the Session of 1886, and Mr. Gladstone again came intopower. Seeing that 85 out of the 103 Irish members of Parliament hadbeen returned pledged to National self-government, he came to theconclusion to drop coercion, and no longer to attempt to rule thecountry against the wishes of the people. He, therefore, introduced hisHome Rule Bill on the 8th of April, 1886, but, failing to carry thewhole of his party with him, he was defeated on the second reading by 30votes. His defeat at the polls at the General Election which followedseemed even more crushing than his defeat in Parliament, for, of themembers elected, there was a majority against him of 118. 

Mr. Gladstone, looking more closely into the figures of the GeneralElection, was not disheartened, and as the British public becameeducated on the Irish question, bye-election after bye-election provedtriumphantly the truth of his famous saying that the "Flowing Tide" wascarrying the cause of Home Rule on to victory. 

Nor were _we_ disheartened, for, counting up the whole of about two anda half millions of votes given, we found that the Unionists, as theTories and Dissentient Liberals called themselves, had a majority ofless than 80, 000 votes at the polls. During this time I had becomegeneral organiser of the recognised Irish political organisation ofGreat Britain, and upon me chiefly devolved the duty of directing thework of registration of our Irish voters. A close study of the localconditions in the various constituencies showed that the mere bringingup of the neglected Irish vote to something approaching its properstrength would _alone_ be sufficient to effect the necessary gain. Wethrew ourselves into the task--and we succeeded. 

I shall always remember with pride my share in increasing and organisingthe Irish vote throughout Great Britain, and its result in bringing Mr. Gladstone back to power, and enabling him to carry the Home Rule Billthrough the House of Commons. 

It was my duty to visit every part of Great Britain to see that thevarious districts and branches were kept in a high state of efficiency, and at the end of that period of hard and unremitting work from 1886 to1892 I was able to show our Executive from the books and figures in ourpossession that we had accomplished our aim. 

CHAPTER XX. 

GLADSTONE'S "FLOWING TIDE. "

I was present at most of the bye-elections that led up to Gladstone'sgreat victory at the General Election of 1892. 

In this way I was brought to many places interesting to us as Catholicsas well as Irishmen. 

No spot in Great Britain is more sacred to us than Iona, an island offthe West coast of Scotland, which our great typical Irish saint, Columba, made his home and centre when bringing the light of faith tothose regions. It will, therefore, be one of the memories of my lifemost dear to me that I had the blessing of taking part in the famousPilgrimage to Iona on June 13th, 1888. The town of Oban, on the mainlandof Scotland, is generally made the point of departure for Iona, which isnot far off. 

Oban is one of the five Ayr burghs which, combined, send a member toParliament, and it was singular that, at this time, there was abye-election going on. As creed and country have always gone togetherwith me, I did not think it at all inappropriate that I should do alittle work for Irish self-government while on this Pilgrimage. On thecontrary. Was not St. Columba himself a champion of Home Rule, for wasit not through his eloquent advocacy of their cause before the greatIrish National Assembly that the Scots of Alba, as distinguished fromthe Scots of Erin, obtained the right of self-government?

One of the best numbers of my Irish Library was the "Life of St. Columbkille, " written for me by Michael O'Mahony, one of a band of youngIrishmen, members of the Irish Literary Institute of Liverpool, who didsplendid service for the Cause in that city. Michael was, of these, perhaps the one possessing the most characteristic Irish gifts. He haswritten some admirable stories of Irish life, and is a poet, although hehas not written as much as I would like to see from his pen. 

There are no Irish residents in Iona itself, but I found a few in Oban, on whom I called to secure their votes for Home Rule. 

To hear Mass on the spot made sacred by the feet of our great Irishsaint, in the building, then a ruin, erected by his successors toreplace that which he himself had raised here as a centre of his greatmissionary labours, was an experience to treasure until one's latestday. What made the celebration the more memorable was the sermon inGaelic by Bishop MacDonald of Argyll and the Isles. I had the pleasure, after Mass, of having dinner with him, and some most interestingconversation. 

I told him I had read with great interest a pastoral of his, issued somefive years before, in which he said that an interesting peculiarity ofhis diocese, in respect of which it stood almost alone in the country, was that its Catholicity was almost exclusively represented by districtswhich had always clung to the faith, places where in the Penal days nopriest dared show himself in public, but visited the Catholic centres inturn as a layman by night and gathered the children together to instructthem as far as he was able. This was, he said, of extraordinary intereston a day like that, when we were specially honouring the memory of thegreat saint who had sown the seeds which had continued to bear fruitthrough so many centuries. We also spoke of the singular fact that hehad that day preached on the spot on which St. Columba himself hadstood, and in the same language that he spoke, a language which had beenin existence long before the present English tongue was spoken. Asshowing that the Scottish and Irish Gaelic were practically the same, asdistinguished from the Celtic tongue spoken by the Welsh and Bretons, Bishop MacDonald told me he could read quite easily a book printed inthe Irish characters. 

As a bye-election brought me to the sacred scene of the labours of ourgreat Irish saint, Columba, so did another bye-election bring me to thespot where a martyr for Ireland suffered in 1798--Father O'Coigly. Therewas a bye-election at Maidstone, where the martyr priest had been triedfor treason, and near it is Pennenden Heath, where he was executed, sothat both places will for ever be held sacred by patriotic Irishmen. Besides securing a pledge for Home Rule from one of the candidates, andorganising the small Irish vote in his favour, I took the opportunity ofinaugurating a movement for the erection of a memorial to FatherO'Coigly. With the co-operation of the London branches of the UnitedIrish League the movement was brought to a successful issue. On twosucceeding years there were Pilgrimages to the spot where FatherO'Coigly was executed, at which Mr. James Francis Xavier O'Brien, whohimself had been sentenced to be hanged, drawn and quartered, was thechief speaker one year, and Mr. John Murphy, M. P. , on the other. 

Besides this, chiefly through the exertions of Mr. John Brady, DistrictOrganiser, funds were raised, and there have been erected in theCatholic Church at Maidstone a Celtic Cross and three beautifulstained-glass windows, of Irish manufacture, to commemorate themartyrdom of Father O'Coigly. 

A gratifying thing in connection with our Pilgrimage was, I remindedthose I addressed on Pennenden Heath, that a man pledged to supportself-government for Ireland, the Cause for which Father O'Coigly hadsuffered, had been elected to Parliament for Maidstone. 

In the bye-elections about this time, we often got the most satisfactoryresults from places where the Irish vote was but small. I have before mymind the Carnarvon Boroughs bye election of 1890. Here the seat had beenheld by a Tory, and the Irish vote in the five towns, all told, was notmuch more than 50. I was sent to the constituency by our Executive touse every exertion to get our people to poll for David Lloyd-George, athorough-going Home Ruler, at that time an unknown man, though he hassince risen to the first political and ministerial rank. It was then Imade his acquaintance, and time has only increased the friendly feelingbetween us. 

Our meeting happened rather curiously. While on my round I came acrossan unpretentious-looking young man who, I discovered, was also workingon the same side. We had chatted together for some time when I happenedto make some reference to the candidate. "Oh, " he said, with a laugh, "Iam the candidate. " It was Mr. Lloyd-George. We worked together with allthe more ardour being brother Celts. I frequently expressed to him myadmiration for a striking feature in their great meetings during theelection campaign. This was the singing in their native tongue of songscalculated to rouse the enthusiasm of an emotional people like theWelsh, the climax being reached at the end of each meeting with theirnoble national anthem, sung in the native tongue of course, "Land of myFathers. "

Since that time it is gratifying to realize the great progress which hasbeen made in the revival of _our_ native tongue through theinstrumentality of the Gaelic League. The success of our friends in thisdirection ought to be an encouragement to us. The old Cymric tongue isalmost universal throughout Wales, side by side with the English, sothat it is not all visionary to think that a day may come when ours, too, may become a bi-lingual people. 

Mr. Edmund Vesey Knox, an Ulster Protestant Home Ruler, who was then amember of the Irish Parliamentary Party, came to assist in the return ofMr. Lloyd-George. At one of their great gatherings he told his audiencehow much he was impressed by the enthusiasm created by their nativemusic and song. This reminded him, he said, that one of their greatIrish poets, Thomas Davis, was partially of Welsh descent, which nodoubt inspired one of his noblest songs "Cymric Rule and Cymric Rulers, "written to their soul-stirring Welsh air, "The March of the Men ofHarlech. " After Mr. Knox, more singing, and then came a delightfuladdress from a distinguished Irish lady, Mrs. Bryant, who did splendidservice at many of these bye elections. Doctor Sophie Bryant, to giveher full title, is a lady of great learning and eloquence, and not onlya thorough Nationalist in sentiment, but an energetic worker in theCause. A literary lady colleague thus sums up her chief qualities: "Sheis more learned than any man I know; more tender than any woman I haveever met. "

Mr. Lloyd-George was elected by the bare majority of 18 votes, so thatwithout the small Irish vote in the Carnarvon Boroughs he could not havebeen returned at his first election for the constituency. Nor did heforget the fact. On one occasion we were speaking together in the lobbyof the House of Commons when a friend of his came up. "This, " said Mr. Lloyd-George, slapping me on the shoulder, "is the man who brought mehere. " In a sense it was true, so that I might claim to have assisted inmaking a British Chancellor of the Exchequer. 

I have spoken of the series of bye-elections which Mr. Gladstonedescribed as the "Flowing Tide" which had set in for Home Rule. Iremember with special pleasure one of these--that for the RossendaleDivision of Lancashire. It was a sample of all the other bye-electionsin 1892. The registration had been well done, and we knew to a man thestrength of the Irish vote. We had 438 on the Register. This was no mereestimate, and we could give the figures at the time with equal accuracyfor most places where we had an Irish population. Every voter of oursliving in Rossendale had been visited. If he had removed from place toplace inside the district it was noted. If he had gone out of thedistrict he was communicated with, if possible through the medium of thebranch of his new location. We knew where to find them all, and it wasastonishing from what distant places men turned up to vote on theelection day, through the agency of the local branches of the places towhich the voters had gone. 

In this Rossendale election I had two of the most capable lieutenants aman need wish to have, Patrick Murphy and Daniel Boyle, both thenorganisers of our League. Dan Boyle (now Alderman Boyle, M. P. ) took theBacup end of the Division; Pat Murphy took Rawtenstall; and I made myheadquarters at Haslingden, for I had a _grah_ for the place, onaccount of its connection with my old friend, Michael Davitt. 

There can be no better test of a man's sterling qualities than theopinions held of him by the friends of his youth. Several times I hadhad occasion to visit Haslingden, the little factory town in North-EastLancashire, where Martin Davitt, the father of Michael, and his familylived when they came to this country after being evicted from their homein Mayo. Here I met Mr. Cockcroft, the bookseller, who gave Michaelemployment after he had lost his arm in the factory, and he and hisfamily bore the Irish lad in kindly remembrance. But it was among hisown people--those who had been the companions and friends of hisyouth--that I found the greatest admiration for "Mick, " as theyfamiliarly called him. I need scarcely say that they watched with pridethe noble career of one who had grown to manhood in their midst. 

I was able to turn that feeling to good account on the occasion of thisRossendale election. I asked the Liberal candidate, Mr. Maden, a youngand wealthy cotton spinner of Rossendale, who had given us satisfactorypledges on Home Rule, to invite Michael Davitt's assistance. He did so. I backed up the request by a personal appeal, which he never refused ifit lay in his power to do what I wished. He came, and words fail todescribe his loving and enthusiastic reception by his own people. 

I have alluded to the perfect way in which the Irish Vote had beenorganised. Michael Davitt came into our committee room one day, and itwas with intense pride he turned over the leaves of our books to showMr. Maden, the candidate, how well we were prepared to poll every Irishvote on the election day. Davitt was a tower of strength to us in thiselection, not only amongst our own people, but amongst the Englishfactory operatives, who form the majority in Rossendale. As in otherbye-elections which had preceded it, we won the Division by a handsomemajority. 

I was at once amused and amazed some time ago to hear of a so-calledbiography of Davitt, the keynote of which was a suggestion that he was, first and foremost, an "Anti-Clerical. " The idea is an absurd one. Hewas an intense lover of right, and one who scorned to be an opportunist. Consequently, he never hesitated to speak out, no matter who opposedhim, priest or layman. But none knew better than he that there have beentimes when the priests were the only friends the Irish peasantry had;and no one knew better than he that the influence they have had theyhave, on the whole, used wisely. If individual clerics have gone out oftheir proper sphere of influence it is certain they would have foundDavitt in opposition to them where he thought them wrong. I have beenplaced in the same unpleasant position myself, but I too have alwayscarefully distinguished between the individual priest who neededremonstrance, and his wiser colleague; and also between the legitimateuse of a priest's influence and its abuse. So that to classify Davitt asan "Anti-cleric" deserves a strong protest from one who loved him aswell and as long as I did. 

As I have said, when I asked him to come to Rossendale to help tofurther the cause of self-government for Ireland, he never refused arequest of mine if it lay in his power to grant it, and, in this way, hewrote for me one of the books of my "Irish Library"--"Ireland's Appealto America. "

Michael has gone to his reward, and there are two things I shall alwayscherish as mementoes of him. One is a bunch of shamrocks sent to me, with the message:

 "With Michael Davitt's compliments, "Richmond Prison, Patrickstide, 1883"

The other is his last letter to me, written not long before his death. It was dated "St. Justin's, Dalkey, Co. Dublin, 7th March, 1906. " Inthis he said: "I hope you are in good health and not growing too old. Ishall be 60! on the 25th inst. !!!" Was this a premonition that his endwas near? He died on May 31st, within three months of the time he wrotethe letter. 

I have spoken of the necessity for our organisation doing registrationwork at least as effectually as the Liberals and Tories do. It is notalways men of the highest intellectual attainments who make the bestregistration agents. This fact came home to me very forcibly whenreading a biography of Thomas Davis. It was stated that in the RevisionCourt he was not able to hold his own against the Tory agent. It is justwhat I would have imagined, considering the sensitive nature of Davis. A man with a face of brass, who _might_ be an able man, but who, on theother hand, might be some low ignorant fellow, might easily do betterthan Thomas Davis with his fine intellect and varied learning. 

At the same time, I have known men of the highest attainments who havemade excellent agents, such a man as John Renwick Seager, who has formany years been connected with the London Liberal organisation. Justsuch another we have in our own ranks in Daniel Crilly who, before hebecame a journalist or entered Parliament, was a very successful agentin the Liverpool Courts. 

One of the most efficient and conscientious of registration andelectioneering agents I ever met was John Mogan, of Liverpool. Besidesthe annual registration work he was engaged on our side in nearly everyelection of importance in Liverpool for over 30 years. He was soengrossed in his work that, during an election he would, if required, sit up several nights in succession to have his work properly done;indeed, I was often tempted to think that John never considered anyelection complete without at least _one_ "all night sitting. "

We believed in fighting the enemy with his own weapons. On election daysin Liverpool there were shipowners who made it a practice of gettingtheir vessels coaled in the river. As, unlike the Liffey at Dublin orthe Thames at London, the Mersey at Liverpool is over a mile wide, andas most of the coal heavers were Irishmen, this move of the shipownerswas to keep our men from voting. We were successful, to some extent, incounteracting this, for owing to the patriotism of a sterling Irishman, John Prendiville, the steam tugs which he owned were often used, on theday of an election, to take our men ashore. 

Sometimes the Revision Courts gave us the opportunity of teaching alittle Irish history. In South Wales most of our people hail fromMunster. In one of the Courts there was the case of Owen O'Donovan beingobjected to, on the ground that he had left the qualifying property, andthat _Eugene_ O'Donovan was now the occupier. I explained to theBarrister that in the South of Ireland the names of Owen and Eugene wereoften applied to the same man, Eugene being the Latinized form of Owen. I gave as an illustration our national hero, Owen Roe O'Neill, who, inletters written to him in Latin, was styled Eugenius Rufus. A Welshofficial in Court suggested that O'Donovan was anxious to become aWelshman by calling himself Owen. I replied that the name Owen was justas Irish as it was Welsh, coming no doubt from the same Celtic stock, and that, as a matter of fact, our man preferred being on the Registeras Owen. The Barrister, being satisfied that both names applied to thesame man, allowed the vote, and our voter would appear on the Registeras Owen O'Donovan. 

In looking up our people to have them put upon the Register, or inconnection with an election, our canvassers are often able to form agood judgment of the creed, or nationality, or politics of the peopleof the house they are calling at by the pictures on the walls. If theysee a picture of St. Patrick, or the Pope, or Robert Emmet, they assumethey are in an Irish house of the right sort. One of my own apprentices, when I was in business, came across a bewildering complication on oneoccasion, for on one side of the room was the Pope, which seemed allright, but facing him was a gorgeous picture of King William crossingthe Boyne. It was the woman of the house he saw, a good, decentIrishwoman and a Catholic, who explained the apparent inconsistency. Herhusband was an Orangeman, "as good a man as ever broke bread" all theyear round, till it came near the twelfth of July, when the Orange feverbegan to come on. (Our people at home in the County Down, as my fatherused to tell us, often found it so with otherwise decent Protestantneighbours. ) He would come home from a lodge meeting some night, alittle the worse for drink, and smash the Pope to smithereens. The wifewas a sensible body, and knew it was no use interfering while the fitwas on him. When she knew it had safely passed away, she would take KingWilliam to the pawnshop round the corner and get as much on him as wouldbuy a new Pope. He was too fond of his wife, "Papish" and all as shewas, to make any fuss about it, and would just go and redeem his idol, and set him up again, facing the Pope, for another twelve months at allevents. 

CHAPTER XXI. 

THE "TIMES" FORGERIES COMMISSION. 

When the "Times" on the 18th of April, 1887 published what purported tobe the _fac simile_ of a letter from Mr. Parnell, and suggested that itwas written to Mr. Patrick Egan in justification of the Phoenix Parkassassinations, I at once, like many others, guessed who the forger mustbe. I had from time to time come into contact with Pigott, and I wassatisfied that he was the one man capable of such a production. 

When the company was formed in 1875 for the starting of a newspaper inconnection with the Home Rule Confederation of Great Britain, there wasan idea of buying Pigott's papers, "The Irishman, " "Flag of Ireland, "and "Shamrock, " which always seemed to be in the market, whether to theGovernment or the Nationalists after events showed to be a matter ofperfect indifference to him. Mr. John Barry and I were sent over toDublin to treat with him. Mr. Barry went over the books and I went overthe plant. What he wanted seemed reasonable enough, we thought. 

The Directors of our Company did not, however, close with Pigott, butconcluded to start a paper of their own, "The United Irishman, " theproduction and direction of which, as I have stated, they placed in myhands. 

During these years I had many opportunities of getting a knowledge ofPigott's true character. From time to time money had been subscribedthrough Pigott's papers for various national funds. Michael Davitt toldme that when the political prisoners were released the committeeappointed to raise a fund for them, to give them a start in life, applied for what had been sent through the "Irishman" and "Flag, " thatthe whole of the funds subscribed through the various channels might bepublicly presented to the men. There was considerable difficulty ingetting this money from Pigott, but ultimately it was squeezed out ofhim. 

An employe of the "Irishman, " David Murphy, was shot--he survived hiswound--in a mysterious manner. This was ascribed, and from all we knowof the man, correctly, to Pigott, who, it was thought, fearing thatMurphy might know too much about the sums coming into his hands and thesources whence they came, had tried to get him put out of the way. Therewas a still more serious aspect of this attempted assassination. Therevelations of the "Times" Forgeries Commission afterwards proved thatall this time Pigott was giving information to the police and gettingpaid for it. To my own personal knowledge David Murphy held an importantposition in the advanced organisation, for I once brought a young friendof mine, a printer, a sterling Irishman I had known from his earlyboyhood in Liverpool, from Wexford, where he was at the time employed, specially to introduce him to Murphy. 

From the information given to the police by Pigott, it would soon befound there was some leakage, which would, no doubt, be traced to the"Irishman" office. It would, of course, be Pigott's cue to put the blameon the shoulders of Murphy, hence probably his attempted assassination. 

It was not unreasonable, then, in looking round for the actual forger ofthe famous _fac simile_ letter, that I and others who knew him shouldsingle out a man with such a bad record as Richard Pigott as the actualcriminal. 

The collapse of the conspiracy against the Irish leaders, and thesuicide of the wretched Pigott on the 1st of March, 1889, are matters ofhistory. 

For the complete way in which the conspiracy was smashed up great creditwas due to the distinguished Irish advocate, Sir Charles Russell. In hisearly days I knew him well, and was often thrown into contact with him, when he was a young barrister practising on the Northern circuit, andmaking Liverpool his headquarters. He was a member of the LiverpoolCatholic Club when I was secretary of that body. The Club, before theHome Rule organisation superseded it in Liverpool, generally supportedthe Liberals in Parliamentary elections, but on one occasion there was, from a Catholic point of view, a very undesirable Liberal candidate, whom it was determined not to support. Pressure had, therefore, to beput upon the Liberals to withdraw this man. They were obstinate, thoughthey had not the ghost of a chance without the Irish and Catholic vote, which formed fully half the strength they could generally count upon. Onthe other hand, _we_ could not carry the seat by our own unaided vote. But, to show the Liberals that we would not have their man under anycircumstances, it was arranged that if he were willing we should putCharles Russell forward as our candidate. As secretary it became my dutyto ask him to place himself in our hands. He agreed, on theunderstanding that he was to be withdrawn if our action had the effectof forcing the Liberals to get a candidate more acceptable to us. Wesucceeded, and, of course, withdrew our man. 

When we started the Home Rule organisation in Liverpool, we askedCharles Russell to be chairman of our inaugural public meeting. He hadbeen contesting Dundalk as a Home Ruler, so we thought he was the veryman to preside at our meeting, and gave that as our reason for askinghim. He received the deputation--my friend, Alfred Crilly andmyself--with that geniality and courtesy which were so characteristic ofhim. As it happened that the three of us were County Down men, who aresomewhat clannish, we soon got talking about the people "at home. " Heknew both our families in Ireland, and had served his time with asolicitor of my name in Newry, Cornelius Denvir, before he had enteredthe other branch of the legal profession. We also got talking of thebarony of Lecale, which he, as well as my own people, had sprung from, and how it had been the only Norman colony in Ulster; how many of thedescendants of De Courcy's followers were still there, as might be seenfrom their names--Russells, Savages, Mandevilles. Dorrians, Denvirs, andothers, whose fathers, intermarrying with the original Celticpopulation, MacCartans, Magennises, MacRorys, and so on, had become likethe Burkes, Fitzgeralds, and other Norman clans, "More Irish than theIrish themselves. "

This was all very well, and very interesting, but it did not get us ourchairman. Charles Russell was too wary, and, perhaps, too far-seeing, who can tell? for that. It was quite true, he said, he had contestedDundalk as a Home Ruler, and, of course, he was a Home Ruler, but headvised us to ask Dr. Commins to be our chairman, as being so muchbetter known than himself. We did ask "The Doctor, " and, kindly andgenial as we ever found him, he at once consented. 

Nearly forty years have passed since then, and I really believe thatthese two, then comparatively young men, practically made choice oftheir respective after-careers on that occasion. 

Dr. Commins, who, like Charles Russell, was a practising barrister onthe Northern circuit, held for some years the highest position hisfellow-countrymen could give him as President of the Home RuleConfederation of Great Britain, and became a member of the IrishParliamentary Party. 

Charles Russell, though always a Home Ruler and sincere lover of hiscountry, made a brilliant career for himself as a great lawyer andLiberal statesman. I have often wondered since, if he had becomechairman of our meeting in 1872, and had then identified himself withthe Home Rule movement, if his statue would be to-day as it is in theLondon Law Courts, or if he would ever have been Lord Chief Justice ofEngland and Lord Russell of Killowen? I think not. 

The "Times" Forgeries Commission, though got up to do deadly damage tothe Irish Cause, had not, even before the final collapse of theconspiracy, had that effect, as bye-election after bye-election proved. For instance, when the Commission appointed to deal with the "Times"charges against the Irish leaders re-opened, after a short vacation atChristmas, the Govan election was going on, and, on the 19th of January, 1889, the Liberal Home Ruler won the seat by a majority of over 1, 000. 

After the exposure of the plot, Mr. Gladstone's "Flowing Tide" swept onwith increased velocity, and, wherever there was a bye-election, therewas an enormous demand for our members of Parliament. During thisperiod, when the Irish vote in Great Britain was more fully organisedthan it ever had been before, I attended most of these elections. It waskeenly felt, as had been proved on several occasions, that _no_ place, however small the number of Irish voters, should be overlooked, especially at a time when British parties had become once more prettyevenly balanced. 

CHAPTER XXII. 

DISRUPTION OF THE IRISH PARTY--HOME RULE CARRIED IN THE COMMONS--UNITYOF PARLIAMENTARY PARTY RESTORED--MR. JOHN REDMOND BECOMES LEADER. 

There is nothing more bitter than a family quarrel. 

The unfortunate disruption in the Irish Parliamentary Party and thefierce quarrel that arose among the Irish people near the end of 1890, would be to me such a painful theme that I must ask my readers to pardonme if I pass on as quickly as possible towards the happier times whichfind us practically a re-united people, while the Irish Party inParliament is a solid working force under the able leadership of Mr. John Redmond. 

In accordance with the demands of the branches of the Irish organisationin Great Britain, a special Convention was called and held inNewcastle-on-Tyne on Saturday, 16th May, 1891. Delegates from all partsof Great Britain attended, and elected a new Executive in harmony withthe bulk of the League, with Mr. T. P. O'Connor, President, as before. 

Provision was also made for carrying on the fight for Home Rule in theconstituencies, which had been somewhat relaxed by the unhappy split inour ranks. This was imperative, in view of the necessity for assistingto return to Parliament a sufficient majority to enable Mr. Gladstone tocarry his Home Rule Bill through the House of Commons. 

The result of the General Election of 1892 was the return to power ofMr. Gladstone. His majority was the best proof to friend and foe of thevalue of the work done by our organisation during the previous years inadding to the Irish vote in Great Britain. It also showed we had thepower and the influence in the constituencies we had claimed. Indeed, the books in the offices of the League could show, by the figures forevery constituency, that without the Irish vote Mr. Gladstone would havehad no majority at all. 

When we come to consider the terrible crisis we were passing through, the result was magnificent. 

Although, as we all expected, Mr. Gladstone's Home Rule Bill was thrownout by the House of Lords, the fact that a Bill conferringself-government on Ireland had been passed in the Commons was recognisedas a step towards that end which could never be receded from, and thatit was but a question of time when the Home Rule Cause would be won. 

Moreover, the event proved that our grievance was no longer against theEnglish democracy, but against the class which misgoverned us, just asit, to a lesser extent, misgoverned them. 

Most of us have, no doubt, taken part in a family gathering on somejoyous occasion when the mother realizes that _all_ her children arenot around her, and is overcome with sadness. So it was with us. Wellmight mother Ireland ask why were not _all_ her children in the onefold, to be one with her and with each other in the hour of rejoicing, as they had been loyally with her in all her sorrows? Why was the bitterfeud over the leadership of the Irish Party so long kept up? Why was thehappy reconciliation so long delayed?

While the majority, it is true, were arrayed on one side, the factremained that on the other side there were men of undoubted patriotismand great ability, not only members of Parliament such as John andWilliam Redmond or Timothy Harrington, but some of our best men all overthe country, who had done splendid service for the Cause, and wereeither in fierce antagonism or holding aloof. 

It was during this sad time that I met that distinguished orator, ThomasSexton, to whom John Barry was good enough to introduce me. Sexton camespecially from Ireland on this occasion in the interests of peace. Actuated by the same motive was Patrick James Foley, another member ofthe Party and of the Executive of the League, who, while holdingstrongly to his own conscientious opinions, was always most courteous tothose differing from him. 

I attended the great Irish Race Convention, held in the Leinster Hall, Dublin, on the first three days of September, 1896. The Most ReverendPatrick O'Donnell, Bishop of Raphoe, a noble representative of oldTyrconnell, and a tower of strength to our Cause, presided, and it was, undoubtedly, one of the most representative gatherings of the Irish racefrom all parts of the world ever held. 

Two admirable resolutions were passed with great enthusiasm and perfectunanimity, and there is no doubt but that this Convention was the firstgreat step towards the reunion of the Irish Parliamentary Party, whichhas been since so happily effected. 

It was more than three years after the Race Convention before thelong-desired re-union of the Irish Party and the Irish people all overthe world was accomplished at a Conference of members of Parliament ofboth parties held in Committee Room 15 of the House of Commons, onTuesday, January 30th, 1900. 

CHAPTER XXIII. 

THE GAELIC REVIVAL--THOMAS DAVIS--CHARLES GAVAN DUFFY--ANGLO-IRISHLITERATURE--THE IRISH DRAMA--DRAMATISTS AND ACTORS. 

One effect of the disturbance in political work caused by the splitseemed to be the impetus given to existing movements which, so far aspolitics were concerned, were neutral ground. Chief amongst these wasthe Gaelic League, which from its foundation advanced by leaps andbounds and brought to the front many fine characters. 

Francis Fahy was one of the first Presidents of the Gaelic League ofLondon, and there is no doubt but the Irish language movement in themetropolis owes much to his influence and indefatigable exertions. 

I first made his acquaintance over twenty-five years ago, when he wasdoing such splendid Irish propagandism in the Southwark Irish LiteraryClub, of which, although he had able and enthusiastic helpers, he wasthe life and soul. He has written many songs and poems, which have beencollected and published. What is, perhaps, one of the raciest and mostadmired of his songs, "The Quid Plaid Shawl, " first appeared in the"Nationalist" for February 7th, 1885, a weekly periodical which I waspublishing at the time. Several stirring songs of great merit by othermembers of the society also appeared in its pages. Indeed, the memberscame to look upon the "Nationalist" as their own special organ, and ablywritten and animated accounts of their proceedings appeared regularly inits columns. I also published a song book for them, compiled by FrancisFahy, chiefly for the use of their younger members. 

An active Gaelic Leaguer, who did much for the success of the movementin London, was William Patrick Ryan. He wrote a "Life of Thomas Davis"for "Denvir's Monthly, " a sort of revival of my "Irish Library. " Thisbook was very favourably received by the press. The "Liverpool DailyPost" gave it more than a column of admirable criticism, evidently fromthe pen of the editor himself, Sir Edward Russell. In it was thefollowing kindly reference to myself: "Our present pleasing duty is torecognise the labours of Mr. Denvir--efforts in such a cause are alwaystouchingly beautiful--as an inculcator of national sentiment; toillustrate the genuine literary interest and value of the first bookletof his new library; and to wish the library a long and useful, and inevery way successful vogue. "

Another active man in the language movement in London, whoseacquaintance I was glad to renew when I first came to the metropolis, isDoctor Mark Ryan. 

It is nearly forty years since we first knew each other in connectionwith another organisation. He then lived in a North Lancashire town, and was studying medicine, not being at that time a fully qualifieddoctor. If I remember rightly, our interview had no connexion with thehealing art, indeed quite the contrary, for besides qualifying for themedical profession, he was graduating in the same school as RickardBurke, Arthur Forrester, and Michael Davitt, but, like myself, was morefortunate than Burke and Davitt, inasmuch as he escaped their fate ofbeing sent into penal servitude. Although Mark Ryan was for a long timeresident in Lancashire, he there lost nothing, nor has he since, of thefluent Gaelic speech of his native Galway, for I heard him quiterecently delivering an eloquent speech in Irish at a gathering of theGaelic League. 

Speaking of Dr. Mark Ryan reminds me of how often I have noticed in mytravels through Great Britain, what a number of Irish doctors there are, and also that they are almost invariably patriotic. They are of greatservice to the cause, for it frequently happens that, in some districts, they are almost the only men of culture, and are not generally slow totake the lead among their humbler fellow-countrymen. 

One of the finest Irish scholars in the Gaelic League was Mr. ThomasFlannery. He, too, was a valued contributor to my "Monthly IrishLibrary, " two of the best books in the series, "Dr. John O'Donovan, " and"Archbishop MacHale, " being from his pen. In fact, he and TimothyMacSweeny I might almost look upon as having been the Gaelic editors ofthe "Monthly. "

I once, when in business in Liverpool, printed a Scottish GaelicPrayer-Book for Father Campbell, one of the Jesuit priests of that city, for use among the Catholic congregations in the highlands and islands ofScotland. John Rogers, like Timothy MacSweeny, a ripe Irish scholar, called on me while it was in progress, and was delighted to know thatsuch a book was being issued. To Mr. MacSweeny I also sent a copy, andthey both could read the Scottish Gaelic easily, showing, of course, howclosely the Irish and Scottish Gaels were, with the Manx, united in onebranch of the Celtic race, as distinguished from the Bretons and Welsh. 

I have always had an intense admiration for the poetry of "YoungIreland. " I used to call it Irish literature until I found myselfcorrected, very properly, by my Gaelic League friends, who maintainedthat, not being in the Irish tongue, its proper designation wasAnglo-Irish literature. 

I had the pleasure of making the acquaintance of one of the leadingyoung Irelanders, Charles Gavan Duffy, after his return to this country, when he assisted at the inauguration of our London Irish LiterarySociety, which has been a credit to the Irishmen of the metropolis. Muchof the success of the Society is due to Alfred Perceval Graves, authorof the well-known song "Father O'Flynn, " a faithful picture of a genuineIrish _soggarth_. Among others of the members of the society who havemade their mark in Irish literature is Mr. Richard Barry O'Brien, thePresident, the author of several valuable works of history andbiography. 

It was at the opening of our Literary Society that I first met Duffy inthe flesh, but I had known and admired him in spirit from my earliestboyhood. I was greatly pleased when he told me he had been muchinterested in my publications, not only those issued more recently, butthose of many years before. I afterwards had a letter from him inreference to my "Irish in Britain, " in which he said: "I saw long agosome of the little Irish books you published in Liverpool, and know youfor an old and zealous worker in the national seed field. "

His son, George Gavan Duffy, is a solicitor, practising in London, andan active worker in the national cause. His wife is a daughter of thelate A. M. Sullivan, and is as zealous a Nationalist as was her father, and as patriotic as her husband. 

The first book of National poetry I ever read was one compiled byCharles Gavan Duffy--"The Ballad Poetry of Ireland. " I should say thatthis has been one of the most popular books ever issued. There are noneof his own songs in this volume. The few he did write are in the "Spiritof the Nation" and other collections. These make us regret he did notwrite more, for, in the whole range of our poetry, I think there isnothing finer or more soul-stirring than his "Inishowen, " "The IrishRapparees, " and "The Men of the North. "

It is unfortunate that we have nothing from the pen of Thomas Davis onthe subject of the Irish drama and dramatists, for among the mostdelightful and valuable contributions to the Anglo-Irish literature ofthe nineteenth century were his "Literary and Historical Essays. "

For students, historians, journalists, lecturers, and public speakers, they have been an inexhaustible mine, since they first appeared week byweek in the "Nation" during the Repeal and Young Ireland movements. Assources of inspiration they have been of still more practical value tothe Irish poet, painter, musician and sculptor. 

Though he was apparently in good health up to a few days of his death, which was quite unexpected, Davis, in giving to his country theseunsurpassed essays, might have had some idea that his life would not bea long one, and that, if he could not himself accomplish all he hadprojected, he would at least sketch out a programme for his brotherworkers in the national field, and for those coming after them. 

A glance at the contents of Davis's Essays will show how fully he hascovered almost every field in which Irishmen are or ought to beinterested. We have Irish History, Antiquities, Monuments, Architecture, Ethnology, Oratory, Resources, Topography, Commerce, Art, Language, OurPeople of all classes, Music and Poetry dealt with in an attractive aswell as in a practical manner. Anyone who has ever gone to these Essays, as I have over and over again, for information, has always found Daviscompletely master of every subject that he touched. His "Hints to IrishPainters" are illustrations of the value of the advice he gives inconnection with his varied themes. Those of the generations since histime who have profited by his teaching know best how valuable would havebeen his views in connection with the Irish Drama. 

Knowing as we do how _thorough_ Davis was in everything he took up, thereason he did not deal with it was, probably, that he had not had thesame opportunities of getting information on this as upon the otherwonderfully varied subjects in his Essays. 

I have in my mind at this moment one Irish dramatist, Edmond O'Rourke, who would have appreciated anything Davis would have written on thesubject, and would certainly have profited by it. 

O'Rourke, better known by his stage name of Falconer, was an actor aswell as a dramatist. He was "leading man" when I first saw him in thestock company of the Adelphi Theatre, Liverpool, and used to play thewhole round of Shakespearean characters, his favourite parts being thepopular ones of Macbeth, Hamlet, and Richard the Third. He was adark-complexioned man of average height, somewhat spare in form andfeatures. Though his performances were intellectual creations, we boysused to make somewhat unfavourable comparisons between him and BarrySullivan, another of our fellow-countrymen. Barry was by no meanssuperior to Falconer in his conception of the various parts, but hegreatly surpassed him in voice, physique, and general bearing on thestage, in which respects I think he had no equal in our times. 

After Falconer went to London he became manager of the Lyceum Theatre, where several of his pieces were performed, including the well-knownIrish drama, "Peep o' Day, " which had an enormously successful run. Withthis he also produced a magnificent panorama of Killarney, to illustratewhich he wrote the well-known song of "Killarney" which, with the musicof Balfe, our Irish composer, at once became very popular, as it eversince has been. Madame Anna Whitty, the distinguished vocalist, whofirst sang "Killarney, " was a daughter of Michael James Whitty, of whomI have spoken elsewhere. In going through my papers I have just comeacross a letter from O'Rourke, dated from the Princess's Theatre, Manchester, August 19th, 1872, in which he tells me of the great successin Manchester of another play of his, "Eileen Oge. " This also heproduced at the Lyceum Theatre, London, where it had a long andsuccessful run. Edmund O'Rourke was a patriotic Irishman, and in thisrespect I could never have made the same comparison between thepatriotism of the two men, Barry Sullivan and him, as I did between themas actors. _Both_ were patriotic Irishmen. It will be remembered that inan early chapter of this book I have mentioned that Barry Sullivan onceoffered himself to our committee as an Irish Nationalist candidate forthe parliamentary representation of Liverpool. 

Dion Boucicault, too, is one, I am sure, who would have profited byanything Thomas Davis might have written on the subject of the drama. Iam quite satisfied that though he was severely criticised for the wakescene in his play of "The Shaughraun" at the time it was first produced, the objectionable features in this were more the fault of the actorsthan of the dramatist; but the subject was an exceedingly risky one, even for a man like Boucicault, and would have been better avoidedaltogether. 

Besides Barry Sullivan and Falconer, other Irish actors I knew wereBarry Aylmer, James Foster O'Neill, and Hubert O'Grady. They wereimpersonators of what were known as "Irish parts, " and being genuineIrish Nationalists, as well as actors, did much to elevate the characterof such performances. For with them, all the wit and drollery wereretained, while they helped, by their example, to banish the buffoonerythat used to characterise the "Stage Irishman. "

I am reminded by a criticism on one of his pieces in a London dailypaper that we can claim, as a fellow-countryman, perhaps the mostbrilliant writer at the present time for the British stage--GeorgeBernard Shaw. From a conversation I had with him once, I would certainlygather that he was a patriotic Irishman. 

I have done something in the way of dramatic production myself, one ofthe pieces I wrote being at the request of Father Nugent, to assist himin the great temperance movement he had started in Liverpool. He engageda large hall in Bevington Bush, where every Monday night he gave thetotal abstinence pledge against intoxicating liquors to large numbers ofpeople. I was then carrying on the "Catholic Times" for him, and heasked me to be the first to take the pledge from him at his publicinauguration of the movement. Although, as he was aware, I was already apledged teetotaler to Father Mathew, I was greatly pleased to agree toassist him all I could in his great work. 

He believed in providing a counter-attraction to the public house, andeach Monday night, in the Bevington Hall, he provided a concert or someother kind of entertainment; giving, in the interval between the firstand second part a stirring address and the temperance pledge. As therewas a stage and scenery in the hall, we often had dramatic sketches. Thedrama I wrote for Father Nugent had a temperance moral. It was called"The Germans of Glenmore. " It was played several Monday nights insuccession, and was well received. 

Some years afterwards I made it into a story, calling it "The Reapers ofKilbride. " This appeared over a frequent signature of mine, "SlieveDonard, " in the "United Irishman, " the organ of the Home RuleConfederation. 

Singularly enough, I found that part of it had been changed back againinto the first act of a drama by Mr. Hubert O'Grady, the well-knownIrish comedian. 

That gentleman was giving a performance for the benefit of the newlyreleased political prisoners at one of our Liverpool theatres. Beingsomewhat late, I was making my way upstairs in company with MichaelDavitt, and the play had commenced. I could hear on the stage part ofthe dialogue, which seemed familiar to me, and, sure enough, when Itook my seat and listened to the rest of the act, the dialogue waspretty nearly, word for word, from "The Reapers of Kilbride. " Thecompiler of the play being acted had also drawn upon another drama ofmine for his last act, "Rosaleen Dhu, or the Twelve Pins of Bin-a-Bola. "The play we were witnessing was very cleverly constructed, for Mr. O'Grady, with his strong dramatic instincts and experience, could tellexactly what would go well, and could use material accordingly. Thetransformation of the story as it appeared in the "United Irishman" backagain into a play would be easily effected, as, leaving out thedescriptive part, the dialogue itself, with the necessary stagedirections, told the story. This, no doubt, Mr. O'Grady had perceived. 

Later still, I carried out a similar transformation with another of myown productions. I have a piece in three acts which, as a play, hasnever been published or performed. It is called "The Curse ofColumbkille. " This drama I changed into a story, which has appeared inthe series of 6d. Novels published by Messrs. Sealy, Bryers and Walker. The most striking character in it is Olaf, a Dane, who believes himselfto be a re-incarnation of one of the old Danish sea rovers. A member ofthe firm, the late Mr. George Bryers, a sterling Irishman, called myattention to the opinion of the professional reader to the firm that itwould be advisable to call the story "Olaf the Dane; or the Curse ofColumbkille. " I accepted the suggestion, and accordingly the book hasbeen published with that title. 

I have seen with much interest the movement inaugurated by the IrishTheatre Company in Dublin, and have been present at some of theirperformances in London. In spite of some false starts and a tendency toimitate certain undesirable foreign influences, the movement shouldcertainly help to foster the Irish drama. 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

"HOW IS OLD IRELAND AND HOW DOES SHE STAND?"

Summing up these pages, how shall I answer the question asked by NapperTandy in "The Wearin' of the Green" over a hundred years ago--"How isold Ireland, and how does she stand?"

Let us see what changes, for the better or for the worse, there havebeen during the period--nearly seventy years--covered by theserecollections. 

Catholic Emancipation had, five years before I was born, allowed ourpeople to raise their voices, and give their votes through theirrepresentatives in an alien Parliament. 

I am not one to say that no benefit for Ireland has arisen throughlegislation at Westminster, but the system that allowed our people toperish of starvation has always been, to my mind, the one greatjustification for our struggle for self-government by every practicablemethod. It has been a struggle for sheer existence. 

If Ireland had had the making of her own laws when the potato cropfailed, not a single human being would have perished from starvation. That I am justified in introducing the terrible Irish Famine and itsconsequences into these recollections as part of my own experiences Ithink I have shown in my description of its effects upon our peoplewhen passing through Liverpool as emigrants or as settlers in England. 

I have always endeavoured to look upon the most hopeful aspects of theIrish question. But with the appalling tragedy of the Famine half way inthe last century, with half our people gone and the population stilldiminishing, one is bound to admit that the nineteenth century was oneof the most disastrous in Irish history. 

Is it surprising that, during my time, driven desperate at the sight ofa perishing people in one of the most fruitful lands on earth, we shouldhave made two attempts at rebellion?

In 1848 the means were totally inadequate. 

In 1867 the movement looked more hopeful in many respects. Therevolutionary organisation had a large number of enrolled members onboth sides of the Atlantic. Among them were hundreds in the Britisharmy, and many thousands of Irish-American veterans trained in the CivilWar, eager to wipe off the score of centuries in a conflict, onsomething like equal terms, with the olden oppressor of their race. 

But the real hope of success lay in the prospect of a war betweenAmerica and England, which at one time seemed imminent, and justifiedthe action of the Fenian chiefs in their preparations. 

It was, however, the very existence of Fenianism which, more than anyother cause, prevented war. For none knew better than far-seeingstatesmen like Mr. Gladstone (who declared that he was prompted toremedial measures for Ireland by "the intensity of Fenianism") thatwithin a month of the commencement of a war between America and England, Ireland would be lost to the British crown for ever. That is why Englishstatesmen would have grovelled in the dust before America, rather thanengage in a conflict with her. 

The generous way in which the Irish exiles in America have poured theirwealth into the lap of their island mother, and the determination theyhave shown to shed their blood for her just as freely, should theopportunity only come, are the features which to some extentcounterbalance the tragedy of the Famine. For that terrible calamity, bydriving our people out in millions, raised a power on the side ofIreland which her oppressors could not touch, a power which is no doubtamong the means intended by Providence to hasten our coming day offreedom. 

Nevertheless, emigration, the most unanswerable proof of Englishmisgovernment, is a terrible drain on our country's life-blood, and noentirely hopeful view of Ireland's future can be held until this isstopped. 

What, however, are the reflections which bring encouragement?

One is that the time cannot be far distant when some statesman of thetype of Gladstone will try to avert the danger threatening the Britishempire through an ever-discontented Ireland, by conceding to her atleast the amount of self-government possessed by Canada and Australia. 

To this one section of Englishmen will say "Never!" Students of historyhave many times heard the "Never" of English statesmen, and know howoften it has proved futile. Before I was born they were saying "Never"to Catholic Emancipation. Later on they said "Never" to the demand fortenant-right. A few years ago, when fighting the Boers, they said"Never" to the suggestion that the war should be ended on conditions. Even now economic causes and the competition of rival powers are at workin such a way that it is plain that the existence of the British Empireis at stake. England's one chance lies in the possibility of thefriendship of the free democratic commonwealths which are at present hercolonies--and of Ireland. 

The establishing of County Councils in Ireland and Great Britain was anacceptance of the principle of Home Rule. Their successful working hascaused the belief in that principle to gain ground. Their administrationin Ireland has shown that in no part of the British empire does thereexist a greater capacity for self-government. All creeds and classesthere have found the material benefit arising from them, for instead oftheir finances being managed by irresponsible boards, the money of thepeople is now wisely spent by their elected representatives. 

Moreover, if there is one thing that is certain, it is that the _future_is on our side. In my own time I have seen a most startling change comeover the attitude of the working classes of England towards Ireland asthey progressed in knowledge and political power themselves. They arethe certain rulers of England to-morrow, the men whose democratic idealsare our own, and who have in fact largely been trained by us. Their risemeans the fall of the system that has mis-governed Ireland. Thus everyday brings nearer the triumph of our ideal, the ideal of freedom, whichwill probably be worked out in the form of Ireland governing herself andworking harmoniously with a democratic self-governing England. 

The unquestionable growing desire among the people of Wales and Scotlandto manage their own affairs proceeds largely from their having felt thebenefits of _local_ self-government in their County Councils. Theirprejudice against _National_ self-government for Ireland, and forthemselves, too, should they desire it, is rapidly breaking down. Inthis connection, too, we must never forget what an enormous power wehave in the two millions and more of Irishmen and men of Irishextraction in Great Britain, and that, under ordinary circumstances, they hold the balance of power between British parties in about 150Parliamentary constituencies. 

With regard to the Irish land question, we have every reason to behopeful of the final and complete success of the great movementcommenced by the organisation founded by Michael Davitt. 

We have had, since the days of Strongbow, many conquests andconfiscations and settlements, the main object of each being theacquisition of the land of Ireland. Is it not marvellous, notwithstanding all the attempts to destroy our people, how they haveclung to the soil and so absorbed the foreign element that you still sooften find the old tribal names in the old tribal lands? Apart fromthis, we have, in the descendants of the various invaders, what would bea most valuable element in a self-governing Ireland, for whatever be thecreed or the race from which men have sprung, it is but natural that allshould love alike the land of their birth. As a result of MichaelDavitt's labours, that land is to-day more nearly than it has been forcenturies the property of the people, and it seems now, humanlyspeaking, impossible that they should ever be dispossessed of it again. 

Then there is the improvement in education. At one time it was bannedand hunted along with religion and patriotism. Then it was permitted, with a view of turning it into a lever against the other two elements. Concessions have so far been wrung from the British parliament thatthere is now a university to which Irish youths can be sent. Here thereis a great factor for good, for while, on the one hand, knowledge ispower, on the other hand the thirst for knowledge has always beenineradicable in the Irish character. There are also the beginnings oftechnical training so long badly needed. Under self-government we shouldhave been a couple of generations earlier in the race than we are, butit is not too late. 

Lastly, in reckoning up the conditions from which we can take hope andcomfort there is this: In the darkest hour we have never lost faith inourselves and our Cause. To find a parallel for such tenacity in thepages of the history of any land would be difficult. 

We come of a race that, through the long, dreary centuries, has neverknown despair, nor shall we despair now. I am assured that, before long, the drain on our life blood that has gone on for sixty years will stop, and that we shall stand on solid ground at last, ready for an upwardspring. 

And so, to the young men of Ireland I would say: Be true to yourselves;hold fast to the ideals which your fathers preserved through thecenturies, in spite of savage force and unscrupulous statecraft. Thetimes are changing; new impulses are constantly shaping the destinies ofthe nations; have confidence in God and your country; and who shall dareto say that the future of Ireland may not yet be a glorious recompensefor the heroism with which she has borne the sufferings of the past. 

 THE END. 

 INDEX. 

 A. 

 Alabama Claims, 75. 

 Allen, Larkin, and O'Brien condemned and executed, 104. 

 Ambulances, Irish, for Franco-Prussian War, 160, 161. 

 Amnesty Association and O'Connell Centenary, 183. 

 Ancient Fenians, 52. 

 Anderson, Arthur, resembled Corydon, 85. 

 "Annesley's Mountain, Lord, " 31, 47. 

 Answers to Correspondents, 154. 

 Antrim, my birthplace, 2. 

 Archbishops Crolly and Murray support the Bequest Act, 30. 

 Archdeacon, George, 52. 

 Architectural Drawing and Surveying, employed at these, 54. 

 Arms for Rising of 1867. Inadequate supply, 94. 

 Arrest and rescue of Kelly and Deasy, 95. 

 Aunt Kitty, my godmother, 2. ----Mary, 38. ----Nancy, 15. 

 Aylmer, Barry, adopts the stage as profession, 119. 

 B. 

 Ballad Poetry of Ireland, 260. 

 Ballymagenaghy, my mother's birthplace, 31. ----rocky soil, 31. 

 Ballymagenaghy, "Papishes to a man, " 31. ----cottage industries, 33, 34. ----large families, 33. 

 Ballymagrehan, 36. 

 Ballywalter, my father's birthplace, 2. 

 Ballinahinch, Battle of, 38, 39. 

 Banbridge, weaving industries by steam, 34. 

 Bannon, Oiney, 31. 

 Barrett, David, examines the _Lia Fail_, 110. 

 "Barney Henvey" and the Fairies, 35, 36. 

 Barry, John, 8, 127. ----calls us together to form Home Rule Confederation of ----Great Britain, 173. 

 Barry Sullivan, a great Irish actor, 22. 

 Beers, Lord Roden's agent in Dolly's Brae massacre, 45. 

 Beecher (Captain Michael O'Rorke), "The Fenian Paymaster, " 78, 79. 

 Belle Vue Prison, Manchester, near the scene of rescue, 101. 

 Benedictines, 4. 

 Biggar, Joseph, 180, 181, 193. ----Catholic, becomes a, 181. ----"Obstruction. " enters upon, 182. ----Parliament, enters, 179. ----Parnell, combination with, 179. 

 Birmingham, supplementary Convention, 176. "Black North, " The, 15. 

 Bligh, M. D. , Alderman Alexander, 200. 

 Bligh, M. D. , John, 207. 

 Blockade, running of "United Ireland, " 209, 215. 

 Boer War, The, 271. 

 "_Bog Latin_, " Mr. Butt gives the origin of it, 195. 

 Boucicault, Dion, 263. 

 Bourbaki, our men in Foreign Legion with him struck last blow in --Franco-German War, 161. 

 Boyle, M. P. , Alderman Daniel, 239. 

 Brady, John, 236. 

 Breslin, John, 76. ----aids in escape of military Fenians, 140. 

 Breslin, Michael, "on his keeping, " 77, 123. 

 Breslin, Michael, narrowly escapes arrest, 124. 

 Brett (sergeant of police) shot in Manchester rescue, 101. 

 "Brian, Tribe of, " 28. 

 Brian O'Loughlin in '98, 38. 

 Brotherhood of St. Patrick, the forerunner of Fenianism and --Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood, 87. 

 Bryant, Mrs. Dr. Sophie, 238. 

 Bryers, George, 266. 

 "Buckshot Foster, " 210. 

 Burke, Rickard, meets a notable company, 93. ----purchases arms, 105. ----Clerkenwell explosion an attempt to rescue him, 106. ----sent to penal servitude, 106. ----returned to America, 112. 

 Burke, Thomas, J. P. , of Liverpool, 186. 

 Bushmills, Co. Antrim, my birthplace, 2. 

 Butt, Isaac, presides at the first Annual Convention of the Home Rule Confederation of Great Britain, and becomes its --first President, 173. ----a contributor to "United Irishman, " 181. ----gives no countenance to obstruction, 188. ----1876 Convention votes confidence in him, 188. ----resigns presidency of organisation, and succeeded by Parnell, 192. ----his death, 195. 

 Byrom Street, Liverpool, my house for a time the headquarters of Home Rule Confederation of Great Britain, 181. ----frequently met Butt, Parnell, Biggar, and other leaders there, 181. 

 Byrne, Daniel, Richmond Prison warder, 77. 

 Byrne, Frank, 160, 181. 

 Byrne, M. P. , Garrett, 230. 

 Byrne, Patrick, 199. 

 C. 

 Cahill, Rev. Dr. , a great preacher, 59. 

 Camp in Everton, in view of expected rising in Liverpool, 55. 

 Campbell, Richard, a humorous Irish singer, 120. 

 "Camp Fires of the Legion, " by James Finigan, 162. 

 Carlingford Lough, vies with Killarney in beauty, 27. 

 Carnarvon Borough election, where I first met Lloyd George, 237. 

 _Carraig_ Mountain, 31

 Cassidy, Tom, "a flogger, " 67. 

 Castlewellan, Eiver Magennis its member in King James's Parliament, 29. 

 Castlewellan, a Nationalist centre for South Down, 47. 

 "Catalpa" carries off the military Fenians, 140. ----lands them safely in New York, 145. 

 Catholic Emancipation, 268. 

 Catholic Hierarchy, Restoration of, 58. 

 Catholic Institute, 54. 

 "Catholic Times, " I review in it "Life of Robert Emmet, " by Michael James Whitty, 21. ----carrying it on single-handed, 153. 

 Celtic Race, the Catholics of Ulster the most Celtic part of --Ireland, 30. 57. 

 Chambers, Corporal, 200. 

 Chester Castle, plot to seize, 81. ----I volunteer for the raid, 82. 

 Christian Brothers, The, 14, 27. 

 Churches, increase rapidly in Liverpool, 6. 

 Clampit, Sam, a good, honest Protestant Fenian, is arrested, 108. 

 Clan Connell War Song--O'Donnell Aboo, 115. 

 Clan na nGael, 36. 

 Clarence Dock, Liverpool, 3. ----where the harvest men landed, 35. 

 Clarke, Michael, 180. 

 Clarke, Patrick, 180. 

 Clarkhill, Co. Down, 47. 

 Coming over from Ireland, 3. 

 Commins, Dr. Andrew, his record, 172. ----becomes head of Home Rule Organisation in Great Britain, 171, 172. 

 Conciliation Hall, Dublin, 16. 

 Condon, Captain Edward O'Meagher, 93. 

 Condon, plans rescue of Kelly and Deasy, 96. ----is himself arrested, 102. 

 Condon, his defiant shout in the dock of "God save Ireland, " 104. ----returned to America, and has been since helping the Cause there and here, 106, 107, and 112. 

 Confederates, Irish, 55. 

 Connolly, Lawrence, 185. 

 Connaught, 35. 

 Convention of 1876 votes confidence in Isaac Butt, 188. 

 Copperas Hill Chapel, 5. ----Schools, 13. 

 Cork, "No sin in Cor-r-r-k, " 26. 

 Corydon, the informer, what he was like, 85. ----throws off the mask, 85. 

 Cottage Industries in Ulster, 33. 

 Council of Fenian Leaders, 93. 

 Cousens, a Liverpool detective, 131. 

 Cranston, Robert, escaped military Fenian, 141. 

 Crilly, Alfred, a brilliant Irishman, who did good service for the Cause, 150, 171. 

 Crilly, Daniel, brother of Alfred, 150, 211. ----on staff of "Nation, " 151. ----registration agent, 243. ----editor of "United Irishman, " 180. ----Member of Parliament, 180. 

 Crilly, Frederick Lucas, General Secretary of United Irish League --of Great Britain, 150. 

 Crimean War, The, 65. 

 Crosbie Street, mostly spoke Connaught Irish, 15. 

 Crowley, Thade, the Cork pork butcher, 25, 26. 

 Cumberland, 33. 

 Curragh of Kildare, I help at the building of camp there, 65. 

 D. 

 "Daily News, " The, describes the rescue of Kelly and Deasy, and acknowledges the courage and skill of the rescuers, 101. 

 "Daily Post, " Liverpool, 21. 

 Darragh, Daniel, brings the arms from Birmingham for Manchester Rescue, 96. ----dies in Portland Prison, 126. ----Hogan brings his remains to Ireland, and Condon visits his grave, 127. 

 Darragh, Thomas, escaped military Fenian, 141. 

 Davis, Thomas, as registration agent, 242. ----his "Literary and Historical Essays, " 261. 

 Davitt, Martin, father of Michael, 240. 

 Davitt, Michael, takes up Forrester's work of supplying arms, 132. ----is arrested and convicted on Corydon's testimony, 136. ----returns from penal servitude, 199. ----formation of the Land League, 205. ----his "Fall of Feudalism, " 197. ----tries to get Parnell to join advanced movement, 202. 

 "Dear Old Ireland, " T. D. Sullivan's Song, 38. 

 Denvir's "Monthly" and "Irish Library, " 257. 

 De Courcy, 27, 29. 

 Denvir, Bishop, Bible, 30. ----see Father O'Laverty, 30. ----I met him with my father, 3. 

 Denvir, General Denver's daughter enquires after him, 41. 

 Denver City, the Capital of Colorado, named after General James --William Denver, descended from Patrick Denvir, a '98 Insurgent, 40. 

 Desmond, Captain, one of the rescuers of the military Fenians, 140. 

 Devoy, John, he aided the escape of James Stephens, 76, and of the --military Fenians, 140. 

 Dillon, John, M. P. , 205. 

 Distinguished Irishmen I have met, 10. 

 Disestablishment of the Irish Church prompted by Gladstone's recognition --of "the intensity of Fenianism, " 147. 

 Disruption of the Irish Party, 252. 

 Doctors and other professional men excellent helpers in the National Cause, 177, 258. 

 Dock labourers' love of learning, 19. 

 Dolly's Brae Fight, 44. ----massacre, 45. 

 Donnelly, Edward, foreman printer of "United Ireland, " brings me the --stereos, 210. 

 Doran, Arthur, an Irish newsagent, becomes bail for Forrester, 135. 

 Dowling, chief constable of Liverpool, dismissed, 60. 

 Down, County, 2, 29, 47. ----cottage industries, 33. 

 Drumgoolan, my uncle's parish, 28. 

 Dublin Castle wires warning of Manchester Rescue--too late, 97. 

 Duffy, Michael Francis, 166. 

 Duffy, Sir Charles Gavan, loses heart for a time, 62. 

 Duffy, Sir Charles Gavan, his old hopes revive, 62. 

 Dundas, General, routed by the Kilcullen pikemen in '98. 

 Dundrum Bay, 32. 

 E. 

 Egan, Patrick, 184. ----sustains "United Ireland" against attempted suppression, 215. ----his life story, 219. ----always a practical patriot, 221. ----attitude towards Parliament, 221. ----President of Irish National League of America, 224. ----American ambassador to Chili, 224. ----President Harrison's tribute, 224. 

 Elizabethan days, 5. 

 "Emerald Minstrels, " The, 115, 116, 117. ----inspired by "Spirit of the Nation, " 118. 

 "Erin's Hope, " with Irish-American officers, arms, and ammunition, --reaches Sligo Bay, 94. ----returns to America, 95. 

 "Erin's Sons in England, " racy song by T. D. Sullivan, 152. 

 F. 

 Fahy, Francis, poet. 137

 Falconer (Edmond O'Rourke), a famous Irish actor and dramatist, --author of "Peep o' Day, " "Killarney, " etc. , 52, 263. 

 Famine, The great Irish, 6. ----heroism of the clergy, 53. ----the greatest disaster in Irish history, 269. 

 "Felon Repeal Club" in Newcastle-on-Tyne, 56. 

 Fenian Brotherhood, The, 52, 73. ----the two wings, 123. ----Conference in Paris, Michael Breslin attends, 123. ----gathering, which Parnell attends at my invitation, 203. 

 "Fenian Paymaster" (Captain O'Rorke), known as "Beecher, " 78. 

 Fenian leaders in England take counsel, 93. 

 Fenianism. --What did it do for Ireland? 146. 

 Ferguson, John, assists at foundation of Home Rule Confederation of --Great Britain, 176. ----indicates Parnell as future leader, 192. ----director of "United Irishman, " 180. 

 Finigan, James Lysaght, his adventurous career, 124. ----in the Franco-German War, 160. 

 Finn MacCool and the ancient Fenians, 52. 

 Flannery, Thomas, an able Irish scholar, 164, 258. 

 Flood, John, and the Chester raid, 82. 

 "Flowering, " girls employed at, 34. 

 "Flowing Tide, " 233. 

 Foley, Patrick James, 254. 

 Ford, Patrick, Michael Davitt's tribute to him, 198. ----I welcome the "Irish World" in the "Catholic Times, " 198. 

 Forrester, Arthur, he brings me revolvers, 131. ----I am visited by detectives, 131. ----they can make out no case against him, and he is released, 135. 

 Forrester, Arthur, he joins the French Foreign Legion, 134, 160, 162. 

 Forrester, Mrs. Ellen, comes with Michael Davitt, 133. ----like others of her family, she wrote poetry, 134. 

 Fox, Frank, one of our poets, 181. 

 "Fount of patriotism, " 11. 

 Franco-Prussian War, 160. 

 Freemantle, rescue from of the military Fenians, 139. 

 "Frolics of Phil Foley, " a sketch by John F. McArdle, 121. 

 G. 

 Gaelic characters, the, 11. 

 Gaelic League Revival, 256. 

 Gaelic Prayer Book (Scotch), printed by me for Father Campbell, S. J. , for use in the Highlands and Islands of Scotland, 259. 

 Garton, Patrick De Lacy, Stephens escapes in his hooker, 78. ----he helps the blockade-running of "United Ireland. " "Georgette, " ----passenger steamer, pursues the military Fenians, 143. ----fires a round shot across the bows of the "Catalpa, " in which they ----are escaping, 143. 

 Gilmore, Patrick Sarsfield, a distinguished Irish-American composer --and musician, 114. 

 Gilmore, Mary Sarsfield, his daughter, an able contributor to --"Irish World, " 114. 

 Gladstone, William Ewart, introduces Home Rule Bill, 231. ----"Flowing Tide, " 233. ----returned to power through aid of Irish vote, 232. 

 "God Save Ireland, " Condon gives us a rallying cry and a --National Anthem, 104. 

 "Gormans of Glenmore, " The, 265. 

 Goss, Bishop, a typical Englishman of the best kind. Blunt-hitting-out-from-the-shoulder style of speaking, 156. 

 Grattan's Parliament, 41. 

 Graves, Alfred Perceval, 138, 259. 

 Gunboats in river Mersey in view of expected rising in Liverpool, 55. 

 H. 

 "Hail to the Chief" (from the "Lady of the Lake"), 118. ----played as salute to Parnell, 117. 

 Halpin, General, a scientific soldier, 90. ----in command at the rising, 90. ----gives us lecture on fortifications and earthworks, 91. ----arrested at Queenstown, 91. 

 "Hamlet" played by Falconer, 262. 

 Hand, John, one of our poets, 181. 

 Hanlons, Hughey and Ned, 51. 

 Harrington, Martin, escaped military Fenian, 141. 

 Harvestmen from Connaught and Donegal, a hardy lot, 35. 

 Haslingden, the home of Davitt, 84. 

 Hassett, Thomas Henry, escaped military Fenian, 141. 

 Healy, T. M. , when I first met him, 196. ----becomes Parnell's secretary, 197. 

 Heinrick, Hugh, editor of "United Irishman, " 180. 

 Hibernians, Ancient Order of, strong in Liverpool, and stout champions --of country and creed, 16. ----a bodyguard for the priests in penal days, 17. ----their stronghold in northern Irish counties and counties adjoining, 18. ----in America, Rev. Thomas Shahan pays tribute to the Order, 16, 17. 

 "Hidden Gem, " a play by Cardinal Wiseman, 63. 

 Hierarchy restored, 58. 

 Highlands of Scotland, the Gaelic spoken there, 187. 

 Hints from Thomas Davis to Irish painters, students, historians, --lecturers, journalists, public speakers, and others, 261. 

 Hogan, the Irish sculptor, crowns O'Connell with Repeal cap, 49. 

 Hogan, Martin Joseph, escaped military Fenian, 141. 

 Hogan, William, a friend of Captain John M'Cafferty, 87. ----helps Darragh to get the revolvers for Manchester rescue, 96. ----is arrested for this, tried, and acquitted, 124, 125. 

 Holyhead, wagons and carriages for there to be seized, 81. 

 Holy Cross Chapel, Liverpool, as it was, 58. ----the chief of police countenances the getting up of a panic there, 60. 

 Holland, of the submarine, 145. 

 Home Rule Organisation, formation in Ireland, various sections assist, 148. ----John Barry calls us together to form Home Rule Confederation ----of Great Britain, 173. 

 Home Rule Organisation, I become its first secretary, 155. 

 Hyde Road, the scene of the Manchester rescue, 99. 

 Hymans, Jewish admirers of Thade Crowley, 25. 

 I. 

 Igoe's publichouse at the Curragh, 67. 

 "Inishowen, " noble song by Charles Gavan Duffy, 260. 

 Insurrection in Ireland considered easier to put down than "Obstruction, " 190. 

 Iona Pilgrimage, 233. 

 Irish-American officers to leave Ireland for England, 79. 

 Irish Brigade of Liverpool, 92. 

 "Irish Library, " I start it, 35. 

 "Irish in Britain, " The, 78, 102. 

 Irish National League organiser, Edward M'Convey, 33. 

 Irish Parliamentary Party, disruption and reunion of, 252. 

 Irish Race Convention, 254. 

 "Irish Rapparees, " by Gavan Duffy, 260. 

 Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood, 73. 74. 

 Irish of Great Britain compact and politically important, 2. 

 "Irish World, " The, 198. 

 Isle of Man, 32, 187. 

 J. 

 Jack Langan, an Irish boxer, 4. 

 "Jigger Loft, " where our men work, 7. 

 Journalism, 21. 

 Johnson, my classical teacher, 28. 

 K. 

 Kehoe, Inspector Lawrence. --Did he shut his eyes in my case? 129. 

 Kelly, Col. Thomas, his personal appearance, 92. ----directs rescue of James Stephens, 76, 77, 78. ----I meet him in Liverpool, 92, 93. ----his arrest in Manchester with Captain Deasy, 95. ----rescue, 100, 101. ----how he escaped from the country, 105. 

 Kildare, gallant fight of the men of Kildare in '98, 69. 

 King Edward VII. , plot for his abduction when Prince of Wales, 88. 

 Kirwan, Captain Martin Walter, in the Franco-Prussian War, 160. ----afterwards general secretary of Irish organisation in Great Britain. 

 Knox, Edmund Vesey, a Protestant Member of Parliament, who did --good service at Lloyd George's election and elsewhere, 238. 

 L. 

 Lambert, Michael, makes key to fit James Stephens' cell, 78. 

 "Lancashire Free Press, " 91. 

 Land League, The, its formation in April, 1879, with Davitt recognised --as its "Father, " 205. 

 Larkin, Michael, 103, 104. 

 Lecale, Celtic and Norman admixture since De Courcy's time, 27. 

 Leitrim Chapel, where I served Mass for my uncle, 32. ----band of fiddles, flutes, and clarionets, 37. 

 _Lia Fail_ (Stone of Destiny), 109, the stone to be stolen, 110. 

 _Lia Fail_, David Barrett, League organiser, tries to test its weight. --Is stopped by its guardians, 111. 

 Liberator, The (O'Connell), frequently passed through Liverpool, 43. 

 Lloyd-George, David, Chancellor of the Exchequer, I help --in his first Election, 237. 

 London Irish Literary Society, 259. 

 Lost opportunity for Irish tongue, 15. 

 Lover, Samuel, painter, poet, musician, composer, novelist, --and dramatist, 10. ----his patriotism, 10, 11. ----his wit, 12. 

 Loyal toasts, 188, 189, 203. 

 Lumber Street Chapel, 4. 

 Lynch, . Daniel, translates "God Save Ireland" into Irish, 113. 

 M. 

 McAnulty, Bernard, a strong Home Ruler and Fenian sympathiser, 34, 56, 180. 

 McArdle, John, 15, 16. 

 McArdle, John F. , the most brilliant of the Emerald Minstrels, 118. 

 McCann, Michael Joseph, author of "O'Donnell Aboo, " I make --his acquaintance, 114, 115. 

 McCafferty, John, had fought for the South in the American Civil War. --His plot to seize Chester Castle, 81. ----his scheme (as Mr. Patterson) to abduct the Prince of Wales, 88. 

 McCartans, The, 29. 

 McCarthy, Sergeant, his sudden death, 200. 

 M'Cormick, Father, of Wigan, men on way to Chester raid go to Confession --to him, 82. 

 McDonald, Bishop of Argyll and the Isles, preached at Iona in Gaelic --on the life of St. Columbkille, 234. 

 McDonnell, Sergeant James, 206

 McGrady, Owen, conference at his house to arrange for reception of --expedition then on the sea, 93. 

 McGrath, Father Peter, 187. 

 McGowan, James, my godfather, 2. 

 McHale, Archbishop, I report his sermon, 155. 

 McKinley, Peter, 180. 

 MacMahon, Father, of Suncroft, gives the Curragh men a good character, 70. ----he tells us of St. Brigid's miraculous mantle, 69. ----and of the gallant Kildare men in '98, 69. 

 McMahon, Heber, 181. 

 MacManus, Terence Bellew, 49, 52. 

 McNaghten, Sir Francis, 2. 

 McSwiney, Father, S. J. , and the "Catholic Times, " 154. 

 "Macbeth" played by Falconer, 262. 

 Magennis, Eiver (see Castlewellan), 29. 

 Maguire, the marine, wrongly charged at Manchester, 104. 

 Manchester, first Convention of Home Rule Confederation held there, 173. 

 Manchester Martyrs, place of rescue confounded with place of execution, 99. 

 Mangan, Richard, 180. 

 Mass in Penal times, 5. 

 Massacre at Dolly's Brae, 45. 

 Mathew, Father, Apostle of Temperance, what he was like, 13. 

 Maughan, Peter, recruiting agent for the I. R. B. Among --the British soldiery, 72, 86. 

 Mazzinghi, Count, composer of "Hail to the Chief, " 115. 

 Meany, Stephen Joseph, a journalist, 91. ----in Young Ireland movement, 22. ----starts "Lancashire Free Press, " 91. ----imprisoned for Fenianism, 91. 

 "Men of the North, The, " stirring ballad by Charles Gavan Duffy, 260. 

 Military Fenians, their rescue, chiefly by John Breslin, --going from America, and John Walsh from this side, 139 to 145. 

 Millbank Prison, M'Cafferty writes from there to William Hogan, 87. 

 Mogan, John, a capable man at registration and electioneering, 243. 

 Monroe, General, a Presbyterian leader, hanged at his own door in '98, 41. 

 Mourne Mountains, 27, 32, 57. 

 Mulhall, Peter and James, 194. 

 Mullaghmast, 49. 

 Mullin, Dr. James, 177, 178. 

 Murphy, Bessie, 181. 

 Murphy, Captain, 93, 112. 

 Murphy, David, supposed to have been shot by connivance of Pigott, 247. 

 Murphy, Patrick, 239. 

 Murphy, William, sent to penal servitude for attack on the van --at Manchester, though not there, 102. 

 Murray, Archbishop, 30. 

 N. 

 "Nation" newspaper, readings from it, 15. ----"O'Donnell Aboo" appears in it, 115. 

 "Nation once again, A, " 36. 

 National Anthem of "God Save Ireland, " Condon's defiant shout --in the dock the origin of it, 104. 

 "Nationalist" The, 256. 

 Naughton, Miss, 132. 

 "Ninety-eight" memories, many of the leaders Presbyterians, 41. 

 "No Popery" mob, A, 4. 

 "No Popery" mania over "Papal aggression, " 58. 

 Normans in Ireland, The, 27. 

 "Northern Press and Catholic Times, " 72. 

 Norse settlements, 27. 

 Nugent, Father, and the Catholic Institute, 63. ----St. Patrick's celebrations, 64. ----proprietor of "Catholic Times, " which I conducted for him, 91. ----after a long interval, am pleased to meet him just before ---- his death, 159. 

 O. 

 Oates, Tom, of Newcastle, 94. 

 Oath of allegiance, Parnell and my view on this, 112. 

 "O, " the prefix, 33. 

 O'Brien, Captain Michael, is hanged at Manchester, 104, 112. 

 O'Brien, John, released prisoner, 200. 

 O'Brien, James Francis Xavier, introduces me to O'Donovan (Rossa), 73. ----No more gallant figure among the Fenian leaders than J. F. X. O'Brien. ----In all things _straight_, 89, 90. 

 O'Brien, M. P. , Patrick, 230. 

 O'Brien, Richard Barry, 259. 

 O'Brien, William, 212, &c. 

 "Obstruction, " the 1877 Convention endorses the policy, 104. 

 O'Coigly, Father, Pilgrimage, 235. 

 O'Connell Centenary, 183, 184. 

 O'Connell in Liverpool, 48. ----a faithful son of the Church, 48. ----enormous attendance at his meetings, 49. ----Orange attack repelled by McManus and his friends, 49. 

 O'Connell, John (son of the Liberator, Daniel O'Connell), --a British militia officer at the Curragh; gives good example --to his men by going to Holy Communion, 68. ----he wrote fine verses, 68. 

 O'Connell, Maurice, wrote "Recruiting Song of the Irish Brigade, " 69. 

 O'Connell Centenary, 183. 

 O'Connor, M. P. , T. P. , the only Home Rule Member of Parliament for --Great Britain elected _as such_, 24, 188, 230. 

 O'Donovan, Edmund, son of John O'Donovan, 90. ----in French Foreign Legion, 160, 162. ----special correspondent in Russo-Turkish War, 164. ----Merv, 165. ----perishes in the Soudan, 165. 

 O'Donovan, Jeremiah (Rossa), 73. 

 O'Donovan, John, the distinguished Irish scholar, 163. ----memoir of him by Thomas Flannery, 164. 

 O'Donnell, Bishop, 254. "O'Donnell Aboo" as our national anthem? 114, 115. ----no claim, 116. 

 O'Donnell, F. H. , 181, 193. 

 O'Grady, Hubert, 265. 

 O'Hagan, Lord, 184. 

 O'Hanlons, The, the Ulster standard bearers, 51. 

 O'Kelly, James, in Mexican campaign, 165. ----recruits for the French army until fall of Paris, 166. ----adopts journalism, 167. ----enters Parliament, 167. 

 "Olaf, the Dane, or the Curse of Columbkille, " 266. 

 Oliver, William John, 180. 

 O'Laverty, Father, historian of Down and Connor, 29, 30. 

 O'Loughlin, Brian, 38. 

 O'Loughlin, Father Bernard, my uncle, 33. ----Father Bernard. Passionist, of Paris 169. ----John, my uncle, 169. ----Michael, Father, my uncle, 28, 33. ----Margaret, my mother, 33. 

 O'Mahony, Michael, writes "Life of St. Columbkille" for me, 234. 

 O'Malley, M. P. , William, 230. 

 Opening of a bath by swimming in it, by T. D. Sullivan, when --Lord Mayor of Dublin, 153. 

 Orangeism, 19, 20, 22, 23. 

 O'Reilly, John Boyle, his "Life" in our Library, 86. ----helps escape of the military Fenians, 140. 

 O'Rorke, Captain Michael (Beecher), the Fenian paymaster, 78, 79. 

 O'Rourke, Edmund (Falconer), actor and dramatist, 52, 263. 

 O'Shea, Captain, a candidate for Parliament, 228. 

 O'Sullivan, Eugene, 211. ----Eugene or "Owen, " a Welsh registration case, 244. 

 P. 

 Packmen from Ulster, Oiney Bannon, Bernard McAnulty, 34. 

 "Pagan O'Leary, " "Beggars and Robbers, " 80. 

 "Papal aggression, " 58. 

 Papal Volunteers, we entertain them, 155. 

 "Papishes, " 19. 

 Parnell, Charles Stewart, enters Parliament, 179, 181. ----becomes chairman of Irish Parliamentary Party, 192. ----could weigh men's capabilities, 197. ----Davitt cannot induce Parnell to join the advanced organisation, 202. ----Parnell and the I. R. B. Men, 203. ----with Dillon, goes to America for relief of Irish distress, 208. ----collapse of the "Times" Forgeries against Parnell, 248. ----disruption in the Party, 252. ----reunion, January 30th, 1900, 255. 

 "Patriot Parliament of 1689, " by Thomas Davis, 29. 

 Patterson, Mr. (Captain McCafferty), calls on me, 88. 

 "Peggy Loughlin's wee boy, " 32. 

 Penal days in Liverpool, 4, 5. 

 Phoenix movement and trials, 73. 

 Pictures at election times, "the Pope, " "Robert Emmet, " "King William, " 245. 

 Plantation of Ulster, 31, 39. 

 Power, John O'Connor, lectures at Davitt's meeting, 199. 

 "Punch" and "Times" seemed to gloat over probable extinction of --Irish race, 53. 

 "Punch's" caricature of O'Connell, 54. 

 Purcell, Edward, helps blockade running of "United Ireland, " 213. 

 Prendiville, John, his steamers used to bring voters from the river, 244. 

 "Presbyterian Government, " was there a call for this at Ballinahinch? 39. 

 Price, Father John, S. J. , 4. 

 "Protestant Ulster" chiefly an importation, 30. 

 Q. 

 "Quare man doesn't know his own mother's name, " 33. 

 R. 

 Race Convention in Ireland, 254. 

 Rails to Chester to be taken up, 81. 

 "Rapparees, The Irish, " Charles Gavan Duffy's fine song, 260. 

 Readings from the "Nation, " 15. 

 "Reapers of Kilbride, " 265, 266. 

 "Rebel, An Old, " 1. 

 Red-haired woman stops the growth of the Curragh, 69. 

 Redmond, John, 3, 252. 

 Redmond, Sylvester, 86. 

 Refugees of the '67 Rising, 92. 

 Repeal Hall, 52. 

 "Repeal Cap, " 49. 

 Rescue of Kelly and Deasy. ----Incidents of the arrest and rescue described in page 95 ----and following pages. 

 Reunion of the Parliamentary Party, January 30th, 1900, 255. 

 Revisiting Ireland, 27. 

 Revolvers for Manchester, 96. 

 Revolvers from Forrester, 131. 

 Reynolds, Dr. , 52. 

 Ribbonmen, 23. 

 Richards, Richard ("Double Dick"), 109. 

 Richardson, John, 5. 

 "Richard III. " played by Falconer, 262. 

 Rising of 1848, drilling to oppose it, 55. 

 Rising of 1867, 89. 

 Roden, Lord, 32. ----Dolly's Brae massacre, 45. 

 "Roderick Vich Alpine Dhu, " 115. 

 Rogers, John, a Gaelic scholar, 259. 

 Roney, Hughey, his house threatened by Orangemen, 15, 20. 

 "Rory O'More, " by Lover, 11. ----a scene from it reenacted, 12. 

 "Rosaleen Dhu, " 266. 

 Rotunda, Dublin, 155. 

 Round Towers, Kildare, &c. , 70. 

 Russell, Lord John, his Ecclesiastical Titles Act, 58, 61. 

 Russell, Charles (Lord Russell of Killowen), willing to become our candidate --for Parliament to induce Liberals to withdraw objectionable man. --This has desired effect, 249. ----we ask him to take the chair for our first Home Rule meeting. ----He advises us to get Dr. Commins, 171. 

 Russell, Sir Edward, of "Liverpool Daily Post, " 21, 257. 

 Ryan, John (Capn. O'Doherty), calls on me; I join the I. R. B. , 74. 

 Ryan, John (Capn. O'Doherty), ----he describes to me the escape of Stephens, in which he assisted, 77, 78. ----now dead many years, 68, 112. 

 Ryan, Wm. James, his "Life of John Boyle O'Reilly, " 86. 

 Ryan, William Patrick, 257. 

 Ryan, Dr. Mark, an Irish scholar, 257. 

 S. 

 Sadlier, John, his suicide, 62. 

 Sadlier-Keogh gang, their betrayal of the cause of the Irish --tenants, 61, 62. 

 Saintfield, battle, in '98, 38. 

 Salford Gaol, 99. 

 Santley, Sir Charles, 5. 

 Sarsfield Band, 184. 

 Saturday Evening Concerts, 10. 

 School Board Election, Liverpool, our votes enough to elect 8 out of --the 15 members, 156. 

 Schoolmaster, The, 93, 111. 

 Scone, 110. 

 Scott, Sir Walter, author of "Hail to the Chief, " 115. 

 Scotland Ward and Division in Liverpool, an Irish stronghold, --both Municipal and Parliamentary, 24, 185. 

 Seager, John Renwick, 243. 

 Servant girls, Irish-American, 111. 

 Sexton, Thomas, 254. 

 Shahan, Father, on "Hibernianism, " 16, 17. 

 "Shan Van Vocht, " on the "Curragh of Kildare, " sung by the --"Emerald Minstrels, " 71. 

 Shaw, George Bernard, 264. 

 "Shemus O'Brien, " 121. 

 Sherlock, Father, a saintly man, presides at our first Birmingham Convention --demonstration, 175, 177. 

 Slieve Donard, 32, 265. 

 Slieve na Slat ("Mountain of rods"), 31. 

 Sloops from Ireland, 3. 

 Smyth, George, 52. 

 "Spirit of the Nation, " 11. 

 Stephens, James, his escape from Richmond, 76, 77. 

 St. Brigid's mantle, Father MacMahon tells the legend of, 69. 

 "Stage Irishman, " discountenanced, 119, 264. 

 Strongbow, 272. 

 Saint Columbkille, 233. 

 St. George's Hall, Liverpool, great gathering addressed by Parnell, 206. 

 St. Helens meeting, Parnell and Davitt attend, 201. 

 St. Mary's, Lumber Street, 4. 

 St. Nicholas's, Liverpool, 4, 6. 

 St. Patrick's effigy, as if addressing our people from Ireland, 3. 

 St. Patrick's Day processions, 22, 24, 64. ----celebrations, 64, 65. 

 Steamers for O'Connell Centenary, 183. 

 Sullivan Brothers, 150. 

 Sullivan, A. M. Becomes proprietor and editor of the "Nation, " 63. ----presides at adjourned initial Convention of Home Rule Confederation ----of Great Britain, 176. 

 Sullivan, T. D. , author of our national anthem, 113. ----he writes, "Erin's Sons in England" for me, 152. 

 Supernatural, Irish faith in the, 13. 

 Swift, Miss Kate, 211. 

 T. 

 Taaffe, James Vincent, 211. 

 Tenant Right Agitation, 62. 

 "Terence's Fireside, " 115. 

 "Thrashers, " The, 42. 

 "Times" Forgeries Commission, 207, 246. 

 Tollymore Park, seat of Lord Roden, 45. 

 Tribal names still in tribal lands, 27, 273. 

 "Tribe of Brian, " 28. 

 Tragedy of the Famine, The, 6. 

 U. 

 Ulster Catholics, the most pure-blooded Celts in Ireland, 30. 

 Ulster, plantation of in King James I. 's time, 39. 

 "United Ireland, " attempted suppression, 210. ----sent out as "dried fish, " 212. ----not an issue missed, 215. ----I am prosecuted by Government, 216. ----printed once in Derry, 217. ----re-appeared in old office, 218. 

 Union of North and South destroyed, 61. 

 "United Irishman, " organ of Home Rule Confederation of --Great Britain, 177, 181, 265. 

 United Irishmen of 1798, 11, 41. 

 V. 

 Vaughan, Cardinal, Bishop of Salford, I get his support for --"Catholic Times, " 158. 

 Vauxhall Ward, Liverpool, 185. 

 Volunteers of 1782, The, 41. 

 "Vatican, The Treasures of, " 61. 

 W. 

 Walsh, John, informs a select gathering how he and a friend from this --side helped to rescue the military Fenians, 143. 

 Warders from Belle Vue Prison interfere in the Manchester --Rescue--no use, 101. 

 Ward, Joseph, 121. 

 Widow Walsh welcomes her lodgers at the Curragh of Kildare, 66. 

 Whitty, Michael James, Liverpool head Constable, afterwards editor --of the "Daily Post, " 20, 21, 22, 91. 

 Wilson, James, escaped military Fenian, 141. 

 Wilson, John, a Birmingham gunsmith, 136. 

 Windle, Dr. Bertram, President of University College, Cork, 177. 

 Wiseman, Cardinal, "Papal aggression" mania directed against him, 63. ----his fine play of "The Hidden Gem" given by Father Nugent's students ----at the Catholic Institute, Liverpool, 63. 

 Wolohan, Michael, the "blockade runner" for "United Ireland, " 212. 

 "Woollen Goods" (for "United Ireland"), 213. 

 Y. 

 "Young Ireland, " 11, 52.