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 +-----------------------------------------------------------+ | Transcriber's Note: | | | | Inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original | | document have been preserved. | | | | Obvious typographical errors have been corrected. For | | a complete list, please see the end of this document. | | | +-----------------------------------------------------------+

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THEJEWISH STATE

Theodor Herzl

THEJEWISHSTATE

_by__Theodor Herzl_

Dover Publications, Inc. , New York

 This Dover edition, first published in 1988, is an unabridged, unaltered republication of the work originally published in 1946 by the American Zionist Emergency Council, New York, based on a revised translation published by the Scopus Publishing Company, New York, 1943, which was, in turn, based on the first English-language edition, _A Jewish State_, translated by Sylvie d'Avigdor, and published by Nutt, London, England, 1896. The Herzl text was originally published under the title _Der Judenstaat_ in Vienna, 1896. Please see the note on the facing page for further details. 

"_THE JEWISH STATE_" is published by the American Zionist EmergencyCouncil for its constituent organizations on the occasion of the 50thAnniversary of the publication of "DER JUDENSTAAT" in Vienna, February14, 1896. 

The translation of "THE JEWISH STATE" based on a revised translationpublished by the Scopus Publishing Company was further revised byJacob M. Alkow, editor of this book. The biography was condensed fromAlex Bein's Theodor Herzl, published by the Jewish Publication Societyof America. The bibliography and the chronology were prepared by theZionist Archives and Library. To Mr. Louis Lipsky and to all of theabove mentioned contributors, the American Zionist Emergency Councilis deeply indebted. 

Contents

Introduction--Louis Lipsky 9

Biography--Alex Bein 21

The Jewish State--Theodor Herzl 67

 Preface 69

 I. Introduction 73

 II. The Jewish Question 85

 III. The Jewish Company 98

 IV. Local Groups 123

 V. Society of Jews and Jewish State 136

 VI. Conclusion 153

Bibliography 158

Chronology 159

INTRODUCTION

by

_Louis Lipsky_

_Introduction_

Theodore Herzl was the first Jew who projected the Jewish question asan international problem. "The Jewish State, " written fifty years ago, was the first public expression, in a modern language, by a modernJew, of a dynamic conception of how the solution of the problem couldbe accelerated and the ancient Jewish hope, slumbering in Jewishmemory for two thousand years, could be fulfilled. 

In 1882, Leo Pinsker, a Jewish physician of Odessa, disturbed by thepogroms of 1881, made a keen analysis of the position of the Jews, declared that anti-Semitism was a psychosis and incurable, that thecause of it was the abnormal condition of Jewish life, and that theonly remedy for it was the removal of the cause through self-help andself-liberation. The Jewish people must become an independent nation, settled on the soil of their own land and leading the life of a normalpeople. Moses Hess in his "Rome and Jerusalem" classified the Jewishquestion as one of the nationalist struggles inspired by the FrenchRevolution. Perez Smolenskin and E. Ben-Yehuda urged the revival ofHebrew and the resettlement of Palestine as the foundation for therebirth of the Jewish people. Herzl was unaware of the existence ofthese works. His eyes were not directed to the problem in the samemanner. When he wrote "The Jewish State" he was a journalist, livingin Paris, sending his letters to the leading newspaper of Vienna, the_Neue Freie Presse_, and writing on a great variety of subjects. Hewas led to see Jewish life as a phenomenon in a changing world. He hadadapted himself to a worldly outlook on all life. Through his efforts, the Jewish problem was raised to the higher level of an internationalquestion which, in his judgment, should be given consideration byenlightened statesmanship. He was inspired to give his pamphlet atitle that arrested attention. 

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He wrote "The Jewish State" in a mood of restless agitation. His ideaswere thrown pell-mell into the white heat of a spontaneous revelation. What was revealed dazzled and blinded him. Alex Bein, in his excellentbiography, gives an intriguing description, drawn from Herzl's"Diaries, " of how "The Jewish State" was born. It was the revelationof a mystic vision with flashes and overtones of prophecy. This iswhat Bein says:

 "Then suddenly the storm breaks upon him. The clouds open. The thunder rolls. The lightning flashes about him. A thousand impressions beat upon him at the same time--a gigantic vision. He cannot think; he is unable to move; he can only write; breathless, unreflecting, unable to control himself or to exercise his critical faculties lest he dam the eruption, he dashes down his thoughts on scraps of paper--walking, standing, lying down, on the street, at the table, in the night--as if under unceasing command. So furiously did the cataract of his thoughts rush through him, that he thought he was going out of his mind. He was not working out the idea. The idea was working him out. It would have been an hallucination had it not been so informed by reason from first to last. "

Not only did the Magic Title evoke a widespread interest among theintellectuals of the day, but it brought Jews out of the ghettos andmade them conscious of their origin and destiny. It made them feelthat there was a world that might be won for their cause, hithertonever communicated to strangers. Through Herzl, Jews were taught notto fear the consequences of an international movement to demand theirnational freedom. Thereafter, with freedom, they were to speak of aZionist Congress, of national funds, of national schools, of a flagand a national anthem, and the redemption of their land. Their spiritswere liberated and in thought they no longer lived in ghettos. Herzltaught them not to hide in corners. At the First Congress he said, "Wehave nothing to do with conspiracy, secret intervention or indirectmethods. We wish to put the question in the arena and under thecontrol of free public opinion. " The Jews were to be active factors intheir emancipation and, if they wished it, what was described in "TheJewish State" would not be a dream but a reality. 

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The beginnings of the Jewish renaissance preceded the appearance of"The Jewish State" by several decades. In every section of RussianJewry and extending to wherever the Jews clung to their Hebraicheritage, there was an active Zionist life. The reborn Hebrew wasbecoming an all-pervading influence. There were scores of Hebrewschools and academies. Hebrew journals of superior quality had a widecirculation. Ever since the pogroms of 1881, the ideas of Pinsker andSmolenskin and Gordon were discussed with great interest and deepunderstanding. There were many Zionist societies in Russia, in Poland, in Rumania, in Galicia and even in the United States. In "The JewishState" Herzl alludes to the language of The Jewish State and passesHebrew by as a manifestation of no great significance. He has a pooreropinion of Yiddish, the common language of Jews, which he regards as"the furtive language of prisoners. " This was obviously an oversight. With the advent of Herzl, however, Zionism was no more a matter ofdomestic concern only. It was no longer internal Jewish problem only, not a theme for discussion only at Zionist meetings, not a problem toheat the spirits of Jewish writers. The problem of Jewish exile nowoccupied a place on the agenda of international affairs. 

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Herzl was not so distant from his people as many of the RussianZionists at first surmised. He was familiar with the socialanti-Semitism of Austria and Germany. He knew of the disabilities ofthe Jews in Russia. There are many references in his feuilletons tomatters of Jewish interest. He had read an anti-Semitic book writtenby Eugen Dühring called "The Jewish Problem as a Problem of Race, Morals and Culture. " One of his closest friends had gone to Brazil fora Jewish committee to investigate the possibility of settling Jews inthat part of South America. In 1892 he wrote an article on Frenchanti-Semitism in which he considered the solution of a return to Zionand seemed to reject it. He wrote "The New Ghetto" two years before"The Jewish State" appeared. He was present at the trial of AlfredDreyfus in December, 1894. He witnessed the degradation of Dreyfus andheard the cries of "Down with the Jews" in the streets of Paris. Heread Edouard Drumont's anti-Semitic journal "La France Juive" andsaid, "I have to thank Drumont for much of the freedom of my presentconception of the Jewish problem. " While he was in Paris he wasstirred as never before by the feeling that the plight of the Jews wasa problem which would have to have the cooperation of enlightenedstatesmanship. What excited him in the strangest way was theunaccountable indifference of Jews themselves to what seemed to himthe menace of the existing situation. He saw the Jews in every landencircled by enemies, hostility to them growing with the increase oftheir numbers. In his excitement he thought first of Jewishphilanthropists. He sought an interview with Baron Maurice de Hirschin May, 1895. He planned an address to the Rothschilds. He talked ofhis ideas to friends in literary circles. His mind was obsessed by agigantic problem which gave him no rest. He was struggling to piercethe veils of revelation. He saw a world in which the Jewish peoplelacked a fulcrum for national action and therefore had to seek tocreate it through beneficence. He had a remarkably resourceful andagile imagination. He weighed ideas, balanced them, discarded them, reflected, reconsidered, tried to reconcile contradictions, andfinally came to what seemed to him at the moment the synthesis of theissue which seemed acceptable to reason and sentiment. 

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Obviously, "The Jewish State" was not a dogmatic finality. Most of theplans for settlement and migration are improvisations. The pamphletwas not a rigid plan or a blueprint. It was not a description of aUtopia, although some parts of it give that impression. It had anindicated destiny but was not bound by a rigid line. It was theillumination of a dynamic thought and followed the light with the hopethat it might lead to fulfillment. There was room for detours andvariations. It was to be rewritten, as he knew, not by its author butby the Jewish people on their way to freedom. 

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In fact, it was revised from the moment the Zionist movement wasorganized on an international basis. The "Society of Jews" became theZionist Organization, with its statutes, its procedures, its publicexcitement and controversies. "The Jewish Company" became the Bank;then more specifically, the Jewish Colonial Trust and later theAnglo-Palestine Bank. The description of the _Gestor_, which appearsin the final chapter of the pamphlet, was never referred to again, but in effect it was incorporated in the idea of a statein-the-process-of-becoming. Its legitimate successor is the JewishAgency referred to in the Mandate for Palestine. He was first led bythe idea that the way to the charter was through the Sultan and thatthe Sultan would be influenced by Kaiser Wilhelm. But both princesfailing him, he turned to England and Joseph Chamberlain, and came tothe Uganda proposal. This was Herzl's one political success althoughthe project was, in effect, rejected by the Zionist Congress. Butthis encounter with England was a precedent which led to muchspeculation in Zionist circles and gave a turn to Zionist thoughtaway from Germany and Turkey. It served to inspire Dr. Chaim Weizmanto make his home in England with the express purpose of seekingEnglish sympathy for the Zionist ideal. The successor of JosephChamberlain was Arthur James Balfour. When Herzl opened Chamberlain'sdoor, Zionism had an easier access to the England of Balfour. 

When Herzl first appeared on the political scene, he thought ofcourtiers and statesmen, of princes and kings. He found that theycould not be relied upon for truth or stability. They were encircledby favorites and mercenaries. Enormous responsibilities rested upontheir shoulders but they seemed to behave with regard to theseresponsibilities as if they were gamblers or amateurs. Herzl soonrealized that these were frail reeds that would break under theslightest pressure. He came to put his trust in the Jewish people, the only real source of strength for the purpose of redemption. Confidence in themselves would give them power to breach their prisonwalls. His aristocratic republic had to become a movement ofdemocracy. Only in "The Jewish State" will you find reference to amovement based upon Jews who endorse a "fixed program, " and thenbecome members under the "discipline" of leadership. When Herzl facedthe First Congress, he saw that this conception of Zionism was foreignto the nature and character of the Jewish people. The shekel was theregistry of a name. It led the way to the elevation of the individualin Zionist affairs, first as a member of a democratic army "willing"the fulfillment, and then settling in Palestine to become the handsthat built the Homeland. 

Arrayed in the armor of democracy, the Zionist movement made theself-emancipation ideal of Pinsker live in the soul of Herzl. At anumber of Congresses, in his articles in Die Welt, Herzl showed howthat idea had become an integral part of his life, although his firstthoughts ran in quite another direction. 

But his analysis of anti-Semitism and how to approach the problemremains true today after Hitler, as it was true then after Dreyfus. This was the authentic revelation that in his last days was fixed inhis mind. The homelessness of the Jewish people must come to an end. That tragedy is a world problem. It is to be solved by worldstatesmanship in cooperation with the reawakened Jewish people. It isto be solved by the establishment of a free Jewish State in theirhistoric Homeland. Herzl manifested his utter identification with thedestiny of his own people at the Uganda Congress when he faced therebellious Russian Zionists, spoke words of consolation to them andgave them assurances of his fealty to Zion. He died a few monthslater. 

"The Jewish State" was not regarded by Herzl as a piece of literature. It was a political document. It was to serve as the introduction topolitical action. It was to lead to the conversion of leaders inpolitical life. It was to win converts to the idea of a Jewish State. Although a shy man at first, he did not hesitate to make his waythrough the corridors of the great and suffer the humiliations of thesuppliant. Through that remarkable friend and Christian, the ReverendWilliam H. Hechler, he met the Grand Duke of Baden; he made the roundsof German statesmen, Count zu Eulenburg, Foreign Minister, Von Buelowand Reichschancellor Hohenlohe; then he met the favorites whoencircled Sultan Abdul Hamid and the Sultan himself. He placed thedramatic personae of his drama on the stage. The plan involved theTurkish debt, the German interest in the Orient. It involvedstimulating the Russians and visiting the Pope. At first his politicalactivities were conducted as the author of a startling pamphlet, thenas the leader of his people. He became conscious of his leadership, and played his part with superb dignity. He had ease of manner andcorrect form. He created the impression of a regal personality; hisnoble appearance hid his hesitations and fears. With the Sultan heplayed the most remarkable game of diplomacy. He believed that once amutual interest could be arrived at, he would be able to secure thefunds, although at the time of speaking he had no funds at all. Adjusting himself to the wily Turk, he had to change and diminish hisdemands and finally, when he was dangerously near a disclosure, he wassaved by the Sultan's transferring his interest to the French andobtaining his funds from them. With Kaiser Wilhelm, he soonappreciated the fact that he had to deal with a great theatricalpersonality who spoke of plans and purpose with great fire, but hadno courage and whose convictions melted away in the face ofobstacles. 

The world Herzl dealt with has passed away. The Turkish Empire nowoccupies a small part of the Near East. Its former provinces have nowbecome "sovereign" states struggling to establish harmony betweenthemselves and feeding on their animus towards the Jewish peoplereturning home. The methods of diplomacy have changed. Loudness ofspeech is no longer out of order. Frankness and brutality may beexpected at any international gathering. It is now felt as neverbefore that behind political leaders, rulers, princes, statesmen, thepeople are advancing and soon will be able to push aside those whomake of the relations of peoples a game and a gamble, a struggle forpower, which, when achieved, dissolves into the nothingness of vanity. 

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"The Jewish State" should be regarded as one of a series of books, variations on the same theme, composed by the same author. The firstwas "The New Ghetto" (1894). That was a play which dealt with thesocial life of the upper class of Jews in Vienna. Then came the"Address to the Rothschilds. " That was a memorandum which contained aproposal to Jewish philanthropists. "The Jewish State" was the thirdeffort of an agitated mind, wavering between the projection of aUtopia or a thesis, and containing the political solution of theJewish problem. The final variant of the original theme was the novel"Altneuland. " Here he pictured the Promised Land as it might becometwenty years after the beginning of the Zionist movement. In theinterims, he played on the exciting stage of the Zionist Congresses. He paid court to princes and their satellites. He led in theorganization of the Jewish Colonial Trust and the Jewish NationalFund. He delivered political addresses and engaged in politicalcontroversy. He began the writing of his "Diaries" after he hadwritten "The Jewish State. " His whole personality is reflected in thatremarkable book. There you see his ideas in the process of becomingclear. There you see his sharp reactions; the reflection of his hopes, his disappointments, his shifts from untenable positions to positionspossible after defeat. There you read his penetrating analysis of thefigures on the Zionist stage upon whom he had to rely. There you aremade to feel his doubts, his dread of death. In the midst of life hefelt himself encircled by the Shadow of Death. There you found theexplanation of his great haste, why he was so anxious to bring ameasure of practical reality to the Jewish people even if itnecessitated a detour from the land which was becoming more and more apart of his hopes and desires. The "Diaries" are unrestrained andunstudied. They were written hurriedly in the heat of the moment. Theyreveal the making of the great personality who gave only a glimpse ofhimself in "The Jewish State. " They show the writer evolving as thehero of a great and lasting legend. The pamphlet is one of thechapters in the story of his struggle to achieve in eight years whathis people had not been able to achieve in two thousand years. He gavehis life to write it. 

_Theodor Herzl_

A BIOGRAPHYbased on the work of

_Alex Bein_

Theodor Herzl was born on Wednesday, May 2, 1860, in the city ofBudapest. 

Almost next door to his father's house was the liberal-reform temple. To this house of worship the little boy went regularly with his fatheron Sabbaths and Holy Days. At home, too, the essentials of the ritualwere observed. One ceremony which Theodor learned in childhoodremained with him; before every important event and decision he soughtthe blessing of his parents. 

Even stronger than these impressions, however, was the influence ofhis mother. Her education had been German through and through; therewas not a day on which she did not slip into German literature, especially the classics. 

The Jewish world, not alien to her, did not find expression throughher; her conscious efforts were all directed toward implanting theGerman cultural heritage in her children. Of even deeper significancewas her sympathetic attitude toward the pride which showed early inher son, and her skill in transferring to him her sense of form, ofbearing, of tactfulness and of simple grace. 

At about the age of twelve he read in a German book about theMessiah-King whom many Jews still awaited and who would come riding, like the poorest of the poor on an ass. The history of the Exodus andthe legend of the liberation by the King-Messiah ran together in theboy's mind, inspiring in him the theme of a wonderful story which hesought in vain to put into literary form. 

A little while thereafter Herzl had the following dream: "TheKing-Messiah came, a glorious and majestic old man, took me in hisarms, and swept off with me on the wings of the wind. On one of theiridescent clouds we encountered the figure of Moses. The featureswere those familiar to me out of my childhood in the statue byMichelangelo. The Messiah called to Moses: It is for this child that Ihave prayed. But to me he said: Go, declare to the Jews that I shallcome soon and perform great wonders and great deeds for my people andfor the whole world. "

It may be to this period (of his _Bar Mitzvah_) of reawakened Jewishsensitivity, of heightened responsiveness to the expectations of hiselders, of resurgent interest in Jewish historical studies--it may beto this period that the dream of a dedicated life belonged. It isalmost certain, too, that for the great event of the _Bar Mitzvah_ theold grandfather of Semlin came to Pest. About this time, again, Alkalai, that early, all-but-forgotten Zionist, passed through Viennaand Budapest on his final journey to Palestine. Whether or not eachone of these circumstances had a direct effect on the boy, the wholecomplex surrounds his _Bar Mitzvah_ with the suggestion of the missionof his life, and, certainly, occasion was given for the awakening inhim of the feeling of dedication to a great enterprise. 

The attention, energy and time which Herzl devoted to literature, atfifteen, his absorption in himself, his activity in the schoolliterary society meant of course so much less given to his schoolwork. He found no time at all for science; Jewish questions likewisedisappeared from his interests; he was completely absorbed by Germanliterary culture. This is all the more astonishing when we reflectthat anti-Semitism continued to increase steadily. As a grown manHerzl could recall that one of his teachers, in defining the word"heathen, " had said, "such as idolators, Mohammedans and Jews. "Whether it was this incident, --as the memory of the grown man alwaysinsisted--which enraged him beyond endurance, or the increasingly badschool reports, or both circumstances together, the fact remains thaton February 4, 1875 Herzl left the Technical School. 

At sixteen to eighteen in High School, he struggled to define thebasic principles of various literary art forms in order that he mightsee more clearly what he himself wanted to say. He took an active andeager part in the work of the "German Self-Education Society" createdby the students of his school. The Jewish world, whose inferiorposition always wounded his pride, and whose obstinate separatismseemed to him utterly meaningless, drifted further and further out ofhis mind. 

At eighteen, after the sudden death of his only sister, the familymoved to Vienna where Herzl entered the University as a law student. Herzl, who accounted himself a liberal and an Austrian patriot, plunged eagerly into the activities of a large student CulturalAssociation, attended its discussions and directed its literaryevenings. He had occasion, there, to deride certain Jewish fellowmembers who, in his view, displayed an excessive eagerness in theirloyalty to various movements. 

This was the extent to which, in these days, he occupied himself withthe Jewish question--at least externally. He concerned himself littleor not at all with the official Jewish world which was seeking tosubmerge itself in the surrounding world. He seldom visited thesynagogue. 

He was an omnivorous reader. His extraordinary knowledge of books wasevident in his conversation, for he liked to adorn his speech withquotations, which came readily to his memory. Herzl read EugenDühring's book _The Jewish-Problem as a Problem of Race, Morals andCulture_--the first and most important effort to find a "scientific, "philosophic, biologic and historical basis for the anti-Semitism whichwas sweeping through Europe in those days (1881). Dühring saw theJewish question as a purely racial question, and for him the Jewishrace was without any worth whatsoever. Those peoples which, out of afalse sentiment of humanity, had permitted the Jews to live among themwith equal and sometimes even with superior rights, had to beliberated from the harmful intruder, had to be de-Judaized. 

The reading of this book had the effect upon him of a blow between theeyes. The observations set down in his diary burn with indignation:"An infamous book. .. . If Dühring, who unites so much undeniableintelligence with so much universality of knowledge, can write likethis, what are we to expect from the ignorant masses?"

This passionate reaction to Dühring's book shows us how deeply he hadbeen moved, and how fearfully he had been shaken in his belief thatthe Jewish question was on the point of disappearing. We shall findechoes of this experience in the pages of the _Judenstaat_. For thetime being, however, he shrank from the logical consequences of hisreactions. His inner pride began to build itself up. 

The more immediate reaction was undoubtedly a sharpened perception andevaluation of his fellow-members in the Fraternity. Herzl had joinedand been active in a duelling Fraternity. Here, too, anti-Semitism wasbreaking through; student after student expressed himself favorablytoward the Jew-baiting speeches of Schoenerer, who was making aspecial effort to win over the universities. In the Fraternity debatesHerzl expressed himself sharply against any open or covertmanifestation of such sympathy. But he was already known for thesharpness of his tongue and the individuality of his views. Thus hewon to himself neither the few co-religionists who belonged to theFraternity nor the mass of the Germanic students. 

He had learned from newspaper reports that the Wagner Memorialmeeting, in which his Fraternity had taken a part, had beentransformed into an anti-Semitic demonstration. His Fraternity had, therefore, identified itself with a movement which he, as a believerin liberty, was bound to condemn, even if he had not been a Jew. "Itis pretty clear that, handicapped as I am by my Semitism (the word wasnot yet known at the time of my entry), I would today refrain fromseeking a membership which would, indeed, probably be refused me; itmust also be clear to every decent person that under thesecircumstances I cannot wish to retain my membership. " Herzl withdrewfrom the organization. 

On July 30, 1884, Herzl was admitted to the bar in Vienna. His studentdays were over. A new era opened for him, with its challenge to provewhether or not there was something in him to establish and proclaim tothe world. 

In August, he entered on his law practice in the service of the stateand was soon transferred to the court of Salzburg. Though he may atthat time have been so far from Judaism that only pride and a decentrespect for the feelings of his parents stood between him and baptism, he could not help perceiving that as a Jew he would find the higherlevels of the civil service hierarchy closed to him. On August 5, 1885, he withdrew from the service, determined to seek fame andfortune as a writer. 

Brimming with hope, he set out on a journey which was to be theintroduction to his literary life. He visited Belgium and Holland andin Berlin made valuable connections and became a regular contributorto several important newspapers. Thus the range of his connections andrelationships widened from year to year, and when he travelled againit was an ever-widening audience that waited for his impressions andobservations. 

In a book of reprinted feuilletons of Herzl which appeared in thefirst years of his success as a journalist a total of seven or eightlines is devoted to Jews. His impressions of the Ghetto in Rome. "Whata steaming in the air, what a street! Countless open doors and windowsthronged with innumerable pallid and worn-out faces. The ghetto! Withwhat base and persistent hatred these unfortunates have beenpersecuted for the sole crime of faithfulness to their religion. We'vetravelled a long way since those times: nowadays the Jew is despisedonly for having a crooked nose, or for being a plutocrat even when hehappens to be a pauper. " Pity and bitterness abound in these lines, but they are written by a detached spectator. He did not know how muchof the Jew there was in him even in this feeling of remoteness from aworld which offered him not living reality but folly. 

By 1892, Herzl had achieved great success as a dramatist and as ajournalist; his plays had been performed on the stage of the leadingtheatre of Vienna and, to cap the climax, came an appointment to thestaff of the _Neue Freie Presse_, one of the most distinguished paperson the continent. 

Early in October he received a telegram from the _Neue Freie Presse_asking whether he would accept the post of Paris correspondent. Hereplied at once in the affirmative, and proceeded to the Frenchcapital at the end of the same month. He wrote to his parents: "Theposition of Paris correspondent is the springboard to great things, and I shall achieve them, to your great joy, my dear beloved parents. "

Herzl sustained successfully the comparison with his great models andpredecessors. In style as well as in substance his reports andarticles were masterpieces of their kind. He came to his task with theequipment of a perfect feuilletonist; his style was polished andmusical; he possessed in an exceptional degree the capacity todescribe natural scenery in a few fine clear strokes and of hintingat, rather than of reproducing, a mood with a minimum of language. Everything was there, background, mood and development of action inplastic balance. It was only now, when a great opportunity provokedhim to the highest effort, that all the lessons of the years of hisapprenticeship built up a many-sided perfection. 

He threw himself seriously and diligently into the journalistic craft. He observed with close attention all that went on about him, andlistened with sharpened ears. But the moment had not yet come for theunveiling of a mission within him. He was on the way; the process ofpreparation had begun. 

How, in this mood of his, could he possibly have avoided clashing withthe Jewish question? As far back as the time of his Spanish journey, when he had sought healing from his domestic and spiritual torments, the question had presented itself to him and had cried for artisticexpression. His call to Paris had been a welcome pretext, perhaps, putting off the writing of his Jewish novel--the more so as heprobably was not ripe enough for such an undertaking. Now that he wasin Paris, where his eyes were opened to the full range of the socialprocess, he began to draw nearer in spirit to his fellow-Jews, and tolook upon them more warmly and with less inhibition. He found them asdifficult aesthetically as before, but he tried hard to grasp theessence of their character and substance, and to judge them withoutprejudice. 

When Herzl arrived in Paris anti-Semitism, had not--in spite ofDrumont's exertions, and in spite of his paper, _la Libre Parole_, founded in 1892--achieved the dimensions of a genuine movement, norwas it destined to become one in the German sense. But it served asthe focus for all kinds of discontents and resentments; it attractedcertain serious critical spirits, too; its influence grew from day today, and the position of the Jews became increasingly uncomfortable. 

Herzl's contact with anti-Semitism dated back to his student days, when it had first taken on the form of a social political movement. Hehad been aware of it as a writer, though the contact had never ripenedinto a serious inner struggle or compelled him to give utterance toit. 

Now he read Drumont, as he had read Dühring. The impression was againa profound one. What moved him most in the work was the totality of aworld picture based on a considered hostility to the Jews. 

A ritual-murder trial was in progress in the town of Xanten, in theRhineland. On August 31, 1892, Herzl, dealing with this subject aswith all other subjects of public interest, summed up the generalsituation in a long report entitled "French anti-Semitism. "

By now Herzl was no longer content with a simple acceptance of thefacts; he was looking for the deeper significance of the universalenmity directed against the Jews. For the world it is a lightningconductor. But so far it was only a flash of insight which ended innothing more than a literary paradox. However, from now on it gave himno peace. 

At the turn of the year 1892-93 there came a sharp clarification inhis ideas. He had followed closely the evasive debates in the AustrianReichstag--debates which forever dodged the reality by turning thequestion into one of religion. "It is no longer--and it has not beenfor a long time--a theological matter. It has nothing whatsoever to dowith religion and conscience, " declared Herzl. "What is more, everyoneknows it. The Jewish question is neither nationalistic nor religious. It is a social question. "

Then came the summer, 1894, and at its close Herzl took a much neededvacation. He spent the month of September in Baden, near Vienna, inthe company of his fellow-feuilletonist on the _Neue Freie Presse_, Ludwig Speidel. Herzl has left a record of their conversation. What hegave Speidel was more or less what he had felt, many years before, after his reading of Dühring. He admitted the substance of theanti-Semitic accusation which linked the Jew with money; he defendedthe Jew as the victim of a long historic process for which the Jew wasnot responsible. "It is not our fault, not the fault of the Jews, thatwe find ourselves forced into the role of alien bodies in the midst ofvarious nations. The ghetto, which was not of our making, bred in uscertain anti-social qualities. .. . Our original character cannot havebeen other than magnificent and proud; we were men who knew how toface war and how to defend the state; had we not started out with suchgifts, how could we have survived two thousand years of unrelentingpersecution?"

At that time Herzl came across the Zionist solution, and definitelyrejected it. Discussing the novel _Femme de Claude_, by Dumas theyounger, he says of one of its characters: "The good Jew Daniel wantsto rediscover the homeland of his race and gather his scatteredbrothers into it. But a man like Daniel would surely know that thehistoric homeland of the Jews no longer has any value for them. It ischildish to go in search of the geographic location of this homeland. And if the Jews really 'returned home' one day, they would discoveron the next day that they do not belong together. For centuries theyhave been rooted in diverse nationalisms; they differ from each other, group by group; the only thing they have in common is the pressurewhich holds them together. All humiliated peoples have Jewishcharacteristics, and as soon as the pressure is removed they reactlike liberated men. "

The inner apotheosis was drawing nearer and nearer for Herzl. InOctober, 1894, Herzl was in the studio of the sculptor, SamuelFriedrich Beer, who was making a bust of him. The conversation turnedto the Jewish question and to the growth of the anti-Semitic movementin Vienna, the hometown of both Herzl and Beer. It was useless for theJew to turn artist and to dissociate himself from money, said Herzl. "The blot sticks. We can't break away from the ghetto. " A greatexcitement seized Herzl, and he left the atelier, and on the way homethe inspiration came on him like a hammerblow. What was it? Thecomplete outline of a play, "like a block of basalt. "

With this play Herzl completed his inner return to his people. Untilthen, with all his emotional involvement in the question, he had stoodoutside it as the observer, the student, the clarifier, or even thedefender. He had provided the world-historic background for theproblem, he had diagnosed it and given the prognosis for the future. Now he was immersed in it and identified with it. 

He had become its spokesman and attorney, as he was spokesman andattorney for other victims of injustice. It was no accident that thehero of the play was a lawyer by vocation and avocation. For the herowas Herzl himself, and the transformation which unfolded in Dr. JacobSamuel was the transformation which was unfolding in Theodore Herzl. 

He belongs utterly to the Jews; it is for them that he fights, and, dying, he still sees himself as the fighter for their future. Whatfuture Jacob Samuel foresaw for the Jews in his dying moments remainedunclear. It would appear that Herzl himself still believed that adeepening of mutual understanding between Jews and non-Jews mightbring the solution. 

But Herzl had travelled so much further by this time that he could nothave in mind the "reconciliation" which would come by the capitulationof baptism. Indeed, the play emphasizes as a first prerequisite inhuman relations the element of self-respect. "If you become untrue toyourself, " says the clever mother to the son, in the play, "you musn'tcomplain if others become untrue to you. " It was like a fresh windblowing suddenly through the choking atmosphere of a lightless room. It was a new attitude: decent pride!

It called for a frightful effort to descend from the intoxicatingheights of creativity to the ordinary round of work. For weeks now hisregular employment had filled Herzl with revulsion. The first reportsof the Dreyfus trial, which appeared while he was working on his _NewGhetto_, therefore made no particular impression on him. It lookedlike a sordid espionage affair in which a foreign power--before longit was revealed that the foreign power was Germany, acting throughMajor von Schwartzkoppen--had been buying up through its agent secretdocuments of the French general staff. An officer by the name ofAlfred Dreyfus was named as the culprit, and no one had reason todoubt that he was guilty, even though Drumont's _Libre Parole_ wasexploiting the fact that the man was a Jew. 

But, after the degradation of Dreyfus, Herzl became more and moreconvinced of his innocence. "A Jew who, as an officer on the generalstaff, has before him an honorable career, cannot commit such acrime. .. . The Jews, who have so long been condemned to a state ofcivic dishonor, have, as a result, developed an almost pathologicalhunger for honor, and a Jewish officer is in this respect specificallyJewish. "

"The Dreyfus case, " he wrote in 1899, "embodies more than a judicialerror; it embodies the desire of the vast majority of the French tocondemn a Jew, and to condemn all Jews in this one Jew. Death to theJews! howled the mob, as the decorations were being ripped from thecaptain's coat. .. . Where? In France. In republican, modern, civilizedFrance, a hundred years after the Declaration of the Rights of Man. The French people, or at any rate the greater part of the Frenchpeople, does not want to extend the rights of man to Jews. The edictof the great Revolution had been revoked. "

Illumined thus in retrospect, the "curious excitement" which grippedHerzl on that occasion takes on a special significance. "Until thattime most of us believed that the solution of the Jewish question wasto be patiently waited for as part of the general development ofmankind. But when a people which in every other respect is soprogressive and so highly civilized can take such a turn, what are weto expect from other peoples, which have not even attained the levelwhich France attained a hundred years ago?"

In that fateful moment, when he heard the howling of the mob outsidethe gates of the _Ecole Militaire_, the realization flashed upon Herzlthat anti-Semitism was deep-rooted in the heart of the people--sodeep, indeed, that it was impossible to hope for its disappearancewithin a measurable period of time. Precisely because he was sosensitive to his honor as a Jew, precisely because he had proclaimed, in the _New Ghetto_, the ideal of human reconciliation, and had takenthe ultimate decision to stand by his Jewishness, the ghastlyspectacle of that winter morning must have shaken him to the depths ofhis being. It was as if the ground had been cut away from under hisfeet. In this sense Herzl could say later that the Dreyfus affair hadmade him a Zionist. 

He saw all about him the ever fiercer light of a blazinganti-Semitism. In the French Chamber of Deputies the deputy Denis madean interpellation on the influence of the Jews in the politicaladministration of the country. In Vienna a Jewish member of theReichstag rose to speak and was howled down. On April 2, 1895, wereheld the municipal elections of Vienna, and there was an enormousincrease in the number of anti-Semitic aldermen. Changing plans passedtumultuously through his mind. He wanted to write a book on "TheCondition of the Jews, " consisting of reports on all the importantJewish colonization enterprises in Russia, Galicia, Hungary, Bohemia, the Orient, and those more recently founded in Palestine, about whichhe had heard from a relative. Alphonse Daudet, the famous Frenchauthor with whom he had discussed the whole matter, felt that Herzlought to write a novel; it would carry further than a play. "Look at_Uncle Tom's Cabin_. "

He returned to his former plan of a Jewish novel which he hadabandoned when he was called to his assignment on the _Neue FreiePresse_ in Paris. His friend Kana, the suicide, was no longer to bethe central figure. He was instead to be "the weaker one, the belovedfriend of the hero, " and would take his own life after a series ofmisfortunes, while the Promised Land was being discovered or ratherfounded. When the hero aboard the ship which was taking him to thePromised Land would receive the moving farewell letter of his friend, his first reaction after his horror would be one of rage: "Idiot!Fool! Miserable hopeless weakling! A life lost which belonged to us!"

We can see the Zionist idea arising. Its outlines are stillindefinite, but the decisive idea is clearly visible; only bymigration can this upright human type be given its chance to emerge. In _The New Ghetto_ Jacob Samuel is a hero because he knows how tochoose an honorable death. Now the death of a useful man is criminallywasteful. For there are great tasks to be undertaken. 

In essence it is the Act and not the Word that confronts us. What lastimpulse it was that actually carried Herzl from the Word to the Act itwill be difficult to tell--he himself could not have given the answer. Little things may play a dramatic role not less effectively than greatones when a man is so charged with purpose as Herzl then was. 

In the early days of May, Herzl addressed to Baron de Hirsch (thesponsor of Jewish colonization in Argentina), the letter which openshis Jewish political career. His request for an interview was granted. Herzl prepared an outline of his position in notes, lest he omitsomething important during their conversation. 

In these notes he writes: "If the Jews are to be transformed into menof character in a reasonable period of time, say ten or twenty years, or even forty--the interval needed by Moses--it cannot be done withoutmigration. Who is going to decide whether conditions are bad enoughtoday to warrant our migration? And whether the situation is hopeless?And the Congress which you (i. E. Hirsch) have convened for the firstof August in a hotel in Switzerland? You will preside over thisCongress of notables. Your call will be heard and answered in everypart of the world. 

"And what will be the message given to the men assembled 'You arepariahs! You must forever tremble at the thought that you are aboutto be deprived of your rights and stripped of your possessions. Youwill be insulted when you walk in the street. If you are poor, yousuffer doubly. If you are rich, you must conceal the fact. You are notadmitted to any honorable calling, and if you deal in money you aremade the special focus of contempt. .. . The situation will not changefor the better, but rather for the worse. .. . There is only way out:into the Promised Land. '"

Where the Promised Land was to be located, how it was to be acquired, is not yet mentioned. Herzl does not seem to have thought thisquestion of decisive significance; it was a scientific matter. It wasthe organization of the migration which held his attention, thepolitical preparations among the Powers, the preliminary changes to bebrought about among the masses by training, by "tremendous propaganda, the popularization of the idea through newspapers, books, pamphlets, lectures, pictures, songs. "

On the day of his conversation with Baron de Hirsch, Herzl wrote him along letter in which he sought to supplement the information andimpressions which had been the result of the meeting. "Please believeme, the political life of an entire people--particularly when thatpeople is scattered throughout the entire world--can be set in motiononly with imponderables floating high in the air. Do you know what theGerman Reich sprang from? From dreams, songs, fantasies, andgold-black bands worn by students. And that in a brief period of time. What? You do not understand imponderables? And what is religion?Bethink yourself what the Jews have endured for two thousand years forthe sake of this fantasy. .. . 

"The exodus to the Promised Land presents itself as a tremendousenterprise in transportation, unparalleled in the modern world. Whattransportation? It is a complex of all human enterprises which weshall fit Into each other like cog-wheels. And in the very firststages of the enterprise we shall find employment for the ambitiousyounger masses of our people: all the engineers, architects, technologists, chemists, doctors, and lawyers, those who have emergedin the last thirty years from the ghetto and who have been moved bythe faith that they can win their bread and a little honor outside theframework of our Jewish business futilities. Today they must be filledwith despair, they constitute the foundation of a frightfulover-educated proletariat. But it is to these that all my lovebelongs, and I am just as set on increasing their number as you areset on diminishing it. It is in them that I perceive the latent powerof the Jewish people. In brief, my kind. "

In this letter of June 3, 1895, Herzl for the first time imparted hisnew Jewish policy to a stranger. The writing down of his views, aswell as his conversation on the subject, had had a stronger effect onhimself than on Hirsch. He had obtained a clear vision of the new andrevolutionary character of his proposals. On the same day or shortlythereafter he began a diary under the title of _The Jewish Question_. 

"For some time now, I have been engaged upon a work of indescribablegreatness. I do not know yet whether I shall carry it through. It hasassumed the aspect of some mighty dream. But days and weeks havepassed since it has filled me utterly, it has overflown into myunconscious self, it accompanies me wherever I go, it broods above allmy commonplace conversation, it peeps over my shoulder at the comicallittle journalistic work which I must carry out. It disturbs andintoxicates me. "

Then suddenly the storm breaks upon him. The clouds open, the thunderrolls and the lightning flashes about him. A thousand impressions beatupon him simultaneously, a gigantic vision. He cannot think, he cannotact, he can only write; breathless, unreflecting, unable to controlhimself, unable to exercise the critical faculty lest he dam theeruption, he dashes down his thoughts on scraps of paper--"Walking, standing, lying down, in the street, at table, in the night, " as ifunder unceasing command. 

And then doubts rise up from the depths. He dines with well-to-do, educated, oppressed people who confront the question of anti-Semitismin a state of complete helplessness: "They do not suspect it, but theyare ghetto-natures, quiet, decent, timid. That is what most of us are. Will they understand the call to freedom and to manhood? When I leftthem my spirits were very low. Again, my plan appeared to me to becrazy. " Then at once he comes to "Today I am again as firm as steel. "He notes the next morning. "The flabbiness of the people I metyesterday gives me all the more grounds for action. "

Clearer and clearer becomes the picture which he has of himself and ofhis task in the history of his people. "I picked up once again thetorn thread of the tradition of our people. I lead it into thePromised Land. "

"The Promised Land, where we can have hooked noses, black or redbeards, and bow legs, without being despised for it; where we can liveat last as free men on our own soil, and where we can die peacefullyin our own fatherland. There we can expect the award of honor forgreat deeds, so that the offensive cry of 'Jew!' may become anhonorable appellation, like German, Englishman, Frenchman--in brief, like all civilized peoples; so that we may be able to form our stateto educate our people for the tasks which at present still lie beyondour vision. For surely God would not have kept us alive so long ifthere were not assigned to us a specific role in the history ofmankind. " He adds: "The Jewish state is a world need. " He draws thelogical consequence for himself: "I believe that for me life has endedand world history begun. "

He let the first storm pass over him, yielding to its imperious will, making no effort to stem its fury lest he interrupt the inspiration. When it had had its way with him, he took hold of himself again, andgathered up his energies for the effort to reconstruct everythinglogically and in ordered fashion. He was afraid that death might comeupon him before he had succeeded in reducing to transferable form hishistoric vision. Thus, in the course of five days, he added to hisdiary a sixty-five page pamphlet--in effect the outline of _DerJudenstaat_--which he called: _Address to the Rothschilds_. 

In the address he writes, "I have the solution to the Jewish question. I know it sounds mad; and at the beginning I shall be called mad morethan once--until the truth of what I am saying is recognized in allits shattering force. "

He wrote to Bismarck asking for an interview in order to submit hisplan for a solution to the Jewish problem but he received no reply. 

He wrote to Rabbi Gudemann, Chief Rabbi of Vienna, the occasion beingthe anti-Jewish excesses which had occurred in Vienna. "This plan . .. Is a reserve against more evil days. "

Herzl, in his first visit to England, met and talked with IsraelZangwill, the novelist, whom he impressed without quite winning himover. But Zangwill made it possible for him to meet more than a fewprominent, influential Jews of whom he made immediate converts. Noneof them wanted to know anything about the Argentine, and on this pointthe practical men were united with the dreamers: Palestine alone cameinto the picture for a national concentration of the Jews. 

After his experiences in England, Herzl resolved to present his planto the public at large. The _Address to the Rothschilds_ which was thefirst complete writing of his plan, forged in the heat of inspirationwas thoroughly reworked and emerged as his great book _DerJudenstaat_. Its title was: _The Jewish State: An Attempt at a ModernSolution of the Jewish Problem. Der Judenstaat_ may properly be calledHerzl's life work; his philosophy of the world, his views on thestate, on the Jewish people, on science and technology, as we haveseen them developing to this, his thirty-fifth year are concentratedin the book. 

The "Jewish State" was published in an edition of three thousand. Itwas read by small circles in various European capitals. It was sent toleading personalities in the press and political circles. It was soontranslated into several languages. Herzl received many letters fromauthors and statesmen in which the work was praised. But the generalGerman press, especially the Jewish-controlled press, took a negativeattitude. A number of journalists alluded to the adventurer who wouldlike to become Prime Minister or King of the Jews. No mention of the"Jewish State" appeared in the Neue Freie Presse, then or ever. TheAlgemeine Zeitung of Vienna said that Zionism was a madness born ofdespair, The Algemeine Zeitung of Munich described it as a fantasticdream of a feuilletonist whose mind had been unhinged by Jewishenthusiasm. 

It was upon the Jewish masses that Herzl made a tremendous impression. He dawned upon Jews of Eastern Europe as a mystic figure rising out ofthe past. Little was known of his pamphlet, for it was kept out of thecountry by censorship in Russia. Only its title got their attentionand the stories told of Herzl--the Western Jew returning to hispeople--gripped their hearts and stirred their imagination. He wasgreeted by one of the Galician Zionist societies as the leader who, like Moses, had returned from Midian to liberate the Jews. Max Nordau, that devastating critic of art and literature, was swept off his feetand described the pamphlet as a revelation, Richard Beer Hoffman, thepoet, wrote to Herzl saying "At last there comes again a man, who doesnot carry his Judaism with resignation as if it were a burden or amisfortune, but is proud to be the legal heir of an immemorialculture. "

It became clear to Herzl that he would have to take an active part inthe task he had set forth in "The Jewish State. " He no longer feltthat he stood alone. He was not inclined to appear on a publicplatform. He had the shyness of the man who had always written what hehad to say. He also felt that it would do more harm than good if hisideas were to be obscured by his personal presence. Throughcorrespondence he set in motion Zionist activities--in London, inParis, in Berlin, in the United States. The amount of letter-writinghe developed was enormous. 

He decided that there were three tasks to be undertaken at once. Thefirst was the organization of the Society of Jews. The second was tocontinue diplomatic work in Constantinople and among interestedPowers. The third was the creation of a press to influence publicopinion and to prepare the Jewish masses for the great migration. 

Through the Rev. Hechler, a chaplain of the British Embassy in Vienna, who believed in the Jewish return to the Holy Land, Herzl wasintroduced to the Grand Duke of Baden, a Christian of great piety andinfluence in political circles. 

Herzl intended to use the influence of the Germans to affect theSultan and make him more sympathetic to Zionist proposals. Herzl toldthe Grand Duke that he would like to have Zionism included within thecultural sphere of German interests. The Grand Duke said that theKaiser seemed inclined to take Jewish migration under Germanprotection. The great powers were interested in maintaining certainextra territorial rights within the Turkish Empire. If they hadnationals in any part of the Empire, they claimed the right to protectthem over and above Turkish law. It was, therefore, not the Kaiser'sinterest in the Jews, but in extending German jurisdiction within theTurkish Empire that persuaded him to suggest the adoption of Jews inPalestine for that purpose. Germany had a special relationship toTurkey. Most of the western powers were openly discussing theimpending partition of the Turkish Empire, but Germany was opposed toit. 

Herzl was told that the Kaiser was prepared to see him at the head ofa delegation when he visited Palestine, but Herzl was anxious to seethe Kaiser without delay. He suggested an audience before the trip toPalestine in order that the Kaiser might be in a position to discussthe Jewish question with the Sultan. The Grand Duke advised Herzl tosee Count Philip Zu Eulenberg, the German Ambassador at Vienna. Herzlwas given an opportunity to see Count Eulenberg in Vienna. Herzl toldhim that he wanted His Imperial Majesty to persuade the Sultan to opennegotiations with the Jews. 

The Count passed Herzl over to the German Minister of Foreign Affairs, Von Buelow, who happened to be in Vienna at the same time. Van Buelowknew a great deal about the Zionist movement. He said that thedifficulty lay in persuading the Sultan to deal with the Jews. He feltcertain that the Sultan could be impressed if he was properly advisedby the Kaiser. A week later Herzl was informed of the Kaiser'sinclination to take the Jews of Palestine under his protection, andrepeated that he would like to see Herzl at the head of a delegationin Jerusalem, later on. 

Herzl was afraid of going further in this direction without having inexistence the financial instrument without which neither negotiationsnor colonization could be carried on. Herzl urged David Wolffsohn andJacobus Kahn to proceed with the utmost speed to incorporate theJewish Colonial Trust. He foresaw the possibility that a demand mightbe made at any time to show the color of his money. Although theaffairs of the Bank were in the hands of Wolffsohn and Kahn, Herzlhimself worried over every detail, urging and driving and complainingabout the slowness of the action. On March 28, 1899 the subscriptionlists were opened. Herzl's expectations were not fulfilled. Only about200, 000 shares had been sold, three-quarters of them in Russia. TheBank could not be opened until it had at least 250, 000 paid-up shares. After a great deal of effort, the minimum was finally obtained and theTrust was officially opened in time for the opening of the thirdCongress in August, 1899. 

Herzl addressed a mass meeting in London in October, 1899, under Dr. Gastner's chairmanship. In his address at this meeting, Herzl saidthat he believed the time was not far off when the Jewish people wouldbe set in motion. He asked the audience to accept his word even if hecould not speak more definitely. "When I return to you again, " hesaid, "we shall, I hope, be still further on our path. " At thismeeting Father Ignatius, a Catholic believer in Zionism, referred toHerzl "as a new Joshua who had come to fulfill the words of theProphet Ezekiel. " The effect produced upon the audience was not usefulto Herzl's purposes at that time. He had always tried to discouragethe impression of himself as a Messianic figure. The meeting in Londonwas the only occasion where he lost his self-mastery in public. 

When Herzl met the Foreign Minister, Von Buelow, again, it was in thepresence of the Reich Chancellor, Hohenlohe. At once he perceived adifferent nuance in the conversation and a dissonance in comparisonwith the conversation he had had with Count Eulenberg. He thought thatthe Chancellor and the Foreign Minister were not in agreement with theKaiser and did not dare to say it openly; or, on the other hand, theymight be favorably inclined but would not be willing to say it to him. 

Finally, Herzl saw the Kaiser in Constantinople. After Herzl hadintroduced the subject of his visit, the Kaiser broke in and explainedwhy the Zionist movement attracted him. 

"There are among your people, " said the Kaiser, "certain elements whomit would be a good thing to move to Palestine. "

He asked Herzl to submit, in advance, the address he intended topresent to him in Jerusalem. When he was asked what the Kaiser shouldplace before the Sultan as the gist of the Jewish proposals, Herzlreplied "a chartered company under German protection. "

Herzl met the Kaiser, as arranged, in Palestine. Herzl arrived inJaffa on October 6, 1898. On a Friday morning, he awaited the comingof the Kaiser and his entourage on the road that ran by the Colony ofMikveh Israel. The Kaiser recognized him from a distance. He said afew words about the weather, about the lack of water in Palestine, andthat it was a land that had a future. 

In the petition Herzl later submitted to the Kaiser, many of thepregnant passages were deleted by the Kaiser's advisers. All passagesthat referred specifically to the aims of the Zionist movement, to thedesperate need of the Jewish people and asking for the Kaiser'sprotection of a projected Jewish land company for Syria and Palestine, had been removed. The audience with the Kaiser took place on Monday, November 2nd. The Kaiser thanked Herzl for the address which, he said, had interested him extremely. It was the Kaiser's opinion that thesoil was cultivable. What the land lacked was water and shade. 

"That we can supply, " said Herzl. "It would cost billions, but it willbring in billions too. "

"Well, you certainly have enough money, more than all of us, " said theKaiser. 

It was a brief interview. It was vague and seemed to lead nowhere. Herzl was under the impression that certain influences had beenexerted between the interview in Constantinople and the audience inJerusalem. 

When the official German communique was issued, the encounter withHerzl was hid in a closing paragraph and deprived of all significance. This is how it read:

"Later the Kaiser received the French Consul, also a Jewish deputationwhich presented him with an album of pictures of the Jewish coloniesin Palestine. In reply to an address by the leader of the deputation, His Majesty remarked he viewed with benevolent interest all effortsdirected to the improvement of agriculture in Palestine as long asthese accorded with the welfare of the Turkish Empire and wereconducted in a spirit of complete respect for the sovereignty of theSultan. "

It was a sudden descent from hope into a closed road. Herzl refused tobe discouraged. It was hard for him to realize that the Kaiser'senthusiasm in Constantinople could have cooled off so quickly inJerusalem, but it seemed that there was no way to continue contactwith the people he had interested in Germany. He tried to pick up thebroken threads, but, once broken, they could not be revived. The GrandDuke of Baden remained ever constant and loyal, but he could donothing. Herzl never saw the Kaiser again. In a letter to the GrandDuke, closing this chapter of Zionist history, Herzl said:

"I can only assume that a hope especially dear to me has faded awayand that we shall not achieve our Zionist goal under a Germanprotectorate. "

At about the same time, Herzl met Philip Michael Von Nevlinski, adescendant of a long line of Polish noblemen who had entered thediplomatic service and became a diplomatic agent-at-large and a Frenchjournalist. In the first stages, Nevlinski guided Herzl in all thework he did in Constantinople. When Herzl came to Constantinople inJune, 1896 he was under the impression that Nevlinski had alreadyarranged an audience with the Sultan. It was not so easy, however. Butwhether such an audience had been arranged or not, Herzl was able tomeet, a number of highly-placed Turkish officials, including the GrandVizier. At first, the line of action was not clear, but by now Herzlhad formulated his proposals to the Sultan. 

Ever since the middle of the nineteenth century, Turkish finances hadbeen in a shocking condition. The Empire was being badly managed. TheSultan was regarded as "the sick man of Europe. " In 1891 the totalexternal debt, including unpaid interest, reached the figure of twohundred and fifty-three million pounds sterling. In 1881 there was aconsolidation of the debt. It was reduced to one hundred and sixmillion pounds, but the finances of Turkey were placed under thecontrol of a committee representing the creditors, to whom wastransferred certain domestic Turkish monopolies and the collection ofseveral categories of taxes. This enabled the European powers tointervene in the affairs of Turkey. Only by the removal of thisforeign tutelage could Turkey hope to regain its independence. It wasto achieve this end, Herzl thought, that the Jews, and the Jews alone, could be useful. For this service, he intended to ask for a JewishState in Palestine. Herzl followed this line until finally the needfor refunding the Turkish debt disappeared. 

But at this time Herzl was not able to obtain an audience with theSultan. Nevlinski reported that such an audience had been refusedbecause the Sultan declined to discuss sovereignty over Palestine. Doubt was expressed as to the accuracy of the report. Whatever thefact may be, the first venture of Herzl in Constantinople was notsuccessful. 

Herzl moved along the lines that led to Constantinople and Berlin, buthe did not overlook the importance of maintaining contact with Jewishphilanthropies. A letter sent to the Baron de Hirsch came a day afterhis death. 

Herzl went to London where matters had been arranged for him to meetthe leaders of British Jewry. He met Claude Montefiore and FrederickMocatte, representatives of the Anglo-Jewish Association. They werenot sympathetic. Herzl fared no better at a banquet given to him bythe Maccabbeans. The personal impression Herzl made was profound. Butthere was no practical issue nor did he make any progress during thetime he spent in England. He got Sir Samuel Montagu and ColonelGoldsmith to agree to cooperate with him in an endeavor to establish avassal Jewish State under the sovereignty of Turkey if the Powerswould agree; provided, the Baron de Hirsch Fund placed £10, 000, 000 athis disposal for the plan; and Baron Edmund de Rothschild became amember of the Executive Committee of the proposed Society of Jews. These conditions were fantastic at that time and Herzl could not meetthem. 

He went to Paris and had a talk with Baron Edmund. Baron Edmund wasolder than Herzl and felt ill at ease in the presence of a calm criticof all he had done for Jewish colonization in Palestine. Herzl madethe impression on him of an undisciplined enthusiast. Baron Edmund didnot believe it possible to create political conditions favorable for amass immigration of Jews. Even if that could be done, an uncontrolledmass immigration into Palestine would have the effect of landing tensof thousands of Jews to be fed and looked after by the small Jewishcommunity in Palestine. He clung to his idea of slow colonizationattracting no attention and careful not to provoke hostility. Everyreply of Herzl fell upon a closed mind. Baron Edmund's refusal tocooperate was decisive. 

This was a decision of historic significance. It turned Herzl awayfrom the thought that the Zionist movement should be built upon thesupport of Jewish philanthropy. All his hopes in this connection weredissolved by the contacts he had made in London and in Paris. BaronEdmund's refusal to cooperate carried with it the refusal of the Baronde Hirsch Fund and of the circle of leading Jews in London. 

Reluctantly, Herzl came to the conclusion that there was only onereply to this situation. The Jewish masses must be organized for thesupport of the Zionist movement. 

The organization he had in mind was not a popular democraticorganization. What he meant was to assemble the upper "cadres" to takecharge of the organization of the masses for the great migration. Atthe same time, he wanted to prove to the philanthropists that apopular organization was possible. He felt that they would be greatlyinfluenced by the development of a widespread popular movement. Whatever his thoughts were at that time, his decision to turn to theJewish masses, to abandon reliance upon the wealthy led to theorganization of the modern Zionist movement. 

He organized his followers in Vienna. He was the center of a circle inwhich were included the men who later became the members of the firstZionist Actions Committee. In November 1896 he, for the first time, addressed a public meeting in Vienna. In this address he did not usethe term "The Jewish State, " nor did he use it in most of his publicutterances at that time. He had become cautious. He did not want toprejudice his political work in Constantinople. 

He was still thinking of issuing a newspaper, but there were no fundsfor that purpose. The report that he intended to issue a newspaperdrew the attention of a number of personalities and groups in Berlin. There were the Russian Jewish students, led by Leo Motzkin, and agroup called "Young Israel, " headed by Reinrich Loewe. A conferencewas held on March 6 and 7, 1897, called by Dr. Osias Thon Willy Bambusand Nathan Birnbaum. They had come together to talk about a newspaperbut the First Zionist Congress was launched at this meeting Herzl'sproposal for the calling of a General Zionist Conference in Munich wasagreed to. In the preliminary announcement of the calling of thisConference or Congress, Herzl said:

"The Jewish question must be removed from the control of thebenevolent individual. There must be created a forum before whicheveryone acting for the Jewish people should appear and to which heshould be responsible. "

Every one of Herzl's ideas was met by protests and public excitement. The protests were usually launched by Jews. The calling of theCongress aroused a great deal of indignation in conservative circles. The Rabbis of Germany protested not only to the holding of theCongress but also the choice of Munich. 

The Congress controversy persuaded Herzl to begin the publication ofthe weekly Die Welt. The first issue appeared on June 4, 1897, Herzlprovided the funds. The journal was something new in Jewish life. Itwas, in fact, the organ of the Congress. Throughout Herzl's life, DieWelt served as the exponent of his ideas. At first, Herzl contributednumerous articles. He sent in a regular weekly review of allactivities connected with the movement. He was responsible for manyunsigned articles and notices. He directed the paper in all itsdetails, although he refused to figure as its official editor andpublisher. The amount of work he did during the months preceding theCongress was amazing. He was completely absorbed in every aspect ofthe Congress. The man of the pen revealed himself as a first-class manof action. 

On August 29, 1897, the First Zionist Congress was assembled, not inMunich but in Basle, Switzerland. The majority of the delegates to theFirst Zionist Congress, drawn to Basle from all parts of the world, saw Herzl for the first time. The total number of delegates at thefirst session was 197. 

The first act of the Congress was the adoption of a resolution ofthanks to the Sultan of Turkey. Then Herzl rose and walked over to thepulpit. It was no longer the elegant Dr. Herzl of Vienna, it was nolonger the easy-going literary man, the critic, the feuilletonist. Asone reporter said: "It was a scion of the House of David, risen fromamong the dead, clothed in legend and fantasy and beauty. " The firstwords uttered by Herzl were: "We are here to lay the foundation stoneof the house which is to shelter the Jewish nation. " "We Zionists, " hestressed, "seek for the solution of the Jewish question, not aninternational society, but an international discussion. .. . We havenothing to do with conspiracy, secret intervention or indirectmethods. We wish to place the question under the control of freepublic opinion. "

His First Congress address contained the ideas which he had alreadyexpressed in previous speeches and articles, but there was a greatdifference between the views in "The Jewish State" and the addressdelivered at the first session of the Zionist Congress. The latter isthe carefully considered public statement of one who knew herepresented tens of thousands, perhaps hundreds of thousands, offollowers. His words were not those of a seer, but of a statesman. Almost as profound was the effect produced. It was at this Congressthat the Basle Program was adopted. .. . "Zionism seeks to secure forthe Jewish people a publicly recognized, legally secured home (orhomeland) in Palestine. "

The second important task of the First Congress was the creation of anorganization. The Congress was declared to be "the chief organ of theZionist movement. " The basis of electoral right was to be the paymentof a shekel, which at that time was equivalent to twenty-five cents. There was to be an Executive Committee with its permanent seat inVienna. Everything which was to unfold later in Zionism, both in theway of affirmative forces and inner contradictions, was alreadyvisible or latent in the first Congress. There was discussion of abank, of a land redemption fund to be called The National Fund, thecreation of a Hebrew University, and the clashes between practical andpolitical Zionism. 

On his return to Vienna, Herzl made the following entry in his diary:"If I were to sum up the Basle Congress in a single phrase I wouldsay: In Basle I created the Jewish State. Were I to say this aloud Iwould be greeted by universal laughter. But perhaps five years hence, in any case, certainly fifty years hence, everyone will perceive it. The state exists as essence in the will-to-the-state of a people, yes, even in that will in a single powerful person. .. . The territory isonly the concrete basis, and the state itself, with a territorybeneath it, is still in the nature of an abstract thing . .. In Basle Icreated the abstraction which, as such, is invisible to the greatmajority. "

All that Herzl did in the political field--his conversations inConstantinople, his interview with the Grand Duke of Baden in advanceof the holding of the First Congress, was undertaken as author of apolitical pamphlet. He was now aware of the fact that he was calledupon to act as President of the World Zionist Organization. It wasdifficult to draw a line between the movement and its leader. Herzlinsisted that his leadership in the movement was impersonal and thatnow its direction was vested in its instruments--the Congress and theActions Committee. But he had all the authority of an accepted leader. 

The evolution of Herzl's conception of the Jewish problem since he sawthe degradation of Dreyfus can be measured by a study of the articleshe wrote after the First Congress. He himself was quite aware of thetransformation. He had seen the Jewish people face to face. "Brothershave found each other again, " he said. He wrote with greatappreciation of the quality of the Russian delegates. He said, "Theypossess that inner unity which has disappeared from among thewesterners. They are steeped in Jewish national sentiment withoutbetraying any national narrowness and intolerance. They are nottortured by the idea of assimilation. They do not assimilate intoother nations, but exert themselves to learn the best in otherpeoples. In this way they manage to remain erect and genuine. Lookingon them, we understood where our forefathers got the strength toendure through the bitterest times. "

Immediately after the First Congress, Herzl grappled with his secondtask, the creation of the Jewish Colonial Bank. He wrote of the bankin _Die Welt_ in November, 1898, "The task of the Colonial Bank is toeliminate philanthropy. The settler on the land who increases itsvalue by his labor merits more than a gift. He is entitled to credit. The prospective bank could therefore begin by extending the neededcredits to the colonists; later it would expand into the instrumentfor the bringing in of Jews and would supply credits fortransportation, agriculture, commerce and construction. "

The seat of the bank was to be London. There were to be two billionshares at £1 each. The bank was to be directed by men acquainted withbanking affairs, but the movement would be placed in a position tocontrol its policy. The hopes of Herzl grew from week to week. As heapproached the practical situation he became less and less confidentof the cooperation of men of wealth. Differences arose in thepreliminary discussions as to the scope of the bank. In the firstdraft of the Articles of Incorporation the Orient alone was named asthe area of work for the bank. Menachem Ussishkin insisted that thewords "Syria and Palestine" should be substituted. After a great dealof discussion, the proposals for the formation of the bank werebrought to the second Zionist Congress and the Articles ofIncorporation, as amended, were adopted by acclamation. 

Herzl clung to the idea which had come to him when he was thinking ofthe Jewish State as a pamphlet, that it might be better for him towrite a novel. The impulse to write such a novel became irresistibleafter his visit to Palestine. It was to be called "Altneuland. " Hebegan to write it in 1899. It was completed in April 1902, andpublished six months later. It is remarkable that he could write sucha novel while engaged in varied political activities inConstantinople, in London and in Berlin; and while he had to deal withthe many troublesome internal Zionist problems. 

"Altneuland" was a novel with a purpose. It described the Palestine ofthe near future as it would develop through the Zionist Movement. Ithad the weaknesses of every propaganda novel. The entire work hassomething of the state about it and proceeds in the form of scenesrather than by way of narrative. Each type has a specific outlook. Most of the characters are portraits of living personalities. It washis purpose to memorialize his friends and his opponents. 

"Altneuland" tells of a Jew who visits Palestine in 1898 and thencomes again in 1923 when he finds the Promised Land developed underJewish influence. Its territory lies East and West of the Jordan. Thedead land of 1898 is now thoroughly alive. Its real creators were theirrigation engineers. Technology had given a new form to labor, a newsocial and economic system had been created which is described as"mutualistic, " a huge cooperative, a mediate form betweenindividualism and collectivism. Haifa had become a world city. Aroundthe Holy City of Jerusalem, modern suburbs had arisen, shadedboulevards and parks, institutes of learning, places of amusement, markets--"a world city in the spirit of the twentieth century. " Inthis new land, the Arabs live side by side in friendship with theJews. 

"Altneuland" did not produce the effect Herzl had expected. Within theZionist Movement it did more harm than good. Many of Herzl's friendswere disappointed that the novel should have so little of the Jewishspirit. It ignored the Hebraic renaissance. The novel evoked thesharpest criticism from Achad Haam. 

 * * * * *

While Herzl was immersed in political action, visiting Europeancapitals, carrying on correspondence with leading persons whoseinterest in Zionism he had engaged, and submitting reports to theZionist Congress or to the Actions Committee, often facing criticalsituations in his struggle with growing Zionist parties, the ZionistOrganization was gradually becoming an accepted institution in Jewishlife. It was the international sounding board for the discussion ofthe Jewish question. The Jewish National Fund was founded at theFourth Congress held in London in 1900. The Jewish Colonial Trust wasfinally established with headquarters in London. 

The first Zionist party in the Congress was the Democratic faction ledby Leo Motzkin, but soon there were added the Mizrachi party and thebeginnings of a labor party. Not only Dr. Nordau's stirring addresses, but many controversies "made" Congresses. The cultural issue was aCongress perennial. Many discussions also took place around what wascalled the issue of "practical" and "political" Zionism. The Russians, under the leadership of Ussishkin, were all heartily against the"charter" emphasis and drove with maddening persistence for immediatework in Palestine. In the course of these debates, continued over theyears, the Congress became a forum for the discussion of internationalJewish problems and developed speakers and theorists of varyingdegrees of talent. It also produced men with hobbies. The JewishNational Fund and the Hebrew University was the hobby of Dr. HermanSchapiro. Colonization in Cyprus was the hobby of Davis Trietsch, whocreated many scenes on the floor of the Congress. Dr. Chaim Weizmannwas not only a leader of the Democratic faction, crossing swords timeand again with Herzl, but devoted much time and thought to the idea ofa Hebrew University. The procedure of the Congress, based onContinental models, was gradually worked out and became fixed, andmany of the delegates were adepts in the art of procedural sparring. The language in Congresses used during Herzl's life was German, butgradually the imperfect use of German by East European Zionists led tothe development of what was called "Congress German. " This was a formof German that was easy to use, because respect for grammar andpronunciation was not required. 

During the Congresses Herzl maintained throughout the role of leaderand moderator. His manner was gracious and he never lost his sense ofdignity. He was capable of sharp retort, but always bore in mind thatit was high duty to hold a balance and to seek compromise rather thansharp division. He developed it in a most remarkable way on theplatform. His appearances were dramatic. His interventions werearresting. The man of the writing desk developed as one of the ablestin the parliamentary arts. After some of the Congresses he had toretire to a health resort, having exhausted his strength and bringingon a recurrence of his heart trouble. On a number of occasions hisclose friends feared for his life. But after a few weeks of rest heusually returned stronger than before and with greater determinationto pursue his course, regardless of the consequences to himself. 

 * * * * *

At this point it is important to refer to his family life. He hadmarried Julie Naschauer on July 25, 1889. She was the daughter ofwealthy parents and grew up in a conventional social circle. When shemarried Herzl he was already a rising young author who was highlyregarded among those with whom she associated. He was attractive, aristocratic in bearing, a keen conversationalist and had all thequalities of being a conventional partner of a conventional wife. ButHerzl threw himself into Zionist affairs with such tremendous dynamicactivity and was so completely absorbed in the idea which his thinkinghad given birth to, that except for occasional interim periods, hisfamily played a secondary part in his life ever after he had taken upthe Jewish problems his special task in life. Julie Herzl alsosuffered by reason of Herzl's devotion to his own mother. Herzl neverrid himself of his filial dependence which made it very hard for hiswife to understand. They had three children. In 1890 a daughter wasborn and named Paula or Pauline. In 1891 his son, Hans, was born, whose life after his father's death became a serious problem. Therewas a third child, a daughter Margaret, known as Trude, who was bornin May 1893. During this period there were many separations from hisfamily. There were disagreements and reconciliations, but the cup ofunhappiness for Julie Herzl overflowed when Herzl became the officialleader of a public movement. From that time on her home was constantlyoverrun with unwelcome visitors. Not only did Herzl give his life tothe movement in the literal sense, but he gave his reserve of fundsand sacrificed the welfare of his family for the sake of the movementhe had brought to life. His domestic affairs as well as his failingheart, made all the years of Herzl's brief Zionist life pain andstruggle. 

The tragic position of Jews in various parts of Europe, greatlyagitated Herzl during the time he was carrying on negotiations withthe Kaiser and the Sultan. He was constantly being led to the thoughtthat it would become necessary to find a temporary haven of refuge forJews. In 1899 a series of pogroms broke out in Galicia. In his diaryat the time, he had references to England and Cyprus, "we may evenhave to consider South Africa or America. " But he banished thesethoughts from his mind because he knew that the Zionists would placeserious obstacles in the way of considering any project other thanPalestine. When his hopes with regard to Germany had collapsed, however, he thought of these alternative proposals again. 

 * * * * *

On October 22, 1902 a Conference between Joseph Chamberlain, theColonial Secretary, and Herzl took place. Chamberlain had been in theColonial Office since 1895. He held an influential position in thecouncils of the British Government. He was a man of strong will andpolitical integrity. Herzl submitted his plan for the colonization ofCyprus and the Sinai Peninsula, which included El Arish--"Jewishsettlers under a Jewish administration. "

Chamberlain said that he could speak definitely only about Cyprus. TheSinai Peninsula came under the jurisdiction of the Foreign Office. Asfar as Cyprus was concerned, he believed that it was not promisingbecause the Greeks and Moslems would object, and it would be hisofficial duty to side with them. He took a more favorable view, however, of El Arish. In that connection, it was necessary for Herzlto talk to Lord Lansdowne of the Foreign Office. A great deal woulddepend upon the good-will of Lord Cromer, the British Consul Generalin Egypt, and actually the Vice Regent of that country. Through thegood offices of Chamberlain, it became possible for Herzl to meetLord Lansdowne a few days later. He was well received and waslistened to with a great deal of attention. 

Herzl was asked to submit a written expose. Then he asked forpermission to have Leopold J. Greenberg go to Egypt and confer withLord Cromer. Lord Lansdowne said that he would arrange for such ameeting. Greenberg discussed the matter with Lord Cromer in Cairo. There were objections raised by both Lord Cromer and the EgyptianPrime Minister on the ground that an attempted Jewish economy, undertaken in 1891-2 in the region of ancient Midian, had been apitiful failure. There had been political complications and borderdisputes with Turkey. 

A definitive reply was received by Herzl on December 18, 1902 writtenon behalf of Lord Lansdowne by Sir T. H. Sanderson, permanentUndersecretary. Lord Lansdowne had heard from Lord Cromer, who favoredthe sending of a small commission to the Sinai Peninsula to report onconditions and prospects, but Lord Cromer feared that no sanguinehopes of success should be entertained, but if the report of theCommission turned out favorable, the Egyptian Government wouldcertainly offer liberal terms for Jewish colonization. 

On the other hand, however, the Zionists should understand that theywould be expected to meet the cost of a defense corps and to guaranteethe administration. In Lord Cromer's opinion, the most importantquestion was that of the rights which Herzl expected for the projectedsettlement. He wrote: "In your letter of the 12th ult. You remark thatyou will become great and promising by the granting of this right ofcolonization. Your letter does not make clear what is to be understoodby these words, and what kind of rights the colonists will expect. "

Lord Lansdowne also touched on the question of the new citizenship ofthe settlers. Herzl had believed that he would have only Englishmen todeal with, since England had become more and more the master of Egypt. It was apparent, however, that the Egyptian Government also played animportant part in the discussions. 

Lord Cromer confirmed that the Egyptian Government would make it anessential condition that the new settlers become Turkish subjectsbound by Egyptian law, but while the British occupation continued thesettlers would always be certain of fair treatment. 

Herzl was satisfied with this letter and described it as a historicdocument. The British Government had recognized Herzl as the Zionistleader, and the movement represented by him as a negotiating party. Healready saw the "Egyptian province of Judea" under a Jewish Governor, with its own defense corps under Anglo-Egyptian officers. 

As a result of the English negotiations, Lord Rothschild seemed to bewon over by Herzl. The old banker, who had refused two years before tomeet the Zionist leader, now visited him in his hotel. The next taskbefore Herzl was the organization of the Commission. The Commissionwas composed of the South African engineer, Kessler; the ChiefInspector of the Egyptian Survey Department, Humphreys; Col. Goldsmithwas to report on the land; and Dr. Soskin was to study agriculturalpossibilities. Oscar Marmorek was to investigate building and housingproblems and act as General Secretary. Dr. Hillel Jaffe of the JaffeHospital was to deal with the problems of climate and hygiene. 

The Commission met with great difficulties. There was opposition bythe Turks. There was misunderstandings between Herzl and Greenberg. Herzl himself went to Egypt in order to bring the negotiations to aconclusion and to straighten out difficulties. His intervention in noway improved the situation. Lord Cromer had become very cool towardhim. He received the general report of the Commission, which observedthat "under existing conditions the land is quite unsuitable forsettlers from European countries, but if sufficient irrigation wereintroduced, the agricultural, hygienic and climatic conditions aresuch that part of the land, which is at present wilderness, couldsupport a considerable population. "

An application for the concession was made by Herzl on the advice ofLord Cromer, having as his legal representative a Belgian lawyer ofhigh standing. The Egyptian Government did not receive with favor theoutline of the concession. Herzl was received on April 23rd byChamberlain, who had just returned from his African journey. Chamberlain listened to the report given by Herzl on the work of theCommission. Both regarded the report as unfavorable. Then Chamberlainmade this remark:

"On my travels I saw a country for you, Uganda. On the coast it ishot, but in the interior the climate is excellent for Europeans. Youcan plant cotton and sugar. I thought to myself, that is just thecountry for Dr. Herzl. But _he_ must have Palestine, and will moveonly into its vicinity. "

This was the first reference to Uganda which became the center ofattention in Zionist circles. 

Herzl was told that the Egyptian Government would reject the plan. Itwas found that the area would require five times as much water as hadbeen first estimated. The Egyptian Government could not permit thediversion of such a quantity of water from the Nile. 

An attempt to have Chamberlain intervene with Egypt was notsuccessful. "That being the case, " said Chamberlain, "What aboutUganda?" Self-administration would be accorded. The Governor coulddefinitely be a Jew. Although the matter belonged to the ForeignOffice, he would have it transferred under his jurisdiction in thecolonial office. The territory would be the permanent property of acolonization company created for the purpose. After five years, thesettlers would be given complete autonomy. The name of the settlementwas to be "New Palestine. "

Herzl pressed for a reply from the government in order that theproject might be presented to the Zionist Congress on August 14, 1903. The official proposal came from Sir Clement Hill, permanent head ofthe Foreign Office. In this letter it was stated that Lord Landsdownehad studied the question with the interest which His Majesty'sGovernment always felt bound to take in every serious plan destined tobetter the condition of the Jewish race. The time had been too shortfor a closer examination of the plan and for its submission to theBritish representative for the East African (Uganda) Protectorate. "Lord Landsdowne assumes, " the letter continues, "that the Bankdesires to send a number of gentlemen to the East African Protectorateto establish whether there is in that territory land suitable for thepurpose in view; should this prove to be the case, he will be happy togive them every assistance in bringing them together with HisMajesty's Congress, the conditions under which the settlement could becarried out. Should an area be found which the bank and His Majesty'srepresentative consider suitable, and His Majesty's governmentconsider desirable, Lord Lansdowne will be glad to consider favorablyproposals for the creation of a Jewish colony or settlement under suchconditions as will seem to the members to guarantee the retention oftheir national customs. .. . "

The document went on with an offer--subject to the consent of therelevant officials--of a Jewish governorship and internal autonomy. 

This was the first official proposal in connection with the Zionistmovement which Herzl was able to submit to a Zionist Congress. Whenthe letter of Sir Clement Hill was submitted to the Sixth ZionistCongress in 1903, it split the Zionist movement wide open. It arrayedthe overwhelming majority of Zionists in Russia against Herzl and hewas called upon to defend himself against a general attack whichpreceded the convening of the Congress. When the Congress was convenedin an atmosphere of great excitement and partisan controversy, theUganda project was submitted in the form of an official resolutioncalling for the appointment of a commission of nine to be sent toinvestigate conditions in East Africa. The final decision on thereport of the investigating committee was to be left to a specialCongress. Although the vote showed a majority in favor of the officialresolution--the tally was 295 for, 177 against, and 100 absentees--thedebate on the resolution revealed an overwhelming opposition to theproject. It was regarded as an abandonment of Palestine in favor of adiversion. After the vote, the Russian delegates left the Congress ina body. All the opposition delegates left with them and met inconference to discuss the situation. When Herzl heard of the deepfeeling that prevailed in the conference, he asked for the privilegeof speaking to the opposition. He gave them his solemn assurance thatthe Basle Program would be unaffected by the resolution. He sworefealty to the Basle Program, to Zion and Jerusalem. His speechrevealed the great transformation that had taken place in Herzl'sorganic relation to the Zionist movement. The opposition delegatesfelt that in spite of Herzl's seeking alternately one or anothersubstitute for Palestine, his heart responded without reserve to theappeal of Zion. The opposition reappeared in the Congress thefollowing day. They exacted assurances that the funds of the JewishColonial Trust, of the Jewish National Fund and the Shekel Income, should not be used for the commission investigating East Africa, andthat the commission should report to the Greater Actions Committeebefore it appeared to submit its report to the Congress. 

Herzl's experience at what is called the "Uganda Congress" drew himnearer to the older Zionists. He realized now that the ultimate goalcould not be reached within the near future, that Uganda was merely acompromise achievement, providing the field of preparation for asecond attempt to reach Zion. The Congress of 1903 was the climax ofHerzl's career. It was, in effect, the end of his quest. 

Later, the East African project became a matter of lesser importancein the eyes of the English. The English colonists in East Africadeclared their opposition to a Jewish settlement. A Zionist oppositionwas organized, led by Menahem Ussishkin, who was not present at theUganda Congress. The Charkov Conference of Russian Zionists wascalled. Herzl was charged with having violated the Basle Program. TheCharkov Conference disclaimed responsibility for all actions in thedirection of East Africa. It appointed a committee of three tocommunicate their demands to Herzl. They asked that he promise that hewould not place before the Congress any territorial projects otherthan those connected with Palestine or Syria, and that he would takeEast Africa off the agenda. By now Herzl would have been pleased tolet the East African project disappear from the agenda; it was clearthat the English government was not greatly interested and was seekinga way out; but the devious route of political action, once started, could not so easily be halted; Herzl found himself chained to apolitical reality. 

Throughout his Zionist life, Herzl suffered from a heart ailmentwhich became more and more acute as he was taken up by the excitementsand activities of the Movement. He became aware of his illness soonafter he had written "The Jewish State. " He had premonitions of thefatal consequences but persisted in carrying the burden of theMovement himself, consuming all his strength in the process. Atintervals he was forced to take rest cures. On a number of occasionsit was thought that he had reached the end of his strength. When hewas grappling with the Uganda project, York-Steiner, an intimatefriend, wrote of his appearance: "The imposing figure is now stooped, the face sallow, the eyes--the mirrors of a fine soul--were darkened, the mouth was drawn in pain and marked by passion. "

He was almost at the brink of the grave. In May, an alarming changefor the worse occurred in the condition of his heart muscles. He wasordered to Franzienbad for six weeks, but the rest did him no good. OnJune 3, he left with his wife and several friends for Edlach inSemmering. He knew that this was his last journey. Then there was aslight improvement and he returned to his desk. But he rapidly grewworse. To the faithful Hechler he said, "Give them all my greetingsand tell them that I have given my heart's blood for my people. " OnJuly 3, pneumonia set in and there were signs of approachingexhaustion. His mother arrived, then his two younger children, Hansand Trude. At five in the afternoon, his physician who had taken hiseyes off the patient for a moment, heard a deep sigh. When he turned, he saw Herzl's head sunk on his breast. 

In his will Herzl asked that his body be buried next to his father, "to remain there until the Jewish people will carry my remains toPalestine. " When the Russians entered Vienna in 1945 the remains ofHerzl were still there. 

_The Jewish State_

by

_Theodor Herzl_

_Preface_

The idea which I have developed in this pamphlet is a very old one: itis the restoration of the Jewish State. 

The world resounds with outcries against the Jews, and these outcrieshave awakened the slumbering idea. 

I wish it to be clearly understood from the outset that no portion ofmy argument is based on a new discovery. I have discovered neither thehistoric condition of the Jews nor the means to improve it. In fact, every man will see for himself that the materials of the structure Iam designing are not only in existence, but actually already in hand. If, therefore, this attempt to solve the Jewish Question is to bedesignated by a single word, let it be said to be the result of aninescapable conclusion rather than that of a flighty imagination. 

I must, in the first place, guard my scheme from being treated asUtopian by superficial critics who might commit this error of judgmentif I did not warn them. I should obviously have done nothing to beashamed of if I had described a Utopia on philanthropic lines; and Ishould also, in all probability, have obtained literary success moreeasily if I had set forth my plan in the irresponsible guise of aromantic tale. But this Utopia is far less attractive than any one ofthose portrayed by Sir Thomas More and his numerous forerunners andsuccessors. And I believe that the situation of the Jews in manycountries is grave enough to make such preliminary triflingsuperfluous. 

An interesting book, "Freiland, " by Dr. Theodor Hertzka, whichappeared a few years ago, may serve to mark the distinction I drawbetween my conception and a Utopia. His is the ingenious invention ofa modern mind thoroughly schooled in the principles of politicaleconomy, it is as remote from actuality as the Equatorial mountain onwhich his dream State lies. "Freiland" is a complicated piece ofmechanism with numerous cogged wheels fitting into each other; butthere is nothing to prove that they can be set in motion. Evensupposing "Freiland societies" were to come into existence, I shouldlook on the whole thing as a joke. 

The present scheme, on the other hand, includes the employment of anexistent propelling force. In consideration of my own inadequacy, Ishall content myself with indicating the cogs and wheels of themachine to be constructed, and I shall rely on more skilledmechanicians than myself to put them together. 

Everything depends on our propelling force. And what is that force?The misery of the Jews. 

Who would venture to deny its existence? We shall discuss it fully inthe chapter on the causes of Anti-Semitism. 

Everybody is familiar with the phenomenon of steam-power, generated byboiling water, which lifts the kettle-lid. Such tea-kettle phenomenaare the attempts of Zionist and kindred associations to checkAnti-Semitism. 

I believe that this power, if rightly employed, is powerful enough topropel a large engine and to move passengers and goods: the enginehaving whatever form men may choose to give it. 

I am absolutely convinced that I am right, though I doubt whether Ishall live to see myself proved to be so. Those who are the first toinaugurate this movement will scarcely live to see its glorious close. But the inauguration of it is enough to give them a feeling of prideand the joy of spiritual freedom. 

I shall not be lavish in artistically elaborated descriptions of myproject, for fear of incurring the suspicion of painting a Utopia. Ianticipate, in any case, that thoughtless scoffers will caricature mysketch and thus try to weaken its effect. A Jew, intelligent in otherrespects, to whom I explained my plan, was of the opinion that "aUtopia was a project whose future details were represented as alreadyextant. " This is a fallacy. Every Chancellor of the Exchequercalculates in his Budget estimates with assumed figures, and not onlywith such as are based on the average returns of past years, or onprevious revenues in other States, but sometimes with figures forwhich there is no precedent whatever; as for example, in instituting anew tax. Everybody who studies a Budget knows that this is the case. But even if it were known that the estimates would not be rigidlyadhered to, would such a financial draft be considered Utopian?

But I am expecting more of my readers. I ask the cultivated men whom Iam addressing to set many preconceived ideas entirely aside. I shalleven go so far as to ask those Jews who have most earnestly tried tosolve the Jewish Question to look upon their previous attempts asmistaken and futile. 

I must guard against a danger in setting forth my idea. If I describefuture circumstances with too much caution I shall appear to doubttheir possibility. If, on the other hand, I announce their realizationwith too much assurance I shall appear to be describing a chimera. 

I shall therefore clearly and emphatically state that I believe in thepractical outcome of my scheme, though without professing to havediscovered the shape it may ultimately take. The Jewish State isessential to the world; it will therefore be created. 

The plan would, of course, seem absurd if a single individualattempted to do it; but if worked by a number of Jews in co-operationit would appear perfectly rational, and its accomplishment wouldpresent no difficulties worth mentioning. The idea depends only on thenumber of its supporters. Perhaps our ambitious young men, to whomevery road of progress is now closed, seeing in this Jewish State abright prospect of freedom, happiness and honors opening to them, willensure the propagation of the idea. 

I feel that with the publication of this pamphlet my task is done. Ishall not again take up the pen, unless the attacks of noteworthyantagonists drive me to do so, or it becomes necessary to meetunforeseen objections and to remove errors. 

Am I stating what is not yet the case? Am I before my time? Are thesufferings of the Jews not yet grave enough? We shall see. 

It depends on the Jews themselves whether this political pamphletremains for the present a political romance. If the present generationis too dull to understand it rightly, a future, finer and a bettergeneration will arise to understand it. The Jews who wish for a Stateshall have it, and they will deserve to have it. 

_Chapter I. Introduction_

It is astonishing how little insight into the science of economicsmany of the men who move in the midst of active life possess. Hence itis that even Jews faithfully repeat the cry of the Anti-Semites: "Wedepend for sustenance on the nations who are our hosts, and if we hadno hosts to support us we should die of starvation. " This is a pointthat shows how unjust accusations may weaken our self-knowledge. Butwhat are the true grounds for this statement concerning the nationsthat act as "hosts"? Where it is not based on limited physiocraticviews it is founded on the childish error that commodities pass fromhand to hand in continuous rotation. We need not wake from longslumber, like Rip van Winkle, to realize that the world isconsiderably altered by the production of new commodities. Thetechnical progress made during this wonderful era enables even a manof most limited intelligence to note with his short-sighted eyes theappearance of new commodities all around him. The spirit of enterprisehas created them. 

Labor without enterprise is the stationary labor of ancient days; andtypical of it is the work of the husbandman, who stands now just wherehis progenitors stood a thousand years ago. All our material welfarehas been brought about by men of enterprise. I feel almost ashamed ofwriting down so trite a remark. Even if we were a nation ofentrepreneurs--such as absurdly exaggerated accounts make us out tobe--we should not require another nation to live on. We do not dependon the circulation of old commodities, because we produce new ones. 

The world possesses slaves of extraordinary capacity for work, whoseappearance has been fatal to the production of handmade goods: theseslaves are the machines. It is true that workmen are required to setmachinery in motion; but for this we have men in plenty, insuper-abundance. Only those who are ignorant of the conditions of Jewsin many countries of Eastern Europe would venture to assert that Jewsare either unfit or unwilling to perform manual labor. 

But I do not wish to take up the cudgels for the Jews in thispamphlet. It would be useless. Everything rational and everythingsentimental that can possibly be said in their defence has been saidalready. If one's hearers are incapable of comprehending them, one isa preacher in a desert. And if one's hearers are broad and high-mindedenough to have grasped them already, then the sermon is superfluous. Ibelieve in the ascent of man to higher and yet higher grades ofcivilization; but I consider this ascent to be desperately slow. Werewe to wait till average humanity had become as charitably inclined aswas Lessing when he wrote "Nathan the Wise, " we should wait beyond ourday, beyond the days of our children, of our grandchildren, and of ourgreat-grandchildren. But the world's spirit comes to our aid inanother way. 

This century has given the world a wonderful renaissance by means ofits technical achievements; but at the same time its miraculousimprovements have not been employed in the service of humanity. Distance has ceased to be an obstacle, yet we complain of insufficientspace. Our great steamships carry us swiftly and surely over hithertounvisited seas. Our railways carry us safely into a mountain-worldhitherto tremblingly scaled on foot. Events occurring in countriesundiscovered when Europe confined the Jews in Ghettos are known to usin the course of an hour. Hence the misery of the Jews is ananachronism--not because there was a period of enlightenment onehundred years ago, for that enlightenment reached in reality only thechoicest spirits. 

I believe that electric light was not invented for the purpose ofilluminating the drawing-rooms of a few snobs, but rather for thepurpose of throwing light on some of the dark problems of humanity. One of these problems, and not the least of them, is the Jewishquestion. In solving it we are working not only for ourselves, butalso for many other over-burdened and oppressed beings. 

The Jewish question still exists. It would be foolish to deny it. Itis a remnant of the Middle Ages, which civilized nations do not evenyet seem able to shake off, try as they will. They certainly showed agenerous desire to do so when they emancipated us. The Jewish questionexists wherever Jews live in perceptible numbers. Where it does notexist, it is carried by Jews in the course of their migrations. Wenaturally move to those places where we are not persecuted, and thereour presence produces persecution. This is the case in every country, and will remain so, even in those highly civilized--for instance, France--until the Jewish question finds a solution on a politicalbasis. The unfortunate Jews are now carrying the seeds ofAnti-Semitism into England; they have already introduced it intoAmerica. 

I believe that I understand Anti-Semitism, which is really a highlycomplex movement. I consider it from a Jewish standpoint, yet withoutfear or hatred. I believe that I can see what elements there are in itof vulgar sport, of common trade jealousy, of inherited prejudice, ofreligious intolerance, and also of pretended self-defence. I think theJewish question is no more a social than a religious one, notwithstanding that it sometimes takes these and other forms. It is anational question, which can only be solved by making it a politicalworld-question to be discussed and settled by the civilized nations ofthe world in council. 

We are a people--one people. 

We have honestly endeavored everywhere to merge ourselves in thesocial life of surrounding communities and to preserve the faith ofour fathers. We are not permitted to do so. In vain are we loyalpatriots, our loyalty in some places running to extremes; in vain dowe make the same sacrifices of life and property as ourfellow-citizens; in vain do we strive to increase the fame of ournative land in science and art, or her wealth by trade and commerce. In countries where we have lived for centuries we are still cried downas strangers, and often by those whose ancestors were not yetdomiciled in the land where Jews had already had experience ofsuffering. The majority may decide which are the strangers; for this, as indeed every point which arises in the relations between nations, is a question of might. I do not here surrender any portion of ourprescriptive right, when I make this statement merely in my own nameas an individual. In the world as it now is and for an indefiniteperiod will probably remain, might precedes right. It is useless, therefore, for us to be loyal patriots, as were the Huguenots who wereforced to emigrate. If we could only be left in peace. .. . 

But I think we shall not be left in peace. 

Oppression and persecution cannot exterminate us. No nation on earthhas survived such struggles and sufferings as we have gone through. Jew-baiting has merely stripped off our weaklings; the strong among uswere invariably true to their race when persecution broke out againstthem. This attitude was most clearly apparent in the periodimmediately following the emancipation of the Jews. Those Jews whowere advanced intellectually and materially entirely lost the feelingof belonging to their race. Wherever our political well-being haslasted for any length of time, we have assimilated with oursurroundings. I think this is not discreditable. Hence, the statesmanwho would wish to see a Jewish strain in his nation would have toprovide for the duration of our political well-being; and even aBismarck could not do that. 

For old prejudices against us still lie deep in the hearts of thepeople. He who would have proofs of this need only listen to thepeople where they speak with frankness and simplicity: proverb andfairy-tale are both Anti-Semitic. A nation is everywhere a greatchild, which can certainly be educated; but its education would, evenin most favorable circumstances, occupy such a vast amount of timethat we could, as already mentioned, remove our own difficulties byother means long before the process was accomplished. 

Assimilation, by which I understood not only external conformity indress, habits, customs, and language, but also identity of feeling andmanner--assimilation of Jews could be effected only by intermarriage. But the need for mixed marriages would have to be felt by themajority; their mere recognition by law would certainly not suffice. 

The Hungarian Liberals, who have just given legal sanction to mixedmarriages, have made a remarkable mistake which one of the earliestcases clearly illustrates; a baptized Jew married a Jewess. At thesame time the struggle to obtain the present form of marriageaccentuated distinctions between Jews and Christians, thus hinderingrather than aiding the fusion of races. 

Those who really wished to see the Jews disappear through intermixturewith other nations, can only hope to see it come about in one way. TheJews must previously acquire economic power sufficiently great toovercome the old social prejudice against them. The aristocracy mayserve as an example of this, for in its ranks occur theproportionately largest numbers of mixed marriages. The Jewishfamilies which regild the old nobility with their money becomegradually absorbed. But what form would this phenomenon assume in themiddle classes, where (the Jews being a bourgeois people) the Jewishquestion is mainly concentrated? A previous acquisition of power couldbe synonymous with that economic supremacy which Jews are alreadyerroneously declared to possess. And if the power they now possesscreates rage and indignation among the Anti-Semites, what outbreakswould such an increase of power create? Hence the first step towardsabsorption will never be taken, because this step would involve thesubjection of the majority to a hitherto scorned minority, possessingneither military nor administrative power of its own. I think, therefore, that the absorption of Jews by means of their prosperity isunlikely to occur. In countries which now are Anti-Semitic my viewwill be approved. In others, where Jews now feel comfortable, it willprobably be violently disputed by them. My happier co-religionistswill not believe me till Jew-baiting teaches them the truth; for thelonger Anti-Semitism lies in abeyance the more fiercely will it breakout. The infiltration of immigrating Jews, attracted to a land byapparent security, and the ascent in the social scale of native Jews, combine powerfully to bring about a revolution. Nothing is plainerthan this rational conclusion. 

Because I have drawn this conclusion with complete indifference toeverything but the quest of truth, I shall probably be contradictedand opposed by Jews who are in easy circumstances. Insofar as privateinterests alone are held by their anxious or timid possessors to be indanger, they can safely be ignored, for the concerns of the poor andoppressed are of greater importance than theirs. But I wish from theoutset to prevent any misconception from arising, particularly themistaken notion that my project, if realized, would in the leastdegree injure property now held by Jews. I shall therefore explaineverything connected with rights of property very fully. Whereas, ifmy plan never becomes anything more than a piece of literature, thingswill merely remain as they are. It might more reasonably be objectedthat I am giving a handle to Anti-Semitism when I say we are apeople--one people; that I am hindering the assimilation of Jews whereit is about to be consummated, and endangering it where it is anaccomplished fact, insofar as it is possible for a solitary writer tohinder or endanger anything. 

This objection will be especially brought forward in France. It willprobably also be made in other countries, but I shall answer only theFrench Jews beforehand, because these afford the most striking exampleof my point. 

However much I may worship personality--powerful individualpersonality in statesmen, inventors, artists, philosophers, orleaders, as well as the collective personality of a historic group ofhuman beings, which we call a nation--however much I may worshippersonality, I do not regret its disappearance. Whoever can, will, andmust perish, let him perish. But the distinctive nationality of Jewsneither can, will, nor must be destroyed. It cannot be destroyed, because external enemies consolidate it. It will not be destroyed;this is shown during two thousand years of appalling suffering. Itmust not be destroyed, and that, as a descendant of numberless Jewswho refused to despair, I am trying once more to prove in thispamphlet. Whole branches of Judaism may wither and fall, but the trunkwill remain. 

Hence, if all or any of the French Jews protest against this scheme onaccount of their own "assimilation, " my answer is simple: The wholething does not concern them at all. They are Jewish Frenchmen, welland good! This is a private affair for the Jews alone. 

The movement towards the organization of the State I am proposingwould, of course, harm Jewish Frenchmen no more than it would harm the"assimilated" of other countries. It would, on the contrary, bedistinctly to their advantage. For they would no longer be disturbedin their "chromatic function, " as Darwin puts it, but would be able toassimilate in peace, because the present Anti-Semitism would have beenstopped for ever. They would certainly be credited with beingassimilated to the very depths of their souls, if they stayed wherethey were after the new Jewish State, with its superior institutions, had become a reality. 

The "assimilated" would profit even more than Christian citizens bythe departure of faithful Jews; for they would be rid of thedisquieting, incalculable, and unavoidable rivalry of a Jewishproletariat, driven by poverty and political pressure from place toplace, from land to land. This floating proletariat would becomestationary. Many Christian citizens--whom we call Anti-Semites--cannow offer determined resistance to the immigration of foreign Jews. Jewish citizens cannot do this, although it affects them far moredirectly; for on them they feel first of all the keen competition ofindividuals carrying on similar branches of industry, who, inaddition, either introduce Anti-Semitism where it does not exist, orintensify it where it does. The "assimilated" give expression to thissecret grievance in "philanthropic" undertakings. They organizeemigration societies for wandering Jews. There is a reverse to thepicture which would be comic, if it did not deal with human beings. For some of these charitable institutions are created not for, butagainst, persecuted Jews; they are created to despatch these poorcreatures just as fast and far as possible. And thus, many an apparentfriend of the Jews turns out, on careful inspection, to be nothingmore than an Anti-Semite of Jewish origin, disguised as aphilanthropist. 

But the attempts at colonization made even by really benevolent men, interesting attempts though they were, have so far been unsuccessful. I do not think that this or that man took up the matter merely as anamusement, that they engaged in the emigration of poor Jews as oneindulges in the racing of horses. The matter was too grave and tragicfor such treatment. These attempts were interesting, in that theyrepresented on a small scale the practical fore-runners of the idea ofa Jewish State. They were even useful, for out of their mistakes maybe gathered experience for carrying the idea out successfully on alarger scale. They have, of course, done harm also. The transportationof Anti-Semitism to new districts, which is the inevitable consequenceof such artificial infiltration, seems to me to be the least of theseevils. Far worse is the circumstance that unsatisfactory results tendto cast doubts on intelligent men. What is impractical or impossibleto simple argument will remove this doubt from the minds ofintelligent men. What is unpractical or impossible to accomplish on asmall scale, need not necessarily be so on a larger one. A smallenterprise may result in loss under the same conditions which wouldmake a large one pay. A rivulet cannot even be navigated by boats, theriver into which it flows carries stately iron vessels. 

No human being is wealthy or powerful enough to transplant a nationfrom one habitation to another. An idea alone can achieve that andthis idea of a State may have the requisite power to do so. The Jewshave dreamt this kingly dream all through the long nights of theirhistory. "Next year in Jerusalem" is our old phrase. It is now aquestion of showing that the dream can be converted into a livingreality. 

For this, many old, outgrown, confused and limited notions must firstbe entirely erased from the minds of men. Dull brains might, forinstance, imagine that this exodus would be from civilized regionsinto the desert. That is not the case. It will be carried out in themidst of civilization. We shall not revert to a lower stage, we shallrise to a higher one. We shall not dwell in mud huts; we shall buildnew more beautiful and more modern houses, and possess them in safety. We shall not lose our acquired possessions; we shall realize them. Weshall surrender our well earned rights only for better ones. We shallnot sacrifice our beloved customs; we shall find them again. We shallnot leave our old home before the new one is prepared for us. Thoseonly will depart who are sure thereby to improve their position; thosewho are now desperate will go first, after them the poor; next theprosperous, and, last of all, the wealthy. Those who go in advancewill raise themselves to a higher grade, equal to those whoserepresentatives will shortly follow. Thus the exodus will be at thesame time an ascent of the class. 

The departure of the Jews will involve no economic disturbances, nocrises, no persecutions; in fact, the countries they abandon willrevive to a new period of prosperity. There will be an inner migrationof Christian citizens into the positions evacuated by Jews. Theoutgoing current will be gradual, without any disturbance, and itsinitial movement will put an end to Anti-Semitism. The Jews will leaveas honored friends, and if some of them return, they will receive thesame favorable welcome and treatment at the hands of civilized nationsas is accorded to all foreign visitors. Their exodus will have noresemblance to a flight, for it will be a well-regulated movementunder control of public opinion. The movement will not only beinaugurated with absolute conformity to law, but it cannot even becarried out without the friendly cooperation of interestedGovernments, who would derive considerable benefits from it. 

Security for the integrity of the idea and the vigor of its executionwill be found in the creation of a body corporate, or corporation. This corporation will be called "The Society of Jews. " In addition toit there will be a Jewish company, an economically productive body. 

An individual who attempted even to undertake this huge task alonewould be either an impostor or a madman. The personal character of themembers of the corporation will guarantee its integrity, and theadequate capital of the Company will prove its stability. 

These prefatory remarks are merely intended as a hasty reply to themass of objections which the very words "Jewish State" are certain toarouse. Henceforth we shall proceed more slowly to meet furtherobjections and to explain in detail what has been as yet onlyindicated; and we shall try in the interests of this pamphlet toavoid making it a dull exposition. Short aphoristic chapters willtherefore best answer the purpose. 

If I wish to substitute a new building for an old one, I must demolishbefore I construct. I shall therefore keep to this natural sequence. In the first and general part I shall explain my ideas, remove allprejudices, determine essential political and economic conditions, anddevelop the plan. 

In the special part, which is divided into three principal sections, Ishall describe its execution. These three sections are: The JewishCompany, Local Groups, and the Society of Jews. The Society is to becreated first, the Company last; but in this exposition the reverseorder is preferable, because it is the financial soundness of theenterprise which will chiefly be called into question, and doubts onthis score must be removed first. 

In the conclusion, I shall try to meet every further objection thatcould possibly be made. My Jewish readers will, I hope, follow mepatiently to the end. Some will naturally make their objections in anorder of succession other than that chosen for their refutation. Butwhoever finds his doubts dispelled should give allegiance to thecause. 

Although I speak of reason, I am fully aware that reason alone willnot suffice. Old prisoners do not willingly leave their cells. Weshall see whether the youth whom we need are at our command--theyouth, who irresistibly draw on the old, carry them forward on strongarms, and transform rational motives into enthusiasm. 

_II. The Jewish Question_

No one can deny the gravity of the situation of the Jews. Whereverthey live in perceptible numbers, they are more or less persecuted. Their equality before the law, granted by statute, has becomepractically a dead letter. They are debarred from filling evenmoderately high positions, either in the army, or in any public orprivate capacity. And attempts are made to thrust them out of businessalso: "Don't buy from Jews!"

Attacks in Parliaments, in assemblies, in the press, in the pulpit, inthe street, on journeys--for example, their exclusion from certainhotels--even in places of recreation, become daily more numerous. Theforms of persecutions varying according to the countries and socialcircles in which they occur. In Russia, imposts are levied on Jewishvillages; in Rumania, a few persons are put to death; in Germany, theyget a good beating occasionally; in Austria, Anti-Semites exerciseterrorism over all public life; in Algeria, there are travellingagitators; in Paris, the Jews are shut out of the so-called bestsocial circles and excluded from clubs. Shades of anti-Jewish feelingare innumerable. But this is not to be an attempt to make out adoleful category of Jewish hardships. 

I do not intend to arouse sympathetic emotions on our behalf. Thatwould be foolish, futile, and undignified proceeding. I shall contentmyself with putting the following questions to the Jews: Is it nottrue that, in countries where we live in perceptible numbers, theposition of Jewish lawyers, doctors, technicians, teachers, andemployees of all descriptions becomes daily more intolerable? Is itnot true, that the Jewish middle classes are seriously threatened? Isit not true, that the passions of the mob are incited against ourwealthy people? Is it not true, that our poor endure greatersufferings than any other proletariat? I think that this externalpressure makes itself felt everywhere. In our economically upperclasses it causes discomfort, in our middle classes continual andgrave anxieties, in our lower classes absolute despair. 

Everything tends, in fact, to one and the same conclusion, which isclearly enunciated in that classic Berlin phrase: "_Juden Raus!_" (Outwith the Jews!)

I shall now put the Question in the briefest possible form: Are we to"get out" now and where to?

Or, may we yet remain? And, how long?

Let us first settle the point of staying where we are. Can we hope forbetter days, can we possess our souls in patience, can we wait inpious resignation till the princes and peoples of this earth are moremercifully disposed towards us? I say that we cannot hope for a changein the current of feeling. And why not? Even if we were as near to thehearts of princes as are their other subjects, they could not protectus. They would only feel popular hatred by showing us too much favor. By "too much, " I really mean less than is claimed as a right by everyordinary citizen, or by every race. The nations in whose midst Jewslive are all either covertly or openly Anti-Semitic. 

The common people have not, and indeed cannot have, any historiccomprehension. They do not know that the sins of the Middle Ages arenow being visited on the nations of Europe. We are what the Ghettomade us. We have attained pre-eminence in finance, because mediaevalconditions drove us to it. The same process is now being repeated. Weare again being forced into finance, now it is the stock exchange, bybeing kept out of other branches of economic activity. Being on thestock exchange, we are consequently exposed afresh to contempt. At thesame time we continue to produce an abundance of mediocre intellectswho find no outlet, and this endangers our social position as much asdoes our increasing wealth. Educated Jews without means are nowrapidly becoming Socialists. Hence we are certain to suffer veryseverely in the struggle between classes, because we stand in the mostexposed position in the camps of both Socialists and capitalists. 

PREVIOUS ATTEMPTS AT A SOLUTION

The artificial means heretofore employed to overcome the troubles ofJews have been either too petty--such as attempts at colonization--orattempts to convert the Jews into peasants in their present homes. 

What is achieved by transporting a few thousand Jews to anothercountry? Either they come to grief at once, or prosper, and then theirprosperity creates Anti-Semitism. We have already discussed theseattempts to divert poor Jews to fresh districts. This diversion isclearly inadequate and futile, if it does not actually defeat its ownends; for it merely protracts and postpones a solution, and perhapseven aggravates difficulties. 

Whoever would attempt to convert the Jew into a husbandman would bemaking an extraordinary mistake. For a peasant is in a historicalcategory, as proved by his costume which in some countries he has wornfor centuries; and by his tools, which are identical with those usedby his earliest forefathers. His plough is unchanged; he carries theseed in his apron; mows with the historical scythe, and threshes withthe time-honored flail. But we know that all this can be done bymachinery. The agrarian question is only a question of machinery. America must conquer Europe, in the same way as large landedpossessions absorb small ones. The peasant is consequently a typewhich is in course of extinction. Whenever he is artificiallypreserved, it is done on account of the political interests which heis intended to serve. It is absurd, and indeed impossible, to makemodern peasants on the old pattern. No one is wealthy or powerfulenough to make civilization take a single retrograde step. The merepreservation of obsolete institutions is a task severe enough torequire the enforcement of all the despotic measures of anautocratically governed State. 

Are we, therefore, to credit Jews who are intelligent with a desire tobecome peasants of the old type? One might just as well say to them:"Here is a cross-bow: now go to war!" What? With a cross-bow, whilethe others have rifles and long range guns? Under these circumstancesthe Jews are perfectly justified in refusing to stir when people tryto make peasants of them. A cross-bow is a beautiful weapon, whichinspires me with mournful feelings when I have time to devote to them. But it belongs by rights to a museum. 

Now, there certainly are districts to which desperate Jews go out, orat any rate, are willing to go out and till the soil. And a littleobservation shows that these districts--such as the enclave of Hessein Germany, and some provinces in Russia--these very districts are theprincipal seats of Anti-Semitism. 

For the world's reformers, who send the Jews to the plough, forget avery important person, who has a great deal to say on the matter. Thisperson is the agriculturist, and the agriculturist is also perfectlyjustified. For the tax on land, the risks attached to crops, thepressure of large proprietors who cheapen labor, and Americancompetition in particular, combine to make his life hard enough. Besides, the duties on corn cannot go on increasing indefinitely. Norcan the manufacturer be allowed to starve; his political influence is, in fact, in the ascendant, and he must therefore be treated withadditional consideration. 

All these difficulties are well known, therefore I refer to them onlycursorily. I merely wanted to indicate clearly how futile had beenpast attempts--most of them well intentioned--to solve the JewishQuestion. Neither a diversion of the stream, nor an artificialdepression of the intellectual level of our proletariat, will overcomethe difficulty. The supposed infallible expedient of assimilation hasalready been dealt with. 

We cannot get the better of Anti-Semitism by any of these methods. Itcannot die out so long as its causes are not removed. Are theyremovable?

CAUSES OF ANTI-SEMITISM

We shall not again touch on those causes which are a result oftemperament, prejudice and narrow views, but shall here restrictourselves to political and economical causes alone. ModernAnti-Semitism is not to be confounded with the religious persecutionof the Jews of former times. It does occasionally take a religiousbias in some countries, but the main current of the aggressivemovement has now changed. In the principal countries whereAnti-Semitism prevails, it does so as a result of the emancipation ofthe Jews. When civilized nations awoke to the inhumanity ofdiscriminatory legislation and enfranchised us, our enfranchisementcame too late. It was no longer possible to remove our disabilities inour old homes. For we had, curiously enough, developed while in theGhetto into a bourgeois people, and we stepped out of it only to enterinto fierce competition with the middle classes. Hence, ouremancipation set us suddenly within this middle-class circle, where wehave a double pressure to sustain, from within and from without. TheChristian bourgeoisie would not be unwilling to cast us as a sacrificeto Socialism, though that would not greatly improve matters. 

At the same time, the equal rights of Jews before the law cannot bewithdrawn where they have once been conceded. Not only because theirwithdrawal would be opposed to the spirit of our age, but also becauseit would immediately drive all Jews, rich and poor alike, into theranks of subversive parties. Nothing effectual can really be done toour injury. In olden days our jewels were seized. How is our movableproperty to be got hold of now? It consists of printed papers whichare locked up somewhere or other in the world, perhaps in the coffersof Christians. It is, of course, possible to get at shares anddebentures in railways, banks and industrial undertakings of alldescriptions by taxation, and where the progressive income-tax is inforce all our movable property can eventually be laid hold of. But allthese efforts cannot be directed against Jews alone, and wherever theymight nevertheless be made, severe economic crises would be theirimmediate consequences, which would be by no means confined to theJews who would be the first affected. The very impossibility ofgetting at the Jews nourishes and embitters hatred of them. Anti-Semitism increases day by day and hour by hour among the nations;indeed, it is bound to increase, because the causes of its growthcontinue to exist and cannot be removed. Its remote cause is our lossof the power of assimilation during the Middle Ages; its immediatecause is our excessive production of mediocre intellects, who cannotfind an outlet downwards or upwards--that is to say, no wholesomeoutlet in either direction. When we sink, we become a revolutionaryproletariat, the subordinate officers of all revolutionary parties;and at the same time, when we rise, there rises also our terriblepower of the purse. 

EFFECTS OF ANTI-SEMITISM

The oppression we endure does not improve us, for we are not a whitbetter than ordinary people. It is true that we do not love ourenemies; but he alone who can conquer himself dare reproach us withthat fault. Oppression naturally creates hostility against oppressors, and our hostility aggravates the pressure. It is impossible to escapefrom this eternal circle. 

"No!" Some soft-hearted visionaries will say: "No, it is possible!Possible by means of the ultimate perfection of humanity. "

Is it necessary to point to the sentimental folly of this view? He whowould found his hope for improved conditions on the ultimateperfection of humanity would indeed be relying upon a Utopia!

I referred previously to our "assimilation". I do not for a momentwish to imply that I desire such an end. Our national character is toohistorically famous, and, in spite of every degradation, too fine tomake its annihilation desirable. We might perhaps be able to mergeourselves entirely into surrounding races, if these were to leave usin peace for a period of two generations. But they will not leave usin peace. For a little period they manage to tolerate us, and thentheir hostility breaks out again and again. The world is provokedsomehow by our prosperity, because it has for many centuries beenaccustomed to consider us as the most contemptible among thepoverty-stricken. In its ignorance and narrowness of heart, it failsto observe that prosperity weakens our Judaism and extinguishes ourpeculiarities. It is only pressure that forces us back to the parentstem; it is only hatred encompassing us that makes us strangers oncemore. 

Thus, whether we like it or not, we are now, and shall henceforthremain, a historic group with unmistakable characteristics common tous all. 

We are one people--our enemies have made us one without our consent, as repeatedly happens in history. Distress binds us together, and, thus united, we suddenly discover our strength. Yes, we are strongenough to form a State, and, indeed, a model State. We possess allhuman and material resources necessary for the purpose. 

This is therefore the appropriate place to give an account of what hasbeen somewhat roughly termed our "human material. " But it would not beappreciated till the broad lines of the plan, on which everythingdepends, has first been marked out. 

THE PLAN

The whole plan is in its essence perfectly simple, as it mustnecessarily be if it is to come within the comprehension of all. 

Let the sovereignty be granted us over a portion of the globe largeenough to satisfy the rightful requirements of a nation; the rest weshall manage for ourselves. 

The creation of a new State is neither ridiculous nor impossible. Wehave in our day witnessed the process in connection with nations whichwere not largely members of the middle class, but poorer, lesseducated, and consequently weaker than ourselves. The Governments ofall countries scourged by Anti-Semitism will be keenly interested inassisting us to obtain the sovereignty we want. 

The plan, simple in design, but complicated in execution, will becarried out by two agencies: The Society of Jews and the JewishCompany. 

The Society of Jews will do the preparatory work in the domains ofscience and politics, which the Jewish Company will afterwards applypractically. 

The Jewish Company will be the liquidating agent of the businessinterests of departing Jews, and will organize commerce and trade inthe new country. 

We must not imagine the departure of the Jews to be a sudden one. Itwill be gradual, continuous, and will cover many decades. The poorestwill go first to cultivate the soil. In accordance with a preconceivedplan, they will construct roads, bridges, railways and telegraphinstallations; regulate rivers; and build their own dwellings; theirlabor will create trade, trade will create markets and markets willattract new settlers, for every man will go voluntarily, at his ownexpense and his own risk. The labor expended on the land will enhanceits value, and the Jews will soon perceive that a new and permanentsphere of operation is opening here for that spirit of enterprisewhich has heretofore met only with hatred and obloquy. 

If we wish to found a State today, we shall not do it in the way whichwould have been the only possible one a thousand years ago. It isfoolish to revert to old stages of civilization, as many Zionistswould like to do. Supposing, for example, we were obliged to clear acountry of wild beasts, we should not set about the task in thefashion of Europeans of the fifth century. We should not take spearand lance and go out singly in pursuit of bears; we would organize alarge and active hunting party, drive the animals together, and throwa melinite bomb into their midst. 

If we wish to conduct building operations, we shall not plant a massof stakes and piles on the shore of a lake, but we shall build as menbuild now. Indeed, we shall build in a bolder and more stately stylethan was ever adopted before, for we now possess means which men neveryet possessed. 

The emigrants standing lowest in the economic scale will be slowlyfollowed by those of a higher grade. Those who at this moment areliving in despair will go first. They will be led by the mediocreintellects which we produce so superabundantly and which arepersecuted everywhere. 

This pamphlet will open a general discussion on the Jewish Question, but that does not mean that there will be any voting on it. Such aresult would ruin the cause from the outset, and dissidents mustremember that allegiance or opposition is entirely voluntary. He whowill not come with us should remain behind. 

Let all who are willing to join us, fall in behind our banner andfight for our cause with voice and pen and deed. 

Those Jews who agree with our idea of a State will attach themselvesto the Society, which will thereby be authorized to confer and treatwith Governments in the name of our people. The Society will thus beacknowledged in its relations with Governments as a State-creatingpower. This acknowledgment will practically create the State. 

Should the Powers declare themselves willing to admit our sovereigntyover a neutral piece of land, then the Society will enter intonegotiations for the possession of this land. Here two territoriescome under consideration, Palestine and Argentine. In both countriesimportant experiments in colonization have been made, though on themistaken principle of a gradual infiltration of Jews. An infiltrationis bound to end badly. It continues till the inevitable moment whenthe native population feels itself threatened, and forces theGovernment to stop a further influx of Jews. Immigration isconsequently futile unless we have the sovereign right to continuesuch immigration. 

The Society of Jews will treat with the present masters of the land, putting itself under the protectorate of the European Powers, if theyprove friendly to the plan. We could offer the present possessors ofthe land enormous advantages, assume part of the public debt, buildnew roads for traffic, which our presence in the country would rendernecessary, and do many other things. The creation of our State wouldbe beneficial to adjacent countries, because the cultivation of astrip of land increases the value of its surrounding districts ininnumerable ways. 

PALESTINE OR ARGENTINE?

Shall we choose Palestine or Argentine? We shall take what is givenus, and what is selected by Jewish public opinion. The Society willdetermine both these points. 

Argentine is one of the most fertile countries in the world, extendsover a vast area, has a sparse population and a mild climate. TheArgentine Republic would derive considerable profit from the cessionof a portion of its territory to us. The present infiltration of Jewshas certainly produced some discontent, and it would be necessary toenlighten the Republic on the intrinsic difference of our newmovement. 

Palestine is our ever-memorable historic home. The very name ofPalestine would attract our people with a force of marvellous potency. If His Majesty the Sultan were to give us Palestine, we could inreturn undertake to regulate the whole finances of Turkey. We shouldthere form a portion of a rampart of Europe against Asia, an outpostof civilization as opposed to barbarism. We should as a neutral Stateremain in contact with all Europe, which would have to guarantee ourexistence. The sanctuaries of Christendom would be safeguarded byassigning to them an extra-territorial status such as is well-known tothe law of nations. We should form a guard of honor about thesesanctuaries, answering for the fulfilment of this duty with ourexistence. This guard of honor would be the great symbol of thesolution of the Jewish Question after eighteen centuries of Jewishsuffering. 

DEMAND, MEDIUM, TRADE

I said in the last chapter, "The Jewish Company will organize tradeand commerce in the new country. " I shall here insert a few remarks onthat point. 

A scheme such as mine is gravely imperilled if it is opposed by"practical" people. Now "practical" people are as a rule nothing morethan men sunk into the groove of daily routine, unable to emerge froma narrow circle of antiquated ideas. At the same time, their adverseopinion carries great weight, and can do considerable harm to a newproject, at any rate until this new thing is sufficiently strong tothrow the "practical" people and their mouldy notions to the winds. 

In the earliest period of European railway construction some"practical" people were of the opinion that it was foolish to buildcertain lines "because there were not even sufficient passengers tofill the mail-coaches. " They did not realize the truth--which nowseems obvious to us--that travellers do not produce railways, but, conversely, railways produce travellers, the latent demand, of course, is taken for granted. 

The impossibility of comprehending how trade and commerce are to becreated in a new country which has yet to be acquired and cultivated, may be classed with those doubts of "practical" persons concerning theneed of railways. A "practical" person would express himself somewhatin this fashion:

"Granted that the present situation of the Jews is in many placesunendurable, and aggravated day by day; granted that there exists adesire to emigrate; granted even that the Jews do emigrate to the newcountry; how will they earn their living there, and what will theyearn? What are they to live on when there? The business of many peoplecannot be artificially organized in a day. "

To this I should reply: We have not the slightest intention oforganizing trade artificially, and we should certainly not attempt todo it in a day. But, though the organization of it may be impossible, the promotion of it is not. And how is commerce to be encouraged?Through the medium of a demand. The demand recognized, the mediumcreated, it will establish itself. 

If there is a real earnest demand among Jews for an improvement oftheir status; if the medium to be created--the Jewish Company--issufficiently powerful, then commerce will extend itself freely in thenew country. 

_III. The Jewish Company_

OUTLINES

The Jewish Company is partly modelled on the lines of a greatland-acquisition company. It might be called a Jewish CharteredCompany, though it cannot exercise sovereign power, and has other thanpurely colonial tasks. 

The Jewish Company will be founded as a joint stock company subject toEnglish jurisdiction, framed according to English laws, and under theprotection of England. Its principal center will be London. I cannottell yet how large the Company's capital should be; I shall leave thatcalculation to our numerous financiers. But to avoid ambiguity, Ishall put it at a thousand million marks (about £50, 000, 000 or$200, 000, 000); it may be either more or less than that sum. The formof subscription, which will be further elucidated, will determine whatfraction of the whole amount must be paid in at once. 

The Jewish Company is an organization with a transitional character. It is strictly a business undertaking, and must be carefullydistinguished from the Society of Jews. 

The Jewish Company will first of all convert into cash all vestedinterests left by departing Jews. The method adopted will prevent theoccurrences of crises, secure every man's property, and facilitatethat inner migration of Christian citizens which has already beenindicated. 

NON-TRANSFERABLE GOODS

The non-transferable goods which come under consideration arebuildings, land, and local business connections. The Jewish Companywill at first take upon itself no more than the necessary negotiationsfor effecting the sale of these goods. These Jewish sales will takeplace freely and without any serious fall in prices. The Company'sbranch establishments in various towns will become the central officesfor the sale of Jewish estates, and will charge only so muchcommission on transactions as will ensure their financial stability. 

The development of this movement may cause a considerable fall in theprices of landed property, and may eventually make it impossible tofind a market for it. At this juncture the Company will enter uponanother branch of its functions. It will take over the management ofabandoned estates till such time as it can dispose of them to thegreatest advantage. It will collect house rents, let out land onlease, and install business managers--these, on account of therequired supervision, being, if possible, tenants also. The Companywill endeavor everywhere to facilitate the acquisition of land by itstenants, who are Christians. It will, indeed, gradually replace itsown officials in the European branches by Christian substitutes(lawyers, etc. ); and these are not by any means to become servants ofthe Jews; they are intended to be free agents to the Christianpopulation, so that everything may be carried through in equity, fairness and justice, and without imperilling the internal welfare ofthe people. 

At the same time the Company will sell estates, or, rather, exchangethem. For a house it will offer a house in the new country; and forland, land in the new country; everything being, if possible, transferred to the new soil in the same state as it was in the old. And this transfer will be a great and recognized source of profit tothe Company. "Over there" the houses offered in exchange will benewer, more beautiful, and more comfortably fitted, and the landedestates of greater value than those abandoned; but they will cost theCompany comparatively little, because it will have bought the groundvery cheaply. 

PURCHASE OF LAND

The land which the Society of Jews will have secured by internationallaw must, of course, be privately acquired. 

Provisions made by individuals for their own settlement do not comewithin the province of this general account. But the Company willrequire large areas for its own needs and ours, and these it mustsecure by centralized purchase. It will negotiate principally for theacquisition of fiscal domains, with the great object of takingpossession of this land "over there" without paying a price too high, in the same way as it sells here without accepting one too low. Aforcing of prices is not to be considered, because the value of theland will be created by the Company through its organizing thesettlement in conjunction with the supervising Society of Jews. Thelatter will see to it that the enterprise does not become a Panama, but a Suez. 

The Company will sell building sites at reasonable rates to itsofficials, and will allow them to mortgage these for the building oftheir homes, deducting the amount due from their salaries, or puttingit down to their account as increased emolument. This will, inaddition to the honors they expect, will be additional pay for theirservices. 

All the immense profits of this speculation in land will go to theCompany, which is bound to receive this indefinite premium in returnfor having borne the risk of the undertaking. When the undertakinginvolves any risk, the profits must be freely given to those who haveborne it. But under no other circumstances will profits be permitted. Financial morality consists in the correlation of risk and profit. 

BUILDINGS

The Company will thus barter houses and estates. It must be plain toany one who has observed the rise in the value of land through itscultivation that the Company will be bound to gain on its landedproperty. This can best be seen in the case of enclosed pieces of landin town and country. Areas not built over increase in value throughsurrounding cultivation. The men who carried out the extension ofParis made a successful speculation in land which was ingenious in itssimplicity; instead of erecting new buildings in the immediatevicinity of the last houses of the town, they bought up adjacentpieces of land, and began to build on the outskirts of these. Thisinverse order of construction raised the value of building sites withextraordinary rapidity, and, after having completed the outer ring, they built in the middle of the town on these highly valuable sites, instead of continually erecting houses at the extremity. 

Will the Company do its own building, or employ independentarchitects? It can, and will, do both. It has, as will be shownshortly, an immense reserve of working power, which will not besweated by the Company, but, transported into brighter and happierconditions of life, will nevertheless not be expensive. Our geologistswill have looked to the provision of building materials when theyselected the sites of the towns. 

What is to be the principle of construction?

WORKMEN'S DWELLINGS

The workmen's dwellings (which include the dwellings of alloperatives) will be erected at the Company's own risk and expense. They will resemble neither those melancholy workmen's barracks ofEuropean towns, not those miserable rows of shanties which surroundfactories; they will certainly present a uniform appearance, becausethe Company must build cheaply where it provides the buildingmaterials to a great extent; but the detached houses in little gardenswill be united into attractive groups in each locality. The naturalconformation of the land will rouse the ingenuity of our youngarchitects, whose ideas have not yet been cramped by routine; and evenif the people do not grasp the whole import of the plan, they will atany rate feel at ease in their loose clusters. The Temple will bevisible from long distances, for it is only our ancient faith that haskept us together. There will be light, attractive, healthy schools forchildren, conducted on the most approved modern systems. There will becontinuation-schools for workmen, which will educate them in greatertechnical knowledge and enable them to become intimate with theworking of machinery. There will be places of amusement for the properconduct of which the Society of Jews will be responsible. 

We are, however, speaking merely of the buildings at present, and notof what may take place inside of them. 

I said that the Company would build workmen's dwellings cheaply. Andcheaply, not only because of the proximity of abundant buildingmaterials, not only because of the Company's proprietorship of thesites, but also because of the non-payment of workmen. 

American farmers work on the system of mutual assistance in theconstruction of houses. This childishly amicable system, which is asclumsy as the block-houses erected, can be developed on much finerlines. 

UNSKILLED LABORERS

Our unskilled laborers, who will come at first from the greatreservoirs of Russia and Rumania, must, of course, render each otherassistance, in the construction of houses. They will be obliged tobuild with wood in the beginning, because iron will not be immediatelyavailable. Later on the original, inadequate, makeshift buildings willbe replaced by superior dwellings. 

Our unskilled laborers will first mutually erect these shelters; andthen they will earn their houses as permanent possessions by means oftheir work--not immediately, but after three years of good conduct. Inthis way we shall secure energetic and able men, and these men will bepractically trained for life by three years of labor under gooddiscipline. 

I said before that the Company would not have to pay these unskilledlaborers. What will they live on?

On the whole, I am opposed to the Truck system, [A] but it will have tobe applied in the case of these first settlers. The Company providesfor them in so many ways, that it may take charge of theirmaintenance. In any case the Truck system will be enforced only duringthe first few years, and it will benefit the workmen by preventingtheir being exploited by small traders, landlords, etc. The Companywill thus make it impossible from the outset for those of our people, who are perforce hawkers and peddlers here, to reestablish themselvesin the same trades over there. And the Company will also keep backdrunkards and dissolute men. Then will there be no payment of wages atall during the first period of settlement. Certainly, there will bewages for overtime. 

THE SEVEN-HOUR DAY

The seven-hour day is the regular working day. 

This does not imply that wood-cutting, digging, stone-breaking, and ahundred other daily tasks should only be performed during seven hours. Indeed not. There will be fourteen hours of labor, work being done inshifts of three and a half hours. The organization of all this will bemilitary in character; there will be commands, promotions andpensions, the means by which these pensions are provided beingexplained further on. 

A sound man can do a great deal of concentrated work in three and ahalf hours. After an interval of the same length of time--which hewill devote to rest, to his family, and to his education underguidance--he will be quite fresh for work again. Such labor can dowonders. 

The seven-hour day thus implies fourteen hours of joint labor--morethan that cannot be put into a day. 

I am convinced that it is quite possible to introduce this seven-hourday with success. The attempts to do so in Belgium and England arewell known. Some advanced political economists who have studied thesubject, declare that a five-hour day would suffice. The Society ofJews and the Jewish Company will, in any case, make new and extensiveexperiments which will benefit the other nations of the world; and ifthe seven-hour day proves itself practicable, it will be introduced inour future State as the legal and regular working day. 

Meantime, the Company will always allow its employees the seven-hourday; and it will always be in a position to do so. 

The seven-hour day will be the call to summon our people in every partof the world. All must come voluntarily, for ours must indeed be thePromised Land. .. . 

Whoever works longer than seven hours receives his additional pay forovertime in cash. Seeing that all his needs are supplied, and thatthose members of his family who are unable to work are provided for bytransplanted and centralized philanthropic institutions, he can save alittle money. Thrift, which is already a characteristic of our people, should be greatly encouraged, because it will, in the first place, facilitate the rise of individuals to higher grades; and secondly, themoney saved will provide an immense reserve fund for future loans. Overtime will only be permitted on a doctor's certificate, and mustnot exceed three hours. For our men will crowd to work in the newcountry, and the world will see then what an industrious people weare. 

I shall not describe the mode of carrying out the Truck system, nor, in fact, the innumerable details of any process, for fear of confusingmy readers. Women will not be allowed to perform any arduous labor, nor to work overtime. 

Pregnant women will be relieved of all work, and will be supplied withnourishing food by the Truck. We want our future generations to bestrong men and women. 

We shall educate children as we wish from the commencement; but this Ishall not elaborate either. 

My remarks on workmen's dwellings, and on unskilled laborers and theirmode of life, are no more Utopian than the rest of my scheme. Everything I have spoken of is already being put into practice, onlyon an utterly small scale, neither noticed nor understood. The"Assistance par le Travail, " which I learned to know and understand inParis, was of great service to me in the solution of the Jewishquestion. 

RELIEF BY LABOR

The system of relief by labor which, is now applied in Paris, in manyother French towns, in England, in Switzerland, and in America, is avery small thing, but capable of the greatest expansion. 

What is the principle of relief by labor?

The principle is: to furnish every needy man with easy, unskilledwork, such as chopping wood, or cutting faggots used for lightingstoves in Paris households. This is a kind of prison-work before thecrime, done without loss of character. It is meant to prevent men fromtaking to crime out of want, by providing them with work and testingtheir willingness to do it. Starvation must never be allowed to drivemen to suicide; for such suicides are the deepest disgrace to acivilization which allows rich men to throw tid-bits to their dogs. 

Relief by labor thus provides every one with work. But the system hasa great defect; there is not a sufficiently large demand for theproduction of the unskilled workers employed, hence there is a loss tothose who employ them; though it is true that the organization isphilanthropic, and therefore prepared for loss. But here thebenefaction lies only in the difference between the price paid for thework and its actual value. Instead of giving the beggar two sous, theinstitution supplies him with work on which it loses two sous. But atthe same time it converts the good-for-nothing beggar into an honestbreadwinner, who has earned perhaps 1 franc 50 centimes. 150 centimesfor 10! That is to say, the receiver of a benefaction in which thereis nothing humiliating has increased it fifteenfold! That is to say, fifteen thousand millions for one thousand millions!

The institution certainly loses 10 centimes. But the Jewish Companywill not lose one thousand millions; it will draw enormous profitsfrom this expenditure. 

There is a moral side also. The small system of relief by labor whichexists now preserves rectitude through industry till such time as theman who is out of work finds a post suitable to his capacities, eitherin his old calling or in a new one. He is allowed a few hours dailyfor the purpose of looking for a place, in which task the institutionsassist him. 

The defect of these small organizations, so far, has been that theyhave been prohibited from entering into competition with timbermerchants, etc. Timber merchants are electors; they would protest, andwould be justified in protesting. Competition with State prison-laborhas also been forbidden, for the State must occupy and feed itscriminals. 

In fact, there is very little room in an old-established society forthe successful application of the system of "Assistance par leTravail. "

But there is room in a new society. 

For, above all, we require enormous numbers of unskilled laborers todo the first rough work of settlement, to lay down roads, plant trees, level the ground, construct railroads, telegraph installations, etc. All this will be carried out in accordance with a large and previouslysettled plan. 

COMMERCE

The labor carried to the new country will naturally create trade. Thefirst markets will supply only the absolute necessities of life;cattle, grain, working clothes, tools, arms--to mention just a fewthings. These we shall be obliged at first to procure from neighboringStates, or from Europe; but we shall make ourselves independent assoon as possible. The Jewish entrepreneurs will soon realize thebusiness prospects that the new country offers. 

The army of the Company's officials will gradually introduce morerefined requirements of life. (Officials include officers of ourdefensive forces, who will always form about a tenth part of our malecolonists. They will be sufficiently numerous to quell mutinies, forthe majority of our colonists will be peaceably inclined. )

The refined requirements of life introduced by our officials in goodpositions will create a correspondingly improved market, which willcontinue to better itself. The married man will send for wife andchildren, and the single for parents and relatives, as soon as a newhome is established "over there. " The Jews who emigrate to the UnitedStates always proceed in this fashion. As soon as one of them hasdaily bread and a roof over his head, he sends for his people; forfamily ties are strong among us. The Society of Jews and the JewishCompany will unite in caring for and strengthening the family stillmore, not only morally, but materially also. The officials willreceive additional pay on marriage and on the birth of children, forwe need all who are there, and all who will follow. 

OTHER CLASSES OF DWELLINGS

I described before only workmen's dwellings built by themselves, andomitted all mention of other classes of dwellings. These I shall nowtouch upon. The Company's architects will build for the poorer classesof citizens also, being paid in kind or cash; about a hundreddifferent types of houses will be erected, and, of course, repeated. These beautiful types will form part of our propaganda. The soundnessof their construction will be guaranteed by the Company, which will, indeed, gain nothing by selling them to settlers at a fixed sum. Andwhere will these houses be situated? That will be shown in the sectiondealing with Local Groups. 

Seeing that the Company does not wish to earn anything on the buildingworks but only on the land, it will desire as many architects aspossible to build by private contract. This system will increase thevalue of landed property, and it will introduce luxury, which servesmany purposes. Luxury encourages arts and industries, paving the wayto a future subdivision of large properties. 

Rich Jews who are now obliged carefully to secrete their valuables, and to hold their dreary banquets behind lowered curtains, will beable to enjoy their possessions in peace, "over there. " If theycooperate in carrying out this emigration scheme, their capital willbe rehabilitated and will have served to promote an unexampledundertaking. If in the new settlement rich Jews begin to rebuild theirmansions which are stared at in Europe with such envious eyes, it willsoon become fashionable to live over there in beautiful modern houses. 

SOME FORMS OF LIQUIDATION

The Jewish Company is intended to be the receiver and administrator ofthe non-transferable goods of the Jews. 

Its methods of procedure can be easily imagined in the case of housesand estates, but what methods will it adopt in the transfer ofbusinesses?

Here numberless processes may be found practicable, which cannot allbe enlarged on in this outline. But none of them will present anygreat difficulties, for in each case the business proprietor, when hevoluntarily decides to emigrate, will settle with the Company'sofficers in his district on the most advantageous form ofliquidation. 

This will most easily be arranged in the case of small employers, inwhose trades the personal activity of the proprietor is of chiefimportance, while goods and organization are a secondaryconsideration. The Company will provide a certain field of operationfor the emigrant's personal activity, and will substitute a piece ofground, with loan of machinery, for his goods. Jews are known to adaptthemselves with remarkable ease to any form of earning a livelihood, and they will quickly learn to carry on a new industry. In this way anumber of small traders will become small landholders. The Companywill, in fact, be prepared to sustain what appears to be a loss intaking over the non-transferable property of the poorest emigrants;for it will thereby induce the free cultivation of tracts of land, which raises the value of adjacent tracts. 

In medium-sized businesses, where goods and organization equal, oreven exceed, in importance, the personal activity of the manager, whose larger connection is also non-transferable, various forms ofliquidation are possible. Here comes an opportunity for that innermigration of Christian citizens into positions evacuated by Jews. Thedeparting Jew will not lose his personal business credit, but willcarry it with him, and make good use of it in a new country toestablish himself. The Jewish Company will open a current bank accountfor him. And he can sell the goodwill of his original business, orhand it over to the control of managers under supervision of theCompany's officials. The managers may rent the business or buy it, paying for it by instalments. But the Company acts temporarily ascurator for the emigrants, in superintending, through its officers andlawyers, the administration of their affairs, and seeing to the propercollection of all payments. 

If a Jew cannot sell his business, or entrust it to a proxy or wish togive up its personal management, he may stay where he is. The Jews whostay will be none the worse off, for they will be relieved of thecompetition of those who leave, and will no longer hear theAnti-Semitic cry: "Don't buy from Jews!"

If the emigrating business proprietor wishes to carry on his oldbusiness in the new country, he can make his arrangements for it fromthe very commencement. An example will best illustrate my meaning. Thefirm X carries on a large business in dry goods. The head of the firmwishes to emigrate. He begins by setting up a branch establishment inhis future place of residence, and sending out samples of his stock. The first poor settlers will be his first customers; these will befollowed by emigrants of a higher class, who require superior goods. Xthen sends out newer goods, and eventually ships his newest. Thebranch establishment begins to pay while the principal one is still inexistence, so that X ends by having two paying business-houses. Hesells his original business or hands it over to his Christianrepresentative to manage, and goes off to take charge of the new one. 

Another and greater example: Y and Son are large coal-traders, withmines and factories of their own. How is so huge and complex aproperty to be liquidated? The mines and everything connected withthem might, in the first place, be bought up by the State, in whichthey are situated. In the second place, the Jewish Company might takethem over, paying for them partly in land, partly in cash. A thirdmethod might be the conversion of "Y and Son" into a limited company. A fourth method might be the continued working of the business underthe original proprietors, who would return at intervals to inspecttheir property, as foreigners, and as such, under the protection oflaw in every civilized State. All these suggestions are carried outdaily. A fifth and excellent method, and one which might beparticularly profitable, I shall merely indicate, because the existingexamples of its working are at present few, however ready the modernconsciousness may be to adopt them. Y and Son might sell theirenterprise to the collective body of their employees, who would form acooperative society, with limited liability, and might perhaps pay therequisite sum with the help of the State Treasury, which does notcharge high interest. 

The employees would then gradually pay off the loan, which either theGovernment or the Jewish Company, or even Y and Son, would haveadvanced to them. 

The Jewish Company will be prepared to conduct the transfer of thesmallest affairs equally with the largest. And whilst the Jews quietlyemigrate and establish their new homes, the Company acts as the greatcontrolling body, which organizes the departure, takes charge ofdeserted possessions, guarantees the proper conduct of the movementwith its own visible and tangible property, and provides permanentsecurity for those who have already settled. 

SECURITIES OF THE COMPANY

What assurance will the Company offer that the abandonment ofcountries will not cause their impoverishment and produce economiccrises?

I have already mentioned that honest Anti-Semites, whilst preservingtheir independence, will combine with our officials in controlling thetransfer of our estates. 

But the State revenues might suffer by the loss of a body oftaxpayers, who, though little appreciated as citizens, are highlyvalued in finance. The State should, therefore, receive compensationfor this loss. This we offer indirectly by leaving in the countrybusinesses which we have built up by means of Jewish acumen and Jewishindustry, by letting our Christian fellow-citizens move into ourevacuated positions, and by this facilitating the rise of numbers ofpeople to greater prosperity so peaceably and in so unparallelled amanner. The French Revolution had a somewhat similar result, on asmall scale, but it was brought about by bloodshed on the guillotinein every province of France, and on the battlefields of Europe. Moreover, inherited and acquired rights were destroyed, and onlycunning buyers enriched themselves by the purchase of Stateproperties. 

The Jewish Company will offer to the States that come within itssphere of activity direct as well as indirect advantages. It will giveGovernments the first offer of abandoned Jewish property, and allowbuyers most favorable conditions. Governments, again, will be able tomake use of this friendly appropriation of land for the purpose ofcertain social improvements. 

The Jewish Company will give every assistance to Governments andParliaments in their efforts to direct the inner migration ofChristian citizens. 

The Jewish Company will also pay heavy taxes. Its central office willbe in London, so as to be under the legal protection of a power whichis not at present Anti-Semitic. But the Company, if it is supportedofficially and semi-officially, will everywhere provide a broad basisof taxation. To this end, it will establish taxable branch officeseverywhere. Further, it will pay double duties on the two-foldtransfer of goods which it accomplishes. Even in transactions wherethe Company is really nothing more than a real estate agency, it willtemporarily appear as a purchaser, and will be set down as themomentary possessor in the register of landed property. 

These are, of course, purely calculable matters. It will have to beconsidered and decided in each place how far the Company can gowithout running any risks of failure. And the Company itself willconfer freely with Finance Ministers on the various points at issue. Ministers will recognize the friendly spirit of our enterprise, andwill consequently offer every facility in their power necessary forthe successful achievement of the great undertaking. 

Further and direct profit will accrue to Governments from thetransport of passengers and goods, and where railways are Stateproperty the returns will be immediately recognizable. Where they areheld by private companies, the Jewish Company will receive favorableterms for transport, in the same way as does every transmitter ofgoods on a large scale. Freight and carriage must be made as cheap aspossible for our people, because every traveller will pay his ownexpenses. The middle classes will travel with Cook's tickets, thepoorer classes in emigrant trains. The Company might make a good dealby reductions on passengers and goods; but here, as elsewhere, it mustadhere to its principle of not trying to raise its receipts to agreater sum than will cover its working expenses. 

In many places Jews have control of the transport; and the transportbusinesses will be the first needed by the Company and the first to beliquidated by it. The original owners of these concerns will eitherenter the Company's service, or establish themselves independently"over there. " The new arrivals will certainly require theirassistance, and theirs being a paying profession, which they may andindeed must exercise there to earn a living, numbers of theseenterprising spirits will depart. It is unnecessary to describe allthe business details of this monster expedition. They must bejudiciously evolved out of the original plan by many able men, whomust apply their minds to achieving the best system. 

SOME OF THE COMPANY'S ACTIVITIES

Many activities will be interconnected. For example: the Company willgradually introduce the manufacture of goods into the settlementswhich will, of course, be extremely primitive at their inception. Clothing, linens, and shoes will first of all be manufactured for ourown poor emigrants, who will be provided with new suits of clothing atthe various European emigration centers. They will not receive theseclothes as alms, which might hurt their pride, but in exchange for oldgarments: any loss the Company sustains by this transaction will bebooked as a business loss. Those who are absolutely without means willpay off their debt to the Company by working overtime at a fair rateof wage. 

Existing emigration societies will be able to give valuable assistancehere, for they will do for the Company's colonists what they didbefore for departing Jews. The forms of such cooperation will easilybe found. 

Even the new clothing of the poor settlers will have the symbolicmeaning. "You are now entering on a new life. " The Society of Jewswill see to it that long before the departure and also during thejourney a serious yet festive spirit is fostered by means of prayers, popular lectures, instruction on the object of the expedition, instruction on hygienic matters for their new places of residence, andguidance in regard to their future work. For the Promised Land is theland of work. On their arrival, the emigrants will be welcomed by ourchief officials with due solemnity, but without foolish exultation, for the Promised Land will not yet have been conquered. But these poorpeople should already see that they are at home. 

The clothing industries of the Company will, of course, not producetheir goods without proper organization. The Society of Jews willobtain from the local branches information about the number, requirements and date of arrival of the settlers, and will communicateall such information in good time to the Jewish Company. In this wayit will be possible to provide for them with every precaution. 

PROMOTION OF INDUSTRIES

The duties of the Jewish Company and the Society of Jews cannot bekept strictly apart in this outline. These two great bodies will haveto work constantly in unison, the Company depending on the moralauthority and support of the Society, just as the Society cannotdispense with the material assistance of the Company. For example, inthe organizing of the clothing industry, the quantity produced will atfirst be kept down so as to preserve an equilibrium between supply anddemand; and wherever the Company undertakes the organization of newindustries the same precaution must be exercised. 

But individual enterprise must never be checked by the Company withits superior force. We shall only work collectively when the immensedifficulties of the task demand common action; we shall, whereverpossible, scrupulously respect the rights of the individual. Privateproperty, which is the economic basis of independence, shall bedeveloped freely and be respected by us. Our first unskilled laborerswill at once have the opportunity to work their way up to privateproprietorship. 

The spirit of enterprise must, indeed, be encouraged in every possibleway. Organization of industries will be promoted by a judicious systemof duties, by the employment of cheap raw material, and by theinstitution of a board to collect and publish industrial statistics. 

But this spirit of enterprise must be wisely encouraged, and riskyspeculation must be avoided. Every new industry must be advertised fora long period before establishment, so as to prevent failure on thepart of those who might wish to start a similar business six monthslater. Whenever a new industrial establishment is founded, the Companyshould be informed, so that all those interested may obtaininformation from it. 

Industrialists will be able to make use of centralized labor agencies, which will only receive a commission large enough to ensure theircontinuance. The industrialists might, for example, telegraph for 500unskilled laborers for three days, three weeks, or three months. Thelabor agency would then collect these 500 unskilled laborers fromevery possible source, and despatch them at once to carry out theagricultural or industrial enterprise. Parties of workmen will thus besystematically drafted from place to place like a body of troops. These men will, of course, not be sweated, but will work only aseven-hour day; and, in spite of their change of locality, they willpreserve their organization, work out their term of service, andreceive commands, promotions, and pensions. Some establishments may, of course, be able to obtain their workmen from other sources, if theywish, but they will not find it easy to do so. The Society will beable to prevent the introduction of non-Jewish work-slaves byboycotting obstinate employers, by obstructing traffic, and byvarious other methods. The seven-hour workers will therefore have tobe taken, and we shall thus bring our people gradually, and withoutcoercion, to adopt the normal seven-hour day. 

SETTLEMENT OF SKILLED LABORERS

It is clear that what can be done for unskilled workers can be evenmore easily done for skilled laborers. These will work under similarregulations in the factories, and the central labor agency willprovide them when required. 

Independent operatives and small employers, must be carefully taughton account of the rapid progress of scientific improvements, mustacquire technical knowledge even if no longer very young men, muststudy the power of water, and appreciate the forces of electricity. Independent workers must also be discovered and supplied by theSociety's agency. The local branch will apply, for example, to thecentral office: "We want so many carpenters, locksmiths, glaziers, etc. " The central office will publish this demand, and the proper menwill apply there for the work. These would then travel with theirfamilies to the place where they were wanted, and would remain therewithout feeling the pressure of undue competition. A permanent andcomfortable home would thus be provided for them. 

METHOD OF RAISING CAPITAL

The capital required for establishing the Company was previously putat what seemed an absurdly high figure. The amount actually necessarywill be fixed by financiers, and will in any case be a veryconsiderable sum. There are three ways of raising this sum, all ofwhich the Society will take under consideration. This Society, thegreat "Gestor" of the Jews, will be formed by our best and mostupright men, who must not derive any material advantage from theirmembership. Although the Society cannot at the outset possess any butmoral authority, this authority will suffice to establish the creditof the Jewish Company in the nation's eyes. The Jewish Company will beunable to succeed in its enterprise unless it has received theSociety's sanction; it will thus not be formed of any mereindiscriminate group of financiers. For the Society will weigh, selectand decide, and will not give its approbation till it is sure of theexistence of a sound basis for the conscientious carrying out of thescheme. It will not permit experiments with insufficient means, forthis undertaking must succeed at the first attempt. Any initialfailure would compromise the whole idea for many decades to come, ormight even make its realization permanently impossible. 

The three methods of raising capital are: (1) Through big banks; (2)Through small and private banks; (3) Through public subscription. 

The first method of raising capital is: Through big banks. Therequired sum could then be raised in the shortest possible time amongthe large financial groups, after they had discussed the advisabilityof the course. The great advantage of this method would be that itwould avoid the necessity of paying in the thousand millions (to keepto the original figure), immediately in its entirety. A furtheradvantage would be that the credit of these powerful financiers wouldalso be of service to the enterprise. Many latent political forces liein our financial power, that power which our enemies assert to be soeffective. It might be so, but actually it is not. Poor Jews feel onlythe hatred which this financial power provokes; its use inalleviating their lot as a body, they have not yet felt. The credit ofour great Jewish financiers would have to be placed at the service ofthe National Idea. But should these gentlemen, who are quite satisfiedwith their lot, feel indisposed to do anything for their fellow-Jewswho are unjustly held responsible for the large possessions of certainindividuals, then the realization of this plan will afford anopportunity for drawing a clear line of distinction between them andthe rest of Jewry. 

The great financiers, moreover, will certainly not be asked to raisean amount so enormous out of pure philanthropic motives; that would beexpecting too much. The promoters and stock holders of the JewishCompany are, on the contrary, expected to do a good piece of business, and they will be able to calculate beforehand what their chances ofsuccess are likely to be. For the Society of Jews will be inpossession of all documents and references which may serve to definethe prospects of the Jewish Company. The Society will in particularhave investigated with exactitude the extent of the new Jewishmovement, so as to provide the Company promoters with thoroughlyreliable information on the amount of support they may expect. TheSociety will also supply the Jewish Company with comprehensive modernJewish statistics, thus doing the work of what is called in France a"societé d'études, " which undertakes all preliminary research previousto the financing of a great undertaking. Even so, the enterprise maynot receive the valuable assistance of our moneyed magnates. Thesemight, perhaps, even try to oppose the Jewish movement by means oftheir secret agents. Such opposition we shall meet with relentlessdetermination. 

Supposing that these magnates are content simply to turn this schemedown with a smile:

Is it, therefore, done for?

No. 

For then the money will be raised in another way--by an appeal tomoderately rich Jews. The smaller Jewish banks would have to be unitedin the name of the National Idea against the big banks till they weregathered into a second and formidable financial force. But, unfortunately, this would require a great deal of financing atfirst--for the £50, 000, 000 would have to be subscribed in full beforestarting work; and, as this sum could only be raised very slowly, allsorts of banking business would have to be done and loans made duringthe first few years. It might even occur that, in the course of allthese transactions, their original object would be forgotten; themoderately rich Jews would have created a new and large business, andJewish emigration would be forgotten. 

The notion of raising money in this way is not by any meansimpracticable. The experiment of collecting Christian money to form anopposing force to the big banks has already been tried; that one couldalso oppose them with Jewish money has not been thought of until now. 

But these financial conflicts would bring about all sorts of crises;the countries in which they occurred would suffer, and Anti-Semitismwould become rampant. 

This method is therefore not to be recommended. I have merelysuggested it, because it comes up in the course of the logicaldevelopment of the idea. 

I also do not know whether smaller private banks would be willing toadopt it. 

In any case, even the refusal of moderately rich Jews would not put anend to the scheme. On the contrary, it would then have to be taken upin real earnest. 

The Society of Jews, whose members are not business men, might try tofound the Company on a national subscription. 

The Company's capital might be raised, without the intermediary of asyndicate, by means of direct subscription on the part of the public. Not only poor Jews, but also Christians who wanted to get rid of them, would subscribe a small amount to this fund. A new and peculiar formof the plebiscite would thus be established, whereby each man whovoted for this solution of the Jewish Question would express hisopinion by subscribing a stipulated amount. This stipulation wouldproduce security. The funds subscribed would only be paid in if theirsum total reached the required amount, otherwise the initial paymentswould be returned. 

But if the whole of the required sum is raised by popularsubscription, then each little amount would be secured by the greatnumbers of other small amounts. 

All this would, of course, need the express and definite assistance ofinterested Governments. 

FOOTNOTES:

[A] The practice of paying the workman's wages in goods instead ofmoney. 

_IV. Local Groups_

OUR TRANSMIGRATION

Previous chapters explained only how the emigration scheme might becarried out without creating any economic disturbance. But so great amovement cannot take place without inevitably rousing many deep andpowerful feelings. There are old customs, old memories that attach usto our homes. We have cradles, we have graves, and we alone know howJewish hearts cling to the graves. Our cradles we shall carry withus--they hold our future, rosy and smiling. Our beloved graves we mustabandon--and I think this abandonment will cost us more than any othersacrifice. But it must be so. 

Economic distress, political pressure, and social obloquy have alreadydriven us from our homes and from our graves. We Jews are even nowconstantly shifting from place to place, a strong current actuallycarrying us westward over the sea to the United States, where ourpresence is also not desired. And where will our presence be desired, so long as we are a homeless nation?

But we shall give a home to our people. And we shall give it, not bydragging them ruthlessly out of their sustaining soil, but rather bytransplanting them carefully to a better ground. Just as we wish tocreate new political and economic relations, so we shall preserve assacred all of the past that is dear to our people's hearts. 

Hence a few suggestions must suffice, as this part of my scheme willmost probably be condemned as visionary. Yet even this is possible andreal, though it now appears to be something vague and aimless. Organization will make of it something rational. 

EMIGRATION IN GROUPS

Our people should emigrate in groups of families and friends. But noman will be forced to join the particular group belonging to hisformer place of residence. Each will be able to journey in his chosenfashion as soon as he has settled his affairs. Seeing that each manwill pay his own expenses by rail and boat, he will naturally travelby whatever class suits him best. Possibly there will even be nosubdivision for classes on board train and boat, so as to avoid makingthe poor feel their position too keenly during their long journey. Though we are not exactly organizing a pleasure trip, it is as well tokeep them in good humor on the way. 

None will travel in penury; on the other hand, all who desire totravel in luxurious ease will be able to follow their bent. Even underfavorable circumstances, the movement may not touch certain classes ofJews for several years to come; the intervening period can thereforebe employed in selecting the best modes of organizing the journeys. Those who are well off can travel in parties if they wish, takingtheir personal friends and connections with them. Jews, with theexception of the richest, have, after all, very little intercoursewith Christians. In some countries their acquaintance with them isconfined to a few spongers, borrowers, and dependents; of a betterclass of Christian they know nothing. The Ghetto continues though itswalls are broken down. 

The middle classes will therefore make elaborate and carefulpreparations for departure. A group of travellers will be formed ineach locality, large towns being divided into districts with a groupin each district, who will communicate by means of representativeselected for the purpose. This division into districts need not bestrictly adhered to; it is merely intended to alleviate the discomfortand home-sickness of the poor during their journey outwards. Everybodyis free to travel either alone or attached to any local group heprefers. The conditions of travel--regulated according toclasses--will apply to all alike. Any sufficiently numerous travellingparty can charter a special train and special boat from the Company. 

The Company's housing agency will provide quarters for the poorest ontheir arrival. Later on, when more prosperous emigrants follow, theirobvious need for lodgings on first landing will have to be supplied byhotels built by private enterprise. Some of these more prosperouscolonists will, indeed, have built their houses before becomingpermanent settlers, so that they will merely move from an old homeinto a new one. 

It would be an affront to our intelligent elements to point outeverything that they have to do. Every man who attaches himself to theNational Idea will know how to spread it, and how to make it realwithin his sphere of influence. We shall first of all ask for thecooperation of our Rabbis. 

OUR RABBIS

Every group will have its Rabbi, travelling with his congregation. Local groups will afterwards form voluntarily about their Rabbi, andeach locality will have its spiritual leader. Our Rabbis, on whom weespecially call, will devote their energies to the service of ouridea, and will inspire their congregations by preaching it from thepulpit. They will not need to address special meetings for thepurpose; an appeal such as this may be uttered in the synagogue. Andthus it must be done. For we feel our historic affinity only throughthe faith of our fathers as we have long ago absorbed the languages ofdifferent nations to an ineradicable degree. 

The Rabbis will receive communications regularly from both Society andCompany, and will announce and explain these to their congregations. Israel will pray for us and for itself. 

REPRESENTATIVES OF THE LOCAL GROUPS

The local groups will appoint small committees of representative menunder the Rabbi's presidency, for discussion and settlement of localaffairs. 

Philanthropic institutions will be transferred by their local groups, each institution remaining "over there" the property of the same setof people for whom it was originally founded. I think the oldbuildings should not be sold, but rather devoted to the assistance ofindigent Christians in the forsaken towns. The local groups willreceive compensation by obtaining free building sites and everyfacility for reconstruction in the new country. 

This transfer of philanthropic institutions will give another of thoseopportunities, which occur at different points of my scheme, formaking an experiment in the service of humanity. Our presentunsystematic private philanthropy does little good in proportion tothe great expenditure it involves. But these institutions can and mustform part of a system by which they will eventually supplement oneanother. In a new society these organizations can be evolved out ofour modern consciousness, and may be based on all previous socialexperiments. This matter is of great importance to us, on account ofour large number of paupers. The weaker characters among us, discouraged by external pressure, spoilt by the soft-hearted charityof our rich men, easily sink until they take to begging. 

The Society, supported by the local groups, will give greatestattention to popular education with regard to this particular. It willcreate a fruitful soil for many powers which now wither uselesslyaway. Whoever shows a genuine desire to work will be suitablyemployed. Beggars will not be endured. Whoever refuses to do anythingas a free man will be sent to the workhouse. 

On the other hand, we shall not relegate the old to an almshouse. Analmshouse is one of the cruelest charities which our stupid goodnature ever invented. There our old people die out of pure shame andmortification. There they are already buried. But we will leave evento those who stand on the lowest grade of intelligence the consolingillusion of their utility in the world. We will provide easy tasks forthose who are incapable of physical labor; for we must allow fordiminished vitality in the poor of an already enfeebled generation. But future generations shall be dealt with otherwise; they shall bebrought up in liberty for a life of liberty. 

We will seek to bestow the moral salvation of work on men of every ageand of every class; and thus our people will find their strength againin the land of the seven-hour day. 

PLANS OF THE TOWNS

The local groups will delegate their authorized representatives toselect sites for towns. In the distribution of land every precautionwill be taken to effect a careful transfer with due consideration foracquired rights. 

The local groups will have plans of the towns, so that our people mayknow beforehand where they are to go, in which towns and in whichhouses they are to live. Comprehensive drafts of the building planspreviously referred to will be distributed among the local groups. 

The principle of our administration will be strict centralization ofour local groups' autonomy. In this way the transfer will beaccomplished with the minimum of pain. 

I do not imagine all this to be easier than it actually is; on theother hand, people must not imagine it to be more difficult than it isin reality. 

THE DEPARTURE OF THE MIDDLE CLASSES

The middle classes will involuntarily be drawn into the outgoingcurrent, for their sons will be officials of the Society or employeesof the Company "over there. " Lawyers, doctors, technicians of everydescription, young business people--in fact, all Jews who are insearch of opportunities, who now escape from oppression in theirnative country to earn a living in foreign lands--will assemble on asoil so full of fair promise. The daughters of the middle classes willmarry these ambitious men. One of them will send for his wife orfiancee to come out to him, another for his parents, brothers andsisters. Members of a new civilization marry young. This will promotegeneral morality and ensure sturdiness in the new generation; and thuswe shall have no delicate offspring of late marriages, children offathers who spent their strength in the struggle for life. 

Every middle-class emigrant will draw more of his kind after him. 

The bravest will naturally get the best out of the new world. 

But there we seem undoubtedly to have touched on the crucialdifficulty of my plan. 

Even if we succeeded in opening a world discussion on the JewishQuestion in a serious manner--

Even if this debate led us to a positive conclusion that the JewishState were necessary to the world--

Even if the Powers assisted us in acquiring the sovereignty over astrip of territory--

How are we to transport masses of Jews without undue compulsion fromtheir present homes to this new country?

Their emigration is surely intended to be voluntary. 

THE PHENOMENON OF MULTITUDES

Great exertions will hardly be necessary to spur on the movement. Anti-Semites provide the requisite impetus. They need only do whatthey did before, and then they will create a desire to emigrate whereit did not previously exist, and strengthen it where it existedbefore. Jews who now remain in Anti-Semitic countries do so chieflybecause even those among them who are most ignorant of history knowthat numerous changes of residence in bygone centuries never broughtthem any permanent good. Any land which welcomed the Jews today, andoffered them even fewer advantages than that which the Jewish Statewould guarantee them, would immediately attract a great influx of ourpeople. The poorest, who have nothing to lose would drag themselvesthere. But I maintain, and every man may ask himself whether I am notright, that the pressure weighing on us arouses a desire to emigrateeven among prosperous strata of society. Now our poorest strata alonewould suffice to found a State; these form the strongest humanmaterial for acquiring a land, because a little despair isindispensable to the formation of a great undertaking. 

But when our "desperados" increase the value of the land by theirpresence and by the labor they expend on it, they make it at the sametime increasingly attractive as a place of settlement to people whoare better off. 

Higher and yet higher strata will feel tempted to go over. Theexpedition of the first and poorest settlers will be conducted byCompany and Society conjointly, and will probably be additionallysupported by existing emigration and Zionist societies. 

How may a number of people be directed to a particular spot withoutbeing given express orders to go there? There are certain Jewishbenefactors on a large scale who try to alleviate the sufferings ofthe Jews by Zionist experiments. To them this problem also presenteditself, and they thought to solve it by giving the emigrants money ormeans of employment. Thus the philanthropists said: "We pay thesepeople to go there. "

Such a procedure is utterly wrong, and all the money in the world willnot achieve its purpose. 

On the other hand, the Company will say: "We shall not pay them, weshall let them pay us. We shall merely offer them some inducements togo. "

A fanciful illustration will make my meaning more explicit: One ofthose philanthropists (whom we will call "The Baron") and myself bothwish to get a crowd of people on to the plain of Longchamps nearParis, on a hot Sunday afternoon. The Baron, by promising them 10francs each, will, for 200, 000 francs, bring out 20, 000 perspiring andmiserable people, who will curse him for having given them so muchannoyance. Whereas I will offer these 200, 000 francs as a prize forthe swiftest racehorse--and then I shall have to put up barriers tokeep the people off Longchamps. They will pay to go in: 1 franc, 5francs, 20 francs. 

The consequence will be that I shall get the half-a-million of peopleout there; the President of the Republic will drive up "a la Daumont";and the crowds will enjoy and amuse themselves. Most of them willthink it an agreeable walk in the open air in spite of heat and dust;and I shall have made by my 200, 000 francs about a million in entrancemoney and taxes on gaming. I shall get the same people out therewhenever I like but the Baron will not--not on any account. 

I will give a more serious illustration of the phenomenon ofmultitudes where they are earning a livelihood. Let any man attempt tocry through the streets of a town: "Whoever is willing to stand allday long through a winter's terrible cold, through a summer'stormenting heat, in an iron hall exposed on all sides, there toaddress every passer-by, and to offer him fancy wares, or fish, orfruit, will receive two florins, or four francs or something similar. "

How many people would go to the hall? How many days would they holdout when hunger drove them there? And if they held out, what energywould they display in trying to persuade passers-by to buy fish, fruitand fancy wares?

We shall set about it in a different way. In places where trade isactive, and these places we shall the more easily discover, since weourselves direct trade withersoever we wish, in these places we shallbuild large halls, and call them markets. These halls might be worsebuilt and more unwholesome than those above mentioned, and yet peoplewould stream towards them. But we shall use our best efforts, and weshall build them better, and make them more beautiful than the first. And the people, to whom we had promised nothing, because we cannotpromise anything without deceiving them, these excellent, keenbusiness men will gaily create most active commercial intercourse. They will harangue the buyers unweariedly; they will stand on theirfeet, and scarcely think of fatigue. They will hurry off at dawn, soas to be first on the spot; they will form unions, cartels, anythingto continue bread-winning undisturbed. And if they find at the end ofthe day that all their hard work has produced only 1 florin, 50kreutzer, or 3 francs, or something similar, they will yet lookforward hopefully to the next day, which may, perhaps, bring thembetter luck. 

We have given them hope. 

Would any one ask whence the demand comes which creates the market? Isit really necessary to tell them again?

I pointed out that by means of the system "Assistance par le Travail"the return could be increased fifteenfold. One million would producefifteen millions; and one thousand millions, fifteen thousandmillions. 

This may be the case on a small scale; is it so on a large one?Capital surely yields a return diminishing in inverse ratio to its owngrowth. Inactive and inert capital yields this diminishing return, butactive capital brings in a marvellously increasing return. Herein liesthe social question. 

Am I stating a fact? I call on the richest Jews as witnesses of myveracity. Why do they carry on so many different industries? Why dothey send men to work underground and to raise coal amid terribledangers for meagre pay? I cannot imagine this to be pleasant, even forthe owners of the mines. For I do not believe that capitalists areheartless, and I do not pretend that I believe it. My desire is not toaccentuate, but to smooth differences. 

Is it necessary to illustrate the phenomenon of multitudes, and theirconcentration on a particular spot by references to pious pilgrimages?

I do not want to hurt anyone's religious sensibility by words whichmight be wrongly interpreted. 

I shall merely refer quite briefly to the Mohammedan pilgrimages toMecca, the Catholic pilgrimages to Lourdes, and to many other spotswhence men return comforted by their faith, and to the holy Hock atTrier. Thus we shall also create a center for the deep religious needsof our people. Our ministers will understand us first, and will bewith us in this. 

We shall let every man find salvation "over there" in his ownparticular way. Above and before all we shall make room for theimmortal band of our Freethinkers, who are continually making newconquests for humanity. 

No more force will be exercised on any one than is necessary for thepreservation of the State and order; and the requisite force will notbe arbitrarily defined by one or more shifting authorities; it will befixed by iron laws. 

Now, if the illustrations I gave make people draw the inference that amultitude can be only temporarily attracted to centers of faith, ofbusiness, or of amusement, the reply to their objection is simple. Whereas one of these objects by itself would certainly only attractthe masses, all these centers of attraction combined would becalculated permanently to hold and satisfy them. For all these centerstogether form a single, great, long-sought object, which our peoplehas always longed to attain, for which it has kept itself alive, forwhich it has been kept alive by external pressure--a free home! Whenthe movement commences, we shall draw some men after us and let othersfollow; others again will be swept into the current, and the last willbe thrust after us. 

These last hesitating settlers will be the worst off, both here andthere. 

But the first, who go over with faith, enthusiasm, and courage willhave the best positions. 

OUR HUMAN MATERIAL

There are more mistaken notions abroad concerning Jews than concerningany other people. And we have become so depressed and discouraged byour historic sufferings that we ourselves repeat and believe thesemistakes. One of these is that we have an immoderate love of business. Now it is well known that wherever we are permitted to take part inthe rising of classes, we give up our business as soon as possible. The great majority of Jewish business men give their sons a superioreducation. Hence, the so-called "Judaizing" of all intellectualprofessions. But even in economically feebler grades of society, ourlove of trade is not so predominant as is generally supposed. In theEastern countries of Europe there are great numbers of Jews who arenot traders, and who are not afraid of hard work either. The Societyof Jews will be in a position to prepare scientifically accuratestatistics of our human forces. The new tasks and prospects that awaitour people in the new country will satisfy our present handicraftsmen, and will transform many present small traders into manual workers. 

A peddler who travels about the country with a heavy pack on his backis not so contented as his persecutors imagine. The seven-hour daywill convert all of his kind into workmen. They are good, misunderstood people, who now suffer perhaps more severely than anyothers. The Society of Jews will, moreover, busy itself from theoutset with their training as artisans. Their love of gain will beencouraged in a healthy manner. Jews are of a thrifty and adaptabledisposition, and are qualified for any means of earning a living, andit will therefore suffice to make small trading unremunerative, tocause even present peddlers to give it up altogether. This could bebrought about, for example, by encouraging large department storeswhich provide all necessaries of life. These general stores arealready crushing small trading in large cities. In a land of newcivilization they will absolutely prevent its existence. Theestablishment of these stores is further advantageous, because itmakes the country immediately habitable for people who require morerefined necessaries of life. 

HABITS

Is a reference to the little habits and comforts of the ordinary manin keeping with the serious nature of this pamphlet?

I think it is in keeping, and, moreover, very important. For theselittle habits are the thousand and one fine delicate threads whichtogether go to make up an unbreakable rope. 

Here certain limited notions must be set aside. Whoever has seenanything of the world knows that just these little daily customs caneasily be transplanted everywhere. The technical contrivances of ourday, which this scheme intends to employ in the service of humanity, have heretofore been principally used for our little habits. There areEnglish hotels in Egypt and on the mountain-crest in Switzerland, Vienna cafes in South Africa, French theatres in Russia, German operasin America, and best Bavarian beer in Paris. 

When we journey out of Egypt again we shall not leave the fleshpotsbehind. 

Every man will find his customs again in the local groups, but theywill be better, more beautiful, and more agreeable than before. 

_V. Society of Jews and Jewish State_

NEGOTIORUM GESTIO

This pamphlet is not intended for lawyers. I can therefore touch onlycursorily, as on so many other things, upon my theory of the legalbasis of a State. 

I must, nevertheless, lay some stress on my new theory, which could bemaintained, I believe, even in discussion with men well versed injurisprudence. 

According to Rousseau's now antiquated view, a State is formed by asocial contract. Rousseau held that: "The conditions of this contractare so precisely defined by the nature of the agreement that theslightest alteration would make them null and void. The consequence isthat, even where they are not expressly stated, they are everywhereidentical, and everywhere tacitly accepted and recognized, " etc. 

A logical and historic refutation of Rousseau's theory was never, noris now, difficult, however terrible and far-reaching its effects mayhave been. The question whether a social contract with "conditions notexpressly stated, yet unalterable, " existed before the framing of aconstitution, is of no practical interest to States under modern formsof government. The legal relationship between government and citizenis in any case clearly established now. 

But previous to the framing of a constitution, and during the creationof a new State, these principles assume great practical importance. Weknow and see for ourselves that States still continue to be created. Colonies secede from the mother country. Vassals fall away from theirsuzerain; newly opened territories are immediately formed into freeStates. It is true that the Jewish State is conceived as a peculiarlymodern structure on unspecified territory. But a State is formed, notby pieces of land, but rather by a number of men united undersovereign rule. 

The people is the subjective, land the objective foundation of aState, and the subjective basis is the more important of the two. Onesovereignty, for example, which has no objective basis at all, isperhaps the most respected one in the world. I refer to thesovereignty of the Pope. 

The theory of rationality is the one at present accepted in politicalscience. This theory suffices to justify the creation of a State, andcannot be historically refuted in the same way as the theory of acontract. Insofar as I am concerned only with the creation of a JewishState, I am well within the limits of the theory of rationality. Butwhen I touch upon the legal basis of the State, I have exceeded them. The theories of a divine institution, or of superior power, or of acontract, and the patriarchal and patrimonial theories do not accordwith modern views. The legal basis of a State is sought either toomuch within men (patriarchal theory, and theories of superior forceand contract), or too far above them (divine institution), or too farbelow them (objective patrimonial theory). The theory of rationalityleaves this question conveniently and carefully unanswered. But aquestion which has seriously occupied doctors of jurisprudence inevery age cannot be an absolutely idle one. As a matter of fact, amixture of human and superhuman goes to the making of a State. Somelegal basis is indispensable to explain the somewhat oppressiverelationship in which subjects occasionally stand to rulers. I believeit is to be found in the _negotiorum gestio_, wherein the body ofcitizens represents the _dominus negotiorum_, and the governmentrepresents the _gestor_. 

The Romans, with their marvellous sense of justice, produced thatnoble masterpiece, the _negotiorum gestio_. When the property of anoppressed person is in danger, any man may step forward to save it. This man is the _gestor_, the director of affairs not strictly hisown. He has received no warrant--that is, no human warrant; higherobligations authorize him to act. The higher obligations may beformulated in different ways for the State, and so as to respond toindividual degrees of culture attained by a growing general power ofcomprehension. The _gestio_ is intended to work for the good of the_dominus_--the people, to whom the _gestor_ himself belongs. 

The _gestor_ administers property of which he is joint-owner. Hisjoint proprietorship teaches him what urgency would warrant hisintervention, and would demand his leadership in peace or war; butunder no circumstances is his authority valid _qua_ jointproprietorship. The consent of the numerous joint-owners is even undermost favorable conditions a matter of conjecture. 

A State is created by a nation's struggle for existence. In any suchstruggle it is impossible to obtain proper authority in circumstantialfashion beforehand. In fact, any previous attempt to obtain a regulardecision from the majority would probably ruin the undertaking fromthe outset. For internal schisms would make the people defencelessagainst external dangers. We cannot all be of one mind; the _gestor_will therefore simply take the leadership into his hands and march inthe van. 

The action of the _gestor_ of the State is sufficiently warranted ifthe common cause is in danger, and the _dominus_ is prevented, eitherby want of will or by some other reason, from helping itself. 

But the _gestor_ becomes similar to the _dominus_ by his intervention, and is bound by the agreement _quasi ex contractu_. This is the legalrelationship existing before, or, more correctly, createdsimultaneously with the State. 

The _gestor_ thus becomes answerable for every form of negligence, even for the failure of business undertakings, and the neglect of suchaffairs as are intimately connected with them, etc. I shall notfurther enlarge on the _negotiorum gestio_, but rather leave it to theState, else it would take us too far from the main subject. One remarkonly: "Business management, if it is approved by the owner, is just aseffectual as if it had originally been carried on by his authority. "

And how does all this affect our case?

The Jewish people are at present prevented by the Diaspora fromconducting their political affairs themselves. Besides, they are in acondition of more or less severe distress in many parts of the world. They need, above all things a _gestor_. This _gestor_ cannot, ofcourse, be a single individual. Such a one would either make himselfridiculous, or--seeing that he would appear to be working for his owninterests--contemptible. 

The _gestor_ of the Jews must therefore be a body corporate. 

And that is the Society of Jews. 

THE GESTOR OF THE JEWS

This organ of the national movement, the nature and functions of whichwe are at last dealing with, will, in fact, be created beforeeverything else. Its formation is perfectly simple. It will take shapeamong those energetic Jews to whom I imparted my scheme in London. [B]

The Society will have scientific and political tasks, for the foundingof a Jewish State, as I conceive it, presupposes the application ofscientific methods. We cannot journey out of Egypt today in theprimitive fashion of ancient times. We shall previously obtain anaccurate account of our number and strength. The undertaking of thatgreat and ancient _gestor_ of the Jews in primitive days bears muchthe same relation to ours that some wonderful melody bears to a modernopera. We are playing the same melody with many more violins, flutes, harps, violoncellos, and bass viols; with electric light, decorations, choirs, beautiful costumes, and with the first singers of their day. 

This pamphlet is intended to open a general discussion on the JewishQuestion. Friends and foes will take part in it; but it will nolonger, I hope, take the form of violent abuse or of sentimentalvindication, but of a debate, practical, large, earnest, andpolitical. 

The Society of Jews will gather all available declarations ofstatesmen, parliaments, Jewish communities, societies, whetherexpressed in speeches or writings, in meetings, newspapers or books. 

Thus the Society will find out for the first time whether the Jewsreally wish to go to the Promised Land, and whether they must gothere. Every Jewish community in the world will send contributions tothe Society towards a comprehensive collection of Jewish statistics. 

Further tasks, such as investigation by experts of the new country andits natural resources, the uniform planning of migration andsettlement, preliminary work for legislation and administration, etc. , must be rationally evolved out of the original scheme. 

Externally, the Society will attempt, as I explained before in thegeneral part, to be acknowledged as a State-forming power. The freeassent of many Jews will confer on it the requisite authority in itsrelations with Governments. 

Internally, that is to say, in its relation with the Jewish people, the Society will create all the first indispensable institutions; itwill be the nucleus out of which the public institutions of the JewishState will later on be developed. 

Our first object is, as I said before, supremacy, assured to us byinternational law, over a portion of the globe sufficiently large tosatisfy our just requirements. 

What is the next step?

THE OCCUPATION OF THE LAND

When nations wandered in historic times, they let chance carry them, draw them, fling them hither and thither, and like swarms of locuststhey settled down indifferently anywhere. For in historic times theearth was not known to man. But this modern Jewish migration mustproceed in accordance with scientific principles. 

Not more than forty years ago gold-digging was carried on in anextraordinarily primitive fashion. What adventurous days were those inCalifornia! A report brought desperados together from every quarter ofthe earth; they stole pieces of land, robbed each other of gold, andfinally gambled it away, as robbers do. 

But today! What is gold-digging like in the Transvaal today?Adventurous vagabonds are not there; sedate geologists and engineersalone are on the spot to regulate its gold industry, and to employingenious machinery in separating the ore from surrounding rock. Little is left to chance now. 

Thus we must investigate and take possession of the new Jewish countryby means of every modern expedient. 

As soon as we have secured the land, we shall send over a ship, havingon board the representatives of the Society, of the Company, and ofthe local groups, who will enter into possession at once. 

These men will have three tasks to perform: (1) An accurate, scientific investigation of all natural resources of the country; (2)the organization of a strictly centralized administration; (3) thedistribution of land. These tasks intersect one another, and will allbe carried out in conformity with the now familiar object in view. 

One thing remains to be explained--namely, how the occupation of landaccording to local groups is to take place. 

In America the occupation of newly opened territory is set about innaive fashion. The settlers assemble on the frontier, and at theappointed time make a simultaneous and violent rush for theirportions. 

We shall not proceed thus to the new land of the Jews. The lots inprovinces and towns will be sold by auction, and paid for, not inmoney, but in work. The general plan will have settled on streets, bridges, waterworks, etc. , necessary for traffic. These will be unitedinto provinces. Within these provinces sites for towns will besimilarly sold by auction. The local groups will pledge themselves tocarry the business property through, and will cover the cost by meansof self-imposed assessments. The Society will be in a position tojudge whether the local groups are not venturing on sacrifices toogreat for their means. The large communities will receive large sitesfor their activity. Great sacrifices will thus be rewarded by theestablishment of universities, technical schools, academies, researchinstitutes, etc. , and these Government institutes, which do not haveto be concentrated in the capital, will be distributed over thecountry. 

The personal interest of the buyers, and, if necessary, the localassessment, will guarantee the proper working of what has been takenover. In the same way, as we cannot, and indeed do not wish toobliterate distinctions between single individuals, so the differencesbetween local groups will also continue. Everything will shape itselfquite naturally. All acquired rights will be protected, and every newdevelopment will be given sufficient scope. 

Our people will be made thoroughly acquainted with all these matters. 

We shall not take others unawares or mislead them, any more than weshall deceive ourselves. 

Everything must be systematically settled beforehand. I merelyindicate this scheme: our keenest thinkers will combine in elaboratingit. Every social and technical achievement of our age and of the moreadvanced age which will be reached before the slow execution of myplan is accomplished must be employed for this object. Every valuableinvention which exists now, or lies in the future, must be used. Bythese means a country can be occupied and a State founded in a manneras yet unknown to history, and with possibilities of success such, asnever occurred before. 

CONSTITUTION

One of the great commissions which the Society will have to appointwill be the council of State jurists. These must formulate the best, that is, the best modern constitution possible. I believe that a goodconstitution should be of moderately elastic nature. In another work Ihave explained in detail what forms of government I hold to be thebest. I think a democratic monarchy and an aristocratic republic arethe finest forms of a State, because in them the form of State and theprinciple of government are opposed to each other, and thus preserve atrue balance of power. I am a staunch supporter of monarchialinstitutions, because these allow of a continuous policy, andrepresent the interests of a historically famous family born andeducated to rule, whose desires are bound up with the preservation ofthe State. But our history has been too long interrupted for us toattempt direct continuity of ancient constitutional forms, withoutexposing ourselves to the charge of absurdity. 

A democracy without a sovereign's useful counterpoise is extreme inappreciation and condemnation, tends to idle discussion in Parliaments, and produces that objectionable class of men--professional politicians. Nations are also really not fit for unlimited democracy at present, andwill become less and less fitted for it in the future. For a puredemocracy presupposes a predominance of simple customs, and our customsbecome daily more complex with the growth of commerce and increase ofculture. "_Le ressort d'une democratic est la vertu_, " said wiseMontesquieu. And where is this virtue, that is to say, this politicalvirtue, to be met with? I do not believe in our political virtue;first, because we are no better than the rest of modern humanity; and, secondly, because freedom will make us show our fighting qualities atfirst. I also hold a settling of questions by the referendum to be anunsatisfactory procedure, because there are no simple politicalquestions which can be answered merely by Yes and No. The masses arealso more prone even than Parliaments to be led away by heterodoxopinions, and to be swayed by vigorous ranting. It is impossible toformulate a wise internal or external policy in a popular assembly. 

Politics must take shape in the upper strata and work downwards. Butno member of the Jewish State will be oppressed, every man will beable and will wish to rise in it. Thus a great upward tendency willpass through our people; every individual by trying to raise himself, raising also the whole body of citizens. The ascent will take a normalform, useful to the State and serviceable to the National Idea. 

Hence I incline to an aristocratic republic. This would satisfy theambitious spirit in our people, which has now degenerated into pettyvanity. Many of the institutions of Venice pass through my mind; butall that which caused the ruin of Venice must be carefully avoided. Weshall learn from the historic mistakes of others, in the same way aswe learn from our own; for we are a modern nation, and wish to be themost modern in the world. Our people, who are receiving the newcountry from the Society, will also thankfully accept the newconstitution it offers them. Should any opposition manifest itself, the Society will suppress it. The Society cannot permit the exerciseof its functions to be interpreted by short-sighted or ill-disposedindividuals. 

LANGUAGE

It might be suggested that our want of a common current language wouldpresent difficulties. We cannot converse with one another in Hebrew. Who amongst us has a sufficient acquaintance with Hebrew to ask for arailway ticket in that language? Such a thing cannot be done. Yet thedifficulty is very easily circumvented. Every man can preserve thelanguage in which his thoughts are at home. Switzerland affords aconclusive proof of the possibility of a federation of tongues. Weshall remain in the new country what we now are here, and we shallnever cease to cherish with sadness the memory of the native land outof which we have been driven. 

We shall give up using those miserable stunted jargons, those Ghettolanguages which we still employ, for these were the stealthy tonguesof prisoners. Our national teachers will give due attention to thismatter; and the language which proves itself to be of greatest utilityfor general intercourse will be adopted without compulsion as ournational tongue. Our community of race is peculiar and unique, for weare bound together only by the faith of our fathers. 

THEOCRACY

Shall we end by having a theocracy? No, indeed. Faith unites us, knowledge gives us freedom. We shall therefore prevent any theocratictendencies from coming to the fore on the part of our priesthood. Weshall keep our priests within the confines of their temples in thesame way as we shall keep our professional army within the confines oftheir barracks. Army and priesthood shall receive honors high as theirvaluable functions deserve. But they must not interfere in theadministration of the State which confers distinction upon them, elsethey will conjure up difficulties without and within. 

Every man will be as free and undisturbed in his faith or hisdisbelief as he is in his nationality. And if it should occur that menof other creeds and different nationalities come to live amongst us, we should accord them honorable protection and equality before thelaw. We have learnt toleration in Europe. This is not sarcasticallysaid; for the Anti-Semitism of today could only in a very few placesbe taken for old religious intolerance. It is for the most part amovement among civilized nations by which they try to chase away thespectres of their own past. 

LAWS

When the idea of a State begins to approach realization, the Societyof Jews will appoint a council of jurists to do the preparatory workof legislation. During the transition period these must act on theprinciple that every emigrant Jew is to be judged according to thelaws of the country which he has left. But they must try to bringabout a unification of these various laws to form a modern system oflegislation based on the best portions of previous systems. This mightbecome a typical codification, embodying all the just social claims ofthe present day. 

THE ARMY

The Jewish State is conceived as a neutral one. It will thereforerequire only a professional army, equipped, of course, with everyrequisite of modern warfare, to preserve order internally andexternally. 

THE FLAG

We have no flag, and we need one. If we desire to lead many men, wemust raise a symbol above their heads. 

I would suggest a white flag, with seven golden stars. The white fieldsymbolizes our pure new life; the stars are the seven golden hours ofour working-day. For we shall march into the Promised Land carryingthe badge of honor. 

RECIPROCITY AND EXTRADITION TREATIES

The new Jewish State must be properly founded, with due regard to ourfuture honorable position in the world. Therefore every obligation inthe old country must be scrupulously fulfilled before leaving. TheSociety of Jews and the Jewish Company will grant cheap passage andcertain advantages in settlement to those only who can present anofficial testimonial from the local authorities, certifying that theyhave left their affairs in good order. 

Every just private claim originating in the abandoned countries willbe heard more readily in the Jewish State than anywhere else. We shallnot wait for reciprocity; we shall act purely for the sake of our ownhonor. We shall thus perhaps find, later on, that law courts will bemore willing to hear our claims than now seems to be the case in someplaces. 

It will be inferred, as a matter of course, from previous remarks, that we shall deliver up Jewish criminals more readily than any otherState would do, till the time comes when we can enforce our penal codeon the same principles as every other civilized nation does. Therewill therefore be a period of transition, during which we shallreceive our criminals only after they have suffered due penalties. But, having made amends, they will be received without anyrestrictions whatever, for our criminals also must enter upon a newlife. 

Thus emigration may become to many Jews a crisis with a happy issue. Bad external circumstances, which ruin many a character, will beremoved, and this change may mean salvation to many who are lost. 

Here I should like briefly to relate a story I came across in anaccount of the gold mines of Witwatersrand. One day a man came to theRand, settled there, tried his hand at various things, with theexception of gold mining, till he founded an ice factory, which didwell. He soon won universal esteem by his respectability, but aftersome years he was suddenly arrested. He had committed somedefalcations as banker in Frankfort, had fled from there, and hadbegun a new life under an assumed name. But when he was led away asprisoner, the most respected people in the place appeared at thestation, bade him a cordial farewell and _au revoir_--for he wascertain to return. 

How much this story reveals! A new life can regenerate even criminals, and we have a proportionately small number of these. Some interestingstatistics on this point are worth reading, entitled "The Criminalityof Jews in Germany, " by Dr. P. Nathan, of Berlin, who was commissionedby the "Society for Defense against Anti-Semitism" to make acollection of statistics based on official returns. It is true thatthis pamphlet, which teems with figures, has been prompted, as manyanother "defence, " by the error that Anti-Semitism can be refuted byreasonable arguments. We are probably disliked as much for our giftsas we are for our faults. 

BENEFITS OF THE EMIGRATION OF THE JEWS

I imagine that Governments will, either voluntarily or under pressurefrom the Anti-Semites, pay certain attention to this scheme, and theymay perhaps actually receive it here and there with a sympathy whichthey will also show to the Society of Jews. 

For the emigration which I suggest will not create any economiccrises. Such crises as would follow everywhere in consequence ofJew-baiting would rather be prevented by the carrying out of my plan. A great period of prosperity would commence in countries which arenow Anti-Semitic. For there will be, as I have repeatedly said, aninternal migration of Christian citizens into the positions slowly andsystematically evacuated by the Jews. If we are not merely suffered, but actually assisted to do this, the movement will have a generallybeneficial effect. That is a narrow view, from which one should freeoneself, which sees in the departure of many Jews a consequentimpoverishment of countries. It is different from a departure which isa result of persecution, for then property is indeed destroyed, as itis ruined in the confusion of war. Different again is the peaceablevoluntary departure of colonists, wherein everything is carried outwith due consideration for acquired rights, and with absoluteconformity to law, openly and by light of day, under the eyes of theauthorities and the control of public opinion. The emigration ofChristian proletarians to different parts of the world would bebrought to a standstill by the Jewish movement. 

The States would have a further advantage in the enormous increase oftheir export trade; for, since the emigrant Jews "over there" woulddepend for a long time to come on European productions, they wouldnecessarily have to import them. The local groups would keep up a justbalance, and the customary needs would have to be supplied for a longtime at the accustomed places. 

Another, and perhaps one of the greatest advantages, would be theensuing social relief. Social dissatisfaction would be appeased duringthe twenty or more years which the emigration of the Jews wouldoccupy, and would in any case be set at rest during the wholetransition period. 

The shape which the social question may take depends entirely on thedevelopment of our technical resources. Steampower concentrated men infactories about machinery where they were overcrowded, and where theymade one another miserable by overcrowding. Our present enormous, injudicious, and unsystematic rate of production is the cause ofcontinual severe crises which ruin both employers and employees. Steamcrowded men together; electricity will probably scatter them again, and may perhaps bring about a more prosperous condition of the labormarket. In any case our technical inventors, who are the truebenefactors of humanity, will continue their labors after thecommencement of the emigration of the Jews, and they will discoverthings as marvellous as those we have already seen, or indeed morewonderful even than these. 

The word "impossible" has ceased to exist in the vocabulary oftechnical science. Were a man who lived in the last century to returnto the earth, he would find the life of today full of incomprehensiblemagic. Wherever the moderns appear with our inventions, we transformthe desert into a garden. To build a city takes in our time as manyyears as it formerly required centuries; America offers endlessexamples of this. Distance has ceased to be an obstacle. The spirit ofour age has gathered fabulous treasures into its storehouse. Every daythis wealth increases. A hundred thousand heads are occupied withspeculations and research at every point of the globe, and what anyone discovers belongs the next moment to the whole world. We ourselveswill use and carry on every new attempt in our Jewish land; and justas we shall introduce the seven-hour day as an experiment for the goodof humanity, so we shall proceed in everything else in the same humanespirit, making of the new land a land of experiments and a modelState. 

After the departure of the Jews the undertakings which they havecreated will remain where they originally were found. And the Jewishspirit of enterprise will not even fail where people welcome it. ForJewish capitalists will be glad to invest their funds where they arefamiliar with surrounding conditions. And whereas Jewish money is nowsent out of countries on account of existing persecutions, and is sunkin most distant foreign undertakings, it will flow back again inconsequence of this peaceable solution, and will contribute to thefurther progress of the countries which the Jews have left. 

FOOTNOTES:

[B] Dr. Herzl addressed a meeting of the Maccabean Club, at whichIsrael Zangwill presided, on November 24th, 1895. 

_VI. Conclusion_

How much has been left unexplained, how many defects, how many harmfulsuperficialities, and how many useless repetitions in this pamphlet, which I have thought over so long and so often revised!

But a fair-minded reader, who has sufficient understanding to graspthe spirit of my words, will not be repelled by these defects. He willrather be roused thereby to cooperate with his intelligence and energyin a work which is not one man's task alone, and to improve it. 

Have I not explained obvious things and overlooked importantobjections?

I have tried to meet certain objections; but I know that many morewill be made, based on high grounds and low. 

To the first class of objections belongs the remark that the Jews arenot the only people in the world who are in a condition of distress. Here I would reply that we may as well begin by removing a little ofthis misery, even if it should at first be no more than our own. 

It might further be said that we ought not to create new distinctionsbetween people; we ought not to raise fresh barriers, we should rathermake the old disappear. But men who think in this way are amiablevisionaries; and the idea of a native land will still flourish whenthe dust of their bones will have vanished tracelessly in the winds. Universal brotherhood is not even a beautiful dream. Antagonism isessential to man's greatest efforts. 

But the Jews, once settled in their own State, would probably have nomore enemies. As for those who remain behind, since prosperityenfeebles and causes them to diminish, they would soon disappearaltogether. I think the Jews will always have sufficient enemies, suchas every nation has. But once fixed in their own land, it will nolonger be possible for them to scatter all over the world. Thediaspora cannot be reborn, unless the civilization of the whole earthshould collapse; and such a consummation could be feared by none butfoolish men. Our present civilization possesses weapons powerfulenough for its self-defence. 

Innumerable objections will be based on low grounds, for there aremore low men than noble in this world. I have tried to remove some ofthese narrow-minded notions; and whoever is willing to fall in behindour white flag with its seven stars, must assist in this campaign ofenlightenment. Perhaps we shall have to fight first of all againstmany an evil-disposed, narrow-hearted, short-sighted member of our ownrace. 

Again, people will say that I am furnishing the Anti-Semites withweapons. Why so? Because I admit the truth? Because I do not maintainthat there are none but excellent men against us?

Will not people say that I am showing our enemies the way to injureus? This I absolutely dispute. My proposal could only be carried outwith the free consent of a majority of Jews. Action may be takenagainst individuals or even against groups of the most powerful Jews, but Governments will never take action against all Jews. The equalrights of the Jew before the law cannot be withdrawn where they haveonce been conceded; for the first attempt at withdrawal wouldimmediately drive all Jews, rich and poor alike, into the ranks ofrevolutionary parties. The beginning of any official acts of injusticeagainst the Jews invariably brings about economic crises. Therefore, no weapons can be effectually used against us, because these injurethe hands that wield them. Meantime hatred grows apace. The rich donot feel it much, but our poor do. Let us ask our poor, who have beenmore severely proletarized since the last removal of Anti-Semitismthan ever before. 

Some of our prosperous men may say that the pressure is not yet severeenough to justify emigration, and that every forcible expulsion showshow unwilling our people are to depart. True, because they do not knowwhere to go; because they only pass from one trouble into another. Butwe are showing them the way to the Promised Land; and the splendidforce of enthusiasm must fight against the terrible force of habit. 

Persecutions are no longer so malignant as they were in the MiddleAges? True, but our sensitiveness has increased, so that we feel nodiminution in our sufferings; prolonged persecution has overstrainedour nerves. 

Will people say, again, that our enterprise is hopeless, because evenif we obtained the land with supremacy over it, the poor only would gowith us? It is precisely the poorest whom we need at first. Only thedesperate make good conquerors. 

Will some one say: Were it feasible it would have been done long ago?

It has never yet been possible; now it is possible. A hundred--or evenfifty years ago it would have been nothing more than a dream. Today itmay become a reality. Our rich, who have a pleasurable acquaintancewith all our technical achievements, know full well how much money cando. And thus it will be; just the poor and simple, who do not knowwhat power man already exercises over the forces of Nature, just thesewill have the firmest faith in the new message. For these have neverlost their hope of the Promised Land. 

Here it is, fellow Jews! Neither fable nor deception! Every man maytest its reality for himself, for every man will carry over with him aportion of the Promised Land--one in his head, another in his arms, another in his acquired possessions. 

Now, all this may appear to be an interminably long affair. Even inthe most favorable circumstances, many years might elapse before thecommencement of the foundation of the State. In the meantime, Jews ina thousand different places would suffer insults, mortifications, abuse, blows, depredation, and death. No; if we only begin to carryout the plans, Anti-Semitism would stop at once and for ever. For itis the conclusion of peace. 

The news of the formation of our Jewish Company will be carried in asingle day to the remotest ends of the earth by the lightning speed ofour telegraph wires. 

And immediate relief will ensue. The intellects which we produce sosuperabundantly in our middle classes will find an outlet in our firstorganizations, as our first technicians, officers, professors, officials, lawyers, and doctors; and thus the movement will continuein swift but smooth progression. 

Prayers will be offered up for the success of our work in temples andin churches also; for it will bring relief from an old burden, whichall have suffered. 

But we must first bring enlightenment to men's minds. The idea mustmake its way into the most distant, miserable holes where our peopledwell. They will awaken from gloomy brooding, for into their liveswill come a new significance. Every man need think only of himself, and the movement will assume vast proportions. 

And what glory awaits those who fight unselfishly for the cause!

Therefore I believe that a wondrous generation of Jews will springinto existence. The Maccabeans will rise again. 

Let me repeat once more my opening words: The Jews who wish for aState will have it. 

We shall live at last as free men on our own soil, and die peacefullyin our own homes. 

The world will be freed by our liberty, enriched by our wealth, magnified by our greatness. 

And whatever we attempt there to accomplish for our own welfare, willreact powerfully and beneficially for the good of humanity. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY

THE CONGRESS ADDRESSES. New York, Federation of American Zionists, 1917. 40p. 

EXCERPTS FROM HERZL'S DIARIES. New York, Scopus pub. Co. 1941. 122p. 

GESAMELTE SHRIFTEN (In Yiddish). New York, Literarishe Verlag, 1920. 2 vols. 

GESAMMELTE ZIONISTISCHE WERKE. 3rd ed. Berlin. Juedisher Verlag (1934) 5 vols. Contents: vol. I Zionistische shriften; vol. 2, 3, 4, Taegebuecher, vol. 5 Das neue Ghetto; Altneuland, Aus dem Nachlass. 

DAS JUDENSTAAT; Versuch einer modernen Lösung der Judenfrage. Neue Auflage mit einem Vorwort von Otto Warburg. Berlin, Juedischer Verlag, 1918. 88p. Various editions. 

OLD-NEW LAND tr. By Lotta Levensohn with a preface by Stephen S. Wise. New York, Bloch pub. Co. 1941. 296p. 

THE TRAGEDY OF JEWISH IMMIGRATION. 2nd ed. New York, Zionist organization of America, 1920. 47p. 

ABOUT THEODOR HERZL

Bein, Alex. Theodore Herzl tr. By Maurice Samuel. Phil. Jewish. Pub. Society, 1940. 545p. 

Brainin, Ruben. A Life of Herzl. Vol. I, New York, 1919. (Hebrew)

Buber, Martin and Weltsch, Robert. Theodor Herzl and we. New York, Hitachduth of America, 1929. 28p. 

De Haas, Jacob. Theodor Herzl, a biographical study. New York, 1927. 2 vols. 

Hoffman, Martha. The young Herzl (In Hebrew) Jerusalem, 1941. 103p. 

Neumann, Emanuel. The birth of statesmanship; a story of Theodor Herzl's life, New York, Youth dept. Jewish National Fund of America. 48p. 

New Palestine. Theodor Herzl, a memorial; ed. By Meyer W. Weisgal. New York, 1929. 320p. 

Zionist Organization Executive. Theodor Herzl, ein Gedenkbuch. Berlin, Juedischer Verlag, 1929. 79p. 

CHRONOLOGY

1860-May 2 Wolf Theodor (Benjamin Zev) Herzl is born in the Tabakgasse, Budapest, the son of Jakob and Jeanette (Diamant) Herzl. 

1885-May 27 First feuilleton published in Wiener Allgemeine Zeitung. 

1894-Oct. 21 Arrest of Dreyfus. 

Oct. 21-Nov. 8 Writes Das Neue Ghetto. This is an attempt to express himself on the Jewish question. 

1895-June 2 Interviews Baron de Hirsch, submits plan for political action. Not favorably received. Immediately after this interview, which he later designates the beginning of his Zionist work, Herzl begins his Diaries. 

June-July Composes first draft of Der Judenstaat. 

November 17 Explains idea of Jewish State to Dr. Nordau in Paris. Meets with instant understanding. Nordau gives Herzl introduction to Zangwill and London Maccabean Club. 

November 21 London. First meeting with Zangwill. 

1895-Nov. 24 London. First address before Maccabean Club. 

1896-Feb. 14 Der Judenstaat published in Vienna. 

May Herzl recognized as leader by Zionist students of Vienna. 

July 13 London. Proclaimed leader of Jewry at meeting of Whitechapel Jews. Conflict with Chovevei Zion. 

July 18 Paris. Meeting with Baron Edmond Rothschild, who considers plan impracticable. 

November 8 Writes to British Zionists suggesting collection of a national fund. 

1897-March 6 Zionsverein decides upon Zionist Congress in Munich on August 25. 

June 4 Publication of first issue of Die Welt. 

June 17 Zionist Actions Committee decides to hold Congress in Basle. 

Aug. 29-31 First Zionist Congress convenes in Basle. 

1898-Aug. 28-30 Second Zionist Congress meets at Basle. 

October 26 Herzl party lands at Jaffa; tours Jewish colonies of Palestine. 

November 2 Formal audience with German Emperor at his headquarters outside Jerusalem. Problems of colonization discussed. 

1899-March 20 Registration of name of Jewish Colonial Trust, Ltd. 

August 15-17 Third Zionist Congress held at Basle. 

1900-Aug. 2 Fourth Zionist Congress opens in London. Herzl attends though he has barely recovered from serious illness. 

1901-May 18 Formal audience with Abdul Hamid II at Yildiz Kiosk. Herzl is promised pro-Jewish proclamation. Receives Grand Cordon of the Order of Medjidje, First Class. 

Dec. 29-31 Fifth Congress convenes at Basle. Zangwill attacks ICA. Conflict between Herzl and Russian "cultural" Zionists. Discussion of National Fund. 

1902-Feb. 17 Constantinople. Sultan offers Herzl charter, but not for Palestine. 

July 5 London. Conference with Lord Rothschild. 

July 7 London. Herzl appears before Royal Commission on Alien Immigration. 

October Publication of Altneuland. 

1903-Jan. El Arish expedition organized. 

May 11 Permission for El Arish colonization refused by Egypt. 

August 16 Vilna. Great ovations. There receives letter from Sir Clement Hill of British Foreign Office offering Uganda. 

Aug. 22-28 Sixth Zionist Congress held at Basle. Uganda conflict. 

1904-May 16 Last entry in Diaries--letter to Schiff. 

July 3 Death of Theodor Herzl. 

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