THE HISTORY OF ROME; BOOKS NINE TO TWENTY-SIX

Literally Translated, with Notes and Illustrations, by D. Spillan and Cyrus Edmonds. 

TITUS LIVIUS. 

BOOK IX. 

_Titus Veturius and Spurius Postumius, with their army, surroundedby the Samnites at the Caudine forks; enter into a treaty, give sixhundred hostages, and are sent under the yoke. The treaty declaredinvalid; the two generals and the other sureties sent back to theSamnites, but are not accepted. Not long after, Papirius Cursorobliterates this disgrace, by vanquishing the Samnites, sending themunder the yoke, and recovering the hostages. Two tribes added. AppiusClaudius, censor, constructs the Claudian aqueduct, and the Appianroad; admits the sons of freedom into the senate. Successes againstthe Apulians, Etruscans, Umbrians, Marsians, Pelignians, Aequans, andSamnites. Mention made of Alexander the Great, who flourished at thistime; a comparative estimate of his strength, and that of the Romanpeople, tending to show, that if he had carried his arms into Italy, he would not have been as successful there as he had been in theEastern countries. _

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1. This year is followed by the convention of Caudium, so memorable onaccount of the misfortune of the Romans, the consuls being TitusVeturius Calvinus and Spurius Postumius. The Samnites had as theircommander that year Caius Ponius, son to Herennius, born of a fathermost highly renowned for wisdom, and himself a consummate warrior andcommander. When the ambassadors, who had been sent to makerestitution, returned, without concluding a peace, he said, "That yemay not think that no purpose has been effected by this embassy, whatever degree of anger the deities of heaven had conceived againstus, on account of the infraction of the treaty, has been herebyexpiated. I am very confident, that whatever deities they were, whosewill it was that you should be reduced to the necessity of making therestitution, which had been demanded according to the treaty, it wasnot agreeable to them, that our atonement for the breach of treasonshould be so haughtily spurned by the Romans. For what more couldpossibly be done towards appeasing the gods, and softening the angerof men, than we have done? The effects of the enemy, taken among thespoils, which appeared to be our own by the right of war, we restored:the authors of the war, as we could not deliver them up alive, wedelivered them dead: their goods we carried to Rome, lest by retainingthem, any degree of guilt should remain among us. What more, Roman, doI owe to thee? what to the treaty? what to the gods, the guarantees ofthe treaty? What arbitrator shall I call in to judge of yourresentment, and of my punishment? I decline none; neither nation norprivate person. But if nothing in human law is left to the weakagainst stronger, I will appeal to the gods, the avengers ofintolerant arrogance, and will beseech them to turn their wrathagainst those for whom neither the restoration of their own effectsnor additional heaps of other men's property, can suffice, whosecruelty is not satiated by the death of the guilty, by the surrenderof their lifeless bodies, nor by their goods accompanying thesurrender of the owner; who cannot be appeased otherwise than bygiving them our blood to drink, and our entrails to be torn. Samnites, war is just to those for whom it is necessary, and arms are clear ofimpiety for those who have no hope left but in arms. Wherefore, as inevery human undertaking, it is of the utmost importance what mattermen may set about with the favour, what under the displeasure of thegods, be assured that the former wars ye waged in opposition to thegods more than to men; in this, which is now impending, ye will actunder the immediate guidance of the gods themselves. "

2. After uttering these predictions, not more cheering than true, heled out the troops, and placed his camp about Caudium as much out ofview as possible. From thence he sent to Calatia, where he heard thatthe Roman consuls were encamped, ten soldiers, in the habit ofshepherds, and ordered them to keep some cattle feeding in severaldifferent places, at a small distance from the Roman posts; and that, when they fell in with any of their foragers, they should all agree inthe same story, that the legions of the Samnites were then in Apulia, that they were besieging Luceria with their whole force, and very neartaking it by storm. Such a rumour had been industriously spreadbefore, and had already reached the Romans; but these prisonersincreased the credit of it, especially as they all concurred in thesame report. There was no doubt but that the Romans would carrysuccour to the Lucerians, as being good and faithful allies; and forthis further reason, lest all Apulia, through apprehension of theimpending danger, might go over to the enemy. The only point ofdeliberation was, by what road they should go. There were two roadsleading to Luceria, one along the coast of the upper sea, wide andopen; but, as it was the safer, so it was proportionably longer: theother, which was shorter, through the Caudine forks. The nature of theplace is this: there are two deep glens, narrow and covered with wood, connected together by mountains ranging on both sides from one to theother; between these lies a plain of considerable extent, enclosed inthe middle, abounding in grass and water, and through the middle ofwhich the passage runs: but before you can arrive at it, the firstdefile must be passed, while the only way back is through the road bywhich you entered it; or if in case of resolving to proceed forward, you must go by the other glen, which is still more narrow anddifficult. Into this plain the Romans, having marched down theirtroops by one of those passes through the cleft of a rock, when theyadvanced onward to the other defile, found it blocked up by treesthrown across, and a mound of huge stones lying in their way. When thestratagem of the enemy now became apparent, there is seen at the sametime a body of troops on the eminence over the glen. Hastening back, then, they proceed to retrace the road by which they had entered; theyfound that also shut up by such another fence, and men in arms. Then, without orders, they halted; amazement took possession of their minds, and a strange kind of numbness seized their limbs: they then remaineda long time motionless and silent, each looking to the other, as ifeach thought the other more capable of judging and advising thanhimself. After some time, when they saw that the consul's pavilionswere being erected, and that some were getting ready the implementsfor throwing up works, although they were sensible that it must appearridiculous the attempt to raise a fortification in their presentdesperate condition, and when almost every hope was lost, would be anobject of necessity, yet, not to add a fault to their misfortunes, they all, without being advised or ordered by any one, set earnestlyto work, and enclosed a camp with a rampart, close to the water, whilethemselves, besides that the enemy heaped insolent taunts on them, seemed with melancholy to acknowledge the apparent fruitlessness oftheir toil and labour. The lieutenants-general and tribunes, withoutbeing summoned to consultation, (for there was no room for eitherconsultation or remedy, ) assembled round the dejected consul; whilethe soldiers, crowding to the general's quarters, demanded from theirleaders that succour, which it was hardly in the power of the immortalgods themselves to afford them. 

3. Night came on them while lamenting their situation rather thanconsulting, whilst they urged expedients, each according to histemper; one crying out, "Let us go over those fences of the roads;"others, "over the steeps; through the woods; any way, where arms canbe carried. Let us be but permitted to come to the enemy, whom we havebeen used to conquer now near thirty years. All places will be leveland plain to a Roman, fighting against the perfidious Samnite. "Another would say, "Whither, or by what way can we go? Do we expect toremove the mountains from their foundations? While these cliffs hangover us, by what road will you reach the enemy? Whether armed orunarmed, brave or dastardly, we are all, without distinction, capturedand vanquished. The enemy will not even show us a weapon by which wemight die with honour. He will finish the war without moving from hisseat. " In such discourse, thinking of neither food nor rest, the nightwas passed. Nor could the Samnites, though in circumstances so joyous, instantly determine how to act: it was therefore universally agreedthat Herennius Pontius, father of the general, should be consulted byletter. He was now grown feeble through age, and had withdrawnhimself, not only from all military, but also from all civiloccupations; yet, notwithstanding the decline of his bodily strength, his mind retained its full vigour. When he heard that the Roman armieswere shut up at the Caudine forks between the two glens, beingconsulted by his son's messenger, he gave his opinion, that theyshould all be immediately dismissed from thence unhurt. On thiscounsel being rejected, and the same messenger returning a secondtime, he recommended that they should all, to a man, be put to death. When these answers, so opposite to each other, like those of anambiguous oracle, were given, although his son in particularconsidered that the powers of his father's mind, together with thoseof his body, had been impaired by age, was yet prevailed on, by thegeneral desire of all, to send for him to consult him. The old man, weare told, complied without reluctance, and was carried in a waggon tothe camp, where, when summoned to give his advice, he spoke in suchway as to make no alteration in his opinions; he only added thereasons for them. That "by his first plan, which he esteemed the best, he meant, by an act of extraordinary kindness, to establish perpetualpeace and friendship with a most powerful nation: by the other, to putoff the return of war to the distance of many ages, during which theRoman state, after the loss of those two armies, could not easilyrecover its strength. " A third plan there was not. When his son, andthe other chiefs, went on to ask him if "a plan of a middle kind mightnot be adopted; that they both should be dismissed unhurt, and, at thesame time, by the right of war, terms imposed on them as vanquished?""That, indeed, " said he, "is a plan of such a nature, as neitherprocures friends or removes enemies. Only preserve those whom ye wouldirritate by ignominious treatment. The Romans are a race who know nothow to sit down quiet under defeat; whatever that is which the presentnecessity shall brand will rankle in their breasts for ever, and willnot suffer them to rest, until they have wreaked manifold vengeance onyour heads. " Neither of these plans was approved, and Herennius wascarried home from the camp. 

4. In the Roman camp also, when many fruitless efforts to force apassage had been made, and they were now destitute of every means ofsubsistence, forced by necessity, they send ambassadors, who werefirst to ask peace on equal terms; which, if they did not obtain, theywere to challenge the enemy to battle. To this Pontius answered, that"the war was at an end; and since, even in their present vanquishedand captive state, they were not willing to acknowledge theirsituation, he would send them under the yoke unarmed, each with asingle garment; that the other conditions of peace should be such aswere just between the conquerors and the conquered. If their troopswould depart, and their colonies be withdrawn out of the territoriesof the Samnites; for the future, the Romans and Samnites, under atreaty of equality, shall live according to their own respective laws. On these terms he was ready to negotiate with the consuls: and if anyof these should not be accepted, he forbade the ambassadors to come tohim again. " When the result of this embassy was made known, suchgeneral lamentation suddenly arose, and such melancholy tookpossession of them, that had they been told that all were to die onthe spot, they could not have felt deeper affliction. After silencecontinued a long time, and the consuls were not able to utter a word, either in favour of a treaty so disgraceful, or against a treaty sonecessary; at length, Lucius Lentulus, who was the first among thelieutenants-general, both in respect of bravery, and of the publichonours which he had attained, addressed them thus: "Consuls, I haveoften heard my father say, that he was the only person in the Capitolwho did not advise the senate to ransom the state from the Gauls withgold; and these he would not concur in, because they had not beenenclosed with a trench and rampart by the enemy, (who were remarkablyslothful with respect to works and raising fortifications, ) andbecause they might sally forth, if not without great danger, yetwithout certain destruction. Now if, in like manner as they had it intheir power to run down from the Capitol in arms against their foe, asmen besieged have often sallied out on the besiegers, it were possiblefor us to come to blows with the enemy, either on equal or unequalground, I would not be wanting in the high quality of my father'sspirit in stating my advice. I acknowledge, indeed, that death, indefence of our country, is highly glorious; and I am ready, either todevote myself for the Roman people and the legions, or to plunge intothe midst of the enemy. But in this spot I behold my country: in thisspot, the whole of the Roman legions, and unless these choose to rushon death in defence of their own individual characters, what have theywhich can be preserved by their death? The houses of the city, somemay say, and the walls of it, and the crowd who dwell in it, by whichthe city is inhabited. But in fact, in case of the destruction of thisarmy, all these are betrayed, not preserved. For who will protectthem? An unwarlike and unarmed multitude, shall I suppose? Yes, justas they defended them against the attack of the Gauls. Will they callto their succour an army from Veii, with Camillus at its head? Here onthe spot, I repeat, are all our hopes and strength; by preservingwhich, we preserve our country; by delivering them up to death, weabandon and betray our country. But a surrender is shameful andignominious. True: but such ought to be our affection for our country, that we should save it by our own disgrace, if necessity required, asfreely as by our death. Let therefore that indignity be undergone, howgreat soever, and let us submit to that necessity which even the godsthemselves do not overcome. Go, consuls, ransom the state for arms, which your ancestors ransomed with gold. "

5. The consuls having gone to Pontius to confer with him, when hetalked, in the strain of a conqueror, of a treaty, they declared thatsuch could not be concluded without an order of the people, norwithout the ministry of the heralds, and the other customary rites. Accordingly the Caudine peace was not ratified by settled treaty, asis commonly believed, and even asserted by Claudius, but byconventional sureties. For what occasion would these be either forsureties or hostages in the former case, where the ratification isperformed by the imprecation, "that whichever nation shall giveoccasion to the said terms being violated, may Jupiter strike thatnation in like manner as the swine is struck by the heralds. " Theconsuls, lieutenants-general, quaestors, and military tribunes, becamesureties; and the names of all these who became sureties are extant;where, had the business been transacted by treaty, none would haveappeared but those of the two heralds. On account of the necessarydelay of the treaty six hundred horsemen were demanded as hostages, who were to suffer death if the compact were not fulfilled; a time wasthen fixed for delivering up the hostages, and sending away the troopsdisarmed. The return of the consuls renewed the general grief in thecamp, insomuch that the men hardly refrained from offering violence tothem, "by whose rashness, " they said, "they had been brought into sucha situation; and through whose cowardice they were likely to departwith greater disgrace than they came. They had employed no guidethrough the country, nor scouts; but were sent out blindly, likebeasts into a pitfall" They cast looks on each other, viewed earnestlythe arms which they must presently surrender; while their personswould be subject to the whim of the enemy: figured to themselves thehostile yoke, the scoffs of the conquerors, their haughty looks, andfinally, thus disarmed, their march through the midst of an armed foe. In a word, they saw with horror the miserable journey of theirdishonoured band through the cities of the allies; and their returninto their own country, to their parents, whither themselves, andtheir ancestors, had so often come in triumph. Observing, that "theyalone had been conquered without a fight, without a weapon thrown, without a wound; that they had not been permitted to draw theirswords, nor to engage the enemy. In vain had arms, in vain hadstrength, in vain had courage been given them. " While they were givingvent to such grievous reflections, the fatal hour of their disgracearrived, which was to render every circumstance still more shocking infact, than they had preconceived it in their imaginations. First, theywere ordered to go out, beyond the rampart, unarmed, and with singlegarments; then the hostages were surrendered, and carried intocustody. The lictors were next commanded to depart from the consuls, and the robes of the latter were stripped off. This excited such adegree of commiseration in the breasts of those very men, who a littlebefore, pouring execrations upon them, had proposed that they shouldbe delivered up and torn to pieces, that every one, forgetting his owncondition, turned away his eyes from that degradation of so high adignity, as from a spectacle too horrid to behold. 

6. First, the consuls, nearly half naked, were sent under the yoke;then each officer, according to his rank, was exposed to disgrace, andthe legions successively. The enemy stood on each side under arms, reviling and mocking them; swords were pointed at most of them, several were wounded and some even slain, when their looks, renderedtoo fierce by the indignity to which they were subjected, gave offenceto the conquerors. Thus were they led under the yoke; and what wasstill more intolerable, under the eyes of the enemy. When they had gotclear of the defile, they seemed as if they had been drawn up from theinfernal regions, and then for the first time beheld the light; yet, when they viewed the ignominious appearance of the army, the lightitself was more painful to them than any kind of death could havebeen; so that although they might have arrived at Capua before night, yet, uncertain with respect to the fidelity of the allies, and becauseshame embarrassed them, in need of every thing, they threw themselvescarelessly on the ground, on each side of the road: which being toldat Capua, just compassion for their allies got the better of thearrogance natural to the Campanians. They immediately sent to theconsuls their ensigns of office, the fasces and lictors; to thesoldiers, arms, horses, clothes, and provisions in abundance: and, ontheir approach to Capua, the whole senate and people went out to meetthem, and performed every proper office of hospitality, both publicand private. But the courtesy, kind looks, and address of the allies, could not only not draw a word from them, but it could not evenprevail on them to raise their eyes, or look their consoling friendsin the face, so completely did shame, in addition to grief, obligethem to shun the conversation and society of these their friends. Nextday, when some young nobles, who had been sent from Capua, to escortthem on their road to the frontiers of Campania, returned, they werecalled into the senate-house, and, in answer to the inquiries of theelder members, said, that "to them they seemed deeply sunk inmelancholy and dejection; that the whole body moved on in silence, almost as if dumb; the former genius of the Romans was prostrated, andthat their spirit had been taken from them, together with their arms. Not one returned a salute, nor returned an answer to those who greetedthem; as if, through fear, they were unable to utter a word; as iftheir necks still carried the yoke under which they had been sent. That the Samnites had obtained a victory, not only glorious, butlasting also; for they had subdued, not Rome merely, as the Gauls hadformerly done, but what was a much wore warlike achievement, the Romancourage. " When these remarks were made and attentively listened to, and the almost extinction of the Roman name was lamented in thisassembly of faithful allies, Ofilius Calavius, son of Ovius, a manhighly distinguished, both by his birth and conduct, and at this timefurther respectable on account of his age, is said to have declaredthat he entertained a very different opinion in the case. "Thisobstinate silence, " said he, "those eyes fixed on the earth, --thoseears deaf to all comfort, --with the shame of beholding the light, --areindications of a mind calling forth, from its inmost recesses, theutmost exertions of resentment. Either he was ignorant of the temperof the Romans, or that silence would shortly excite, among theSamnites, lamentable cries and groans; for that the remembrance of theCaudine peace would be much more sorrowful to the Samnites than to theRomans. Each side would have their own native spirit, wherever theyshould happen to engage, but the Samnites would not, every where, havethe glens of Caudium. "

7. Their disaster was, by this time, well known at Rome also. Atfirst, they heard that the troops were shut up; afterwards the news ofthe ignominious peace caused greater affliction than had been felt fortheir danger. On the report of their being surrounded, a levy of menwas begun; but when it was understood that the army had surrendered inso disgraceful a manner, the preparations were laid aside; andimmediately, without any public directions, a general mourning tookplace, with all the various demonstrations of grief. The shops wereshut; and all business ceased in the forum, spontaneously, before itwas proclaimed. Laticlaves [Footnote: In the original, _lati clavi_. The latus clavus was a tunic, or vest, ornamented with a broad stripeof purple on the fore part, worn by the senators; the knights wore asimilar one, only ornamented with a narrower stripe. Gold rings werealso used as badges of distinction, the common people wore iron ones. ]and gold rings were laid aside: and the public were in greatertribulation, if possible, than the army itself; they were not onlyenraged against the commanders, the advisers and sureties of the peace, but detested even the unoffending soldiers, and asserted, that theyought not to be admitted into the city or its habitations. But thesetransports of passion were allayed by the arrival of the troops, whichexcited compassion even in the angry; for entering into the city, notlike men returning into their country with unexpected safety, but inthe habit and with the looks of captives, late in the evening; they hidthemselves so closely in their houses, that, for the next, and severalfollowing days, not one of them could bear to come in sight of theforum, or of the public. The consuls, shut up in private, transacted noofficial business, except that which was wrung from them by a decree ofthe senate, to nominate a dictator to preside at the elections. Theynominated Quintus Fabius Ambustus, and as master of the horse PubliusAelius Paetus. But they having been irregularly appointed, there weresubstituted in their room, Marcus Aemilius Papus dictator, and LuciusValerius Flaccus master of the horse. But neither did these hold theelections: and the people being dissatisfied with all the magistratesof that year, an interregnum ensued. The interreges were, QuintusFabius Maximus and Marcus Valerius Corvus, who elected consuls QuintusPublilius Philo, and Lucius Papirius Cursor a second time; a choiceuniversally approved, for there were no commanders at that time ofhigher reputation. 

8. They entered into office on the day they were elected, for so ithad been determined by the fathers. When the customary decrees of thesenate were passed, they proposed the consideration of the Caudinepeace; and Publilius, who was in possession of the fasces, said, "Spurius Postumius, speak:" he arose with just the same countenancewith which he had passed under the yoke, and delivered himself to thiseffect: "Consuls, I am well aware that I have been called up firstwith marked ignominy, not with honour; and that I am ordered to speak, not as being a senator, but as a person answerable as well for anunsuccessful war as for a disgraceful peace. However, since thequestion propounded by you is not concerning our guilt, or ourpunishment; waving a defence, which would not be very difficult, before men who are not unacquainted with human casualties ornecessities, I shall briefly state my opinion on the matter inquestion; which opinion will testify, whether I meant to spare myselfor your legions, when I engaged as surety to the convention, whetherdishonourable or necessary: by which, however, the Roman people arenot bound, inasmuch as it was concluded without their order; nor isany thing liable to be forfeited to the Samnites, in consequence ofit, except our persons. Let us then be delivered up to them by theheralds, naked, and in chains. Let us free the people of the religiousobligation, if we have bound them under any such; so that there may beno restriction, divine or human, to prevent your entering on the waranew, without violating either religion or justice. I am also ofopinion, that the consuls, in the mean time, enlist, arm, and lead outan army; but that they should not enter the enemy's territories beforeevery particular, respecting the surrender of us, be regularlyexecuted. You, O immortal gods! I pray and beseech that, although ithas not been your will that Spurius Postumius and Titus Veturius, asconsuls, should wage war with success against the Samnites, ye may yetdeem it sufficient to have seen us sent under the yoke; to have seenus bound under an infamous convention; to have seen us delivered intothe hands of our foes naked and shackled, taking on our own heads thewhole weight of the enemy's resentment. And grant, that the consulsand legions of Rome may wage war against the Samnites, with the samefortune with which every war has been waged before we became consuls. "On his concluding this speech, men's minds were so impressed with bothadmiration and compassion, that now they could scarce believe him tobe the same Spurius Postumius who had been the author of so shameful apeace; again lamenting, that such a man was likely to undergo, amongthe enemy, a punishment even beyond that of others, through resentmentfor annulling the peace. When all the members, extolling him withpraises, expressed their approbation of his sentiments, a protest wasattempted for a time by Lucius Livius and Quintus Maelius, tribunes ofthe commons, who said, that "the people could not be acquitted of thereligious obligation by the consuls being given up, unless all thingswere restored to the Samnites in the same state in which they had beenat Caudium; nor had they themselves deserved any punishment, forhaving, by becoming sureties to the peace, preserved the army of theRoman people; nor, finally, could they, being sacred and inviolable, be surrendered to the enemy or treated with violence. "

9. To this Postumius replied, "In the mean time surrender us asunsanctified persons, which ye may do, without offence to religion;those sacred and inviolable personages, the tribunes, ye willafterwards deliver up as soon as they go out of office: but, if yelisten to me, they will be first scourged with rods, here in theComitium, that they may pay this as interest for their punishmentbeing delayed. For, as to their denying that the people are acquittedof the religious obligation, by our being given up, who is there soignorant of the laws of the heralds, as not to know, that those menspeak in that manner, that they themselves may not be surrendered, rather than because the case is really so? Still I do not deny, conscript fathers, that compacts, on sureties given, are as sacred astreaties, in the eyes of all who regard faith between men, with thesame reverence which is paid to duties respecting the gods: but Iinsist, that without the order of the people, nothing can be ratifiedthat is to bind the people. Suppose that, out of the same arrogancewith which the Samnites wrung from us the convention in question, theyhad compelled us to repeat the established form of words for thesurrendering of cities, would ye, tribunes, say, that the Roman peoplewas surrendered? and, that this city, these temples, and consecratedgrounds, these lands and waters, were become the property of theSamnites? I say no more of the surrender, because our having becomesureties is the point insisted on. Now, suppose we had become suretiesthat the Roman people should quit this city; that they should set iton fire; that they should have no magistrates, no senate, no laws;that they should, in future, be ruled by kings: the gods forbid, yousay. But, the enormity of the articles lessens not the obligation of acompact. If there is any thing in which the people can be bound, itcan in all. Nor is there any importance in another circumstance, whichweighs, perhaps, with some: whether a consul, a dictator, or apraetor, be the surety. And this, indeed, was what even the Samnitesthemselves proved, who were not satisfied with the security of theconsuls, but compelled the lieutenants-general, quaestors, andmilitary tribunes to join them. Let no one, then, demand of me, why Ientered into such a compact, when neither such power was vested in aconsul, and when I could not either to them, insure a peace, of whichI could not command the ratification; or in behalf of you, who hadgiven me no powers. Conscript fathers, none of the transactions atCaudium were directed by human wisdom. The immortal gods deprived ofunderstanding both your generals and those of the enemy. On the oneside we acted not with sufficient caution in the war; on the other, they threw away a victory, which through our folly they had obtained, while they hardly confided in the places, by means of which they hadconquered; but were in haste, on any terms, to take arms out of thehands of men who were born to arms. Had their reason been sound, wouldit have been difficult, during the time which they spent in sendingfor old men from home to give them advice, to send ambassadors toRome, and to negotiate a peace and treaty with the senate, and withthe people? It would have been a journey of only three days toexpeditious travellers. In the interim, matters might have restedunder a truce, that is, until their ambassadors should have broughtfrom Rome, either certain victory or peace. That would have beenreally a compact, on the faith of sureties, for we should have becomesureties by order of the people. But, neither would ye have passedsuch an order, nor should we have pledged our faith; nor was it rightthat the affair should have any other issue, than, that they should bevainly mocked with a dream, as it were, of greater prosperity thantheir minds were capable of comprehending, and that the same fortune, which had entangled our army, should extricate it; that an ineffectualvictory should be frustrated by a more ineffectual peace; and that aconvention, on the faith of a surety, should be introduced, whichbound no other person beside the surety. For what part had ye, conscript fathers; what part had the people, in this affair? Who cancall upon you? Who can say, that he has been deceived by you? Can theenemy? Can a citizen? To the enemy ye engaged nothing. Ye ordered nocitizen to engage on your behalf. Ye are therefore no way concernedeither with us, to whom ye gave no commission; nor with the Samnites, with whom ye transacted no business. We are sureties to the Samnites;debtors, sufficiently wealthy in that which is our own, in that whichwe can offer--our bodies and our minds. On these, let them exercisetheir cruelty; against these, let them whet their resentment and theirswords. As to what relates to the tribunes, consider whether thedelivering them up can be effected at the present time, or if it mustbe deferred to another day. Meanwhile let us, Titus Veturius, and therest concerned, offer our worthless persons, as atonements for thebreaking our engagements, and, by our sufferings liberate the Romanarmies. "

10. Both these arguments, and, still more, the author of them, powerfully affected the senators; as they did likewise every one, notexcepting even the tribunes of the commons who declared, that theywould be directed by the senate. They then instantly resigned theiroffice, and were delivered, together with the rest, to the heralds, tobe conducted to Caudium. On passing this decree of the senate, itseemed as if some new light had shone upon the state: Postumius was inevery mouth: they extolled him to heaven; and pronounced his conductas equal even to the devoting act of the consul Publius Decius, and toother illustrious acts. "Through his counsel, and exertions, " theysaid, "the state had raised up its head from an ignominious peace. Henow offered himself to the enemy's rage, and to torments; and wassuffering, in atonement for the Roman people. " All turned theirthoughts towards arms and war, [and the general cry was, ] "When shallwe be permitted with arms in our hands to meet the Samnites?" Whilethe state glowed with resentment and rancour, the levies were composedalmost entirely of volunteers. New legions, composed of the formersoldiers, were quickly formed, and an army marched to Caudium. Theheralds, who went before, on coming to the gate, ordered the suretiesof the peace to be stripped of their clothes, and their hands to betied behind their backs. As the apparitor, out of respect to hisdignity, was binding Postumius in a loose manner, "Why do you not, "said he, "draw the cord tight, that the surrender may be regularlyperformed?" Then, when they came into the assembly of the Samnites, and to the tribunal of Pontius, Aulus Cornelius Arvina, a herald, pronounced these words: "Forasmuch as these men, here present, withoutorders from the Roman people, the Quirites, entered into surety, thata treaty should be made, and have thereby rendered themselvescriminal; now, in order that the Roman people may be freed from thecrime of impiety, I here surrender these men into your hands. " On theherald saying thus, Postumius gave him a stroke on the thigh with hisknee, as forcibly as he could, and said with a loud voice, that "hewas now a citizen of Samnium, the other a Roman ambassador; that theherald had been, by him, violently ill-treated, contrary to the law ofnations; and that his people would therefore have the more justice ontheir side, in waging war. "

11. Pontius then said, "Neither will I accept such a surrender, norwill the Samnites deem it valid. Spurius Postumius, if you believethat there are gods, why do you not undo all that has been done, orfulfil your agreement? The Samnite nation is entitled, either to allthe men whom it had in its power, or, instead of them, to a peace. Butwhy do I call on you, who, with as much regard to faith as you areable to show, return yourself a prisoner into the hands of theconqueror? I call on the Roman people. If they are dissatisfied withthe convention made at the Caudine forks, let them replace the legionswithin the defile where they were pent up. Let there be no deceptionon either side. Let all that has been done pass as nothing. Let themreceive again the army which they surrendered by the convention; letthem return into their camp. Whatever they were in possession of, theday before the conference, let them possess again. Then let war andresolute counsels be adopted. Then let the convention, and peace, berejected. Let us carry on the war in the same circumstances, andsituations, in which we were before peace was mentioned. Let neitherthe Roman people blame the convention of the consuls, nor us the faithof the Roman people. Will ye never want an excuse for not standing tothe compacts which ye make on being defeated? Ye gave hostages toPorsena: ye clandestinely withdrew them. Ye ransomed your state fromthe Gauls, for gold: while they were receiving the gold, they were putto the sword. Ye concluded a peace with us, on condition of ourrestoring your captured legions: that peace ye now annul; in fine, yealways spread over your fraudulent conduct some show of right. Do theRoman people disapprove of their legions being saved by an ignominiouspeace? Let them have their peace, and return the captured legions tothe conqueror. This would be conduct consistent with faith, withtreaties, and with the laws of the heralds. But that you should, inconsequence of the convention, obtain what you desired, the safety ofso many of your countrymen, while I obtain not, what I stipulated foron sending you back those men, a peace; is this the law which you, Aulus Cornelius, which ye, heralds, prescribe to nations? But for mypart, I neither accept those men whom ye pretend to surrender, norconsider them as surrendered; nor do I hinder them from returning intotheir own country, which stands bound under an actual convention, formally entered into carrying with them the wrath of all the gods, whose authority is thus baffled. Wage war, since Spurius Postumius hasjust now struck with his knee the herald, in character of ambassador. The gods are to believe that Postumius is a citizen of Samnium, not ofRome; and that a Roman ambassador has been violated by a Samnite; andthat therefore a just war has been waged against us by you. That menof years, and of consular dignity, should not be ashamed to exhibitsuch mockery of religion in the face of day! And should have recourseto such shallow artifices to palliate their breach of faith, unworthyeven of children! Go, lictor, take off the bonds from those Romans. Let no one delay them from departing when they think proper. "Accordingly they returned unhurt from Caudium to the Roman camp, having acquitted, certainly, their own faith, and perhaps that of thepublic. 

12. The Samnites finding that instead of a peace which flattered theirpride, the war was revived, and with the utmost inveteracy, not onlyfelt, in their minds, a foreboding of all the consequences whichensued, but saw them, in a manner, before their eyes. They now, toolate and in vain, applauded the plans of old Pontius, by blunderingbetween which, they had exchanged the possession of victory for anuncertain peace; and having lost the opportunity of doing a kindnessor an injury, were now to fight against men, whom they might haveeither put out of the way, for ever, as enemies; or engaged, for ever, as friends. And such was the change which had taken place in men'sminds, since the Caudine peace, even before any trial of strength hadshown an advantage on either side, that Postumius, by surrenderinghimself, had acquired greater renown among the Romans, than Pontiusamong the Samnites, by his bloodless victory. The Romans consideredtheir being at liberty to make war, a certain victory; while theSamnites supposed the Romans victorious, the moment they resumed theirarms. Meanwhile, the Satricans revolted to the Samnites, who attackedthe colony of Fregellae, by a sudden surprise in the night, accompanied, as it appears, by the Satricans. From that time untilday, their mutual fears kept both parties quiet: the daylight was thesignal for battle, which the Fregellans contrived to maintain, for aconsiderable time, without loss of ground; both because they foughtfor their religion and liberty; and the multitude, who were unfit tobear arms, assisted them from the tops of the houses. At length astratagem gave the advantage to the assailants; for they suffered thevoice of a crier to be heard proclaiming, that "whoever laid down hisarms might retire in safety. " This relaxed their eagerness in thefight, and they began almost every where to throw away their arms. Apart, more determined, however, retaining their arms, rushed out bythe opposite gate, and their boldness brought greater safety to them, than their fear, which inclined them to credulity, did to the others:for the Samnites, having surrounded the latter with fires, burned themall to death, while they made vain appeals to the faith of gods andmen. The consuls having settled the province between them, Papiriusproceeded into Apulia to Luceria where the Roman horsemen, given ashostages at Caudium were kept in custody: Publilius remained inSamnium, to oppose the Caudine legions. This proceeding perplexed theminds of the Samnites: they could not safely determine either to go toLuceria, lest the enemy should press on their rear or to remain wherethey were, lest in the mean time Luceria should be lost. Theyconcluded, therefore, that it would be most advisable to trust to thedecision of fortune, and to take the issue of a battle with Publilius:accordingly they drew out their forces into the field. 

13. When Publilius was about to engage, considering it proper toaddress his soldiers first, he ordered an assembly be summoned. Butthough they ran together to the general's quarters with the greatestalacrity, yet so loud were the clamours, demanding the fight, thatnone of the general's exhortations were heard: each man's ownreflections on the late disgrace served as an exhortation. Theyadvanced therefore to battle, urging the standard-bearers to hasten;at rest, in beginning the conflict, there should be any delay, inwielding their javelins and then drawing their swords, they threw awaythe former, as if a signal to that purpose had been given, and, drawing the latter, rushed in full speed upon the foe. Nothing of ageneral's skill was displayed in forming ranks or reserves; theresentment of the troops performed all, with a degree of fury littleinferior to madness. The enemy, therefore, were not only completelyrouted, not even daring to embarrass their flight by retreating totheir camp but dispersing, made towards Apulia in scattered parties:afterwards, however, collecting their forces into one body, theyreached Luceria. The same exasperation, which had carried the Romansthrough the midst of the enemy's line, carried them forward also intotheir camp, where greater carnage was made, and more blood spilt, thaneven in the field, while the greater part of the spoil was destroyedin their rage. The other army, with the consul Papirius, had nowarrived at Arpi, on the sea-coast, having passed without molestationthrough all the countries in their way; which was owing to theill-treatment received by those people from the Samnites, and theirhatred towards them, rather than to any favour received from the Romanpeople. For such of the Samnites as dwelt on the mountains in separatevillages, used to ravage the low lands, and the places on the coast;and being mountaineers, and savage themselves, despised the husbandmenwho were of a gentler kind, and, as generally happens, resembled thedistrict they inhabited. Now if this tract had been favourablyaffected towards the Samnites, either the Roman army could have beenprevented from reaching Arpi, or, as it lay between Rome and Arpi, itmight have intercepted the convoys of provisions, and utterlydestroyed them by the consequent scarcity of all necessaries. Even asit was, when they went from thence to Luceria, both the besiegers andthe besieged were distressed equally by want. Every kind of supplieswas brought to the Romans from Arpi; but in so very scanty proportion, that the horsemen had to carry corn from thence to the camp, in littlebags, for the foot, who were employed in the outposts, watches, andworks; and sometimes falling in with the enemy, they were obliged tothrow the corn from off their horses, in order to fight. Before thearrival of the other consul and his victorious army, both provisionshad been brought in to the Samnites, and reinforcements conveyed in tothem from the mountains; but the coming of Publilius contracted alltheir resources; for, committing the siege to the care of hiscolleague, and keeping himself disengaged, he threw every difficultyin the way of the enemy's convoys. There being therefore little hopefor the besieged, or that they would be able much longer to endurewant, the Samnites, encamped at Luceria, were obliged to collect theirforces from every side, and come to an engagement with Papirius. 

14. At this juncture, while both parties were preparing for an action, ambassadors from the Tarentines interposed, requiring both Samnitesand Romans to desist from war; with menaces, that "if either refusedto agree to a cessation of hostilities, they would join their armswith the other party against them. " Papirius, on hearing the purportof their embassy, as if influenced by their words, answered, that hewould consult his colleague: he then sent for him, employing theintermediate time in the necessary preparations; and when he hadconferred with him on a matter, about which no doubt was entertained, he made the signal for battle. While the consuls were employed inperforming the religious rites and the other usual businesspreparatory to an engagement the Tarentine ambassadors put themselvesin their way, expecting an answer: to whom Papirius said, "Tarentines, the priest reports that the auspices are favourable, and that oursacrifices have been attended with excellent omens: under thedirection of the gods, we are proceeding, as you see, to action. " Hethen ordered the standards to move, and led out the troops; thusrebuking the exorbitant arrogance of that nation, which at a timewhen, through intestine discord and sedition, it was unequal to themanagement of its own affairs, yet presumed to prescribe the bounds ofpeace and war to others. On the other side, the Samnites, who hadneglected every preparation for fighting, either because they werereally desirous of peace, or it seemed their interest to pretend to beso, in order to conciliate the favour of the Tarentines, when theysaw, on a sudden, the Romans drawn up for battle, cried out, that"they would continue to be directed by the Tarentines, and wouldneither march out, nor carry their arms beyond the rampart. That ifdeceived, they would rather endure any consequence which chance maybring, than show contempt to the Tarentines, the advisers of peace. "The consuls said that "they embraced the omen, and prayed that theenemy might continue in the resolution of not even defending theirrampart. " Then, dividing the forces between them, they advanced to theworks; and, making an assault on every side at once, while some filledup the trenches, others tore down the rampart, and tumbled it into thetrench. All were stimulated, not only by their native courage, but bythe resentment which, since their disgrace, had been festering intheir breasts. They made their way into the camp; where, every onerepeating, that here was not Caudium, nor the forks, nor theimpassable glens, where cunning haughtily triumphed over error; butRoman valour, which no rampart nor trench could ward off;--they slew, without distinction, those who resisted and those who fled, the armedand unarmed, freemen and slaves, young and old, men and cattle. Norwould a single animal have escaped, had not the consuls given thesignal for retreat; and, by commands and threats, forced out of thecamp the soldiers, greedy of slaughter. As they were highly incensedat being thus interrupted in the gratification of their vengeance, aspeech was immediately addressed to them, assuring the soldiers, that"the consuls neither did nor would fall short of any one of thesoldiers, in hatred toward the enemy; on the contrary, as they led theway in battle, so would they have done the same in executing unboundedvengeance, had not the consideration of the six hundred horsemen, whowere confined as hostages in Luceria, restrained their inclinations;lest total despair of pardon might drive on the enemy blindly to takevengeance on them, eager to destroy them before they themselves shouldperish. " The soldiers highly applauded this conduct, and rejoiced thattheir resentment had been checked, and acknowledged that every thingought to be endured, rather than that the safety of so many Romanyouths of the first distinction should be brought into danger. 

15. The assembly being then dismissed, a consultation was held, whether they should press forward the siege of Luceria, with all theirforces; or, whether with one of the commanders, and his army, trialshould be made of the Apulians, a nation in the neighbourhood stilldoubtful. The consul Publilius set out to make a circuit throughApulia, and in the one expedition either reduced by force, or receivedinto alliance on conditions, a considerable number of the states. Papirius likewise, who had remained to prosecute the siege of Luceria, soon found the event agreeable to his hopes: for all the roads beingblocked up through which provisions used to be conveyed from Samnium, the Samnites, who were in garrison, were reduced so low by famine, that they sent ambassadors to the Roman consul, proposing that heshould raise the siege, on receiving the horsemen who were the causeof the war, to whom Papirius returned this answer, that "they ought tohave consulted Pontius, son of Herennius, by whose advice they hadsent the Romans under the yoke, what treatment he thought fitting forthe conquered to undergo. But since, instead of offering fair termsthemselves, they chose rather that they should be imposed on them bytheir enemies, he desired them to carry back orders to the troops inLuceria, that they should leave within the walls their arms, baggage, beasts of burthen, and all persons unfit for war. The soldiers hewould send under the yoke with single garments, retaliating thedisgrace formerly inflicted, not inflicting a new one. " The terms werenot rejected. Seven thousand soldiers were sent under the yoke, and animmense booty was seized in Luceria, all the standards and arms whichthey had lost at Caudium being recovered; and, what greatly surpassedall their joy, recovered the horsemen whom the Samnites had sent toLuceria to be kept as pledges of the peace. Hardly ever did the Romansgain a victory more distinguished for the sudden reverse produced inthe state of their affairs; especially if it be true, as I find insome annals, that Pontius, son of Herennius, the Samnite general, wassent under the yoke along with the rest, to atone for the disgrace ofthe consuls. I think it indeed more strange that there should existany doubt whether it was Lucius Cornelius, in quality of dictator, Lucius Papirius Cursor being master of the horse, who performed theseachievements at Caudium, and afterwards at Luceria, as the singleavenger of the disgrace of the Romans, enjoying the best deservedtriumph, perhaps, next to that of Furius Camillus, which had ever yetbeen obtained; or whether that honour belongs to the consuls, andparticularly to Papirius. This uncertainty is followed by another, whether, at the next election, Papirius Cursor was chosen consul athird time, with Quintus Aulus Ceretanus a second time, beingre-elected in requital of his services at Luceria; or whether it wasLucius Papirius Mugillanus, the surname being mistaken. 

16. From henceforth, the accounts are clear, that the other wars wereconducted to a conclusion by the consuls. Aulius by one successfulbattle, entirely conquered the Forentans. The city, to which theirarmy had retreated after its defeat, surrendered on terms, hostageshaving been demanded. With similar success the other consul conductedhis operations against the Satricans; who, though Roman citizens, had, after the misfortune at Caudium, revolted to the Samnites, andreceived a garrison into their city. The Satricans, however, when theRoman army approached their walls, sent deputies to sue for peace, with humble entreaties; to whom the consul answered harshly, that"they must not come again to him, unless they either put to death, ordelivered up, the Samnite garrison:" by which terms greater terror wasstruck into the colonists than by the arms with which they werethreatened. The deputies, accordingly, several times asking theconsul, how he thought that they, who were few and weak, could attemptto use force against a garrison so strong and well-armed: he desiredthem to "seek counsel from those, by whose advice they had receivedthat garrison into the city. " They then departed, and returned totheir countrymen, having obtained from the consul, with muchdifficulty, permission to consult their senate on the matter, andbring back their answer to him. Two factions divided the senate; onethat whose leaders had been the authors of the defection from theRoman people, the other consisted of the citizens who retained theirloyalty; both, however, showed an earnest desire, that every meansshould be used towards effecting an accommodation with the consul forthe restoration of peace. As the Samnite garrison, being in no respectprepared for holding out a siege, intended to retire the next nightout of the town, one party thought it sufficient to discover to theconsul, at what hour, through what gate, and by what road, his enemywas to march out. The other, against whose wishes defection to theSamnites had occurred, even opened one of the gates for the consul inthe night, secretly admitting the armed enemy into the town. Inconsequence of this twofold treachery, the Samnite garrison wassurprised and overpowered by an ambush, placed in the woody places, near the road; and, at the same time, a shout was raised in the city, which was now filled with the enemy. Thus, in the short space of onehour, the Samnites were put to the sword, the Satricans madeprisoners, and all things reduced under the power of the consul; who, having instituted an inquiry by whose means the revolt had takenplace, scourged with rods and beheaded such as he found to be guilty;and then, disarming the Satricans, he placed a strong garrison in theplace. On this those writers state, that Papirius Cursor proceeded toRome to celebrate his triumph, who say, that it was under his guidanceLuceria was retaken, and the Samnites sent under the yoke. Undoubtedly, as a warrior, he was deserving of every military praise, excelling not only in vigour of mind, but likewise in strength ofbody. He possessed extraordinary swiftness of foot, surpassing everyone of his age in running, from whence came the surname into hisfamily; and he is said, either from the robustness of his frame, orfrom much practice, to have been able to digest a very large quantityof food and wine. Never did either the foot-soldier or horseman feelmilitary service more laborious, under any general, because he was ofa constitution not to be overcome by fatigue. The cavalry, on someoccasion, venturing to request that, in consideration of their goodbehaviour, he would excuse them some part of their business, he toldthem, "Ye should not say that no indulgence has been granted you, --Iexcuse you from rubbing your horses' backs when ye dismount. " Hesupported also the authority of command, in all its vigour, both amongthe allies and his countrymen. The praetor of Praeneste, through fear, had been tardy in bringing forward his men from the reserve to thefront: he, walking before his tent, ordered him to be called, and thenbade the lictor to make ready his axe, on which, the Praenestinestanding frightened almost to death, he said, "Here, lictor, cut awaythis stump, it is troublesome to people as they walk;" and, after thusalarming him with the dread of the severest punishment, he imposed afine and dismissed him. It is beyond doubt, that during that age, thanwhich none was ever more productive of virtuous characters, there wasno man in whom the Roman affairs found a more effectual support; nay, people even marked him out, in their minds, as a match for Alexanderthe Great, in case that, having completed the conquest of Asia, heshould have turned his arms on Europe. 

17. Nothing can be found farther from my intention, since thecommencement of this history, than to digress, more than necessityrequired, from the course of narration; and, by embellishing my workwith variety, to seek pleasing resting-places, as it were, for myreaders, and relaxation for my own mind: nevertheless, the mention ofso great a king and commander, now calls forth to public view thosesilent reflections, whom Alexander must have fought. ManliusTorquatus, had he met him in the field, might, perhaps, have yieldedto Alexander in discharging military duties in battle (for these alsorender him no less illustrious); and so might Valerius Corvus; men whowere distinguished soldiers, before they became commanders. The same, too, might have been the case with the Decii, who, after devotingtheir persons, rushed upon the enemy; or of Papirius Cursor, thoughpossessed of such powers, both of body and mind. By the counsels ofone youth, it is possible the wisdom of a whole senate, not to mentionindividuals, might have been baffled, [consisting of such members, ]that he alone, who declared that "it consisted of kings, " conceived acorrect idea of a Roman senate. But then the danger was, that withmore judgment than any one of those whom I have named he might chooseground for an encampment, provide supplies, guard against stratagems, distinguish the season for fighting, form his line of battle, orstrengthen it properly with reserves. He would have owned that he wasnot dealing with Darius, who drew after him a train of women andeunuchs; saw nothing about him but gold and purple; was encumberedwith the trappings of his state, and should be called his prey, ratherthan his antagonist; whom therefore he vanquished without loss ofblood and had no other merit, on the occasion, than that of showing aproper spirit in despising empty show. The aspect of Italy would haveappeared to him of a quite different nature from that of India, whichhe traversed in the guise of a traveller, at the head of a crew ofdrunkards, if he had seen the forests of Apulia, and the mountains ofLucania, with the vestiges of the disasters of his house, and wherehis uncle Alexander, king of Epirus, had been lately cut off. 

18. We are now speaking of Alexander not yet intoxicated byprosperity, the seductions of which no man was less capable ofwithstanding. But, if he is to be judged from the tenor of his conductin the new state of his fortune, and from the new disposition, as Imay say, which he put on after his successes, he would have enteredItaly more like Darius than Alexander; and would have brought thitheran army that had forgotten Macedonia, and were degenerating into themanners of the Persians. It is painful, in speaking of so great aking, to recite his ostentatious change of dress; of requiring thatpeople should address him with adulation, prostrating themselves onthe ground, a practice insupportable to the Macedonians, had they evenbeen conquered, much more so when they were victorious; the shockingcruelty of his punishments; his murdering his friends in the midst offeasting and wine; with the folly of his fiction respecting his birth. What must have been the consequence, if his love of wine had dailybecome more intense? if his fierce and uncontrollable anger? And as Imention not any one circumstance of which there is a doubt amongwriters, do we consider these as no disparagements to thequalifications of a commander? But then, as is frequently repeated bythe silliest of the Greeks, who are fond of exalting the reputation, even of the Parthians, at the expense of the Roman name, the dangerwas that the Roman people would not have had resolution to bear upagainst the splendour of Alexander's name, who, however, in myopinion, was not known to them even by common fame; and while, inAthens, a state reduced to weakness by the Macedonian arms, which atthe very time saw the ruins of Thebes smoking in its neighbourhood, men had spirit enough to declaim with freedom against him, as ismanifest from the copies of their speeches, which have been preserved;[we are to be told] that out of such a number of Roman chiefs, no onewould have freely uttered his sentiments. How great soever our idea ofthis man's greatness may be, still it is the greatness of anindividual, constituted by the successes of a little more than tenyears; and those who give it pre-eminence on account that the Romanpeople have been defeated, though not in any entire war, yet inseveral battles, whereas Alexander was never once unsuccessful in asingle fight, do not consider that they are comparing the actions ofone man, and that a young man, with the exploits of a nation wagingwars now eight hundred years. Can we wonder if, when on the one sidemore ages are numbered than years on the other, fortune varied more inso long a lapse of time than in the short term of thirteen years?[Footnote: The duration of Alexander's military career. ] But why notcompare the success of one general with that of another? How manyRoman commanders might I name who never lost a battle? In the annalsof the magistrates, and the records, we may run over whole pages ofconsuls and dictators, with whose bravery, and successes also, theRoman people never once had reason to be dissatisfied. And whatrenders them more deserving of admiration than Alexander, or any king, is, that some of these acted in the office of dictator, which lastedonly ten, or it might be twenty days, none, in a charge of longerduration than the consulship of a year; their levies obstructed byplebeian tribunes; often late in taking the field; recalled, beforethe time, on account of elections; amidst the very busiest efforts ofthe campaign, their year of office expired; sometimes the rashness, sometimes the perverseness of a colleague, proving an impediment ordetriment; and finally succeeding to the unfortunate administration ofa predecessor, with an army of raw or ill-disciplined men. But, onthe other hand, kings, being not only free from every kind ofimpediment, but masters of circumstances and seasons, control allthings in subserviency to their designs, themselves uncontrolled byany. So that Alexander, unconquered, would have encounteredunconquered commanders; and would have had stakes of equal consequencepledged on the issue. Nay, the hazard had been greater on his side;because the Macedonians would have had but one Alexander, who was notonly liable, but fond of exposing himself to casualties; the Romanswould have had many equal to Alexander, both in renown, and in thegreatness of their exploits; any one of whom might live or dieaccording to his destiny, without any material consequence to thepublic. 

19. It remains that the forces be compared together, with respect totheir numbers, the quality of the men, and the supplies ofauxiliaries. Now, in the general surveys of the age, there were ratedtwo hundred and fifty thousand men, so that, on every revolt of theLatin confederates, ten legions were enlisted almost entirely in thecity levy. It often happened during those years, that four or fivearmies were employed at a time, in Etruria, in Umbria, the Gauls toobeing at war, in Samnium, in Lucania. Then as to all Latium, with theSabines, and Volscians, the Aequans, and all Campania; half of Umbria, Etruria, and the Picentians, Marsians, Pelignians, Vestinians, andApulians; to whom may add, the whole coast of the lower sea, possessedby the Greeks, from Thurii to Neapolis and Cumae; and the Samnitesfrom thence as far as Antium and Ostia: all these he would have foundeither powerful allies to the Romans or deprived of power by theirarms. He would have crossed the sea with his veteran Macedonians, amounting to no more than thirty thousand infantry and four thousandhorse, these mostly Thessalians. This was the whole of his strength. Had he brought with him Persians and Indians, and those other nations, it would be dragging after him an encumbrance other than a support. Add to this, that the Romans, being at home, would have had recruitsat hand: Alexander, waging war in a foreign country, would have foundhis army worn out with long service, as happened afterwards toHannibal. As to arms, theirs were a buckler and long spears; those ofthe Romans, a shield, which covered the body more effectually, and ajavelin, a much more forcible weapon than the spear, either inthrowing or striking. The soldiers, on both sides, were used to steadycombat, and to preserve their ranks. But the Macedonian phalanx wasunapt for motion, and composed of similar parts throughout: the Romanline less compact, consisting of several various parts, was easilydivided as occasion required, and as easily conjoined. Then whatsoldier is comparable to the Roman in the throwing up of works? whobetter calculated to endure fatigue? Alexander, if overcome in onebattle, would have been overcome in war. The Roman, whom Claudium, whom Cannae, did not crush, what line of battle could crush? In truth, even should events have been favourable to him at first, he would haveoften wished for the Persians, the Indians, and the effeminate tribesof Asia, as opponents; and would have acknowledged, that his wars hadbeen waged with women, as we are told was said by Alexander, king ofEpirus, after receiving his mortal wound, when comparing the warswaged in Asia by this very youth, with those in which himself had beenengaged. Indeed, when I reflect that, in the first Punic war, acontest was maintained by the Romans with the Carthaginians, at sea, for twenty-four years, I can scarcely suppose that the life ofAlexander would have been long enough for the finishing of one war[with either of those nations]. And perhaps, as both the Punic statewas united to the Roman by ancient treaties, and as similarapprehensions might arm against a common foe those two nations themost potent of the time in arms and in men, he might have beenoverwhelmed in a Punic and a Roman war at once. The Romans have hadexperience of the boasted prowess of the Macedonians in arms, notindeed under Alexander as their general, or when their power was atthe height, but in the wars against Antiochus, Philip, and Perses; andnot only not with any losses, but not even with any danger tothemselves. Let not my assertion give offence, nor our civil wars bebrought into mention; never were we worsted by an enemy's cavalry, never by their infantry, never in open fight, never on equal ground, much less when the ground was favourable. Our soldiers, heavy ladenwith arms, may reasonably fear a body of cavalry, or arrows; defilesof difficult passage, and places impassable to convoys. But they havedefeated, and will defeat a thousand armies, more formidable thanthose of Alexander and the Macedonians, provided that the same love ofpeace and solicitude about domestic harmony, in which we now live, continue permanent. 

20. Marcus Foslius Flaccinator and Lucius Plautius Venno were the nextraised to the consulship. In this year ambassadors came from most ofthe states of the Samnites to procure a renewal of the treaty; and, after they had moved the compassion of the senate, by prostratingthemselves before them, on being referred to the people, they foundnot their prayers so efficacious. The treaty therefore, being refused, after they had importuned them individually for several days, wasobtained. The Teaneans likewise, and Canusians of Apulia, worn out bythe devastations of their country, surrendered themselves to theconsul, Lucius Plautius, and gave hostages. This year praefects firstbegan to be created for Capua, and a code of laws was given to thatnation, by Lucius Furius the praetor; both in compliance with theirown request, as a remedy for the disorder of their affairs, occasionedby intestine dissensions. At Rome, two additional tribes wereconstituted, the Ufentine and Falerine. On the affairs of Apuliafalling into decline, the Teatians of that country came to the newconsuls, Caius Junius Bubulcus, and Quintus Aemilius Barbula, suingfor an alliance; and engaging, that peace should be observed towardsthe Romans through every part of Apulia. By pledging themselves boldlyfor this, they obtained the grant of an alliance, not however on termsof equality, but of their submitting to the dominion of the Romanpeople. Apulia being entirely reduced, (for Junius had also gainedpossession of Forentum, a town of great strength, ) the consulsadvanced into Lucania; there Nerulum was surprised and stormed by thesudden advance of the consul Aemilius. When fame had spread abroadamong the allies, how firmly the affairs of Capua were settled by [theintroduction of] the Roman institutions, the Antians, imitating theexample, presented a complaint of their being without laws, andwithout magistrates; on which the patrons of the colony itself wereappointed by the senate to form a body of laws for it. Thus not onlythe arms, but the laws, of Rome became extensively prevalent. 

21. The consuls, Caius Junius Bubulcus and Quintus Aemilius Barbula, at the conclusion of the year, delivered over the legions, not to theconsuls elected by themselves, who were Spurius Nautius and MarcusPopillius, but to a dictator, Lucius Aemilius. He, with LuciusFulvius, master of the horse, having commenced to lay siege toSaticula, gave occasion to the Samnites of reviving hostilities. Hencea twofold alarm was occasioned to the Roman army. On one side, theSamnites having collected a numerous force to relieve their alliesfrom the siege, pitched their camp at a small distance from that ofthe Romans: on the other side, the Saticulans, opening suddenly theirgates, ran up with violent tumult to the posts of the enemy. Afterwards, each party, relying on support from the other, more thanon its own strength, formed a regular attack, and pressed on theRomans. The dictator, on his part, though obliged to oppose twoenemies at once, yet had his line secure on both sides; for he bothchose a position not easily surrounded, and also formed two differentfronts. However, he directed his greater efforts against those who hadsallied from the town, and, without much resistance, drove them backwithin the walls. He then turned his whole force against the Samnites:there he found greater difficulty. But the victory, though longdelayed, was neither doubtful nor alloyed by losses. The Samnites, being forced to fly into their camp, extinguished their fires atnight, and marched away in silence; and renouncing all hopes ofrelieving Saticula, sat themselves down before Plistia, which was inalliance with the Romans, that they might, if possible, retort equalvexation on their enemy. 

22. The year coming to a conclusion, the war was thenceforwardconducted by a dictator, Quintius Fabius. The new consuls, LuciusPapirius Cursor and Quintus Publilius Philo, both a fourth time, asthe former had done, remained at Rome. Fabius came with areinforcement to Saticula, to receive the army from Aemilius. For theSamnites had not continued before Plistia; but having sent for a newsupply of men from home, and relying on their numbers, had encamped inthe same spot as before; and, by provoking the Romans to battle, endeavoured to divert them from the siege. The dictator, so much themore intently, pushed forward his operations against thefortifications of the enemy; considering that only as war which wasdirected against the city, and showing an indifference with respect tothe Samnites, except that he placed guards in proper places, toprevent any attempt on his camp. The more furiously did the Samnitesride up to the rampart, and allowed him no quiet. When the enemy werenow come up close to the gates of the camp, Quintus Aulius Cerretanus, master of the horse, without consulting the dictator, sallied outfuriously at the head of all the troops of cavalry, and drove back theenemy. In this desultory kind of fight, fortune worked up the strengthof the combatants in such a manner, as to occasion an extraordinaryloss on both sides, and the remarkable deaths of the commandersthemselves. First, the general of the Samnites, indignant at beingrepulsed, and compelled to fly from a place to which he had advancedso confidently, by entreating and exhorting his horsemen, renewed thebattle. As he was easily distinguished among the horsemen, while heurged on the fight, the Roman master of the horse galloped up againsthim, with his spear directed, so furiously, that, with one stroke, hetumbled him lifeless from his horse. The multitude, however, were not, as is generally the case, dismayed by the fall of their leader, butrather raised to fury. All who were within reach darted their weaponsat Aulius, who incautiously pushed forward among the enemy's troops;but the chief share of the honour of revenging the death of theSamnite general they assigned to his brother; he, urged by rage andgrief, dragged down the victorious master of the horse from his seat, and slew him. Nor were the Samnites far from obtaining his body also, as he had fallen among the enemies' troops: but the Romans instantlydismounted, and the Samnites were obliged to do the same; and linesbeing thus formed suddenly but, at the same time, untenable throughscarcity of necessaries: "for all the country round, from whichprovisions could be supplied, has revolted; and besides, even were theinhabitants disposed to aid us, the ground is unfavourable. I will nottherefore mislead you by leaving a camp here, into which ye mayretreat, as on a former day, without completing the victory. Worksought to be secured by arms, not arms by works. Let those keep a camp, and repair to it, whose interest it is to protract the war; but let uscut off from ourselves every other prospect but that of conquering. Advance the standards against the enemy; as soon as the troops shallhave marched beyond the rampart, let those who have it in orders burnthe camp. Your losses, soldiers, shall be compensated with the spoilof all the nations round who have revolted. " The soldiers advancedagainst the enemy with spirit inflamed by the dictator's discourse, which seemed indication of an extreme necessity; and, at the sametime, the very sight of the camp burning behind them, though thenearest part only was set on fire, (for so the dictator had ordered, )was small incitement: rushing on therefore like madmen, theydisordered the enemy's battalions at the very first onset; and themaster of the horse, when he saw at a distance the fire in the camp, which was a signal agreed on, made a seasonable attack on their rear. The Samnites, thus surrounded on either side, fled different ways. Avast number, who had gathered into a body through fear, yet fromconfusion incapable of fleeing, were surrounded and cut to pieces. Theenemy's camp was taken and plundered; and the soldiers being ladenwith spoil, the dictator led them back to the Roman camp, highlyrejoiced at the success, but by no means so much as at finding, contrary to their expectation, every thing there safe, except a smallpart only, which was injured or destroyed by the fire. 

24. They then marched back to Sora; and the new consuls, MarcusPoetelius and Caius Sulpicius, receive the army from the dictatorFabius, discharging a great part of the veteran soldiers, havingbrought with them new cohorts to supply their place. Now while, onaccount of the dire situation of the city, no certain mode of attackcould be devised, and success must either be distant in time, or atdesperate risk; a deserter from Sora came out of the town privately bynight, and when he had got as far as the Roman watches, desired to beconducted instantly to the consuls: which being complied with, he madethem an offer of delivering the place into their hands. When heanswered their questions, respecting the means by which he intended tomake good his promise, appearing to state a project by no means idle, he persuaded them to remove the Roman camp, which was almost close tothe walls, to the distance of six miles; that the consequence would bethat this would render the guards by day, and the watches by night, the less vigilant. He then desired that some cohorts should postthemselves the following night in the woody places under the town, andtook with himself ten chosen soldiers, through steep and almostimpassable ways, into the citadel, where a quantity of missive weaponshad been collected, larger than bore proportion to the number of men. There were stones besides, some lying at random, as in all craggyplaces, and others heaped up designedly by the townsmen, to add to thesecurity of the place. Having posted the Romans here, and shown them asteep and narrow path leading up from the town to the citadel--"Fromthis ascent, " said he, "even three armed men would keep off anymultitude whatever. Now ye are ten in number; and, what is more, Romans, and the bravest among the Romans. The night is in your favour, which, from the uncertainty it occasions, magnifies every object topeople once alarmed. I will immediately fill every place with terror:be ye alert in defending the citadel. " He then ran down in haste, crying aloud, "To arms, citizens, we are undone, the citadel is takenby the enemy; run, defend it. " This he repeated, as he passed thedoors of the principal men, the same to all whom he met, and also tothose who ran out in a fright into the streets. The alarm, communicated first by one, was soon spread by numbers through all thecity. The magistrates, dismayed on hearing from scouts that thecitadel was full of arms and armed men, whose number they multiplied, laid aside all hopes of recovering it. All places are filled withterror: the gates are broken open by persons half asleep, and for themost part unarmed, through one of which the body of Roman troops, roused by the noise, burst in, and slew the terrified inhabitants, whoattempted to skirmish in the streets. Sora was now taken, when, at thefirst light, the consuls arrived, and accepted the surrender of thosewhom fortune had left remaining after the flight and slaughter of thenight. Of these, they conveyed in chains to Rome two hundred andtwenty-five, whom all men agreed in pointing out as the authors, bothof the revolt, and also of the horrid massacre of the colonists. Therest they left in safety at Sora, a garrison being placed there. Allthose who were brought to Rome were beaten with rods in the forum, andbeheaded, to the great joy of the commons, whose interest it mosthighly concerned, that the multitudes, sent to various places incolonies should be in safety. 

25. The consuls, leaving Sora, turned their warlike operations againstthe lands and cities of the Ausonians; for all places had been set incommotion by the coming of the Samnites, when the battle was fought atLautulae: conspiracies likewise had been formed in several parts ofCampania; nor was Capua itself clear of the charge: nay, the businessspread even to Rome, and inquiries came to be instituted respectingsome of the principal men there. However, the Ausonian nation fellinto the Roman power, in the same manner as Sora, by their citiesbeing betrayed: these were Ausona Minturnae, and Vescia. Certain youngmen, of the principal families, twelve in number, having conspired tobetray their respective cities, came to the consuls; they informedthem that their countrymen, who had for a long time before honestlywished for the coming of the Samnites, on hearing of the battle atLautulae, had looked on the Romans as defeated, and had assisted theSamnites with supplies of young men and arms; but that, since theSamnites had been beaten out of the country, they were waveringbetween peace and war, not shutting their gates against the Romans, lest they should thereby invite an attack; yet determined to shut themif an army should approach; that in that fluctuating state they mighteasily be overpowered by surprise. By these men's advice the camp wasmoved nearer; and soldiers were sent, at the same time, to each of thethree towns; some armed, who were to lie concealed in places near thewalls; others, in the garb of peace, with swords hidden under theirclothes, when, on the opening of the gates at the approach of day, were to enter into the cities. These latter began with killing theguards; at the same time, a signal was made to the men with arms, tohasten up from the ambuscades. Thus the gates were seized, and thethree towns taken in the same hour and by the same device. But as theattacks were made in the absence of the generals, there were no boundsto the carnage which ensued; and the nation of the Ausonians, whenthere was scarcely any clear proof of the charge of its havingrevolted, was utterly destroyed, as if it had supported a contestthrough a deadly war. 

26. During this year, Luceria fell into the hands of the Samnites, theRoman garrison being betrayed to the enemy. This matter did not longgo unpunished with the traitors: the Roman army was not far off, bywhom the city, which lay in a plain, was taken at the first onset. TheLucerians and Samnites were to a man put to the sword; and to such alength was resentment carried, that at Rome, on the senate beingconsulted about sending a colony to Luceria, many voted for thedemolition of it. Besides, their hatred was of the bitterest kind, against a people whom they had been obliged twice to subdue by arms;the great distance, also, made them averse from sending away theircitizens among nations so ill-affected towards them. However theresolution was carried, that the colonists should be sent; andaccordingly two thousand five hundred were transported thither. Thisyear, when all places were becoming disaffected to the Romans, secretconspiracies were formed among the leading men at Capua, as well as atother places; a motion concerning which being laid before the senate, the matter was by no means neglected. Inquiries were decreed, and itwas resolved that a dictator should be appointed to enforce theseinquiries. Caius Maenius was accordingly nominated, and he appointedMarcus Foslius master of the horse. People's dread of that office wasvery great, insomuch that the Calavii, Ovius and Novius, who were theheads of the conspiracy, either through fear of the dictator's power, or the consciousness of guilt, previous to the charge against thembeing laid in form before him, avoided, as appeared beyond doubt, trial by a voluntary death. As the subject of the inquiry in Campaniawas thus removed, the proceedings were then directed towards Rome: byconstruing the order of the senate to have meant, that inquiry shouldbe made, not specially who at Capua, but generally who at any placehad caballed or conspired against the state; for that cabals, for theattaining of honours, were contrary to the edicts of the state. Theinquiry was extended to a greater latitude, with respect both to thematter, and to the kind of persons concerned, the dictator scruplingnot to avow, that his power of research was unlimited: in consequence, some of the nobility were called to account; and though they appliedto the tribunes for protection, no one interposed in their behalf, orto prevent the charges from being received. On this the nobles, notthose only against whom the charge was levelled, but the whole bodyjointly insisted that such an imputation lay not against the nobles, to whom the way to honours lay open if not obstructed by fraud, butagainst the new men: so that even the dictator and master of thehorse, with respect to that question, would appear more properly asculprits than suitable inquisitors; and this they should know as soonas they went out of office. Then indeed Maenius, who was moresolicitous about his character than his office, advanced into theassembly and spoke to this effect, "Romans, both of my past life yeare all witnesses; and this honourable office, which ye conferred onme, is in itself a testimony of my innocence. For the dictator, properto be chosen for holding these inquiries, was not, as on many otheroccasions, where the exigencies of the state so required, the man whowas most renowned in war; but him whose counsel of life was mostremote from such cabals. But certain of the nobility (for what reasonit is more proper that ye should judge than that I, as a magistrate, should, without proof, insinuate) have laboured to stifle entirely theinquiries; and then, finding their strength unequal to it, rather thanstand a trial have fled for refuge to the stronghold of theiradversaries, an appeal and the support of the tribunes; and on beingthere also repulsed, (so fully were they persuaded that every othermeasure was safer than the attempt to clear themselves, ) have made anattack upon us; and, though in private characters have not beenashamed of instituting a criminal process against a dictator. Now, that gods and men may perceive that they to avoid a scrutiny as totheir own conduct, attempt even things which are impossible, and thatI willingly meet the charge, and face the accusations of my enemies, Idivest myself of the dictatorship. And, consuls, I beseech you, thatif this business is put into your hands by the senate, ye make me andMarcus Foslius the first objects of our your examinations; that it maybe manifested that we are safe from such imputations by our owninnocence, not by the dignity of office. " He then abdicated thedictatorship, as did Marcus Foslius, immediately after, his office ofmaster of the horse; and being the first brought to trial before theconsuls, for to them the senate had committed the business, they weremost honourably acquitted of all the charges brought by the nobles. Even Publilius Philo, who had so often been invested with the highesthonours, and had performed so many eminent services, both at home andabroad, being disagreeable to the nobility, was brought to trial, andacquitted. Nor did the inquiry continue respectable on account of theillustrious names of the accused, longer than while it was new, whichis usually the case; it then began to descend to persons of inferiorrank; and, at length, was suppressed, by means of those factions andcabals against which it had been instituted. 

27. The accounts received of these matters, but more especially thehope of a revolt in Campania, for which a conspiracy had been formed, recalled the Samnites, who were turning towards Apulia, back toCaudium; so that from thence, being near, they might, if any commotionshould open them an opportunity, snatch Capua out of the hands of theRomans. To the same place the consuls repaired with a powerful army. They both held back for some time, on the different sides of thedefiles, the roads being dangerous to either party. Then the Samnites, making a short circuit through an open tract, marched down theirtroops into level ground in the Campanian plains, and there thehostile camps first came within view of each other. Trial of theirstrength in slight skirmishes was made on both sides, more frequentlybetween the horse than the foot; and the Romans were no waydissatisfied either at the issue of these, or at the delay by whichthey protracted the war. The Samnite generals, on the contrary, considered that their battalions were becoming weakened daily by smalllosses, and the general vigour abated by prolonging the war. Theytherefore marched into the field, disposing their cavalry on bothwings, with orders to give more heedful attention to the camp behindthan to the battle; for that the line of infantry would be able toprovide for their own safety. The consuls took post, Sulpicius on theright wing, Poetelius on the left. The right wing was stretched outwider than usual, where the Samnites also stood formed in thin ranks, either with design of turning the flank of the enemy, or to avoidbeing themselves surrounded. On the left, besides that they wereformed in more compact order, an addition was made to their strength, by a sudden act of the consul Poetelius; for the subsidiary cohorts, which were usually reserved for the exigencies of a tedious fight, hebrought up immediately to the front, and, in the first onset, pushedthe enemy with the whole of his force. The Samnite line of infantrygiving way, their cavalry advanced to support them; and as they werecharging in an oblique direction between the two lines, the Romanhorse, coming up at full speed, disordered their battalions and ranksof infantry and cavalry, so as to oblige the whole line on that sideto give ground. The left wing had not only the presence of Poeteliusto animate them, but that of Sulpicius likewise; who, on the shoutbeing first raised in that quarter, rode thither from his owndivision, which had not yet engaged. When he saw victory no longerdoubtful there, he returned to his own post with twelve hundred men, but found the state of things there very different; the Romans drivenfrom their ground, and the victorious enemy pressing on them thusdismayed. However, the arrival of the consul effected a speedy changein every particular; for, on the sight of their leader, the spirit ofthe soldiers was revived, and the bravery of the men who came with himrendered them more powerful aid than even their number; while the newsof success in the other wing, which was heard, and after seen, restored the fight. From this time, the Romans became victoriousthrough the whole extent of the line, and the Samnites, giving up thecontest, were slain or taken prisoners, except such as made theirescape to Maleventum, the town which is now called Beneventum. It isrecorded that thirty thousand of the Samnites were slain or taken. 

28. The consuls, after this important victory, led forward the legionsto lay siege to Bovianum; and there they passed the winter quarters, until Caius Poetelius, being nominated dictator, with Marcus Foslius, master of the horse, received the command of the army from the newconsuls, Lucius Papirius Cursor a fifth, and Caius Junius Bubulcus asecond time. On hearing that the citadel of Fregellae was taken by theSamnites, he left Bovianum, and proceeded to Fregellae, whence, havingrecovered possession of it without any contest, the Samnitesabandoning it in the night, and having placed a strong garrison there, he returned to Campania, directing his operations principally to therecovery of Nola. Within the walls of this place, the whole multitudeof the Samnites, and the inhabitants of the country about Nola, betookthemselves on the approach of the dictator. Having taken a view of thesituation of the city, in order that the approach to thefortifications may be the more open, he set fire to all the buildingswhich stood round the walls, which were very numerous; and, in a shorttime after, Nola was taken, either by the dictator Poetelius, or theconsul Caius Junius, for both accounts are given. Those who attributeto the consul the honour of taking Nola, add, that Atina and Calatiawere also taken by him, and that Poetelius was created dictator inconsequence of a pestilence breaking out, merely for the purpose ofdriving the nail. The colonies of Suessa and Pontiae were establishedin this year. Suessa had belonged to the Auruncians: the Volscians hadoccupied Pontiae, an island lying within sight of their shore. Adecree of the senate was also passed for conducting colonies toInteramna and Cassinum. But commissioners were appointed, andcolonists, to the number of four thousand, were sent by the succeedingconsuls, Marcus Valerius and Publius Decius. 

29. The war with the Samnites being now nearly put an end to, beforethe Roman senate was freed from all concern on that side, a reportarose of an Etrurian war; and there was not, in those times, anynation, excepting the Gauls, whose arms were more dreaded, by reasonboth of the vicinity of their country, and of the multitude of theirmen. While therefore one of the consuls prosecuted the remains of thewar in Samnium, Publius Decius, who, being attacked by a severeillness, remained at Rome, by direction of the senate, nominated CaiusJunius Bubulcus dictator. He, as the magnitude of the affair demanded, compelled all the younger citizens to enlist, and with the utmostdiligence prepared arms, and the other matters which the occasionrequired. Yet he was not so elated by the power he had collected, asto think of commencing offensive operations, but prudently determinedto remain quiet, unless the Etrurians should become aggressors. Theplans of the Etrurians were exactly similar with respect to preparingfor, and abstaining from, war: neither party went beyond their ownfrontiers. The censorship of Appius Claudius and Caius Plautius, forthis year, was remarkable; but the name of Appius has been handed downwith more celebrity to posterity, on account of his having made theroad, [called after him, the Appian, ] and for having conveyed waterinto the city. These works he performed alone; for his colleague, overwhelmed with shame by reason of the infamous and unworthy choicemade of senators, had abdicated his office. Appius possessing thatinflexibility Of temper, which, from the earliest times, had been thecharacteristic of his family, held on the censorship by himself. Bydirection of the same Appius, the Potitian family, in which the officeof priests attendant on the great altar of Hercules was hereditary, instructed some of the public servants in the rites of that solemnity, with the intention to delegate the same to them. A circumstance isrecorded, wonderful to be told, and one which should make peoplescrupulous of disturbing the established modes of religioussolemnities: for though there were, at that time, twelve branches ofthe Potitian family, all grown-up persons, to the number of thirty, yet they were every one, together with their offspring, cut off withinthe year; so that the name of the Potitii became extinct, while thecensor Appius also was, by the unrelenting wrath of the gods, someyears after, deprived of sight. 

30. The consuls of the succeeding year were, Caius Junius Bubulcus athird time, and Quintus Aemilius Barbula a second. In the commencementof their office, they complained before the people, that, by theimproper choice of members of the senate, that body had beendisgraced, several having been passed over who were preferable to thepersons chosen in; and they declared, that they would pay no regard tosuch election, which had been made without distinction of right orwrong, merely to gratify interest or humour: they then immediatelycalled over the list of the senate, in the same order which hadexisted before the censorship of Appius Claudius and Caius Plautius. Two public employments, both relating to military affairs, came thisyear into the disposal of the people; one being an order, that sixteenof the tribunes, for four legions, should be appointed by the people;whereas hitherto they had been generally in the gift of the dictatorsand consuls, very few of the places being left to suffrage. This orderwas proposed by Lucius Atilius and Caius Marcius, plebeian tribunes. Another was, that the people likewise should constitute two navalcommissioners, for the equipping and refitting of the fleet. Theperson who introduced this order of the people, was Marcus Decius, plebeian tribune. Another transaction of this year I should pass overas trifling, did it not seem to bear some relation to religion. Theflute-players, taking offence because they had been prohibited by thelast censors from holding their repasts in the temple of Jupiter, which had been customary from very early times, went off in a body toTibur; so that there was not one left in the city to play at thesacrifices. The religious tendency of this affair gave uneasiness tothe senate; and they sent envoys to Tibur to endeavour that these menmight be sent back to Rome. The Tiburtines readily promisedcompliance, and first, calling them into the senate-house, warmlyrecommended to them to return to Rome; and then, when they could notbe prevailed on, practised on them an artifice not ill adapted to thedispositions of that description of people: on a festival day, theyinvited them separately to their several houses, apparently with theintention of heightening the pleasure of their feasts with music, andthere plied them with wine, of which such people are always fond, until they laid them asleep. In this state of insensibility they threwthem into waggons, and carried them away to Rome: nor did they knowany thing of the matter, until, the waggons having been left in theforum, the light surprised them, still heavily sick from the debauch. The people then crowded about them, and, on their consenting at lengthto stay, privilege was granted them to ramble about the city in fulldress, with music, and the licence which is now practised every yearduring three days. And that licence, which we see practised atpresent, and the right of being fed in the temple, was restored tothose who played at the sacrifices. These incidents occurred while thepublic attention was deeply engaged by two most important wars. 

31. The consuls adjusting the provinces between them, the Samnitesfell by lot to Junius, the new war of Etruria to Aemilius. In Samniumthe Samnites had blockaded and reduced by famine Cluvia, a Romangarrison, because they had been unable to take it by storm; and, aftertorturing with stripes, in a shocking manner, the townsmen whosurrendered, they had put them to death. Enraged at this cruelty, Junius determined to postpone every thing else to the attacking ofCluvia; and, on the first day that he assaulted the walls, took it bystorm, and slew all who were grown to man's estate. The victorioustroops were led from thence to Bovianum; this was the capital of thePentrian Samnites, by far the most opulent of their cities, and themost powerful both in men and arms. The soldiers, stimulated by thehope of plunder, for their resentment was not so violent, soon madethemselves masters of the town: where there was less severityexercised on the enemy; but a quantity of spoil was carried off, greater almost than had ever been collected out of all Samnium, andthe whole was liberally bestowed on the assailants. And when neitherarmies, camps, or cities could now withstand the vast superiority ofthe Romans in arms; the attention of all the leading men in Samniumbecame intent on this, that an opportunity should be sought for somestratagem, if by any chance the army, proceeding with incautiouseagerness for plunder, could be caught in a snare and overpowered. Peasants who deserted and some prisoners (some thrown in their way byaccident, some purposely) reporting to the consul a statement in whichthey concurred, and one which was at the same time true, that a vastquantity of cattle had been driven together into a defile of difficultaccess, prevailed on them to lead thither the legions lightlyaccoutred for plunder. Here a very numerous army of the enemy hadposted themselves, secretly, at all the passes; and, as soon as theysaw that the Romans had got into the defile, they rose up suddenly, with great clamour and tumult, and attacked them unawares. At first anevent so unexpected caused some confusion, while they were takingtheir arms, and throwing the baggage into the centre; but, as fast aseach had freed himself from his burden and fitted himself with arms, they assembled about the standards, from every side; and all, from thelong course of their service, knowing their particular ranks, the linewas formed of its own accord without any directions. The consul, riding up to the place where the fight was most warm, leaped from hishorse, and called "Jupiter, Mars, and the other gods to witness, thathe had come into that place, not in pursuit of any glory to himself, but of booty for his soldiers; nor could any other fault be charged onhim, than too great a solicitude to enrich his soldiers at the expenseof the enemy. From that disgrace nothing could extricate him but thevalour of the troops: let them only join unanimously in a vigorousattack against a foe, already vanquished in the field, beaten out oftheir camps, and stripped of their towns, and now trying their lasthope by the contrivance of an ambuscade, placing their reliance on theground they occupied, not on their arms. But what ground was nowunsurmountable to Roman valour?" The citadel of Fregellae, and that ofSora, were called to their remembrance, with many other places wheredifficulties from situation had been surmounted. Animated by theseexhortations, the soldiers, regardless of all difficulties, advancedagainst the line of the enemy, posted above them; and here there wassome fatigue whilst the army was climbing the steep. But as soon asthe first battalions got footing in the plain, on the summit, and thetroops perceived that they now stood on equal ground, the dismay wasinstantly turned on the plotters; who, dispersing and casting awaytheir arms, attempted, by flight, to recover the same lurking-placesin which they had lately concealed themselves. But the difficulties ofthe ground, which had been intended for the enemy, now entangled themin the snares of their own contrivance. Accordingly very few foundmeans to escape; twenty thousand men were slain, and the victoriousRomans hastened in several parties to secure the booty of cattle, spontaneously thrown in their way by the enemy. 

32. While such was the situation of affairs in Samnium, all the statesof Etruria, except the Arretians, had taken arms, and vigorouslycommenced hostilities, by laying siege to Sutrium; which city, beingin alliance with the Romans, served as a barrier against Etruria. Thither the other consul, Aemilius, came with an army to deliver theallies from the siege. On the arrival of the Romans, the Sutriansconveyed a plentiful supply of provisions into their camp, which waspitched before the city. The Etrurians spent the first day indeliberating whether they should expedite or protract the war. On theday following, when the speedier plan pleased the leaders inpreference to the safer, as soon as the sun rose the for battle wasdisplayed, and the troops marched out to the field; which beingreported to the consul, he instantly commanded notice to be given, that they should dine, and after taking refreshment, then appear underarms. The order was obeyed; and the consul, seeing them armed and inreadiness, ordered the standards to be carried forth beyond therampart, and drew up his men at a small distance from the enemy. Bothparties stood a long time with fixed attention, each waiting for theshout and fight to begin on the opposite side; and the sun had passedthe meridian before a weapon was thrown by either side. Then, ratherthan leave the place without something being done, the shout was givenby the Etrurians, the trumpets sounded, and the battalions advanced. With no less alertness do the Romans commence the fight: both rushedto the fight with violent animosity; the enemy were superior innumbers, the Romans in valour. The battle being doubtful, carries offgreat numbers on both sides, particularly the men of greatest courage;nor did victory declare itself, until the second line of the Romanscame up fresh to the front, in the place of the first, who were muchfatigued. The Etrurians, because their front line was not supported byany fresh reserves, fell all before and round the standards, and in nobattle whatever would there have been seen less disposition to run, ora greater effusion of human blood, had not the night sheltered theEtrurians, who were resolutely determined on death; so that thevictors, not the vanquished, were the first who desisted fromfighting. After sunset the signal for retreat was given, and bothparties retired in the night to their camps. During the remainder ofthe year, nothing memorable was effected at Sutrium; for, of theenemy's army, the whole first line had been cut off in one battle, thereserves only being left, who were scarce sufficient to guard thecamp; and, among the Romans, so numerous were the wounds, that morewounded men died after the battle than had fallen in the field. 

33. Quintus Fabius, consul for the ensuing year, succeeded to thecommand of the army at Sutrium; the colleague given to him was CaiusMarcius Rutilus. On the one side, Fabius brought with him areinforcement from Rome, and on the other, a new army had been sentfor, and came from home, to the Etrurians. Many years had now passedwithout any disputes between the patrician magistrates and plebeiantribunes, when a contest took its rise from that family, which seemedraised by fate as antagonists to the tribunes and commons of thosetimes; Appius Claudius, being censor, when the eighteen months hadexpired, which was the time limited by the Aemilian law for theduration of the censorship, although his colleague Caius Plautius hadalready resigned his office, could not be prevailed on, by any means, to give up his. There was a tribune of the commons, PubliusSempronius; he undertook to enforce a legal process for terminatingthe censorship within the lawful time, which was not more popular thanjust, nor more pleasing to the people generally than to every man ofcharacter in the city. After he frequently appealed to the Aemilianlaw, and bestowed commendations on Mamercus Aemilius, who, in hisdictatorship, had been the author of it, for having contracted, withinthe space of a year and six months, the censorship, which formerly hadlasted five years, and was a power which, in consequence of its longcontinuance, often became tyrannical, he proceeded thus: "Tell me, Appius Claudius, in what manner you would have acted, had you beencensor, at the time when Caius Furius and Marcus Geganius werecensors?" Appius insisted, that "the tribune's question was irrelevantto his case. For, although the Aemilian law might bind those censors, during whose magistracy it was passed, --because the people made thatlaw after they had become censors; and whatever order is the lastpassed by the people, that is held to be the law, and valid:--yetneither he, nor any of those who had been created censors subsequentto the passing of that law, could be bound by it. "

34. While Appius urged such frivolous arguments as these, whichcarried no conviction whatever, the other said, "Behold, Romans, theoffspring of that Appius, who being created decemvir for one year, created himself for a second; and who, during a third, without beingcreated even by himself or by any other, held on the fasces and thegovernment though a private individual; nor ceased to continue inoffice, until the government itself, ill acquired, ill administered, and ill retained, overwhelmed him in ruin. This is the same family, Romans, by whose violence and injustice ye were compelled to banishyourselves from your native city, and seize on the Sacred mount; thesame, against which ye provided for yourselves the protection oftribunes; the same, on account of which two armies of you took post onthe Aventine; the same, which violently opposed the laws againstusury, and always the agrarian laws; the same, which broke through theright of intermarriage between the patricians and the commons; thesame, which shut up the road to curule offices against the commons:this is a name, more hostile to your liberty by far, than that of theTarquins. I pray you, Appius Claudius, though this is now thehundredth year since the dictatorship of Mamercus Aemilius, thoughthere have been so many men of the highest characters and abilitiescensors, did none of these ever read the twelve tables? none of themknow, that, whatever was the last order of the people, that was law?Nay, certainly they all knew it; and they therefore obeyed theAemilian law, rather than the old one, under which the censors hadbeen at first created; because it was the last order; and because, when two laws are contradictory, the new always repeals the old. Doyou mean to say, Appius, that the people are not bound by the Aemilianlaw? Or, that the people are bound, and you alone exempted? TheAemilian law bound those violent censors, Caius Furius and MarcusGeganius, who showed what mischief that office might do in the state;when, out of resentment for the limitation of their power, theydisfranchised Mamercus Aemilius, the first man of the age, either inwar or peace. It bound all the censors thenceforward, during the spaceof a hundred years. It binds Caius Plautius your colleague, createdunder the same auspices, with the same privileges. Did not the peoplecreate him with the fullest privileges with which any censor ever wascreated? Or is yours an excepted case, in which this peculiarity andsingularity takes place? Shall the person, whom you create king of thesacrifices, laying hold of the style of sovereignty, say, that he wascreated with the fullest privileges with which any king was evercreated at Rome? Who then, do you think, would be content with adictatorship of six months? who, with the office of interrex for fivedays? Whom would you, with confidence, create dictator, for thepurpose of driving the nail, or of exhibiting games? How foolish, howstupid, do ye think, those must appear in this man's eyes, who, afterperforming most important services, abdicated the dictatorship withinthe twentieth day; or who, being irregularly created, resigned theiroffice? Why should I bring instances from antiquity? Lately, withinthese last ten years, Caius Maenius, dictator, having enforcedinquiries, with more strictness than consisted with the safety of somepowerful men, a charge was thrown out by his enemies, that he himselfwas infected with the very crime against which his inquiries weredirected;--now Maenius, I say, in order that he might, in a privatecapacity, meet the imputation, abdicated the dictatorship. I expectnot such moderation in you; you will not degenerate from your family, of all others the most imperious and assuming; nor resign your officea day, nor even an hour, before you are forced to it. Be it so: butthen let no one exceed the time limited. It is enough to add a day, ora month, to the censorship. But Appius says, I will hold thecensorship, and hold it alone, three years and six months longer thanis allowed by the Aemilian law. Surely this is like kingly power. Orwill you fill up the vacancy with another colleague, a proceeding notallowable, even in the case of the death of a censor? You are notsatisfied that, as if a religious censor, you have degraded a mostancient solemnity, and the only one instituted by the very deity towhom it is performed, from priests of that rite who were of thehighest rank to the ministry of mere servants. [You are not satisfiedthat] a family, more ancient than the origin of this city, andsanctified by an intercourse of hospitality with the immortal gods, has, by means of you and your censorship, been utterly extirpated, with all its branches, within the space of a year, unless you involvethe whole commonwealth in horrid guilt, which my mind feels a horroreven to contemplate. This city was taken in that lustrum in whichLucius Papirius Cursor, on the death of his colleague Julius, thecensor, rather than resign his office, substituted Marcus CorneliusMaluginensis. Yet how much more moderate was his ambition, Appius, than yours! Lucius Papirius neither held the censorship alone, norbeyond the time prescribed by law. But still he found no one who wouldfollow his example; all succeeding censors, in case of the death of acolleague, abdicated the office. As for you, neither the expiration ofthe time of your censorship, nor the resignation of your colleague, nor law, nor shame restrains you. You make fortitude to consist inarrogance, in boldness, in a contempt of gods and men. AppiusClaudius, in consideration of the dignity and respect due to thatoffice which you have borne, I should be sorry, not only to offer youpersonal violence, but even to address you in language too severe. With respect to what I have hitherto said, your pride and obstinacyforced me to speak. And now, unless you pay obedience to the Aemilianlaw, I shall order you to be led to prison. Nor, since a rule has beenestablished by our ancestors, that in the election of censors unlesstwo shall obtain the legal number of suffrages, neither shall bereturned, but the election deferred, --will I suffer you, who could notsingly be created censor, to hold the censorship without a colleague. "Having spoken to this effect he ordered the censor to be seized, andborne to prison. But although six of the tribunes approved of theproceeding of their colleague, three gave their support to Appius, onhis appealing to them, and he held the censorship alone, to the greatdisgust of all ranks of men. 

35. While such was the state of affairs at Rome, the Etrurians hadlaid siege to Sutrium, and the consul Fabius, as he was marching alongthe foot of the mountains, with a design to succour the allies, andattempt the enemy's works, if it were by any means practicable, wasmet by their army prepared for battle. As the wide-extended plainbelow showed the greatness of their force, the consul, in order toremedy his deficiency in point of number, by advantage of the ground, changed the direction of his route a little towards the hills, wherethe way was rugged and covered with stones, and then formed histroops, facing the enemy. The Etrurians, thinking of nothing but theirnumbers, on which alone they depended, commence the fight with suchhaste and eagerness, that, in order to come the sooner to a closeengagement, they threw away their javelins, drew their swords, rushingagainst the enemy. On the other side, the Romans poured down on them, sometimes javelins, and sometimes stones which the place abundantlysupplied; so that whilst the blows on their shields and helmetsconfused even those whom they did not wound, (it was neither an easymatter to come to close quarters, nor had they missive weapons withwhich to fight at a distance, ) when there was nothing now to protectthem whilst standing and exposed to the blows, some even giving way, and the whole line wavering and unsteady the spearmen and the firstrank, renewing the shout, rush on them with drawn swords. This attackthe Etrurians could not withstand, but, facing about, fledprecipitately towards their camp; when the Roman cavalry, gettingbefore them by galloping obliquely across the plain, threw themselvesin the way of their flight, on which they quitted the road, and benttheir course to the mountains. From thence, in a body, almost withoutarms, and debilitated with wounds, they made their way into theCiminian forest. The Romans, having slain in many thousands of theEtrurians, and taken thirty-eight military standards, took alsopossession of their camp, together with a vast quantity of spoil. Theythen began to consider of pursuing the enemy. 

36. The Ciminian forest was in those days deemed as impassable andfrightful as the German forests have been in latter times; not evenany trader having ever attempted to pass it. Hardly any, besides thegeneral himself, showed boldness enough to enter it; the others hadnot the remembrance of the disaster at Caudium effaced from theirmind. On this, of those who were present, Marcus Fabius, the consul'sbrother, (some say Caeso, others Caius Claudius, born of the samemother with the consul, ) undertook to go and explore the country, andto bring them in a short time an account of every particular. Beingeducated at Caere, where he had friends, he was perfectly acquaintedwith the Etrurian language. I have seen it affirmed, that, in thosetimes, the Roman youth were commonly instructed in the Etrurianlearning, as they are now in the Greek: but it is more probable, thatthere was something very extraordinary in the person who acted sodaringly a counterfeit part, and mixed among the enemy. It is said, that his only attendant was a slave, who had been bred up with him, and who was therefore not ignorant of the same language. They receivedno further instructions at their departure, than a summary descriptionof the country through which they were to pass; to this was added thenames of the principal men in the several states, to prevent theirbeing at a loss in conversation, and from being discovered by makingsome mistake. They set out in the dress of shepherds, armed withrustic weapons, bills, and two short javelins each. But neither theirspeaking the language of the country, nor the fashion of their dressand arms, concealed them so effectually, as the incrediblecircumstance of a stranger's passing the Ciminian forest. They aresaid to have penetrated as far as the Camertian district of theUmbrians: there the Romans ventured to own who they were, and beingintroduced to the senate, treated with them, in the name of theconsul, about an alliance and friendship; and after being entertainedwith courteous hospitality, were desired to acquaint the Romans, thatif they came into those countries, there should be provisions inreadiness for the troops sufficient for thirty days, and that theyshould find the youth of the Camertian Umbrians prepared in arms toobey their commands. When this information was brought to the consul, he sent forward the baggage at the first watch, ordering the legionsto march in the rear of it. He himself staid behind with the cavalry, and the next day, as soon as light appeared, rode up to the posts ofthe enemy, which had been stationed on the outside of the forest; and, when he had detained them there for a sufficient length of time, heretired to his camp, and marching out by the opposite gate, overtookthe main body of the army before night. At the first light, on thefollowing day, he had gained the summit of Mount Ciminius, from whencehaving a view of the opulent plains of Etruria, he let loose hissoldiers upon them. When a vast booty had been driven off, sometumultuary cohorts of Etrurian peasants, hastily collected by theprincipal inhabitants of the district, met the Romans; but in suchdisorderly array, that these rescuers of the prey were near becomingwholly a prey themselves. These being slain or put to flight, and thecountry laid waste to a great extent, the Romans returned to theircamp victorious, and enriched with plenty of every kind. It happenedthat, in the mean time, five deputies, with two plebeian tribunes, hadcome hither, to charge Fabius, in the name of the senate, not toattempt to pass the Ciminian forest. These, rejoicing that they hadarrived too late to prevent the expedition, returned to Rome with thenews of its success. 

37. By this expedition of the consul, the war, instead of beingbrought nearer to a conclusion, was only spread to a wider extent: forall the tract adjacent to the foot of Mount Ciminius had felt hisdevastations; and, out of the indignation conceived thereat, hadroused to arms, not only the states of Etruria, but the neighbouringparts of Umbria. They came therefore to Sutrium, with such a numerousarmy as they had never before brought into the field; and not onlyventured to encamp on the outside of the wood, but through theirearnest desire of coming to an engagement as soon as possible, marcheddown the plains to offer battle. The troops, being marshalled, stoodat first, for some time, on their own ground, having left a spacesufficient for the Romans to draw up, opposite to them; but perceivingthat the enemy declined fighting, they advanced to the rampart; where, when they observed that even the advanced guards had retired withinthe works, a shout at once was raised around their generals, that theyshould order provisions for that day to be brought down to them: "forthey were resolved to remain there under arms; and either in thenight, or, at all events, at the dawn of day, to attack the enemy'scamp. " The Roman troops, though not less eager for action, wererestrained by the commands of the general. About the tenth hour, theconsul ordered his men a repast; and gave directions that they shouldbe ready in arms, at whatever time of the day or night he should givethe signal. He then addressed a few words to them; spoke in high termsof the wars of the Samnites, and disparagingly of the Etrurians, who"were not, " he said, "as an enemy to be compared with other enemies, nor as a numerous force, with others in point of numbers. Besides, hehad an engine at work, as they should find in due time; at present itwas of importance to keep it secret. " By these hints he intimated thatthe enemy was circumvented in order to raise the courage of his men, damped by the superiority of the enemy's force; and, from their nothaving fortified the post where they lay, the insinuation of astratagem formed against them seemed the more credible. Afterrefreshing themselves, they consigned themselves to rest, and beingroused without noise, about the fourth watch, took arms. Axes aredistributed among the servants following the army, to tear down therampart and fill up the trench. The line was formed within the works, and some chosen cohorts posted close to the gates. Then, a littlebefore day, which in summer nights is the time of the profoundestsleep, the signal being given, the rampart was levelled, and thetroops rushing forth, fell upon the enemy, who were every wherestretched at their length. Some were put to death before they couldstir; others half asleep, in their beds; the greatest part, while theyran in confusion to arms; few, in short, had time afforded them to armthemselves; and these, who followed no particular leader, nor orders, were quickly routed by the Romans and pursued by the Roman horse. Theyfled different ways; to the camp and to the woods. The latter affordedthe safer refuge; for the former, being situated in a plain, was takenthe same day. The gold and silver was ordered to be brought to theconsul; the rest of the spoil was given to the soldiers. On that day, sixty thousand of the enemy were slain or taken. Some affirm, thatthis famous battle was fought on the farther side of the Ciminianforest, at Perusia; and that the public had been under great dread, lest the army might be enclosed in such a dangerous pass, andoverpowered by a general combination of the Etrurians and Umbrians. But on whatever spot it was fought, it is certain that the Roman powerprevailed; and, in consequence thereof, ambassadors from Perusia, Cortona, and Arretium, which were then among the principal states ofEtruria, soliciting a peace and alliance with the Romans, obtained atruce for thirty years. 

38. During these transactions in Etruria, the other consul, CaiusMarcius Rutilus, took Allifae by storm from the Samnites; and many oftheir forts, and smaller towns, were either destroyed by his arms, orsurrendered without being injured. About the same time also, the Romanfleet, having sailed to Campania, under Publius Cornelius, to whom thesenate had given the command on the sea-coast, put into Pompeii. Immediately on landing, the soldiers of the fleet set out to ravagethe country about Nuceria: and after they had quickly laid waste theparts which lay nearest, and whence they could have returned to theships with safety, they were allured by the temptation of plunder, asit often happens, to advance too far, and thereby roused the enemyagainst them. While they rambled about the country, they met noopposition, though they might have been cut off to a man; but as theywere returning, in a careless manner, the peasants overtook them, notfar from the ships, stripped them of the booty, and even slew a greatpart of them. Those who escaped were driven in confusion to the ships. As Fabius' having marched through the Ciminian forest had occasionedviolent apprehensions at Rome, so it had excited joy in proportionamong the enemy in Samnium: they talked of the Roman army being pentup, and surrounded; and of the Caudine forks, as a model of theirdefeat. "Those people, " they said, "ever greedy after furtheracquisitions, were now brought into inextricable difficulties, hemmedin, not more effectually by the arms of their enemy, than by thedisadvantage of the ground. " Their joy was even mingled with a degreeof envy, because fortune, as they thought, had transferred the gloryof finishing the Roman war, from the Samnites to the Etrurians: theyhastened, therefore, with their whole collected force, to crush theconsul Caius Marcius; resolving, if he did not give them anopportunity of fighting, to proceed, through the territories of theMarsians and Sabines, into Etruria. The consul met them, and a battlewas fought with great fury on both sides, but without a decisiveissue. Although both parties suffered severely, yet the discredit ofdefeat fell on the Romans, because several of equestrian rank, somemilitary tribunes, with one lieutenant-general, had fallen; and, whatwas more remarkable than all, the consul himself was wounded. Onaccount of this event, exaggerated by report as is usual, the senatebecame greatly alarmed, so that they resolved on having a dictatornominated. No one entertained a doubt that the nomination would lighton Papirius Cursor, who was then universally deemed to possess thegreatest abilities as a commander: but they could not be certain, either that a message might be conveyed with safety into Samnium, where all was in a state of hostility, or that the consul Marcius wasalive. The other consul, Fabius, was at enmity with Papirius, on hisown account; and lest this resentment might prove an obstacle to thepublic good, the senate voted that deputies of consular rank should besent to him, who, uniting their own influence to that of government, might prevail on him to drop, for the sake of his country, allremembrance of private animosities. When the deputies, having come toFabius, delivered to him the decree of the senate, adding sucharguments as were suitable to their instructions, the consul, castinghis eyes towards the ground, retired in silence, leaving them inuncertainty what part he intended to act. Then, in the silent time ofthe night, according to the established custom, he nominated LuciusPapirius dictator. When the deputies returned him thanks, for so verymeritoriously subduing his passion, he still persevered in obstinatesilence, and dismissed them without any answer, or mention of what hehad done: a proof that he felt an extraordinary degree of resentment, which had been suppressed within his breast. Papirius appointed CaiusJunius Bubulcus master of the horse; and, as he was proceeding in anassembly of the Curiae [Footnote: The _comitia curiata_, orassemblies of the curiae, alone had the power of conferring militarycommand; no magistrate, therefore, could assume the command withoutthe previous order of their assembly. In time, this came to be a merematter of form; yet the practice always continued to be observed. ] toget an order passed respecting the command of the army, an unluckyomen obliged him to adjourn it; for the Curia which was to vote first, happened to be the Faucian, remarkably distinguished by two disasters, the taking of the city, and the Caudine peace; the same Curia havingvoted first in those years in which the said events are found. Licinius Macer supposes this Curia ominous, also, on account of athird misfortune, that which was experienced at the Cremera. 

39. Next day the dictator, taking the auspices anew, obtained theorder, and, marching out at the head of the legions, lately raised onthe alarm occasioned by the army passing the Ciminian forest, came toLongula; where having received the old troops of the consul Marcius, he led on his forces to battle; nor did the enemy seem to decline thecombat. However, they stood drawn up for battle and under arms, untilnight came on; neither side choosing to begin the fray. After this, they continued a considerable time encamped near each other, withoutcoming to action; neither diffident of their own strength, nordespising the adversary. Meanwhile matters went on actively inEtruria; for a decisive battle was fought with the Umbrians, in whichthe enemy was routed, but lost not many men, for they did not maintainthe fight with the vigour with which they began it. Besides this theEtrurians, having raised an army under the sanctions of the devotinglaw, each man choosing another, came to an engagement at the Cape ofVadimon, with more numerous forces, and, at the same time, withgreater spirit than they had ever shown before. The battle was foughtwith such animosity that no javelins were thrown by either party:swords alone were made use of; and the fury of the combatants wasstill higher inflamed by the long-continued contest; so that itappeared to the Romans as if they were disputing, not with Etrurians, whom they had so often conquered, but with a new race. Not thesemblance of giving ground appeared in any part; the first lines fell;and lest the standards should be exposed, without defence, the secondlines were formed in their place. At length, even the men forming thelast reserves were called into action; and to such an extremity ofdifficulty and danger had they come, that the Roman cavalrydismounted, and pressed forward, through heaps of arms and bodies, tothe front ranks of the infantry. These starting up a new army, as itwere, among men now exhausted, disordered the battalions of theEtrurians; and the rest, weak as their condition was, seconding theirassault, broke at last through the enemy's ranks. Their obstinacy thenbegan to give way: some companies quitted their posts, and, as soon asthey once turned their backs, betook themselves to more decidedflight. That day first broke the strength of the Etrurians, now grownexuberant through a long course of prosperity; all the flower of theirmen were cut off in the field, and in the same assault their camp wasseized and sacked. 

40. Equal danger, and an issue equally glorious, soon after attendedthe war with the Samnites; who, besides their many preparations forthe field, made their army to glitter with new decorations of theirarmour. Their troops were in two divisions, one of which had theirshields embossed with gold, the other with silver. The shape of theshield was this; broad at the middle to cover the breast andshoulders, the summit being flat, sloping off gradually so as tobecome pointed below, that it might be wielded with ease; a loose coatof mail also served as a protection for the breast, and the left legwas covered with a greave; their helmets were adorned with plumes, toadd to the appearance of their stature. The golden-armed soldiers woretunics of various colours; the silver-armed, of white linen. To thelatter the right wing was assigned; the former took post on the left. The Romans had been apprized of these splendid accoutrements, and hadbeen taught by their commanders, that "a soldier ought to be rough;not decorated with gold and silver, but placing his confidence in hissword. That matters of this kind were in reality spoil rather thanarmour; glittering before action, but soon becoming disfigured amidblood and wounds. That the brightest ornament of a soldier was valour;that all those trinkets would follow victory, and that those richenemies would be valuable prizes to the conquerors, however poor. "Cursor, having animated his men with these observations, led them onto battle. He took post himself on the right wing, he gave the commandof the left to the master of the horse. As soon as they engaged, thestruggle between the two armies became desperate, while it was no lessso between the dictator and the master of the horse, on which wingvictory should first show itself. It happened that Junius first, withthe left wing, made the right of the enemy give way; this consisted ofmen devoted after the custom of Samnites, and on that accountdistinguished by white garments and armour of equal whiteness. Junius, saying "he would sacrifice these to Pluto, " pressed forward, disordered their ranks, and made an evident impression on their line:which being perceived by the dictator, he exclaimed, "Shall thevictory begin on the left wing, and shall the right, the dictator'sown troops, only second the arms of others, and not claim the greatestshare of the victory?" This spurred on the soldiers: nor did thecavalry yield to the infantry in bravery, nor the ardour oflieutenants-general to that of the commanders. Marcius Valerius fromthe right wing, and Publius Decius from the left, both men of consularrank, rode off to the cavalry, posted on the extremities of the line, and, exhorting them to join in putting in for a share of the honour, charged the enemy on the flanks. When the addition of this new alarmassailed the enemies' troops on both sides, and the Roman legions, having renewed the shout to confound the enemy, rushed on, they beganto fly. And now the plains were quickly filled with heaps of bodiesand splendid armour. At first, their camp received the dismayedSamnites; but they did not long retain even the possession of that:before night it was taken, plundered, and burnt. The dictatortriumphed, in pursuance of a decree of the senate; and the mostsplendid spectacle by far, of any in his procession, was the capturedarms: so magnificent were they deemed, that the shields, adorned withgold, were distributed among the owners of the silver shops, to serveas embellishments to the forum. Hence, it is said, arose the custom ofthe forum being decorated by the aediles, when the grand processionsare made on occasion of the great games. The Romans, indeed, convertedthese extraordinary arms to the honour of the gods: but theCampanians, out of pride, and in hatred of the Samnites, gave them asornaments to their gladiators, who used to be exhibited as a show attheir feasts, and whom they distinguished by the name of Samnites. During this year, the consul Fabius fought with the remnants of theEtrurians at Perusia, which city also had violated the truce, andgained an easy and decisive victory. He would have taken the townitself (for he marched up to the walls, ) had not deputies come out andcapitulated. Having placed a garrison at Perusia, and sent on beforehim to the Roman senate the embassies of Etruria, who solicitedfriendship, the consul rode into the city in triumph, for successesmore important than those of the dictator. Besides, a great share ofthe honour of reducing the Samnites was attributed to thelieutenants-general, Publius Decius and Marcius Valerius: whom, at thenext election, the people, with universal consent, declared the oneconsul, the other praetor. 

41. To Fabius, in consideration of his extraordinary merit in theconquest of Etruria, the consulship was continued. Decius wasappointed his colleague. Valerius was created praetor a fourth time. The consuls divided the provinces between them. Etruria fell toDecius, Samnium to Fabius. The latter, having marched to Nuceria, rejected the application of the people of Alfaterna, who then sued forpeace, because they had not accepted it when offered, and by force ofarms compelled them to surrender. A battle was fought with theSamnites; the enemy were overcome without much difficulty: nor wouldthe memory of that engagement have been preserved, except that in itthe Marsians first appeared in arms against the Romans. ThePelignians, imitating the defection of the Marsians, met the samefate. The other consul, Decius, was likewise very successful in hisoperations: through terror he compelled the Tarquinians to supply hisarmy with corn, and to sue for a truce for forty years. He tookseveral forts from the Volsinians by assault, some of which hedemolished, that they might not serve as receptacles to the enemy, andby extending his operations through every quarter, diffused such adread of his arms, that the whole Etrurian nation sued to the consulfor an alliance: this they did not obtain; but a truce for a year wasgranted them. The pay of the Roman army for that year was furnished bythe enemy; and two tunics for each soldier were exacted from them:this was the purchase of the truce. The tranquillity now establishedin Etruria was interrupted by a sudden insurrection of the Umbrians, anation which had suffered no injury from the war, except whatinconvenience the country had felt in the passing of the army. These, by calling into the field all their own young men, and forcing a greatpart of the Etrurians to resume their arms, made up such a numerousforce, that speaking of themselves with ostentatious vanity and of theRomans with contempt, they boasted that they would leave Decius behindin Etruria, and march away to besiege Rome; which design of theirsbeing reported to the consul Decius, he removed by long marches fromEtruria towards their city, and sat down in the district of Pupinia, in readiness to act according to the intelligence received of theenemy. Nor was the insurrection of the Umbrians slighted at Rome:their very threats excited tears among the people, who hadexperienced, in the calamities suffered from the Gauls, how insecure acity they inhabited. Deputies were therefore despatched to the consulFabius with directions, that, if he had any respite from the war ofthe Samnites, he should with all haste lead his army into Umbria. Theconsul obeyed the order, and by forced marches proceeded to Mevania, where the forces of the Umbrians then lay. The unexpected arrival ofthe consul, whom they had believed to be sufficiently employed inSamnium, far distant from their country, so thoroughly affrighted theUmbrians, that several advised retiring to their fortified towns;others, the discontinuing the war. However, one district, called bythemselves Materina, prevailed on the rest not only to retain theirarms, but to come to an immediate engagement. They fell upon Fabiuswhile he was fortifying his camp. When the consul saw them rushingimpetuously towards his rampart, he called off his men from the work, and drew them up in the best manner which the nature of the place andthe time allowed; encouraging them by displaying, in honourable andjust terms, the glory which they had acquired, as well in Etruria asin Samnium, he bade them finish this insignificant appendage to theEtrurian war, and take vengeance for the impious expressions in whichthese people had threatened to attack the city of Rome. Such was thealacrity of the soldiers on hearing this, that, raising the shoutspontaneously, they interrupted the general's discourse, and, withoutwaiting for orders, advanced, with the sound of all the trumpets andcornets, in full speed against the enemy. They made their attack notas on men, or at least men in arms, but, what must appear wonderful inthe relation, began by snatching the standards out of the hands whichheld them; and then, the standard-bearers themselves were dragged tothe consul, and the armed soldiers transferred from the one line tothe other; and wherever resistance was any where made, the businesswas performed, not so much with swords, as with their shields, withthe bosses of which, and thrusts of their elbows, they bore down thefoe. The prisoners were more numerous than the slain, and through thewhole line the Umbrians called on each other, with one voice, to laydown their arms. Thus a surrender was made in the midst of action, bythe first promoters of the war; and on the next and following days, the other states of the Umbrians also surrendered. The Ocriculans wereadmitted to a treaty of friendship on giving security. 

42. Fabius, successful in a war allotted to another, led back his armyinto his own province. And as, in the preceding year, the people had, in consideration of his services so successfully performed, re-electedhim to the consulship, so now the senate, from the same motive, notwithstanding a warm opposition made by Appius, prolonged hiscommand for the year following, in which Appius Claudius and LuciusVolumnius were consuls. In some annals I find, that Appius, stillholding the office of censor, declared himself a candidate for theconsulship, and that his election was stopped by a protest of LuciusFurius, plebeian tribune, until he resigned the censorship. After hiselection to the consulship, the new war with the Sallentine enemiesbeing decreed to his colleague, he remained at Rome, with design toincrease his interest by city intrigues, since the means of procuringhonour in war were placed in the hands of others. Volumnius had noreason to be dissatisfied with his province: he fought many battleswith good success, and took several cities by assault. He was liberalin his donations of the spoil; and this munificence, engaging initself, he enhanced by his courteous demeanour, by which conduct heinspired his soldiers with ardour to meet both toil and danger. Quintus Fabius, proconsul, fought a pitched battle with the armies ofthe Samnites, near the city of Allifae. The victory was complete. Theenemy were driven from the field, and pursued to their camp; nor wouldthey have kept possession of that, had not the day been almost spent. It was invested, however, before night, and guarded until day, lestany should slip away. Next morning, while it was scarcely clear day, they proposed to capitulate, and it was agreed, that such as werenatives of Samnium should be dismissed with single garments. All thesewere sent under the yoke. No precaution was taken in favour of theallies of the Samnites: they were sold by auction, to the number ofseven thousand. Those who declared themselves subjects of theHernicians, were kept by themselves under a guard. All these Fabiussent to Rome to the senate; and, after being examined, whether it wasin consequence of a public order, or as volunteers, that they hadcarried arms on the side of the Samnites against the Romans, they weredistributed among the states of the Latins to be held in custody; andit was ordered, that the new consuls, Publius Cornelius Arvina andQuintus Marcius Tremulus, who by this time had been elected, shouldlay that affair entire before the senate: this gave such offence tothe Hernicians, that, at a meeting of all the states, assembled by theAnagnians, in the circus called the Maritime, the whole nation of theHernicians, excepting the Alatrians, Ferentines, and Verulans, declared war against the Roman people. 

43. In Samnium also, in consequence of the departure of Fabius, newcommotions arose. Calatia and Sora, and the Roman garrisons stationedthere, were taken, and extreme cruelty was exercised towards thecaptive soldiers: Publius Cornelius was therefore sent thither with anarmy. The command against the new enemy (for by this time an order hadpassed for declaring war against the Anagnians, and the rest of theHernicians) was decreed to Marcius. These, in the beginning, securedall the passes between the camps of the consuls, in such a manner, that no messenger, however expert, could make his way from one to theother; and each consul spent several days in absolute uncertaintyregarding every matter and in anxious suspense concerning the state ofthe other. Apprehensions for their safety spread even to Rome; so thatall the younger citizens were compelled to enlist and two regulararmies were raised, to answer sudden emergencies. The conduct of theHernicians during the progress of the war afterwards, showed nothingsuitable to the present alarm, or to the ancient renown of thatnation. Without ever venturing any effort worth mentioning, beingstripped of three different camps within a few days, they stipulatedfor a truce of thirty days, during which they might send to Rome, tothe senate, on the terms of furnishing two months' pay, and corn, anda tunic to every soldier. They were referred back to Marcius by thesenate, whom by a decree they empowered to determine regarding theHernicians, and he accepted their submission. Meanwhile, in Samnium, the other consul, though superior in strength, was very muchembarrassed by the nature of his situation; the enemy had blocked upall the roads, and seized on the passable defiles, so that noprovisions could be conveyed; nor could the consul, though he dailydrew out his troops and offered battle, allure them to an engagement. It was evident, that neither could the Samnites support an immediatecontest, nor the Romans a delay of action. The approach of Marcius, who, after he had subdued the Hernicians, hastened to the succour ofhis colleague, put it out of the enemy's power any longer to avoidfighting: for they, who had not deemed themselves a match in thefield, even for one of the armies, could not surely suppose that ifthey should allow the two consular armies to unite, they could haveany hope remaining: they made an attack therefore on Marcius, as hewas approaching in the irregular order of march. The baggage washastily thrown together in the centre, and the line formed as well asthe time permitted. First the shout which reached the standing camp ofCornelius, then the dust observed at a distance, excited a bustle inthe camp of the other consul. Ordering his men instantly to take arms, and leading them out to the field with the utmost haste, he chargedthe flank of the enemy's line, which had enough to do in the otherdispute, at the same time exclaiming, that "it would be the height ofinfamy if they suffered Marcius's army to monopolize the honour ofboth victories, and did not assert their claim to the glory of theirown war. " He bore down all before him, and pushed forward, through themidst of the enemy's line, to their camp, which, being left without aguard, he took and set on fire; which when the soldiers of Marcius sawin flames, and the enemy observed it on looking about, a generalflight immediately took place among the Samnites. But they could noteffect an escape in any direction; in every quarter they met death. After a slaughter of thirty thousand men, the consuls had now giventhe signal for retreat; and were collecting, into one body, theirseveral forces, who were employed in mutual congratulations, when somenew cohorts of the enemy, which had been levied for a reinforcement, being seen at a distance, occasioned a renewal of the carnage. Onthese the conquerors rushed, without any order of the consuls, orsignal received, crying out, that they would make these Samnites paydearly for their introduction to service. The consuls indulged theardour of the legions, well knowing that the raw troops of the enemy, mixed with veterans dispirited by defeat, would be incapable even ofattempting a contest. Nor were they wrong in their judgment: all theforces of the Samnites, old and new, fled to the nearest mountains. These the Roman army also ascended, so that no situation affordedsafety to the vanquished; they were beaten off, even from the summitswhich they had seized. And now they all, with on voice, supplicatedfor a suspension of arms. On which, being ordered to furnish corn forthree months, pay for a year, and a tunic to each of the soldiers, they sent deputies to the senate to sue for peace. Cornelius was leftin Samnium. Marcius returned into the city, in triumph over theHernicians; and a decree was passed for erecting to him, in the forum, an equestrian statue, which was placed before the temple of Castor. Tothree states of the Hernicians, (the Alatrians, Verulans, andFerentines, ) their own laws were restored, because they preferredthese to the being made citizens of Rome; and they were permitted tointermarry with each other, a privilege which they alone of theHernicians, for a long time after, enjoyed. To the Anagnians, and theothers, who had made war on the Romans, was granted the freedom of thestate, without the right of voting; public assemblies, andintermarriages, were not allowed them, and their magistrates wereprohibited from acting except in the ministration of public worship. During this year, Caius Junius Bubulcus, censor, contracted for thebuilding of a temple to Health, which he had vowed during hisconsulate in the war with the Samnites. By the same person, and hiscolleague, Marcus Valerius Maximus, roads were made through the fieldsat the public expense. During the same year the treaty with theCarthaginians was renewed a third time, and ample presents made totheir ambassadors who came on that business. 

44. This year had a dictator in office, Publius Cornelius Scipio, withPublius Decius Mus, master of the horse. By these the election ofconsuls was held, being the purpose for which they had been created, because neither of the consuls could be absent from the armies. Theconsuls elected were Lucius Postumius and Titus Minucius; whom Pisoplaces next after Quintus Fabius and Publius Decius, omitting the twoyears in which I have set down Claudius with Volumnius, and Corneliuswith Marcius, as consuls. Whether this happened through a lapse ofmemory in digesting his annals, or whether he purposely passed overthose two consulates as deeming the accounts of them false, cannot beascertained. During this year the Samnites made incursions into thedistrict of Stellae in the Campanian territory. Both the consuls weretherefore sent into Samnium, and proceeded to different regions, Postumius to Tifernum, Minucius to Bovianum. The first engagementhappened at Tifernum, under the command of Postumius. Some say, thatthe Samnites were completely defeated, and twenty thousand of themmade prisoners. Others, that the army separated without victory oneither side; and that Postumius, counterfeiting fear, withdrew hisforces privately by night, and marched away to the mountains; whitherthe enemy also followed, and took possession of a stronghold two milesdistant. The consul, having created a belief that he had come thitherfor the sake of a safe post, and a fruitful spot, (and such it reallywas, ) secured his camp with strong works. Furnishing it with magazinesof every thing useful, he left a strong guard to defend it; and at thethird watch, led away the legions lightly accoutred, by the shortestroad which he could take, to join his colleague, who lay opposite tohis foe. There, by advice of Postumius, Minucius came to an engagementwith the enemy; and when the fight had continued doubtful through agreat part of the day, Postumius, with his fresh legions, made anunexpected attack on the enemy's line, spent by this time withfatigue: thus, weariness and wounds having rendered them incapableeven of flying, they were cut off to a man, and twenty-one standardstaken. The Romans then proceeded to Postumius's station, where the twovictorious armies falling upon the enemy, already dismayed by the newsof what had passed, routed and dispersed them: twenty-six militarystandards were taken here, and the Samnite general, Statius Gellius, with a great number of other prisoners, and both the camps were taken. Next day Bovianum was besieged, and soon after taken. Both the consulswere honoured with a triumph, with high applause of their excellentconduct. Some writers say, that the consul Minucius was brought backto the camp grievously wounded, and that he died there; that MarcusFulvius was substituted consul in his place, and that it was he who, being sent to command Minucius's army, took Bovianum. During the sameyear, Sora, Arpinum, and Censennia were recovered from the Samnites. The great statue of Hercules was erected in the Capitol, anddedicated. 

45. In the succeeding consulate of Publius Sulpicius Saverrio andPublius Sempronius Sophus, the Samnites, desirous either of atermination or a suspension of hostilities, sent ambassadors to Rometo treat of peace; to whose submissive solicitations this answer wasreturned, that, "had not the Samnites frequently solicited peace, attimes when they were actually preparing for war, their presentapplication might, perhaps, in the course of negotiating, haveproduced the desired effect. But now, since words had hitherto provedvain, people's conduct must be guided by facts: that PubliusSempronius the consul would shortly be in Samnium with an army: thathe could not be deceived in judging whether their dispositionsinclined to peace or war. He would bring the senate certaininformation respecting every particular, and their ambassadors mightfollow the consul on his return from Samnium. " When the Roman armyaccordingly marched through all parts of Samnium, which was in a stateof peace, provisions being liberally supplied, a renewal of the oldtreaty was, this year, granted to the Samnites. The Roman arms werethen turned against the Aequans, their old enemies, but who had, formany years past, remained quiet, under the guise of a treacherouspeace, because, while the Hernicians were in a state of prosperity, these had, in conjunction with them, frequently sent aid to theSamnites; and after the Hernicians were subdued, almost the wholenation, without dissembling that they acted by public authority, hadrevolted to the enemy; and when, after the conclusion of the treatywith the Samnites at Rome, ambassadors were sent to demandsatisfaction, they said, that "this was only a trial made of them, onthe expectation that they would through fear suffer themselves to bemade Roman citizens. But how much that condition was to be wished for, they had been taught by the Hernicians; who, when they had the option, preferred their own laws to the freedom of the Roman state. To peoplewho wished for liberty to choose what they judged preferable, thenecessity of becoming Roman citizens would have the nature of apunishment. " In resentment of these declarations, uttered publicly intheir assemblies, the Roman people ordered war to be made on theAequans; and, in prosecution of this new undertaking, both the consulsmarched from the city, and sat down at the distance of four miles fromthe camp of the enemy. The troops of the Aequans, like tumultuaryrecruits, in consequence of their having passed such a number of yearswithout waging war on their own account, were all in disorder andconfusion, without established officers and without command. Someadvised to give battle, others to defend the camp; the greater partwere influenced by concern for the devastation of their lands, likelyto take place, and the consequent destruction of their cities, leftwith weak garrisons. Among a variety of propositions, one, however, was heard which, abandoning all concern for the public interest, tended to transfer every man's attention to the care of his privateconcerns. It recommended that, at the first watch, they should departfrom the camp by different roads, so as to carry all their effectsinto the cities, and to secure them by the strength of thefortifications; this they all approved with universal assent. When theenemy were now dispersed through the country, the Romans, at the firstdawn, marched out to the field, and drew up in order of battle; but noone coming to oppose them, they advanced in a brisk pace to theenemy's camp. But when they perceived neither guards before the gates, nor soldiers on the ramparts, nor the usual bustle of acamp, --surprised at the extraordinary silence, they halted inapprehension of some stratagem. At length, passing over the rampart, and finding the whole deserted, they proceeded to search out thetracks of the enemy. But these, as they scattered themselves to everyquarter, occasioned perplexity at first. Afterwards discovering theirdesign by means of scouts, they attacked their cities, one afteranother, and within the space of fifty days took, entirely by force, forty-one towns, most of which were razed and burnt, and the race ofthe Aequans almost extirpated. A triumph was granted over the Aequans. The Marrucinians, Marsians, Pelignians, and Ferentans, warned by theexample of their disasters, sent deputies to Rome to solicit peace andfriendship; and these states, on their submissive applications, wereadmitted into alliance. 

46. In the same year, Cneius Flavius, son of Cneius, grandson of afreed man, a notary, in low circumstances originally, but artful andeloquent, was appointed curule aedile. I find in some annals, that, being in attendance on the aediles, and seeing that he was votedaedile by the prerogative tribe, but that his name would not bereceived, because he acted as a notary, he threw down his tablet, andtook an oath, that he would not, for the future, follow that business. But Licinius Macer contends, that he had dropped the employment ofnotary a considerable time before, having already been a tribune, andtwice a triumvir, once for regulating the nightly watch, and anothertime for conducting a colony. However, of this there is no dispute, that against the nobles, who threw contempt on the meanness of hiscondition, he contended with much firmness. He made public the rulesof proceeding in judicial causes, hitherto shut up in the closets ofthe pontiffs; and hung up to public view, round the forum, thecalendar on white tablets, that all might know when business could betransacted in the courts. To the great displeasure of the nobles, heperformed the dedication of the temple of Concord, in the area ofVulcan's temple; and the chief pontiff, Cornelius Barbatus, wascompelled by the united instances of the people, to dictate to him theform of words, although he affirmed, that, consistently with thepractice of antiquity, no other than a consul, or commander-in-chief, could dedicate a temple. This occasioned a law to be proposed to thepeople, by direction of the senate, that no person should dedicate atemple, or an altar, without an order from the senate, or from amajority of the plebeian tribunes. The incident which I am about tomention would be trivial in itself, were it not an instance of thefreedom assumed by plebeians in opposition to the pride of the nobles. When Flavius had come to make a visit to his colleague, who was sick, and when, by an arrangement between some young nobles who were sittingthere, they did not rise on his entrance, he ordered his curule chairto be brought thither, and from his honourable seat of office enjoyedthe sight of his enemies tortured with envy. However, a low faction, which had gathered strength during the censorship of Appius Claudius, had made Flavius an aedile; for he was the first who degraded thesenate, by electing into it the immediate descendants of freed men;and when no one allowed that election as valid, and when he had notacquired in the senate-house that influence in the city which he hadbeen aiming at, by distributing men of the meanest order among all theseveral tribes, he thus corrupted the assemblies both of the forum andof the field of Mars; and so much indignation did the election ofFlavius excite, that most of the nobles laid aside their gold ringsand bracelets in consequence of it. From that time the state was splitinto two parties. The uncorrupted part of the people, who favoured andsupported the good, held one side; the faction of the rabble, theother; until Quintus Fabius and Publius Decius were made censors; andFabius, both for the sake of concord, and at the same time to preventthe elections remaining in the hands of the lowest of the people, purged the rest of the tribes of all the rabble of the forum, andthrew it into four, and called them city tribes. And this procedure, we are told, gave such universal satisfaction, that, by thisregulation in the orders of the state, he obtained the surname ofMaximus, which he had not obtained by his many victories. The annualreview of the knights, on the ides of July, is also said to have beeninstituted by him. 

BOOK X. 

_Submission of the Marcians accepted. The college of Augursaugmented from four to nine. The law of appeal to the people carriedby Valerius the consul. Two more tribes added. War declared againstthe Samnites. Several successful actions. In an engagement against thecombined forces of the Etruscans, Umbrians, Samnites, and Gauls, Publius Decius, after the example of his father, devotes himself forthe army. Dies, and, by his death, procures the victory to the Romans. Defeat of the Samnites by Papirius Cursor. The census held. Thelustrum closed. The number of the citizens two hundred and sixty-twothousand three hundred and twenty-two. _

 * * * * *

1. During the consulate of Lucius Genucius and Servius Cornelius, thestate enjoyed almost uninterrupted rest from foreign wars. Colonieswere led out to Sora and Alba. For the latter, situated in the countryof the Aequans, six thousand colonists were enrolled. Sora hadformerly belonged to the Volscian territory, but had fallen into thepossession of the Samnites: thither were sent four thousand settlers. This year the freedom of the state was granted to the Arpinians andTrebulans. The Frusinonians were fined a third part of their lands, because it was discovered that the Hernicians had been tampered withby them; and the heads of that conspiracy, after a trial before theconsuls, held in pursuance of a decree of the senate, were beaten withrods and beheaded. However, that the Romans might not pass the yearentirely exempt from war, a little expedition was made into Umbria;intelligence being received from thence, that excursions of men, inarms, had been made, from a certain cave, into the adjacent country. Into this cave the troops penetrated with their standards, and, theplace being dark, they received many wounds, chiefly from stonesthrown. At length the other mouth of the cave being found, for it waspervious, both the openings were filled up with wood, which being seton fire, there perished by means of the smoke and heat, no less thantwo thousand men; many of whom, at the last, in attempting to maketheir way out, rushed into the very flames. The two Marci, LiviusDenter and Aemilius, succeeding to the consulship, war was renewedwith the Aequans; who, being highly displeased at the colonyestablished within their territory, as if it were a fortress, havingmade an attempt, with their whole force, to seize it, were repulsed bythe colonists themselves. They caused, however, such an alarm at Rome, that, to quell this insurrection, Caius Junius Bubulcus was nominateddictator: for it was scarcely credible that the Aequans, after beingreduced to such a degree of weakness, should by themselves alone haveventured to engage in a war. The dictator, taking the field, withMarcus Titinius, master of the horse, in the first engagement reducedthe Aequans to submission; and returning into the city in triumph, onthe eighth day, dedicated, in the character of dictator, the temple ofHealth, which he had vowed when consul, and contracted for whencensor. 

2. During this year a fleet of Grecians, under the command ofCleonymus, a Lacedaemonian, arrived on the coast of Italy, and tookThuriae, a city in the territory of the Sallentines. Against thisenemy the consul Aemilius was sent, who, in one battle, completelydefeated them, and drove them on board their ships. Thuriae was thenrestored to its old inhabitants, and peace re-established in thecountry of the Sallentines. In some annals, I find that JuniusBubulcus was sent dictator into that country, and that Cleonymus, without hazarding an engagement with the Romans, retired out of Italy. He then sailed round the promontory of Brundusium, and, steering downthe middle of the Adriatic gulf, because he dreaded, on the left hand, the coasts of Italy destitute of harbours, and, on the right, theIllyrians, Liburnians, and Istrians, nations of savages, and noted ingeneral for piracy, he passed on to the coasts of the Venetians. Here, having landed a small party to explore the country, and being informedthat a narrow beach stretched along the shore, beyond which weremarshes, overflowed by the tides; that dry land was seen at no greatdistance, level in the nearest part, and rising behind into hills, beyond which was the mouth of a very deep river, into which they hadseen ships brought round and moored in safety, (this was the riverMeduacus, ) he ordered his fleet to sail into it and go up against thestream. As the channel would not admit the heavy ships, the troops, removing into the lighter vessels, arrived at a part of the countryoccupied by three maritime cantons of the Patavians, settled on thatcoast. Here they made a descent, leaving a small guard with the ships, made themselves masters of these cantons, set fire to the houses, drove off a considerable booty of men and cattle, and, allured by thesweets of plunder, proceeded still further from the shore. When newsof this was brought to Patavium, where the contiguity of the Gaulskept the inhabitants constantly in arms, they divided their young meninto two bands, one of which was led towards the quarter where themarauders were said to be busy; the other by a different route, toavoid meeting any of the pirates, towards the station of the ships, fifteen miles distant from the town. An attack was made on the smallcraft, and the guards being killed, the affrighted mariners wereobliged to remove their ships to the other bank of the river. By land, also, the attack on the dispersed plunderers was equally successful;and the Grecians, flying back towards their ships, were opposed intheir way by the Venetians. Thus they were enclosed on both sides, andcut to pieces; and some, who were made prisoners, gave informationthat the fleet, with their king, Cleonymus, was but three milesdistant. Sending the captives into the nearest canton, to be keptunder a guard, some soldiers got on board the flat-bottomed vessels, so constructed for the purpose of passing the shoals with ease; othersembarked in those which had been lately taken from the enemy, andproceeding down the river, surrounded their unwieldy ships, whichdreaded the unknown sands and flats more than they did the Romans, andwhich showed a greater eagerness to escape into the deep than to makeresistance. The soldiers pursued them as far as the mouth of theriver; and having taken and burned a part of the fleet, which in thehurry and confusion had been stranded, returned victorious. Cleonymus, having met success in no part of the Adriatic sea, departed withscarce a fifth part of his navy remaining. Many, now alive, have seenthe beaks of his ships, and the spoils of the Lacedaemonians, hangingin the old temple of Juno. In commemoration of this event, there isexhibited at Patavium, every year, on its anniversary day, a navalcombat on the river in the middle of the town. 

3. A treaty was this year concluded at Rome with the Vestinians, whosolicited friendship. Various causes of apprehension afterwards sprungup. News arrived, that Etruria was in rebellion; the insurrectionhaving arisen from the dissensions of the Arretians; for the Cilnianfamily having grown exorbitantly powerful, a party, out of envy oftheir wealth, had attempted to expel them by force of arms. [Accountswere also received] that the Marsians held forcible possession of thelands to which the colony of Carseoli, consisting of four thousandmen, had been sent. By reason, therefore, of these commotions, MarcusValerius Maximus was nominated dictator, and chose for his master ofthe horse Marcus Aemilius Paullus. This I am inclined to believe, rather than that Quintus Fabius, at such an age as he then was, andafter enjoying many honours, was placed in a station subordinate toValerius: but I think it not unlikely that the mistake arose from thesurname Maximus. The dictator, having set out at the head of an army, in one battle utterly defeated the Marsians, drove them into theirfortified towns, and afterwards, in the course of a few days, tookMilionia, Plestina, and Fresilia; and then finding Marsians in a partof their lands, granted them a renewal of the treaty. The war was thendirected against the Etrurians; and when the dictator had gone toRome, for the purpose of renewing the auspices, the master of thehorse, going out to forage, was surrounded by an ambuscade, andobliged to fly shamefully into his camp, after losing severalstandards and many of his men. The occurrence of which discomfiture toFabius is exceedingly improbable; not only because, if in anyparticular, certainly, above all, in the qualifications of acommander, he fully merited his surname; but besides, mindful ofPapirius's severity, he never could have been tempted to fight, without the dictator's orders. 

4. The news of this disaster excited at Rome an alarm greater thansuited the importance of the affair; for, as if the army had beendestroyed, a justitium was proclaimed, guards mounted at the gates, and watches set in every street: and armour and weapons were heaped onthe walls. All the younger citizens being compelled to enlist, thedictator was ordered to join the army. There he found every thing in amore tranquil state than he expected, and regularity establishedthrough the care of the master of the horse, the camp removed to aplace of greater safety, the cohorts, which had lost their standards, left without tents on the outside of the ramparts and the troopsardently impatient for battle, that their disgrace might be the soonerobliterated. He therefore immediately advanced his camp into theterritory of Rusella. Thither the enemy also followed, and although, since their late success, they entertained the most sanguine hopesfrom an open trial of strength, yet they endeavoured to circumvent theenemy by a stratagem which they had before practised with success. There were, at a small distance from the Roman camp, the half-ruinedhouses of a town which had been burnt in the devastation of thecountry. A body of troops being concealed there, some cattle wasdriven on, within view of a Roman post, commanded by alieutenant-general, Cneius Fulvius. When no one was induced by thistemptation to stir from his post, one of the herdsmen, advancing closeto the works, called out, that others were driving out those cattle attheir leisure from the ruins of the town, why did they remain idle, when they might safely drive them through the middle of the Romancamp? When this was interpreted to the lieutenant-general, by somenatives of Caere, and great impatience prevailed through every companyof the soldiers, who, nevertheless, dared not to move without orders, he commanded some who were skilled in the language to observeattentively, whether the dialect of the herdsmen resembled that ofrustics or of citizens. When these reported, that their accent inspeaking, their manner and appearance, were all of a more polishedcast than suited shepherds, "Go then, " said he, "tell them that theymay uncover the ambush which they vainly conceal, that the Romansunderstand all their devices, and can now be no more taken bystratagem than they can be conquered by arms. " When these words wereheard, and carried to those who lay in ambush, they immediately arosefrom their lurking place, and marched out in order into the plainwhich was open to view on every side The lieutenant-general thoughttheir force too powerful for his small band to cope with. He thereforesent in haste to Valerius for support, and in the mean time, byhimself, sustained the enemy's onset. 

5. On receiving his message, the dictator ordered the standards tomove, and the troops to follow in arms. But every thing was executedmore quickly, almost, than ordered. The standards and arms wereinstantly snatched up, and they were with difficulty restrained fromrunning impetuously on, both indignation at their late defeatstimulated them, as well as the shouts striking their ears withincreasing vehemence, as the contest grew hotter They therefore urgedeach other, and pressed the standard-bearers to quicken their pace. The dictator, the more eagerly he saw them push forward, took the morepains to repress their haste, and ordered them to march at a slowerrate. On the other side, the Etrurians, putting themselves in motion, on the first beginning of the fray had come up with their whole force, and several expresses came to the dictator, one after another, thatall the regions of the Etrurians had joined in the fight, and that hismen could not any longer withstand them: at the same time, he himselfsaw, from the higher ground, in how perilous a situation the partywas. Confident, however, that the lieutenant-general was able, evenyet, to support the contest, and considering that he himself was athand to rescue him from defeat, he wished to let the enemy befatigued, as much as might be, in order that, when in that state, hemight fall on them with his fresh troops. Slowly as these marched, thedistance was now just sufficient for the cavalry to begin their careerfor a charge. The battalions of the legions marched in front, lest theenemy might suspect any secret or sudden movement, but intervals hadbeen left in the ranks of the infantry, affording room for the horsesto gallop through. At the same instant the line raised the shout, andthe cavalry, charging at full speed, poured on the enemy, and spreadat once a general panic. After this, as succour had arrived, almosttoo late, to the party surrounded, so now they were allowed entirerest, the fresh troops taking on themselves the whole business of thefight. Nor was that either long or dubious. The enemy, now routed, fled to their camp, and the Romans advancing to attack it, they gaveway, and are crowded all together in the remotest part of it. In theirflight they are obstructed by the narrowness of the gates, the greaternumber climbed up on the mounds and ramparts, to try if they couldeither defend themselves with the aid of the advantageous ground, orget over, by any means, and escape. One part of the rampart, happeningto be badly compacted sunk under the weight of the multitude who stoodon it, and fell into the trench. On which, crying out that the godshad opened that pass to give them safety, they made their way out, most of them leaving their arms behind. By this battle the power ofthe Etrurians was, a second time, effectually crushed, so that, engaging to furnish a year's pay, and corn for two months, with thedictator's permission, they sent ambassadors to Rome to treat ofpeace. This was refused, but a truce for two years was granted tothem. The dictator returned into the city in triumph. I have seen itasserted, that tranquillity was restored in Etruria by the dictator, without any memorable battle, only by composing the dissensions of theArretians, and effecting a reconciliation between the Cilnian familyand the commons. Marcus Valerius was elected consul, before theexpiration of his dictatorship, many have believed, without hissoliciting the office, and even while he was absent; and that theelection was held by an interrex. In one point all agree, that he heldthe consulship with Quintus Appulcius Pansa. 

6. During this consulate of Marcus Valerius and Quintus Appulcius, affairs abroad wore a very peaceable aspect. Their losses sustained inwar, together with the truce, kept the Etrurians quiet. The Samnites, depressed by the misfortunes of many years, had not yet becomedissatisfied with their new alliance. At Rome, also, the carrying awayof such multitudes to colonies, rendered the commons tranquil, andlightened their burthens. But, that things might not be tranquil onall sides, a contention was excited between the principal persons inthe commonwealth, patricians on one hand, and plebeians on the other, by the two Ogulnii, Quintus and Cneius, plebeian tribunes, who, seeking every where occasions of criminating the patricians in thehearing of the people, and having found other attempts fruitless, seton foot a proceeding by which they might inflame, not the lowest classof the commons, but their chief men, the plebeians of consular andtriumphal rank, to the completion of whose honours nothing was nowwanting but the offices of the priesthood, which were not yet laidopen to them. They therefore published a proposal for a law, that, whereas there were then four augurs and four pontiffs, and it had beendetermined that the number of priests should be augmented, the fouradditional pontiffs and five augurs should all be chosen out of thecommons. How the college of augurs could be reduced to the number offour, except by the death of two, I do not understand: for it is arule among the augurs, that their number should be composed of threes, so that the three ancient tribes, the Ramnes, Titienses, and Luceres, should have each its own augur; or, in case there should be occasionfor more, that each should increase its number of augurs, in equalproportion with the rest, in like manner as when, by the addition offive to four, they made up the number nine, so that there were threeto each tribe. However, as it was proposed that they should be chosenout of the commons, the patricians were as highly offended at theproceeding, as when they saw the consulship made common; yet theypretended that the business concerned not them so much as it did thegods, who would "take care that their own worship should not becontaminated; that, for their parts, they only wished that nomisfortune might ensue to the commonwealth. " But they made a lessvigorous opposition, as being now accustomed to suffer defeat in suchkind of disputes; and they saw their adversaries, not, as formerly, grasping at that which they could scarcely hope to reach, the higherhonours; but already in possession of all those advantages, on theuncertain prospect of which they had maintained the contest, manifoldconsulships, censorships, and triumphs. 

7. The principal struggle, however, in supporting and opposing thebill, they say, was between Appius Claudius and Publius Decius Mus. After these had urged nearly the same topics, respecting theprivileges of patricians and plebeians, which had been formerlyemployed for and against the Licinian law, when the proposition wasbrought forward of opening the consulship to plebeians, Decius is saidto have drawn a lively description of his own father, such as manythen present in the assembly had seen him, girt in the Gabine dress, standing on a spear, in the attitude in which he had devoted himselffor the people and the legions, and to have added, that the consulPublius Decius was then deemed by the immortal gods an offeringequally pure and pious, as if his colleague, Titus Manlius, had beendevoted. And might not the same Publius Decius have been, withpropriety, chosen to perform the public worship of the Roman people?Was there any danger that the gods would give less attention to hisprayers than to those of Appius Claudius? Did the latter perform hisprivate acts of adoration with a purer mind, or worship the gods morereligiously than he? Who had any reason to complain of the vowsoffered in behalf of the commonwealth, by so many plebeian consuls anddictators, either when setting out to their armies, or in the heat ofbattle? Were the numbers of commanders reckoned, during those yearssince business began to be transacted under the conduct and auspicesof plebeians, the same number of triumphs might be found. The commonshad now no reason to be dissatisfied with their own nobility. On thecontrary, they were fully convinced, that in case of a sudden warbreaking out, the senate and people of Rome would not repose greaterconfidence in patrician than in plebeian commanders. "Which being thecase, " said he, "what god or man can deem it an impropriety, if thosewhom ye have honoured with curule chairs, with the purple borderedgown, with the palm-vest and embroidered robe, with the triumphalcrown and laurel, whose houses ye have rendered conspicuous aboveothers, by affixing to them the spoils of conquered enemies, shouldadd to these the badges of augurs or pontiffs? If a person, who hasrode through the city in a gilt chariot; and, decorated with theensigns of Jupiter, supremely good and great, has mounted the Capitol, should be seen with a chalice and wand; what impropriety, I say, thathe should, with his head veiled, slay a victim, or take an augury inthe citadel? When, in the inscription on a person's statue, theconsulship, censorship, and triumph shall be read with patience, willthe eyes of readers be unable to endure the addition of the office ofaugur or pontiff? In truth (with deference to the gods I say it) Itrust that we are, through the kindness of the Roman people, qualifiedin such a manner that we should, by the dignity of our characters, reflect back, on the priesthood, not less lustre than we shouldreceive; and may demand, rather on behalf of the gods, than for ourown sakes, that those whom we worship in our private we may alsoworship in a public capacity. "

8. "But why do I argue thus, as if the cause of the patricians, respecting the priesthood, were untouched? and as if we were notalready in possession of one sacerdotal office, of the highest class?We see plebeian decemvirs, for performing sacrifices, interpreters ofthe Sibylline prophecies, and of the fates of the nation; we also seethem presidents of Apollo's festival, and of other religiousperformances. Neither was any injustice done to the patricians, when, to the two commissioners for performing sacrifices, an additionalnumber was joined, in favour of the plebeians; nor is there now, whena tribune, a man of courage and activity, wishes to add five places ofaugurs, and four of pontiffs, to which plebeians may be nominated; notAppius, with intent to expel you from your places; but, that men ofplebeian rank may assist you, in the management of divine affairs, with the same zeal with which they assist you in matters of humanconcernment. Blush not, Appius, at having a man your colleague in thepriesthood, whom you might have a colleague in the censorship orconsulship, whose master of the horse you yourself may be, when he isdictator, as well as dictator when he is master of the horse. A Sabineadventurer, the first origin of your nobility, either Attus Clausus, or Appius Claudius, which you will, the ancient patricians of thosedays admitted into their number: do not then, on your part, disdain toadmit us into the number of priests. We bring with us numeroushonours; all those honours, indeed, which have rendered your party soproud. Lucius Sextius was the first consul chosen out of theplebeians; Caius Licinius Stolo, the first master of the horse; CaiusMarcius Rutilus, the first dictator, and likewise censor; QuintusPublilius Philo, the first praetor. On all occasions was heard arepetition of the same arguments; that the right of auspices wasvested in you; that ye alone had the rights of ancestry; that ye alonewere legally entitled to the supreme command, and the auspices both inpeace and war. The supreme command has hitherto been, and willcontinue to be, equally prosperous in plebeian hands as in patrician. Have ye never heard it said, that the first created patricians werenot men sent down from heaven, but such as could cite their fathers, that is, nothing more than free born. I can now cite my father, aconsul; and my son will be able to cite a grandfather. Citizens, thereis nothing else in it, than that we should never obtain any thingwithout a refusal. The patricians wish only for a dispute; nor do theycare what issue their disputes may have. For my part, be itadvantageous, happy, and prosperous to you and to the commonwealth, Iam of opinion that this law should receive your sanction. "

9. The people ordered that the tribes should be instantly called; andthere was every appearance that the law would be accepted. It wasdeferred, however, for that day, by a protest, from which on the dayfollowing the tribunes were deterred; and it passed with theapprobation of a vast majority. The pontiffs created were, PubliusDecius Mus, the advocate for the law; Publius Sempronius Sophus, CaiusMarcius Rutilus, and Marcus Livius Denter. The five augurs, who werealso plebeians, were, Caius Genucius, Publius Aelius Paetus, MarcusMinucius Fessus, Caius Marcius, and Titus Publilius. Thus the numberof the pontiffs was made eight; that of the augurs nine. In the sameyear Marcus Valerius, consul, procured a law to be passed concerningappeals; more carefully enforced by additional sanctions. This was thethird time, since the expulsion of the kings, of this law beingintroduced, and always by the same family. The reason for renewing itso often was, I believe, no other, than that the influence of a fewwas apt to prove too powerful for the liberty of the commons. However, the Porcian law seems intended, solely, for the security of thepersons of the citizens; as it visited with a severe penalty any onefor beating with stripes or putting to death a Roman citizen. TheValerian law, after forbidding a person, who had appealed, to bebeaten with rods and beheaded, added, in case of any one actingcontrary thereto, that it shall yet be only deemed a wicked act. This, I suppose, was judged of sufficient strength to enforce obedience tothe law in those days; so powerful was then men's sense of shame; atpresent one would scarcely make use of such a threat seriously. TheAequans rebelling, the same consul conducted the war against them; inwhich no memorable event occurred; for, except ferocity, they retainednothing of their ancient condition. The other consul, Appuleius, invested the town of Nequinum in Umbria. The ground, the same whereonNarnia now stands, was steep (on one side even perpendicular); thisrendered the town impregnable either by assault or works. Thatbusiness, therefore, came unfinished into the hands of the succeedingconsuls, Marcus Fulvius Paetinus and Titus Manlius Torquatus. When allthe centuries named Quintus Fabius consul for that year though not acandidate, Macer Licinius and Tubero state that he himself recommendedthem to postpone the conferring the consulship on him until a yearwherein there might be more employment for their arms; adding, that, during the present year, he might be more useful to the state in themanagement of a city magistracy; and thus, neither dissembling what hepreferred, nor yet making direct application for it, he was appointedcurule aedile with Lucius Papirius Cursor. Piso, a more ancient writerof annals, prevents me from averring this as certain; he asserts thatthe curule aediles of that year were Caius Domitius Calvinus, son ofCneius, and Spurius Carvilius Maximus, son of Caius. I am of opinion, that this latter surname caused a mistake concerning the aediles; andthat thence followed a story conformable to this mistake, patched upout of the two elections, of the aediles, and of the consuls. Thegeneral survey was performed, this year, by Publius Sempronius Sophusand Publius Sulpicius Saverrio, censors; and two tribes were added, the Aniensian and Terentine. Such were the occurrences at Rome. 

10. Meanwhile, after much time had been lost in the tedious siege ofNequinum, two of the townsmen, whose houses were contiguous to thewall, having formed a subterraneous passage, came by that private wayto the Roman advanced guards; and being conducted thence to theconsul, offered to give admittance to a body of armed men within theworks and walls. The proposal was thought to be such as ought neitherto be rejected, nor yet assented to without caution. With one of thesemen, the other being detained as an hostage, two spies were sentthrough the mine, and certain information being received from them, three hundred men in arms, guided by the deserter, entered the city, and seized by night the nearest gate, which being broken open, theRoman consul and his army took possession of the city without anyopposition. In this manner came Nequinum under the dominion of theRoman people. A colony was sent thither as a barrier against theUmbrians, and called Narnia, from the river Nar. The troops returnedto Rome with abundance of spoil. This year the Etrurians madepreparations for war in violation of the truce. But a vast army of theGauls, making an irruption into their territories, while theirattention was directed to another quarter, suspended for a time theexecution of their design. They then, relying on the abundance ofmoney which they possessed, endeavour to make allies of the Gauls, instead of enemies; in order that, with their armies combined, theymight attack the Romans. The barbarians made no objection to thealliance, and a negotiation was opened for settling the price; whichbeing adjusted and paid, and every thing else being in readiness forcommencing their operations, the Etrurians desired them to accompanythem in their march. This they refused, alleging that "they hadstipulated a price for making war against the Romans: that the paymentalready made, they had received in consideration of their not wastingthe Etrurian territory, or using their arms against the inhabitants. That notwithstanding, if it was the wish of the Etrurians, they werestill willing to engage in the war, but on no other condition thanthat of being allowed a share of their lands, and obtaining at lengthsome permanent settlement. " Many assemblies of the states of Etruriawere held on this subject, and nothing could be settled; not so muchby reason of their aversion from the dismemberment of their territory, as because every one felt a dread of fixing in so close vicinity tothemselves people of such a savage race. The Gauls were thereforedismissed, and carried home an immense sum of money, acquired withouttoil or danger. The report of a Gallic tumult, in addition to anEtrurian war, had caused serious apprehensions at Rome; and, with theless hesitation on that account, an alliance was concluded with thestate of the Picentians. 

11. The province of Etruria fell by lot to the consul Titus Manlius;who, when he had but just entered the enemy's country, as he wasexercising the cavalry, in wheeling about at full speed, was thrownfrom his horse, and almost killed on the spot; three days after thefall, he died. The Etrurians, embracing this omen, as it were, of thefuture progress of the war, and observing that the gods had commencedhostilities on their behalf, assumed new courage. At Rome the newscaused great affliction, on account both of the loss of such a man andof the unseasonableness of the juncture; insomuch that an assembly, held for the purpose of substituting a new consul, having beenconducted agreeably to the wishes of people of the first consequence, prevented the senate from ordering a dictator to be created. All thevotes and centuries concurred unanimously in appointing MarcusValerius consul, the same whom the senate would have ordered to bemade dictator. They then commanded him to proceed immediately intoEtruria, to the legions. His coming gave such a check to theEtrurians, that not one of them dared thenceforward to appear on theoutside of their trenches; their own fears operating as a blockade. Nor could the new consul, by wasting their lands and burning theirhouses, draw them out to an engagement; for not only country-houses, but numbers of their towns, were seen smoking and in ashes, on everyside. While this war proceeded more slowly than had been expected, anaccount was received of the breaking out of another; which was, notwithout reason, regarded as terrible, in consequence of the heavylosses formerly sustained by both parties, from information given bytheir new allies, the Picentians, that the Samnites were looking toarms and a renewal of hostilities, and that they themselves had beensolicited to join therein. The Picentians received the thanks of thestate; and a large share of the attention of the senate was turnedfrom Etruria towards Samnium. The dearness of provisions alsodistressed the state very much, and they would have felt the extremityof want, according to the relation of those who make Fabius Maximuscurule aedile that year, had not the vigilant activity of that man, such as he had on many occasions displayed in the field, been exertedthen with equal zeal at home, in the management of the market, and inprocuring and forming magazines of corn. An interregnum took placethis year, the reason of which is not mentioned. Appius Claudius, and, after him, Publius Sulpicius, were interreges. The latter held anelection of consuls, and chose Lucius Cornelius Scipio and CneiusFulvius. In the beginning of this year, ambassadors came from theLucanians to the new consuls to complain, that "the Samnites, findingthat they could not, by any offers, tempt them to take part in thewar, had marched an army in a hostile manner into their country, andwere now laying it waste, and forcing them into a war; that theLucanian people had on former occasions erred enough and more thanenough; that their minds were so firmly fixed that they thought itmore endurable to bear and suffer every hardship, rather than everagain to outrage the Roman name: they besought the senate to take thepeople of Lucania into their protection, and defend them from theinjustice and outrage of the Samnites; that although fidelity on theirpart to the Romans would now become necessary, a war being undertakenagainst the Samnites, still they were ready to give hostages. "

12. The deliberation of the senate was short. They all, to a man, concurred in opinion, that a compact should be entered into with theLucanians, and satisfaction demanded from the Samnites: accordingly, afavourable answer was returned to the Lucanians, and the allianceconcluded. Heralds were then sent, to require of the Samnites, thatthey should depart from the country of the allies, and withdraw theirtroops from the Lucanian territory. These were met by personsdespatched for the purpose by the Samnites, who gave them warning, that "if they appeared at any assembly in Samnium, they must notexpect to depart in safety. " As soon as this was heard at Rome, thesenate voted, and the people ordered, that war should be declaredagainst the Samnites. The consuls, then, dividing the provincesbetween them, Etruria fell to Scipio, the Samnites to Fulvius; andthey set out by different routes, each against the enemy allotted tohim. Scipio, while he expected a tedious campaign, like that of thepreceding year, was met near Volaterra by the Etrurians, in order ofbattle. The fight lasted through the greater part of the day, whilevery many fell on both sides, and night came on while it was uncertainto which side victory inclined. But the following dawn showed theconqueror and the vanquished; for the Etrurians had decamped in thedead of the night. The Romans, marching out with intent to renew theengagement, and seeing their superiority acknowledged by the departureof the enemy, advanced to their camp; and, finding even this fortifiedpost deserted, took possession of it, evacuated as it was, togetherwith a vast quantity of spoil. The consul then, leading back hisforces into the Faliscian territory, and leaving his baggage with asmall guard at Falerii, set out with his troops, lightly accoutred, toravage the enemy's country. All places are destroyed with fire andsword; plunder driven from every side; and not only was the groundleft a mere waste to the enemy, but their forts and small towns wereset on fire; he refrained from attacking the cities into which fearhad driven the Etrurians. The consul Cneius Fulvius fought a gloriousbattle in Samnium, near Bovianum, attended with success by no meansequivocal. Then, having attacked Bovianum, and not long afterAufidena, he took them by storm. 

This year a colony was carried out to Carseoli, into the territory ofthe Aequicolae. The consul Fulvius triumphed on his defeat of theSamnites. 

13. When the consular elections were now at hand, a report prevailed, that the Etrurians and Samnites were raising vast armies; that theleaders of the Etrurians were, in all their assemblies, openlycensured for not having procured the aid of the Gauls on any terms;and the magistrates of the Samnites arraigned, for having opposed tothe Romans an army destined to act against the Lucanians. That, inconsequence, the people were rising up in arms, with all their ownstrength and that of their allies combined; and that this affairseemed not likely to be terminated without a contest of much greaterdifficulty than the former. Although the candidates for the consulshipwere men of illustrious characters, yet this alarming intelligenceturned the thoughts of all on Quintus Fabius Maximus, who sought notthe employment at first, and afterwards, when he discovered theirwishes, even declined it. "Why, " said he, "should they impose such adifficult task on him, who was now in the decline of life, and hadpassed through a full course of labours, and of the rewards of labour?Neither the vigour of his body, nor of his mind, remained the same;and he dreaded fortune herself, lest to some god she should seem toobountiful to him, and more constant than the course of human affairsallowed. He had himself succeeded, in gradual succession, to thedignities of his seniors; and he beheld, with great satisfaction, others rising up to succeed to his glory. There was no scarcity atRome, either of honours suited to men of the highest merit, or of menof eminent merit suited to the highest honours. " This disinterestedconduct, instead of repressing, increased, while in fact it justifiedtheir zeal. But thinking that this ought to be checked by respect forthe laws, he ordered that clause to be read aloud by which it was notlawful that the same person shall be re-elected consul within tenyears. The law was scarcely heard in consequence of the clamour; andthe tribunes of the commons declared, that this "decree should be noimpediment; for they would propose an order to the people, that heshould be exempted from the obligation of the laws. " Still hepersisted in his opposition, asking, "To what purpose were lawsenacted, if they eluded by the very persons who procured them? Thelaws now, " he said, "instead of being rulers, were overruled. " Thepeople, nevertheless, proceeded to vote; and, according as eachcentury was called in, it immediately named Fabius consul. Then atlength, overcome by the universal wish of the state, he said, "Romans, may the gods approve your present, and all your future proceedings. But since, with respect to me, ye intend to act according to your ownwills, let my interest find room with you, with respect to mycolleague. I earnestly request, that ye will place in the consulshipwith me Publius Decius; a man with whom I have already experienced theutmost harmony in our joint administration of that office; a manworthy of you, worthy of his father. " The recommendation was deemedwell founded, and all the remaining centuries voted Quintus Fabius andPublius Decius consuls. This year, great numbers were prosecuted bythe aediles, for having in possession larger quantities of land thanthe state allowed; and hardly any were acquitted: by which means, avery great restraint was laid on exorbitant covetousness. 

14. Whilst the new consuls, Quintus Fabius Maximus a fourth, andPublius Decius Mus a third time, were settling between themselves thatone should command against the Samnites, and the other against theEtrurians; and what number of forces would be sufficient for this andfor that province; and which would be the fitter commander in eachwar; ambassadors from Sutrium, Nepete, and Falerii, stating that thestates of Etruria were holding assemblies on the subject of suing forpeace, they directed the whole force of their arms against Samnium. The consuls, in order that the supply of provisions might be the moreready, and to leave the enemy in the greater uncertainty on whatquarter the war would fall, Fabius led his legions towards Samniumthrough the territory of Sora, and Decius his through that ofSidicinum. As soon as they arrived at the frontiers of the enemy, bothadvanced briskly, spreading devastation wherever they came; but stillthey explore the country, to a distance beyond where the troops wereemployed in plundering. Accordingly the fact did not escape the noticeof the Romans, that the enemy were drawn up in a retired valley, nearTifernum, which, when the Romans entered, they were preparing toattack them from the higher ground. Fabius, sending away his baggageto a place of safety, and setting a small guard over it, and havinggiven notice to his soldiers that a battle was at hand, advanced in asquare body to the hiding-place of the enemy already mentioned. TheSamnites, disappointed in making an unexpected attack, determined on aregular engagement, as the matter was now likely to come to an opencontest. They therefore marched out into the plain; and, with agreater share of spirit than of hopes, committed themselves to thedisposal of fortune. However, whether in consequence of their havingdrawn together, from every state, the whole of the force which itpossessed, or that the consideration of their all being at stake, heightened their courage, they occasioned, even in open fight, aconsiderable alarm. Fabius, when he saw that the enemy in no placegave way, ordered Marcus Fulvius and Marcus Valerius, militarytribunes, with whom he hastened to the front, to go to the cavalry, and to exhort them, that, "if they remembered any instance wherein thepublic had received advantage from the service of the horsemen, theywould, on that day, exert themselves to insure the invincible renownof that body; telling them that the enemy stood immovable against theefforts of the infantry, and the only hope remaining was in the chargeof horse. " He addressed particularly both these youths, and with thesame cordiality, loading them with praises and promises. Butconsidering that, in case that effort should also fail, it would benecessary to accomplish by stratagem what his strength could noteffect; he ordered Scipio, one of his lieutenants-general, to drawoff the spearmen of the first legion out of the line; to lead themround as secretly as possible to the nearest mountains; and, by anascent concealed from view, to gain the heights, and show himselfsuddenly on the rear of the enemy. The cavalry, led on by thetribunes, rushing forward unexpectedly before the van, caused scarcelymore confusion among the enemy than among their friends. The line ofthe Samnites stood firm against the furious onset of the squadrons; itneither could be driven from its ground, nor broken in any part. Thecavalry, finding their attempts fruitless, withdrew from the fight, and retired behind the line of infantry. On this the enemies' courageincreased, so that the Roman troops in the van would not have beenable to support the contest, nor the force thus increasing byconfidence in itself, had not the second line, by the consul's order, come up into the place of the first. These fresh troops checked theprogress of the Samnites, who had now began to gain ground; and, atthis seasonable juncture, their comrades appearing suddenly on themountains, and raising a shout, occasioned in the Samnites a fear ofgreater danger than really threatened them; Fabius called out aloudthat his colleague Decius was approaching; on which all the soldiers, elated with joy, repeated eagerly, that the other consul was come, thelegions were arrived! This artifice, useful to the Romans, filled theSamnites with dismay and terror; terrified chiefly lest fatigued asthey were, they should be overpowered by another army fresh andunhurt. As they dispersed themselves in their flight on every side, there was less effusion of blood than might have been expected, considering the completeness of the victory. There were three thousandfour hundred slain, about eight hundred and thirty made prisoners, andtwenty-three military standards taken. 

15. The Apulians would have joined their forces to the Samnites beforethis battle, had not the consul, Publius Decius, encamped in theirneighbourhood at Maleventum; and, finding means to bring them to anengagement, put them to the rout. Here, likewise, there was more offlight than of bloodshed. Two thousand of the Apulians were slain; butDecius, despising such an enemy, led his legions into Samnium. Therethe two consular armies, overrunning every part of the country duringthe space of five months, laid it entirely waste. There were inSamnium forty-five places where Decius, and eighty-six where the otherconsul, encamped. Nor did they leave traces only of having been there, as ramparts and trenches, but other dreadful mementos of it--generaldesolation and regions depopulated. Fabius also took the city ofCimetra, where he made prisoners two thousand four hundred soldiers;and there were slain in the assault about four hundred and thirty. Going thence to Rome to preside at the elections, he used allexpedition in despatching that business. All the first-calledcenturies voted Quintus Fabius consul. Appius Claudius was acandidate, a man of consular rank, daring and ambitious; and as hewished not more ardently for the attainment of that honour forhimself, than he did that the patricians might recover the possessionof both places in the consulship, he laboured, with all his own power, supported by that of the whole body of the nobility, to prevail onthem to appoint him consul along with Quintus Fabius. To this Fabiusobjected, giving, at first, the same reasons which he had advanced theyear before. The nobles then all gathered round his seat, and besoughthim to raise up the consulship out of the plebeian mire, and torestore both to the office itself, and to the patrician rank, theiroriginal dignity. Fabius then, procuring silence, allayed their warmthby a qualifying speech, declaring, that "he would have so managed, asto have received the names of two patricians, if he had seen anintention of appointing any other than himself to the consulship. Asthings now stood, he would not set so bad a precedent as to admit hisown name among the candidates; such a proceeding being contrary to thelaws. " Whereupon Appius Claudius, and Lucius Volumnius, a plebeian, who had likewise been colleagues in that office before, were electedconsuls. The nobility reproached Fabius for declining to act inconjunction with Appius Claudius, because he evidently excelled him ineloquence and political abilities. 

16. When the election was finished, the former consuls, their commandbeing continued for six months, were ordered to prosecute the war inSamnium. Accordingly, during this next year also, in the consulate ofLucius Volumnius and Appius Claudius, Publius Decius, who had beenleft consul in Samnium by his colleague, in the character ofproconsul, ceased not to spread devastation through all parts of thatcountry; until, at last, he drove the army of the Samnites, whichnever dared to face him in the field, entirely out of the country. Thus expelled from home, they bent their route to Etruria; and, supposing that the business, which they had often in vain endeavouredto accomplish by embassies, might now be negotiated with more effect, when they were backed by such a powerful armed force, and couldintermix terror with their entreaties, they demanded a meeting of thechiefs of Etruria: which being assembled, they set forth the greatnumber of years during which they had waged war with the Romans, inthe cause of liberty; "they had, " they said, "tried to sustain, withtheir own strength, the weight of so great a war: they had also madetrial of the support of the adjoining nations, which proved of littleavail. When they were unable longer to maintain the conflict, they hadsued the Roman people for peace; and had again taken up arms, becausethey felt peace was more grievous to those with servitude, than war tofree men. That their one only hope remaining rested in the Etrurians. They knew that nation to be the most powerful in Italy, in respect ofarms, men, and money; to have the Gauls their closest neighbours, bornin the midst of war and arms, of furious courage, both from theirnatural temper, and particularly against the people of Rome, whom theyboasted, without infringing the truth, of having made their prisoners, and of having ransomed for gold. If the Etrurians possessed the samespirit which formerly Porsena and their ancestors once had, there wasnothing to prevent their obliging the Romans, driven from all thelands on this side of the Tiber, to fight for their own existence, andnot for the intolerable dominion which they assumed over Italy. TheSamnite army had come to them, in readiness for action, furnished witharms and pay, and were willing to follow that instant, even shouldthey lead to the attack of the city of Rome itself. "

17. While they were engaged in these representations, and intriguingat Etruria, the operations of the Romans in their own territoriesdistressed them severely. For Publius Decius, when he ascertainedthrough his scouts the departure of the Samnite army, called acouncil, and there said, "Why do we ramble through the country, carrying the war from village to village? Why not attack the citiesand fortified places? No army now guards Samnium. They have fled theircountry; they are gone into voluntary exile. " The proposal beinguniversally approved, he marched to attack Murgantia, a city ofconsiderable strength; and so great was the ardour of the soldiers, resulting from their affection to their commander, and from theirhopes of richer treasure than could be found in pillaging the countryplaces, that in one day they took it by assault. Here, two thousandone hundred of the Samnites, making resistance, were surrounded andtaken prisoners; and abundance of other spoil was captured. Decius, not choosing that the troops should be encumbered in their march withheavy baggage, ordered them to be called together, and said to them, "Do ye intend to rest satisfied with this single victory, and thisbooty? or do ye choose to cherish hopes proportioned to your bravery?All the cities of the Samnites, and the property left in them, areyour own; since, after so often defeating their legions, ye havefinally driven them out of the country. Sell those effects in yourhands; and allure traders, by a prospect of profit, to follow you onyour march. I will, from time to time, supply you with goods for sale. Let us go hence to the city of Romulea, where no greater labour, butgreater gain awaits you. " Having sold off the spoil, and warmlyadopting the general's plan, they proceeded to Romulea. There, also, without works or engines, as soon as the battalions approached, thesoldiers, deterred from the walls by no resistance, hastily applyingladders wherever was most convenient to each, they mounted thefortifications. The town was taken and plundered. Two thousand threehundred men were slain, six thousand taken prisoners, and the soldiersobtained abundance of spoil. This they were obliged to sell in likemanner as the former; and, though no rest was allowed them, theyproceeded, nevertheless, with the utmost alacrity to Ferentinum. Buthere they met a greater share both of difficulty and danger: thefortifications were defended with the utmost vigour, and the place wasstrongly fortified both by nature and art. However, the soldiers, nowinured to plunder, overcame every obstacle. Three thousand of theenemy were killed round the walls, and the spoil was given to thetroops. In some annals, the principal share of the honour of takingthese cities is attributed to Maximus. They say that Murgantia wastaken by Decius; Romulea and Ferentinum by Fabius. Some ascribe thishonour to the new consuls: others not to both, but to one of these, Lucius Volumnius: that to him the province of Samnium had fallen. 

18. While things went on thus in Samnium, whoever it was that had thecommand and auspices, powerful combination, composed of many states, was formed in Etruria against the Romans, the chief promoter of whichwas Gellius Egnatius, a Samnite. Almost all the Etrurians had unitedin this war. The neighbouring states of Umbria were drawn in, as itwere, by the contagion; and auxiliaries were procured from the Gaulsfor hire: all their several numbers assembled at the camp of theSamnites. When intelligence of this sudden commotion was received atRome, after the consul, Lucius Volumnius, had already set out forSamnium, with the second and third legions, and fifteen thousand ofthe allies; it was, therefore, resolved, that Appius Claudius should, at the very earliest opportunity, go into Etruria. Two Roman legionsfollowed him, the first and fourth, and twelve thousand allies; theircamp was pitched at a small distance from the enemy. However, advantage was gained by his early arrival in this particular, that theawe of the Roman name kept in check some states of Etruria which weredisposed to war, rather than from any judicious or successfulenterprise achieved under the guidance of the consul. Several battleswere fought, at times and places unfavourable, and increasingconfidence rendered the enemy daily more formidable; so that matterscame nearly to such a state, as that neither could the soldiers relymuch on their leader, nor the leader on his soldiers. It appears inthree several histories, that a letter was sent by the consul to callhis colleague from Samnium. But I will not affirm what requiresstronger proof, as that point was a matter of dispute between thesetwo consuls of the Roman people, a second time associated in the sameoffice; Appius denying that the letter was sent, and Volumniusaffirming that he was called thither by a letter from Appius. Volumnius had, by this time, taken three forts in Samnium, in whichthree thousand of the enemy had been slain, and about half that numbermade prisoners; and, a sedition having been raised among the Lucaniansby the plebeians and the more indigent of the people, he had, to thegreat satisfaction of the nobles, quelled it by sending thitherQuintus Fabius, proconsul, with his own veteran army. He left toDecius the ravaging of the enemy's country; and proceeded with histroops into Etruria to his colleague; where, on his arrival, the wholearmy received him with joy. Appius, if he did not write the letter, being conscious of this, had, in my opinion, just ground ofdispleasure; but if he had actually stood in need of assistance, hisdisowning it, as he did, arose from an illiberal and ungrateful mind. For, on going out to receive him, when they had scarcely exchangedsalutations, he said, "Is all well, Lucius Volumnius? How standaffairs in Samnium? What motive induced you to remove out of yourprovince?" Volumnius answered, that "affairs in Samnium were in aprosperous state; and that he had come thither in compliance with therequest in his letter. But, if that were a forged letter, and thatthere was no occasion for him in Etruria, he would instantly faceabout, and depart. " "You may depart. " replied the other; "no onedetains you: for it is a perfect inconsistency, that when, perhaps, you are scarcely equal to the management of your own war, you shouldvaunt of coming hither to succour others. " To this Volumnius rejoined, "May Hercules direct all for the best; for his part, he was betterpleased that he had taken useless trouble, than that any conjunctureshould have arisen which had made one consular army insufficient forEtruria. "

19. As the consuls were parting, the lieutenants-general and tribunesof Appius's army gathered round them. Some entreated their own generalthat he would not reject the voluntary offer of his colleague'sassistance, which ought to have been solicited in the first instance:the greater number used their endeavours to stop Volumnius, beseechinghim "not, through a peevish dispute with his colleague, to abandon theinterest of the commonwealth; and represented to him, that in case anymisfortune should happen, the blame would fall on the person whoforsook the other, not on the one forsaken; that the state of affairswas such, that the credit and discredit of every success and failurein Etruria would be attributed to Lucius Volumnius: for no one wouldinquire, what were the words of Appius, but what the situation of thearmy. Appius indeed had dismissed him, but the commonwealth, and thearmy, required his stay. Let him only make trial of the inclinationsof the soldiers. " By such admonitions and entreaties they, in amanner, dragged the consuls, who almost resisted, to an assembly. There, longer discourses were made to the same purport, as had passedbefore in the presence of a few. And when Volumnius, who had theadvantage of the argument, showed himself not deficient in oratory, indespite of the extraordinary eloquence of his colleague; Appiusobserved with a sneer, that "they ought to acknowledge themselvesindebted to him, in having a consul who possessed eloquence also, instead of being dumb and speechless, when in their former consulate, particularly during the first months, he was not able so much as toopen his lips; but now, in his harangues, even aspired afterpopularity. " Volumnius replied, "How much more earnestly do I wish, that you had learned from me to act with spirit, than I from you tospeak with elegance: that now he made a final proposal, which woulddetermine, not which is the better orator, for that is not what thepublic wants, but which is the better commander. The provinces areEtruria and Samnium: that he might select which he preferred; that he, with his own army, will undertake to manage the business either inEtruria or in Samnium. " The soldiers then, with loud clamours, requested that they would, in conjunction, carry on the war inEtruria; when Volumnius perceiving that it was the general wish, said, "Since I have been mistaken in apprehending my colleague's meaning, Iwill take care that there shall be no room for mistake with respect tothe purport of your wishes. Signify by a shout whether you choose thatI should stay or depart. " On this, a shout was raised, so loud, thatit brought the enemy out of their camp: they snatched up their arms, and marched down in order of battle. Volumnius likewise ordered thesignal to be sounded, and the standard to be advanced from the camp. It is said that Appius hesitated, perceiving that, whether he foughtor remained inactive, his colleague would have the victory; and that, afterwards, dreading lest his own legions also should followVolumnius, he also gave the signal, at the earnest desire of his men. On neither side were the forces drawn up to advantage; for, on theone, Gellius Egnatius, the Samnite general, had gone out to foragewith a few cohorts, and his men entered on the fight as the violenceof their passions prompted, rather than under any directions ororders. On the other, the Roman armies neither marched out together, nor had time sufficient to form: Volumnius began to engage beforeAppius came up to the enemy, consequently the engagement commenced, their front in the battle being uneven; and by some accidentalinterchange of their usual opponents, the Etrurians fought againstVolumnius; and the Samnites, after delaying some time on account ofthe absence of their general, against Appius. We are told that Appius, during the heat of the fight, raising his hands toward heaven, so asto be seen in the foremost ranks, prayed thus, "Bellona, if thougrantest us the victory this day, I vow to thee a temple. " And thatafter this vow, as if inspirited by the goddess, he displayed a degreeof courage equal to that of his colleague and of the troops. Thegenerals performed every duty, and each of their armies exerted, withemulation, its utmost vigour, lest victory should commence on theother side. They therefore routed and put to flight the enemy, whowere ill able to withstand a force so much superior to any with whichthey had been accustomed to contend: then pressing them as they gaveground, and pursuing them closely as they fled, they drove them intotheir camp. There, by the interposition of Gellius and his Samnitecohorts, the fight was renewed for a little time. But these beinglikewise soon dispersed, the camp was now stormed by the conquerors;and whilst Volumnius, in person, led his troops against one of thegates, Appius, frequently invoking Bellona the victorious, inflamedthe courage of his men, they broke in through the rampart andtrenches. The camp was taken and plundered, and an abundance of spoilwas found, and given up to the soldiers. Of the enemy seven thousandthree hundred were slain; and two thousand one hundred and twentytaken. 

20. While both the consuls, with the whole force of the Romans, pointed their exertions principally against the war in Etruria, a newarmy which arose in Samnium, with design to ravage the frontiers ofthe Roman empire, passed over through the country of the Vescians, into the Campanian and Falernian territories, and committed greatdepredations. Volumnius, as he was hastening back to Samnium, byforced marches, because the term for which Fabius and Decius had beencontinued in command was nearly expired, heard of this army ofSamnites, and of the mischief which they had done in Campania;determining, therefore, to afford protection to the allies, he alteredhis route towards that quarter. When he arrived in the district ofGales, he found marks of their recent ravages; and the people of Galesinformed him that the enemy carried with them such a quantity ofspoil, that they could scarcely observe any order in their march: andthat the commanders then directed publicly that the troops should goimmediately to Samnium, and having deposited the booty there, thatthey should return to the business of the expedition, as they must notcommit to the hazard of an engagement an army so heavily laden. Notwithstanding that this account carried every appearance of truth, he yet thought it necessary to obtain more certain information;accordingly he despatched some horsemen, to seize on some of thestraggling marauders; from these he learned, on inquiry, that theenemy lay at the river Vulturnus; that they intended to remove thenceat the third watch; and that their route was towards Samnium. Onreceiving this intelligence, which could be depended upon, he set out, and sat down at such a distance from the enemy, that his approachcould not be discovered by his being too near them, and, at the sametime, that he might surprise them, as they should be coming out oftheir camp. A long time before day, he drew nigh to their post, andsent persons, who understood the Oscan language, to discover how theywere employed: these, mixing with the enemy, which they could easilydo during the confusion in the night, found that the standards hadgone out thinly attended; that the booty, and those appointed to guardit, were then setting out, a contemptible train; each busied about hisown affairs, without any concert with the rest, or much regard toorders. This was judged the fittest time for the attack, and daylightwas now approaching; he gave orders to sound the charge, and fell onthe enemy as they were marching out. The Samnites being embarrassedwith the spoil, and very few armed, some quickened their pace, anddrove the prey before them; others halted, deliberating whether itwould be safer to advance, or to return again to the camp; and whilethey hesitated, they were overtaken and cut off. The Romans had bythis time passed over the rampart, and filled the camp with slaughterand confusion: the Samnite army, in addition to the disorder caused bythe enemy, had their disorder increased by a sudden insurrection oftheir prisoners; some of whom, getting loose, set the rest at liberty, while others snatched the arms which were tied up among the baggage, and being intermixed with the troops, raised a tumult more terriblethan the battle itself. They then performed a memorable exploit: formaking an attack on Statius Minacius, the general, as he was passingbetween the ranks and encouraging his men; then, dispersing thehorsemen who attended him, they gathered round himself, and draggedhim, sitting on his horse, a prisoner to the Roman consul. By thismovement the foremost battalions of the Samnites were brought back, and the battle, which seemed to have been already decided, wasrenewed: but they could not support it long. Six thousand of them wereslain, and two thousand five hundred taken, among whom were fourmilitary tribunes, together with thirty standards, and, what gave theconquerors greater joy than all, seven thousand four hundred prisonerswere recovered. The spoil which had been taken from the allies wasimmense, and the owners were summoned by a proclamation, to claim andreceive then property. On the day appointed, all the effects, theowners of which did not appear, were given to the soldiers, who wereobliged to sell them, in order that they might have nothing to thinkof but their duty. 

21. The depredations, committed on the lands of Campania, hadoccasioned a violent alarm at Rome, and it happened, that about thesame time intelligence was brought from Litruria, that, after thedeparture of Volumnius's army, all that country had risen up in arms, and that Gellius Egnatius, the leader of the Samnites, was causing theUmbrians to join in the insurrection, and tempting the Gauls with highoffers. Terrified at this news, the senate ordered the courts ofjustice to be shut, and a levy to be made of men of every description. Accordingly not only free-born men and the younger sort were obligedto enlist, but cohorts were formed of the elder citizens, and the sonsof freed-men were incorporated in the centuries. Plans were formed forthe defence of the city, and the praetor, Publius Sempronius, wasinvested with the chief command. However, the senate was exonerated ofone half of their anxiety, by a letter from the consul, LuciusVolumnius informing them that the army, which had ravaged Campania, had been defeated and dispersed whereupon, they decreed a publicthanksgiving for this success, in the name of the consul. The courtswere opened, after having been shut eighteen days, and thethanksgiving was performed with much joy. They then turned theirthoughts to devising measures for the future security of the countrydepopulated by the Samnites, and, with this view, it was resolved, that two colonies should be settled on the frontiers of the Vescianand Falernian territories, one at the mouth of the river Liris, whichhas received the name of Minturnae, the other in the Vescian forest, which borders on the Falernian territory, where, it is said, stoodSinope, a city of Grecians, called thenceforth by the Roman colonistsSinuessa. The plebeian tribunes were charged to procure an order ofthe commons, commanding Publius Sempronius, the praetor, to createtriumphs for conducting the colonies to those places. But persons werenot readily found to give in their names, because they considered thatthey were being sent into what was almost a perpetual advanced guardin a hostile country, not as a provision from concord between consuls, and the evils arising from their disagreement in the conduct ofmilitary affairs; at the same time remarking, "how near the extremityof danger matters had been brought, by the late dispute between hiscolleague and himself. " He warmly recommended to Decius and Fabius to"live together with one mind and one spirit. " Observed that "they weremen qualified by nature for military command: great in action, butunpractised in the strife of words and eloquence; their talents weresuch as eminently became consuls. As to the artful and the ingeniouslawyers and orators, such as Appius Claudius, they ought to be kept athome to preside in the city and the forum; and to be appointedpraetors for the administration of justice. " In these proceedings thatday was spent, and, on the following, the elections both of consulsand praetor were held, and were guided by the recommendationssuggested by the consul. Quintus Fabius and Publius Decius were chosenconsuls; Appius Claudius, praetor; all of them absent; and, by adecree of the senate, followed by an order of the commons, LuciusVolumnius was continued in the command for another year. 

23. During that year many prodigies happened. For the purpose ofaverting which, the senate decreed a supplication for two days: thewine and frankincense for the sacrifices were furnished at the expenseof the public; and numerous crowds of men and women attended theperformance. This supplication was rendered remarkable by a quarrel, which broke out among the matrons in the chapel of patrician chastity, which stands in the cattle market, near the round temple of Hercules. Virginia, daughter of Aulus, a patrician, but married to Volumnius theconsul, a plebeian, was, because she had married out of thepatricians, excluded by the matrons from sharing in the sacred rites:a short altercation ensued, which was afterwards, through theintemperance of passion incident to the sex, kindled into a flame ofcontention. Virginia boasted with truth that she had a right to enterthe temple of patrician chastity, as being of patrician birth, andchaste in her character, and, besides, the wife of one husband, towhom she was betrothed a virgin, and had no reason to be dissatisfiedeither with her husband, or his exploits or honours: to herhigh-spirited words, she added importance by an extraordinary act. Inthe long street where she resided, she enclosed with a partition apart of the house, of a size sufficient for a small chapel, and thereerected an altar. Then calling together the plebeian matrons, andcomplaining of the injurious behaviour of the patrician ladies, shesaid, "This altar I dedicate to plebeian chastity, and exhort you, that the same degree of emulation which prevails among the men of thisstate, on the point of valour, may be maintained by the women on thepoint of chastity; and that you contribute your best care, that thisaltar may have the credit of being attended with a greater degree ofsanctity, and by chaster women, than the other, if possible. " Solemnrites were performed at this altar under the same regulations, nearly, with those at the more ancient one; no person being allowed theprivilege of taking part in the sacrifices, except a woman of approvedchastity, and who was the wife of one husband. This institution, beingafterwards debased by [the admission of] vicious characters, and notonly by matrons, but women of every description, sunk at last intooblivion. During this year the Ogulnii, Cneius and Quintus, beingcurule aediles, carried on prosecutions against several usurers; whoseproperty being fined, out of the produce, which was deposited in thetreasury, they ordered brazen thresholds for the Capitol, utensils ofplate for three tables in the chapel of Jupiter, a statue of Jupiterin a chariot drawn by four horses placed on the roof, and images ofthe founders of the city in their infant state under the teats of thewolf, at the Ruminal fig-tree. They also paved with square stones theroads from the Capuan gate to the temple of Mars. By the plebeianaediles likewise, Lucius Aelius Paetus and Caius Fulvius Corvus, outof money levied as fines on farmers of the public pastures, whom theyhad convicted of malpractices, games were exhibited, and golden bowlswere placed in the temple of Ceres. 

24. Then came into the consulship Quintus Fabius a fifth time, andPublius Decius a fourth. They had been colleagues from the censorship, and twice in the consulship, and were celebrated not more for theirglorious achievements, splendid as these were, than for the unanimitywhich had ever subsisted between them. The continuance of this feelingI am inclined to think was interrupted by a jarring between the[opposite] orders rather than between themselves, the patriciansendeavouring that Fabius should have Etruria for his province, withoutcasting lots, and the plebeians insisting that Decius should bring thematter to the decision of lots. There was certainly a contention inthe senate, and the interest of Fabius being superior there, thebusiness was brought before the people. Here, between military men wholaid greater stress on deeds than on words, the debate was short. Fabius said, "that it was unreasonable, after he had planted a tree, another should gather the fruit of it. He had opened the Ciminianforest, and made a way for the Roman arms, through passes until thenimpracticable. Why had they disturbed him, at that time of his life, if they intended to give the management of the war to another?" Then, in the way of a gentle reproof, he observed, that "instead of anassociate in command, he had chosen an adversary; and that Deciusthought it too much that their unanimity should last through threeconsulates. " Declaring, in fine, that "he desired nothing further, than that, if they thought him qualified for the command in theprovince, they should send him thither. He had submitted to thejudgment of the senate, and would now be governed by the authority ofthe people. " Publius Decius complained of injustice in the senate; andasserted, that "the patricians had laboured, as long as possible, toexclude the plebeians from all access to the higher honours; and sincemerit, by its own intrinsic power, had prevailed so far, as that itshould not, in any rank of men, be precluded from the attainment ofhonours, expedients were sought how not only the suffrages of thepeople, but even the decisions of fortune may be rendered ineffectual, and be converted to the aggrandizement of a few. All the consulsbefore him had disposed of the provinces by lots; now, the senatebestowed a province on Fabius without lots. If this was meant as amark of honour, the merits of Fabius were so great towards thecommonwealth, and towards himself in particular, that he would gladlysecond the advancement of his reputation, provided only its splendourcould be increased without reflecting dishonour on himself. But whodid not see, that, when a war of difficulty and danger, and out of theordinary course, was committed to only that one consul, the otherwould be considered as useless and insignificant. Fabius gloried inhis exploits performed in Etruria: Publius Decius wished for a likesubject of glory, and perhaps would utterly extinguish that fire, which the other left smothered, in such a manner that it often brokeout anew, in sudden conflagrations. In fine, honours and rewards hewould concede to his colleague, out of respect to his age anddignified character: but when danger, when a vigorous struggle with anenemy was before them, he never did, nor ever would, willingly, giveplace. With respect to the present dispute, this much he would gain atall events, that a business, appertaining to the jurisdiction of thepeople, should be determined by an order of that people, and notcomplimented away by the senate. He prayed Jupiter, supremely good andgreat, and all the immortal gods, not to grant him an equal chancewith his colleague, unless they intended to grant him equal abilityand success, in the management of the war. It was certainly in itsnature reasonable, in the example salutary, and concerned thereputation of the Roman people, that the consuls should be men of suchabilities, that under either of them a war with Etruria could be wellmanaged. " Fabius, after requesting of the people nothing else thanthat, before the tribes were called in to give their votes, they wouldhear the letters of the praetor Appius Claudius, written from Etruria, withdrew from the Comitium, and with no less unanimity of the peoplethan of the senate, the province of Etruria was decreed to him withouthaving recourse to lots. 

25. Immediately almost all the younger citizens flocked together tothe consul, and readily gave in their names; so strong was theirdesire of serving under such a commander. Seeing so great a multitudecollected round him, he said, "My intention is to enlist only fourthousand foot and six hundred horse: such of you as give in your namesto-day and to-morrow, I will carry with me. I am more solicitous tobring home all my soldiers rich, than to employ a great multitude. "Accordingly, with a competent number of men, who possessed greaterhopes and confidence because a numerous army had not been required, hemarched to the town of Aharna, from which the enemy were not fardistant, and proceeded to the camp of the praetor Appius. When withina few miles of it, he was met by some soldiers, sent to cut wood, attended by a guard. Observing the lictors preceding him, and learningthat he was Fabius the consul, they were filled with joy and alacrity;they expressed their thanks to the gods, and to the Roman people, forhaving sent them such a commander. Then as they gathered round to paytheir respects, Fabius inquired whither they were going, and on theiranswering they were going to provide wood, "What do you tell me, " saidhe, "have you not a rampart, raised about your camp?" When to thisthey replied, "they had a double rampart, and a trench, and, notwithstanding, were in great apprehension. "

"Well then, " said he, "you have abundance of wood, go back and levelthe rampart. " They accordingly returned to the camp and therelevelling the rampart threw the soldiers who had remained in it, andAppius himself, into the greatest fright, until with eager joy eachcalled out to the rest, that, "they acted by order of the consul, Quintus Fabius. " Next day the camp was moved from thence, and thepraetor, Appius, was dismissed to Rome. From that time the Romans hadno fixed post, the consul affirming, that it was prejudicial to anarmy to lie in one spot, and that by frequent marches, and changingplaces, it was rendered more healthy, and more capable of briskexertions, and marches were made as long as the winter, which was notyet ended, permitted. Then, in the beginning of spring, leaving thesecond legion near Clusium, which they formerly called the Camertian, and giving the command of the camp to Lucius Scipio, as propraetor, hereturned to Rome, in order to adjust measures for carrying on the war, either led thereto by his own judgment, because the war seemed to himmore serious than he had believed, from report, or, being summoned bya decree of the senate, for writers give both accounts. Some choose tohave it believed, that he was forced back by the praetor, AppiusClaudius, who, both in the senate, and before the people, exaggerated, as he was wont in all his letters, the danger of the Etrurian war, contending, that "one general, or one army, would not be sufficient tooppose four nations. That whether these directed the whole of theircombined force against him alone, or acted separately in differentparts, there was reason to fear, that he would be unable to provideagainst every emergency. That he had left there but two Roman legions;and that the foot and horse, who came with Fabius, did not amount tofive thousand. It was, therefore, his opinion, that the consul, Publius Decius should, without delay, set out to his colleague inEtruria, and that the province of Samnium should be given to LuciusVolumnius. But if the consul preferred going to his own province, thatthen Volumnius should march a full consular army into Etruria, to jointhe other consul. " When the advice of the praetor influenced a greatpart of the members, they say that Publius Decius recommended thatevery thing should be kept undetermined, and open for Quintus Fabius;until he should either come to Rome, if he could do so withoutprejudice to the public, or send some of his lieutenants, from whomthe senate might learn the real state of the war in Etruria; and withwhat number of troops, and by how many generals, it should be carriedon. 

26. Fabius, as soon as he returned to Rome, qualified his discourses, both in the senate and when brought before the people, in such amanner as to appear neither to exaggerate or lessen, any particularrelating to the war; and to show, that, in agreeing to another generalbeing joined with him, he rather indulged the apprehensions of others, than guarded against any danger to himself, or the public. "But ifthey chose, " he said, "to give him an assistant in the war, andassociate in command, how could he overlook Publius Decius the consul, whom he had tried during so many associations in office? There was noman living whom he would rather wish to be joined in commission withhim: with Publius Decius he should have forces sufficient, and nevertoo many enemies. If, however, his colleague preferred any otheremployment, let them then give him Lucius Volumnius as an assistant. "The disposal of every particular was left entirely to Fabius by thepeople and the senate, and even by his colleague. And when Deciusdeclared that he was ready to go either to Etruria or Samnium, suchgeneral congratulation and satisfaction took place, that victory wasanticipated, and it seemed as if a triumph, not a war, had beendecreed to the consuls. I find in some writers, that Fabius andDecius, immediately on their entering into office, set out togetherfor Etruria, without any mention of the casting of lots for theprovinces, or of the disputes which I have related. Others, notsatisfied with relating those disputes, have added charges ofmisconduct, laid by Appius before the people against Fabius, whenabsent; and a stubborn opposition, maintained by the praetor againstthe consul, when present; and also another contention between thecolleagues, Decius insisting that each consul should attend to thecare of his own separate province. Certainty, however, begins toappear from the time when both consuls set out for the campaign. Now, before the consuls arrived in Etruria, the Senonian Gauls came in avast body to Clusium, to attack the Roman legion and the camp. Scipio, who commanded the camp, wishing to remedy the deficiency of hisnumbers by an advantage in the ground, led his men up a hill, whichstood between the camp and the city but having, in his haste, neglected to examine the place, he reached near the summit, which hefound already possessed by the enemy, who had ascended on the otherside. The legion was consequently attacked on the rear, and surroundedin the middle, when the enemy pressed it on all sides. Some writerssay, that the whole were cut off, so that not one survived to give anaccount of it, and that no information of the misfortune reached theconsuls, who were, at the time, not far from Clusium, until the Gallichorsemen came within sight, carrying the heads of the slain, somehanging before their horses' breasts, others on the points of theirspears, and expressing their triumph in songs according to theircustom. Others affirm, that the defeat was by Umbrians, not Gauls, andthat the loss sustained was not so great. That a party of foragers, under Lucius Manlius Torquatus, lieutenant-general, being surrounded, Scipio, the propraetor, brought up relief from the camp, and thebattle being renewed, that the Umbrians, lately victorious, weredefeated, and the prisoners and spoil retaken. But it is more probablethat this blow was suffered from a Gallic than an Umbrian enemy, because during that year, as was often the case at other times, thedanger principally apprehended by the public, was that of a Gallictumult, for which reason, notwithstanding that both the consuls hadmarched against the enemy, with four legions, and a large body ofRoman cavalry, joined by a thousand chosen horsemen of Campania, supplied on the occasion, and a body of the allies and Latinconfederates, superior in number to the Romans, two other armies wereposted near the city, on the side facing Etruria, one in theFaliscian, the other in the Vatican territory. Cneius Fulvius andLucius Postumius Megellus, both propraetors, were ordered to keep thetroops stationed in those places. 

27. The consuls, having crossed the Apennines, came up with the enemyin the territory of Sentinum, their camp was pitched there at thedistance of about four miles. Several councils were then held by theenemy, and their plan of operations was thus settled: that they shouldnot encamp together, nor go out together to battle; the Gauls wereunited to the Samnites, the Umbrians to the Etrurians. The day ofbattle was fixed. The part of maintaining the fight was committed tothe Samnites and Gauls; and the Etrurians and Umbrians were ordered toattack the Roman camp during the heat of the engagement. This plan wasfrustrated by three Clusian deserters, who came over by night toFabius, and after disclosing the above designs, were sent back withpresents, in order that they might discover, and bring intelligenceof, any new scheme which should be determined on. The consuls thenwrote to Flavius and Postumius to move their armies, the one from theFaliscian, the other from the Vatican country, towards Clusium; and toruin the enemy's territory by every means in their power. The news ofthese depredations drew the Etrurians from Sentinum to protect theirown region. The consuls, in their absence, practised every means tobring on an engagement. For two days they endeavoured, by severalattacks, to provoke the enemy to fight; in which time, however, nothing worth mention was performed. A few fell on each side, butstill the minds [of the Romans] were irritated to wish for a generalengagement; yet nothing decisive was hazarded. On the third day, bothparties marched out their whole force to the field: here, while thearmies stood in order of battle, a hind, chased by a wolf from themountains, ran through the plain between the two lines: there theanimals taking different directions, the hind bent its course towardsthe Gauls, the wolf towards the Romans: way was made between the ranksfor the wolf, the Gauls slew the hind with their javelins; on whichone of the Roman soldiers in the van said, "To that side, where yousee an animal, sacred to Diana, lying prostrate, flight and slaughterare directed; on this side the victorious wolf of Mars, safe anduntouched, reminds us of our founder, and of our descent from thatdeity. " The Gauls were posted on the right wing, the Samnites on theleft: against the latter, Fabius drew up, as his right wing, the firstand third legions: against the Gauls, Decius formed the left wing ofthe fifth and sixth. The second and fourth were employed in the war inSamnium, under the proconsul, Lucius Volumnius. In the first encounterthe action was supported with strength so equal on both sides, thathad the Etrurians and Umbrians been present, either in the field or atthe camp, in whichever place they might have employed their force, theRomans must have been defeated. 

28. However, although the victory was still undecided, fortune nothaving declared in favour of either party, yet the course of the fightwas by no means similar on both right and left wings. The Romans, under Fabius, rather repelled than offered assault, and the contestwas protracted until very late in the day, for their general knew verywell, that both Samnites and Gauls were furious in the first onset, sothat, to withstand them would be sufficient. It was known, too, thatin a protracted contest the spirits of the Samnites gradually flagged, and even the bodies of the Gauls, remarkably ill able to bear labourand heat, became quite relaxed, and although, in their first efforts, they were more than men, yet in their last they were less than women. He, therefore, reserved the strength of his men as unimpaired aspossible, until the time when the enemy were the more likely to beworsted. Decius, more impetuous, as being in the prime of life andfull flow of spirits, exerted whatever force he had to the utmost inthe first encounter, and thinking the infantry not sufficientlyenergetic, brought up the cavalry to the fight. Putting himself at thehead of a troop of young horsemen of distinguished bravery, hebesought those youths, the flower of the army, to charge the enemywith him, [telling them] "they would reap a double share of glory, ifthe victory should commence on the left wing, and through theirmeans. " Twice they compelled the Gallic cavalry to give way. At thesecond charge, when they advanced farther and were briskly engaged inthe midst of the enemy's squadrons, by a method of fighting new tothem, they were thrown into dismay. A number of the enemy, mounted onchariots and cars, made towards them with such a prodigious clatterfrom the trampling of the cattle and rolling of wheels, as affrightedthe horses of the Romans, unaccustomed to such tumultuous operations. By this means the victorious cavalry were dispersed, through a panic, and men and horses, in their headlong flight, were tumbledpromiscuously on the ground. Hence also the battalions of the legionswere thrown into disorder, through the impetuosity of the horses, andof the carriages which they dragged through the ranks, many of thesoldiers in the van were trodden or bruised to death, while the Gallicline, as soon as they saw their enemy in confusion, pursued theadvantage, nor allowed them time to take breath or recover themselves. Decius, calling aloud, "Whither were they flying, or what hope couldthey have in running away?" strove to stop them as they turned theirbacks, but finding that he could not, by any efforts, prevail on themto keep their posts, so thoroughly were they dismayed, he called onhis father, Publius Decius, by name. He said, "Why do I any longerdefer the fate entailed on my family? It is destined to our race, thatwe should serve as expiatory victims to avert the public danger. Iwill now offer the legions of the enemy, together with myself, to beimmolated to Earth, and the infernal gods. " Having thus said, hecommanded Marcus Livius, a pontiff, whom, at his coming out to thefield, he had charged not to stir from him, to dictate the form ofwords in which he was to devote himself, and the legions of the enemy, for the army of the Roman people, the Quirites. He was accordinglydevoted with the same imprecations, and in the same habit, in whichhis father, Publius Decius, had ordered himself to be devoted at theVeseris in the Latin war. When, immediately after the solemnimprecation, he added, that "he drove before him dismay and flight, slaughter and blood, and the wrath of the gods celestial and infernal, that, with the contagious influence of the furies, the ministers ofdeath, he would infect the standards, the weapons, and the armour ofthe enemy, and that the same spot should be that of his perdition, andthat of the Gauls and Samnites. " After uttering these execrations onhimself and the foe, he spurred forward his horse, where he saw theline of the Gauls thickest, and, rushing upon the enemy's weapons, methis death. 

29. Thenceforward the battle seemed to be fought with a degree offorce scarcely human. The Romans, on the loss of their general, acircumstance which, on other occasions, is wont to inspire terror, stopped their flight, and were anxious to begin the combat afresh. TheGauls, and especially the multitude which encircled the consul's body, as if deprived of reason, cast their javelins at random withoutexecution, some became so stupid as not to think of either fighting orflying, while on the other side, Livius, the pontiff, to whom Deciushad transferred his lictors, with orders to act as propraetor, criedout aloud, that "the Romans were victorious, being saved by the deathof their consul. That the Gauls and Samnites were now the victims ofmother Earth and the infernal gods. That Decius was summoning anddragging to himself the army devoted along with him, and that, amongthe enemy, all was full of dismay, and the vengeance of all thefuries. " While the soldiers were busy in restoring the fight, LuciusCornelius Scipio and Caius Marcius, with some reserved troops from therear, who had been sent by Quintus Fabius, the consul, to the supportof his colleague, came up. There the fate of Decius is ascertained, apowerful stimulus to brave every danger in the cause of the public. Wherefore, when the Gauls stood in close order, with their shieldsformed into a fence before them, and but little prospect of successappeared from a close fight, the javelins, which lay scattered betweenthe two lines, were, therefore, by order of the lieutenants-general, gathered up from the ground, and thrown against the enemy's shields, and as most of them pierced the fence, the long pointed ones even intotheir bodies, their compact band was overthrown in such a manner, thata great many, who were unhurt, yet fell as if thunderstruck. Such werethe changes of fortune on the left wing of the Romans; on the right, Fabius had at first protracted the time, as we mentioned above, inslow operations, then, as soon as he perceived that neither the shout, nor the efforts of the enemy, nor the weapons which they threw, retained their former force, having ordered the commanders of thecavalry to lead round their squadrons to the flank of the Samnites, sothat, on receiving the signal, they should charge them in flank, withall possible violence, he commanded, at the same time, his infantry toadvance leisurely, and drive the enemy from their ground. When he sawthat they were unable to make resistance, and that their exhaustionwas certain, drawing together all his reserves, whom he had kept freshfor that occasion, he made a brisk push with the legions, and gave thecavalry the signal to charge. The Samnites could not support theshock, but fled precipitately to their camp, passing by the line ofthe Gauls, and leaving their allies to fight by themselves. Thesestood in close order under cover of their shields. Fabius, therefore, having heard of the death of his colleague, ordered the squadron ofCampanian cavalry, in number about five hundred, to fall back from theranks, and riding round, to attack the rear of the Gallic line, thenthe chief strength of the third legion to follow, with directions thatwherever they should see the enemy's troops disordered by the charge, to follow the blow, and cut them to pieces, when in a state ofconsternation. After vowing a temple and the spoils of the enemy toJupiter the Victorious, he proceeded to the camp of the Samnites, whither all their forces were hurrying in confusion. The gates notaffording entrance to such very great numbers, those who werenecessarily excluded, attempted resistance just at the foot of therampart, and here fell Gellius Egnatius, the Samnite general. These, however, were soon driven within the rampart; the camp was taken aftera slight resistance; and at the same time the Gauls were attacked onthe rear, and overpowered. There were slain of the enemy on that daytwenty-five thousand: eight thousand were taken prisoners. Nor was thevictory an unbloody one; for, of the army of Publius Decius, thekilled amounted to seven thousand; of the army of Fabius, to onethousand two hundred. Fabius, after sending persons to search for thebody of his colleague, had the spoils of the enemy collected into aheap, and burned them as an offering to Jupiter the Victorious. Theconsul's body could not be found that day, being hid under a heap ofslaughtered Gauls: on the following, it was discovered and brought tothe camp, amidst abundance of tears shed by the soldiers. Fabius, discarding all concern about any other business, solemnized theobsequies of his colleague in the most honourable manner, passing onhim the high encomiums which he had justly merited. 

30. During the same period, matters were managed successfully byCneius Fulvius, propraetor, he having, besides the immense lossesoccasioned to the enemy by the devastation of their lands, fought abattle with extraordinary success, in which there were above threethousand of the Perusians and Clusians slain, and twenty militarystandards taken. The Samnites, in their flight, passing through thePelignian territory, were attacked on all sides by the Pelignians;and, out of five thousand, one thousand were killed. The glory of theday on which they fought at Sentinum was great, even when trulyestimated; but some have gone beyond credibility by theirexaggerations, who assert in their writings, that there were in thearmy of the enemy forty thousand three hundred and thirty foot, sixthousand horse, and one thousand chariots, that is, including theEtrurians and Umbrians, who [they affirm] were present in theengagement: and, to magnify likewise the number of Roman forces, theyadd to the consuls another general, Lucius Volumnius, proconsul, andhis army to the legions of the consul. In the greater number ofannals, that victory is ascribed entirely to the two consuls. Volumnius was employed in the mean time in Samnium; he drove the armyof the Samnites to Mount Tifernus, and, not deterred by the difficultyof the ground, routed and dispersed them. Quintus Fabius, leavingDecius's army in Etruria, and leading off his own legions to the city, triumphed over the Gauls, Etrurians, and Samnites: the soldiersattended him in his triumph. The victory of Quintus Fabius was notmore highly celebrated, in their coarse military verses, than theillustrious death of Publius Decius; and the memory of the father wasrecalled, whose fame had been equalled by the praiseworthy conduct ofthe son, in respect of the issue which resulted both to himself and tothe public. Out of the spoil, donations were made to the soldiers ofeighty-two _asses_ [Footnote: _5s. 31d. _] to each, withcloaks and vests; rewards for service, in that age, by no meanscontemptible. 

31. Notwithstanding these successes, peace was not yet established, either among the Samnites or Etrurians: for the latter, at theinstigation of the Perusians, resumed their arms, after his army hadbeen withdrawn by the consul; and the Samnites made predatoryincursions on the territories of Vescia and Formiae; and also on theother side, on those of Aesernia, and the parts adjacent to the riverVulturnus. Against these was sent the praetor Appius Claudius, withthe army formerly commanded by Decius. In Etruria, Fabius, on therevival of hostilities, slew four thousand five hundred of thePerusians, and took prisoners one thousand seven hundred and forty, who were ransomed at the rate of three hundred and ten _asses_[Footnote: £1. ] each. All the rest of the spoil was bestowed on thesoldiers. The legions of the Samnites, though pursued, some by thepraetor Appius Claudius, the others by Lucius Volumnius, proconsul, formed a junction in the country of the Stellatians. Here sat down thewhole body of the Samnites; and Appius and Volumnius, with theirforces united in one camp. A battle was fought with the most rancorousanimosity, one party being spurred on by rage against men who had sooften renewed their attacks on them, and the other now fighting insupport of their last remaining hope. Accordingly, there were slain, of the Samnites, sixteen thousand three hundred, and two thousand andseven hundred made prisoners: of the Roman army fell two thousand andseven hundred. This year, so successful in the operations of war, wasfilled with distress at home, arising from a pestilence, and withanxiety, occasioned by prodigies: for accounts were received that, inmany places, showers of earth had fallen; and that very many persons, in the army of Appius Claudius, had been struck by lightning; inconsequence of which, the books were consulted. At this time, QuintusFabius Gurges, the consul's son, having prosecuted some matrons beforethe people on a charge of adultery, built, with the money accruingfrom the fines which they were condemned to pay, the temple of Venus, which stands near the circus. Still we have the wars of the Samniteson our hands, notwithstanding that the relation of them has alreadyextended, in one continued course, through four volumes of ourhistory, and through a period of forty-six years, from the consulateof Marcus Valerius and Aulus Cornelius, who first carried the Romanarms into Samnium. And, not to recite the long train of disasterssustained by both nations, and the toils which they underwent, bywhich, however, their stubborn breasts could not be subdued; even inthe course of the last year, the Samnites, with their own forcesseparately, and also in conjunction with those of other nations, hadbeen defeated by four several armies, and four generals of the Romans, in the territory of Sentinum, in that of the Pelignians, at Tifernum, and in the plains of the Stellatians; had lost the general of thehighest character in their nation; and, now, saw their allies in thewar, the Etrurians, the Umbrians, and the Gauls, in the same situationwith themselves; but, although they could now no longer stand, eitherby their own or by foreign resources, yet did they not desist from theprosecution of hostilities. So far were they from being weary ofdefending liberty, even though unsuccessfully: and they preferredbeing defeated to not aspiring after victory. Who does not find hispatience tired, either in writing, or reading, of wars of suchcontinuance; and which yet exhausted not the resolution of the partiesconcerned?

32. Quintus Fabius and Publius Decius were succeeded in the consulshipby Lucius Postumius Megellus and Marcus Atilius Regulus. The provinceof Samnium was decreed to both in conjunction; because intelligencehad been received that the enemy had embodied three armies; with onethat Etruria was to be recovered; with another the ravages in Campaniawere to be repeated; and the third was intended for the defence oftheir frontiers. Sickness detained Postumius at Rome, but Atilius setout immediately, with design to surprise the enemy in Samnium, beforethey should have advanced beyond their own borders; for such had beenthe directions of the senate. The Romans met the enemy, as if bymutual appointment, at a spot where, while they could be hindered, notonly from ravaging, but even from entering the Samnite territory, theycould likewise hinder the Samnites from continuing their progress intothe countries which were quiet, and the lands of the allies of theRoman people. While their camps lay opposite to each other, theSamnites attempted an enterprise, which the Romans, so often theirconquerors, would scarcely have ventured to undertake; such is therashness inspired by extreme despair: this was to make an assault onthe Roman camp. And although this attempt, so daring, succeeded not inits full extent, yet it was not without effect. There was a fog, whichcontinued through a great part of the day, so thick as to exclude thelight of the sun, and to prevent not only the view of any thing beyondthe rampart, but scarcely the sight of each other, when they shouldmeet. Depending on this, as a covering to the design, when the sun wasscarcely yet risen, and the light which he did afford was obscured bythe fog, the Samnites came up to an advanced guard of the Romans atone of the gates, who were standing carelessly on their post. In thesudden surprise, these had neither courage nor strength to makeresistance: an assault was then made, through the Decuman gate, in therear of the camp: the quaestor's quarters in consequence were taken, and the quaestor, Lucius Opimius Pansa, was there slain; on this ageneral alarm was given to take up arms. 

33. The consul, being roused by the tumult, ordered two cohorts of theallies, a Lucanian and Suessanian, which happened to be nearest, todefend the head-quarters, and led the companies of the legions downthe principal street. These ran into the ranks, scarcely taking timeto furnish themselves with arms; and, as they distinguished the enemyby their shout rather than by sight, could form no judgment how greattheir number might be: thus, ignorant of the circumstances of theirsituation, they at first drew back, and admitted the enemy into theheart of the camp. Then when the consul cried out, asking them, whether they intended to let themselves be beaten out beyond therampart, and then to return again to storm their own camp, they raisedthe shout, and uniting their efforts, stood their ground; then madeadvances, pushed closely on the enemy, and having forced them to giveway, drove them back, without suffering their first terror to abate. They soon beat them out beyond the gate and the rampart, but notdaring to pursue them, because the darkness of the weather made themapprehend an ambush, and content with having cleared the camp, theyretired within the rampart, having killed about three hundred of theenemy. Of the Romans, including the first advanced guard and thewatchmen, and those who were surprised at the quaestor's quarters, twohundred and thirty perished. This not unsuccessful piece of boldnessraised the spirits of the Samnites so high, that they not only did notsuffer the Romans to march forward into their country, but even toprocure forage from their lands; and the foragers were obliged to goback into the quiet country of Sora. News of these events beingconveyed to Rome, with circumstances of alarm magnified beyond thetruth, obliged Lucius Postumius, the consul, though scarcely recoveredfrom his illness, to set out for the army. However, before hisdeparture, having issued a proclamation that his troops shouldassemble at Sora, he dedicated the temple of Victory, for the buildingof which he had provided, when curule aedile, out of the money arisingfrom fines; and, joining the army, he advanced from Sora towardsSamnium, to the camp of his colleague. The Samnites, despairing ofbeing able to make head against the two armies, retreated from thence, on which the consuls, separating, proceeded by different routes to laywaste the enemy's lands and besiege their towns. 

34. Postumius attempted to make himself master of Milionia, at firstby storm and an assault; but these not succeeding, he carried hisapproaches to the walls, and thus gained an entrance into the place. The fight was continued in all parts of the city from the fourth houruntil near the eighth, the result being a long time uncertain: theRomans at last gained possession of the town. Three thousand twohundred of the Samnites were killed, four thousand seven hundredtaken, besides the other booty. From thence the legions were conductedto Ferentinum, out of which the inhabitants had, during the night, retired in silence through the opposite gate, with all their effectswhich could be either carried or driven. The consul, on his arrival, approached the walls with the same order and circumspection, as if hewere to meet an opposition here equal to what he had experienced atMilionia. Then, perceiving a dead silence in the city, and neitherarms nor men on the towers and ramparts, he restrains the soldiers, who were eager to mount the deserted fortifications, lest they mightfall into a snare. He ordered two divisions of the confederate Latinhorse to ride round the walls, and explore every particular. Thesehorsemen observed one gate, and, at a little distance, another on thesame side, standing wide open, and on the roads leading from theseevery mark of the enemy having fled by night. They then rode upleisurely to the gates, from whence, with perfect safety, they took aclear view through straight streets quite across the city. They reportto the consul, that the city was abandoned by the enemy, as was plainfrom the solitude, the recent tracks on their retreat, and the thingswhich, in the confusion of the night, they had left scattered up anddown. On hearing this, the consul led round the army to that side ofthe city which had been examined, and making the troops halt at alittle distance from the gate, gave orders that five horsemen shouldride into the city; and when they should have advanced a good way intoit, then, if they saw all things safe, three should remain there, andthe other two return to him with intelligence. These returned andsaid, that they had proceeded to a part of the town from which theyhad a view on every side, and that nothing but silence and solitudereigned through the whole extent of it. The consul immediately ledsome light-armed cohorts into the city; ordering the rest to fortifya camp in the mean time. The soldiers who entered the town, breakingopen the doors, found only a few persons, disabled by age or sickness;and such effects left behind as could not, without difficulty, beremoved. These were seized as plunder: and it was discovered from theprisoners, that several cities in that quarter had, in pursuance of aconcerted plan, resolved on flight; that their towns-people had goneoff at the first watch, and they believed that the same solitude theyshould find in the other places. The accounts of the prisoners provedwell-founded, and the consul took possession of the forsaken towns. 

35. The war was by no means so easy with the other consul, MarcusAtilius. As he was marching his legions towards Luceria, to which hewas informed that the Samnites had laid siege, the enemy met him onthe border of the Lucerian territory. Rage supplied them, on thisoccasion, with strength to equal his: the battle was stubbornlycontested, and the victory doubtful; in the issue, however, morecalamitous on the side of the Romans, both because they wereunaccustomed to defeat, and that, on leaving the field, they felt moresensibly, than during the heat of the action, how much more wounds andbloodshed had been on their side. In consequence of this, such dismayspread through the camp, as, had it seized them during the engagement, a signal defeat would have been the result. Even as the matter stood, they spent the night in great anxiety; expecting, every instant, thatthe Samnites would assault the camp; or that, at the first light, theyshould be obliged to stand a battle with a victorious enemy. On theside of the enemy, however, although there was less loss, yet therewas not greater courage. As soon as day appeared, they wished toretire without any more fighting; but there was only one road, andthat leading close by the post of their enemy; on their taking which, they seemed as if advancing directly to attack the camp. The consul, therefore, ordered his men to take arms, and to follow him outside therampart, giving directions to the lieutenants-general, tribunes, andthe praefects of the allies, in what manner he would have each of themact. They all assured him that "they would do every thing in theirpower, but that the soldiers were quite dejected; that, from their ownwounds, and the groans of the dying, they had passed the whole nightwithout sleep; that if the enemy had approached the camp before day, so great were the fears of the troops, that they would certainly havedeserted their standards. " "Even at present they were restrained fromflight merely by shame; and, in other respects, were little betterthan vanquished men. " This account made the consul judge it necessaryto go himself among the soldiers, and speak to them; and, as he cameup to each, he rebuked them for their backwardness in taking arms, asking, "Why they loitered, and declined the fight? If they did notchoose to go out of the camp, the enemy would come into it; and theymust fight in defence of their tents, if they would not in defence ofthe rampart. Men who have arms in their hands, and contend with theirfoe, have always a chance for victory; but the man who waits naked andunarmed for his enemy, must suffer either death or slavery. " To thesereprimands and rebukes they answered, that "they were exhausted by thefatigue of the battle of yesterday; and had no strength, nor evenblood remaining; and besides, the enemy appeared more numerous thanthey were the day before. " The hostile army, in the mean time, drewnear; so that, seeing every thing more distinctly as the distance grewless, they asserted that the Samnites carried with them pallisades fora rampart, and evidently intended to draw lines of circumvallationround the camp. On this the consul exclaimed, with great earnestness, against submitting to such an ignominious insult, and from sodastardly a foe. "Shall we even be blockaded, " said he, "in our camp, and die, with ignominy, by famine, rather than bravely by the sword, if it must be so? May the gods be propitious! and let every one act inthe manner which he thinks becomes him. The consul Marcus Atilius, should no other accompany him, will go out, even alone, to face theenemy; and will fall in the middle of the Samnite battalions, ratherthan see the Roman camp enclosed by their trenches. " Thelieutenants-general, tribunes, every troop of the cavalry, and theprincipal centurions, expressed their approbation of what the consulsaid; and the soldiers at length, overcome by shame, took up theirarms, but in a spiritless manner; and in the same spiritless manner, marched out of the camp. In a long train, and that not every whereconnected, melancholy, and seemingly subdued, they proceeded towardsthe enemy, whose hopes and courage, were not more steady than theirs. As soon therefore as the Roman standards were beheld, a murmur spreadfrom front to rear of the Samnites, that, as they had feared, "theRomans were coming out to oppose their march; that there was no roadopen, through which they could even fly thence; in that spot they mustfall, or else cut down the enemy's ranks, and make their way overtheir bodies. "

36. They then threw the baggage in a heap in the centre, and, withtheir arms prepared for battle, formed their line, each falling intohis post. There was now but a small interval between the two armies, and both stood, waiting until the shout and onset should be begun bytheir adversary. Neither party had any inclination to fight, and theywould have separated, and taken different roads, unhurt and untouched, but that each had a dread of being harassed, in retreat, by the other. Notwithstanding this shyness and reluctance, an engagement unavoidablybegan, but spiritless, and with a shout which discovered neitherresolution nor steadiness; nor did any move a foot from his post. TheRoman consul, then, in order to infuse life into the action, ordered afew troops of cavalry to advance out of the line and charge: most ofwhom being thrown from their horses and the rest put in disorder, several parties ran forward, both from the Samnite line, to cut offthose who had fallen, and from the Roman, to protect their friends. Inconsequence the battle became a little more brisk, but the Samniteshad come forward with more briskness, and also in greater numbers, andthe disordered cavalry, with their affrighted horses, trod down theirown party who came to their relief. Flight commencing in this quarter, caused the whole Roman line to turn their backs. And now the Samniteshad no employment for their arms but against the rear of a flyingenemy, when the consul, galloping on before his men to the gate of thecamp, posted there a body of cavalry, with orders to treat as an enemyany person who should make towards the rampart, whether Roman orSamnite; and, placing himself in the way of his men, as they pressedin disorder towards the camp, denounced threats to the same purport:"Whither are you going, soldiers?" said he; "here also you will findboth men and arms; nor, while your consul lives, shall you pass therampart, unless victorious. Choose therefore which you will prefer, fighting against your own countrymen, or the enemy. " While the consulwas thus speaking the cavalry gathered round, with the points of theirspears presented, and ordered the infantry to return to the fight. Notonly his own brave spirit, but fortune likewise aided the consul, forthe Samnites did not push their advantage; so that he had time towheel round his battalions, and to change his front from the camptowards the enemy. The men then began to encourage each other toreturn to the battle, while the centurions snatched the ensigns fromthe standard-bearers and bore them forward, pointing out to thesoldiers the enemy, coming on in a hurry, few in number, and withtheir ranks disordered. At the same time the consul, with his handslifted up towards heaven, and raising his voice so as to be heard at adistance, vowed a temple to Jupiter Stator, if the Roman army shouldrally from flight, and, renewing the battle, cut down and defeat theSamnites. All divisions of the army, now, united their efforts torestore the fight; officers, soldiers, the whole force, both ofcavalry and infantry; even the powers of heaven seemed to have looked, with favour, on the Roman cause; so speedily was a thorough changeeffected in the fortune of the day, the enemy being repulsed from thecamp, and, in a short time, driven back to the spot where the battlehad commenced. Here they stopped, being obstructed by the heap ofbaggage, lying in their way, where they had thrown it together; andthen, to prevent the plundering of their effects, formed round them acircle of troops. On this, the infantry assailed them vigorously infront, while the cavalry, wheeling, fell on their rear: and, beingthus enclosed between the two, they were all either slain, or takenprisoners. The number of the prisoners was seven thousand two hundred, who were all sent under the yoke; the killed amounted to four thousandeight hundred. The victory did not prove a joyous one, even on theside of the Romans: when the consul took an account of the losssustained in the two days, the number returned, of soldiers lost, wasseven thousand three hundred. During these transactions in Apulia, theSamnites with the other army having attempted to seize on Iteramna, aRoman colony situated on the Latin road, did not however obtain thetown; whence, after ravaging the country, as they were driving offspoil, consisting of men and cattle, together with the colonists whomthey had taken, they met the consul returning victorious from Luceria, and not only lost their booty, but marching in disorder, in a longtrain, and heavily encumbered, were themselves cut to pieces. Theconsul, by proclamation, summoned the owners to Interamna, to claimand receive again their property, and leaving his army there, went toRome to hold the elections. On his applying for a triumph, that honourwas refused him, because he had lost so many thousands of hissoldiers; and also, because he had sent the prisoners under the yokewithout imposing any conditions. 

37. The other consul, Postumius, because there was no employment forhis arms in Samnium, having led over his forces into Etruria, firstlaid waste the lands of the Volsinians; and afterwards, on theirmarching out to protect their country, gained a decisive victory overthem, at a small distance from their own walls. Two thousand twohundred of the Etrurians were slain; the proximity of their cityprotected the rest. The army was then led into the territory ofRusella, and there, not only were the lands wasted, but the townitself taken. More than two thousand men were made prisoners, andsomewhat less than that number killed on the walls. But a peace, effected that year in Etruria, was still more important and honourablethan the war had been. Three very powerful cities, the chief ones ofEtruria, (Volsinii, Perusia, and Arretium, ) sued for peace; and havingstipulated with the consul to furnish clothing and corn for his army, on condition of being permitted to send deputies to Rome, theyobtained a truce for forty years, and a fine was imposed on each stateof five hundred thousand _asses_, [Footnote: £1614. _11s8d_] to be immediately paid. When the consul demanded a triumphfrom the senate, in consideration of these services, rather to complywith the general practice, than in hope of succeeding; and when he sawthat one party, his own personal enemies, another party, the friendsof his colleague, refused him the triumph, the latter to console asimilar refusal, some on the plea that he had been rather tardy intaking his departure from the city; others, that he had passed fromSamnium into Etruria without orders from the senate; he said, "Conscript fathers, I shall not be so far mindful of your dignity, asto forget that I am consul. By the same right of office by which Iconducted the war, I shall now have a triumph, when this war has beenbrought to a happy conclusion, Samnium and Etruria being subdued, andvictory and peace procured. With these words he left the senate. " Onthis arose a contention between the plebeian tribunes; some of themdeclaring that they would protest against his triumphing in a mannerunprecedented; others, that they would support his pretensions, inopposition to their colleagues. The affair came at length to bediscussed before the people, and the consul being summoned to attend, when he represented, that Marcus Horatius and Lucius Valerius, whenconsuls, and lately Caius Marcus Rutilus, father of the presentcensor, had triumphed, not by direction of the senate, but by that ofthe people; he then added that "he would in like manner have laid hisrequest before the public, had he not known that some plebeiantribunes, the abject slaves of the nobles, would have obstructed thelaw. That the universal approbation and will of the people were andshould be with him equivalent to any order whatsoever. " Accordingly, on the day following, by the support of three plebeian tribunes, inopposition to the protest of the other seven, and the declaredjudgment of the senate, he triumphed; and the people paid every honourto the day. The historical accounts regarding this year are by nomeans consistent; Claudius asserts, that Postumius, after having takenseveral cities in Samnium, was defeated and put to flight in Apulia;and that, being wounded himself, he was driven, with a few attendants, into Luceria. That the war in Etruria was conducted by Atilius, andthat it was he who triumphed. Fabius writes, that the two consulsacted in conjunction, both in Samnium and at Luceria; that an army wasled over into Etruria, but by which of the consuls he has notmentioned; that at Luceria, great numbers were slain on both sides;and that in that battle, the temple of Jupiter Stator was vowed, thesame vow having been formerly made by Romulus, but the fane only, thatis, the area appropriated for the temple, had been yet consecrated. However, in this year, the state having been twice bound by the samevow, it became a matter of religious obligation that the senate shouldorder the temple to be erected. 

38. In the next year, we find a consul, distinguished by the unitedsplendour of his own and his father's glory, Lucius Papirius Cursor, as also a war of vast importance, and a victory of such consequence, as no man, excepting Lucius Papirius, the consul's father, had everbefore obtained over the Samnites. It happened too that these had, with the same care and pains as on the former occasion, decoratedtheir soldiers with the richest suits of splendid armour; and theyhad, likewise, called in to their aid the power of the gods, having, as it were, initiated the soldiers, by administering the militaryoath, with the solemn ceremonies practised in ancient times, andlevied troops in every part of Samnium, under an ordinance entirelynew, that "if any of the younger inhabitants should not attend themeeting, according to the general's proclamation, or shall departwithout permission, his head should be devoted to Jupiter. " Ordersbeing then issued, for all to assemble at Aquilonia, the wholestrength of Samnium came together, amounting to forty thousand men. There a piece of ground, in the middle of the camp, was enclosed withhurdles and boards, and covered overhead with linen cloth, the sidesbeing all of an equal length, about two hundred feet. In this placesacrifices were performed, according to directions read out of an oldlinen book, the priest being a very old man, called Ovius Paccius, whoaffirmed, that he took these ceremonials from the ancient ritual ofthe Samnites, being the same which their ancestors used, when they hadformed the secret design of wresting Capua from the Etrurians. Whenthe sacrifices were finished, the general ordered a beadle to summonevery one of those who were most highly distinguished by their birthor conduct: these were introduced singly. Besides the otherexhibitions of the solemnity, calculated to impress the mind withreligious awe, there were, in the middle of the covered enclosure, altars erected, about which lay the victims slain, and the centurionsstood around with their swords drawn. The soldier was led up to thealtars, rather like a victim, than a performer in the ceremony, andwas bound by an oath not to divulge what he should see and hear inthat place. He was then compelled to swear, in a dreadful kind ofform, containing execrations on his own person, on his family andrace, if he did not go to battle, whithersoever the commanders shouldlead; and, if either he himself fled from the field, or, in case heshould see any other flying, did not immediately kill him. At firstsome, refusing to take the oath, were put to death round the altars, and lying among the carcasses of the victims, served afterwards as awarning to others not to refuse it. When those of the first rank inthe Samnite nation had been bound under these solemnities, the generalnominated ten, whom he desired to choose each a man, and so to proceeduntil they should have called up the number of sixteen thousand. Thisbody, from the covering of the enclosure wherein the nobility had beenthus devoted, was called the linen legion. They were furnished withsplendid armour and plumed helmets, to distinguish them above therest. They had another body of forces, amounting to somewhat more thantwenty thousand, not inferior to the linen legion, either in personalappearance, or renown in war, or their equipment. This number, composing the main strength of the nation, sat down at Aquilonia. 

39. On the other side, the consuls set out from the city. First, Spurius Carvilius, to whom had been decreed the veteran legions, whichMarcus Atilius, the consul of the preceding year, had left in theterritory of Interamna, marched at their head into Samnium; and, whilethe enemy were busied in their superstitious rites, and holding theirsecret meeting, he took by storm the town of Amiternum. Here wereslain about two thousand eight hundred men; and four thousand twohundred and seventy were made prisoners. Papirius, with a new army, which he raised in pursuance of a decree of the senate, made himselfmaster of the city of Duronia. He took fewer prisoners than hiscolleague; but slew much greater numbers. Rich booty was acquired inboth places. The consuls then, overrunning Samnium, and wasting theprovince of Atinum with particular severity, arrived, Carvilius atCominium, and Papirius at Aquilonia, where the main force of theSamnites were posted. Here, for some time, there was neither acessation of action, nor any vigorous effort. The day was generallyspent in provoking the enemy when quiet, and retiring when theyoffered resistance; in menacing, rather than making an attack. Bywhich practice of beginning, and then desisting, even those triflingskirmishes were continually left without a decision. The other Romancamp was twenty miles distant, and the advice of his absent colleaguewas appealed to on every thing which he undertook, while Carvilius, onhis part, directed a greater share of his attention to Aquilonia, where the state of affairs was more critical and important, than toCominium, which he himself was besieging. When Papirius had fullyadjusted every measure, preparatory to an engagement, he despatched amessage to his colleague, that "he intended, if the auspicespermitted, to fight the enemy on the day following; and that it wouldbe necessary that he (Carvilius) should at the same time make anassault on Cominium, with his utmost force, that the Samnites theremight have no leisure to send any succour to Aquilonia. " The messengerhad the day for the performance of his journey, and he returned in thenight, with an answer to the consul, that his colleague approved ofthe plan. Papirius, on sending off the messenger, had instantly calledan assembly, where he descanted, at large, on the nature of the war ingeneral, and on the present mode of equipment adopted by the enemy, which served for empty parade, rather than for any thing effectualtowards insuring success; for "plumes, " he said, "made no wounds; thata Roman javelin would make its way through shields, however paintedand gilt; and that the army, refulgent from the whiteness of theirtunics, would soon be besmeared with blood, when matters came to bemanaged with the sword. His father had formerly cut off, to a man, agold and silver army of the Samnites; and such accoutrements had madea more respectable figure, as spoils, in the hands of the conqueringfoe, than as arms in those of the wearers. Perhaps it was allotted, bydestiny, to his name and family, that they should be opposed incommand against the most powerful efforts of the Samnites; and shouldbring home spoils, of such beauty, as to serve for ornaments to thepublic places. The immortal gods were certainly on his side, onaccount of the leagues so often solicited and so often broken. Besides, if a judgment might be formed of the sentiments of thedeities, they never were more hostile to any army, than to that which, smeared with the blood of human beings mixed with that of cattle intheir abominable sacrifice, doomed to the twofold resentment of thegods, dreading on the one hand the divinities, witnesses of thetreaties concluded with the Romans, on the other hand the imprecationsexpressed in the oath sworn in contradiction to those treaties, sworewith reluctance, abhorred the oath, and feared at once the gods, theircountrymen, and their enemies. "

40. When the consul had recounted these particulars, ascertained fromthe information of the deserters, to the soldiers already enraged ofthemselves, they then, filled with confidence in both divine and humanaid, with one universal shout, demanded the battle; were dissatisfiedat the action being deferred to the following day; they are impatientunder the intended delay of a day and a night. Papirius, at the thirdwatch, having received his colleague's letter, arose in silence, andsent the keeper of the chickens to take the auspices. There was no onedescription of men in the camp who felt not earnest wishes for thefight: the highest and the lowest were equally eager; the generalwatching the ardour of the soldiers, and the soldiers that of thegeneral. This universal zeal spread even to those employed in takingthe auspices; for the chickens having refused to feed, the auspexventured to misrepresent the omen, and reported to the consul thatthey had fed voraciously. [Footnote: When the auspices were to betaken from the chickens, the keeper threw some of them food upon theground, in their sight, and opened the door of then coop. If they didnot come out; if they came out slowly; if they refused to feed, or atein a careless manner, the omen was considered as bad. On the contrary, if they rushed out hastily and ate greedily, so that some of the foodfell from their mouths on the ground, this was considered as an omenof the best import; it was called _tripudium solistinum_, originally, _terripavium_, from _terra_, and _pavire_, tostrike. ] The consul, highly pleased, and giving notice that theauspices were excellent, and that they were to act under the directionof the gods, displayed the signal for battle. Just as he was going outto the field, he happened to receive intelligence from a deserter, that twenty cohorts of Samnites, consisting of about four hundredeach, had marched towards Cominium. Lest his colleague should beignorant of this, he instantly despatched a messenger to him, and thenordered the troops to advance with speed, having already assigned toeach division of the army its proper post, and appointed generalofficers to command them. The command of the right wing he gave toLucius Volumnius, that of the left to Lucius Scipio, that of thecavalry to the other lieutenants-general, Caius Caedicius and CaiusTrebonius. He ordered Spurius Nautius to take off the panniers fromthe mules, and to lead them round quickly, together with his auxiliarycohorts, to a rising ground in view; and there to show himself duringthe heat of the engagement, and to raise as much dust as possible. While the general was employed in making these dispositions, a disputearose among the keepers of the chickens, about the auspices of theday, which was overheard by some Roman horsemen, who, deeming it amatter not to be slighted, informed Spurius Papirius, the consul'snephew, that there was a doubt about the auspices. The youth, born inan age when that sort of learning which inculcates contempt of thegods was yet unknown, examined into the affair, that he might notcarry an uncertain report to the consul; and then acquainted him withit. His answer was, "I very much applaud your conduct and zeal. However, the person who officiates in taking the auspices, if he makesa false report, draws on his own head the evil portended; but to theRoman people and their army, the favourable omen reported to me is anexcellent auspice. " He then commanded the centurions to place thekeepers of the chickens in the front of the line. The Samniteslikewise brought forward their standards; their main body followed, armed and decorated in such a manner, that the enemy afforded amagnificent show. Before the shout was raised, or the battle begun, the auspex, wounded by a random cast of a javelin, fell before thestandards; which being told to the consul, he said, "The gods arepresent in the battle; the guilty has met his punishment. " While theconsul uttered these words, a crow, in front of him, cawed with aclear voice; at which augury, the consul being rejoiced, andaffirming, that never had the gods interposed in a more strikingmanner in human affairs, ordered the charge to be sounded and theshout to be raised. 

41. A furious conflict now ensued, but with very unequal spirit [inthe combatants]. Anger, hope, and ardour for conquest, hurried on theRomans to battle, thirsting for their enemy's blood; while theSamnites, for the most part reluctantly, as if compelled by necessityand religious dread, rather stood on their defence, than made anattack. Nor would they, familiarized as they were to defeats, througha course of so many years, have withstood the first shout and shock ofthe Romans, had not another fear, operating still more powerfully intheir breasts, restrained them from flying. For they had before theireyes the whole scene exhibited at the secret sacrifice, the armedpriests, the promiscuous carnage of men and cattle, the altarsbesmeared with the blood of victims and of their murdered countrymen, the dreadful curses, and the direful form of imprecation, drawn up forcalling down perdition on their family and race. Prevented by theseshackles from running away, they stood, more afraid of then countrymenthan of the enemy. The Romans pushed on both the wings, and in thecentre, and made great havoc among them, stupified as they were, through their fears of the gods and of men. A faint resistance is nowmade, as by men whom fear alone prevented from running away. Theslaughter had now almost reached to their standards, when, on oneside, appeared a cloud of dust, as if raised by the marching of anumerous army: it was Spurius Nautius, (some say Octavius Metius, )commander of the auxiliary cohorts: for these raised a greaterquantity of dust than was proportioned to the number of men, theservants of the camp, mounted on the mules, trailing boughs of trees, full of leaves, along the ground. Through the light thus obscured, arms and standards were seen in front; behind, a higher and densercloud of dust presented the appearance of horsemen bringing up therear. This effectually deceived, not only the Samnites, but the Romansthemselves: and the consul confirmed the mistake, by calling out amongthe foremost battalions, so that his voice reached also the enemy, that "Cominium was taken, and that his victorious colleague wasapproaching, " bidding his men "now make haste to complete the defeatof the enemy, before the glory should fall to the share of the otherarmy. " This he said as he sat on horseback, and then ordered thetribunes and centurions to open passages for the horse. He had givenprevious directions to Trebonius and Caedicius, that, when they shouldsee him waving the point of his spear aloft, they should incite thecavalry to charge the enemy with all possible violence. Everyparticular, as previously concerted, was executed with the utmostexactness. The passages were opened between the ranks, the cavalrydarted through, and, with the points of their spears presented, rushedinto the midst of the enemy's battalions, breaking down the rankswherever they charged. Voluminius and Scipio seconded the blow, andtaking advantage of the enemy's disorder, made a terrible slaughter. Thus attacked, the cohorts, called _linteatae_, regardless of allrestraints from either gods or men, quitted their posts in confusion, the sworn and the unsworn all fled alike, no longer dreading aught butthe enemies. The body of their infantry which survived the battle, were driven into the camp at Aquilonia. The nobility and cavalrydirected their flight to Bovianum. The horse were pursued by the Romanhorse, the infantry by their infantry, while the wings proceeded bydifferent roads; the right, to the camp of the Samnites; the left tothe city. Volumnius succeeded first in gaining possession of the camp. At the city, Scipio met a stouter resistance; not because theconquered troops there had gained courage, but because walls were abetter defence against armed men than a rampart. From these theyrepelled the enemy with stones. Scipio, considering that unless thebusiness were effected during their first panic, and before they couldrecover their spirits, the attack of so strong a town would be verytedious, asked his soldiers "if they could endure, without shame, thatthe other wing should already have taken the camp, and that they, after all their success, should be repulsed from the gates of thecity?" Then, all of them loudly declaring their determination to thecontrary, he himself advanced, the foremost, to the gate, with hisshield raised over his head: the rest, following under the like coverof their shields conjoined, burst into the city, and dispersing theSamnites who were near the gate, took possession of the walls, butthey ventured not to push forward into the interior of the city inconsequence of the smallness of their number. 

42. Of these transactions the consul was for some time ignorant; andwas busily employed in calling home his troops, for the sun was nowhastening to set, and the approach of night rendered every placesuspicious and dangerous, even to victorious troops. Having rodeforward a considerable way, he saw on the right the camp taken, andheard on the left a shouting in the city, with a confused noise offighting, and cries of terror. This happened while the fight was goingon at the gate. When, on riding up nearer, he saw his own men on thewalls, and so much progress already made in the business, pleased athaving gained, through the precipitate conduct of a few, anopportunity of striking an important blow, he ordered the troops, whomhe had sent back to the camp, to be called out, and to march to theattack of the city: these, having made good their entrance on thenearest side, proceeded no farther, because night approached. Beforemorning, however, the town was abandoned by the enemy. There wereslain of the Samnites on that day, at Aquilonia, thirty thousand threehundred and forty; taken, three thousand eight hundred and seventy, with ninety-seven military standards. One circumstance, respectingPapirius, is particularly mentioned by historians: that, hardly everwas any general seen in the field with a more cheerful countenance;whether this was owing to his natural temper or to his confidence ofsuccess. From the same firmness of mind it proceeded, that he did notsuffer himself to be diverted from the war by the dispute about theauspices; and that, in the heat of the battle, when it was customaryto vow temples to the immortal gods, he vowed to Jupiter thevictorious, that if he should defeat the legions of the enemy, hewould, before he tasted of any generous liquor, make a libation to himof a cup of wine and honey. This kind of vow proved acceptable to thegods, and they conducted the auspices to a fortunate issue. 

43. Matters were conducted with the same success by the other consulat Cominium: leading up his forces to the walls, at the first dawn, heinvested the city on every side, and posted strong guards opposite tothe gates to prevent any sally being made. Just as he was giving thesignal, the alarming message from his colleague, touching the march ofthe twenty Samnite cohorts, not only caused him to delay the assault, but obliged him to call off a part of his troops, when they wereformed and ready to begin the attack. He ordered Decius Brutus Scaeva, a lieutenant-general, with the first legion, ten auxiliary cohorts, and the cavalry, to go and oppose the said detachment; and in whateverplace he should meet the foe, there to stop and detain them, and evento engage in battle, should opportunity offer for it; at all eventsnot to suffer those troops to approach Cominium. He then commanded thescaling ladders to be brought up to the walls, on every side of thecity; and, under a fence of closed shields, advanced to the gates. Thus, at the same moment, the gates were broken open, and the assaultmade on every part of the walls. Though the Samnites, before they sawthe assailants on the works, had possessed courage enough to opposetheir approaches to the city, yet now, when the action was no longercarried on at a distance, nor with missile weapons, but in closefight; and when those, who had with difficulty gained the walls, having overcome the disadvantage of ground, which, they principallydreaded, fought with ease on equal ground, against an enemy inferiorin strength, they all forsook the towers and walls, and being drivento the forum, they tried there for a short time, as a last effort, toretrieve the fortune of the fight; but soon throwing down their arms, surrendered to the consul, to the number of eleven thousand fourhundred; four thousand three hundred and eighty were slain. Such wasthe course of events at Cominium, such at Aquilonia. In the middlespace between the two cities, where a third battle had been expected, the enemy were not found; for, when they were within seven miles ofCominium, they were recalled by their countrymen, and had no part ineither battle. At night-fall, when they were now within sight of theircamp, and also of Aquilonia, shouts from both places reaching themwith equal force induced them to halt; then, on the side of the camp, which had been set on fire by the Romans, the wide-spreading flamesindicating with more certainty the disaster [which had happened], prevented their proceeding any farther. In that same spot, stretchedon the ground at random under their arms, they passed the whole nightin great inquietude, at one time wishing for, at another dreading thelight. At the first dawn, while they were still undetermined to whatquarter they should direct their march, they were obliged to betakethemselves hastily to flight, being descried by the cavalry; whohaving gone in pursuit of the Samnites, that left the town in thenight, saw the multitude unprotected either by a rampart or advancedguard. This party had likewise been perceived from the walls ofAquilonia, and the legionary cohorts now joined in the pursuit. Thefoot were unable to overtake them, but about two hundred and eighty oftheir rear guard were cut off by the cavalry. In their consternationthey left behind them a great quantity of arms and eighteen militarystandards: they reached Bovianum with the rest of their party insafety, as far as could be expected after so disorderly a rout. 

44. The joy of both Roman armies was enhanced by the success achievedon the other side. Each consul, with the approbation of his colleague, gave to his soldiers the plunder of the town which he had taken; and, when the houses were cleared, set them on fire. Thus, on the same day, Aquilonia and Cominium were both reduced to ashes. The consuls thenunited their camps, where mutual congratulations took place betweenthem and between their soldiers. Here, in the view of the two armies, Carvilius bestowed on his men commendations and presents according tothe desert of each; and Papirius likewise, whose troops had beenengaged in a variety of actions, in the field, in the assault of thecamp, and in that of the city, presented Spurius Nautius, SpuriusPapirius, his nephew, four centurions, and a company of the spearmen, with bracelets and crowns of gold:--to Nautius, on account of hisbehaviour at the head of his detachment, when he had terrified theenemy with the appearance as of a numerous army; to young Papirius, onaccount of his zealous exertions with the cavalry, both in the battleand in harassing the Samnites in their flight by night, when theywithdrew privately from Aquilonia; and to the centurions and companyof soldiers, because they were the first who gained possession of thegate and wall of that town. All the horsemen he presented with gorgetsand bracelets of silver, on account of their distinguished conduct onmany occasions. As the time was now come for withdrawing the army outof Samnium, the expediency was considered, as to whether they shouldwithdraw both, or at least one. It was concluded, that the lower thestrength of the Samnites was reduced, the greater perseverance andvigour ought to be used in prosecuting the war, so that Samnium mightbe given up to the succeeding consuls perfectly subjected. As therewas now no army of the enemy which could be supposed capable ofdisputing the field, there remained one mode of operations, thebesieging of the cities; by the destruction of which, they might beenabled to enrich their soldiers with the spoil; and, at the sametime, utterly to destroy the enemy, reduced to the necessity offighting, their all being at stake. The consuls, therefore, afterdespatching letters to the senate and people of Rome, containingaccounts of the services which they had performed, led away theirlegions to different quarters; Papirius going to attack Saepioura, Carvilius to Volana. 

45. The letters of the consuls were heard with extraordinaryexultation, both in the senate-house and in the assembly of thepeople; and, in a thanksgiving of four days' continuance, the publicrejoicings were celebrated with zeal by individuals. These successeswere not only important in themselves to the Roman people, butpeculiarly seasonable; for it happened, that at the same timeintelligence was brought that the Etrurians were again in arms. Thereflection naturally occurred to people's minds, how it would havebeen possible, in case any misfortune had happened in Samnium, to havewithstood the power of Etruria; which, being encouraged by theconspiracy of the Samnites, and seeing both the consuls, and the wholeforce of the Romans, employed against them, had made use of thatjuncture, in which the Romans had so much business on their hands, forreviving hostilities. Ambassadors from the allies, being introduced tothe senate by the praetor Marcus Atilius, complained that theircountries were wasted with fire and sword by the neighbouringEtrurians, because they had refused to revolt from the Romans; andthey besought the conscript fathers to protect them from the violenceand injustice of their common enemy. The ambassadors were answered, that "the senate would take care that the allies should not repenttheir fidelity. " That the "Etrurians should shortly be in the samesituation with the Samnites. " Notwithstanding which, the businessrespecting Etruria would have been prosecuted with less vigour, hadnot information been received, that the Faliscians likewise, who hadfor many years lived in friendship with Rome, had united their armswith those of the Etrurians. The consideration of the near vicinity ofthat nation quickened the attention of the senate; insomuch that theypassed a decree that heralds should be sent to demand satisfaction:which being refused, war was declared against the Faliscians bydirection of the senate, and order of the people; and the consuls weredesired to determine, by lots, which of them should lead an army fromSamnium into Etruria. Carvilius had, in the mean time, taken from theSamnites Volana, Palumbinum, and Herculaneum; Volana after a siege ofa few days, Palumbinum the same day on which he approached the walls. At Herculaneum, it is true, the consul had two regular engagementswithout any decisive advantage on either side, and with greater losson his side than on that of the enemy; but afterwards, encamping onthe spot, he shut them up within their works. The town was besiegedand taken. In these three towns were taken or slain ten thousand men, of whom the prisoners composed somewhat the greater part. On theconsuls casting lots for the provinces, Etruria fell to Carvilius, tothe great satisfaction of the soldiers, who could no longer bear theintensity of the cold in Samnium. Papirius was opposed at Saepinumwith a more powerful force: he had to fight often in pitched battles, often on a march, and often under the walls of the city, against theeruptions of the enemy; and could neither besiege, nor engage them onequal terms; for the Samnites not only protected themselves by walls, but likewise protected their walls with numbers of men and arms. Atlength, after a great deal of fighting, he forced them to submit to aregular siege. This he carried on with vigour, and made himself masterof the city by means of his works, and by storm. The rage of thesoldiers on this occasion caused the greatest slaughter in the takingof the town; seven thousand four hundred fell by the sword; the numberof the prisoners did not amount to three thousand. The spoil, of whichthe quantity was very great, the whole substance of the Samnites beingcollected in a few cities, was given up to the soldiers. 

46. The snow had now entirely covered the face of the country, andthey could no longer dispense with the shelter of houses: the consultherefore led home his troops from Samnium. While he was on his way toRome, a triumph was decreed him with universal consent; andaccordingly he triumphed while in office, and with extraordinarysplendour, considering the circumstances of those times. The cavalryand infantry marched in the procession, adorned with presents. Greatnumbers of civic, vallar, and mural crowns were seen. [Footnote:These marks of honour were bestowed for having saved the lives ofcitizens, or for having been the first to mount walls or ramparts. ]The spoils of the Samnites were inspected with much curiosity, andcompared, in respect of magnificence and beauty, with those taken byhis father, which were well known, from being frequently exhibited asornaments of the public places. Several prisoners of distinction, renowned for their own exploits and those of their ancestors, were ledin the cavalcade. There were carried in the train two millions andthirty-three thousand _asses_ in weight. [Footnote: £4940 13s. 6d. ] This money was said to be produced by the sale of the prisoners. Of silver, taken in the cities, one thousand three hundred and thirtypounds. All the silver and brass were lodged in the treasury, no shareof this part of the spoil being given to the soldiers. The ill humourin the commons was further exasperated, because the tax for thepayment of the army was collected by contribution; whereas, said they, if the vain parade of conveying the produce of the spoil to thetreasury had been disregarded, donations might have been made to thesoldiers out of the spoil, and the pay of the army also supplied outof that fund. The temple of Quirinus, vowed by his father whendictator, (for that he himself had vowed it in the heat of battle, Ido not find in any ancient writer, nor indeed could he in so short atime have finished the building of it, ) the son, in the office ofconsul, dedicated and adorned with military spoils. And of these, sogreat was the abundance, that not only that temple and the forum weredecorated with them, but some were also distributed among the alliesand colonies in the neighbourhood, to serve as ornaments to theirtemples and public places. Immediately after his triumph, he led hisarmy into winter quarters in the territory of Vescia; because thatcountry was harassed by the Samnites. Meanwhile, in Etruria, theconsul Carvilius having set about laying siege to Troilium, sufferedfour hundred and seventy of the richest inhabitants to depart; theyhad paid a large sum of money for permission to leave the place: thetown, with the remaining multitude, he took by storm. He afterwardsreduced, by force, five forts strongly situated, wherein were slaintwo thousand four hundred of the enemy, and not quite two thousandmade prisoners. To the Faliscians, who sued for peace, he granted atruce for a year, on condition of their furnishing a hundred thousand_asses_ in weight, [Footnote: £322 18s. 4d. ] and that year's payfor his army. This business completed, he returned home to a triumph, which, though it was less illustrious than that of his colleague, inrespect of his share in the defeat of the Samnites, was yet raised toan equality with it, by his having put a termination to the war inEtruria. He carried into the treasury three hundred and ninetythousand _asses_ in weight. [Footnote: £1259 7s. 6d. ] Out of theremainder of the money accruing to the public from the spoils, hecontracted for the building of a temple to Fors Fortuna, near to thatdedicated to the same goddess by king Servius Tullius; and gave to thesoldiers, out of the spoil, one hundred and two asses[3] each, anddouble that sum to the centurions and horsemen, who received thisdonative the more gratefully, on account of the parsimony of hiscolleague. 

47. The favour of the consul saved from a trial, before the people, Postumius; who, on a prosecution being commenced against him by MarcusScantius, plebeian tribune, evaded, as was said, the jurisdiction ofthe people, by procuring the commission of lieutenant-general, so theindictment against him could only be held out as a threat, and not putin force. The The year having now elapsed, new plebeian tribunes hadcome unto office; and for these, in consequence of some irregularityon their appointments, others had been, within five days after, substituted in their room. The lustrum was closed this year by thecensors Publius Cornelius Arvina and Caius Marcius Rutilus. The numberof citizens rated was two hundred and sixty-two thousand three hundredand twenty-two. These were the twenty-sixth pair of censors since thefirst institution of that office; and this the nineteenth lustrum. Inthis year, persons who had been presented with crowns, inconsideration of meritorious behaviour in war, first began to wearthem at the exhibition of the Roman games. Then, for the first time, palms were conferred on the victors according to a custom introducedfrom Greece. In the same year the paving of the road from the templeof Mars to Bovillae was completed by the curule aediles, who exhibitedthose games out of fines levied on the farmers of the pastures. LuciusPapirius presided at the consular election, and returned consulsQuintus Fabius Gurges, son of Maximus, and Decius Junius BrutusScaeva. Papirius himself was made praetor. This year, prosperous inmany particulars, was scarcely sufficient to afford consolation forone calamity, a pestilence, which afflicted both the city and country:the mortality was prodigious. To discover what end, or what remedy, was appointed by the gods for that calamity, the books were consulted:in the books it was found that Aesculapius must be brought to Romefrom Epidaurus. Nor were any steps taken that year in that matter, because the consuls were fully occupied in the war, except that asupplication was performed to Aesculapius for one day. 

[Here ten books of the original are lost, making a chasm ofseventy-five years. The translator's object being to publish the workof Livy only, he has not thought it his duty to attempt to supply thisdeficiency, either by a compilation of his own, or by transcribing ortranslating those of others. The leader, however, who may be desirousof knowing the events which took place during this interval, will findas complete a detail of them as can now be given, in Hooke's orRollin's Roman History. The contents of the lost books have beenpreserved, and are as follows--]

BOOK XI. --[Y. R. 460. B. C. 292. ] Fabius Gurges, consul, having foughtan unsuccessful battle with the Samnites, the senate deliberate aboutdismissing him from the command of the army; are prevailed upon not toinflict that disgrace upon him, principally by the entreaties of hisfather, Fabius Maximus, and by his promising to join the army, andserve, in quality of lieutenant-general, under his son: which promisehe performs, and the consul, aided by his counsel and co-operation, obtains a victory over the Samnites, and a triumph in consequence. C. Pontius, the general of the Samnites, led in triumph before thevictor's carriage, and afterwards beheaded. A plague at Rome. [Y. R. 461. B. C. 291. ] Ambassadors sent to Epidaurus, to bring from thence toRome the statue of Aesculapius: a serpent, of itself, goes on boardtheir ship; supposing it to be the abode of the deity, they bring itwith them; and, upon its quitting their vessel, and swimming to theisland in the Tiber, they consecrate there a temple to Aesculapius. L. Postumius, a man of consular rank, condemned for employing thesoldiers under his command in working upon his farm. [Y. R. 462. B. C. 290] Curius Dentatus, consul, having subdued the Samnites, and therebellious Sabines, triumphs twice during his year of office. [Y. R. 463. B. C. 289. ] The colonies of Castrum, Sena, and Adria, established. Three judges of capital crimes now first appointed. A census andlustrum: the number of citizens found to be two hundred andseventy-three thousand. After a long-continued sedition, on account ofdebts, the commons secede to the Janiculum: [Y. R. 466. B. C. 286. ] arebrought back by Hortensius, dictator, who dies in office. Successfuloperations against the Volsinians and Lucanians, [Y. R. 468. B. C. 284. ]against whom it was thought expedient to send succour to theThuringians. 

BOOK XII. --[Y. R. 469. B. C. 283. ] The Senonian Gauls having slain theRoman ambassadors, war is declared against them: they cut off L. Caecilius, praetor, with the legions under his command, [Y. R. 470. B. C. 282. ] The Roman fleet plundered by the Tarentines, and thecommander slain: ambassadors, sent to complain of this outrage, areill-treated and sent back; whereupon war is declared against them. TheSamnites revolt; against whom, together with the Lucanians, Bruttians, and Etruscans, several unsuccessful battles are fought by differentgenerals. [Y. R. 471. B. C. 281. ] Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, comes intoItaly, to succour the Tarentines. A Campanian legion, sent, under thecommand of Decius Jubellius, to garrison Rhegium, murder theinhabitants, and seize the city. 

BOOK XIII. --[Y. R. 472. B. C. 280. ] Valerius Laevinus, consul, engageswith Pyrrhus, and is beaten, his soldiers being terrified at theunusual appearance of elephants. After the battle, Pyrrhus, viewingthe bodies of the Romans who were slain, remarks, that they all ofthem lay with their faces turned towards their enemy. He proceedstowards Rome, ravaging the country as he goes along. C. Fabricius issent by the senate to treat for the redemption of the prisoners: theking, in vain, attempts to bribe him to desert his country. Theprisoners restored without ransom. Cineas, ambassador from Pyrrhus tothe senate, demands, as a condition of peace, that the king beadmitted into the city of Rome: the consideration of which beingdeferred to a fuller meeting, Appius Claudius, who, on account of adisorder in his eyes, had not, for a long time, attended in thesenate, comes there; moves, and carries his motion, that the demand ofthe king be refused. Cneius Domitius, the first plebeian censor, holdsa lustrum; the number of the citizens found to be two hundred andseventy-eight thousand two hundred and twenty-two. A second, butundecided battle with Pyrrhus. [Y. R. 473. B. C. 279. ] The treaty withthe Carthaginians renewed a fourth time. An offer made to Fabricius, the consul, by a traitor, to poison Pyrrhus; [Y. R. 474. B. C. 278. ]he sends him to the king, and discovers to him the treasonable offer. Successful operations against the Etruscans, Lucanians, Bruttians, andSamnites. 

BOOK XIV. --Pyrrhus crosses over into Sicily. [Y. R. 475. B. C. 277. ]Many prodigies, among which, the statue of Jupiter in the Capitol isstruck by lightning, and thrown down. [Y. R. 476. B. C. 276. ] The headof it afterwards found by the priests. Curius Dentatus, holding alevy, puts up to sale the goods of a person who refuses to answer tohis name when called upon. [Y. R. 477. B. C. 275. ] Pyrrhus, after hisreturn from Sicily, is defeated, and compelled to quit Italy. Thecensors hold a lustrum, and find the number of the citizens to be twohundred and seventy-one thousand two hundred and twenty-four. [Y. R. 479. B. C. 273. ] A treaty of alliance formed with Ptolemy, king ofEgypt. Sextilia, a vestal, found guilty of incest, and buried alive. Two colonies sent forth, to Posidonium and Cossa. [Y. R. 480. B. C. 272. ] A Carthaginian fleet sails, in aid of the Tarentines, by whichact the treaty is violated. Successful operations against theLucanians, Samnites, and Bruttians. Death of king Pyrrhus. 

BOOK XV. --The Tarentines overcome: peace and freedom granted to them. [Y. R. 481. B. C. 271. ] The Campanian legion, which had forcibly takenpossession of Rhegium, besieged there; lay down their arms, and arepunished with death. Some young men, who had ill-treated theambassadors from the Apollonians to the senate of Rome, are deliveredup to them. Peace granted to the Picentians. [Y. R. 484. B. C. 268. ]Two colonies established; one at Ariminum in Picenum, another atBeneventum in Samnium. Silver coin now, for the first time, used bythe Roman people. [Y. R. 485. B. C. 267. ] The Umbrians and Sallentinessubdued. The number of quaestors increased to eight. 

BOOK XVI. --[Y. R. 488. B. C. 264. ] Origin and progress of theCarthaginian state. After much debate, the senate resolves to succourthe Mammertines against the Carthaginians, and against Hiero, king ofSyracuse. Roman cavalry, then, for the first time, cross the sea, andengage successfully, in battle with Hiero; who solicits and obtainspeace. [Y. R. 489. B. C. 263. ] A lustrum: the number of the citizensamounts to two hundred and ninety-two thousand two hundred andtwenty-four. D. Junius Brutus exhibits the first show of gladiators, in honour of his deceased father. [Y. R. 490. B. C. 262. ] The Aeserniancolony established. Successful operations against the Carthaginiansand Vulsinians. [Y. R. 491. B. C. 261. ]

BOOK XVII. --[Y. R. 492. B. C. 260. ] Cneius Cornelius, consul, surroundedby the Carthaginian fleet; and, being drawn into a conference by astratagem, is taken. [Y. R. 493. B. C. 259. ] C. Duilius, consul, engageswith and vanquishes the Carthaginian fleet; is the first commander towhom a triumph was decreed for a naval victory; in honour of which, heis allowed, when returning to his habitation at night, to be attendedwith torches and music. L. Cornelius, consul, fights and subdues theSardinians and Corsicans, together with Hanno, the Carthaginiangeneral, in the island of Sardinia. [Y. R. 494. B. C. 258. ] AtiliusCalatinus, consul, drawn into an ambuscade by the Carthaginians, isrescued by the skill and valour of M. Calpurnius, a military tribune, who making a sudden attack upon the enemy, with a body of only threehundred men, turns their whole force against himself. [Y. R. 495. B. C. 257. ] Hannibal, the commander of the Carthaginian fleet which wasbeaten, is put to death by his soldiers. 

BOOK XVIII. --[Y. R. 496. B. C. 256. ] Attilius Regulus, consul, havingovercome the Carthaginians in a sea-fight, passes over into Africa:kills a serpent of prodigious magnitude, with great loss of his ownmen. [Y. R. 497. B. C. 255. ] The senate, on account of his successfulconduct of the war, not appointing him a successor, he writes to them, complaining; and, among other reasons for desiring to be recalled, alledges, that his little farm, being all his subsistence, was goingto ruin, owing to the mismanagement of hired stewards. [Y. R. 498. B. C. 254. ] A memorable instance of the instability of fortune exhibited inthe person of Regulus, who is overcome in battle, and taken prisonerby Xanthippus, a Lacedaemonian general. [Y. R. 499. B. C. 253. ] TheRoman fleet shipwrecked; which disaster entirely reverses the goodfortune which had hitherto attended their affairs. Titus Corucanius, the first high priest chosen from among the commons. [Y. R. 500. B. C. 252. ] P. Sempronius Sophus and M. Yalerius Maximus, censors, examineinto the state of the senate, and expel thirteen of the members ofthat body. [Y. R. 501. B. C. 251. ] They hold a lustrum, and find thenumber of citizens to be two hundred and ninety-seven thousand sevenhundred and ninety-seven. [Y. R. 502. B. C. 250. ] Regulus being sentby the Carthaginians to Rome to treat for peace, and an exchange ofprisoners, binds himself by oath to return if these objects be notattained; dissuades the senate from agreeing to the propositions: andthen, in observance of his oath, returning to Carthage, is put todeath by torture. 

BOOK XIX. --[Y. R. 502. B. C. 250. ] C. Caecilius Metellus, having beensuccessful in several engagements with the Carthaginians, triumphswith more splendour than had ever yet been seen; thirteen generals ofthe enemy, and one hundred and twenty elephants, being exhibited inthe procession, [Y. R. 503. B. C. 249. ] Claudius Pulcher, consul, obstinately persisting, notwithstanding the omens were inauspicious, engages the enemy's fleet, and is beaten; drowns the sacred chickenswhich would not feed: recalled by the senate, and ordered to nominatea dictator; he appoints Claudius Glicia, one of the lowest of thepeople, who, notwithstanding his being ordered to abdicate the office, yet attends the celebration of the public games in his dictator'srobe. [Y. R. 504. B. C. 248. ] Atilius Calatinus, the first dictatorwho marches with an army out of Italy. An exchange of prisoners withthe Carthaginians. Two colonies established at Fregenae and Brundusiumin the Sallentine territories. [Y. R. 505. B. C. 247. ] A lustrum; thecitizens numbered amount to two hundred and fifty-one thousand twohundred and twenty-two. [Y. R. 506. B. C. 246. ] Claudia, the sister ofClaudius, who had fought unsuccessfully, in contempt of the auspices, being pressed by the crowd, as she was returning from the game, criesout, _I wish my brother were alive and had again the command of thefleet_: for which offence she is tried and fined. [Y. R. 507. B. C. 245. ] Two praetors now first created. Aulus Postumius, consul, beingpriest of Mars, forcibly detained in the city by Caecilius Metellus, the high priest, and not suffered to go forth to war, being obliged bylaw to attend to the sacred duties of his office. [Y. R. 508. B. C. 244. ] After several successful engagements with the Carthaginians, Caius Lutatius, consul, puts an end to the war, [Y. R. 509. B. C. 243. ]by gaining a complete victory over their fleet, at the island ofAegate. The Carthaginians sue for peace, which is granted to them. [Y. R. 510. B. C. 242. ] The temple of Vesta being on fire, the highpriest, Caecilius Metellus, saves the sacred utensils from the flames. [Y. R. 511. B. C. 241. ] Two new tribes added, the Veline and Quirine. The Falisci rebel; are subdued in six days. 

BOOK XX. --A colony settled at Spoletum. [Y. R. 512. B. C. 240. ] An armysent against the Ligurians; being the first war with that state. TheSardinians and Corsicans rebel, and are subdued. [Y. R. 514. B. C. 238. ]Tuccia, a vestal, found guilty of incest. War declared against theIllyrians, who had slain an ambassador; they are subdued and broughtto submission. [Y. R. 515. B. C. 237. ] The number of praetors increasedto four. The Transalpine Gauls make an irruption into Italy: areconquered and put to the sword. [Y. R. 516. B. C. 236. ] The Roman army, in conjunction with the Latins, is said to have amounted to no lessthan three hundred thousand men. [Y. R. 517. B. C. 235. ] The Roman armyfor the first time crosses the Po; fights with and subdues theInsubrian Gauls. [Y. R. 530. B. C. 222. ] Claudius Marcellus, consul, having slain Viridomarus, the general of the Insubrian Gauls, carriesoff the _spolia opima_. [Y. R. 531. B. C. 221. ] The Istrianssubdued; also the Illyrians, who had rebelled. [Y. R. 532. B. C. 220. ]The censors hold a lustrum, in which the number of the citizens isfound to be two hundred and seventy thousand two hundred and thirteen. The sons of freed-men formed into four tribes; the Esquiline, Palatine, Suburran, and Colline. [Y. R. 533. B. C. 219. ] CaiusFlaminius, censor, constructs the Flaminian road, and builds theFlaminian circus. 

BOOK XXI. 

_Origin of the second Punic war. Hannibal's character. In violationof a treaty, he passes the Iberus. Besieges Saguntum, and at lengthtakes it. The Romans send ambassadors to Carthage; declare war. Hannibal crosses the Pyrenees: makes his way through Gaul; thencrosses the Alps; defeats the Romans at the Ticinus. The Romans againdefeated at the Trebia. Cneius Cornelius Scipio defeats theCarthaginians in Spain, and takes Hanno, their general, prisoner. _

1. I may be permitted to premise at this division of my work, whatmost historians [Footnote: Thucydides seems to be specially referredto. ] have professed at the beginning of their whole undertaking; thatI am about to relate the most memorable of all wars that were everwaged: the war which the Carthaginians, under the conduct of Hannibal, maintained with the Roman people. For never did any states and nationsmore efficient in their resources engage in contest; nor had theythemselves at any other period so great a degree of power and energy. They brought into action too no arts of war unknown to each other, butthose which had been tried in the first Punic war; and so various wasthe fortune of the conflict, and so doubtful the victory, that theywho conquered were more exposed to danger. The hatred with which theyfought also was almost greater than their resources; the Romans beingindignant that the conquered aggressively took up arms against theirvictors; the Carthaginians, because they considered that in theirsubjection it had been lorded over them with haughtiness and avarice. There is besides a story, that Hannibal, when about nine years old, while he boyishly coaxed his father Hamilcar that he might be taken toSpain, (at the time when the African war was completed, and he wasemployed in sacrificing previously to transporting his army thither, )was conducted to the altar; and, having laid his hand on theofferings, was bound by an oath to prove himself, as soon as he could, an enemy to the Roman people. The loss of Sicily and Sardinia grievedthe high spirit of Hamilcar: for he deemed that Sicily had been givenup through a premature despair of their affairs; and that Sardinia, during the disturbances in Africa, had been treacherously taken by theRomans, while, in addition, the payment of a tribute had been imposed. 

2. Being disturbed with these anxieties, he so conducted himself forfive years in the African war, which commenced shortly after the peacewith Rome, and then through nine years employed in augmenting theCarthaginian empire in Spain, that it was obvious that he wasrevolving in his mind a greater war than he was then engaged in; andthat if he had lived longer, the Carthaginians under Hamilcar wouldhave carried the war into Italy, which, under the command of Hannibal, they afterwards did. The timely death of Hamilcar and the youth ofHannibal occasioned its delay. Hasdrubal, intervening between thefather and the son, held the command for about eight years. He wasfirst endeared to Hamilcar, as they say, on account of his youthfulbeauty, and then adopted by him, when advanced in age, as hisson-in-law, on account of his eminent abilities; and, because he washis son-in-law, he obtained the supreme authority, against the wishesof the nobles, by the influence of the Barcine faction, [Footnote:The Barcine faction derived its name from Hamilcar, who was surnamedBarca. Hanno appears to have been at the head of the opposite party. ]which was very powerful with the military and the populace. Prosecuting his designs rather by stratagem than force, byentertaining the princes, and by means of the friendship of theirleaders, gaining the favour of unknown nations, he aggrandized theCarthaginian power, more than by arms and battles. Yet peace proved nogreater security to himself. A barbarian, in resentment of hismaster's having been put to death by him, publicly murdered him; and, having been seized by the bystanders, he exhibited the samecountenance as if he had escaped; nay, even when he was lacerated bytortures, he preserved such an expression of face, that he presentedthe appearance of one who smiled, his joy getting the better of hispains. With this Hasdrubal, because he possessed such wonderful skillin gaining over the nations and adding them to his empire, the Romanpeople had renewed the treaty, [Footnote: A. U. C. 526, thirteenyears after the conclusion of the first Punic war, being the sixthtreaty between the Carthaginians and Romans. The first was acommercial agreement made during the first consulate, in the year thatthe Tarquins were expelled from Rome; but is not mentioned by Livy. The second is noted by him, lib. Vii. 27, and the third, lib. Ix. 43. The fourth was concluded during the war with Pyrrhus and theTarentines, Polyb. V. Iii. 25: and the fifth was the memorable treatyat the close of the first war] on the terms, that the river Iberusshould be the boundary of both empires; and that to the Saguntines, who lay between the territories of the two states, their libertyshould be preserved. 

3. There was no doubt that in appointing a successor to Hasdrubal, theapprobation of the commons would follow the military prerogative, bywhich the young Hannibal had been immediately carried to thepraetorium, and hailed as general, amid the loud shouts andacquiescence of all. Hasdrubal had sent for him by letter, when scarceyet arrived at manhood; and the matter had even been discussed in thesenate, the Barcine faction using all their efforts, that Hannibalmight be trained to military service and succeed to his father'scommand. Hanno, the leader of the opposite faction, said, "Hasdrubalseems indeed to ask what is reasonable, but I, nevertheless, do notthink his request ought to be granted. " When he had attracted tohimself the attention of all, through surprise at this ambiguousopinion, he proceeded: "Hasdrubal thinks that the flower of youthwhich he gave to the enjoyment of Hannibal's father, may justly beexpected by himself in return from the son: but it would little becomeus to accustom our youth, in place of a military education, to thelustful ambition of the generals. Are we afraid that the son ofHamilcar should be too late in seeing the immoderate power andsplendour of his father's sovereignty? or that we shall not soonenough become slaves to the son of him, to whose son-in-law our armieswere bequeathed as an hereditary right? I am of opinion, that thisyouth should be kept at home, and taught, under the restraint of thelaws and the authority of magistrates, to live on an equal footingwith the rest of the citizens, lest at some time or other this smallfire should kindle a vast conflagration. "

4. A few, and nearly every one of the highest merit, concurred withHanno; but, as usually happens, the more numerous party prevailed overthe better. Hannibal, having been sent into Spain, from his very firstarrival drew the eyes of the whole army upon him. The veteran soldiersimagined that Hamilcar, in his youth, was restored to them; theyremarked the same vigour in his looks and animation in his eye thesame features and expression of countenance; and then, in a shorttime, he took care that his father should be of the least powerfulconsideration in conciliating their esteem. There never was a geniusmore fitted for the two most opposite duties of obeying andcommanding; so that you could not easily decide whether he were dearerto the general or the army: and neither did Hasdrubal prefer givingthe command to any other, when any thing was to be done with courageand activity; nor did the soldiers feel more confidence and boldnessunder any other leader. His fearlessness in encountering dangers, andhis prudence when in the midst of them, were extreme. His body couldnot be exhausted, nor his mind subdued, by any toil. He could alikeendure either heat or cold. The quantity of his food and drink wasdetermined by the wants of nature, and not by pleasure. The seasons ofhis sleeping and waking were distinguished neither by day nor night. The time that remained after the transaction of business was given torepose; but that repose was neither invited by a soft bed nor byquiet. Many have seen him wrapped in a military cloak, lying on theground amid the watches and outposts of the soldiers. His dress wasnot at all superior to that of his equals: his arms and his horseswere conspicuous. He was at once by far the first of the cavalry andinfantry; and, foremost to advance to the charge, was last to leavethe engagement. Excessive vices counterbalanced these high virtues ofthe hero; inhuman cruelty, more than Punic perfidy, no truth, noreverence for things sacred, no fear of the gods, no respect foroaths, no sense of religion. With a character thus made up of virtueand vices, he served for three years under the command of Hasdrubal, without neglecting any thing which ought to be done or seen by one whowas to become a great general. 

5. But from the day on which he was declared general, as if Italy hadbeen decreed to him as his province, and the war with Rome committedto him, thinking there should be no delay, lest, while heprocrastinated, some unexpected accident might defeat him, as hadhappened to his father, Hamilcar, and afterwards to Hasdrubal, heresolved to make war the Saguntines. As there could be no doubt thatby attacking them the Romans would be excited to arms, he first ledhis army into the territory of the Olcades, a people beyond theIberus, rather within the boundaries than under the dominion of theCarthaginians, so that he might not seem to have had the Saguntinesfor his object, but to have been drawn on to the war by the course ofevents; after the adjoining nations had been subdued, and by theprogressive annexation of conquered territory. He storms and plundersCarteia, a wealthy city, the capital of that nation; at which thesmaller states being dismayed, submitted to his command and to theimposition of a tribute. His army, triumphant and enriched with booty, was led into winter-quarters to New Carthage. Having there confirmedthe attachment of all his countrymen and allies by a liberal divisionof the plunder, and by faithfully discharging the arrears of pay, thewar was extended, in the beginning of spring, to the Vaccaei. Thecities Hermandica and Arbocala were taken by storm. Arbocala wasdefended for a long time by the valour and number of its inhabitants. Those who escaped from Hermandica joining themselves to the exiles ofthe Olcades, a nation subdued the preceding summer, excite theCarpetani to arms; and having attacked Hannibal near the river Tagus, on his return from the Vaccaei, they threw into disorder his armyencumbered with spoil. Hannibal avoided an engagement, and havingpitched his camp on the bank, as soon as quiet and silence prevailedamong the enemy, forded the river; and having removed his rampart sofar that the enemy might have room to pass over, resolved to attackthem in their passage. He commanded the cavalry to charge as soon asthey should see them advanced into the water. He drew up the line ofhis infantry on the bank with forty elephants in front. The Carpetani, with the addition of the Olcades and Vaccaei amounted to a hundredthousand, an invincible army, were the fight to take place in the openplain. Being therefore both naturally ferocious and confiding in theirnumbers; and since they believed that the enemy had retired throughfear thinking that victory was only delayed by the intervention of theriver, they raise a shout, and in every direction, without the commandof any one, dash into the stream, each where it nearest to him. At thesame time, a heavy force of cavalry poured into the river from itsopposite bank, and the engagement commenced in the middle of thechannel on very unequal terms; for there the foot-soldier, having nosecure footing, and scarcely trusting to the ford, could be borne downeven by an unarmed horseman, by the mere shock of his horse urged atrandom; while the horseman, with the command of his body and hisweapons, his horse moving steadily even through the middle of theeddies, could maintain the fight either at close quarters or at adistance. A great number were swallowed up by the current; some beingcarried by the whirlpools of the stream to the side of the enemy, weretrodden down by the elephants; and whilst the last, for whom it wasmore safe to retreat to their own bank, were collecting together aftertheir various alarms, Hannibal, before they could regain courage aftersuch excessive consternation, having entered the river with his armyin a close square, forced them to fly from the bank. Having then laidwaste their territory, he received the submission of the Carpetanialso within a few days. And now all the country beyond the Iberus, excepting that of the Saguntines, was under the power of theCarthaginians. 

6. As yet there was no war with the Saguntines, but already, in orderto a war, the seeds of dissension were sown between them and theirneighbours, particularly the Turetani, with whom when the same personsided who had originated the quarrel, and it was evident, not that atrial of the question of right, but violence, was his object, ambassadors were sent by the Saguntines to Rome to implore assistancein the war which now evidently threatened them. The consuls then atRome were Publius Cornelius Scipio and Tiberius Sempronius Longus, who, after the ambassadors were introduced into the senate, havingmade a motion on the state of public affairs, it was resolved thatenvoys should be sent into Spain to inspect the circumstances of theallies; and if they saw good reason, both to warn Hannibal that heshould refrain from the Saguntines, the allies of the Roman people, and to pass over into Africa to Carthage, and report the complaints ofthe allies of the Roman people. This embassy having been decreed butnot yet despatched, the news arrived, more quickly than any oneexpected, that Saguntum was besieged. The business was then referredanew to the senate. And some, decreeing Spain and Africa as provincesfor the consuls, thought the war should be maintained both by sea andland, while others wished to direct the whole hostilities againstSpain and Hannibal. There were others again who thought that an affairof such importance should not be entered on rashly; and that thereturn of the ambassadors from Spain ought to be awaited. Thisopinion, which seemed the safest, prevailed; and Publius ValeriusFlaccus, and Quintus Baebius Tamphilus, were, on that account, themore quickly despatched as ambassadors to Hannibal at Saguntum, andfrom thence to Carthage, if he did not desist from the war, to demandthe general himself in atonement for the violation of the treaty. 

7. While the Romans thus prepare and deliberate, Saguntum was alreadybesieged with the utmost vigour. That city, situated about a mile fromthe sea, was by far the most opulent beyond the Iberus. Itsinhabitants are said to have been sprung from the island Zacynthus, and some of the Rutulian race from Ardea to have been also mixed withthem; but they had risen in a short time to great wealth, either bytheir gains from the sea or the land, or by the increase of theirnumbers, or the integrity of their principles, by which theymaintained their faith with their allies, even to their owndestruction. Hannibal having entered their territory with a hostilearmy, and laid waste the country in every direction, attacks the cityin three different quarters. There was an angle of the wall slopingdown into a more level and open valley than the other space around;against this he resolved to move the vineae, by means of which thebattering-ram might be brought up to the wall. But though the groundat a distance from the wall was sufficiently level for working thevineae, yet their undertakings by no means favourably succeeded, whenthey came to effect their object. Both a huge tower overlooked it, andthe wall, as in a suspected place, was raised higher than in any otherpart; and a chosen band of youths presented a more vigorousresistance, where the greatest danger and labour were indicated. Atfirst they repelled the enemy with missile weapons, and suffered noplace to be sufficiently secure for those engaged in the works;afterwards, not only did they brandish their weapons in defence of thewalls and tower, but they had courage to make sallies on the posts andworks of the enemy; in which tumultuary engagements, scarcely moreSaguntines than Carthaginians were slain. But when Hannibal himself, while he too incautiously approached the wall, fell severely woundedin the thigh by a javelin, such flight and dismay spread around, thatthe works and vineae had nearly been abandoned. 

8. For a few days after, while the general's wound was being cured, there was rather a blockade than a siege: during which time, thoughthere was a respite from fighting, yet there was no intermission inthe preparation of works and fortifications. Hostilities, therefore, broke out afresh with greater fury, and in more places, in some evenwhere the ground scarcely admitted of the works, the vineae began tobe moved forward, and the battering-ram to be advanced to the walls. The Carthaginian abounded in the numbers of his troops; for there issufficient reason to believe that he had as many as a hundred andfifty thousand in arms. The townsmen began to be embarrassed, byhaving their attention multifariously divided, in order to maintaintheir several defences, and look to every thing; nor were they equalto the task, for the walls were now battered by the rams, and manyparts of them were shattered. One part by continuous ruins left thecity exposed; three successive towers and all the wall between themhad fallen down with an immense crash, and the Carthaginians believedthe town taken by that breach; through which, as if the wall had alikeprotected both, there was a rush from each side to the battle. Therewas nothing resembling the disorderly fighting which, in the stormingof towns, is wont to be engaged in, on the opportunities of eitherparty; but regular lines, as in an open plain, stood arrayed betweenthe ruins of the walls and the buildings of the city, which lay but aslight distance from the walls. On the one side hope, on the otherdespair, inflamed their courage; the Carthaginian believing that, if alittle additional effort were used, the city was his; the Saguntinesopposing their bodies in defence of their native city deprived of itswalls, and not a man retiring a step, lest he might admit the enemyinto the place he deserted. The more keenly and closely, therefore, they fought on both sides, the more, on that account, were wounded, noweapon falling without effect amidst their arms and persons. There wasused by the Saguntines a missile weapon, called falarica, with theshaft of fir, and round in other parts except towards the point, whence the iron projected: this part, which was square, as in thepilum, they bound around with tow, and besmeared with pitch. It had aniron head three feet in length, so that it could pierce through thebody with the armour. But what caused the greatest fear was, that thisweapon, even though it stuck in the shield and did not penetrate intothe body, when it was discharged with the middle part on fire, andbore along a much greater flame, produced by the mere motion, obligedthe armour to be thrown down, and exposed the soldier to succeedingblows. 

9. When the contest had for a long time continued doubtful, and thecourage of the Saguntines had increased, because they had succeeded intheir resistance beyond their hopes, while the Carthaginian, becausehe had not conquered, felt as vanquished, the townsmen suddenly set upa shout, and drive their enemies to the ruins of the wall; thence theyforce them, while embarrassed and disordered; and lastly, drove themback, routed and put to flight, to their camp. In the mean time it wasannounced that ambassadors had arrived from Rome; to meet whommessengers were sent to the sea-side by Hannibal, to tell them thatthey could not safely come to him through so many armed bands ofsavage tribes, and that Hannibal at such an important conjuncture hadnot leisure to listen to embassies. It was obvious that, if notadmitted, they would immediately repair to Carthage: he thereforesends letters and messengers beforehand to the leaders of the Barcinefaction, to prepare the minds of their partisans, so that the otherparty might not be able in any thing to give an advantage to theRomans. 

10. That embassy, therefore, excepting that the ambassadors wereadmitted and heard, proved likewise vain and fruitless. Hanno alone, in opposition to the rest of the senate, pleaded the cause of thetreaty, amidst deep silence on account of his authority, and not fromthe approbation of the audience. He said: that he had admonished andforewarned them by the gods, the arbiters and witnesses of treaties, that they should not send the son of Hamilcar to the army; that themanes, that the offspring of that man could not rest in peace, norever, while any one of the Barcine name and blood survived, would theRoman treaties continue undisturbed. "You, supplying as it were fuelto the flame, have sent to your armies a youth burning with the desireof sovereign power, and seeing but one road to his object, if byexciting war after war, he may live surrounded by arms and legions. You have therefore fostered this fire, in which you now burn. Yourarmies invest Saguntum, whence they are forbidden by the treaty: erelong the Roman legions will invest Carthage, under the guidance ofthose gods through whose aid they revenged in the former war theinfraction of the treaty. Are you unacquainted with the enemy, or withyourselves, or with the fortune of either nation? Your good generalrefused to admit into his camp ambassadors coming from allies and inbehalf of allies, and set at nought the law of nations. They, however, after being there repulsed, where not even the ambassadors of enemiesare prohibited admittance, come to you: they require restitutionaccording to the treaty: let not guilt attach to the state, theydemand to have delivered up to them the author of the transgression, the person who is chargeable with this offence. The more gently theyproceed, --the slower they are to begin, the more unrelentingly, Ifear, when they have once commenced, will they indulge resentment. Setbefore your eyes the islands Aegates and Eryx, all that fortwenty-four years ye have suffered by land and sea. Nor was this boythe leader, but his father Hamilcar himself, a second Mars, as thesepeople would have it: but we had not refrained from Tarentum, that is, from Italy, according to the treaty; as now we do not refrain fromSaguntum. The gods and men have, therefore, prevailed over us; and asto that about which there was a dispute in words, whether of the twonations had infringed the treaty, the issue of the war, like anequitable judge, hath awarded the victory to the party on whose sidejustice stood. It is against Carthage that Hannibal is now moving hisvineae and towers: it is the wall of Carthage that he is shaking withhis battering-ram. The ruins of Saguntum (oh that I may prove a falseprophet!) will fall on our heads; and the war commenced against theSaguntines must be continued against the Romans. Shall we, therefore, some one will say, deliver up Hannibal? In what relates to him I amaware that my authority is of little weight, on account of my enmitywith his father. But I both rejoice that Hamilcar perished, for thisreason, that, had he lived we should have now been engaged in a warwith the Romans; and this youth, as the fury and firebrand of thiswar, I hate and detest. Nor ought he only to be given up in atonementfor the violated treaty; but even though no one demanded him, he oughtto be transported to the extremest shores of earth or sea, andbanished to a distance, whence neither his name nor any tidings of himcan reach us, and he be unable to disturb the peace of a tranquilstate. I therefore give my opinion, that ambassadors be sentimmediately to Rome to satisfy the senate; others to tell Hannibal tolead away his army from Saguntum, and to deliver up Hannibal himself, according to the treaty to the Romans; and I propose a third embassyto make restitution to the Saguntines. "

11. When Hanno had concluded, there was no occasion for any one tocontend with him in debate, to such a decree were almost all thesenators devoted to Hannibal; and they accused Hanno of having spokenwith more malignity than Flaccus Valerius, the Roman ambassador. Itwas then said in answer to the Roman ambassadors, "that the war hadbeen commenced by the Saguntines, not by Hannibal; and that the Romanpeople acted unjustly if they preferred the Saguntines to the mostancient [Footnote: Alluding to the first treaty made in the yearthat the kings were expelled from Rome. ] alliance of theCarthaginians. " Whilst the Romans waste time in sending embassies, Hannibal, because his soldiers were fatigued with the battles and theworks, allowed them rest for a few days, parties being stationed toguard the vineae and other works. In the mean time he inflames theirminds, now by inciting their anger against the enemy, now with thehope of reward. But when he declared before the assembled army, thatthe plunder of the captured city should be given to the soldiers, tosuch a degree were they all excited, that if the signal had beenimmediately given, it appeared that they could not have been resistedby any force. The Saguntines, as they had a respite from fighting, neither for some days attacking nor attacked, so they had not, bynight or day, ever ceased from toiling, that they might repair anewthe wall in the quarter where the town had been exposed by the breach. A still more desperate storming than the former then assailed them;nor whilst all quarters resounded with various clamours, could theysatisfactorily know where first or principally they should lendassistance. Hannibal, as an encouragement, was present in person, where a movable tower, exceeding in height all the fortifications ofthe city, was urged forward. When being brought up it had cleared thewalls of their defenders by means of the catapultae and ballistaeranged through all its stories, then Hannibal, thinking it afavourable opportunity, sends about five hundred Africans withpickaxes to undermine the wall: nor was the work difficult, since theunhewn stones were not fastened with lime, but filled in theirinterstices with clay, after the manner of ancient building. It fell, therefore, more extensively than it was struck, and through the openspaces of the ruins troops of armed men rushed into the city. Theyalso obtain possession of a rising ground; and having collectedthither catapultae and ballistae, so that they might have a fort inthe city itself, commanding it like a citadel, they surround it with awall: and the Saguntines raise an inner wall before the part of thecity which was not yet taken. On both sides they exert the utmostvigour in fortifying and fighting: but the Saguntines, by erectingthese inner defences, diminish daily the size of their city. At thesame time, the want of all supplies increased through the length ofthe siege, and the expectation of foreign aid diminished, since theRomans, their only hope, were at such a distance, and all the countryround was in the power of the enemy. The sudden departure of Hannibalagainst the Oretani and Carpetani [Footnote: The Carpetani havealready been mentioned, chap. V. The Oretani, then neighbours, occupied the country lying between the sources of the Baetis and theAnas, or what are now called the Guadalquiver and Guadiana. In a partof Orospeda they deduced their name from a city called Oretum, thesite of which has been brought to light in a paltry village to whichthe name of Oreto still remains. --_D'Anville_. ] revived for alittle their drooping spirits; which two nations, though, exasperatedby the severity of the levy, they had occasioned, by detaining thecommissaries, the fear of a revolt, having been suddenly checked bythe quickness of Hannibal, laid down the arms they had taken up. 

12. Nor was the siege of Saguntum, in the mean time, less vigorouslymaintained; Maharbal, the son of Himilco, whom Hannibal had set overthe army, carrying on operations so actively that neither the townsmennor their enemies perceived that the general was away. He both engagedin several successful battles, and with three battering-rams overthrewa portion of the wall; and showed to Hannibal, on his arrival theground all covered with fresh ruins. The army was thereforeimmediately led against the citadel itself, and a desperate combat wascommenced with much slaughter on both sides, and part of the citadelwas taken. The slight chance of a peace was then tried by two persons;Alcon a Saguntine, and Alorcus a Spaniard. Alcon, thinking he couldeffect something by entreaties, having passed over, without theknowledge of the Saguntines, to Hannibal by night, when his tearsproduced no effect, and harsh conditions were offered as from anexasperated conqueror, becoming a deserter instead of an advocate, remained with the enemy; affirming that the man would be put to deathwho should treat for peace on such terms. For it was required thatthey should make restitution to the Turdetani; and after delivering upall their gold and silver, departing from the city each with a singlegarment, should take up their dwelling where the Carthaginian shoulddirect. Alcon having denied that the Saguntines would accept suchterms of peace, Alorcus, asserting that when all else is subdued, themind becomes subdued, offers himself as the proposer of that peace. Now at that time he was a soldier of Hannibal's, but publicly thefriend and host of the Saguntines. Having openly delivered his weaponto the guards of the enemy and passed the fortifications, he wasconducted, as he had himself requested, to the Saguntine praetor;whither when there was immediately a general rush of every descriptionof people, the rest of the multitude being removed, an audience of thesenate is given to Alorcus; whose speech was to the following effect:

13. "If your citizen Alcon, as he came to implore a peace fromHannibal, had in like manner brought back to you the terms of peaceproposed by Hannibal, this journey of mine would have beenunnecessary; by which circumstance I should not have had to come toyou as the legate of Hannibal, nor as a deserter. Since he hasremained with your enemies, either through your fault or his own, (through his own, if he counterfeited fear; through yours, if amongyou there be danger to those who tell the truth, ) that you may not beignorant that there are some terms of safety and peace for you, I havecome to you in consideration of the ancient ties of hospitality whichsubsist between us. But that I speak what I address to you for yoursake and that of no other, let even this be the proof: that neitherwhile you resisted with your own strength, nor while you expectedassistance from the Romans, did I ever make any mention of peace toyou. But now, after you have neither any hope from the Romans, noryour own arms nor walls sufficiently defend you, I bring to you apeace rather necessary than just: of effecting which there is thussome hope, if, as Hannibal offers it in the spirit of a conqueror, youlisten to it as vanquished; if you will consider not what is takenfrom you as loss, (since all belongs to the conqueror, ) but whateveris left as a gift. He takes away from you your city, which, alreadyfor the greater part in ruins, he has almost wholly in his possession;he leaves you your territory, intending to mark out a place in whichyou may build a new town; he commands that all the gold and silver, both public and private, shall be brought to him; he preservesinviolate your persons and those of your wives and children, providedyou are willing to depart from Saguntum, unarmed, each with twogarments. These terms a victorious enemy dictates. These, though harshand grievous, your condition commends to you. Indeed I do not despair, when the power of every thing is given him, that he will remitsomething from these terms. But even these I think you ought rather toendure, than suffer, by the rights of war, yourselves to beslaughtered, your wives and children to be ravished and dragged intocaptivity before your faces. "

14. When an assembly of the people, by the gradual crowding round ofthe multitude, had mingled with the senate to hear these proposals, the chief men suddenly withdrawing before an answer was returned, andthrowing all the gold and silver collected, both from public andprivate stores, into a fire hastily kindled for that purpose, thegreater part flung themselves also into it. When the dismay andagitation produced by this deed had pervaded the whole city, anothernoise was heard in addition from the citadel. A tower, long battered, had fallen down; and when a Carthaginian cohort, rushing through thebreach, had made a signal to the general that the city was destituteof the usual outposts and guards, Hannibal, thinking that there oughtto be no delay at such an opportunity, having attacked the city withhis whole forces, took it in a moment, command being given that allthe adults should be put to death; which command, though cruel, wasproved in the issue to have been almost necessary. For to whom ofthose men could mercy have been shown, who, either shut up with theirwives and children, burned their houses over their own heads, orabroad in arms made no end of fighting, except in death. 

15. The town was taken, with immense spoil. Though the greater part ofthe goods had been purposely damaged by their owners, and resentmenthad made scarce any distinction of age in the massacre, and thecaptives were the booty of the soldiers; still it appears that somemoney was raised from the price of the effects that were sold, andthat much costly furniture and garments were sent to Carthage. Somehave written that Saguntum was taken in the eighth month after itbegan to be besieged; that Hannibal then retired to New Carthage, intowinter quarters; and that in the fifth month after he had set out fromCarthage he arrived in Italy. If this be so, it was impossible thatPublius Cornelius and Tiberius Sempronius could have been consuls, towhom both at the beginning of the siege the Saguntine ambassadors weredespatched, and who, during their office, fought with Hannibal; theone at the river Ticinus, and both some time after at the Trebia. Either all these events took place in a somewhat shorter period, orSaguntum was not begun to be besieged, but taken at the beginning ofthe year in which Publius Cornelius and Tiberius Sempronius wereconsuls. For the battle at Trebia could not have been so late as theyear of Cneius Servilius and Caius Flaminius, since Flaminius enteredon the office at Ariminum, having been created by the consul TiberiusSempronius; who, having repaired to Rome after the battle at Trebiafor the purpose of creating consuls, returned when the election wasfinished to the army into winter quarters. 

16. Nearly about the same time, both the ambassadors who had returnedfrom Carthage brought intelligence to Rome that all appearances werehostile, and the destruction of Saguntum was announced. Then suchgrief, and pity for allies so undeservingly destroyed, and shame thataid was withheld, and rage against the Carthaginians, and fear for theissue of events, as if the enemy were already at the gates, took atonce possession of the senators, that their minds, disturbed by somany simultaneous emotions, trembled with fear rather thandeliberated. For they considered that neither had a more spirited orwarlike enemy ever encountered them nor had the Roman state been everso sunk in sloth, and unfit for war: that the Sardinians, theCorsicans, the Istrians, and the Illyrians, had rather kept in a stateof excitement than exercised the Roman arms; and with the Gauls it hadbeen more properly a tumult than a war. That the Carthaginian, aveteran enemy, ever victorious during the hardest service fortwenty-three years among the tribes of Spain, first trained to warunder Hamilcar, then Hasdrubal, now Hannibal, a most active leader, and fresh from the destruction of a most opulent city, was passing theIberus; that along with them he was bringing the numerous tribes ofSpain, already aroused, and was about to excite the nations of Gaul, ever desirous of war; and that a war against the world was to bemaintained in Italy and before the walls of Rome. 

17. The provinces had already been previously named for the consuls;and having been now ordered to cast lots for them, Spain fell toCornelius, and Africa with Sicily to Sempronius. Six legions weredecreed for that year, and as many of the allies as should seem goodto the consuls, and as great a fleet as could be equipped. Twenty-fourthousand Roman infantry were levied, and one thousand eight hundredhorse: forty thousand infantry of the allies, and four thousand fourhundred horse: two hundred and twenty ships of three banks of oars, and twenty light galleys, were launched. It was then proposed to thepeople, "whether they willed and commanded that war should be declaredagainst the people of Carthage;" and for the sake of that war asupplication was made through the city, and the gods were imploredthat the war which the Roman people had decreed might have aprosperous and fortunate issue. The forces were thus divided betweenthe consuls. To Sempronius two legions were given, (each of theseconsisted of four thousand infantry and three hundred horse, ) andsixteen thousand of the infantry of the allies, and one thousand eighthundred horse: one hundred and sixty ships of war, and twelve lightgalleys. With these land and sea forces Tiberius Sempronius wasdespatched to Sicily, in order to transport his army to Africa if theother consul should be able to prevent the Carthaginian from invadingItaly. Fewer troops were given to Cornelius, because Lucius Manlius, the praetor, also had been sent with no weak force into Gaul. Thenumber of ships in particular was reduced to Cornelius. Sixty of fivebanks of oars were assigned to him, (for they did not believe that theenemy would come by sea, or would fight after that mode of warfare, )and two Roman legions with their regular cavalry, and fourteenthousand of the infantry of the allies, with one thousand six hundredhorse. The province of Gaul being not as yet exposed to theCarthaginian invasion, had, in the same year, two Roman legions, tenthousand allied infantry, one thousand allied cavalry, and six hundredRoman. 

18. These preparations having been thus made, in order that everything that was proper might be done before they commenced war, theysend Quintus Fabius, Marcus Livius, Lucius Aemilius, Caius Licinius, and Quintus Baebius, men of advanced years, as ambassadors intoAfrica, to inquire of the Carthaginians if Hannibal had laid siege toSaguntum by public authority; and if they should confess it, as itseemed probable they would, and defend it as done by public authority, to declare war against the people of Carthage. After the Romansarrived at Carthage, when an audience of the senate was given them, and Quintus Fabius had addressed no further inquiry than the one withwhich they had been charged, then one of the Carthaginians replied:"Even your former embassy, O Romans, was precipitate, when youdemanded Hannibal to be given up, as attacking Saguntum on his ownauthority: but your present embassy, though so far milder in words, isin fact more severe. For then Hannibal was both accused, and requiredto be delivered up: now both a confession of wrong is exacted from us, and, as though we had confessed, restitution is immediately demanded. But I think that the question is not, whether Saguntum was attacked byprivate or public authority, but whether it was with right or wrong. For in the case of our citizen, the right of inquiry, whether he hasacted by his own pleasure or ours, and the punishment also, belongs tous. The only dispute with you is, whether it was allowed to be done bythe treaty. Since, therefore, it pleases you that a distinction shouldbe made between what commanders do by public authority, and what ontheir own suggestion, there was a treaty between us made by the consulLutatius; in which, though provision was made for the allies of both, there is no provision made for the Saguntines, for they were not asyet your allies. But in that treaty which was made with Hasdrubal, theSaguntines are excepted; against which I am going to say nothing butwhat I have learned from you. For you denied that you were bound bythe treaty which Caius Lutatius the consul first made with us, becausethat it had neither been made by the authority of the senate nor thecommand of the people; and another treaty was therefore concluded anewby public authority. If your treaties do not bind you unless they aremade by your authority and your commands, neither can the treaty ofHasdrubal, which he made without our knowledge, be binding on us. Cease, therefore, to make mention of Saguntum and the Iberus, and letyour mind at length bring forth that with which it has long been inlabour. " Then the Roman, having formed a fold in his robe, said, "Herewe bring to you peace and war; take which you please. " On this speechthey exclaimed no less fiercely in reply: "he might give which hechose;" and when he again, unfolding his robe, said "he gave war, "they all answered that "they accepted it, and would maintain it withthe same spirit with which they accepted it. "

19. This direct inquiry and denunciation of war seemed more consistentwith the dignity of the Roman people, both before and now, especiallywhen Saguntum was destroyed, than to cavil in words about theobligation of treaties. For if it was a subject for a controversy ofwords, in what was the treaty of Hasdrubal to be compared with theformer treaty of Lutatius, which was altered? Since in the treaty ofLutatius, was expressly added, "that it should only be held good ifthe people sanctioned it;" but in the treaty of Hasdrubal, neither wasthere any such exception; and that treaty during its life had been soestablished by the silence of so many years, that not even after thedeath of its author was any change made in it. Although even were theyto abide by the former treaty, there had been sufficient provisionmade for the Saguntines by excepting the allies of both states; forneither was it added, "those who then were, " nor "those who shouldafterwards be admitted. " and since it is allowable to admit newallies, who could think it proper, either that no people should bereceived for any services into friendship? or that, being receivedunder protection, they should not be defended? It was only stipulated, that the allies of the Carthaginians should not be excited to revolt, nor, revolting of their own accord, be received. The Romanambassadors, according as they had been commanded at Rome, passed overfrom Carthage into Spain, in order to visit the nations, and either toallure them into an alliance, or dissuade them from joining theCarthaginians. They came first to the Bargusii, by whom having beenreceived with welcome, because they were weary of the Carthaginiangovernment, they excited many of the states beyond the Iberus to thedesire of a revolution. Thence they came to the Volciani, whose replybeing celebrated through Spain, dissuaded the other states from analliance with the Romans; for thus the oldest member in their councilmade answer: "What sense of shame have ye, Romans, to ask of us thatwe should prefer your friendship to that of the Carthaginians, whenyou, their allies, betrayed the Saguntines with greater cruelty thanthat with which the Carthaginians, their enemies, destroyed them?There, methinks, you should look for allies, where the massacre ofSaguntum is unknown. The ruins of Saguntum will remain a warning asmelancholy as memorable to the states of Spain, that no one shouldconfide in the faith or alliance of Rome. " Having been then commandedto depart immediately from the territory of the Volciani, theyafterwards received no kinder words from any of the councils of Spain:they therefore pass into Gaul, after having gone about through Spainto no purpose. 

20. Among the Gauls a new and alarming spectacle was seen, by reasonof their coming (such is the custom of the nation) in arms to theassembly. When, extolling in their discourse the renown and valour ofthe Roman people, and the wide extent of their empire, they hadrequested that they would refuse a passage through their territory andcities to the Carthaginian invading Italy; such laughter and yellingis said to have arisen, that the youths were with difficulty composedto order by the magistrates and old men. So absurd and shameless didthe request seem, to propose that the Gauls, rather than suffer thewar to pass on to Italy, should turn it upon themselves and exposetheir own lands to be laid waste instead of those of others. When thetumult was at length allayed, answer was returned to the ambassadors, "that they had neither experienced good from the Romans, nor wrongfrom the Carthaginians, on account of which they should either take uparms in behalf of the Romans, or against the Cathaginians. On thecontrary, they had heard that men of their nation had been driven fromthe lands and confines of Italy by the Roman people, that they had topay a tribute, and suffered other indignities. " Nearly the same wassaid and heard in the other assemblies of Gaul; nor did they hear anything friendly or pacific before they came to Marseilles. There, everything found out by the care and fidelity of the allies was made knownto them--"that the minds of the Gauls had been already prepossessed byHannibal, but that not even by him would that nation be found verytractable, (so fierce and untameable are their dispositions, ) unlessthe affections of the chiefs should every now and then be conciliatedwith gold, of which that people are most covetous. " Having thus goneround through the tribes of Spain and Gaul, the ambassadors return toRome not long after the consuls had set out for their provinces. Theyfound the whole city on tiptoe in expectation of war, the report beingsufficiently confirmed, that the Carthaginians had already passed theIberus. 

21. Hannibal, after the taking of Saguntum, had retired to NewCarthage into winter quarters; and there, having heard what had beendone and decreed at Rome and Carthage, and that he was not only theleader, but also the cause of the war, after having divided and soldthe remains of the plunder, thinking there ought to be no longerdelay, he calls together and thus addresses his soldiers of theSpanish race: "I believe, tribes, that even you yourselves perceivethat, all the tribes of Spain having been reduced to peace, we musteither conclude our campaigns and disband our armies, or transfer thewar into other regions: for thus these nations will flourish amid theblessings not only of peace, but also of victory, if we seek fromother countries spoils and renown. Since, therefore, a campaign farfrom home soon awaits you, and it is uncertain when you shall againsee your homes, and all that is there dear to you, if any one of youwishes to visit his friends, I grant him leave of absence. I give youorders to be here at the beginning of spring, that, with the goodassistance of the gods, we may enter on a war which will prove one ofgreat glory and spoil. " This power of visiting their homes, voluntarily offered, was acceptable to almost all, already longing tosee their friends, and foreseeing in future a still longer absenceRepose through the whole season of winter, between toils alreadyundergone and those that were soon to be endured, repaired the vigourof their bodies and minds to encounter all difficulties afresh. At thebeginning of spring they assembled according to command. Hannibal, when he had reviewed the auxiliaries of all the nations, having goneto Gades, performs his vows to Hercules; and binds himself by newvows, provided his other projects should have a prosperous issue. Thendividing his care at the same time between the offensive and defensiveoperations of the war, lest while he was advancing on Italy by a landjourney through Spain and Gaul, Africa should be unprotected andexposed to the Romans from Sicily, he resolved to strengthen it with apowerful force. For this purpose he requested a reinforcement fromAfrica, chiefly of light-armed spearmen, in order that the Africansmight serve in Spain, and the Spaniards in Africa, each likely to be abetter soldier at a distance from home, as if bound by mutual pledges. He sent into Africa thirteen thousand eight hundred and fiftytargetteers, eight hundred and seventy Balearic slingers, and onethousand two hundred horsemen, composed of various nations. He ordersthese forces partly to be used as a garrison for Carthage and partlyto be distributed through Africa: at the same time having sentcommissaries into the different states, he orders four thousand chosenyouth whom they had levied to be conducted to Carthage, both as agarrison and as hostages. 

22. Thinking also that Spain ought not to be neglected (and the lessbecause he was aware that it had been traversed by the Romanambassadors, to influence the minds of the chiefs, ) he assigns thatprovince to his brother Hasdrubal, a man of active spirit, andstrengthens him chiefly with African troops: eleven thousand eighthundred and fifty African infantry, three hundred Ligurians, and fivehundred Balearians. To these forces of infantry were added fourhundred horsemen of the Libyphoenicians, a mixed race of Carthaginiansand Africans; of the Numidians and Moors, who border on the ocean, tothe number of one thousand eight hundred, and a small band ofIlergetes from Spain, amounting to two hundred horse: and, that nodescription of land force might be wanting, fourteen elephants. Afleet was given him besides to defend the sea-coast, (because it mightbe supposed that the Romans would then fight in the same mode ofwarfare by which they had formerly prevailed, ) fifty quinqueremes, twoquadriremes, five triremes: but only thirty-two quinqueremes and fivetriremes were properly fitted out and manned with rowers. From Gadeshe returned to the winter quarters of the army at Carthage; and thencesetting out, he led his forces by the city Etovissa to the Iberus andthe sea-coast. There, it is reported, a youth of divine aspect wasseen by him in his sleep, who said, "that he was sent by Jupiter asthe guide of Hannibal into Italy, and that he should, therefore, follow him, nor in any direction turn his eyes away from him. " Atfirst he followed in terror, looking no where, either around orbehind: afterwards, through the curiosity of the human mind, when herevolved in his mind what that could be on which he was forbidden tolook back, he could not restrain his eyes; then he beheld behind him aserpent of wonderful size moving along with an immense destruction oftrees and bushes, and after it a cloud following with thunderings fromthe skies; and that then inquiring "what was that great commotion, andwhat the cause of the prodigy, " he heard in reply: "That it was thedevastation of Italy: that he should continue to advance forward, norinquire further, but suffer the fates to remain in obscurity. "

23. Cheered by this vision, he transported his forces in threedivisions across the Iberus, having sent emissaries before him toconciliate by gifts the minds of the Gauls, in the quarter throughwhich his army was to be led, and to examine the passes of the Alps. He led ninety thousand infantry and twelve thousand cavalry across theIberus. He then subdued the Ilergetes, the Bargusii, the Ausetani, andthat part of Lacetania which lies at the foot of the Pyrenaeanmountains; and he placed Hanno in command over all this district, thatthe narrow gorges which connect Spain with Gaul might be under hispower. Ten thousand infantry, and a thousand cavalry, were given toHanno for the defence of the country he was to occupy. After the armybegan to march through the passes of the Pyrenees, and a more certainrumour of the Roman war spread through the barbarians, three thousandof the Carpetanian infantry turned back: it clearly appeared that theywere not so much swayed by the prospect of the war as by the length ofthe journey and the insuperable passage of the Alps. Hannibal, becauseit was hazardous to recall or detain them by force, lest the fierceminds of the rest might also be irritated, sent home above seventhousand men, whom also he had observed to be annoyed with theservice, pretending that the Carpetani had also been dismissed by him. 

24. Then, lest delay and ease might unsettle their minds, he crossesthe Pyrenees with the rest of his forces, and pitches his camp at thetown Illiberis. The Gauls, though they had heard that the war wasdirected against Italy, yet because there was a report that theSpaniards on the other side of the Pyrenees had been reduced by force, and that strong forces had been imposed on them, being roused to armsthrough the fear of slavery, assembled certain tribes at Ruscino. Whenthis was announced to Hannibal, he, having more fear of the delay thanof the war, sent envoys to say to their princes, "that he wished toconfer with them; and that they should either come nearer toIlliberis, or that he would proceed to Ruscino, that their meetingmight be facilitated by vicinity: for that he would either be happy toreceive them into his camp, or would himself without hesitation cometo them: since he had entered Gaul as a friend, and not as an enemy, and would not draw the sword, if the Gauls did not force him, beforehe came to Italy. " These proposals, indeed, were made by hismessengers. But when the princes of the Gauls, having immediatelymoved their camp to Illiberis, came without reluctance to theCarthaginian, being won by his presents, they suffered his army topass through their territories, by the town of Ruscino, without anymolestation. 

25. In the mean time no further intelligence had been brought intoItaly to Rome by the ambassadors of Marseilles than that Hannibal hadpassed the Iberus; when the Boii asked if he had already passed theAlps, revolted after instigating the Insubrians; not so much throughtheir ancient resentment towards the Roman people, as on account oftheir having felt aggrieved that the colonies of Placentia and Cremonahad been lately planted in the Gallic territory about the Po. Havingtherefore, suddenly taken up arms, and made an attack on that veryterritory, they created so much of terror and tumult, that not onlythe rustic population, but even the Roman triumvirs, Caius Lutatius, Caius Servilius, and Titus Annius, who had come to assign the lands, distrusting the walls of Placentia, fled to Mutina. About the name ofLuttius there is no doubt: in place of Caius Servilius and TitusAnnius, some annals have Quintus Acilius and Caius Herenrius; others, Publius Cornelius Asina and Caius Papirius Maso. This point is alsouncertain, whether the ambassadors went to expostulate to the Boiisuffered violence, or whether an attack was made on the triumvirswhile measuring out the lands. While they were shut up in Mutina, anda people unskilled in the arts of besieging towns, and, at the sametime, most sluggish at military operations, lay inactive before thewalls, which they had not touched, pretended proposals for a peacewere set on foot; and the ambassadors, being invited out to aconference by the chiefs of the Gauls, are seized, not only contraryto the law of nations, but in violation of the faith which was pledgedon that very occasion; the Gauls denying that they would set them freeunless their hostages were restored to them. When this intelligencerespecting the ambassadors was announced, and that Mutina and itsgarrison were in danger, Lucius Manlius, the praetor, inflamed withrage, led his army in haste to Mutina. There were then woods on bothsides of the road, most of the country being uncultivated. There, having advanced without previously exploring his route, he fellsuddenly into an ambuscade; and after much slaughter of his men, withdifficulty made his way into the open plains. Here a camp wasfortified, and because confidence was wanting to the Gauls to attackit, the spirit of the soldiers revived, although it was sufficientlyevident that their strength was much clipped. The journey was thencommenced anew; nor while the army was led in march through opentracts did the enemy appear: but, when the woods were again entered, then attacking the rear, amid great confusion and alarm of all, theyslew eight hundred soldiers, and took six standards. There was an endto the Gauls of creating, and to the Romans of experiencing terror, when they escaped from the pathless and entangled thicket; then easilydefending their march through the open ground, the Romans directedtheir course to Tanetum, a village near the Po; where, by a temporaryfortification, and the supplies conveyed by the river, and also by theaid of the Brixian Gauls, they defended themselves against the dailyincreasing multitude of their enemies. 

26. When the account of this sudden disturbance was brought to Rome, and the senators heard that the Punic had also been increased by aGallic war, they order Caius Atilius, the praetor, to carry assistanceto Manlius with one Roman legion and five thousand of the allies, enrolled in the late levy by the consul: who, without any contest, forthe enemy had retired through fear, arrived at Tanetum. At the sametime Publius Cornelius, a new legion having been levied in the room ofthat which was sent with the praetor, setting out from the city withsixty ships of war, by the coast of Etruria and Liguria, and then themountains of the Salyes, arrived at Marseilles, and pitched his campat the nearest mouth of the Rhone, (for the stream flows down to thesea divided into several channels, ) scarcely as yet well believingthat Hannibal had crossed the Pyrenaean mountains; whom when heascertained to be also meditating the passage of the Rhone, uncertainin what place he might meet him, his soldiers not yet beingsufficiently recovered from the tossing of the sea, he sends forward, in the mean time, three hundred chosen horses, with Massilian guidesand Gallic auxiliaries, to explore all the country, and observe theenemy from a safe distance. Hannibal, the other states being pacifiedby fear or bribes, had now come into the territory of the Volcae, apowerful nation. They, indeed, dwell on both sides of the Rhone: butdoubting that the Carthaginian could be driven from the hither bank, in order that they might have the river as a defence, havingtransported almost all their effects across the Rhone, occupied inarms the farther bank of the river. Hannibal, by means of presents, persuades the other inhabitants of the river-side, and some even ofthe Volcae themselves, whom their homes had detained, to collect fromevery quarter and build ships; and they at the same time themselvesdesired that the army should be transported, and their countryrelieved, as soon as possible, from the vast multitude of men thatburthened it. A great number, therefore, of ships and boats rudelyformed for the neighbouring passages, were collected together; and theGauls, first beginning the plan, hollowed out some new ones fromsingle trees; and then the soldiers themselves, at once induced by theplenty of materials and the easiness of the work, hastily formedshapeless hulks, in which they could transport themselves and theirbaggage, caring about nothing else, provided they could float andcontain their burthen. 

27. And now, when all things were sufficiently prepared for crossing, the enemy over against them occupying the whole bank, horse and foot, deterred them. In order to dislodge them, Hannibal orders Hanno, theson of Bomilcar, at the first watch of the night, to proceed with apart of the forces, principally Spanish, one day's journey up theriver; and having crossed it where he might first be able, as secretlyas possible, to lead round his forces, that when the occasion requiredhe might attack the enemy in the rear. The Gauls, given him as guidesfor the purpose, inform him that about twenty-five miles from thence, the river spreading round a small island, broader where it wasdivided, and therefore with a shallower channel, presented a passage. At this place timber was quickly cut down and rafts formed, on whichmen, horses, and other burthens might be conveyed over. The Spaniards, without making any difficulty, having put their clothes in bags ofleather, and themselves leaning on their bucklers placed beneath them, swam across the river. And the rest of the army, after passing on therafts joined together, and pitching their camp near the river, beingfatigued by the journey of the night and the labour of the work, arerefreshed by the rest of one day, their leader being anxious toexecute his design at a proper season. Setting out next day from thisplace, they signify by raising a smoke that they had crossed, and werenot far distant; which when Hannibal understood, that he might not bewanting on the opportunity, he gives the signal for passing. Theinfantry already had the boats prepared and fitted; a line of shipshigher up transporting the horsemen for the most part near theirhorses swimming beside them, in order to break the force of thecurrent, rendered the water smooth to the boats crossing below. Agreat part of the horses were led across swimming, held by bridlesfrom the stern, except those which they put on board saddled andbridled, in order that they might be ready to be used by the rider themoment he disembarked on the strand. 

28. The Gauls run down to the bank to meet them with various whoopingsand songs, according to their custom, shaking their shields abovetheir heads, and brandishing their weapons in their right hands, although such a multitude of ships in front of them alarmed them, together with the loud roaring of the river, and the mingled clamoursof the sailors and soldiers, both those who were striving to breakthrough the force of the current, and those who from the other bankwere encouraging their comrades on their passage. While sufficientlydismayed by this tumult in front, more terrifying shouts from behindassailed them, their camp having been taken by Hanno; presently hehimself came up, and a twofold terror encompassed them, both such amultitude of armed men landing from the ships, and this unexpectedarmy pressing on their rear. When the Gauls, having made a prompt andbold effort to force the enemy, were themselves repulsed, they breakthrough where a way seemed most open, and fly in consternation totheir villages around. Hannibal, now despising these tumultuary onsetsof the Gauls, having transported the rest of his forces at leisure, pitches his camp. I believe that there were various plans fortransporting the elephants; at least there are various accounts of theway in which it was done. Some relate, that after the elephants wereassembled together on the bank, the fiercest of them being provoked byhis keeper, pursued him as he swam across the water, to which he hadrun for refuge, and drew after him the rest of the herd; the mereforce of the stream hurrying them to the other bank, when the bottomhad failed each, fearful of the depth. But there is more reason tobelieve that they were conveyed across on rafts; which plan, as itmust have appeared the safer before execution, is after it the moreentitled to credit. They extended from the bank into the river oneraft two hundred feet long and fifty broad, which, fastened higher upby several strong cables to the bank, that it might not be carrieddown by the stream they covered, like a bridge, with earth thrown uponit, so that the beasts might tread upon it without fear, as over solidground. Another raft equally broad and a hundred feet long, fit forcrossing the river, was joined to this first; and when the elephants, driven along the stationary raft as along a road had passed, thefemales leading the way, on to the smaller raft which was joined toit, the lashings, by which it was slightly fastened, being immediatelylet go, it was drawn by some light boats to the opposite side. Thefirst having been thus landed, the rest were then returned for andcarried across. They gave no signs of alarm whatever while they weredriven along as it were on a continuous bridge. The first fear was, when, the raft being loosed from the rest, they were hurried into thedeep. Then pressing together, as those at the edges drew back from thewater, they produced some disorder, till mere terror, when they sawwater all around, produced quiet. Some, indeed, becoming infuriated, fell into the river; but, steadied by their own weight, having thrownoff their riders, and seeking step by step the shallows, they escapedto the shore. 

29. Whilst the elephants were conveyed over, Hannibal, in the meantime, had sent five hundred Numidian horsemen towards the camp of theRomans, to observe where and how numerous their forces were, and whatthey were designing. The three hundred Roman horsemen sent, as wasbefore said, from the mouth of the Rhone, meet this band of cavalry;and a more furious engagement than could be expected from the numberof the combatants takes place. For, besides many wounds, the loss onboth sides was also nearly equal: and the flight and dismay of theNumidians gave victory to the Romans, now exceedingly fatigued. Therefell of the conquerors one hundred and sixty, not all Romans, butpartly Gauls: of the vanquished more than two hundred. Thiscommencement, and at the same time omen of the war, as it portended tothe Romans a prosperous issue of the whole, so did it also the successof a doubtful and by no means bloodless contest. When, after theaction had thus occurred, his own men returned to each general, Scipiocould adopt no fixed plan of proceeding, except that he should formhis measures from the plans and undertakings of the enemy: andHannibal, uncertain whether he should pursue the march he hadcommenced into Italy, or fight with the Roman army which had firstpresented itself, the arrival of ambassadors from the Boii, and of apetty prince called Magalus, diverted from an immediate engagement;who, declaring that they would be the guides of his journey and thecompanions of his dangers, gave it as their opinion, that Italy oughtto be attacked with the entire force of the war, his strength havingbeen no where previously impaired. The troops indeed feared the enemy, the remembrance of the former war not being yet obliterated; but muchmore did they dread the immense journey and the Alps, a thingformidable by report, particularly to the inexperienced. 

30. Hannibal, therefore, when his own resolution was fixed to proceedin his course and advance on Italy, having summoned an assembly, worksupon the minds of the soldiers in various ways, by reproof andexhortation. He said, that "he wondered what sudden fear had seizedbreasts ever before undismayed: that through so many years they hadmade their campaigns with conquest; nor had departed from Spain beforeall the nations and countries which two opposite seas embrace, weresubjected to the Carthaginians. That then, indignant that the Romansdemanded those, whosoever had besieged Saguntum, to be delivered up tothem, as on account of a crime, they had passed the Iberus to blot outthe name of the Romans, and to emancipate the world. That then the wayseemed long to no one, though they were pursuing it from the settingto the rising of the sun. That now, when they saw by far the greaterpart of their journey accomplished, the passes of the Pyreneessurmounted, amid the most ferocious nations, the Rhone, that mightyriver, crossed, in spite of the opposition of so many thousand Gauls, the fury of the river itself having been overcome, when they had theAlps in sight, the other side of which was Italy, should they haltthrough weariness at the very gates of the enemy, imagining the Alpsto be--what else than lofty mountains? That supposing them to behigher than the summits of the Pyrenees, assuredly no part of theearth reached the sky, nor was insurmountable by mankind. The Alps infact were inhabited and cultivated;--produced and supported livingbeings. Were they passable by a few men and impassable to armies? Thatthose very ambassadors whom they saw before them had not crossed theAlps borne aloft through the air on wings; neither were theirancestors indeed natives of the soil, but settling in Italy fromforeign countries, had often as emigrants safely crossed these veryAlps in immense bodies, with their wives and children. To the armedsoldier, carrying nothing with him but the instruments of war, what inreality was impervious or insurmountable? That Saguntum might betaken, what dangers, what toils were for eight months undergone! Now, when their aim was Rome, the capital of the world, could any thingappear so dangerous or difficult as to delay their undertaking? Thatthe Gauls had formerly gained possession of that very country whichthe Carthaginian despairs of being able to approach. That they must, therefore, either yield in spirit and valour to that nation which theyhad so often during those times overcome; or look forward, as the endof their journey, to the plain which spreads between the Tiber and thewalls of Rome. "

31. He orders them, roused by these exhortations, to refreshthemselves and prepare for the journey. Next day, proceeding upwardalong the bank of the Rhone, he makes for the inland part of Gaul: notbecause it was the more direct route to the Alps, but believing thatthe farther he retired from the sea, the Romans would be less in hisway; with whom, before he arrived in Italy, he had no intention ofengaging. After four days' march he came to the Island: there thestreams of the Arar and the Rhone, flowing down from differentbranches of the Alps, after embracing a pretty large tract of country, flow into one. The name of the Island is given to the plains that liebetween them. The Allobroges dwell near, a nation even in those daysinferior to none in Gaul in power and fame. They were at that time atvariance. Two brothers were contending for the sovereignty. The elder, named Brancus, who had before been king, was driven out by his youngerbrother and a party of the younger men, who, inferior in right, hadmore of power. When the decision of this quarrel was most opportunelyreferred to Hannibal, being appointed arbitrator of the kingdom, herestored the sovereignty to the elder, because such had been theopinion of the senate and the chief men. In return for this service, he was assisted with a supply of provisions, and plenty of allnecessaries, particularly clothing, which the Alps, notorious forextreme cold, rendered necessary to be prepared. After composing thedissensions of the Allobroges, when he now was proceeding to the Alps, he directed his course thither, not by the straight road, but turnedto the left into the country of the Tricastini, thence by the extremeboundary of the territory of the Vocontii he proceeded to theTricorii; his way not being any where obstructed till he came to theriver Druentia. This stream, also arising amid the Alps, is by far themost difficult to pass of all the rivers in Gaul; for though it rollsdown an immense body of water, yet it does not admit of ships;because, being restrained by no banks, and flowing in several and notalways the same channels, and continually forming new shallows and newwhirlpools, (on which account the passage is also uncertain to aperson on foot, ) and rolling down besides gravelly stones, it affordsno firm or safe passage to those who enter it; and having been at thattime swollen by showers, it created great disorder among the soldiersas they crossed, when, in addition to other difficulties, they were ofthemselves confused by their own hurry and uncertain shouts. 

32. Publius Cornelius the consul, about three days after Hannibalmoved from the bank of the Rhone, had come to the camp of the enemy, with his army drawn up in square, intending to make no delay infighting: but when he saw the fortifications deserted, and that hecould not easily come up with them so far in advance before him, hereturned to the sea and his fleet, in order more easily and safely toencounter Hannibal when descending from the Alps. But that Spain, theprovince which he had obtained by lot, might not be destitute of Romanauxiliaries, he sent his brother Cneius Scipio with the principal partof his forces against Hasdrubal, not only to defend the old allies andconciliate new, but also to drive Hasdrubal out of Spain. He himself, with a very small force, returned to Genoa, intending to defend Italywith the army which was around the Po. From the Druentia, by a roadthat lay principally through plains, Hannibal arrived at the Alpswithout molestation from the Gauls that inhabit those regions. Then, though the scene had been previously anticipated from report, (bywhich uncertainties are wont to be exaggerated, ) yet the height of themountains when viewed so near, and the snows almost mingling with thesky, the shapeless huts situated on the cliffs, the cattle and beastsof burden withered by the cold, the men unshorn and wildly dressed, all things, animate and inanimate, stiffened with frost, and otherobjects more terrible to be seen than described, renewed their alarm. To them, marching up the first acclivities, the mountaineers appearedoccupying the heights over head; who, if they had occupied the moreconcealed valleys, might, by rushing out suddenly to the attack, haveoccasioned great flight and havoc. Hannibal orders them to halt, andhaving sent forward Gauls to view the ground, when he found there wasno passage that way, he pitches his camp in the widest valley he couldfind, among places all rugged and precipitous. Then, having learnedfrom the same Gauls, when they had mixed in conversation with themountaineers, from whom they differed little in language and manners, that the pass was only beset during the day, and that at night eachwithdrew to his own dwelling, he advanced at the dawn to the heights, as if designing openly and by day to force his way through the defile. The day then being passed in feigning a different attempt from thatwhich was in preparation, when they had fortified the camp in the sameplace where they had halted, as soon as he perceived that themountaineers had descended from the heights, and that the guards werewithdrawn, having lighted for show a greater number of fires than wasproportioned to the number that remained, and having left the baggagein the camp, with the cavalry and the principal part of the infantry, he himself with a party of light-armed, consisting of all the mostcourageous of his troops, rapidly cleared the defile, and took post onthose very heights which the enemy had occupied. 

33. At dawn of light the next day the camp broke up, and the rest ofthe army began to move forward. The mountaineers, on a signal beinggiven, were now assembling from their forts to their usual station, when they suddenly behold part of the enemy overhanging them fromabove, in possession of their former position, and the others passingalong the road. Both these objects, presented at the same time to theeye and the mind, made them stand motionless for a little while; butwhen they afterwards saw the confusion in the pass, and that themarching body was thrown into disorder by the tumult which itselfcreated, principally from the horses being terrified, thinking thatwhatever terror they added would suffice for the destruction of theenemy, they scramble along the dangerous rocks, as being accustomedalike to pathless and circuitous ways. Then indeed the Carthaginianswere opposed at once by the enemy and by the difficulties of theground; and each striving to escape first from the danger, there wasmore fighting among themselves than with their opponents. The horsesin particular created danger in the lines, which, being terrified bythe discordant clamours which the groves and re-echoing valleysaugmented, fell into confusion; and if by chance struck or wounded, they were so dismayed that they occasioned a great loss both of menand baggage of every description: and as the pass on both sides wasbroken and precipitous, this tumult threw many down to an immensedepth, some even of the armed men; but the beasts of burden, withtheir loads, were rolled down like the fall of some vast fabric. Though these disasters were shocking to view, Hannibal however kepthis place for a little, and kept his men together, lest he mightaugment the tumult and disorder; but afterwards, when he saw the linebroken, and that there was danger that he should bring over his army, preserved to no purpose if deprived of their baggage, he hastened downfrom the higher ground; and though he had routed the enemy by thefirst onset alone, he at the same time increased the disorder in hisown army: but that tumult was composed in a moment, after the roadswere cleared by the flight of the mountaineers; and presently thewhole army was conducted through, not only without being disturbed, but almost in silence. He then took a fortified place, which was thecapital of that district, and the little villages that lay around it, and fed his army for three days with the corn and cattle he had taken;and during these three days, as the soldiers were neither obstructedby the mountaineers, who had been daunted by the first engagement, noryet much by the ground, he made considerable way. 

34. He then came to another state, abounding, for a mountainouscountry, with inhabitants; where he was nearly overcome, not by openwar, but by his own arts of treachery and ambuscade. Some old men, governors of forts, came as deputies to the Carthaginian, professing, "that having been warned by the useful example of the calamities ofothers, they wished rather to experience the friendship than thehostilities of the Carthaginians: they would, therefore, obedientlyexecute his commands, and begged that he would accept of a supply ofprovisions, guides of his march, and hostages for the sincerity oftheir promises. " Hannibal, when he had answered them in a friendlymanner, thinking that they should neither be rashly trusted nor yetrejected, lest if repulsed they might openly become enemies, havingreceived the hostages whom they proffered, and made use of theprovisions which they of their own accord brought down to the road, follows their guides, by no means as among a people with whom he wasat peace, but with his line of march in close order. The elephants andcavalry formed the van of the marching body; he himself, examiningevery thing around, and intent on every circumstance, followed withthe choicest of the infantry. When they came into a narrower pass, lying on one side beneath an overhanging eminence, the barbarians, rising at once on all sides from their ambush, assail them in frontand rear, both at close quarters and from a distance, and roll downhuge stones on the army. The most numerous body of men pressed on therear; against whom the infantry, facing about and directing theirattack, made it very obvious, that had not the rear of the army beenwell supported, a great loss must have been sustained in that pass. Even as it was they came to the extremity of danger, and almost todestruction: for while Hannibal hesitates to lead down his divisioninto the defile, because, though he himself was a protection to thecavalry, lie had not in the same way left any aid to the infantry inthe rear; the mountaineers, charging obliquely, and on having brokenthrough the middle of the army, took possession of the road; and onenight was spent by Hannibal without his cavalry and baggage. 

35. Next day, the barbarians running in to the attack between (the twodivisions) less vigorously, the forces were re-united, and the defilepassed, not without loss, but yet with a greater destruction of beastsof burden than of men. From that time the mountaineers fell upon themin smaller parties, more like an attack of robbers than war, sometimeson the van, sometimes on the rear, according as the ground affordedthem advantage, or stragglers advancing or loitering gave them anopportunity. Though the elephants were driven through steep and narrowroads with great loss of time, yet wherever they went they renderedthe army safe from the enemy, because men unacquainted with suchanimals were afraid of approaching too nearly. On the ninth day theycame to a summit of the Alps, chiefly through places trackless; andafter many mistakes of their way, which were caused either by thetreachery of the guides, or, when they were not trusted, by enteringvalleys at random, on their own conjectures of the route. For two daysthey remained encamped on the summit; and rest was given to thesoldiers, exhausted with toil and fighting: and several beasts ofburden, which had fallen down among the rocks, by following the trackof the army arrived at the camp. A fall of snow, it being now theseason of the setting of the constellation of the Pleiades, causedgreat fear to the soldiers, already worn out with weariness of so manyhardships. On the standards being moved forward at daybreak, when thearmy proceeded slowly over all places entirely blocked up with snow, and languor and despair strongly appeared in the countenances of all, Hannibal, having advanced before the standards, and ordered thesoldiers to halt on a certain eminence, whence there was a prospectfar and wide, points out to them Italy and the plains of the Po, extending themselves beneath the Alpine mountains; and said "that theywere now surmounting not only the ramparts of Italy, but also of thecity of Rome; that the rest of the journey would be smooth anddown-hill; that after one, or, at most, a second battle, they wouldhave the citadel and capital of Italy in their power and possession. "The army then began to advance, the enemy now making no attemptsbeyond petty thefts, as opportunity offered. But the journey provedmuch more difficult than it had been in the ascent, as the declivityof the Alps being generally shorter on the side of Italy isconsequently steeper; for nearly all the road was precipitous, narrow, and slippery, so that neither those who made the least stumble couldprevent themselves from falling, nor, when fallen, remain in the sameplace, but rolled, both men and beasts of burden, one upon another. 

36. They then came to a rock much more narrow, and formed of suchperpendicular ledges, that a light-armed soldier, carefully making theattempt, and clinging with his hands to the bushes and roots around, could with difficulty lower himself down. The ground, even before verysteep by nature, had been broken by a recent falling away of the earthinto a precipice of nearly a thousand feet in depth. Here when thecavalry had halted, as if at the end of their journey, it is announcedto Hannibal, wondering what obstructed the march that the rock wasimpassable. Having then gone himself to view the place, it seemedclear to him that he must lead his army round it, by however great acircuit, through the pathless and untrodden regions around. But thisroute also proved impracticable; for while the new snow of a moderatedepth remained on the old, which had not been removed, their footstepswere planted with ease as they walked upon the new snow, which wassoft and not too deep; but when it was dissolved by the trampling ofso many men and beasts of burden, they then walked on the bare icebelow, and through the dirty fluid formed by the melting snow. Herethere was a wretched struggle, both on account of the slippery ice notaffording any hold to the step, and giving way beneath the foot morereadily by reason of the slope; and whether they assisted themselvesin rising by their hands or their knees, their supports themselvesgiving way, they would stumble again; nor were there any stumps orroots near; by pressing against which, one might with hand or footsupport himself; so that they only floundered on the smooth ice andamid the melted snow. The beasts of burden sometimes also went intothis lower ice by merely treading upon it, at others they broke itcompletely through, by the violence with which they struck in theirhoofs in their struggling, so that most of them, as if taken in atrap, stuck in the hardened and deeply frozen ice. 

37. At length, after the men and beasts of burden had been fatigued tono purpose, the camp was pitched on the summit, the ground beingcleared for that purpose with great difficulty, so much snow was thereto be dug out and carried away. The soldiers being then set to make away down the cliff by which alone a passage could be effected, and itbeing necessary that they should cut through the rocks, having felledand lopped a number of large trees which grew around, they make a hugepile of timber; and as soon as a strong wind fit for exciting theflames arose, they set fire to it, and, pouring vinegar on the heatedstones, they render them soft and crumbling. They then open a way withiron instruments through the rock thus heated by the fire, and softenits declivities by gentle windings, so that not only the beasts ofburden, but also the elephants could be led down it. Four days werespent about this rock, the beasts nearly perishing through hunger: forthe summits of the mountains are for the most part bare, and if thereis any pasture the snows bury it. The lower parts contain valleys, andsome sunny hills, and rivulets flowing beside woods, and scenes moreworthy of the abode of man. There the beasts of burden were sent outto pasture, and rest given for three days to the men, fatigued withforming the passage: they then descended into the plains, the countryand the dispositions of the inhabitants being now less rugged. 

38. In this manner chiefly they came to Italy in the fifth month (assome authors relate) after leaving New Carthage, having crossed theAlps in fifteen days. What number of forces Hannibal had when he hadpassed into Italy is by no means agreed upon by authors. Those whostate them at the highest, make mention of a hundred thousand foot andtwenty thousand horse; those who state them at the lowest, of twentythousand foot and six thousand horse. Lucius Cincius Alimentus, whorelates that he was made prisoner by Hannibal, would influence me mostas an authority, did he not confound the number by adding the Gaulsand Ligurians. Including these, (who, it is more probable, flocked tohim afterwards, and so some authors assert, ) he says, that eightythousand foot and ten thousand horse were brought into Italy; and thathe had heard from Hannibal himself, that after crossing the Rhone hehad lost thirty-six thousand men, and an immense number of horses, andother beasts of burden, among the Taurini, the next nation to theGauls, as he descended into Italy. As this circumstance is agreed onby all, I am the more surprised that it should be doubtful by whatroad he crossed the Alps; and that it should commonly be believed thathe passed over the Pennine mountain, and that thence [Footnote: fromPaenus, Carthaginian. ] the name was given to that ridge of the Alps. Coelius says, that he passed over the top of Mount Cremo; both whichpasses would have brought him, not to the Taurini, but through theSalasian mountaineers to the Libuan Gauls. Neither is it probable thatthese roads into Gaul were then open, especially once those which, lead to the Pennine mountain would have been unlocked up by nationshalf German; nor by Hercules (if this argument has weight with anyone) do the Veragri, the inhabitants of this ridge, know of the namebeing given to these mountains from the passage of the Carthaginians, but from the divinity, whom the mountaineers style Penninus, worshipped on the highest summit. 

39. Very opportunely for the commencement of his operations, a war hadbroken out with the Taurini, the nearest nation, against theInsubrians; but Hannibal could not put his troops under arms to assisteither party, as they very chiefly felt the disorders they had beforecontracted, in remedying them; for ease after toil, plenty after want, and attention to their persons after dirt and filth, had variouslyaffected their squalid and almost savage-looking bodies. This was thereason that Publius Cornelius, the consul, when he had arrived at Pisawith his fleet, hastened to the Po, though the troops he received fromManlius and Atilius were raw and disheartened by their late disgraces, in order that he might engage the enemy when not yet recruited. Butwhen the consul came to Placentia, Hannibal had already moved from hisquarters, and had taken by storm one city of the Taurini, the capitalof the nation, because they did not come willingly into his alliance;and he would have gained over to him, not only from fear, but alsofrom inclination, the Gauls who dwell beside the Po, had not thearrival of the consul suddenly checked them while watching for anopportunity of revolt. Hannibal at the same time moved from theTaurini, thinking that the Gauls, uncertain which side to choose, would follow him if present among them. The armies were now almost insight of each other, and their leaders, though not at presentsufficiently acquainted, yet met each other with a certain feeling ofmutual admiration. For the name of Hannibal, even before thedestruction of Saguntum, was very celebrated among the Romans; andHannibal believed Scipio to be a superior man, from the verycircumstance of his having been specially chosen to act as commanderagainst himself. They had increased too their estimation of eachother; Scipio, because, being left behind in Gaul, he had met Hannibalwhen he had crossed into Italy; Hannibal, by his daring attempt ofcrossing the Alps and by its accomplishment. Scipio, however, was thefirst to cross the Po, and having pitched his camp at the riverTicinus, he delivered the following oration for the sake ofencouraging his soldiers before he led them out to form for battle:

40. "If, soldiers, I were leading out that army to battle which I hadwith me in Gaul, I should have thought it superfluous to address you;for of what use would it be to exhort either those horsemen who sogloriously vanquished the cavalry of the enemy at the river Rhone, orthose legions with whom, pursuing this very enemy flying before us, Iobtained in lieu of victory, a confession of superiority, shown by hisretreat and refusal to fight? Now because that army, levied for theprovince of Spain, maintains the war under my auspices [Footnote:Because Spain was his proper province as consul. ] and the command ofmy brother Cneius Scipio, in the country where the senate and peopleof Rome wished him to serve, and since I, that you might have a consulfor your leader against Hannibal and the Carthaginians, have offeredmyself voluntarily for this contest, few words are required to beaddressed from a new commander to soldiers unacquainted with him. Thatyou may not be ignorant of the nature of the war nor of the enemy, youhave to fight, soldiers, with those whom in the former war youconquered both by land and sea; from whom you have exacted tribute fortwenty years; from whom you hold Sicily and Sardinia, taken as theprizes of victory. In the present contest, therefore, you and theywill have those feelings which are wont to belong to the victors andthe vanquished. Nor are they now about to fight because they aredaring, but because it is unavoidable; except you can believe thatthey who declined the engagement when their forces were entire, shouldhave now gained more confidence when two-thirds of their infantry andcavalry have been lost in the passage of the Alps, and when almostgreater numbers have perished than survive. Yes, they are few indeed, (some may say, ) but they are vigorous in mind and body; men whosestrength and power scarce any force may withstand. On the contrary, they are but the resemblances, nay, are rather the shadows of men;being worn out with hunger, cold, dirt, and filth, and bruised andenfeebled among stones and rocks. Besides all this, their joints arefrost-bitten, their sinews stiffened with the snow, their limbswithered up by the frost, their armour battered and shivered, theirhorses lame and powerless. With such cavalry, with such infantry, youhave to fight: you will not have enemies in reality, but rather theirlast remains. And I fear nothing more than that when you have foughtHannibal, the Alps may appear to have conquered him. But perhaps itwas fitting that the gods themselves should, without any human aid, commence and carry forward a war with a leader and a people thatviolate the faith of treaties; and that we, who next to the gods havebeen injured, should finish the contest thus commenced and nearlycompleted. "

41. "I do not fear lest any one should think that I say thisostentatiously for the sake of encouraging you, while in my own mind Iam differently affected. I was at liberty to go with my army intoSpain, my own province, whither I had already set out; where I shouldhave had a brother as the bearer of my councils and my dangers, andHasdrubal, instead of Hannibal, for my antagonist, and withoutquestion a less laborious war: nevertheless, as I sailed along thecoast of Gaul, having landed on hearing of this enemy, and having sentforward the cavalry, I moved my camp to the Rhone. In a battle ofcavalry, with which part of my forces the opportunity of engaging wasafforded, I routed the enemy; and because I could not overtake by landhis army of infantry, which was rapidly hurried away, as if in flight, having returned to the ships with all the speed I could, aftercompassing such an extent of sea and land, I have met him at the footof the Alps. Whether do I appear, while declining the contest, to havefallen in unexpectedly with this dreaded foe, or encounter him in histrack? to challenge him and drag him out to decide the contest? I amanxious to try whether the earth has suddenly, in these twenty years, sent forth a new race of Carthaginians, or whether these are the samewho fought at the islands Aegates, and whom you permitted to defeatfrom Eryx, valued at eighteen denarii a head; and whether thisHannibal be, as he himself gives out, the rival of the expeditions ofHercules, or one left by his father the tributary and taxed subjectand slave of the Roman people; who, did not his guilt at Saguntumdrive him to frenzy, would certainly reflect, if not upon hisconquered country, at least on his family, and his father, and thetreaties written by the hand of Hamilcar; who, at the command of ourconsul, withdrew the garrison from Eryx; who, indignant and grieving, submitted to the harsh conditions imposed on the conqueredCarthaginians; who agreed to depart from Sicily, and pay tribute tothe Roman people. I would, therefore, have you fight, soldiers, notonly with that spirit with which you are wont to encounter otherenemies, but with a certain indignation and resentment, as if you sawyour slaves suddenly taking up arms against you. We might have killedthem when shut up in Eryx by hunger, the most dreadful of humantortures; we might have carried over our victorious fleet to Africa, and in a few days have destroyed Carthage without any opposition. Wegranted pardon to their prayers; we released them from the blockade;we made peace with them when conquered; and we afterwards consideredthem under our protection when they were oppressed by the African war. In return for these benefits, they come under the conduct of a furiousyouth to attack our country. And I wish that the contest on your sidewas for glory, and not for safety: it is not about the possession ofSicily and Sardinia, concerning which the dispute was formerly, butfor Italy, that you must fight: nor is there another army behind, which, if we should not conquer, can resist the enemy; nor are thereother Alps, during the passage of which fresh forces may be procured:here, soldiers, we must make our stand, as if we fought before thewalls of Rome. Let every one consider that he defends with his armsnot only his own person, but his wife and young children: nor let himonly entertain domestic cares and anxieties, but at the same time lethim revolve in his mind, that the senate and people of Rome nowanxiously regard our efforts; and that according as our strength andvalour shall be, such henceforward will be the fortune of that cityand of the Roman empire. "

42. Thus the consul addressed the Romans. Hannibal, thinking that hissoldiers ought to be roused by deeds rather than by words, havingdrawn his army around for the spectacle, placed in their midst thecaptive mountaineers in fetters; and after Gallic arms had been thrownat their feet, he ordered the interpreter to ask, "whether any amongthem, on condition of being released from chains, and receiving, ifvictorious, armour and a horse, was willing to combat with the sword?"When they all, to a man, demanded the combat and the sword, and lotswere cast into the urn for that purpose, each wished himself theperson whom fortune might select for the contest. As the lot of eachman came out, eager and exulting with joy amidst the congratulationsof his comrades, and dancing after the national custom, he hastilysnatched up the arms: but when they fought, such was the state offeeling, not only among their companions in the same circumstances, but among the spectators in general, that the fortune of those whoconquered was not praised more than that of those who died bravely. 

43. When he had dismissed the soldiers, thus affected after viewingseveral pairs of combatants, having then summoned an assembly, he issaid to have addressed them in these terms: "If, soldiers, you shallby and by, in judging of your own fortune, preserve the same feelingswhich you experienced a little before in the example of the fate ofothers, we have already conquered; for neither was that merely aspectacle, but as it were a certain representation of your condition. And I know not whether fortune has not thrown around you stillstronger chains and more urgent necessities than around your captives. On the right and left two seas enclose you, without your possessing asingle ship even for escape. The river Po around you, the Po largerand more impetuous than the Rhone, the Alps behind, scarcely passed byyou when fresh and vigorous, hem you in. Here, soldiers, where youhave first met the enemy, you must conquer or die; and the samefortune which has imposed the necessity of fighting, holds out to you, if victorious, rewards, than which men are not wont to desire greater, even from the immortal gods. If we were only about to recover by ourvalour Sicily and Sardinia, wrested from our fathers, the recompencewould be sufficiently ample; but whatever, acquired and amassed by somany triumphs, the Romans possess, all, with its masters themselves, will become yours. To gain this rich reward, hasten, then, and seizeyour arms with the favour of the gods. Long enough in pursuing cattleamong the desert mountains of Lusitania [Footnote: The ancient nameof Portugal. ] and Celtiberia, you have seen no emolument from so manytoils and dangers: it is time to make rich and profitable campaigns, and to gain the great reward of your labours, after havingaccomplished such a length of journey over so many mountains andrivers, and so many nations in arms. Here fortune has granted you thetermination of your labours; here she will bestow a reward worthy ofthe service you have undergone. Nor, in proportion as the war is greatin name, ought you to consider that the victory will be difficult. Adespised enemy has often maintained a sanguinary contest, and renownedstates and kings been conquered by a very slight effort. For, settingaside only the splendour of the Roman name, what remains in which theycan be compared to you? To pass over in silence your service fortwenty years, distinguished by such valour and success you have madeyour way to this place from the pillars of Hercules, [Footnote:Calpe, a mountain or rather rock in Spain, and Abyla in Africa, fabledto have been placed by Hercules as marks of his most distant voyage, are now well known as Gibraltar and Ceuta. ] from the ocean, and theremotest limits of the world advancing victorious through so many ofthe fiercest nations of Gaul and Spain: you will fight with a rawarmy, which this very summer was beaten, conquered, and surrounded bythe Gauls, as yet unknown to its general, and ignorant of him. Shall Icompare myself, almost born, and certainly bred in the tent of myfather, that most illustrious commander, myself the subjugator ofSpain and Gaul, the conqueror too not only of the Alpine nations, butwhat is much more, of the Alps themselves, with this six months'general, the deserter of his army? To whom, if any one, having takenaway their standards, should show to-day the Carthaginians and Romans, I am sure that he would not know of which army he was consul. I do notregard it, soldiers, as of small account, that there is not a manamong you before whose eyes I have not often achieved some militaryexploit; and to whom, in like manner, I the spectator and witness ofhis valour, could not recount his own gallant deeds, particularized bytime and place. With soldiers who have a thousand times received mypraises and gifts, I, who was the pupil of you all before I becameyour commander, will march out in battle-array against those who areunknown to and ignorant of each other. "

44. "On whatever side I turn my eyes I see nothing but what is full ofcourage and energy; a veteran infantry; calvary, both those with andthose without the bridle, composed of the most gallant nations, youour most faithful and valiant allies, you Carthaginians, who are aboutto fight as well for the sake of your country as from the justestresentment. We are the assailants in the war, and descend into Italywith hostile standards, about to engage so much more boldly andbravely than the foe, as the confidence and courage of the assailantare greater than those of him who is defensive. Besides suffering, injury and indignity inflame and excite our minds: they first demandedme your leader for punishment, and then all of you who had laid siegeto Saguntum; and had we been given up they would have visited us withthe severest tortures. That most cruel and haughty nation considersevery thing its own, and at its own disposal; it thinks it right thatit should regulate with whom we are to have war, with whom peace: itcircumscribes and shuts us up by the boundaries of mountains andrivers, which we must not pass; and then does not adhere to thoseboundaries which it appointed. Pass not the Iberus; have nothing to dowith the Saguntines. Saguntum is on the Iberus; you must not move astep in any direction. Is it a small thing that you take away my mostancient provinces Sicily and Sardinia? will you take Spain also? andshould I withdraw thence, you will cross over into Africa--will cross, did I say? they have sent the two consuls of this year one to Africa, the other to Spain: there is nothing left to us in any quarter, exceptwhat we can assert to ourselves by arms. Those may be cowards anddastards who have something to look back upon; whom, flying throughsafe and unmolested roads, their own lands and their own country willreceive: there is a necessity for you to be brave; and since allbetween victory and death is broken off from you by inevitabledespair, either to conquer, or, if fortune should waver, to meet deathrather in battle than flight. If this be well fixed and determined inthe minds of you all, I will repeat, you have already conquered: nostronger incentive to victory has been given to man by the immortalgods. "

45. When the minds of the soldiers on both sides had been animated tothe contest by these exhortations, the Romans throw a bridge over theTicinus, and, for the sake of defending the bridge, erect a fort onit. The Carthaginian, while the Romans were engaged in this work, sends Maharbal with a squadron of five hundred Numidian horse, to laywaste the territories of the allies of the Roman people. He ordersthat the Gauls should be spared as much as possible, and the minds oftheir chiefs be instigated to a revolt. When the bridge was finished, the Roman army being led across into the territory of the Insubrians, took up its station five miles from Victumviae. At this place Hanniballay encamped; and having quickly recalled Maharbal and the cavalry, when he perceived that a battle was approaching, thinking that inexhorting the soldiers enough could never be spoken or addressed byway of admonition, he announces to them, when summoned to an assembly, stated rewards, in expectation of which they might fight. He promised, "that he would give them land in Italy, Africa, Spain, where each manmight choose, exempt from all burdens to the person who received it, and to his children: if any one preferred money to land, he wouldsatisfy him in silver; if any of the allies wished to become citizensof Carthage, he would grant them permission; if others chose rather toreturn home, he would lend his endeavours that they should not wishthe situation of any one of their countrymen exchanged for their own. "To the slaves also who followed their masters he promised freedom, andthat he would give two slaves in place of each of them to theirmasters. And that they might know that these promises were certain, holding in his left hand a lamb, and in his right a flint, havingprayed to Jupiter and the other gods, that, if he was false to hisword, they would thus slay him as he slew the lamb; after the prayerhe broke the skull of the sheep with the stone. Then in truth all, receiving as it were the gods as sureties, each for the fulfilment ofhis own hopes, and thinking that the only delay in obtaining theobject of their wishes arose from their not yet being engaged, withone mind and one voice demanded the battle. 

46. By no means so great an alacrity prevailed among the Romans, who, in addition to other causes, were also alarmed by recent prodigies;for both a wolf had entered the camp, and having torn those who methim, had escaped unhurt; and a swarm of bees had settled on a treeoverhanging the general's tent. After these prodigies were expiated, Scipio having set out with his cavalry and light-armed spearmentowards the camp of the enemy, to observe from a near point theirforces, how numerous, and of what description they were, falls in withHannibal, who had himself also advanced with his cavalry to explorethe circumjacent country: neither at first perceived the other, butthe dust arising from the trampling of so many men and horses soongave the signal of approaching enemies. Both armies halted, and werepreparing themselves for battle. Scipio places his spearmen and Galliccavalry in front; the Romans and what force of allies he had with him, in reserve. Hannibal receives the horsemen who rode with the rein inthe centre, and strengthens his wings with Numidians. When the shoutwas scarcely raised, the spearmen fled among the reserve to the secondline: there was then a contest of the cavalry, for some time doubtful;but afterwards, on account of the foot soldiers, who wereintermingled, causing confusion among the horses, many of the ridersfalling off from their horses, or leaping down where they saw theirfriends surrounded and hard pressed, the battle for the most part cameto be fought on foot; until the Numidians, who were in the wings, having made a small circuit, showed themselves on the rear. That alarmdismayed the Romans, and the wound of the consul, and the danger tohis life, warded off by the interposition of his son, then justarriving at the age of puberty, augmented their fears. This youth willbe found to be the same to whom the glory of finishing this warbelongs, and to whom the name of Africanus was given, on account ofhis splendid victory over Hannibal and the Carthaginians. The flight, however, of the spearmen, whom the Numidians attacked first, was themost disorderly. The rest of the cavalry, in a close body, protecting, not only with their arms, but also with their bodies, the consul, whomthey had received into the midst of them, brought him back to the campwithout any where giving way in disorder or precipitation. Coeliusattributes the honour of saving the consul to a slave, by nation aLigurian. I indeed should rather wish that the account about the sonwas true, which also most authors have transmitted, and the report ofwhich has generally obtained credit. 

47. This was the first battle with Hannibal; from which it clearlyappeared that the Carthaginian was superior in cavalry; and on thataccount, that open plains, such as lie between the Po and the Alps, were not suited to the Romans for carrying on the war. On thefollowing night, therefore, the soldiers being ordered to preparetheir baggage in silence, the camp broke up from the Ticinus, and theyhastened to the Po, in order that the rafts by which the consul hadformed a bridge over the river, being not yet loosened, he might leadhis forces across without disturbance or pursuit of the enemy. Theyarrived at Placentia before Hannibal had ascertained that they had setout from the Ticinus. He took, however, six hundred of those wholoitered on the farther bank, who were slowly unfastening the raft;but he was not able to pass the bridge, as the whole raft floated downthe stream as soon as the ends were unfastened. Coelius relates thatMago, with the cavalry and Spanish infantry, immediately swam theriver; and that Hannibal himself led the army across by fords higherup the Po, the elephants being opposed to the stream in a line tobreak the force of the current. These accounts can scarcely gaincredit with those who are acquainted with that river; for it isneither probable that the cavalry could bear up against the greatviolence of the stream, without losing their arms or horses, evensupposing that inflated bags of leather had transported all theSpaniards; and the fords of the Po, by which an army encumbered withbaggage could pass, must have been sought by a circuit of many days'march. Those authors are more credited by me, who relate that in thecourse of two days a place was with difficulty found fit for forming abridge of rafts across the river, and that by this way the light-armedSpanish cavalry was sent forward with Mago. Whilst Hannibal, delayingbeside the river to give audience to the embassies of the Gauls, conveys over the heavy-armed forces of infantry, in the mean timeMago and the cavalry proceed towards the enemy at Placentia one day'sjourney after crossing the river. Hannibal, a few days after, fortified his camp six miles from Placentia, and on the following day, having drawn up his line of battle in sight of the enemy, gave them anopportunity of fighting. 

48. On the following night a slaughter was made in the Roman camp bythe auxiliary Gauls, which appeared greater from the tumult than itproved in reality. Two thousand infantry and two hundred horse, havingkilled the guards at the gates, desert to Hannibal; whom theCarthaginians having addressed kindly, and excited by the hope ofgreat rewards, sent each to several states to gain over the minds oftheir countrymen. Scipio, thinking that that slaughter was a signalfor the revolt of all the Gauls, and that, contaminated with the guiltof that affair, they would rush to arms as if a frenzy had been sentamong them, though he was still suffering severely from his wound, yetsetting out for the river Trebia at the fourth watch of the followingnight with his army in silence, he removes his camp to higher groundand hills more embarrassing to the cavalry. He escaped observationless than at the Ticinus: and Hannibal, having despatched first theNumidians and then all the cavalry, would have thrown the rear atleast into great confusion, had not the Numidians, through anxiety forbooty, turned aside into the deserted Roman camp. There whilst, closely examining every part of the camp, they waste time, with nosufficient reward for the delay, the enemy escaped out of their hands;and when they saw the Romans already across the Trebia, and measuringout their camp, they kill a few of the loiterers intercepted on thatside of the river. Scipio being unable to endure any longer theirritation of his wound, caused by the roughness of the road, andthinking that he ought to wait for his colleague, (for he had nowheard that he was recalled from Sicily, ) fortified a space of chosenground, which, adjoining the river, seemed safest for a stationarycamp. When Hannibal had encamped not far from thence, being as muchelated with the victory of his cavalry, as anxious on account of thescarcity which every day assailed him more severely, marching as hedid through the territory of the enemy, and supplies being no whereprovided, he sends to the village of Clastidium, where the Romans hadcollected a great stock of corn. There, whilst they were preparing foran assault, a hope of the town being betrayed to them was held out:Dasius, a Brundusian, the governor of the garrison, having beencorrupted for four hundred pieces of gold, (no great bribe truly, )Clastidium is surrendered to Hannibal. It served as a granary for theCarthaginians while they lay at the Trebia. No cruelty was usedtowards the prisoners of the surrendered garrison, in order that acharacter for clemency might be acquired at the commencement of hisproceedings. 

49. While the war by land was at a stand beside the Trebia, in themean time operations went on by land and sea around Sicily and theislands adjacent to Italy, both under Sempronius the consul, andbefore his arrival. Twenty quinqueremes, with a thousand armed men, having been sent by the Carthaginians to lay waste the coast of Italy, nine reached the Liparae, eight the island of Vulcan, and three thetide drove into the strait. On these being seen from Messana, twelveships sent out by Hiero king of Syracuse, who then happened to be atMessana, waiting for the Roman consul, brought back into the port ofMessana the ships taken without any resistance. It was discovered fromthe prisoners that, besides the twenty ships, to which fleet theybelonged, and which had been despatched against Italy, thirty-fiveother quinqueremes were directing their course to Sicily, in order togain over their ancient allies: that their main object was to gainpossession of Lilybaeum, and they believed that that fleet had beendriven to the islands Aegates by the same storm by which theythemselves had been dispersed. The king writes these tidings, according as they had been received, to Marcus Aemilius the praetor, whose province Sicily was, and advises him to occupy Lilybaeum with astrong garrison. Immediately the lieutenants, generals, and tribunes, with the praetor, were despatched to the different states, in orderthat they might keep their men on vigilant guard; above all things itwas commanded, that Lilybaeum should be secured: an edict having beenput forth that, in addition to such warlike preparations, the crewsshould carry down to their ships dressed provisions for ten days, sothat no one when the signal was given might delay in embarking; andthat those who were stationed along the whole coast should look outfrom their watch-towers for the approaching fleet of the enemy. TheCarthaginians, therefore, though they had purposely slackened thecourse of their ships, so that they might reach Lilybaeum just beforedaybreak, were descried before their arrival, because both the moonshone all night, and they came with their sails set up. Immediatelythe signal was given from the watch-towers, and the summons to armswas shouted through the town, and they embarked in the ships: part ofthe soldiers were left on the walls and at the stations of the gates, and part went on board the fleet. The Carthaginians, because theyperceived that they would not have to do with an unprepared enemy, kept back from the harbour till daylight, that interval being spent intaking down their rigging and getting ready the fleet for action. Whenthe light appeared, they withdrew their fleet into the open sea, thatthere might be room for the battle, and that the ships of the enemymight have a free egress from the harbour. Nor did the Romans declinethe conflict, being emboldened both by the recollection of theexploits they had performed near that very spot, and by the numbersand valour of their soldiers. 

50. When they had advanced into the open sea, the Romans wished tocome to close fight, and to make a trial of strength hand to hand. TheCarthaginians, on the contrary, eluded them, and sought to maintainthe fight by art, not by force, and to make it a battle of shipsrather than of men and arms: for though they had their fleetabundantly supplied with mariners, yet it was deficient in soldiers;and when a ship was grappled, a very unequal number of armed menfought on board of it. When this was observed, their numbers increasedthe courage of the Romans, and their inferiority of force diminishedthat of the others. Seven Carthaginian ships were immediatelysurrounded; the rest took to flight: one thousand seven hundredsoldiers and mariners were captured in the ships, and among them werethree noble Carthaginians. The Roman fleet returned without loss tothe harbour, only one ship being pierced, and even that also broughtback into port. After this engagement, before those at Messana wereaware of its occurrence, Titus Sempronius the consul arrived atMessana. As he entered the strait, king Hiero led out a fleet fullyequipped to meet him; and having passed from the royal ship into thatof the general, he congratulated him on having arrived safe with hisarmy and fleet, and prayed that his expedition to Sicily might beprosperous and successful. He then laid before him the state of theisland and the designs of the Carthaginians, and promised that withthe same spirit with which he had in his youth assisted the Romansduring the former war, he would now assist them in his old age; thathe would gratuitously furnish supplies of corn and clothing to thelegions and naval crews of the consul; adding, that great dangerthreatened Lilybaeum and the maritime states, and that a change ofaffairs would be acceptable to some of them. For these reasons itappeared to the consul that he ought to make no delay, but to repairto Lilybaeum with his fleet. The king and the royal squadron set outalong with him, and on their passage they heard that a battle had beenfought at Lilybaeum, and that the enemy's ships had been scattered andtaken. 

51. The consul having dismissed Hiero with the royal fleet, and leftthe praetor to defend the coast of Sicily, passed over himself fromLilybaeum to the island Melita, which was held in possession by theCarthaginians. On his arrival, Hamilcar, the son of Gisgo, thecommander of the garrison, with little less than two thousandsoldiers, together with the town and the island, are delivered up tohim: thence, after a few days, he returned to Lilybaeum, and theprisoners taken, both by the consul and the praetor, excepting thoseillustrious for their rank, were publicly sold. When the consulconsidered that Sicily was sufficiently safe on that side, he crossedover to the islands of Vulcan, because there was a report that theCarthaginian fleet was stationed there: but not one of the enemy wasdiscovered about those islands. They had already, as it happened, passed over to ravage the coast of Italy, and having laid waste theterritory of Vibo, were also threatening the city. The descent made bythe enemy on the Vibonensian territory is announced to the consul ashe was returning to Sicily: and letters were delivered to him whichhad been sent by the senate, about the passage of Hannibal into Italy, commanding him as soon as possible to bring assistance to hiscolleague. Perplexed with having so many anxieties at once, heimmediately sent his army, embarked in the fleet, by the upper sea toAriminum; he assigned the defence of the territory of Vibo, and thesea-coast of Italy, to Sextus Pomponius, his lieutenant-general, withtwenty-five ships of war: he made up a fleet of fifty ships for MarcusAemilius the praetor; and he himself, after the affairs of Sicily weresettled, sailing close along the coast of Italy with ten ships, arrived at Ariminum, whence, setting out with his army for the riverTrebia, he joined his colleague. 

52. Both the consuls and all the strength of Rome being now opposed toHannibal, made it sufficiently obvious that the Roman empire couldeither be defended by those forces, or that there was no other hopeleft. Yet the one consul being dispirited by the battle of the cavalryand his own wound, wished operations to be deferred: the other havinghis spirits unsubdued, and being therefore the more impetuous, admitted no delay. The tract of country between the Trebia and the Powas then inhabited by the Gauls, who, in this contest of two verypowerful states, by a doubtful neutrality, were evidently lookingforward to the favour of the conqueror. The Romans submitted to thisconduct of the Gauls with tolerable satisfaction, provided they didnot take any active part at all; but the Carthaginian bore it withgreat discontent, giving out that he had come invited by the Gauls toset them at liberty. On account of that resentment, and in order thathe might at the same time maintain his troops from the plunder, heordered two thousand foot and a thousand horse, chiefly Numidians, with some Gauls intermixed, to lay waste all the countrystraightforward as far as the banks of the Po. The Gauls, being inwant of assistance, though they had up to this time kept theirinclinations doubtful, are forced by the authors of the injury to turnto some who would be their supporters; and having sent ambassadors tothe consul, they implore the aid of the Romans in behalf of a countrywhich was suffering for the too great fidelity of its inhabitants tothe Romans. Neither the cause nor the time of pleading it wassatisfactory to Cornelius; and the nation was suspected by him, bothon account of many treacherous actions, and though others might havebeen forgotten through length of time, on account of the recentperfidy of the Boii. Sempronius, on the contrary, thought that itwould be the strongest tie upon the fidelity of the allies, if thosewere defended who first required support. Then, while his colleaguehesitated, he sends his own cavalry, with about a thousand spearmen onfoot in their company, to protect the Gallic territory beyond theTrebia. These, when they had unexpectedly attacked the enemy whilescattered and disordered, and for the most part encumbered with booty, caused great terror, slaughter, and flight, even as far as the campand outposts of the enemy; whence being repulsed by the numbers thatpoured out, they again renewed the fight with the assistance of theirown party. Then pursuing and retreating in doubtful battle, thoughthey left it at last equal, yet the fame of the victory was more withthe Romans than the enemy. 

53. But to no one did it appear more important and just than to theconsul himself. He was transported with joy "that he had conqueredwith that part of the forces with which the other consul had beendefeated; that the spirits of the soldiers were restored and revived;that there was no one, except his colleague, who would wish anengagement delayed; and that he, suffering more from disease of mindthan body, shuddered, through recollection of his wound, at arms andbattle. But others ought not to sink into decrepitude together with asick man. For why should there be any longer protraction or waste oftime? What third consul, what other army did they wait for? The campof the Carthaginians was in Italy, and almost in sight of the city. Itwas not Sicily and Sardinia, which had been taken from them whenvanquished, nor Spain on this side of the Iberus, that was theirobject, but that the Romans should be driven from the land of theirfathers, and the soil in which they were born. How deeply, " hecontinued, "would our fathers groan, who were wont to wage war aroundthe walls of Carthage, if they should see us their offspring, twoconsuls and two consular armies, trembling within our camps in theheart of Italy, while a Carthaginian had made himself master of allthe country between the Alps and the Apennine!" Such discourses did hehold while sitting beside his sick colleague, and also at thehead-quarters, almost in the manner of an harangue. The approachingperiod of the elections also stimulated him, lest the war should beprotracted till the new consuls were chosen, and the opportunity ofturning all the glory to himself, while his colleague lay sick. Heorders the soldiers, therefore, Cornelius in vain attempting todissuade him, to get ready for an immediate engagement. Hannibal, ashe saw what conduct would be best for the enemy, had scarce at firstany hope that the consuls would do any thing rashly or imprudently, but when he discovered that the disposition of the one, first knownfrom report, and afterwards from experience, was ardent and impetuous, and believed that it had been rendered still more impetuous by thesuccessful engagement with his predatory troops, he did not doubt thatan opportunity of action was near at hand. He was anxious and watchfulnot to omit this opportunity, while the troops of the enemy were raw, while his wound rendered the better of the two commanders useless, andwhile the spirits of the Gauls were fresh; of whom he knew that agreat number would follow him with the greater reluctance the fartherthey were drawn away from home. When, for these and similar reasons, he hoped that an engagement was near and desired to make the attackhimself, if there should be any delay; and when the Gauls, who werethe safer spies to ascertain what he wished, as they served in bothcamps, had brought intelligence that the Romans were prepared forbattle, the Carthaginian began to look about for a place for anambuscade. 

54. Between the armies was a rivulet, bordered on each side with veryhigh banks, and covered around with marshy plants, and with thebrushwood and brambles with which uncultivated places are generallyoverspread; and when, riding around it, he had, with his own eyes, thoroughly reconnoitred a place which was sufficient to afford acovert even for cavalry, he said to Mago his brother: "This will bethe place which you must occupy. Choose out of all the infantry andcavalry a hundred men of each, with whom come to me at the firstwatch. Now is the time to refresh their bodies. " The council was thusdismissed, and in a little time Mago came forward with his chosen men. "I see, " said Hannibal, "the strength of the men; but that you may bestrong not only in resolution, but also in number, pick out each fromthe troops and companies nine men like yourselves: Mago will show youthe place where you are to lie in ambush. You will have an enemy whois blind to these arts of war. " A thousand horse and a thousand foot, under the command of Mago, having been thus sent off, Hannibal ordersthe Numidian cavalry to ride up, after crossing the river Trebia bybreak of day, to the gates of the enemy, and to draw them out to abattle by discharging their javelins at the guards; and then, when thefight was commenced, by retiring slowly to decoy them across theriver. These instructions were given to the Numidians: to the otherleaders of the infantry and cavalry it was commanded that they shouldorder all their men to dine; and then, under arms and with theirhorses equipped, to await the signal. Sempronius, eager for thecontest, led out, on the first tumult raised by the Numidians, all thecavalry, being full of confidence in that part of the forces; then sixthousand infantry, and lastly all his army, to the place alreadydetermined in his plan. It happened to be the winter season and asnowy day, in the region which lies between the Alps and the Apennine, and excessively cold by the proximity of rivers and marshes: besides, there was no heat in the bodies of the men and horses thus hastily ledout without having first taken food, or employed any means to keep offthe cold; and the nearer they approached to the blasts from the river, a keener degree of cold blew upon them. But when, in pursuit of theflying Numidians, they entered the water, (and it was swollen by rainin the night as high as their breasts, ) then in truth the bodies ofall, on landing, were so benumbed, that they were scarcely able tohold their arms; and as the day advanced they began to grow faint, both from fatigue and hunger. 

55. In the mean time the soldiers of Hannibal, fires having beenkindled before the tents, and oil sent through the companies to softentheir limbs, and their food having been taken at leisure, as soon asit was announced that the enemy had passed the river, seized theirarms with vigour of mind and body, and advanced to the battle. Hannibal placed before the standards the Baliares and the light-armedtroops, to the amount of nearly eight thousand men; then theheavier-armed infantry, the chief of his power and strength: on thewings he posted ten thousand horse, and on their extremities stationedthe elephants divided into two parts. The consul placed on the flanksof his infantry the cavalry, recalled by the signal for retreat, as intheir irregular pursuit of the enemy they were checked, whileunprepared, by the Numidians suddenly turning upon them. There were ofinfantry eighteen thousand Romans, twenty thousand allies of the Latinname, besides the auxiliary forces of the Cenomani, the only Gallicnation that had remained faithful: with these forces they engaged theenemy. The battle was commenced by the Baliares; whom when the legionsresisted with superior force, the light-armed troops were hastilydrawn off to the wings; which movement caused the Roman cavalry to beimmediately overpowered: for when their four thousand already withdifficulty withstood by themselves ten thousand of the enemy, thewearied, against men for the most part fresh, they were overwhelmed inaddition by a cloud as it were of javelins, discharged by theBaliares; and the elephants besides, which held a prominent positionat the extremities of the wings, (the horses being greatly terrifiednot only at their appearance, but their unusual smell, ) occasionedflight to a wide extent. The battle between the infantry was equalrather in courage than strength; for the Carthaginian brought thelatter entire to the action, having a little before refreshedthemselves, while, on the contrary, the bodies of the Romans, suffering from fasting and fatigue, and stiff with cold, were quitebenumbed. They would have made a stand, however, by dint of courage, if they had only had to fight with the infantry. But both theBaliares, having beaten off the cavalry, poured darts on their flanks, and the elephants had already penetrated to the centre of the line ofthe infantry; while Mago and the Numidians, as soon as the army hadpassed their place of ambush without observing them, starting up ontheir rear, occasioned great disorder and alarm. Nevertheless, amid somany surrounding dangers, the line for some time remained unbroken, and, most contrary to the expectation of all, against the elephants. These the light infantry, posted for the purpose, turned back bythrowing their spears; and following them up when turned, pierced themunder the tail, where they received the wounds in the softest skin. 

56. Hannibal ordered the elephants, thus thrown into disorder, andalmost driven by their terror against their own party, to be led awayfrom the centre of the line to its extremity against the auxiliaryGauls on the left wing. In an instant they occasioned unequivocalflight; and a new alarm was added to the Romans when they saw theirauxiliaries routed. About ten thousand men, therefore, as they nowwere fighting in a circle, the others being unable to escape, brokethrough the middle of the line of the Africans, which was supported bythe Gallic auxiliaries, with immense slaughter of the enemy: and sincethey neither could return to the camp, being shut out by the river, nor, on account of the heavy rain, satisfactorily determine in whatpart they should assist their friends, they proceeded by the directroad to Placentia. After this several irruptions were made in alldirections; and those who sought the river were either swallowed up inits eddies, or whilst they hesitated to enter it were cut off by theenemy. Some, who had been scattered abroad through the country intheir flight, by following the traces of the retreating army, arrivedat Placentia; others, the fear of the enemy inspired with boldness toenter the river, having crossed it, reached the camp. The rain mixedwith snow, and the intolerable severity of the cold, destroyed manymen and beasts of burden, and almost all the elephants. The riverTrebia was the termination of the Carthaginians' pursuit of the enemy;and they returned to the camp so benumbed with cold, that they couldscarcely feel joy for the victory. On the following night, therefore, though the guard of the camp and the principal part of the soldiersthat remained passed the Trebia on rafts, they either did not perceiveit, on account of the beating of the rain, or being unable to bestirthemselves, through their fatigue and wounds, pretended that they didnot perceive it; and the Carthaginians remaining quiet, the army wassilently led by the consul Scipio to Placentia, thence transportedacross the Po to Cremona, lest one colony should be too much burdenedby the winter quarters of two armies. 

57. Such terror on account of this disaster was carried to Rome, thatthey believed that the enemy was already approaching the city withhostile standards, and that they had neither hope nor aid by whichthey might repel his attack from the gates and walls. One consulhaving been defeated at the Ticinus, the other having been recalledfrom Sicily, and now both consuls and their two consular armies havingbeen vanquished, what other commanders, what other legions were thereto be sent for? The consul Sempronius came to them whilst thusdismayed, having passed at great risk through the cavalry of theenemy, scattered in every direction in search of plunder, withcourage, rather than with any plan or hope of escaping, or of makingresistance if he should not escape it. Having held the assembly forthe election of the consuls, the only thing which was particularlywanting at present, he returned to the winter quarters. CneiusServilius and Caius Flaminius were elected consuls. But not even thewinter quarters of the Romans were undisturbed, the Numidian horseranging at large, and where the ground was impracticable for these, the Celtiberians and Lusitanians. All supplies, therefore, from everyquarter, were cut off, except such as the ships conveyed by the Po. There was a magazine near Placentia, both fortified with great careand secured by a strong garrison. In the hope of taking this fort, Hannibal having set out with the cavalry and the light-armed horse, and having attacked it by night, as he rested his main hope ofeffecting his enterprise on keeping it concealed, did not escape thenotice of the guards. Such a clamour was immediately raised, that itwas heard even at Placentia. The consul; therefore, came up with thecavalry about daybreak, having commanded the legions to follow in asquare band. In the mean time an engagement of cavalry commenced, inwhich the enemy being dismayed because Hannibal retired wounded fromthe fight, the fortress was admirably defended. After this, havingtaken rest for a few days, and before his wound was hardly as yetsufficiently healed, he sets out to lay siege to Victumviae. Thismagazine had been fortified by the Romans in the Gallic war;afterwards a mixture of inhabitants from the neighbouring statesaround had made the place populous; and at this time the terrorcreated by the devastation of the enemy had driven together to itnumbers from the country. A multitude of this description, excited bythe report of the brave defence of the fortress near Placentia, havingsnatched up their arms, went out to meet Hannibal. They engaged on theroad rather like armies in order of march than in line of battle; andsince on the one side there was nothing but a disorderly crowd, and onthe other a general confident in his soldiers, and soldiers in theirgeneral, as many as thirty-five thousand men were routed by a few. Onthe following day, a surrender having been made, they received agarrison within their walls; and being ordered to deliver up theirarms, as soon as they had obeyed the command, a signal is suddenlygiven to the victors to pillage the city, as if it had been taken bystorm; nor was any outrage, which in such cases is wont to appear towriters worthy of relation, left unperpetrated; such a specimen ofevery kind of lust, barbarity, and inhuman insolence was exhibitedtowards that unhappy people. Such were the expeditions of Hannibalduring the winter. 

58. For a short time after, while the cold continued intolerable, restwas given to the soldiers; and having set out from his winter quarterson the first and uncertain indications of spring, he leads them intoEtruria, intending to gain that nation to his side, like the Gauls andLigurians, either by force or favour. As he was crossing theApennines, so furious a storm attacked him, that it almost surpassedthe horrors of the Alps. When the rain and wind together were drivendirectly against their faces, they at first halted, because their armsmust either be cast away, or striving to advance against the stormthey were whirled round by the hurricane, and dashed to the ground:afterwards, when it now stopped their breath, nor suffered them torespire, they sat down for a little, with their backs to the wind. Then indeed the sky resounded with loud thunder, and the lightningsflashed between its terrific peals; all, bereft of sight and hearing, stood torpid with fear. At length, when the rain had spent itself, andthe fury of the wind was on that account the more increased, it seemednecessary to pitch the camp in that very place where they had beenovertaken by the storm. But this was the beginning of their labours, as it were, afresh; for neither could they spread out nor fix anytent, nor did that which perchance had been put up remain, the windtearing through and sweeping every thing away: and soon after, whenthe water raised aloft by the wind had been frozen above the coldsummits of the mountains, it poured down such a torrent of snowy hail, that the men, casting away every thing, fell down upon their faces, rather buried under than sheltered by their coverings; and so extremean intensity of cold succeeded, that when each wished to raise andlift himself from that wretched heap of men and beasts of burden, hewas for a long time unable, because their sinews being stiffened bythe cold, they had great difficulty in bending their joints. Afterwards, when, by continually moving themselves to and fro, theysucceeded in recovering the power of motion, and regained theirspirits, and fires began to be kindled in a few places, every helplessman had recourse to the aid of others. They remained as if blockadedfor two days in that place. Many men and beasts of burden, and alsoseven elephants, of those which had remained from the battle fought atthe Trebia, were destroyed. 

59. Having descended from the Apennines, he moved his camp backtowards Placentia, and having proceeded as far as ten miles, took uphis station. On the following day he leads out twelve thousandinfantry and five thousand cavalry against the enemy. Nor didSempronius the consul (for he had now returned from Rome) decline theengagement; and during that day three miles intervened between the twocamps. On the following day they fought with amazing courage andvarious success. At the first onset the Roman power was so superior, that they not only conquered the enemy in the regular battle, butpursued them when driven back quite into their camp, and soon afteralso assaulted it. Hannibal, having stationed a few to defend therampart and the gates, and having admitted the rest in close arrayinto the middle of the camp orders them to watch attentively thesignal for sallying out. It was now about the ninth hour of the daywhen the Roman, having fatigued his soldiers to no purpose, afterthere was no hope of gaining possession of the camp, gave the signalfor retreat; which when Hannibal heard, and saw that the attack wasslackened, and that they were retreating from the camp, instantlyhaving sent out the cavalry on the right and left against the enemy, he himself in the middle with the main force of the infantry rushedout from the camp. Seldom has there been a combat more furious, andfew would have been more remarkable for the loss on both sides, if theday had suffered it to continue for a longer time. Night broke off thebattle when raging most from the determined spirit of the combatants. The conflict therefore was more severe than the slaughter: and as itwas pretty much a drawn battle, they separated with equal loss. Onneither side fell more than six hundred infantry, and half that numberof cavalry. But the loss of the Romans was more severe thanproportionate to the number that fell, because several of equestrianrank, and five tribunes of the soldiers, and three prefects of theallies were slain. After this battle Hannibal retired to the territoryof the Ligurians, and Sempronius to Luca. Two Roman quaestors, CaiusFulvius and Lucius Lucretius, who had been treacherously intercepted, with two military tribunes and five of the equestrian order, mostlysons of senators, are delivered up to Hannibal when coming among theLigurians, in order that he might feel more convinced that the peaceand alliance with them would be binding. 

60. While these things are transacting in Italy, Cneius CorneliusScipio having been sent into Spain with a fleet and army, when, setting out from the mouth of the Rhone, and sailing past thePyrenaean mountains, he had moored his fleet at Emporiae, having therelanded his army, and beginning with the Lacetani, he brought the wholecoast, as far as the river Iberus, under the Roman dominion, partly byrenewing the old, and partly by forming new alliances. The reputationfor clemency, acquired by these means, had influence not only with themaritime states, but now also with the more savage tribes in theinland and mountainous districts; nor was peace only effected withthem, but also an alliance of arms, and several fine cohorts ofauxiliaries were levied from their numbers. The country on this sideof the Iberus was the province of Hanno, whom Hannibal had left todefend that region. He, therefore, judging that he ought to makeopposition, before every thing was alienated from him, having pitchedhis camp in sight of the enemy, led out his forces in battle-array;nor did it appear to the Roman, that the engagement ought to bedeferred, as he knew that he must fight with Hanno and Hasdrubal, andwished rather to contend against each of them separately, than againstboth together. The conflict did not prove one of great difficulty; sixthousand of the enemy were slain, and two thousand made prisoners, together with the guard of the camp; for both the camp was stormed, and the general himself, with several of the chief officers, taken;and Scissis, a town near the camp, was also carried by assault. Butthe spoil of this town consisted of things of small value, such as thehousehold furniture used by barbarians and slaves that were worthlittle. The camp enriched the soldiers; almost all the valuableeffects, not only of that army which was conquered, but of that whichwas serving with Hannibal in Italy, having been left on this side thePyrenees, that the baggage might not be cumbrous to those who conveyedit. 

61. Before any certain news of this disaster arrived, Hasdrubal, having passed the Iberus with eight thousand foot and a thousandhorse, intending to meet the Romans on their first approach, after heheard of the ruin of their affairs at Scissis, and the loss of thecamp, turned his route towards the sea. Not far from Tarraco, havingdespatched his cavalry in various directions, he drove to their ships, with great slaughter, and greater route, the soldiers belonging to thefleet and the mariners, while scattered and wandering through thefields (for it is usually the case that success produces negligence), but not daring to remain longer in that quarter, lest he should besurprised by Scipio, he withdrew to the other side of the Iberus. AndScipio, having quickly brought up his army on the report of freshenemies, after punishing a few captains of ships and leaving amoderate garrison at Tarraco, returned with his fleet to Emporiae. Hehad scarcely departed, when Hasdrubal came up, and having instigatedto a revolt the state of the Ilergetes, which had given hostages toScipio, he lays waste, with the youth of that very people, the landsof the faithful allies of the Romans. Scipio being thereupon rousedfrom his winter quarters, Hasdrubal again retires from in all thecountry on this side the Iberus. Scipio, when with a hostile army hehad invaded the state of the Ilergetes, forsaken by the author oftheir revolt, and having driven them all into Athanagia, which was thecapital of that nation laid siege to the city; and within a few days, having imposed the delivery of more hostages than before, and alsofined the Ilergetes in a sum of money, he received them back into hisauthority and dominion. He then proceeded against the Ausetani nearthe Iberus, who were also the allies of the Carthaginians; and havinglaid siege to their city, he cut off by an ambuscade the Lacetani, while bringing assistance by night to their neighbours, havingattacked them at a small distance from the city, as they weredesigning to enter it. As many as twelve thousand were slain; therest, nearly all without their arms, escaped home, by dispersingthrough the country in every direction. Nor did any thing else but thewinter, which was unfavourable to the besiegers, secure the besieged. The blockade continued for thirty days, during which the snow scarceever lay less deep than four feet; and it had covered to such a degreethe sheds and mantelets of the Romans, that it alone served as adefence when fire was frequently thrown on them by the enemy. At last, when Amusitus, their leader, had fled to Hasdrubal, they aresurrendered, on condition of paying twenty talents of silver. Theythen returned into winter quarters at Tarraco. 

62. At Rome during this winter many prodigies either occurred about thecity, or, as usually happens when the minds of men are once inclinedto superstition, many were reported and readily believed; among whichit was said that an infant of good family, only six months old, hadcalled out "Io triumphe" in the herb market: that in the cattle marketan ox had of his own accord ascended to the third story, and thatthence, being frightened by the noise of the inhabitants, had flunghimself down; that the appearance of ships had been brightly visiblein the sky, and that the temple of Hope in the herb market had beenstruck by lightning; that the spear at Lanuvium had shaken itself;that a crow had flown down into the temple of Juno and alighted on thevery couch; that in the territory of Amiternum figures resembling mendressed in white raiment had been seen in several places at adistance, but had not come close to any one; that in Picenum it hadrained stones; that at Caere the tablets for divination had beenlessened in size; and that in Gaul a wolf had snatched out the swordfrom the scabbard of a soldier on guard, and carried it off. Onaccount of the other prodigies the decemvirs were ordered to consultthe books; but on account of its having rained stones in Picenum thefestival of nine days was proclaimed, and almost all the state wasoccupied in expiating the rest, from time to time. First of all thecity was purified, and victims of the greater kind were sacrificed tothose gods to whom they were directed to be offered; and a gift offorty pounds' weight of gold was carried to the temple of Juno atLanuvium; and the matrons dedicated a brazen statue to Juno on theAventine; and a lectisternium was ordered at Caere, where the tabletsfor divination had diminished; and a supplication to Fortune atAlgidum; at Rome also a lectisternium was ordered to Youth, and asupplication at the temple of Hercules, first by individuals named andafterwards by the whole people at all the shrines; five greatervictims were offered to Genius; and Caius Atilius Serranus the praetorwas ordered to make certain vows if the republic should remain in thesame state for ten years. These things, thus expiated and vowedaccording to the Sibylline books, relieved, in a great degree, thepublic mind from superstitious fears. 

63. Flaminius, one of the consuls elect, to whom the legions whichwere wintering at Placentia had fallen by lot, sent an edict andletter to the consul, desiring that those forces should be ready incamp at Ariminum on the ides of March. He had a design to enter on theconsulship in his province, recollecting his old contests with thefathers, which he had waged with them when tribune of the people, andafterwards when consul, first about his election to the office, whichwas annulled, and then about a triumph. He was also odious to thefathers on account of a new law which Quintus Claudius, tribune of thepeople, had carried against the senate, Caius Flaminius alone of thatbody assisting him, that no senator, or he who had been father of asenator, should possess a ship fit for sea service, containing morethan three hundred amphorae. This size was considered sufficient forconveying the produce of their lands: all traffic appeared unbecominga senator. This contest, maintained with the warmest opposition, procured the hatred of the nobility to Flaminius, the advocate of thelaw; but the favour of the people, and afterwards a second consulship. For these reasons, thinking that they would detain him in the city byfalsifying the auspices, by the delay of the Latin festival, and otherhinderances to which a consul was liable, he pretended a journey, and, while yet in a private capacity, departed secretly to his province. This proceeding, when it was made public, excited new and additionalanger in the senators, who were before irritated against him. Theysaid, "That Caius Flaminius waged war not only with the senate, butnow with the immortal gods; that having been formerly made consulwithout the proper auspices, he had disobeyed both gods and menrecalling him from the very field of battle; and now, throughconsciousness of their having been dishonoured, had shunned theCapitol and the customary offering of vows, that he might not on theday of entering his office approach the temple of Jupiter, the bestand greatest of gods; he might not see and consult the senate, himselfhated by it, as it was hateful to him alone; that he might notproclaim the Latin festival, or perform on the Alban mount thecustomary rights to Jupiter Latiaris; that he might not, under thedirection of the auspices, go up to the Capitol to recite his vows, and thence, attended by the lictors, proceed to his province in thegarb of a general; but that he had set off, like some camp boy, without his insignia, without the lictors, in secrecy and stealth, just as if he had been quitting his country to go into banishment; asif forsooth he would enter his office more consistently with thedignity of the consul at Ariminum than Rome, and assume the robe ofoffice in a public inn better than before his own household gods. "--itwas unanimously resolved that he, should be recalled and brought back, and be constrained to perform in person every duty to gods and menbefore he went to the army and the province. Quintus Terentius andMarcus Antistius having set out on this embassy, (for it was decreedthat ambassadors should be sent, ) prevailed with him in no degree morethan the letter sent by the senate in his former consulship. A fewdays after he entered on his office, and as he was sacrificing a calf, after being struck, having broken away from the hands of theministers, sprinkled several of the bystanders with its blood. Flightand disorder ensued, to a still greater degree at a distance amongthose who were ignorant what was the cause of the alarm. Thiscircumstance was regarded by most persons as an omen of great terror. Having then received two legions from Sempronius, the consul of theformer year, and two from Caius Atilius, the praetor, the army beganto be led into Etruria, through the passes of the Apennines. 

BOOK XXII. 

_Hannibal, after an uninterrupted march of four days and threenights, arrives in Etruria, through the marshes, in which he lost aneye. Caius Flaminius, the consul, an inconsiderate man, having goneforth in opposition to the omens, dug up the standards which could nototherwise be raised, and been thrown from his horse immediately afterhe had mounted, is insnared by Hannibal, and cut off by his army nearthe Thrasimene lake. Three thousand who had escaped are placed inchains by Hannibal, in violation of pledges given. Distress occasionedin Rome by the intelligence. The Sibylline books consulted, and asacred spring decreed. Fabius Maximus sent as dictator againstHannibal, whom he frustrates by caution and delay. Marcus Minucius, the master of the horse, a rash and impetuous man, inveighs againstthe caution of Fabius, and obtains an equality of command with him. The army is divided between them, and Minucius engaging Hannibal in anunfavourable position, is reduced to the extremity of danger, and isrescued by the dictator, and places himself under his authority. Hannibal, after ravaging Campania, is shut up by Fabius in a valleynear the town of Casilinum, but escapes by night, putting to flightthe Romans on guard by oxen with lighted faggots attached to theirhorns. Hannibal attempts to excite a suspicion of the fidelity ofFabius by sparing his farm while ravaging with fire the whole countryaround it. Aemilius Paulus and Terentius Varro are routed at Cannae, and forty thousand men slain, among whom were Paulus the consul, eighty senators, and thirty who had served the office of consul, praetor, or edile. A design projected by some noble youths of quittingItaly in despair after this calamity, is intrepidly quashed by PubliusCornelius Scipio, a military tribune, afterwards surnamed Africanus. Successes in Spain, eight thousand slaves are enlisted by the Romans, they refuse to ransom the captives, they go out in a body to meetVarro, and thank him for not having despaired of the commonwealth. _

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1. Spring was now at hand, when Hannibal quitted his winter quarters, having both attempted in vain to cross the Apennines, from theintolerable cold, and having remained with great danger and alarm. TheGauls, whom the hope of plunder and spoil had collected, when, insteadof being themselves engaged in carrying and driving away booty fromthe lands of others, they saw their own lands made the seat of war andburdened by the wintering of the armies of both forces, turned theirhatred back again from the Romans to Hannibal; and though plots werefrequently concerted against him by their chieftains, he was preservedby the treachery they manifested towards each other; disclosing theirconspiracy with the same inconstancy with which they had conspired;and by changing sometimes his dress, at other times the fashion of hishair, he protected himself from treachery by deception. However, thisfear was the cause of his more speedily quitting his winter quarters. Meanwhile Cneius Servilius, the consul, entered upon his office atRome, on the ides of March. There, when he had consulted the senate onthe state of the republic in general, the indignation againstFlaminius was rekindled. They said "that they had created indeed twoconsuls, that they had but one; for what regular authority had theother, or what auspices? That their magistrates took these with themfrom home, from the tutelar deities of themselves and the state, afterthe celebration of the Latin holidays; the sacrifice upon the mountainbeing completed, and the vows duly offered up in the Capitol: thatneither could an unofficial individual take the auspices, nor couldone who had gone from home without them, take them new, and for thefirst time, in a foreign soil. " Prodigies announced from many placesat the same time, augmented the terror: in Sicily, that several dartsbelonging to the soldiers had taken fire; and in Sardinia, that thestaff of a horseman, who was going his rounds upon a wall, took fireas he held it in his hand; that the shores had blazed with frequentfires; that two shields had sweated blood at Praeneste; that redhotstones had fallen from the heavens at Arpi; that shields were seen inthe heavens, and the sun fighting with the moon, at Capena; that twomoons rose in the day-time; that the waters of Caere had flowed mixedwith blood; and that even the fountain of Hercules had flowedsprinkled with spots of blood. In the territory of Antium, that bloodyears of corn had fallen into the basket as they were reaping. AtFalerii, that the heavens appeared cleft as if with a great chasm;and, that where it had opened, a vast light had shone forth; that theprophetic tablets had spontaneously become less; and that one hadfallen out thus inscribed, "Mars shakes his spear. " During the sametime, that the statue of Mars at Rome, on the Appian way, had sweatedat the sight of images of wolves. At Capua that there had been theappearance of the heavens being on fire, and of the moon as fallingamidst rain. After these, credence was given to prodigies of lessmagnitude: that the goats of certain persons had borne wool; that ahen had changed herself into a cock; and a cock into a hen: thesethings having been laid before the senate as reported, the authorsbeing conducted into the senate-house, the consul took the sense ofthe fathers on religious affairs. It was decreed that those prodigiesshould be expiated, partly with full-grown, partly with suckingvictims; and that a supplication should be made at every shrine forthe space of three days; that the other things should be doneaccordingly as the gods should declare in their oracles to beagreeable to their will when the decemviri had examined the books. Bythe advice of the decemviri it was decreed, first, that a goldenthunderbolt of fifty pounds' weight should be made as an offering toJupiter; that offerings of silver should be presented to Juno andMinerva; that sacrifices of full-grown victims should be offered toJuno Regina on the Aventine; and to Juno Sospita at Lanuvium; that thematrons, contributing as much money as might be convenient to each, should carry it to the Aventine, as a present to Juno Regina; and thata lectisternium should be celebrated. Moreover, that the veryfreed-women should, according to their means, contribute money fromwhich a present might be made to Feronia. When these things were done, the decemviri sacrificed with the larger victims in the forum atArdea. Lastly, it being now the month of December, a sacrifice wasmade at the temple of Saturn at Rome, and a lectisternium ordered, inwhich senators prepared the couch and a public banquet. Proclamationwas made through the city, that the Saturnalia should be kept for aday and a night; and the people were commanded to account that day asa holiday, and observe it for ever. 

2. While the consul employs himself at Rome in appeasing the gods andholding the levy, Hannibal, setting out from his winter quarters, because it was reported that the consul Flaminius had now arrived atArretium, although a longer but more commodious route was pointed outto him, takes the nearer road through a marsh where the Arno had, morethan usual, overflowed its banks. He ordered the Spaniards andAfricans (in these lay the strength of his veteran army) to lead, their own baggage being intermixed with them, lest, being compelled tohalt any where, they should want what might be necessary for theiruse: the Gauls he ordered to go next, that they might form the middleof the marching body; the cavalry to march in the rear: next, Magowith the light-armed Numidians to keep the army together, particularlycoercing the Gauls, if, fatigued with exertion and the length of themarch, as that nation is wanting in vigour for such exertions, theyshould fall away or halt. The van still followed the standardswherever the guides did but lead them, through the exceeding deep andalmost fathomless eddies of the river, nearly swallowed up in mud, andplunging themselves in. The Gauls could neither support themselveswhen fallen, nor raise themselves from the eddies. Nor did theysustain their bodies with spirit, nor their minds with hope; somescarce dragging on their wearied limbs; others dying where they hadonce fallen, their spirits being subdued with fatigue, among thebeasts which themselves also lay prostrate in every place. But chieflywatching wore them out, endured now for four days and three nights. When, the water covering every place, not a dry spot could be foundwhere they might stretch their weary bodies, they laid themselves downupon their baggage, thrown in heaps into the waters. Piles of beasts, which lay every where through the whole route, afforded a necessarybed for temporary repose to those seeking any place which was notunder water. Hannibal himself, riding on the only remaining elephant, to be the higher from the water, contracted a disorder in his eyes, atfirst from the unwholesomeness of the vernal air, which is attendedwith transitions from heat to cold; and at length from watching, nocturnal damps, the marshy atmosphere disordering his head, andbecause he had neither opportunity nor leisure for remedies, loses oneof them. 

3. Many men and cattle having been lost thus wretchedly, when atlength he had emerged from the marshes, he pitched his camp as soon ashe could on dry ground. And here he received information, through thescouts sent in advance, that the Roman army was round the walls ofArretium. Next the plans and temper of the consul, the situation ofthe country, the roads, the sources from which provisions might beobtained, and whatever else it was useful to know; all these things heascertained by the most diligent inquiry. The country was among themost fertile of Italy, the plain of Etruria, between Faesulae andArretium, abundant in its supply of corn, cattle, and every otherrequisite. The consul was haughty from his former consulship, and feltno proper degree of reverence not only for the laws and the majesty ofthe fathers, but even for the gods. This temerity, inherent in hisnature, fortune had fostered by a career of prosperity and success incivil and military affairs. Thus it was sufficiently evident that, heedless of gods and men, he would act in all cases with presumptionand precipitation; and, that he might fall the more readily into theerrors natural to him, the Carthaginian begins to fret and irritatehim; and leaving the enemy on his left, he takes the road to Faesulae, and marching through the centre of Etruria, with intent to plunder, heexhibits to the consul, in the distance, the greatest devastation hecould with fires and slaughters. Flaminius, who would not have restedeven if the enemy had remained quiet; then, indeed, when he saw theproperty of the allies driven and carried away almost before his eyes, considering that it reflected disgrace upon him that the Carthaginiannow roaming at large through the heart of Italy, and marching withoutresistance to storm the very walls of Rome, though every other personin the council advised safe rather than showy measures, urging that heshould wait for his colleague, in order that, joining their armies, they might carry on the war with united courage and counsels; andthat, meanwhile, the enemy should be prevented from his unrestrainedfreedom in plundering by the cavalry and the light-armed auxiliaries;in a fury hurried out of the council, and at once gave out the signalfor marching and for battle. "Nay, rather, " says he, "let him bebefore the walls of Arretium, for here is our country, here ourhousehold gods. Let Hannibal, slipping through our fingers, wasteItaly through and through; and, ravaging and burning every thing, lethim arrive at the walls of Rome; let us move hence till the fathersshall have summoned Flaminius from Arretium, as they did Camillus ofold from Veii. " While reproaching them thus, and in the act ofordering the standards to be speedily pulled up, when he had mountedupon his horse, the animal fell suddenly, and threw the unseatedconsul over his head. All the bystanders being alarmed at this as anunhappy omen in the commencement of the affair, in addition word isbrought, that the standard could not be pulled up, though, thestandard-bearer strove with all his force. Flaminius, turning to themessenger, says, "Do you bring, too, letters from the senate, forbidding me to act. Go, tell them to dig up the standard, if, through fear, their hands are so benumbed that they cannot pluck itup. " Then the army began to march; the chief officers, besides thatthey dissented from the plan, being terrified by the twofold prodigy;while the soldiery in general were elated by the confidence of theirleader, since they regarded merely the hope he entertained, and notthe reasons of the hope. 

4. Hannibal lays waste the country between the city Cortona and thelake Trasimenus, with all the devastation of war, the more toexasperate the enemy to revenge the injuries inflicted on his allies. They had now reached a place formed by nature for an ambuscade, wherethe Trasimenus comes nearest to the mountains of Cortona. A verynarrow passage only intervenes, as though room enough just for thatpurpose had been left designedly; after that a somewhat wider plainopens itself, and then some hills rise up. On these he pitches hiscamp, in full view, where he himself with his Spaniards and Africansonly might be posted. The Baliares and his other light troops he leadsround the mountains; his cavalry he posts at the very entrance of thedefile, some eminences conveniently concealing them; in order thatwhen the Romans had entered, the cavalry advancing, every place mightbe enclosed by the lake and the mountains. Flaminius, passing thedefiles before it was quite daylight, without reconnoitering, thoughhe had arrived at the lake the preceding day at sunset, when thetroops began to be spread into the wider plain, saw that part only ofthe enemy which was opposite to him; the ambuscade in his rear andoverhead escaped his notice. And when the Carthaginian had his enemyenclosed by the lake and mountains, and surrounded by his troops, hegives the signal to all to make a simultaneous charge; and eachrunning down the nearest way, the suddenness and unexpectedness of theevent was increased to the Romans by a mist rising from the lake, which had settled thicker on the plain than on the mountains; and thusthe troops of the enemy ran down from the various eminences, sufficiently well discerning each other, and therefore with thegreater regularity. A shout being raised on all sides, the Roman foundhimself surrounded before he could well see the enemy; and the attackon the front and flank had commenced ere his line could be wellformed, his arms prepared for action, or his swords unsheathed. 

5. The consul, while all were panic-struck, himself sufficientlyundaunted though in so perilous a case, marshals, as well as the timeand place permitted, the lines which were thrown into confusion byeach man's turning himself towards the various shouts; and wherever hecould approach or be heard exhorts them, and bids them stand andfight: for that they could not escape thence by vows and prayers tothe gods but by exertion and valour; that a way was sometimes openedby the sword through the midst of marshalled armies, and thatgenerally the less the fear the less the danger. However, from thenoise and tumult, neither his advice nor command could be caught; andso far were the soldiers from knowing their own standards, and ranks, and position, that they had scarce sufficient courage to take up armsand make them ready for battle; and certain of them were surprisedbefore they could prepare them, being burdened rather than protectedby them; while in so great darkness there was more use of ears than ofeyes. They turned their faces and eyes in every direction towards thegroans of the wounded, the sounds of blows upon the body or arms, andthe mingled clamours of the menacing and the affrighted. Some, as theywere making their escape, were stopped, having encountered a body ofmen engaged in fight; and bands of fugitives returning to the battle, diverted others. After charges had been attempted unsuccessfully inevery direction, and on their flanks the mountains and the lake, onthe front and rear the lines of the enemy enclosed them, when it wasevident that there was no hope of safety but in the right hand and thesword; then each man became to himself a leader, and encourager toaction; and an entirely new contest arose, not a regular line, withprincipes, hastati, and triarii; nor of such a sort as that thevanguard should fight before the standards, and the rest of the troopsbehind them; nor such that each soldier should be in his own legion, cohort, or company: chance collects them into bands; and each man'sown will assigned to him his post, whether to fight in front or rear;and so great was the ardour of the conflict, so intent were theirminds upon the battle, that not one of the combatants felt anearthquake which threw down large portions of many of the cities ofItaly, turned rivers from their rapid courses, carried the sea up intorivers, and levelled mountains with a tremendous crash. 

6. The battle was continued near three hours, and in every quarterwith fierceness; around the consul, however, it was still hotter andmore determined. Both the strongest of the troops, and himself too, promptly brought assistance wherever he perceived his men hard pressedand distressed. But, distinguished by his armour, the enemy attackedhim with the utmost vigour, while his countrymen defended him; untilan Insubrian horseman, named Ducarius, knowing him also by his face, says to his countrymen, "Lo, this is the consul who slew our legionsand laid waste our fields and city. Now will I offer this victim tothe shades of my countrymen, miserably slain;" and putting spurs tohis horse, he rushes through a very dense body of the enemy; and firstslaying his armour-bearer, who had opposed himself to his attack as heapproached, ran the consul through with his lance; the triarii, opposing their shields, kept him off when seeking to despoil him. Thenfirst the flight of a great number began; and now neither the lake northe mountains obstructed their hurried retreat; they run through allplaces, confined and precipitous, as though they were blind; and armsand men are tumbled one upon another. A great many, when thereremained no more space to run, advancing into the water through thefirst shallows of the lake, plunge in, as far as they could standabove it with their heads and shoulders. Some there were whominconsiderate fear induced to try to escape even by swimming; but asthat attempt was inordinate and hopeless, they were either overwhelmedin the deep water, their courage failing, or, wearied to no purpose, made their way back, with extreme difficulty, to the shallows; andthere were cut up on all hands by the cavalry of the enemy, which hadentered the water. Near upon six thousand of the foremost body havinggallantly forced their way through the opposing enemy, entirelyunacquainted with what was occurring in their rear, escaped from thedefile; and having halted on a certain rising ground, and hearing onlythe shouting and clashing of arms, they could not know nor discern, byreason of the mist, what was the fortune of the battle. At length, theaffair being decided, when the mist, dispelled by the increasing heatof the sun, had cleared the atmosphere, then, in the clear light, themountains and plains showed their ruin and the Roman army miserablydestroyed; and thus, lest, being descried at a distance, the cavalryshould be sent against them, hastily snatching up their standards, they hurried away with all possible expedition. On the following day, when in addition to their extreme sufferings in other respects, faminealso was at hand, Maharbal, who had followed them during the nightwith the whole body of cavalry, pledging his honour that he would letthem depart with single garments, if they would deliver up their arms, they surrendered themselves; which promise was kept by Hannibal withPunic fidelity, and he threw them all into chains. 

7. This is the celebrated battle at the Trasimenus, and recorded amongthe few disasters of the Roman people. Fifteen thousand Romans wereslain in the battle. Ten thousand, who had been scattered in theflight through all Etruria, returned to the city by different roads. One thousand five hundred of the enemy perished in the battle; many onboth sides died afterwards of their wounds. The carnage on both sidesis related, by some authors, to have been many times greater. I, besides that I would relate nothing drawn from a worthless source, towhich the minds of historians generally incline too much, have as mychief authority Fabius, who was contemporary with the events of thiswar. Such of the captives as belonged to the Latin confederacy beingdismissed without ransom, and the Romans thrown into chains, Hannibalordered the bodies of his own men to be gathered from the heaps of theenemy, and buried: the body of Flaminius too, which was searched forwith great diligence for burial, he could not find. On the firstintelligence of this defeat at Rome, a concourse of the people, dismayed and terrified, took place in the forum. The matrons, wandering through the streets, ask all they meet, what sudden disasterwas reported? what was the fate of the army? And when the multitude, like a full assembly, having directed their course to the comitium andsenate-house, were calling upon the magistrates, at length, a littlebefore sunset, Marcus Pomponius, the praetor, declares, "We have beendefeated in a great battle;" and though nothing more definite washeard from him, yet, full of the rumours which they had caught onefrom another, they carry back to their homes intelligence, that theconsul, with a great part of his troops, was slain; that a few onlysurvived, and these either widely dispersed in flight through Etruria, or else captured by the enemy. As many as had been the calamities ofthe vanquished army, into so many anxieties were the minds of thosedistracted whose relations had served under Flaminius, and who wereuninformed of what had been the fate of their friends, nor does anyone know certainly what he should either hope or fear. During the nextand several successive days, a greater number of women almost than menstood at the gates, waiting either for some one of their friends orfor intelligence of them, surrounding and earnestly interrogatingthose they met: nor could they be torn away from those they knewespecially, until they had regularly inquired into every thing. Thenas they retired from the informants you might discern their variousexpressions of countenance according as intelligence, pleasing or sad, was announced to each; and those who congratulated or condoled ontheir return home. The joy and grief of the women were especiallymanifested. They report that one, suddenly meeting her son, who hadreturned safe, expired at the very door before his face--that another, who sat grieving at her house at the falsely reported death of herson, became a corpse, from excessive joy, at the first sight of him onhis return. The praetors detained the senators in the house forseveral days from sunrise to sunset, deliberating under whose conductand by what forces, the victorious Carthaginians could be opposed. 

8. Before their plans were sufficiently determined another unexpecteddefeat is reported: four thousand horse, sent under the conduct of C. Centenius, propraetor, by Servilius to his colleague, were cut off byHannibal in Umbria, to which place, on hearing of the battle atTrasimenus, they had turned their course. The report of this eventvariously affected the people. Some, having their minds preoccupiedwith heavier grief, considered the recent loss of cavalry trifling, incomparison with their former losses; others did not estimate what hadoccurred by itself, but considered that, as in a body alreadylabouring under disease, a slight cause would be felt more violentlythan a more powerful one in a robust constitution, so whatever adverseevent befell the state in its then sickly and impaired condition, ought to be estimated, not by the magnitude of the event itself, butwith reference to its exhausted strength, which could endure nothingthat could oppress it. The state therefore took refuge in a remedy fora long time before neither wanted nor employed, the appointment of adictator, and because the consul was absent, by whom alone it appearedhe could be nominated, and because neither message nor letter couldeasily be sent to him through the country occupied by Punic troops, and because the people could not appoint a dictator, which had neverbeen done to that day, the people created Quintus Fabius Maximus prodictator, and Marcus Minucius Rufus master of the horse. To them thesenate assigned the task of strengthening the walls and towers of thecity, of placing guards in such quarters as seemed good, and breakingdown the bridges of the river, considering that they must now fight athome in defence of their city, since they were unable to protectItaly. 

9. Hannibal, marching directly through Umbria, arrived at Spoletum, thence, having completely devastated the adjoining country, andcommenced an assault upon the city, having been repulsed with greatloss and conjecturing from the strength of this one colony, which hadbeen not very successfully attacked, what was the size of the city ofRome, turned aside into the territory of Picenum, which abounded notonly with every species of grain, but was stored with booty, which hisrapacious and needy troops eagerly seized. There he continued encampedfor several days, and his soldiers were refreshed, who had beenenfeebled by winter marches and marshy ground, and with a battle moresuccessful in its result than light or easy. When sufficient time forrest had been granted for soldiers delighting more in plunder anddevastation than ease and repose, setting out, he lays waste theterritories of Pretutia and Hadria, then of the Marsi, the Marrucini, and the Peligni, and the contiguous region of Apulia around Arpi andLuceria. Cneius Servilius, the consul, having fought some slightbattles with the Gauls, and taken one inconsiderable town, when heheard of the defeat of his colleague and the army, alarmed now for thewalls of the capital, marched towards the city, that he might not beabsent at so extreme a crisis. Quintus Fabius Maximus, a second timedictator, assembled the senate the very day he entered on his office;and commencing with what related to the gods, after he had distinctlyproved to the fathers, that Caius Flaminius had erred more fromneglect of the ceremonies and auspices than from temerity and want ofjudgment, and that the gods themselves should be consulted as to whatwere the expiations of their anger, he obtained a resolution that thedecemviri should be ordered to inspect the Sibylline books, which israrely decreed, except when some horrid prodigies were announced. Having inspected the prophetic books, they reported, that the vowwhich was made to Mars on account of this war, not having beenregularly fulfilled, must be performed afresh and more fully; that thegreat games must be vowed to Jupiter, temples to Venus Erycina andMens; that a supplication and lectisternium must be made, and a sacredspring vowed, if the war should proceed favourably and the statecontinue the condition it was in before the war. Since the managementof the war would occupy Fabius, the senate orders Marcus Aemilius, thepraetor, to see that all these things are done in good time, accordingto the directions of the college of pontiffs. 

10. These decrees of the senate having been passed, Lucius CorneliusLentulus, pontifex maximus, the college of praetors consulting withhim, gives his opinion that, first of all, the people should beconsulted respecting a sacred spring: that it could not be without theorder of the people. The people having been asked according to thisform: Do ye will and order that this thing should be performed in thismanner? If the republic of the Roman people, the Quirites, shall besafe and preserved as I wish it may, from these wars for the next fiveyears, (the war which is between the Roman people and theCarthaginian, and the wars which are with the Cisalpine Gauls), theRoman people, the Quirites, shall present whatsoever the spring shallproduce from herds of swine, sheep, goats, oxen and which shall nothave been consecrated, to be sacrificed to Jupiter, from the day whichthe senate and people shall appoint. Let him who shall make anoffering do it when he please, and in what manner he please; inwhatsoever manner he does it, let it be considered duly done. If thatwhich ought to be sacrificed die, let it be unconsecrated, and let noguilt attach; if any one unwittingly wound or kill it, let it be noinjury to him; if any one shall steal it, let no guilt attach to thepeople or to him from whom it was stolen; if any one shall unwittinglyoffer it on a forbidden day, let it be esteemed duly offered; alsowhether by night or day, whether slave or free-man perform it. If thesenate and people shall order it to be offered sooner than any personshall offer it, let the people being acquitted of it be free. On thesame account great games were vowed, at an expense of three hundredand thirty-three thousand three hundred and thirty-three _asses_and a third; moreover, it was decreed that sacrifice should be done toJupiter with three hundred oxen, to many other deities with white oxenand the other victims. The vows being duly made, a supplication wasproclaimed; and not only the inhabitants of the city went with theirwives and children, but such of the rustics also as, possessing anyproperty themselves, were interested in the welfare of the state. Thena lectisternium was celebrated for three days, the decemviri forsacred things superintending. Six couches were seen, for Jupiter andJuno one, for Neptune and Minerva another, for Mars and Venus a third, for Apollo and Diana a fourth, for Vulcan and Vesta a fifth, forMercury and Ceres a sixth. Then temples were vowed. To Venus Erycina, Quintus Fabius Maximus vowed a temple; for so it was delivered fromthe prophetic books, that he should vow it who held the highestauthority in the state. Titus Otacilius, the praetor vowed a temple toMens. 

11. Divine things having been thus performed, the dictator then putthe question of the war and the state; with what, and how many legionsthe fathers were of opinion that the victorious enemy should beopposed. It was decreed that he should receive the army from CneiusServilius, the consul: that he should levy, moreover, from thecitizens and allies as many horse and foot as seemed good; that heshould transact and perform every thing else as he considered for thegood of the state. Fabius said he would add two legions to the army ofServilius. These were levied by the master of the horse, and wereappointed by Fabius to meet him at Tibur on a certain day. And thenhaving issued proclamation that those whose towns or castles wereunfortified should quit them and assemble in places of security; thatall the inhabitants of that tract through which Hannibal was about tomarch, should remove from the country, having first burnt theirbuildings and spoiled their fruits, that there might not be a supplyof any thing; he himself set out on the Flaminian road to meet theconsul and his army; and when he saw in the distance the marching bodyon the Tiber, near Ocriculum, and the consul with the cavalryadvancing to him, he sent a beadle to acquaint the consul that he mustmeet the dictator without the lictors. When he had obeyed his command, and their meeting had exhibited a striking display of the majesty ofthe dictatorship before the citizens and allies, who, from itsantiquity, had now almost forgotten that authority; a letter arrivedfrom the city, stating that the ships of burden, conveying provisionsfrom Ostia into Spain to the army, had been captured by theCarthaginian fleet off the port of Cossa. The consul, therefore, wasimmediately ordered to proceed to Ostia, and, having manned the shipsat Rome or Ostia with soldiers and sailors, to pursue the enemy, andprotect the coasts of Italy. Great numbers of men were levied at Rome, sons of freed-men even, who had children, and were of the militaryage, had taken the oath. Of these troops levied in the city, such aswere under thirty-five were put on board ships, the rest were left toprotect the city. 

12. The dictator, having received the troops of the consul fromFulvius Flaccus, his lieutenant-general, marching through the Sabineterritory, arrived at Tibur on the day which he had appointed thenew-raised troops to assemble. Thence he went to Praeneste, andcutting across the country, came out in the Latin way, whence he ledhis troops towards the enemy, reconnoitering the road with the utmostdiligence; not intending to expose himself to hazard any where, exceptas far as necessity compelled him. The day he first pitched his campin sight of the enemy, not far from Arpi, the Carthaginian, withoutdelay, led out his troops, and forming his line gave an opportunity offighting: but when he found all still with the enemy, and his campfree from tumult and disorder, he returned to his camp, saying indeedtauntingly, "That even the spirit of the Romans, inherited from Mars, was at length subdued; that they were warred down and had manifestlygiven up all claim to valour and renown:" but burning inwardly withstifled vexation because he would have to encounter a general by nomeans like Flaminius and Sempronius; and because the Romans, then atlength schooled by their misfortunes, had sought a general a match forHannibal; and that now he had no longer to fear the headlong violence, but the deliberate prudence of the dictator. Having not yetexperienced his constancy, he began to provoke and try his temper, byfrequently shifting his camp and laying waste the territories of theallies before his eyes: and one while he withdrew out of sight atquick march, another while he halted suddenly, and concealed himselfin some winding of the road, if possible to entrap him on hisdescending into the plain. Fabius kept marching his troops along thehigh grounds, at a moderate distance from the enemy, so as neither tolet him go altogether nor yet to encounter him. The troops were keptwithin the camp, except so far as necessary wants compelled them toquit it; and fetched in food and wood not by small nor ramblingparties. An outpost of cavalry and light-armed troops, prepared andequipped for acting in cases of sudden alarm, rendered every thingsafe to their own soldiers, and dangerous to the scattered plunderersof the enemy. Nor was his whole cause committed to general hazard;while slight contests, of small importance in themselves, commenced onsafe ground, with a retreat at hand, accustomed the soldiery, terrified by their former disasters, now at length to think lessmeanly either of their prowess or good fortune. But he did not findHannibal a greater enemy to such sound measures than his master of thehorse, who was only prevented from plunging the state into ruin by hisinferiority in command. Presumptuous and precipitate in his measures, and unbridled in his tongue, first among a few, then openly andpublicly, he taunted him with being sluggish instead of patient, spiritless instead of cautious; falsely imputing to him those viceswhich bordered on his virtues; and raised himself by means ofdepressing his superiors, which, though a most iniquitous practice, has become more general from the too great successes of many. 

13. Hannibal crosses over from the Hirpini into Samnium; lays wastethe territory of Beneventum; takes the town of Telesia; and purposelyirritates the dictator, if perchance he could draw him down to abattle on the plain, exasperated by so many indignities and disastersinflicted on his allies. Among the multitude of allies of Italianextraction, who had been captured by Hannibal at the Trasimenus, anddismissed, were three Campanian horsemen, who had even at that timebeen bribed by many presents and promises from Hannibal to win overthe affections of their countrymen to him. These, bringing him wordthat he would have an opportunity of getting possession of Capua, ifhe brought his army into the neighbourhood in Campania, inducedHannibal to quit Samnium for Campania; though he hesitated, fluctuating between confidence and distrust, as the affair was of moreimportance than the authorities. He dismissed them, repeatedlycharging them to confirm their promises by acts, and ordering them toreturn with a greater number, and some of their leading men. Hannibalhimself orders his guide to conduct him into the territory of Casinum, being certified by persons acquainted with the country, that if heseized that pass he would deprive the Romans of a passage by whichthey might get out to the assistance of their allies. But his Punicaccent, ill adapted to the pronunciation of Latin names, caused theguide to understand Casilinum, instead of Casinum; and leaving hisformer course, he descends through the territory of Allifae, Calatia, and Cales, into the plain of Stella, where, seeing the countryenclosed on all sides by mountains and rivers, he calls the guide tohim, and asks him where in the world he was? when he replied, that onthat day he would lodge at Casilinum: then at length the error wasdiscovered, and that Casinum lay at a great distance in anotherdirection. Having scourged the guide with rods and crucified him, inorder to strike terror into all others, he fortified a camp, and sentMaharbal with the cavalry into the Falernian territory to pillage. This depredation reached as far as the waters of Sinuessa; theNumidians caused destruction to a vast extent, but flight andconsternation through a still wider space. Yet not even the terror ofthese things, when all around was consuming in the flames of war, could shake the fidelity of the allies; for this manifest reason, because they lived under a temperate and mild government: nor werethey unwilling to submit to those who were superior to them, which isthe only bond of fidelity. 

14. But when the enemy's camp was pitched on the Vulturnus, and themost delightful country in Italy was being consumed by fire, and thefarm-houses, on all hands, were smoking from the flames, whilst Fabiusled his troops along the heights of Mount Massicus, then the strifehad nearly been kindled anew, for they had been quiet for a few days, because, as the army had marched quicker than usual, they had supposedthat the object of this haste was to save Campania from devastation;but when they arrived at the extreme ridge of Mount Massicus, and theenemy appeared under their eyes, burning the houses of the Falernianterritory, and of the settlers of Sinuessa, and no mention made ofbattle, Minucius exclaims, "Are we come here to see our alliesbutchered, and their property burned, as a spectacle to be enjoyed?and if we are not moved with shame on account of any others, are wenot on account of these citizens, whom our fathers sent as settlers toSinuessa, that this frontier might be protected from the Samnite foe:which now not the neighbouring Samnite wastes with fire, but aCarthaginian foreigner, who has advanced even thus far from theremotest limits of the world, through our dilatoriness and inactivity?What! are we so degenerate from our ancestors as tamely to see thatcoast filled with Numidian and Moorish foes, along which our fathersconsidered it a disgrace to their government that the Carthaginianfleets should cruise? We, who erewhile, indignant at the storming ofSaguntum, appealed not to men only, but to treaties and to gods, behold Hannibal scaling the walls of a Roman colony unmoved. The smokefrom the flames of our farm-houses and lands comes into our eyes andfaces; our ears ring with the cries of our weeping allies, imploringus to assist them oftener than the gods, while we here are leading ourtroops, like a herd of cattle, through shady forests and lonely paths, enveloped in clouds and woods. If Marcus Furius had resolved torecover the city from the Gauls, by thus traversing the tops ofmountains and forests, in the same manner as this modern Camillus goesabout to recover Italy from Hannibal, who has been sought out for ourdictator in our distress, on account of his unparalleled talents, Romewould be the possession of the Gauls; and I fear lest, if we are thusdilatory, our ancestors will so often have preserved it only for theCarthaginians and Hannibal; but that man and true Roman, on the veryday on which intelligence was brought him to Veii, that he wasappointed dictator, on the authority of the fathers and the nominationof the people, came down into the plain, though the Janiculum was highenough to admit of his sitting down there, and viewing the enemy at adistance, and on that very day defeated the Gallic legions in themiddle of the city, in the place where the Gallic piles are now, andon the following day on the Roman side of Gabii. What many years afterthis, when we were sent under the yoke at the Caudine forks by theSamnite foe, did Lucius Papirius Cursor take the yoke from the Romanneck and place it upon the proud Samnites, by traversing the heightsof Samnium? or was it by pressing and besieging Luceria, andchallenging the victorious enemy? A short time ago, what was it thatgave victory to Caius Lutatius but expedition? for on the day after hecaught sight of the enemy he surprised and overpowered the fleet, loaded with provisions, and encumbered of itself by its own implementsand apparatus. It is folly to suppose that the war can be brought to aconclusion by sitting still, or by prayers, the troops must be armedand led down into the plain, that you may engage man to man. The Romanpower has grown to its present height by courage and activity, and notby such dilatory measures as these, which the cowardly only designateas cautious. " A crowd of Roman tribunes and knights poured roundMinucius, while thus, as it were, haranguing, his presumptuousexpressions reached the ears of the common soldiers, and had thequestion been submitted to the votes of the soldiers, they showedevidently that they would have preferred Minucius to Fabius for theirgeneral. 

15. Fabius, keeping his attention fixed no less upon his own troopsthan on the enemy, first shows that his resolution was unconquered bythe former. Though he well knew that his procrastination wasdisapproved, not only in his own camp, but by this time even at Rome, yet, inflexibly adhering to the same line of policy, he delayedthrough the remainder of the summer, in order that Hannibal, devoid ofall hope of a battle, which he so earnestly desired, might now lookout for a place for winter quarters, because that district was one ofpresent, but not constant, supply, consisting, as it did, ofplantations and vineyards, and all places planted luxurious ratherthan useful produce. This intelligence was to Fabius by his scouts. When he felt convinced that he would return by the same narrow passthrough which he had entered the Falernian territory, he occupiedMount Callicula and Casilinum with a pretty strong guard. Which city, intersected by the river Vulturnus, divides the Falernian andCampanian territories. He himself leads back his troops along the sameheights, having sent Lucius Hostilius Mancinus with four hundred ofthe allied cavalry to reconnoitre; who being one of the crowd ofyouths who had often heard the master of the horse fiercelyharanguing, at first advanced after the manner of a scout, in orderthat he might observe the enemy in security; and when he saw theNumidians scattered widely throughout the villages, having gotten anopportunity, he also slew a few of them. But from that moment his mindwas engrossed with the thoughts of a battle, and the injunctions ofthe dictator were forgotten, who had charged him, when he had advancedas far as he could with safety, to retreat before he came within theenemy's view. The Numidians, party after party, skirmishing andretreating, drew the general almost to their camp, to the fatigue ofhis men and horses. Then Karthalo, who had the command of the cavalry, charging at full speed, and having put them to flight before he camewithin a dart's throw, pursued them for five miles almost in acontinuous course. Mancinus, when he saw that the enemy did not desistfrom the pursuit, and that there was no hope of escape, havingencouraged his troops, turned back to the battle though inferior inevery kind of force. Accordingly he himself, and the choicest of hiscavalry, being surrounded, are cut to pieces. The rest in disorderlyretreat fled first to Cales, and thence to the dictator, by waysalmost impassable. It happened that on that day Minucius had formed ajunction with Fabius, having been sent to secure with a guard the passabove Tarracina, which, contracted into a narrow gorge, overhangs thesea, in order that Hannibal might not be able to get into the Romanterritory by the Appian way's being unguarded. The dictator and masterof the horse, uniting their forces, lead them down into the roadthrough which Hannibal was about to march his troops. The enemy wastwo miles from that place. 

16. The following day the Carthaginians filled the whole road betweenthe two camps with his troops in marching order; and though the Romanshad taken their stand immediately under their rampart, having adecidedly superior position, yet the Carthaginian came up with hislight horse and, with a view to provoke the enemy, carried on a kindof desultory attack, first charging and then retreating. The Romanline remained in its position. The battle was slow and moreconformable to the wish of the dictator than of Hannibal. On the partof the Romans there fell two hundred, on the part of the enemy eighthundred. It now began to appear that Hannibal was hemmed in, the roadto Casilinum being blockaded; and that while Capua, and Samnium, andso many wealthy allies in the rear of the Romans might supply themwith provisions, the Carthaginian, on the other hand, must winter amidthe rocks of Formiae and the sands and hideous swamps of Liternum. Nordid it escape Hannibal that he was assailed by his own arts;wherefore, since he could not escape by way of Casilinum, and since itwas necessary to make for the mountains, and pass the summit ofCallicula, lest in any place the Romans should attack his troops whileenclosed in valleys; having hit upon a stratagem calculated to deceivethe sight, and excite terror from its appearance, by means of which hemight baffle the enemy, he resolved to come up by stealth to themountains at the commencement of night. The preparation of his wilystratagem was of this description. Torches, collected from every partof the country, and bundles of rods and dry cuttings, are fastenedbefore the horns of oxen, of which, wild and tame, he had driven awaya great number among other plunder of the country: the number of oxenwas made up to nearly two thousand. To Hasdrubal was assigned the taskof driving to the mountains that herd, after having set fire to theirhorns, as soon as ever it was dark; particularly, if he could, overthe passes beset by the enemy. 

17. As soon as it was dark the camp was moved in silence; the oxenwere driven a little in advance of the standards. When they arrived atthe foot of the mountains and the narrow passes, the signal isimmediately given for setting fire to their horns and driving themviolently up the mountains before them. The mere terror excited by theflame, which cast a glare from their heads, and the heat nowapproaching the quick and the roots of their horns, drove on the oxenas if goaded by madness. By which dispersion, on a sudden all thesurrounding shrubs were in a blaze, as if the mountains and woods hadbeen on fire; and the unavailing tossing of their heads quickening theflame, exhibited an appearance as of men running to and fro on everyside. Those who had been placed to guard the passage of the wood, whenthey saw fires on the tops of the mountains, and some over their ownheads, concluding that they were surrounded, abandoned their post;making for the tops of the mountains in the direction in which thefewest fires blazed, as being the safest course; however they fell inwith some oxen which had strayed from their herds. At first, when theybeheld them at a distance, they stood fixed in amazement at themiracle, as it appeared to them, of creatures breathing fire;afterwards, when it showed itself to be a human stratagem, then, forsooth, concluding that there was an ambuscade, as they are hurryingaway in flight, with increased alarm, they fall in also with thelight-armed troops of the enemy. But the night, when the fear wasequally shared, kept them from commencing the battle till morning. Meanwhile Hannibal, having marched his whole army through the pass, and having cut off some of the enemy in the very defile, pitches hiscamp in the country of Allifae. 

18. Fabius perceived this tumult, but concluding that it was a snare, and being disinclined for a battle, particularly by night, kept histroops within the works. At break of day a battle took place under thesummit of the mountain, in which the Romans, who were considerablysuperior in numbers, would have easily overpowered the light-armed ofthe enemy, cut off as they were from their party, had not a cohort ofSpaniards, sent back by Hannibal for that very purpose, reached thespot. That body being more accustomed to mountains, and being moreadapted, both from the agility of their limbs and also from thecharacter of their arms, to skirmishing amid rocks and crags, easilyfoiled, by their manner of fighting, an enemy loaded with arms, accustomed to level ground and the steady kind of fighting. Separatingfrom a contest thus by no means equal, they proceeded to their camps;the Spaniards almost all untouched; the Romans having lost a few. Fabius also moved his camp, and passing the defile, took up a positionabove Allifae, in a strong and elevated place. Then Hannibal, pretending to march to Rome through Samnium, came back as far as thePeligni, spreading devastation. Fabius led his troops along theheights midway between the army of the enemy and the city of Rome;neither avoiding him altogether, nor coming to an engagement. From thePeligni the Carthaginian turned his course, and going back again toApulia, reached Geronium, a city deserted by its inhabitants fromfear, as a part of its walls had fallen down together in ruins. Thedictator formed a completely fortified camp in the territory ofLarinum, and being recalled thence to Rome on account of some sacredrites, he not only urged the master of the horse, in virtue of hisauthority, but with advice and almost with prayers, that he wouldtrust rather to prudence than fortune; and imitate him as a generalrather than Sempronius and Flaminius; that he would not suppose thatnothing had been achieved by having worn out nearly the whole summerin baffling the enemy; that physicians too sometimes gained more byrest than by motion and action. That it was no small thing to haveceased to be conquered by an enemy so often victorious, and to havetaken breath after successive disasters. Having thus unavailinglyadmonished the master of the horse, he set out for Rome. 

19. In the beginning of the summer in which these events occurred, thewar commenced by land and sea in Spain also. To the number of shipswhich he had received from his brother, equipped and ready for action, Hasdrubal added ten. The fleet of forty ships he delivered to Himilco:and thus setting out from Carthage, kept his ships near the land, while he led his army along the shore, ready to engage with whicheverpart of his forces the enemy might fall in with. Cneius Scipio, whenhe heard that the enemy had quitted his winter quarters, at firstformed the same plan; but afterwards, not daring to engage him byland, from a great rumour of fresh auxiliaries, he advances to meethim with a fleet of thirty-five ships, having put some chosen soldierson board. Setting out from Tarraco, on the second day, he reached aconvenient station, ten miles from the mouth of the Iberus. Two shipsof the Massilians, sent forward from that place reconnoitering, brought word back that the Carthaginian fleet was stationed in themouth of the river, and that the camp was pitched upon the bank. Inorder, therefore, to overpower them while off their guard andincautious, by a universal and wide-spread terror, he weighed anchorand advanced. In Spain there are several towers placed in highsituations, which they employ both as watch-towers and as places ofdefence against pirates. From them first, a view of the ships of theenemy having been obtained, the signal was given to Hasdrubal; and atumult arose in the camp, and on land sooner than on the ships and atsea; the dashing of the oars and other nautical noises not being yetdistinctly heard, nor the promontories disclosing the fleet. Uponthis, suddenly one horseman after another, sent out by Hasdrubal, orders those who were strolling upon the shore or resting quietly intheir tents, expecting any thing rather than the enemy and a battle onthat day, immediately to embark and take up arms: that the Roman fleetwas now a short distance from the harbour. The horsemen, despatched inevery direction, delivered these orders; and presently Hasdrubalhimself comes up with the main army. All places resound with noises ofvarious kinds; the soldiers and rowers hurrying together to the ships, rather like men running away from the land than marching to battle. Scarcely had all embarked, when some, unfastening the hawsers, arecarried out against the anchors; others cut their cables, that nothingmight impede them; and by doing every thing with hurry andprecipitation, the duties of mariners were impeded by the preparationsof the soldiers, and the soldiers were prevented from taking andpreparing for action their arms, by the bustle of the mariners. Andnow the Roman was not only approaching, but had drawn up his ships forthe battle. The Carthaginians, therefore, thrown into disorder, notmore by the enemy and the battle than by their own tumult, havingrather made an attempt at fighting than commenced a battle, turnedtheir fleet for flight; and as the mouth of the river which was beforethem could not be entered in so broad a line, and by so many pressingin at the same time, they ran their ships on shore in every part. Andbeing received, some in the shallows, and others on the dry shore, some armed and some unarmed, they escaped to their friends, who weredrawn up in battle-array over the shore. Two Carthaginian ships werecaptured and four sunk on the first encounter. 

20. The Romans, though the enemy was master of the shore, and they sawarmed troops lining the whole bank, promptly pursuing the discomfitedfleet of the enemy, towed out into the deep all the ships which hadnot either shattered their prows by the violence with which theystruck the shore, or set their keels fast in the shallows. Theycaptured as many as twenty-five out of forty. Nor was that the mostsplendid result of their victory: but they became masters of the wholesea on that coast by one slight battle; advancing, then, with theirfleet to Honosca, and making a descent from the ships upon the coast, when they had taken the city by storm and pillaged it, they afterwardsmade for Carthage: then devastating the whole surrounding country, they, lastly, set fire also to the buildings contiguous to the walland gates. Thence the fleet laden with plunder, arrived at Longuntica, where a great quantity of oakum for naval purposes had been collectedby Hasdrubal: of this, taking away as much as was sufficient for theirnecessities, they burnt all the rest. Nor did they only sail by theprominent coasts of the continent, but crossed over into the islandEbusus; where, having with the utmost exertion, but in vain, carriedon operations against the city, which is the capital of the island, for two days, when they found that time was wasted to no purpose upona hopeless task, they turned their efforts to the devastation of thecountry; and having plundered and fired several villages, and acquireda greater booty than they had obtained on the continent, they retiredto their ships, when ambassadors from the Baliares came to Scipio tosue for peace. From this place the fleet sailed back, and returned tothe hither parts of the province, whither ambassadors of all thepeople who dwell on the Iberus, and of many people in the most distantparts of Spain, assembled. But the number of states who really becamesubject to the authority and dominion of the Romans, and gavehostages, amounted to upwards of one hundred and twenty. The Romantherefore, relying sufficiently on his land forces also, advanced asfar as the pass of Castulo. Hasdrubal retired into Lusitania, andnearer the ocean. 

21. After this, it seemed probable that the remainder of the summerwould be peaceful; and so it would have been with regard to the Punicenemy: but besides that the tempers of the Spaniards themselves arenaturally restless, and eager for innovation, Mandonius, together withIndibilis, who had formerly been petty prince of the Ilergetes, havingstirred up their countrymen, came to lay waste the peaceful country ofthe Roman allies, after the Romans had retired from the pass to thesea-coast. A military tribune with some light-armed auxiliaries beingsent against these by Scipio, with a small effort put them all to therout, as being but a disorderly band: some having been captured andslain, a great portion of them were deprived of their arms. Thisdisturbance, however, brought back Hasdrubal, who was retiring to theocean, to protect his allies on this side the Iberus. The Carthaginiancamp was in the territory of Ilercao, the Roman camp at the New Fleet, when unexpected intelligence turned the war into another quarter. TheCeltiberians, who had sent the chief men of their country asambassadors to the Romans, and had given them hostages, aroused by amessage from Scipio, take up arms and invade the province of theCarthaginians with a powerful army; take three towns by storm; andafter that, encountering Hasdrubal himself in two battles with, splendid success, slew fifteen thousand and captured four thousand, together with many military standards. 

22. This being the state of affairs in Spain, Publius Scipio came intohis province, having been sent thither by the senate, his commandbeing continued to him after his consulate, with thirty long ships, eight thousand soldiers, and a large importation of provisions. Thatfleet, swelled to an enormous size by a multitude of transports, beingdescried at a distance, entered safe the port of Tarraco, to the greatjoy of the citizens and allies. Landing his troops there, Scipio setout and formed a junction with his brother, and thenceforward theyprosecuted the war with united courage and counsels. While theCarthaginians, therefore, were occupied with the Celtiberian war, theypromptly crossed the Iberus, and not seeing any enemy, pursue theircourse to Saguntum; for it was reported that the hostages from everypart of Spain, having been consigned to custody, were kept in thecitadel of that place under a small guard. That pledge alone checkedthe affections of all the people of Spain, which were inclined towardsan alliance with the Romans; lest the guilt of their defection shouldbe expiated with the blood of their children. One man, by a stratagemmore subtle than honourable, liberated the Spaniards from thisrestraint. There was at Saguntum a noble Spaniard, named Abelux, hitherto faithful to the Carthaginians, but now (such are for the mostpart the dispositions of barbarians) had changed his attachment withfortune; but considering that a deserter going over to enemies withoutthe betraying of something valuable, would be looked upon only as astigmatized and worthless individual, was solicitous to render asgreat a service as possible to his new confederates. Having turnedover in his mind, then, the various means which, under the favour offortune, he might employ, in preference to every other, he appliedhimself to the delivering up of the hostages; concluding that this onething, above all others, would gain the Romans the friendship of theSpanish chieftains. But since he knew that the guards of the hostageswould do nothing without the authority of Bostar, the governor, headdresses himself with craft to Bostar himself. Bostar had his campwithout the city, just upon the shore, in order to preclude theapproach of the Romans from that quarter. He informs him, taken asideto a secret place, and as if uninformed, in what position affairswere: "That hitherto fear had withheld the minds of the Spaniards tothem, because the Romans were at a great distance: that now the Romancamp was on this side the Iberus, a secure fortress and asylum forsuch as desired a change, that therefore those whom fear could notbind should be attached by kindness and favour. " When Bostar, inastonishment, earnestly asked him, what sudden gift of so muchimportance that could be, he replied, "Send back the hostages to theirstates: this will be an acceptable boon, privately to their parents, who possess the greatest influence in their respective states, andpublicly to the people. Every man wishes to have confidence reposed inhim; and confidence reposed generally enforces the fidelity itself. The office of restoring the hostages to their homes, I request formyself; that I may enhance my project by the trouble bestowed, andthat I may add as much value as I can to a service in its ownintrinsic nature so acceptable. " When he had persuaded the man, whowas not cunning as compared with Carthaginian minds in general, havinggone secretly and by night to the outposts of the enemy, he met withsome auxiliary Spaniards; and having been brought by them into thepresence of Scipio, he explains what brought him. Pledges of fidelityhaving been given and received, and the time and place for deliveringthe hostages having been appointed, he returns to Saguntum. Thefollowing day he spent with Bostar, in taking his commands foreffecting the business; having so arranged it, that he should go bynight, in order that he might escape the observation of the enemy, hewas dismissed; and awakening the guards of the youths at the houragreed upon with them, set out and led them, as if unconsciously, intoa snare prepared by his own deceit. They were brought to the Romancamp, and every thing else respecting the restoration of the hostageswas transacted as had been agreed upon with Bostar, and in the samecourse as if the affair had been carried on in the name of theCarthaginians. But the favour of the Romans was somewhat greater thanthat of the Carthaginians would have been in a similar case; formisfortune and fear might have seemed to have softened them, who hadbeen found oppressive and haughty in prosperity. The Roman, on thecontrary, on his first arrival, having been unknown to them before, had begun with an act of clemency and liberality: and Abelux, a man ofprudence, did not seem likely to have changed his allies without goodcause. Accordingly all began, with great unanimity, to meditate arevolt; and hostilities would immediately have commenced, had not thewinter intervened, which compelled the Romans, and the Carthaginiansalso, to retire to shelter. 

23. Such were the transactions in Spain also during the second summerof the Punic war; while in Italy the prudent delay of Fabius hadprocured the Romans some intermission from disasters; which conduct, as it kept Hannibal disturbed with no ordinary degree of anxiety, forit proved to him that the Romans had at length selected a general whowould carry on the war with prudence, and not in dependence onfortune; so was it treated with contempt by his countrymen, both inthe camp and in the city; particularly after that a battle had beenfought during his absence from the temerity of the master of thehorse, in its issue, as I may justly designate it, rather joyful thansuccessful. Two causes were added to augment the unpopularity of thedictator: one arising out of a stratagem and artful procedure ofHannibal; for the farm of the dictator having been pointed out to himby deserters, he ordered that the fire and sword and every outrage ofenemies should be restrained from it alone, while all around werelevelled with the ground; in order that it might appear to have beenthe term of some secret compact: the other from an act of his own, atfirst perhaps suspicious, because in it he had not waited for theauthority of the senate, but in the result turning unequivocally tohis highest credit, with relation to the exchange of prisoners: for, as was the case in the first Punic war, an agreement had been madebetween the Roman and Carthaginian generals, that whichever receivedmore prisoners than he restored, should give two pounds and a half ofsilver for every man. And when the Roman had received two hundred andforty-seven more than the Carthaginian, and the silver which was duefor them, after the matter had been frequently agitated in the senate, was not promptly supplied, because he had not consulted the fathers, he sent his son Quintus to Rome and sold his farm, uninjured by theenemy, and thus redeemed the public credit at his own private expense. Hannibal lay in a fixed camp before the walls of Geronium, which cityhe had captured and burnt, leaving only a few buildings for thepurpose of granaries: thence he was in the habit of sending outtwo-thirds of his forces to forage; with the third part kept inreadiness, he himself remained on guard, both as a protection to hiscamp, and for the purpose of looking out, if from any quarter anattack should be made upon his foragers. 

24. The Roman army was at that time in the territory of Larinum. Minucius, the master of the horse, had the command of it; thedictator, as was before mentioned, having gone to the city. But thecamp, which had been pitched in an elevated and secure situation, wasnow brought down into the plain; plans of a bolder character, agreeably with the temper of the general, were in agitation; andeither an attack was to be made upon the scattered foragers, or uponthe camp now left with an inconsiderable guard. Nor did it escape theobservation of Hannibal, that the plan of the war had been changedwith the general, and that the enemy would act with more boldness thancounsel. Hannibal himself too, which one would scarcely credit, thoughthe enemy was near, despatched a third part of his troops to forage, retaining the remaining two-thirds in the camp. After that he advancedhis camp itself nearer to the enemy, to a hill within the enemy'sview, nearly two miles from Geronium; that they might be aware that hewas on the alert to protect his foragers if any attack should be madeupon them. Then he discovered an eminence nearer to, and commandingthe very camp of the Romans: and because if he marched openly in theday-time to occupy it, the enemy would doubtless anticipate him by ashorter way, the Numidians having been sent privately in the night, took possession of it. These, occupying this position, the Romans, thenext day, despising the smallness of their numbers, dislodge, andtransfer their camp thither themselves. There was now, therefore, buta very small space between rampart and rampart, and that the Romanline had almost entirely filled; at the same time the cavalry, withthe light infantry sent out against the foragers through the oppositepart of the camp, effected a slaughter and flight of the scatteredenemy far and wide. Nor dared Hannibal hazard a regular battle;because with so few troops, that he would scarcely be able to protecthis camp if attacked. And now he carried on the war (for part of hisarmy was away) according to the plans of Fabius, by sitting still andcreating delays. He had also withdrawn his troops to their formercamp, which was before the walls of Geronium. Some authors affirm thatthey fought in regular line, and with encountering standards; that inthe first encounter the Carthaginian was driven in disorder quite tohis camp; but that, a sally thence having been suddenly made all atonce, the Romans in their turn became alarmed; that after that thebattle was restored by the arrival of Numerius Decimius the Samnite;that this man, the first in family and fortune, not only in Bovianum, whence he came, but in all Samnium, when conducting by command of thedictator to the camp eight thousand infantry and five hundred horse, having shown himself on the rear of Hannibal, seemed to both partiesto be a fresh reinforcement coming with Quintus Fabius from Rome; thatHannibal, fearing also some ambuscade, withdrew his troops; and thatthe Roman, aided by the Samnite, pursuing him, took by storm two fortson that day; that six thousand of the enemy were slain, and about fivethousand of the Romans; but that though the loss was so nearly equal, intelligence was conveyed to Rome of a signal victory; and a letterfrom the master of the horse still more presumptuous. 

25. These things were very frequently discussed, both in the senateand assemblies. When the dictator alone, while joy pervaded the city, attached no credit to the report or letter; and granting that all weretrue, affirmed that he feared more from success than failure; thenMarcus Metilius, a Plebeian tribune, declares that such conduct surelycould not be endured. That the dictator, not only when present was anobstacle to the right management of the affair, but also being absentfrom the camp, opposed it still when achieved; that he studiouslydallied in his conduct of the war, that he might continue the longerin office, and that he might have the sole command both at Rome and inthe army. Since one of the consuls had fallen in battle, and the otherwas removed to a distance from Italy, under pretext of pursuing aCarthaginian fleet; and the two praetors were occupied in Sicily andSardinia, neither of which provinces required a praetor at this time. That Marcus Minucius, the master of the horse, was almost put under aguard, lest he should see the enemy, and carry on any warlikeoperation. That therefore, by Hercules, not only Samnium, which hadnow been yielded to the Carthaginians, as if it had been land beyondthe Iberus, but the Campanian, Calenian, and Falernian territories hadbeen devastated, while the dictator was sitting down at Casilinum, protecting his own farm with the legions of the Roman people: that thearmy, eager for battle, as well as the master of the horse, were keptback almost imprisoned within the rampart: that their arms were takenout of their hands, as from captured enemies: at length, as soon asever the dictator had gone away, having marched out beyond theirrampart, that they had routed the enemy and put him to flight. Onaccount of which circumstances, had the Roman commons retained theirancient spirit, that he would have boldly proposed to them to annulthe authority of Quintus Fabius; but now he would bring forward amoderate proposition, to make the authority of the master of the horseand the dictator equal; and that even then Quintus Fabius should notbe sent to the army, till he had substituted a consul in the room ofCaius Flaminius. The dictator kept away from the popular assemblies, in which he did not command a favourable hearing, and even in thesenate he was not heard with favourable ears, when his eloquence wasemployed in praising the enemy, and attributing the disasters of thelast two years to the temerity and unskilfulness of the generals; andwhen he declared that the master of the horse ought to be called toaccount for having fought contrary to his injunction. That "if thesupreme command and administration of affairs were intrusted to him, he would soon take care that men should know, that to a good generalfortune was not of great importance; that prudence and conductgoverned every thing; that it was more glorious for him to have savedthe army at a crisis, and without disgrace, than to have slain manythousands of the enemy. " Speeches of this kind having been madewithout effect, and Marcus Atilius Regulus created consul, that hemight not be present to dispute respecting the right of command, hewithdrew to the army on the night preceding the day on which theproposition was to be decided. When there was an assembly of thepeople at break of day, a secret displeasure towards the dictator, andfavour towards the master of the horse, rather possessed their minds, than that men had not sufficient resolution to advise a measure whichwas agreeable to the public; and though favour carried it, influencewas wanting to the bill. One man indeed was found who recommended thelaw, Caius Terentius Varro, who had been praetor in the former year, sprung not only from humble but mean parentage. They report that hisfather was a butcher, the retailer of his own meat, and that heemployed this very son in the servile offices of that trade. 

26. This young man, when a fortune left him by his father, acquired insuch a traffic, had inspired him with the hope of a higher condition, and the gown and forum were the objects of his choice, by declaimingvehemently in behalf of men and causes of the lowest kind, inopposition to the interest and character of the good, first came tothe notice of the people, and then to offices of honour. Having passedthrough the offices of quaestor, plebeian, and curule aedile, and, lastly, that of praetor; when now he raised his mind to the hope ofthe consulship, he courted the gale of popular favour by maligning thedictator, and received alone the credit of the decree of the people. All men, both at Rome and in the army, both friends and foes, exceptthe dictator himself, considered this measure to have been passed asan insult to him; but the dictator himself bore the wrong which theinfuriated people had put upon him, with the same gravity with whichhe endured the charges against him which his enemies laid before themultitude; and receiving the letter containing a decree of the senaterespecting the equalization of the command while on his journey, satisfied that an equal share of military skill was not impartedtogether with the equal share of command, he returned to the army witha mind unsubdued alike by his fellow-citizens and by the enemy. 

27. But Minucius, who, in consequence of his success and the favour ofthe populace, was scarcely endurable before now especially, unrestrained by shame or moderation, boasted not more in havingconquered Hannibal than Quintus Fabius. "That he, who had been soughtout in their distress as the only general, and as a match forHannibal; that he, an event which no record of history contains, wasby the order of the people placed upon an equal footing withhimself, --a superior with an inferior officer, a dictator with amaster of the horse, --in that very city wherein the masters of thehorse are wont to crouch and tremble at the rods and axes of thedictator. With such splendour had his valour and success shone forth. That he therefore would follow up his own good fortune, though thedictator persisted in his delay and sloth; measures condemned alike bythe sentence of gods and men. " Accordingly, on the first day on whichhe met Quintus Fabius, he intimated "that the first point to besettled was the manner in which they should employ the command thusequalized. That he was of opinion that the best plan would be for themto be invested with the supreme authority and command either onalternate days, or, if longer intervals were more agreeable, for anydeterminate periods; in order that the person in command might be amatch for the enemy, not only in judgment, but in strength, if anyopportunity for action should occur. " Fabius by no means approved ofthis proposition: he said, "that Fortune would have at her disposalall things which the rashness of his colleague had; that his commandhad been shared with him, and not taken away; that he would never, therefore, willingly withdraw from conducting the war, in whateverpost he could with prudence and discretion: nor would he divide thecommand with him with respect to times or days, but that he woulddivide the army, and that he would preserve, by his own measures, somuch as he could, since it was not allowed him to save the whole. "Thus he carried it, that, as was the custom of consuls, they shoulddivide the legions between them: the first and fourth fell to the lotof Minucius, the second and third to Fabius. They likewise dividedequally between them the cavalry, the auxiliaries of the allies and ofthe Latin name. The master of the horse was desirous also that theyshould have separate camps. 

28. From this Hannibal derived a twofold joy, for nothing which wasgoing on among the enemy escaped him, the deserters revealing manythings, and he himself examining by his own scouts. For he consideredthat he should be able to entrap the unrestrained temerity of Minuciusby his usual arts, and that half the force of the sagacity of Fabiushad vanished. There was an eminence between the camps of Minucius andthe Carthaginians, whoever occupied it would evidently render theposition of his enemy less advantageous. Hannibal was not so desirousof gaining it without a contest, though that were worth his while, asto bring on a quarrel with Minucius, who, he well knew, would at alltimes throw himself in his way to oppose him. All the interveningground was at first sight unavailable to one who wished to plant anambuscade, because it not only had not any part that was woody, butnone even covered with brambles, but in reality formed by nature tocover an ambush, so much the more, because no such deception could beapprehended in a naked valley and there were in its curvatures hollowrocks, such that some of them were capable of containing two hundredarmed men. Within these recesses, five thousand infantry and cavalryare secreted, as many as could conveniently occupy each. Lest, however, in any part, either the motion of any one of themthoughtlessly coming out, or the glittering of their arms, shoulddiscover the stratagem in so open a valley, by sending out a fewtroops at break of day to occupy the before-mentioned eminence, hediverts the attention of the enemy. Immediately, on the first view ofthem, the smallness of their number was treated with contempt, andeach man began to request for himself the task of dislodging theenemy. The general himself, among the most headstrong and absurd, calls to arms to go and seize the place, and inveighs against theenemy with vain presumption and menaces. First, he despatches hislight-armed, after that his cavalry, in a close body, lastly, perceiving that succours were also being sent to the enemy, he marcheswith his legions drawn up in order of battle. Hannibal also, sendingband after band, as the contest increased, as aids to his men whendistressed, had now completed a regular army, and a battle was foughtwith the entire strength of both sides. First, the light infantry ofthe Romans, approaching the eminence, which was preoccupied, from thelower ground, being repulsed and pushed down, spread a terror amongthe cavalry, which was marching up also and fled back to the standardsof the legions: the line of infantry alone stood fearless amidst thepanic-struck; and it appeared that they would by no means have beeninferior to the enemy, had it been a regular and open battle, so muchconfidence did the successful battle a few days before inspire. Butthe troops in ambush created such confusion and alarm, by chargingthem on both flanks and on their rear, that no one had spirit enoughleft to fight, or hope enough to try to escape. 

29. Then Fabius, first having heard the shout of the terrified troops, and then having gotten a view of their disordered line, exclaims, "Itis so; and no sooner than I feared, has adverse fortune overtakentemerity. Equalled to Fabius in command, he sees that Hannibal issuperior to him in courage and in fortune. But another will be thetime for reproaches and resentment. Now advance your standards beyondthe rampart: let us wrest the victory from the enemy, and a confessionof their error from our countrymen. " A great part of the troops havingbeen now slain, and the rest looking about for a way to escape; thearmy of Fabius showed itself on a sudden for their help, as if sentdown from heaven. And thus, before he came within a dart's throw orjoined battle, he both stayed his friends from a precipitate flightand the enemy from excessive fierceness of fighting. Those who hadbeen scattered up and down, their ranks being broken, fled for refugefrom every quarter to the fresh army; those who had fled together inparties, turning upon the enemy, now forming a circle, retreat slowly, now concentrating themselves, stand firm. And now the vanquished andthe fresh army had nearly formed one line, and were bearing theirstandards against the enemy, when the Carthaginians sounded a retreat;Hannibal openly declaring that though he had conquered Minucius, hewas himself conquered by Fabius. The greater part of the day havingbeen thus consumed with varying success, Minucius calling together hissoldiers, when they had returned to the camp, thus addressed them: "Ihave often heard, soldiers, that he is the greatest man who himselfcounsels what is expedient, and that he who listens to the man whogives good advice is the second, but that he who neither himself iscapable of counselling, and knows not how to obey another, is of thelowest order of mind. Since the first place of mind and talent hasbeen denied us, let us strive to obtain the second and intermediatekind, and while we are learning to command, let us prevail uponourselves to submit to a man of prudence. Let us join camps withFabius, and, carrying our standards to his pavilion, when I havesaluted him as my parent, which he deserves on account of the servicehe has rendered us and of his dignity; you, my soldiers, shall salutethose men as patrons, whose arms and right-hands just now protectedyou: and if this day has conferred nothing else upon us, it hath atleast conferred upon us the glory of possessing grateful hearts. "

30. The signal being given, there was a general call to collect thebaggage: then setting out, and proceeding in order of march to thedictator's camp, they excited at once the surprise of the dictatorhimself and all around him. When the standards were planted before thetribunal, the master of the horse, advancing before the rest, havingsaluted Fabius as father, and the whole body of his troops having, with one voice, saluted the soldiers who surrounded him as patrons, said, "To my parents, dictator, to whom I have just now equalled you, only in name, as far as I could express myself, I am indebted for mylife only; to you I owe both my own preservation and that of all thesesoldiers. That order of the people, therefore, with which I have beenoppressed rather than honoured, I first cancel and annul, and (may itbe auspicious to me and you, and to these your armies, to thepreserved and the preserver, ) I return to your authority and auspices, and restore to you these standards and these legions, and I entreatyou that, being reconciled, you would order that I may retain themastership of the horse, and that these soldiers may each of themretain their ranks. " After that hands were joined, and when theassembly was dismissed, the soldiers were kindly and hospitablyinvited by those known to them and unknown: and that day, from havingbeen a little while ago gloomy in the extreme, and almost accursed, was turned into a day of joy. At Rome, the report of the action wasconveyed thither, and was afterwards confirmed, not less by lettersfrom the common soldiers of both armies, than from the generalsthemselves, all men individually extolled Maximus to the skies. Hisrenown was equal with Hannibal, and his enemies the Carthaginians andthen at length they began to feel that they were engaged in war withRomans, and in Italy. For the two preceding years they entertained soutter a contempt for the Roman generals and soldiers, that they couldscarcely believe that they were waging war with the same nation whichtheir fathers had reported to them as being so formidable. They relatealso, that Hannibal said, as he returned from the field that at lengththat cloud, which was used to settle on the tops of the mountains, hadsent down a shower with a storm. 

31. While these events occur in Italy, Cneius Servilius Geminus, theconsul, having sailed round the coast of Sardinia and Corsica with afleet of one hundred and twenty ships, and received hostages from bothplaces, crossed over into Africa, and before he made a descent uponthe continent, having laid waste the island of Meninx, and receivedfrom the inhabitants of Cercina ten talents of silver, in order thattheir fields too might not be burnt and pillaged, he approached theshores of Africa, and landed his troops. Thence the soldiers were ledout to plunder, and the crews scattered about just as if they wereplundering uninhabited islands and thus, carelessly falling upon anambuscade, when they were surrounded--the ignorant of the country bythose acquainted with it, the straggling by those in close array, theywere driven back to then ships in ignominious flight, and with greatcarnage. As many as one thousand men, together with SempioniusBlaesus, the quaestor, having been lost, the fleet hastily settingsail from the shore, which was crowded with the enemy, proceededdirect for Italy, and was given up at Lilybaeum to Titus Otacilius, the praetor, that it might be taken back to Rome by his lieutenant, Publius Suia. The consul himself, proceeding through Sicily on foot, crossed the strait into Italy, summoned, as well as his colleague, Marcus Atilius, by a letter from Quintus Fabius, to receive the armiesfrom him, as the period of his command, which was six months, hadnearly expired. Almost all the annalists record that Fabius conductedthe war against Hannibal, as dictator Caelius also writes, that he wasthe first dictator created by the people. But it has escaped Caeliusand all the others that Cneius Servilius, the consul, who was then along way from home in Gaul, which was his province, was the onlyperson who possessed the right of appointing a dictator, and that asthe state, terrified by the disasters which had just befallen it, could not abide the delay, it had recourse to the determination thatthe people should create a prodictator, that his subsequentachievements, his singular renown as a general, and his descendants, who exaggerated the inscription of his statue, easily brought it aboutthat he should be called dictator, instead of prodictator. 

32. The consuls, Atilius and Geminus Servilius, having received, theformer the army of Fabius, the latter that of Minucius, and fortifiedtheir winter quarters in good time, (it was the close of the autumn, )carried on the war with the most perfect unanimity, according to theplans of Fabius. In many places they fell upon the troops of Hannibalwhen out on foraging excursions, availing themselves of theopportunity, and both harassing their march and intercepting thestragglers. They did not come to the chance of a general battle, whichthe enemy tried by every artifice to bring about. And Hannibal was sostraitened by the want of provisions, that had he not feared inretiring the appearance of flight, he would have returned to Gaul, nohope being left of being able to subsist an army in those quarters, ifthe ensuing consuls should carry on the war upon the same plan. Thewar having been arrested in its progress at Geronium, the winterinterrupting it, ambassadors from Naples came to Rome. They carriedinto the senate-house forty golden goblets, of great weight, and spoketo this effect. "That they knew the treasury of the Romans wasexhausted by the war, and since the war was carried on alike indefence of the cities and the lands of the allies, and of the empireand city of Rome, the capital and citadel of Italy, that theNeapolitans thought it but fair that they should assist the Romanpeople with whatever gold had been left them by their ancestors aswell for the decoration of their temples as for the relief ofmisfortune. If they had thought that there was any resource inthemselves, that they would have offered it with the same zeal. Thatthe Roman fathers and people would render an acceptable service tothem, if they would consider all the goods of the Neapolitans as theirown, and if they would think them deserving, that they should accept apresent at their hands, rendered valuable and of consequence rather bythe spirit and affection of those who gave it with cheerfulness, thanby its intrinsic worth. " Thanks were given to the ambassadors fortheir munificence and attention, and the goblet of least weight wasaccepted. 

33. During the same days a Carthaginian spy, who had escaped for twoyears, was apprehended at Rome, and his hands having been cut off, waslet go: and twenty-five slaves were crucified for forming a conspiracyin the Campus Martius; his liberty was given to the informer, andtwenty thousand _asses_ of the heavy standard. Ambassadors werealso sent to Philip, king of the Macedonians, to demand Demetrius ofPharia, who, having been vanquished in war had fled to him. Otherswere sent to the Ligurians, to expostulate with them for havingassisted the Carthaginians with their substance and with auxiliaries;and, at the same time, to take a near view of what was going onamongst the Boii and Insubrians. Ambassadors were also sent to theIllyrians to king Pineus, to demand the tribute, the day of payment ofwhich had passed; or if he wished to postpone the day, to receivehostages. Thus, though an arduous war was on their shoulders, noattention to any one concern in any part of the world, however remote, escapes the Romans. It was made a matter of superstitious fear also, that the temple of Concord, which Lucius Manlius, the praetor, hadvowed in Gaul two years ago, on occasion of a mutiny, had not beencontracted for to that day. Accordingly, Cneius Pupius and CaesoQuinctius Flaminius, created duumviri by Marcus Aemilius, the citypraetor, for that purpose, contract for the building a temple in thecitadel. By the same praetor a letter was sent to the consuls, agreeably to a decree of the senate, to the effect that, if theythought proper, one of them should come to Rome to elect consuls; andthat he would proclaim the election for whatever day they might name. To this it was replied by the consuls, that they could not leave theenemy without detriment to the public; that it would be better, therefore, that the election should be held by an interrex, than thatone of the consuls should be called away from the war. It appearedmore proper to the fathers, that a dictator should be nominated by aconsul, for the purpose of holding the election Lucius Veturius Philowas nominated, who chose Manius Pomponius Matho master of the horse. These having been created with some defect, they were ordered to giveup their appointment on the fourteenth day; and the state came to aninterregnum. 

34. To the consuls the authority was continued for a year longer. Caius Claudius Centho, son of Appius, and then Publius CorneliusAsina, were appointed interreges by the fathers. During theinterregnum of the latter the election was held with a violent contestbetween the patricians and the people, Caius Terentius Varro, whom, asa man of their own order, commended to their favour by inveighingagainst the patricians and by other popular arts; who had acquiredcelebrity by maligning others, by undermining the influence of Fabius, and bringing into contempt the dictatorial authority, the commonsstrove to raise to the consulship. The patricians opposed him with alltheir might, lest men, by inveighing against them, should come to beplaced on an equality with them. Quintus Boebius Herennius, a plebeiantribune, and kinsman of Caius Terentius, by criminating not only thesenate, but the augurs also, for having prevented the dictator fromcompleting the election, by the odium cast upon them, conciliatedfavour to his own candidate. He asserted, "that Hannibal had beenbrought into Italy by the nobility, who had for many years beendesirous of a war. That by the fraudulent machinations of the samepersons the war had been protracted, whereas it might have beenbrought to a conclusion. That it had appeared that the war could bemaintained with an army consisting of four legions in all, from MarcusMinucius's having fought with success in the absence of Fabius. Thattwo legions had been exposed to be slain by the enemy, and wereafterwards rescued from absolute destruction, in order that that manmight be saluted as father and patron, who had deprived them ofvictory before he delivered them from defeat. That subsequently theconsuls, pursuing the plans of Fabius, had protracted the war, whereasit was in their power to have put a period to it. That this was anagreement made by the nobility in general; nor would they ever havethe war concluded till they had created a consul really plebeian; thatis, a new man: for that plebeians who had attained nobility were nowinitiated into the mysteries, and had begun to look down with contemptupon plebeians, from the moment they ceased to be despised by thepatricians. Who was not fully aware that their end and object was, that an interregnum should be formed, in order that the electionsmight be under the influence of the patricians? That both the consulshad that in view in tarrying with the army: and that afterwards adictator having been nominated to hold the election contrary to theirwishes, they had carried it, as it were, by storm, that the augursshould declare the dictator informally elected. That they thereforehad gotten an interregnum; but one consulate was surely in the handsof the Roman people. Thus the people would have that at their ownunbiassed disposal, and that they would confer it on that man whowould rather conquer in reality than lengthen the term of hiscommand. "

35. When the people had been inflamed by these harangues, though therewere three patrician candidates for the consulship, Publius CorneliusMerenda, Lucius Manlius Vulso, and Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, two ofplebeian families, who had been ennobled, Caius Atilius Serranus andQuintus Aelius Paetus, one of whom was pontiff, the other an augur, Terentius alone was created consul, that the comitia for choosing hiscolleague might be in his own management. Then the nobles, findingthat the competitors whom they had set up were not strong enough, though he strenuously refused for a long time, prevail upon AemiliusPaulus, who was strongly opposed to the people, to become a candidate. He had been consul before with Marcus Livius, and from thecondemnation of his colleague, and almost of himself, had come offscathed. On the next day of the election, all who had opposed Varrowithdrawing, he is given to the consul rather as a match to oppose himthan as a colleague. Afterwards the assembly for the election ofpraetors was held, and Manius Pomponius Matho and Publius FuriusPhilus were chosen. The city lot for the administration of justice atRome fell to the lot of Pomponius; between Roman citizens andforeigners, to Philus. Two praetors were added, Marcus ClaudiusMarcellus for Sicily, and Lucius Postumius for Gaul. These were allappointed in their absence; nor was an honour which he had notpreviously borne committed to any one of them, except the consulTerentius, several brave and able men having been passed over, because, at such a juncture, it did not appear advisable that a newoffice should be committed to any one. 

36. The forces also were augmented. But how great was the augmentationof infantry and cavalry authors vary so much, that I scarcely darepositively assert. Some state, that ten thousand soldiers were leviedas a reinforcement; others, four fresh legions, that there might beeight legions in service. It is said also, that the complement of thelegion was increased in respect both to foot and horse, one thousandfoot and one hundred horse being added to each, so that each mightcontain five thousand foot and three hundred horse; and that theallies furnished twice as many cavalry, and an equal number ofinfantry. Some authorities affirm that there were eighty-seventhousand two hundred soldiers in the Roman camp when the battle ofCannae was fought. There is no dispute, that the war was prosecutedwith greater energy and spirit than during former years, because thedictator had given them a hope that the enemy might be subdued. Before, however, the new-raised legions marched from the city, thedecemviri were ordered to have recourse to and inspect the sacredvolumes, on account of persons having been generally alarmed byextraordinary prodigies; for intelligence was brought, that it hadrained stones on the Aventine at Rome and at Aricia at the same time. That among the Sabines, statues had sweated blood copiously, and atCaere the waters had flowed warm, from a fountain. The latter prodigyexcited a greater degree of alarm, because it had frequently occurred. In a street called the Arched Way, near the Campus Martius, severalmen were struck by lightning and killed. These prodigies were expiatedaccording to the books. Ambassadors from Paestum brought some goldengoblets to Rome; they were thanked, as the Neapolitans were, but thegold was not accepted. 

37. During the same time a fleet from Hiero arrived at Ostia with alarge cargo of supplies. The Syracusan ambassadors, on beingintroduced into the senate, delivered this message: "That king Hierowas so much affected at the slaughter announced to him of CaiusFlaminius the consul and his troops, that he could not have been moredistressed at any disasters which could have befallen himself or hisown kingdom; and accordingly, though he was well aware that thegreatness of the Roman people was almost more admirable in adversitythan prosperity, he had nevertheless sent every thing which good andfaithful allies are wont to contribute to assist the operations ofwar, which he earnestly implored the conscript fathers not to refuseto accept. First of all, for the sake of the omen, they had brought agolden statue of Victory, of three hundred pounds' weight, which theybegged them to accept, keep by them, and hold as their own peculiarand lasting possession. That they had also brought three hundredthousand pecks of wheat, and two hundred thousand of barley, thatthere might be no want of provisions, and that as much more as mightbe necessary they would convey, as a supply, to whatever place theymight appoint. He knew that the Roman people employed no legionarytroops or cavalry who were not Romans, or of the Latin confederacy, that he had seen foreign auxiliary as well as native light-armedtroops in the Roman camps, he had, therefore, sent one thousandarchers and slingers, a suitable force against the Bahares and Moors, and other nations which fought with missile weapons" To these presentsthey added also advice "That the praetor to whose lot the province ofSicily had fallen, should pass a fleet over to Africa, that the enemyalso might have a war in their own country, and that less libertyshould be afforded them of sending reinforcements to Hannibal" Thesenate thus replied to the king. "That Hiero was a good man and anadmirable ally, and that from the time he first formed a friendshipwith the Roman people he had uniformly cultivated a spirit offidelity, and had munificently assisted the Roman cause at all timesand in every place. That this was, as it ought to be, a cause ofgratitude to the Roman people. That the Roman people had not acceptedgold which had been brought them also from certain states, though theyfelt gratitude for the act. The Victory and the omen, " they said, "they would accept, and would assign and dedicate to that goddess, asher abode, the Capitol, the temple of Jupiter, the best and greatestof gods, hoping that, consecrated in that fortress of the city ofRome, she would continue there firm and immoveable, kind andpropitious to the Roman people. " The slingers, archers, and corn werehanded over to the consuls. To the fleet which Titus Otacilius theproprietor had in Sicily, twenty-five quinqueremes were added, andpermission was given him, if he thought it for the interest of thestate to pass over into Africa. 

38. The levy completed, the consuls waited a few days, till the alliesof the Latin confederacy arrived. At this time the soldiers were boundby an oath, which had never before been the case, dictated by themilitary tribunes, that they would assemble at the command of theconsuls, and not depart without orders; for up to that time themilitary oath only had been employed; and further, when the soldiersmet to divide into decuries or centuries, the cavalry being formedinto decuries and the infantry into centuries, all swore together, amongst themselves, of their own accord, that they would not depart orquit their ranks for flight or fear, except for the purpose of takingup or fetching a weapon, and either striking an enemy or saving acountryman. This, from being a voluntary compact among the soldiersthemselves, was converted into the legal compulsion of an oath by thetribunes. Before the standards were moved from the city, the haranguesof Varro were frequent and furious, protesting that the war had beeninvited into Italy by the nobles, and that it would continue fixed inthe bowels of the state if it employed any more such generals asFabius; that he would bring the war to conclusion on the very day hegot sight of the enemy. His colleague Paulus made but one speech, onthe day before they set out from the city, which was more true thangratifying to the people, in which nothing was said severely againstVarro, except this only. "That he wondered how any general, before heknew any thing of his own army, or that of the enemy, the situation ofthe places, or the nature of the country, even now while in the city, and with the gown on, could tell what he must do when in arms, andcould even foretell the day on which he would fight standard tostandard with the enemy. That, for his own part, he would not, beforethe time arrived, prematurely anticipate those measures whichcircumstances imposed on men, rather than men on circumstances. Hecould only wish that those measures which were taken with due cautionand deliberation might turn out prosperously. That temerity, settingaside its folly, had hitherto been also unsuccessful. " This obviouslyappeared, that he would prefer safe to precipitate counsels; but thathe might persevere the more constantly in this, Quintus Fabius Maximusis reported to have thus addressed him on his departure. 

39. "If you either had a colleague like yourself, Lucius Aemilius, which is what I should prefer, or you were like your colleague, anaddress from me would be superfluous. For were you both good consuls, you would do every thing for the good of the state from your own senseof honour, even without my saying a word: and were you both badconsuls, you would neither receive my words into your ears, nor mycounsels into your minds. As the case now is, looking at yourcolleague and yourself, a man of such character, my address will besolely to you; who, I feel convinced, will prove yourself a good manand a worthy citizen in vain, if the state on the other hand shouldhalt. Pernicious counsels will have the same authority and influenceas those which are sound. For you are mistaken, Lucius Paulus, if youimagine that you will have a less violent contest with Caius Terentiusthan with Hannibal. I know not whether the former, your opponent, orthe latter, your open enemy, be the more hostile. With the latter youwill have to contend in the field only; with the former, at everyplace and time. Hannibal, moreover, you have to oppose with your ownhorse and foot; while Varro will head your own soldiers against you. Let Caius Flaminius be absent from your thoughts, even for the omen'ssake. Yet he only began to play the madman's consul, in his province, and at the head of the army. This man is raving before he put up forthe consulship, afterwards while canvassing for it, and now havingobtained it, before he has seen the camp or the enemy. And he who bytalking largely of battles and marshalled armies, even now excitessuch storms among the citizens with their gowns on, what do you thinkhe will effect among the youth in arms, where words are followedforthwith by acts? But be assured, if this man, as he protests hewill, shall immediately engage the enemy either I am unacquainted withmilitary affairs, with this kind of war, and the character of theenemy, or another place will become more celebrated than theTrasimenus by our disaster. Neither is this the season for boastingwhile I am addressing one man; and besides, I have exceeded the boundsof moderation in despising rather than in courting fame. But the caseis really this. The only way of conducting the war against Hannibal isthat which I adopted: nor does the event only, that instructor offools, demonstrate it, but that same reasoning which has continuedhitherto, and will continue unchangeable so long as circumstancesshall remain the same. We are carrying on war in Italy, in our owncountry, and our own soil. All around us are countrymen and allies inabundance. With arms, men, horses, and provisions, they do and willassist us. Such proofs of their fidelity have they given in ouradversity. Time, nay, everyday makes us better, wiser, and firmer. Hannibal, on the contrary, is in a foreign, a hostile land, amidst allhostile and disadvantageous circumstances, far from his home, far fromhis country; he has peace neither by land nor sea: no cities, no wallsreceive him: he sees nothing any where which he can call his own: hedaily lives by plunder. He has now scarcely a third part of that armywhich he conveyed across the Iberus. Famine has destroyed more thanthe sword; nor have the few remaining a sufficient supply ofprovisions. Do you doubt, therefore, whether by remaining quiet weshall not conquer him who is daily sinking into decrepitude? who hasneither provisions nor money? How long before the walls of Geronium, amiserable fortress of Apulia, as if before the walls of Carthage--?But not even in your presence will I boast. See how Cneius Serviliusand Atilius, the last consuls, fooled him. This is the only path ofsafety, Lucius Paulus, which your countrymen will render moredifficult and dangerous to you than their enemies will. For your ownsoldiers will desire the same thing as those of the enemy: Varro, aRoman consul, and Hannibal, a Carthaginian general, will wish the samething. You alone must resist two generals: and you will resist themsufficiently if you stand firm against the report and the rumours ofmen; if neither the empty glory of your colleague, and the unfoundedcalumnies against yourself, shall move you. They say that truth toooften suffers, but is never destroyed. He who despises fame will haveit genuine. Let them call you coward instead of cautious, dilatoryinstead of considerate, unwarlike instead of an expert general. Iwould rather that a sagacious enemy should fear you, than that foolishcountrymen should commend you. A man who hazards all things Hannibalwill despise, him who does nothing rashly he will fear. And neither doI advise that nothing should be done; but that in what you do, reasonshould guide you, and not fortune. All things will be within your ownpower, and your own. Be always ready armed and on the watch, andneither be wanting when a favourable opportunity presents itself, norgive any favourable opportunity to the enemy. All things are clear andsure to the deliberate man. Precipitation is improvident and blind. "

40. The address of the consul in reply was by no means cheerful, admitting that what he said was true, rather than easy to put inpractice. He said, "That to him, as dictator, his master of the horsewas unbearable: what power or influence could a consul have against afactious and intemperate colleague? That he had in his formerconsulate escaped a popular conflagration not without being singed:his prayer was, that every thing might happen prosperously; but if, onthe contrary, any misfortune should occur, that he would rather exposehis life to the weapons of the enemy, than to the votes of hisincensed countrymen. " Directly after this discourse, it is relatedthat Paulus set out, escorted by the principal senators. The plebeianconsul attended his own plebeian party, more distinguished by theirnumbers than respectability. When they had arrived at the camp, theold and new troops being united, they formed two distinct camps, sothat the new and smaller one might be the nearer to Hannibal, and theold one might contain the greater part, and all the choicest of thetroops. They then sent to Rome Marcus Atilius, the consul of theformer year, who alleged his age in excuse. They appoint GeminusServilius to the command of a Roman legion, and two thousand of theallied infantry and cavalry in the lesser camp. Hannibal, although heperceived that the forces of the enemy were augmented by one-half, wasyet wonderfully rejoiced at the arrival of the consuls; for he had notonly nothing remaining of the provisions which he daily acquired byplunder, but there was not even any thing left which he could seize, the corn in all the surrounding country having been collected intofortified cities, when the country was too unsafe; so that, as wasafterwards discovered, there scarcely remained corn enough for tendays, and the Spaniards would have passed over to the enemy, throughwant of food, if the completion of that time had been awaited. 

41. But fortune afforded materials also to the headstrong andprecipitate disposition of the consul, for in checking the plunderingparties a battle having taken place, of a tumultuary kind, andoccasioned rather by a disorderly advance of the soldiers, than by apreconcerted plan, or by the command of the general, the contest wasby no means equal with the Carthaginians. As many as one thousandseven hundred of them were slain, but not more than one hundred of theRomans and allies. The consul Paulus, however, who was in command onthat day, (for they held the command on alternate days, ) apprehendingan ambuscade, restrained the victorious troops in their headstrongpursuit; while Varro indignantly vociferated, that the enemy had beenallowed to slip out of their hands, and that the war might have beenterminated had not the pursuit been stopped. Hannibal was not muchgrieved at that loss; nay, rather he felt convinced, that the temerityof the more presumptuous consul, and of the soldiers, particularly thefresh ones, would be lured by the bait; and besides, all thecircumstances of the enemy were as well known to him as his own: thatdissimilar and discordant men were in command; that nearly two-thirdsof the army consisted of raw recruits. Accordingly, concluding that henow had both a time and place adapted for an ambuscade, on thefollowing night he led his troops away with nothing but their arms, leaving the camp filled with all their effects, both public andprivate. His infantry drawn up he conceals on the left, on theopposite side of the adjoining hills; his cavalry on the right; hisbaggage in an intermediate line he leads over the mountains through avalley, in order that he might surprise the enemy when busy inplundering the camp, deserted, as they would imagine, by its owners, and when encumbered with booty. Numerous fires were left in the camp, to produce a belief that his intention was to keep the consuls intheir places by the appearance of a camp, until he could himselfescape to a greater distance, in the same manner as he had deceivedFabius the year before. 

42. When it was day, the outpost withdrawn first occasioned surprise, then, on a nearer approach, the unusual stillness. At length, thedesertion being manifest, there is a general rush to the pavilions ofthe consuls, of those who announced the flight of the enemy soprecipitate, that they left their camp, with their tents standing;and, that their flight might be the more secret, that numerous fireswere left. Then a clamour arose that they should order the standardsto be advanced, and lead them in pursuit of the enemy, and to theimmediate plunder of the camp. The other consul too was as one of thecommon soldiers. Paulus again and again urged, that they should seetheir way before them, and use every precaution. Lastly, when he couldno longer withstand the sedition and the leader of the sedition, hesends Marius Statilius, a prefect, with a Lucanian troop, toreconnoitre, who, when he had ridden up to the gates, ordered the restto stay without the works, and entered the camp himself, attended bytwo horsemen. Having carefully examined every thing, he brings backword that it was manifestly a snare: that fires were left in that partof the camp which faced the enemy: that the tents were open, and thatall their valuables were left exposed: that in some places he had seensilver carelessly thrown about the passages, as if laid there forplunder. This intelligence, which it was hoped would deter their mindsfrom greediness, inflamed them; and the soldiers clamorouslydeclaring, that unless the signal was given they would advance withouttheir leaders, they by no means wanted one, for Varro instantly gavethe signal for marching. Paulus, whom, unwilling from his ownsuggestions to move, the chickens had not encouraged by theirauspices, ordered the unlucky omen to be reported to his colleague, when he was now leading the troops out of the gate. And though Varrobore it impatiently, yet the recent fate of Flaminius, and therecorded naval defeat of Claudius, the consul in the first Punic war, struck religious scruples into his mind. The gods themselves (it mightalmost be said) rather postponed than averted the calamity which hungover the Romans; for it fell out by mere accident, that when thesoldiers did not obey the consul who ordered them to return to thecamp, two slaves, one belonging to a horseman of Formiae, the other toone of Sidicinum, who had been cut off by the Numidians among a partyof foragers, when Servilius and Atilius were consuls, had escaped onthat day to their masters: and being brought into the presence of theconsuls, inform them that the whole army of Hannibal was lying inambush on the other side of the adjoining mountains. The seasonablearrival of these men restored the consuls to their authority, when theambition of one of them had relaxed his influence with the soldiers, by an undignified compliance. 43. Hannibal, perceiving that the Romanshad been indiscreetly prompted rather than rashly carried to aconclusion, returned to his camp without effecting any thing, as hisstratagem was discovered. He could not remain there many days, inconsequence of the scarcity of corn; and, moreover, not only among thesoldiers, who were mixed up of the off-scouring of various nations, but even with the general himself, day by day new designs arose: for, first, when there had been murmuring of the soldiers, and then an openand clamorous demand of their arrears of pay, and a complaint first ofthe scarcity of provisions, and lastly of famine; and there being areport that the mercenaries, particularly the Spanish, had formed aplan of passing over to the enemy, it is affirmed that Hannibalhimself too sometimes entertained thoughts of flying into Gaul, sothat, having left all his infantry, he might hurry away with hiscavalry. Such being the plans in agitation, and such the state offeeling in the camp, he resolved to depart thence into the regions ofApulia, which were warmer, and therefore earlier in the harvest. Thinking also, that the farther he retired from the enemy, the moredifficult would desertion be to the wavering. He set out by night, having, as before, kindled fires, and leaving a few tents to producean appearance; that a fear of an ambuscade, similar to the former, might keep the Romans in their places. But when intelligence wasbrought by the same Lucanian Statilius, who had reconnoitred everyplace on the other side the mountains, and beyond the camp, that theenemy was seen marching at a distance, then plans began to bedeliberated on about pursuing him. The consuls persisted in the sameopinions they ever entertained; but nearly all acquiesced with Varro, and none with Paulus except Servilius, the consul of the former year. In compliance with the opinion of the majority, they set out, underthe impulse of destiny, to render Cannae celebrated by a Romandisaster. Hannibal had pitched his camp near that village, with hisback to the wind Vulturnus, which, in those plains which are parchedwith drought, carries with it clouds of dust. This circumstance wasnot only very advantageous to the camp, but would be a greatprotection to them when they formed their line; as they, with the windblowing only on their backs, would combat with an enemy blinded withthe thickly blown dust. 

44. When the consuls, employing sufficient diligence in exploring theroad in pursuit of the Carthaginian, had arrived at Cannae, where theyhad the enemy in the sight of them, having divided their forces, theyfortify two camps with nearly the same interval as before, atGeronium. The river Aufidus, which flowed by both the camps, affordedapproach to the watering parties of each, as opportunity served, though not without contest. The Romans in the lesser camp, however, which was on the other side the Aufidus, were more freely furnishedwith water, because the further bank had no guard of the enemy. Hannibal, entertaining a hope that the consuls would not decline abattle in this tract, which was naturally adapted to a cavalryengagement, in which portion of his forces he was invincible, formedhis line, and provoked the enemy by a skirmishing attack with hisNumidians. Upon this the Roman camp began again to be embroiled by amutiny among the soldiers, and the disagreement of the consuls: sincePaulus instanced to Varro the temerity of Sempronius and Flaminius;while Varro pointed to Fabius, as a specious example to timid andinactive generals. The latter called both gods and men to witness, "that no part of the blame attached to him that Hannibal had now madeItaly his own, as it were, by right of possession; that he was heldbound by his colleague; that the swords and arms were taken out of thehands of the indignant soldiers who were eager to fight. " The formerdeclared, "that if any disaster should befall the legions thus exposedand betrayed into an ill-advised and imprudent battle, he should beexempt from any blame, though the sharer of all the consequences. Thathe must take care that their hands were equally energetic in thebattle whose tongues were so forward and impetuous. "

45. While time is thus consumed in altercation rather thandeliberating, Hannibal, who had kept his troops drawn up in order ofbattle till late in the day, when he had led the rest of them backinto the camp, sends Numidians across the river to attack a wateringparty of the Romans from the lesser camp. Having routed thisdisorderly band by shouting and tumult, before they had well reachedthe opposite bank, they advanced even to an outpost which was beforethe rampart, and near the, very gates of the camp. It seemed so greatan indignity, that now even the camp of the Romans should be terrifiedby a tumultuary band of auxiliaries, that this cause alone kept backthe Romans from crossing the river forthwith, and forming their line, that the chief command was on that day held by Paulus. AccordinglyVarro, on the following day, on which it was his turn to hold thecommand, without consulting his colleague, displayed the signal forbattle, and forming his troops, led them across the river. Paulusfollowed, because he could better disapprove of the proceeding, thanwithhold his assistance. Having crossed the river, they add to theirforces those which they had in the lesser camp; and thus forming theirline, place the Roman cavalry in the right wing, which was next theriver; and next them the infantry: at the extremity of the left wingthe allied cavalry; within them the allied infantry, extending to thecentre, and contiguous to the Roman legions. The darters, and the restof the light-armed auxiliaries, formed the van. The consuls commandedthe wings; Terentius the left, Aemilius the right. To Geminus Seviliuswas committed the charge of maintaining the battle in the centre. 

46. Hannibal, at break of day, having sent before him the Baliares andother light-armed troops, crossed the river, and placed his troops inline of battle, as he had conveyed them across the river. The Gallicand Spanish cavalry he placed in the left wing, opposite the Romancavalry: the right wing was assigned to the Numidian cavalry, thecentre of the line being strongly formed by the infantry, so that bothextremities of it were composed of Africans, between which Gauls andSpaniards were placed. One would suppose the Africans were for themost part Romans, they were so equipped with arms captured at theTrebia, and for the greater part at the Trasimenus. The shields of theGauls and Spaniards were of the same shape; their swords unequal anddissimilar. The Gauls had very long ones, without points. TheSpaniards, who were accustomed to stab more than to cut their enemy, had swords convenient from their shortness, and with points. Theaspect of these nations in other respects was terrific, both as to theappearance they exhibited and the size of their persons. The Gaulswere naked above the navel: the Spaniards stood arrayed in linen vestsresplendent with surprising whiteness, and bordered with purple. Thewhole amount of infantry standing in battle-array was forty thousand, of cavalry ten. The generals who commanded the wings were on the leftHasdrubal, on the right Maharbal: Hannibal himself, with his brotherMago, commanded the centre. The sun very conveniently shone obliquelyupon both parties; the Romans facing the south, and the Carthaginiansthe north; either placed so designedly, or having stood thus bychance. The wind, which the inhabitants of the district call theVulturnus, blowing violently in front of the Romans, prevented theirseeing far by rolling clouds of dust into their faces. 

47. The shout being raised, the auxiliaries charged, and the battlecommenced in the first place with the light-armed troops: then theleft wing, consisting of the Gallic and Spanish cavalry, engages withthe Roman right wing, by no means in the manner of a cavalry battle;for they were obliged to engage front to front; for as on one side theriver, on the other the line of infantry hemmed them in, there was nospace left at their flanks for evolution, but both parties werecompelled to press directly forward. At length the horses standingstill, and being crowded together, man grappling with man, dragged himfrom his horse. The contest now came to be carried on principally onfoot. The battle, however, was more violent than lasting; and theRoman cavalry being repulsed, turn their backs. About the conclusionof the contest between the cavalry, the battle between the infantrycommenced. At first the Gauls and Spaniards preserved their ranksunbroken, not inferior in strength or courage: but at length theRomans, after long and repeated efforts, drove in with their evenfront and closely compacted line, that part of the enemy's line in theform of a wedge, which projected beyond the rest, which was too thin, and therefore deficient in strength. These men, thus driven back andhastily retreating, they closely pursued; and as they urged theircourse without interruption through this terrified band, as it fledwith precipitation, were borne first upon the centre line of theenemy; and lastly, no one opposing them, they reached the Africanreserved troops. These were posted at the two extremities of the line, where it was depressed; while the centre, where the Gauls andSpaniards were placed, projected a little. When the wedge thus formedbeing driven in, at first rendered the line level, but afterwards, bythe pressure, made a curvature in the centre, the Africans, who hadnow formed wings on each side of them, surrounded the Romans on bothsides, who incautiously rushed into the intermediate space; andpresently extending their wings, enclosed the enemy on the rear also. After this the Romans, who had in vain finished one battle, leavingthe Gauls and Spaniards, whose rear they had slaughtered, in additioncommence a fresh encounter with the Africans, not only disadvantageous, because being hemmed in they had to fight against troops who surroundedthem, but also because, fatigued, they fought with those who were freshand vigorous. 

48. Now also in the left wing of the Romans, in which the alliedcavalry were opposed to the Numidians, the battle was joined, whichwas at first languid, commencing with a stratagem on the part of theCarthaginians. About five hundred Numidians, who, besides their usualarms, had swords concealed beneath their coats of mail, quitting theirown party, and riding up to the enemy under the semblance ofdeserters, with their bucklers behind them, suddenly leap down fromtheir horses; and, throwing down their bucklers and javelins at thefeet of their enemies, are received into their centre, and beingconducted to the rear, ordered to remain there; and there theycontinued until the battle became general. But afterwards, when thethoughts and attention of all were occupied with the contest, snatching up the shields which lay scattered on all hands among theheaps of slain, they fell upon the rear of the Roman line, andstriking their backs and wounding their hams, occasioned vast havoc, and still greater panic and confusion. While in one part terror andflight prevailed, in another the battle was obstinately persisted in, though with little hope. Hasdrubal, who was then commanding in thatquarter, withdrawing the Numidians from the centre of the army, as theconflict with their opponents was slight, sends them in pursuit of thescattered fugitives, and joining the Africans, now almost weary withslaying rather than fighting the Spanish and Gallic infantry. 

49. On the other side of the field, Paulus, though severely woundedfrom a sling in the very commencement of the battle, with a compactbody of troops, frequently opposed himself to Hannibal, and in severalquarters restored the battle, the Roman cavalry protecting him; who, at length, when the consul had not strength enough even to manage hishorse, dismounted from their horses. And when some one broughtintelligence that the consul had ordered the cavalry to dismount, itis said that Hannibal observed, "How much rather would I that hedelivered them to me in chains. " The fight maintained by thedismounted cavalry was such as might be expected, when the victory wasundoubtedly on the side of the enemy, the vanquished preferring deathin their places to flight; and the conquerors, who were enraged atthem for delaying the victory, butchering those whom they could notput to flight. They at length, however, drove the few who remainedaway, worn out with exertion and wounds. After that they were alldispersed, and such as could, sought to regain their horses forflight. Cneius Lentulus, a military tribune, seeing, as he rode by, the consul sitting upon a stone and covered with blood, said to him:"Lucius Aemilius! the only man whom the gods ought to regard as beingguiltless of this day's disaster, take this horse, while you have anystrength remaining, and I am with you to raise you up and protect you. Make not this battle more calamitous by the death of a consul. Thereis sufficient matter for tears and grief without this addition. " Inreply the consul said: "Do thou indeed go on and prosper, CneiusServilius, in your career of virtue! But beware lest you waste inbootless commiseration the brief opportunity of escaping from thehands of the enemy. Go and tell the fathers publicly, to fortify thecity of Rome, and garrison it strongly before the victorious enemyarrive: and tell Quintus Fabius individually, that Lucius Aemiliuslived, and now dies, mindful of his injunctions. Allow me to expireamid these heaps of my slaughtered troops, that I may not a secondtime be accused after my consulate, or stand forth as the accuser ofmy colleague, in order to defend my own innocence by criminatinganother. " While finishing these words, first a crowd of their flyingcountrymen, after that the enemy, came upon them; they overwhelm theconsul with their weapons, not knowing who he was: in the confusionhis horse rescued Lentulus. After that they fly precipitately. Seventhousand escaped to the lesser camp, ten to the greater, about twothousand to the village itself of Cannae who were immediatelysurrounded by Carthalo and the cavalry, no fortifications protectingthe village. The other consul, whether by design or by chance, madegood his escape to Venusia with about seventy horse, without minglingwith any party of the flying troops. Forty thousand foot, two thousandseven hundred horse, there being an equal number of citizens andallies, are said to have been slain. Among both the quaestors of theconsuls, Lucius Atilius and Lucius Furius Bibaculus; twenty-onemilitary tribunes; several who had passed the offices of consul, praetor, and aedile; among these they reckon Cneius ServiliusGerminus, and Marcus Minucius, who had been master of the horse on aformer year, and consul some years before: moreover eighty, eithersenators, or who had borne those offices by which they might beelected into the senate, and who had voluntarily enrolled themselvesin the legions. Three thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry aresaid to have been captured in that battle. 

50. Such is the battle of Cannae, equal in celebrity to the defeat atthe Allia: but as it was less important in respect to those thingswhich happened after it, because the enemy did not follow up the blow, so was it more important and more horrible with respect to theslaughter of the army; for with respect to the flight at the Allia, asit betrayed the city, so it preserved the army. At Cannae, scarcelyseventy accompanied the flying consul: almost the whole army sharedthe fate of the other who died. The troops collected in the two campsbeing a half-armed multitude without leaders, those in the larger senda message to the others, that they should come over to them at night, when the enemy was oppressed with sleep, and wearied with the battle, and then, out of joy, overpowered with feasting: that they would go inone body to Canusium. Some entirely disapproved of that advice. "Forwhy, " said they, "did not those who sent for them come themselves, since there would be equal facility of forming a junction? Because, evidently, all the intermediate space was crowded with the enemy, andthey would rather expose the persons of others to so great a dangerthan their own. " Others did not so much disapprove, as want courage tofulfil the advice. Publius Sempronius Tuditanus, a military tribune, exclaims, "Would you rather, then, be captured by the most rapaciousand cruel enemy, and have a price set upon your heads, and have yourvalue ascertained by men who will ask whether you are Roman citizensor Latin confederates, in order that from your miseries andindignities honour may be sought for another? Not you, at least, ifyou are the fellow-citizens of Lucius Aemilius, the consul whopreferred an honourable death to a life of infamy, and of so manybrave men who lie heaped around him. But, before the light overtakesus and more numerous bodies of the enemy beset the way, let us breakthrough those disorderly and irregular troops who are making a noiseat our gates. By the sword and courage, a road may be made throughenemies, however dense. In a wedge we shall make our way through thisloose and disjointed band, as if nothing opposed us. Come along withme therefore, ye who wish the safety of yourselves and the state. "Having thus said, he draws his sword, and forming a wedge, goesthrough the midst of the enemy; and as the Numidians discharged theirjavelins on their right side, which was exposed, they transferredtheir shields to the right hand, and thus escaped, to the number ofsix hundred, to the greater camp; and setting out thence forthwith, another large body having joined them, arrived safe at Canusium. Thesemeasures were taken by the vanquished, according to the impulse oftheir tempers, which his own disposition or which accident gave toeach, rather than in consequence of any deliberate plan of their own, or in obedience to the command of any one. 

51. When all others, surrounding the victorious Hannibal, congratulated him, and advised that, having completed so great abattle, he should himself take the remainder of the day and theensuing night for rest, and grant it to his exhausted troops;Maharbal, prefect of the cavalry, who was of opinion that no timeshould be lost, said to him, "Nay, rather, that you may know what hasbeen achieved by this battle, five days hence you shall feast intriumph in the Capitol. Follow me: I will go first with the cavalry, that they may know that I am arrived before they know of me asapproaching. " To Hannibal this project appeared too full of joy, andtoo great for his mind to embrace it and determine upon it at theinstant. Accordingly, he replied to Maharbal, that "he applauded hiszeal, but that time was necessary to ponder the proposal. " Upon thisMaharbal observed, "Of a truth the gods have not bestowed all thingsupon the same person. You know how to conquer, Hannibal; but you donot know how to make use of your victory. " That day's delay is firmlybelieved to have been the preservation of the city and the empire. Onthe following day, as soon as it dawned, they set about gathering thespoils and viewing the carnage, which was shocking, even to enemies. So many thousands of Romans were lying, foot and horse promiscuously, according as accident had brought them together, either in the battleor in the flight. Some, whom their wounds, pinched by the morningcold, had roused, as they were rising up, covered with blood, from themidst of the heaps of slain, were overpowered by the enemy. Some toothey found lying alive with their thighs and hams cut who, laying baretheir necks and throats, bid them drain the blood that remained inthem. Some were found with their heads plunged into the earth, whichthey had excavated; having thus, as it appeared, made pits forthemselves, and having suffocated themselves by overwhelming theirfaces with the earth which they threw over them. A living Numidian, with lacerated nose and ears, stretched beneath a lifeless Roman wholay upon him, principally attracted the attention of all; for when hishands were powerless to grasp his weapon, turning from rage tomadness, he had died in the act of tearing his antagonist with histeeth. 

52. The spoils having been gathered for a great part of the day, Hannibal leads his troops to storm the lesser camp, and, first of all, interposing a trench, cuts it off from the river. But as the men werefatigued with toil, watching, and wounds, a surrender was made soonerthan he expected. Having agreed to deliver up their arms and horses, on condition that the ransom of every Roman should be three hundreddenarii, for an ally two hundred, for a slave one hundred, and that onpayment of that ransom they should be allowed to depart with singlegarments, they received the enemy into the camp, and were alldelivered into custody, the citizens and allies being kept separate. While the time is being spent there, all who had strength or spiritenough, to the number of four thousand foot and two hundred horse, quitted the greater camp and arrived at Canusium; some in a body, others widely dispersed through the country, which was no less securea course: the camp itself was surrendered to the enemy by the woundedand timid troops, on the same terms as the other was. A very greatbooty was obtained; and with the exception of the men and horses, andwhat silver there was which was for the most part on the trappings ofthe horses; for they had but very little in use for eating from, particularly in campaign; all the rest of the booty was given up to beplundered. Then he ordered the bodies of his own troops to becollected for burial. They are said to have been as many as eightthousand of his bravest men. Some authors relate, that the Romanconsul also was carefully searched for and buried. Those who escapedto Canusium, being received by the people of that place within theirwalls and houses only, were assisted with corn, clothes, andprovisions for their journey, by an Apulian lady, named Busa, distinguished for her family and riches; in return for whichmunificence, the senate afterwards, when the war was concluded, conferred honours upon her. 

53. But, though there were four military tribunes there, FabiusMaximus of the first legion, whose father had been dictator the formeryear; and of the second legion, Lucius Publicius Bibulus and PubliusCornelius Scipio; and of the third legion, Appius Claudius Pulcher, who had been aedile the last year; by the consent of all, the supremecommand was vested in Publius Scipio, then a very young man, andAppius Claudius. To these, while deliberating with a few others on thecrisis of their affairs, Publius Furius Philus, the son of a man ofconsular dignity, brings intelligence, "That it was in vain that theycherished hopes which could never be realized: that the state wasdespaired of, and lamented as lost. That certain noble youths, thechief of whom was Lucius Caecilius Metellus, turned their attention tothe sea and ships, in order that, abandoning Italy, they might escapeto some king. " When this calamity, which was not only dreadful initself, but new, and in addition to the numerous disasters they hadsustained, had struck them motionless with astonishment and stupor;and while those who were present gave it as their opinion that acouncil should be called to deliberate upon it, young Scipio, thedestined general of this war, asserts, "That it is not a propersubject for deliberation: that courage and action, and notdeliberation, were necessary in so great a calamity. That those whowished the safety of the state would attend him forthwith in arms;that in no place was the camp of the enemy more truly, than where suchdesigns were meditated. " He immediately proceeds, attended by a few, to the lodging of Metellus; and finding there the council of youths ofwhich he had been apprized, he drew his sword over the heads of them, deliberating, and said, "With sincerity of soul I swear that neitherwill I myself desert the cause of the Roman republic, nor will Isuffer any other citizen of Rome to desert it. If knowingly I violatemy oath, then, O Jupiter, supremely great and good, mayest thou visitmy house, my family, and my fortune with perdition the most horrible!I require you, Lucius Caecilius, and the rest of you who are present, to take this oath; and let the man who shall not take it be assured, that this sword is drawn against him. " Terrified, as though they werebeholding the victorious Hannibal, they all take the oath, and deliverthemselves to Scipio to be kept in custody. 

54. During the time in which these things were going on at Canusium, as many as four thousand foot and horse, who had been dispersedthrough the country in the flight, came to Venusia, to the consul. These the Venusini distributed throughout their families, to be kindlyentertained and taken care of; and also gave to each horseman a gown, a tunic, and twenty-five denarii; and to each foot soldier tendenarii, and such arms as they wanted; and every other kind ofhospitality showed them, both publicly and privately: emulouslystriving that the people of Venusia might not be surpassed by a womanof Canusium in kind offices. But the great number of her guestsrendered the burden more oppressive to Busa, for they amounted now toten thousand men. Appius and Scipio, having heard that the otherconsul was safe, immediately send a messenger to inquire how great aforce of infantry and cavalry he had with him, and at the same time toask, whether it was his pleasure that the army should be brought toVenusia, or remain at Canusium. Varro himself led over his forces toCanusium. And now there was some appearance of a consular army, andthey seemed able to defend themselves from the enemy by walls, if notby arms. At Rome intelligence had been received, that not even theserelics of their citizens and allies had survived, but that the twoconsuls, with their armies, were cut to pieces, and all their forcesannihilated. Never when the city was in safety was there so great apanic and confusion within the walls of Rome. I shall therefore shrinkfrom the task, and not attempt to relate what in describing I mustmake less than the reality. The consul and his army having been lostat the Trasimenus the year before, it was not one wound upon anotherwhich was announced, but a multiplied disaster, the loss of twoconsular armies, together with the two consuls: and that now there wasneither any Roman camp, nor general nor soldiery: that Apulia andSamnium, and now almost the whole of Italy, were in the possession ofHannibal. No other nation surely would not have been overwhelmed bysuch an accumulation of misfortune. Shall I compare with it thedisaster of the Carthaginians, sustained in a naval battle at theislands Aegates, dispirited by which they gave up Sicily and Sardinia, and thenceforth submitted to become tributary and stipendiary? Orshall I compare with it the defeat in Africa under which this sameHannibal afterwards sunk? In no respect are they comparable, exceptthat they were endured with less fortitude. 

55. Publius Furius Philus and Manius Pomponius, the praetors, assembled the senate in the curia hostilia, that they might deliberateabout the guarding of the city; for they doubted not but that theenemy, now their armies were annihilated, would come to assault Rome, the only operation of the war which remained. Unable to form any planin misfortunes, not only very great, but unknown and undefined, andwhile the loud lamentations of the women were resounding, and nothingwas as yet made known, the living and the dead alike being lamented inalmost every house; such being the state of things, Quintus Fabiusgave it as his opinion, "That light horsemen should be sent out on theLatin and Appian ways, who, questioning those they met, as some wouldcertainly be dispersed in all directions from the flight, might bringback word what was the fate of the consuls and their armies; and ifthe gods, pitying the empire, had left any remnant of the Roman namewhere these forces were; whither Hannibal had repaired after thebattle, what he was meditating; what he was doing, or about to do. That these points should be searched out and ascertained by activeyouths. That it should be the business of the fathers, since there wasa deficiency of magistrates, to do away with the tumult andtrepidation in the city; to keep the women from coming into public, and compel each to abide within her own threshold; to put a stop tothe lamentations of families; to obtain silence in the city; to takecare that the bearers of every kind of intelligence should be broughtbefore the praetors; that each person should await at home the bearerof tidings respecting his own fortune: moreover, that they should postguards at the gates, to prevent any person from quitting the city; andoblige men to place their sole hopes of safety in the preservation ofthe walls and the city. That when the tumult had subsided the fathersshould be called again to the senate-house, and deliberate on thedefence of the city. "

56. When all had signified their approbation of this opinion, andafter the crowd had been removed by the magistrates from the forum, and the senators had proceeded in different directions to allay thetumult; then at length a letter is brought from the consul Terentius, stating, "That Lucius Aemilius, the consul, and his army were slain;that he himself was at Canusium, collecting, as it were after ashipwreck, the remains of this great disaster; that he had nearly tenthousand irregular and unorganized troops. That the Carthaginian wassitting still at Cannae, bargaining about the price of the captivesand the other booty, neither with the spirit of a conqueror nor in thestyle of a great general. " Then also the losses of private familieswere made known throughout the several houses; and so completely wasthe whole city filled with grief, that the anniversary sacred rite ofCeres was intermitted, because it was neither allowable to perform itwhile in mourning, nor was there at that juncture a single matron whowas not in mourning. Accordingly, lest the same cause should occasionthe neglect of other public and private sacred rites, the mourning waslimited to thirty days, by a decree of the senate. Now when the tumultin the city was allayed, an additional letter was brought from Sicily, from Titus Otacilius, the propraetor, stating, "that the kingdom ofHiero was being devastated by the Carthaginian fleet: and that, beingdesirous of affording him the assistance he implored, he receivedintelligence that another Carthaginian fleet was stationed at theAegates, equipped and prepared; in order that when the Carthaginianshad perceived that he was gone away to protect the coast of Syracuse, they might immediately attack Lilybaeum and other parts of the Romanprovince; that he therefore needed a fleet, if they wished him toprotect the king their ally, and Sicily. "

57. The letters of the consul and the propraetor having been read, they resolved that Marcus Claudius, who commanded the fleet stationedat Ostia, should be sent to the army to Canusium; and a letter bewritten to the consul, to the effect that, having delivered the armyto the praetor, he should return to Rome the first moment he could, consistently with the interest of the republic. They were terrifiedalso, in addition to these disasters, both with other prodigies, andalso because two vestal virgins, Opimia and Floronia, were that yearconvicted of incontinence; one of whom was, according to custom, buried alive at the Colline gate; the other destroyed herself. LuciusCantilius, secretary of the pontiff, whom they now call the lesserpontiffs, who had debauched Floronia, was beaten by rods in thecomitium, by order of the chief pontiff, so that he expired under thestripes. This impiety being converted into a prodigy, as is usuallythe case when happening in the midst of so many calamities, thedecemviri were desired to consult the sacred books. Quintus FabiusPictor was also sent to Delphi, to inquire of the oracle by whatprayers and offerings they might appease the gods, and whattermination there would be to such great distresses. Meanwhile certainextraordinary sacrifices were performed, according to the directionsof the books of the fates; among which a Gallic man and woman, and aGreek man and woman, were let down alive in the cattle market, into aplace fenced round with stone, which had been already polluted withhuman victims, a rite by no means Roman. The gods being, as theysupposed, sufficiently appeased, Marcus Claudius Marcellus sends fromOstia to Rome, as a garrison for the city, one thousand five hundredsoldiers, which he had with him, levied for the fleet. He himselfsending before him a marine legion, (it was the third legion, ) underthe command of the military tribunes, to Teanum Sidicinum, anddelivering the fleet to Publius Furius Philus, his colleague, after afew days, proceeded by long marches to Cannsium. Marcus Junius, created dictator on the authority of the senate, and Titus Sempronius, master of the horse, proclaiming a levy, enrol the younger men fromthe age of seventeen, and some who wore the toga praetexta: of these, four legions and a thousand horse were formed. They send also to theallies and the Latin confederacy, to receive the soldiers according tothe terms of the treaty. They order that arms, weapons, and otherthings should be prepared; and they take down from the temples andporticoes the old spoils taken from the enemy. They adopted alsoanother and a new form of levy, from the scarcity of free persons, andfrom necessity: they armed eight thousand stout youths from theslaves, purchased at the public expense, first inquiring of eachwhether he was willing to serve. They preferred this description oftroops, though they had the power of redeeming the captives at a lessexpense. 

58. For Hannibal, after so great a victory at Cannae, being occupiedwith the cares of a conqueror, rather than one who had a war toprosecute, the captives having been brought forward and separated, addressed the allies in terms of kindness, as he had done before atthe Trebia and the lake Trasimenus, and dismissed them without aransom; then he addressed the Romans too, who were called to him, invery gentle terms: "That he was not carrying on a war of exterminationwith the Romans, but was contending for honour and empire. That hisancestors had yielded to the Roman valour; and that he wasendeavouring that others might be obliged to yield, in their turn, tohis good fortune and valour together. Accordingly, he allowed thecaptives the liberty of ransoming themselves, and that the price perhead should be five hundred denarii for a horseman, three hundred fora foot soldier, and one hundred for a slave. " Although some additionwas made to that sum for the cavalry, which they stipulated forthemselves when they surrendered, yet they joyfully accepted any termsof entering into the compact. They determined that ten persons shouldbe selected, by their own votes, who might go to Rome to the senate;nor was any other guarantee of their fidelity taken than that theyshould swear that they would return. With these was sent Carthalo, anoble Carthaginian, who might propose terms, if perchance their mindswere inclined towards peace. When they had gone out of the camp, oneof their body, a man who had very little of the Roman character, underpretence of having forgotten something, returned to the camp, for thepurpose of freeing himself from the obligation of his oath, andovertook his companions before night. When it was announced that theyhad arrived at Rome, a lictor was despatched to meet Carthalo, to tellhim, in the words of the dictator, to depart from the Romanterritories before night. 

59. An audience of the senate was granted by the dictator to thedelegates of the prisoners. The chief of them, Marcus Junius, thusspoke: "There is not one of us, conscript fathers, who is not awarethat there never was a nation which held prisoners in greater contemptthan our own. But unless our own cause is dearer to us than it shouldbe, never did men fall into the hands of the enemy who less deservedto be disregarded than we do; for we did not surrender our arms in thebattle through fear; but having prolonged the battle almost tillnight-fall, while standing upon heaps of our slaughtered countrymen, we betook ourselves to our camp. For the remainder of the day andduring the following night, although exhausted with exertion andwounds, we protected our rampart. On the following day, when, beset bythe enemy, we were deprived of water, and there was no hope ofbreaking through the dense bands of the enemy; and, moreover, notconsidering it an impiety that any Roman soldier should survive thebattle of Cannae, after fifty thousand of our army had been butchered;then at length we agreed upon terms on which we might be ransomed andlet off; and our arms, in which there was no longer any protection, wedelivered to the enemy. We had been informed that our ancestors alsohad redeemed themselves from the Gauls with gold, and that though sorigid as to the terms of peace, had sent ambassadors to Tarentum forthe purpose of ransoming the captives. And yet both the fight at theAllia with the Gauls, and at Heraclea with Pyrrhus, was disgraceful, not so much on account of the loss as the panic and flight. Heaps ofRoman carcasses cover the plains of Cannae; nor would any of us havesurvived the battle, had not the enemy wanted the strength and thesword to slay us. There are, too, some of us, who did not even retreatin the field; but being left to guard the camp, came into the hands ofthe enemy when it was surrendered. For my part, I envy not the goodfortune or condition of any citizen or fellow-soldier, nor would Iendeavour to raise myself by depressing another: but not even thosemen who, for the most part, leaving their arms, fled from the field, and stopped not till they arrived at Venusia or Canusium; not eventhose men, unless some reward is due to them on account of theirswiftness of foot and running, would justly set themselves before us, or boast that there is more protection to the state in them than inus. But you will both find them to be good and brave soldiers, and usstill more zealous, because, by your kindness, we have been ransomedand restored to our country. You are levying from every age andcondition: I hear that eight thousand slaves are being armed. We areno fewer in number; nor will the expense of redeeming us be greaterthan that of purchasing these. Should I compare ourselves with them, Ishould injure the name of Roman. I should think also, conscriptfathers, that in deliberating on such a measure, it ought also to beconsidered, (if you are disposed to be over severe, which you cannotdo from any demerit of ours, ) to what sort of enemy you would abandonus. Is it to Pyrrhus, for instance, who treated us, when hisprisoners, like guests; or to a barbarian and Carthaginian, of whom itis difficult to determine whether his rapacity or cruelty be thegreater? If you were to see the chains, the squalid appearance, theloathsomeness of your countrymen, that spectacle would not, I amconfident, less affect you, than if, on the other hand, you beheldyour legions prostrate on the plains of Cannae. You may behold thesolicitude and the tears of our kinsmen, as they stand in the lobby ofyour senate-house, and await your answer. When they are in so muchsuspense and anxiety in behalf of us, and those who are absent, whatthink you must be our own feelings, whose lives and liberty are atstake? By Hercules! should Hannibal himself, contrary to his nature, be disposed to be lenient towards us, yet we should not consider ourlives worth possessing, since we have seemed unworthy of beingransomed by you. Formerly, prisoners dismissed by Pyrrhus, withoutransom, returned to Rome; but they returned in company withambassadors, the chief men of the state, who were sent to ransom them. Would I return to my country, a citizen, and not considered worththree hundred denarii? Every man has his own way of thinking, conscript fathers. I know that my life and person are at stake. Butthe danger which threatens my reputation affects me most, if we shouldgo away rejected and condemned by you; for men will never suppose thatyou grudged the price of our redemption. "

60. When he had finished his address, the crowd of persons in thecomitium immediately set up a loud lamentation, and stretched outtheir hands to the senate, imploring them to restore to them theirchildren, their brothers, and their kinsmen. Their fears and affectionfor their kindred had brought the women also with the crowd of men inthe forum. Witnesses being excluded, the matter began to be discussedin the senate. There being a difference of opinion, and some advisingthat they should be ransomed at the public charge, others, that thestate should be put to no expense, but that they should not beprevented redeeming themselves at their own cost; and that those whohad not the money at present should receive a loan from the publiccoffer, and security given to the people by their sureties andproperties; Titus Manlius Torquatus, a man of primitive, and, as someconsidered, over-rigorous severity, being asked his opinion, isreported thus to have spoken: "Had the deputies confined themselves tomaking a request, in behalf of those who are in the hands of theenemy, that they might be ransomed, I should have briefly given myopinion, without inveighing against any one. For what else would havebeen necessary but to admonish you, that you ought to adhere to thecustom handed down from your ancestors, a precedent indispensable tomilitary discipline. But now, since they have almost boasted of havingsurrendered themselves to the enemy, and have claimed to be preferred, not only to those who were captured by the enemy in the field, but tothose also who came to Venusia and Canusium, and even to the consulTerentius himself; I will not suffer you to remain in ignorance ofthings which were done there. And I could wish that what I am about tobring before you, were stated at Canusium, before the army itself, thebest witness of every man's cowardice or valour; or at least that oneperson, Publius Sempronius, were here, whom had they followed as theirleader, they would this day have been soldiers in the Roman camp, andnot prisoners in the power of the enemy. But though the enemy wasfatigued with fighting, and engaged in rejoicing for their victory, and had, the greater part of them, retired into their camp, and theyhad the night at their disposal for making a sally, and as they wereseven thousand armed troops, might have forced their way through thetroops of the enemy, however closely arrayed; yet they neither ofthemselves attempted to do this, nor were willing to follow another. Throughout nearly the whole night Sempronius ceased not to admonishand exhort them, while but few of the enemy were about the camp, whilethere was stillness and quiet, while the night would conceal theirdesign, that they would follow him; that before daybreak they mightreach places of security, the cities of their allies. If as PubliusDecius, the military tribune in Samnium, said, within the memory ofour grandfathers; if he had said, as Calpurnius Flamma, in the firstPunic war, when we were youths, said to the three hundred volunteers, when he was leading them to seize upon an eminence situated in themidst of the enemy: LET US DIE, SOLDIERS, AND BY OUR DEATHS RESCUE THESURROUNDED LEGIONS FROM AMBUSCADE;--if Publius Sempronius had saidthus, he would neither have considered you as Romans nor men, had noone stood forward as his companion in so valorous an attempt. Hepoints out to you the road that leads not to glory more than tosafety; he restores you to your country, your parents, your wives andchildren. Do you want courage to effect your preservation? What wouldyou do if you had to die for your country? Fifty thousand of yourcountrymen and allies on that very day lay around you slain. If somany examples of courage did not move you, nothing ever will. If sogreat a carnage did not make life less dear, none ever will. While infreedom and safety, show your affection for your country; nay, ratherdo so while it is your country, and you its citizens. Too late you nowendeavour to evince your regard for her when degraded, disfranchisedfrom the rights of citizens, and become the slaves of theCarthaginians. Shall you return by purchase to that degree which youhave forfeited by cowardice and neglect? You did not listen toSempronius, your countryman, when he bid you take arms and follow him;but a little after you listened to Hannibal, when he ordered your armsto be surrendered, and your camp betrayed. But why do I charge thosemen with cowardice, when I might tax them with villany? They not onlyrefused to follow him who gave them good advice, but endeavoured tooppose and hold him back, had not some men of the greatest bravery, drawing their swords, removed the cowards. Publius Sempronius, I say, was obliged to force his way through a band of his countrymen, beforehe burst through the enemy's troops. Can our country regret suchcitizens as these, whom if all the rest resembled, she would not haveone citizen of all those who fought at Cannae? Out of seven thousandarmed men, there were six hundred who had courage to force their way, who returned to their country free, and in arms; nor did fortythousand of the enemy successfully oppose them. How safe, think you, would a passage have been for nearly two legions? Then you would havehad this day at Canusium, conscript fathers, twenty thousand bold andfaithful. But now how can these men be called faithful and goodcitizens, (for they do not even call themselves brave, ) except any mansuppose that they showed themselves such when they opposed those whowere desirous of forcing their way through the enemy? or, unless anyman can suppose, that they do not envy those men their safety andglory acquired by valour, when the must know that their timidity andcowardice were the cause of their ignominious servitude? Skulking intheir tents they preferred to wait for the light and the enemytogether, when they had an opportunity of sallying forth during thesilence of the night. But though they had not courage to sally forthfrom the camp, had they courage to defend it strenuously? Havingendured a siege for several days and nights, did they protect theirrampart by their arms, and themselves by their rampart? At length, having dared and suffered every extremity, every support of life beinggone, their strength exhausted with famine, and unable to hold theirarms, were they subdued by the necessities of nature rather than byarms? At sunrise, the enemy approached the rampart: before the secondhour, without hazarding any contest, they delivered up their arms andthemselves. Here is their military service for you during two days. When they ought to have stood firm in array and fight on, then theyfled back into their camp; when they ought to have fought before theirrampart, they delivered up their camp: good for nothing, either in thefield or the camp. I redeem you. When you ought to sally from thecamp, you linger and hesitate; and when you ought to stay and protectyour camp in arms, you surrender the camp, your arms, and yourselvesto the enemy. I am of opinion, conscript fathers, that these menshould no more be ransomed, than that those should be surrendered toHannibal, who sallied from the camp through the midst of the enemy, and, with the most distinguished courage, restored themselves to theircountry. "

61. After Manlius had thus spoken, notwithstanding the captives wererelated to many even of the senators, besides the practice of thestate, which had never shown favour to captives, even from theremotest times, the sum of money also influenced them: for they wereneither willing to drain the treasury, a large sum of money havingbeen already issued for buying and arming slaves to serve in the war, nor to enrich Hannibal, who, according to report, was particularly inwant of this very thing. The sad reply, that the captives would not beransomed, being delivered, and fresh grief being added to the formeron account of the loss of so many citizens, the people accompanied thedeputies to the gate with copious tears and lamentations. One of themwent home, because he had evaded his oath by artfully returning to thecamp. But when this was known and laid before the senate, they allresolved that he should be apprehended and conveyed to Hannibal byguards, furnished by the state. There is another account respectingthe prisoners, that ten came first, and that, the senate hesitatingwhether they should be admitted into the city or not, they wereadmitted, on the understanding that they should not have an audienceof the senate. That when these staid longer than the expectation ofall, three more came, Scribonius, Calpurnius, and Manlius. That thenat length a tribune of the people, a relation of Scribonius, laidbefore the senate the redemption of the captives, and that theyresolved that they should not be ransomed. That the three lastdeputies returned to Hannibal, and the ten former remained, becausethey had evaded their oath, having returned to Hannibal after havingset out, under pretence of learning afresh the names of the captives. That a violent contest took place in the senate, on the question ofsurrendering them, and that those who thought they ought to besurrendered were beaten by a few votes, but that they were so brandedby every kind of stigma and ignominy by the ensuing censors, that someof them immediately put themselves to death, and the rest, for alltheir life afterwards, not only shunned the forum, but almost thelight and publicity. You can more easily wonder that authors differ somuch than determine what is the truth. How much greater this disasterwas than any preceding, even this is a proof, that such of the alliesas had stood firm till that day then began to waver, for no othercause certainly but that they despaired of the empire. The people whorevolted to the Carthaginians were these: the Atellani, Calatini, theHirpini, some of the Apulians, the Samnites, except the Pentrians, allthe Bruttians, and the Lucanians. Besides these the Surrentinians, andalmost the whole coast possessed by the Greeks, the people ofTarentum, Metapontum, Croton, the Locrians, and all Cisalpine Gaul. Yet not even these losses and defections of their allies so shook thefirmness of the Romans, that any mention of peace was made among them, either before the arrival of the consul at Rome, or after he camethither, and renewed the memory of the calamity they had suffered. Atwhich very juncture, such was the magnanimity of the state, that theconsul, as he returned after so severe a defeat, of which he himselfwas the principal cause, was met in crowds of all ranks of citizens, and thanks bestowed because he had not despaired of the republic, inwhose case, had he been a Carthaginian commander, no species ofpunishment would have been spared. 

BOOK XXIII. 

_The Campanians revolt to Hannibal. Mago is sent to Carthage toannounce the victory of Cannae. Hanno advises the Carthaginian senateto make peace with the Romans, but is overborne by the Barcinefaction. Claudius Marcellus the praetor defeats Hannibal at Nola. Hannibal's army is enervated in mind and body by luxurious living atCapua. Casilinum is besieged by the Carthaginians, and the inhabitantsreduced to the last extremity of famine. A hundred and ninety-sevensenators elected from the equestrian order. Lucius Postumius is, withhis army, cut off by the Gauls. Cneius and Publius Scipio defeatHasdrubal in Spain, and gain possession of that country. The remainsof the army, defeated at Cannae, are sent off to Sicily, there toremain until the termination of the war. An alliance is formed betweenPhilip, king of Macedon, and Hannibal. Sempronius Gracchus defeats theCampanians. Successes of Titus Manlius in Sardinia he takes Hasdrubalthe general, Mago, and Hanno prisoners. Claudius Marcellus againdefeats the army of Hannibal at Nola, and the hopes of the Romans arerevived as to the results of the war. _

 * * * * *

1. After the battle of Cannae, Hannibal, having captured and plunderedthe Roman camp, had immediately removed from Apulia into Samnium;invited into the territory of the Hirpini by Statius, who promisedthat he would surrender Compsa. Tiebius, a native of Compsa, wasconspicuous for rank among his countrymen; but a faction of the Mopsiikept him down--a family of great influence through the favour of theRomans. After intelligence of the battle of Cannae, and a report ofthe approach of Hannibal, circulated by the discourse of Trebius, theMopsian party had retired from the city; which was thus given up tothe Carthaginian without opposition, and a garrison received into it. Leaving there all his booty and baggage, and dividing his forces, heorders Mago to receive under his protection the cities of thatdistrict which might revolt from the Romans, and to force to defectionthose which might be disinclined. He himself, passing through theterritory of Campania, made for the lower sea, with the intention ofassaulting Naples, in order that he might be master of a maritimecity. As soon as he entered the confines of the Neapolitan territory, he placed part of his Numidians in ambush, wherever he could find aconvenient spot; for there are very many hollow roads and secretwindings: others he ordered to drive before them the booty they hadcollected from the country, and, exhibiting it to the enemy, to rideup to the gates of the city. As they appeared to be few in number andin disorder, a troop of horse sallied out against them, which was cutoff, being drawn into an ambuscade by the others, who purposelyretreated: nor would one of them have escaped, had not the sea beennear, and some vessels, principally such as are used in fishing, observed at a short distance from the shore, afforded an escape forthose who could swim. Several noble youths, however, were captured andslain in that affair. Among whom, Hegeas, the commander of thecavalry, fell when pursuing the retreating enemy too eagerly. Thesight of the walls, which were not favourable to a besieging force, deterred the Carthaginian from storming the city. 

2. Thence he turned his course to Capua, which was wantoning under along course of prosperity, and the indulgence of fortune: amid thegeneral corruption, however, the most conspicuous feature was theextravagance of the commons, who exercised their liberty withoutlimit. Pacuvius Calavius had rendered the senate subservient tohimself and the commons, at once a noble and popular man, but who hadacquired his influence by dishonourable intrigues. Happening to holdthe chief magistracy during the year in which the defeat at theTrasimenus occurred, and thinking that the commons, who had long feltthe most violent hostility to the senate, would attempt some desperatemeasure, should an opportunity for effecting a change present itself;and if Hannibal should come into that quarter with his victoriousarmy, would murder the senators and deliver Capua to theCarthaginians; as he desired to rule in a state preserved rather thansubverted (for though depraved he was not utterly abandoned), and ashe felt convinced that no state could be preserved if bereaved of itspublic council, he adopted a plan by which he might preserve thesenate and render it subject to himself and the commons. Havingassembled the senate, he prefaced his remarks by observing, "thatnothing would induce him to acquiesce in a plan of defection from theRomans, were it not absolutely necessary; since he had children by thedaughter of Appius Claudius, and had a daughter at Rome married toLivius: but that a much more serious and alarming matter threatenedthem, than any consequences which could result from such a measure. For that the intention of the commons was not to abolish the senate byrevolting to the Carthaginians, but to murder the senators, anddeliver the state thus destitute to Hannibal and the Carthaginians. That it was in his power to rescue them from this danger, if theywould resign themselves to his care, and, forgetting their politicaldissensions, confide in him. " When, overpowered with fear, they allput themselves under his protection, he proceeded: "I will shut you upin the senate-house, and pretending myself to be an accomplice in themeditated crime, I will, by approving measures which I should in vainoppose, find out a way for your safety. For the performance of thistake whatever pledge you please. " Having given his honour, he wentout; and having ordered the house to be closed, placed a guard in thelobby that no one might enter or leave it without his leave. 

3. Then assembling the people, he thus addressed them: "What you haveso often wished for, Campanians, the power of punishing anunprincipled and detestable senate, you now have, not at your ownimminent peril, by riotously storming the houses of each, which areguarded and garrisoned with slaves and dependants, but free andwithout danger. Take them all, shut up in the senate-house, alone andunarmed; nor need you do any thing precipitately or blindly. I willgive you the opportunity of pronouncing upon the life or death ofeach, that each may suffer the punishment he has deserved. But, aboveall, it behoves you so to give way to your resentment, as consideringthat your own safety and advantage are of greater importance. For Iapprehend that you hate these particular senators, and not that youare unwilling to have any senate at all; for you must either have aking, which all abominate, or a senate, which is the only coursecompatible with a free state. Accordingly you must effect two objectsat the same time; you must remove the old senate and elect a new one. I will order the senators to be summoned one by one, and I shall putit to you to decide whether they deserve to live or die: whatever youmay determine respecting each shall be done; but before you executeyour sentence on the culprit, you shall elect some brave and strenuousman as a fresh senator to supply his place. " Upon this he took hisseat, and, the names having been thrown together into an urn, heordered that the name which had the lot to fall out first should beproclaimed, and the person brought forward out of the senate-house. When the name was heard, each man strenuously exclaimed that he was awicked and unprincipled fellow, and deserved to be punished. Pacuviusthen said, "I perceive the sentence which has been passed on this man;now choose a good and upright senator in the room of this wicked andunprincipled one. " At first all was silence, from the want of a betterman whom they might substitute; afterwards, one of them, laying asidehis modesty, nominating some one, in an instant a much greater clamourarose; while some denied all knowledge of him, others objected to himat one time on account of flagitious conduct, at another time onaccount of his humble birth, his sordid circumstances, and thedisgraceful nature of his trade and occupation. The same occurred withincreased vehemence with respect to the second and third senators, sothat it was evident that they were dissatisfied with the senatorhimself, but had not any one to substitute for him; for it was of nouse that the same persons should be nominated again, to no otherpurpose than to hear of their vices, and the rest were much more meanand obscure than those who first occurred to their recollection. Thusthe assembly separated, affirming that every evil which was most knownwas easiest to be endured, and ordering the senate to be dischargedfrom custody. 

4. Pacuvius, having thus rendered the senators more subservient tohimself than to the commons by the gift of their lives, ruled withoutthe aid of arms, all persons now acquiescing. Henceforward thesenators, forgetful of their rank and independence, flattered thecommons; saluted them courteously; invited them graciously;entertained them with sumptuous feasts; undertook those causes, alwaysespoused that party, decided as judges in favour of that side, whichwas most popular, and best adapted to conciliate the favour of thecommons. Now, indeed, every thing was transacted in the senate as ifit had been an assembly of the people. The Capuans, ever prone toluxurious indulgence not only from natural turpitude, but from theprofusion of the means of voluptuous enjoyment which flowed in uponthem, and the temptations of all the luxuries of land and sea; at thattime especially proceeded to such a pitch of extravagance inconsequence of the obsequiousness of the nobles and the unrestrainedliberty of the commons, that their lust and prodigality had no bounds. To a disregard for the laws, the magistrates, and the senate, now, after the disaster of Cannae, was added a contempt for the Romangovernment also, for which there had been some degree of respect. Theonly obstacles to immediate revolt were the intermarriages which, froma remote period, had connected many of their distinguished andinfluential families with the Romans; and, which formed the strongestbond of union, that while several of their countrymen were serving inthe Roman armies, particularly three hundred horsemen, the flower ofthe Campanian nobility, had been selected and sent by the Romans togarrison the cities of Sicily. 

5. The parents and relations of these men with difficulty obtainedthat ambassadors should be sent to the Roman consul. The consul, whohad not yet set out for Canusium, they found at Venusia with a fewhalf-armed troops, an object of entire commiseration to faithful, butof contempt to proud and perfidious allies, like the Campanians. Theconsul too increased their contempt of himself and his cause, by toomuch exposing and exhibiting the disastrous state of his affairs; forwhen the ambassadors had delivered their message, which was, that thesenate and people of Capua were distressed that any adverse eventshould have befallen the Romans, and were promising every assistancein prosecuting the war, he observed, "In bidding us order you tofurnish us with all things which are necessary for the war, Campanians, you have rather observed the customary mode of addressingallies, than spoken suitably to the present posture of our affairs;for hath anything been left us at Cannae, so that, as if we possessedthat, we can desire what is wanting to be supplied by our allies? Canwe order a supply of infantry, as if we had any cavalry? Can we say weare deficient in money, as if that were the only thing we wanted?Fortune has not even left us anything which we can add to. Ourlegions, cavalry, arms, standards, horses, men, money, provisions, allperished either in the battle, or in the two camps which were lost thefollowing day. You must, therefore, Campanians, not assist us in thewar, but almost take it upon yourselves in our stead. Call to mind howformerly at Saticula we received into our protection and defended yourancestors, when dismayed and driven within their walls; terrified notonly by their Samnite but Sidicinian enemies; and how we carried on, with varying success, through a period of almost a century, a war withthe Samnites, commenced on your account. Add to this, that when yougave yourselves up to us we granted you an alliance on equal terms, that we allowed you your own laws, and lastly, what before thedisaster at Cannae was surely a privilege of the highest value, webestowed the freedom of our city on a large portion of you, and heldit in common with you. It is your duty, therefore, Campanians, to lookupon this disaster which has been suffered as your own, and toconsider that our common country must be protected. It is not aSamnite or Tuscan foe we are engaged with, so that the empire takenfrom us might still continue in Italy. A Carthaginian enemy drawsafter him from the remotest regions of the world, from the straits ofthe ocean and the pillars of Hercules, a body of soldiers who are noteven natives of Africa, destitute of all laws, and of the conditionand almost of the language of men. Savage and ferocious from natureand habit, their general has rendered them still more so, by formingbridges and works with heaps of human bodies; and, what the tongue canscarcely utter, by teaching them to live on human flesh. What man, provided he were born in any part of Italy, would not abominate theidea of seeing and having for his masters these men, nourished withsuch horrid food, whom even to touch were an impiety; of fetching lawsfrom Africa and Carthage; and of suffering Italy to become a provinceof the Moors and Numidians? It will be highly honourable, Campanians, that the Roman empire, sinking under this disastrous defeat, should besustained and restored by your fidelity and your strength. I conceivethat thirty thousand foot and four thousand horse may be raised inCampania. You have already abundance of money and corn. If your zealcorresponds with your means, neither will Hannibal feel that he hasbeen victorious, nor the Romans that they have been defeated. "

6. After the consul had thus spoken, the ambassadors were dismissed;and as they were returning home, one of them, named Vibius Virius, observed, "that the time had arrived at which the Campanians might notonly recover the territory once injuriously taken away by the Romans, but also possess themselves of the sovereignty of Italy. For theymight form a treaty with Hannibal on whatever terms they pleased; andthere could be no question but that after Hannibal, having put an endto the war, had himself retired victorious into Africa, and hadwithdrawn his troops, the sovereignty of Italy would be left to theCampanians. " All assenting to Vibius, as he said this, they framedtheir report of the embassy so that all might conclude that the Romanpower was annihilated. Immediately the commons and the major part ofthe senate turned their attention to revolt. The measure, however, waspostponed for a few days at the instigation of the elder citizens. Atlast, the opinion of the majority prevailed, that the same ambassadorswho had gone to the Roman consul should be sent to Hannibal. I find incertain annals, that before this embassy proceeded, and before theyhad determined on the measure of revolting, ambassadors were sent bythe Campanians to Rome, requiring that one of the consuls should beelected from Campania if they wished assistance to the Roman cause. That from the indignation which arose, they were ordered to be removedfrom the senate-house, and a lictor despatched to conduct them out ofthe city and command them to lodge that day without the Romanfrontier. But as this request is too much like that which the Latinsformerly made, and as Coelius and other writers had, not withoutreason, made no mention of it, I have not ventured to vouch for itstruth. 

7. The ambassadors came to Hannibal and concluded a treaty of peacewith him on the terms, "That no Carthaginian commander should have anyauthority over a Campanian citizen, nor any Campanian serve in war orperform any office against his will: that Capua should have her ownlaws and her own magistrates: that the Carthaginian should give to theCampanians three hundred captives selected by themselves, who might beexchanged for the Campanian horse who were serving in Sicily. " Suchwere the stipulations: but in addition to them, the Campaniansperpetrated the following atrocities; for the commons ordered that theprefects of the allies and other citizens of Rome should be suddenlyseized, while some of them were occupied with military duties, othersengaged in private business, and be shut up in the baths, as if forthe purpose of keeping them in custody, where, suffocated with heatand vapour, they might expire in a horrid manner. Decius Magius, a manwho wanted nothing to complete his influence except a sound mind onthe part of his countrymen, had resisted to the uttermost theexecution of these measures, and the sending of the embassy toHannibal, and when he heard that a body of troops was sent byHannibal, bringing back to their recollection, as examples, thehaughty tyranny of Pyrrhus and the miserable slavery of theTarentines, he at first openly and loudly protested that the troopsshould not be admitted, then he urged either that they should expelthem when received, or, if they had a mind to expiate, by a bold andmemorable act, the foul crime they had committed in revolting fromtheir most ancient and intimate allies, that leaving slain theCarthaginian troops they should give themselves back to the Romans. These proceedings, having been reported to Hannibal, for they were notcarried on in secret, he at first sent persons to summon Magius intohis presence at his camp, then, on his vehemently refusing to come, onthe ground that Hannibal had no authority over a Campanian, theCarthaginian, excited with rage, ordered that the man should be seizedand dragged to him in chains, but afterwards, fearing lest while forcewas employed some disturbance might take place, or lest, fromexcitement of feeling, some undesigned collision might occur, he setout himself from the camp with a small body of troops, having sent amessage before him to Marius Blosius, the praetor of Campania, to theeffect, that he would be at Capua the next day. Marius calling anassembly, issued an order that they should go out and meet Hannibal ina body, accompanied by their wives and children. This was done by all, not only with obedience, but with zeal, with the full agreement of thecommon people, and with eagerness to see a general renderedillustrious by so many victories. Decius Magius neither went out tomeet him, nor kept himself in private, by which course he might seemto indicate fear from a consciousness of demerit, he promenaded in theforum with perfect composure, attended by his son and a fewdependants, while all the citizens were in a bustle to go to see andreceive the Carthaginian. Hannibal, on entering the city, immediatelydemanded an audience of the senate; when the chief men of theCampanians, beseeching him not to transact any serious business onthat day, but that he would cheerfully and willingly celebrate a daydevoted to festivity in consequence of his own arrival, thoughnaturally extremely prone to anger, yet, that he might not deny themany thing at first, he spent a great part of the day in inspecting thecity. 

8. He lodged at the house of the Ninii Celeres, Stenius and Pacuvius, men distinguished by their noble descent and their wealth. ThitherPacuvius Calavius, of whom mention has already been made, who was thehead of the party which had drawn over the state to the Carthaginiancause, brought his son, a young man, whom he had forced from the sideof Decius Magius, in conjunction with whom he had made a mostdetermined stand for the Roman alliance in opposition to the leaguewith the Carthaginians; nor had the leaning of the state to the otherside, or his father's authority, altered his sentiments. For thisyouth his father procured pardon from Hannibal, more by prayers thanby clearing him. Hannibal, overcome by the entreaties and tears of hisfather, even gave orders that he should be invited with his father tothe banquet; to which entertainment he intended to admit no Campanianbesides his hosts, and Jubellius Taurea, a man distinguished in war. They began to feast early in the day, and the entertainment was notconformable to the Carthaginian custom, or to military discipline, butas might be expected in a city and in a house both remarkable forluxury, was furnished with all the allurements of voluptuousness. Perolla, the son of Calavius, was the only person who could not be woneither by the solicitations of the masters of the house, or thosewhich Hannibal sometimes employed. The youth himself pleaded illhealth as an apology, while his father urged as an excuse thedisturbed state of his mind, which was not surprising. About sunset, Calavius, who had gone out from the banquet, was followed by his son;and when they had arrived at a retired place, (it was a garden at theback part of the house, ) he said, "I have a plan to propose to you, myfather, by which we shall not only obtain pardon from the Romans forour crime, in that we revolted from them to the Carthaginian, butshall be held in much higher esteem, than we Campanians ever havebeen. " When the father inquired with surprise what that plan could be, he threw back his gown off his shoulder and exposed to view his side, which was girt with a sword. "Forthwith will I ratify the alliancewith Rome with the blood of Hannibal. I was desirous that you shouldbe informed of it first, in case you might prefer to be absent whilethe deed is performing. "

9. On hearing and seeing which the old man, as though he were actuallypresent at the transactions which were being named to him, wild withfear, exclaimed, "I implore, I beseech you, my son, by all the tieswhich unite children to parents, that you will not resolve to commitand to suffer every thing that is horrible before the eyes of afather. Did we but a few hours ago, swearing by every deity, andjoining right hands, pledge our fidelity to Hannibal, that immediatelyon separating from the conference we should arm against him the handswhich were employed as the sacred pledges of our faith? Do you risefrom the hospitable board to which as one of three of the Campaniansyou have been admitted by Hannibal, that you may ensanguine that veryboard with the blood of your host. Could I conciliate Hannibal to myson, and not my son to Hannibal? But let nothing be held sacred byyou, neither our pledges, nor the sense of religion, nor filial duty;let the most horrid deeds be dared, if with guilt they bring not ruinupon us. Will you singly attack Hannibal? What will that numerousthrong of freemen and slaves be doing? What the eyes of all intent onhim alone? What those so many right hands? Will they be torpid amidstyour madness? Will you be able to bear the look of Hannibal himself, which armed hosts cannot sustain, from which the Roman people shrinkwith horror? And though other assistance be wanting, will you have thehardihood to strike me when I oppose my body in defence of Hannibal's?But know that through my breast you must strike and transfix him. Suffer yourself to be deterred from your attempt here, rather than tobe defeated there. May my entreaties prevail with you, as they did foryou this day. " Upon this, perceiving the youth in tears, he threw hisarms around him, and kissing him affectionately, ceased not hisentreaties until he prevailed upon him to lay aside his sword and givehis promise that he would do no such thing. The young man thenobserved, "I will indeed pay to my father the debt of duty which I oweto my country, but I am grieved for you on whom the guilt of havingthrice betrayed your country rests; once when you sanctioned therevolt from the Romans; next when you advised the alliance withHannibal; and thirdly, this day, when you are the delay and impedimentof the restoration of Capua to the Romans. Do thou, my country, receive this weapon, armed with which in thy behalf I would fain havedefended this citadel, since a father wrests it from me. " Having thussaid, he threw the sword into the highway over the garden wall, andthat the affair might not be suspected, himself returned to thebanquet. 

10. The next day an audience of a full senate was given to Hannibal, when the first part of his address was full of graciousness andbenignity, in which he thanked the Campanians for having preferred hisfriendship to an alliance with the Romans, and held out among hisother magnificent promises "that Capua should soon become the capitalof all Italy, and that the Romans as well as the other states shouldreceive laws from it. That there was, however, one person who had noshare in the Carthaginian friendship and the alliance formed with him, Decius Magius, who neither was nor ought to be called a Campanian. Himhe requested to be surrendered to him, and that the sense of thesenate should be taken respecting his conduct, and a decree passed inhis presence. " All concurred in this proposition, though a great manyconsidered him as a man undeserving such severe treatment; and thatthis proceeding was no small infringement of their liberty to beginwith. Leaving the senate-house, the magistrate took his seat on theconsecrated bench, ordered Decius Magius to be apprehended, and to beplaced by himself before his feet to plead his cause. But he, hisproud spirit being unsubdued, denied that such a measure could beenforced agreeably to the conditions of the treaty; upon which he wasironed, and ordered to be brought into the camp before a lictor. Aslong as he was conducted with his head uncovered, he moved alongearnestly haranguing and vociferating to the multitude which pouredaround him on all sides. "You have gotten that liberty, Campanians, which you seek; in the middle of the forum, in the light of day, before your eyes, I, a man second to none of the Campanians, amdragged in chains to suffer death. What greater outrage could havebeen committed had Capua been captured? Go out to meet Hannibal, decorate your city to the utmost, consecrate the day of his arrival, that you may behold this triumph over a fellow-citizen. " As thepopulace seemed to be excited by him, vociferating these things, hishead was covered, and he was ordered to be dragged away more speedilywithout the gate. Having been thus brought to the camp, he wasimmediately put on board a ship and sent to Carthage, lest if anycommotion should arise at Capua on account of the injustice of theproceeding, the senate also should repent of having given up a leadingcitizen; and lest if an embassy were sent to request his restoration, he must either offend his new allies by refusing their first petition, or, by granting it, be compelled to retain at Capua a promoter ofsedition and disturbance. A tempest drove the vessel to Cyrenae, whichwas at that time under the dominion of kings. Here flying for refugeto the statue of king Ptolemy, he was conveyed thence in custody toAlexandria to Ptolemy; and having instructed him that he had beenthrown into chains by Hannibal, contrary to the law of treaties, hewas liberated and allowed to return to whichever place he pleased, Rome or Capua. But Magius said, that Capua would not be a safe placefor him, and that Rome, at a time when there was war between theRomans and Capuans, would be rather the residence of a deserter than aguest. That there was no place that he should rather dwell in, than inthe dominions of him whom he esteemed an avenger and the protector ofhis liberty. 

11. While these things were carrying on, Quintus Fabius Pictor, theambassador, returned from Delphi to Rome, and read the response of theoracle from a written copy. In it both the gods were mentioned, and inwhat manner supplication should be made. It then stated, "If you dothus, Romans, your affairs will be more prosperous and less perplexed;your state will proceed more agreeably to your wishes; and the victoryin the war will be on the side of the Roman people. After that yourstate shall have been restored to prosperity and safety, send apresent to the Pythian Apollo out of the gains you have earned, andpay honours to him out of the plunder, the booty, and the spoils. Banish licentiousness from among you. " Having read aloud these words, translated from the Greek verse, he added, that immediately on hisdeparture from the oracle, he had paid divine honours to all thesedeities with wine and frankincense; and that he was ordered by thechief priest of the temple, that, as he had approached the oracle andperformed the sacred ceremonies decorated with a laurel crown, so heshould embark wearing the crown, and not put it off till he hadarrived at Rome. That he had executed all these injunctions with themost scrupulous exactness and diligence, and had deposited the garlandon the altar of Apollo at Rome. The senate decreed that the sacredceremonies and supplications enjoined should be carefully performedwith all possible expedition. During these events at Rome and inItaly, Mago, the son of Hamilcar, had arrived at Carthage with theintelligence of the victory at Cannae. He was not sent direct from thefield of battle by his brother, but was detained some days inreceiving the submission of such states of the Bruttii as were inrevolt. Having obtained an audience of the senate he gave a fullstatement of his brother's exploits in Italy: "That he had foughtpitched battles with six generals, four of whom were consuls, two adictator and master of the horse, with six consular armies; that hehad slain above two hundred thousand of the enemy, and captured abovefifty thousand. That out of the four consuls he had slain two; of thetwo remaining, one was wounded, the other, having lost his whole army, had fled from the field with scarcely fifty men; that the master ofthe horse, an authority equal to that of consul, had been routed andput to flight; that the dictator, because he had never engaged in apitched battle, was esteemed a matchless general; that the Bruttii, the Apulians, part of the Samnites and of the Lucanians had revoltedto the Carthaginians. That Capua, which was the capital not only ofCampania, but after the ruin of the Roman power by the battle ofCannae, of Italy also, had delivered itself over to Hannibal. That inreturn for these so many and so great victories, gratitude oughtassuredly to be felt and thanks returned to the immortal gods. "

12. Then, in proof of this such joyful news, he ordered the goldenrings to be poured out in the vestibule of the senate-house, of whichthere was such a heap that some have taken upon themselves to say thaton being measured they filled three pecks and a half. The statementhas obtained and is more like the truth, that there were not more thana peck. He then added, by way of explanation, to prove the greaterextent of the slaughter, that none but knights, and of these theprincipal only, wore that ornament. The main drift of his speech was, "that the nearer the prospect was of bringing the war to a conclusion, the more should Hannibal be aided by every means, for that the seat ofwar was at a long distance from home and in the heart of the enemy'scountry. That a great quantity of corn was consumed and moneyexpended; and that so many pitched battles, as they had annihilatedthe armies of the enemy, had also in some degree diminished the forcesof the victor. That a reinforcement therefore ought to be sent; andmoney for the pay, and corn for the soldiers who had deserved so wellof the Carthaginian name. " After this speech of Mago's, all beingelated with joy, Himilco, a member of the Barcine faction, conceivingthis a good opportunity for inveighing against Hanno, said to him, "What think you now, Hanno? do you now also regret that the waragainst the Romans was entered upon? Now urge that Hannibal should begiven up; yes, forbid the rendering of thanks to the immortal godsamidst such successes; let us hear a Roman senator in the senate-houseof the Carthaginians. " Upon which Hanno replied, "I should haveremained silent this day, conscript fathers, lest, amid the generaljoy, I should utter any thing which might be too gloomy for you. Butnow, to a senator, asking whether I still regret the undertaking ofthe war against the Romans, if I should forbear to speak, I shouldseem either arrogant or servile, the former of which is the part of aman who is forgetful of the independence of others, the latter of hisown. I may answer therefore to Himilco, that I have not ceased toregret the war, nor shall I cease to censure your invincible generaluntil I see the war concluded on some tolerable terms; nor will anything except a new peace put a period to my regret for the loss of theold one. Accordingly those achievements, which Mago has so boastinglyrecounted, are a source of present joy to Himilco and the otheradherents of Hannibal; to me they may become so; because successes inwar, if we have a mind to make the best use of fortune, will afford usa peace on more equitable terms; for if we allow this opportunity topass by, on which we have it in our power to appear to dictate ratherthan to receive terms of peace, I fear lest even this our joy shouldrun into excess, and in the end prove groundless. However, let us seeof what kind it is even now. I have slain the armies of the enemy, send me soldiers. What else would you ask if you had been conquered? Ihave captured two of the enemy's camps, full, of course, of booty andprovisions; supply me with corn and money. What else would you ask hadyou been plundered and stripped of your camp? And that I may not bethe only person perplexed, I could wish that either Himilco or Magowould answer me, for it is just and fair that I also should put aquestion, since I have answered Himilco. Since the battle at Cannaeannihilated the Roman power, and it is a fact that all Italy is in astate of revolt; in the first place, has any one people of the Latinconfederacy come over to us? In the next place, has any individual ofthe five and thirty tribes deserted to Hannibal?" When Mago hadanswered both these questions in the negative, he continued: "thereremains then still too large a body of the enemy. But I should be gladto know what degree of spirit and hope that body possesses. "

13. Mago declaring that he did not know; "Nothing, " said he, "iseasier to be known. Have the Romans sent any ambassadors to Hannibalto treat of peace? Have you, in short, ever heard that any mention hasbeen made of peace at Rome?" On his answering these questions also inthe negative: "We have upon our hands then, said he, a war as entireas we had on the day on which Hannibal crossed over into Italy. Thereare a great many of us alive now who remember how fluctuating thesuccess was in the former Punic war. At no time did our affairs appearin so prosperous a condition as they did before the consulship ofCaius Lutatius and Aulus Posthumius. In the consulship of CaiusLutatius and Aulus Posthumius we were completely conquered at theislands Aegates. But if now, as well as then, (oh! may the gods avertthe omen!) fortune should take any turn, do you hope to obtain thatpeace when we shall be vanquished which no one is willing to grant nowwe are victorious. I have an opinion which I should express if any oneshould advise with me on the subject of proffering or accepting termsof peace with the enemy; but with respect to the supplies requested byMago, I do not think there is any necessity to send them to avictorious army; and I give it as my opinion that they should far lessbe sent to them, if they are deluding us by groundless and emptyhopes. " But few were influenced by the harangue of Hanno, for both thejealousy which he entertained towards the Barcine family, made him aless weighty authority; and men's minds being taken up with thepresent exultation, would listen to nothing by which their joy couldbe made more groundless, but felt convinced, that if they should makea little additional exertion the war might be speedily terminated. Accordingly a decree of the senate was made with very generalapprobation, that four thousand Numidians should be sent as areinforcement to Hannibal, with four hundred elephants and manytalents of silver. Moreover, the dictator was sent forward into Spainwith Mago to hire twenty thousand foot and four thousand horse, torecruit the armies in Italy and Spain. 

14. But these resolutions, as generally happens in the season ofprosperity, were executed in a leisurely and slothful manner. TheRomans, in addition to their inborn activity of mind, were preventedfrom delaying by the posture of their affairs. For the consul was notwanting in any business which was to be done by him; and the dictator, Marcus Junius Pera, after the sacred ceremonies were concluded, andafter having, as is usual, proposed to the people that he might beallowed to mount his horse; besides the two legions which had beenenlisted by the consuls in the beginning of the year, and besides thecohorts collected out of the Picenian and Gallic territories, descended to that last resort of the state when almost despaired of, and when propriety gives place to utility, and made proclamation, thatof such persons as had been guilty of capital crimes or were in prisonon judgment for debt, those who would serve as soldiers with him, hewould order to be released from their liability to punishment andtheir debts. These six thousand he armed with the Gallic spoils whichwere carried in the procession at the triumph of Caius Flaminius. Thushe marched from the city at the head of twenty-five thousand men. Hannibal, after gaining Capua, made a second fruitless attempt uponthe minds of the Neapolitans, partly by fear and partly by hope: andthen marched his troops across into the territory of Nola: notimmediately in a hostile attitude, for he did not despair of avoluntary surrender, yet intending to omit nothing which they couldsuffer or fear, if they delayed the completion of his hopes. Thesenate, and especially the principal members of it, perseveredfaithfully in keeping up the alliance with the Romans; the commons, asusual, were all inclined to a change in the government and to espousethe cause of Hannibal, placing before their minds the fear lest theirfields should be devastated, and the many hardships and indignitieswhich must be endured in a siege; nor were there wanting persons whoadvised a revolt. In this state of things, when a fear took possessionof the senate, that it would be impossible to resist the excitedmultitude if they went openly to work, devised a delay of the evil bysecret simulation. They pretended that they were agreeable to therevolt to Hannibal; but that it was not settled on what terms theyshould enter into the new alliance and friendship. Thus having gainedtime, they promptly sent ambassadors to the Roman praetor, MarcellusClaudius, who was at Casilinum with his army, and informed him what acritical situation Nola was in; that the fields were already in thepossession of Hannibal and the Carthaginians, and that the city soonwould be, unless succour were sent; that the senate, by conceding tothe commons that they would revolt when they pleased, had caused themnot to hasten too much to revolt. Marcellus, after bestowing highcommendations on the Nolans, urged them to protract the business tillhis arrival by means of the same pretences; in the mean time, toconceal what had passed between them, as well as all hope of succourfrom the Romans. He himself marched from Casilinum to Calatia, andthence crossing the Vulturnus, and passing through the territories ofSaticula and Trebula, pursuing his course along the mountains aboveSuessula, he arrived at Nola. 

15. On the approach of the Roman praetor, the Carthaginians retiredfrom the territory of Nola and marched down to the sea close uponNaples, eager to get possession of a maritime town to which therewould be a safe course for ships from Africa. But hearing that Napleswas held by a Roman prefect, Marcus Junius Silanus, who had beeninvited thither by the Neapolitans themselves, he left Naples as hehad left Nola, and directed his course to Nuceria, which he at lengthstarved into capitulation, after having besieged it for a considerabletime, often by open force, and often by soliciting to no purposesometimes the commons, at other times the nobles; agreeing that theyshould depart with single garments and without arms. Then, as wishingto appear from the beginning to show lenity to all the inhabitants ofItaly except the Romans, he proposed rewards and honours to those whomight remain with him, and would be willing to serve with him. Heretained none, however, by the hopes he held out; they all dispersedin different directions throughout the cities of Campania, wherevereither hospitable connexions or the casual impulse of the minddirected them, but principally to Nola and Naples. About thirtysenators, including as it happened all of the first rank, made forCapua; but being shut out thence, because they had closed their gateson Hannibal, they betook themselves to Cumae. The plunder of Nuceriawas, given to the soldiery, the city sacked and burned. Marcelluscontinued to hold possession of Nola, relying not more from confidencein his own troops than from the favourable disposition of the leadinginhabitants. Apprehensions were entertained of the commons, particularly Lucius Bantius, whose having been privy to an attempt atdefection, and dread of the Roman praetor, stimulated sometimes to thebetrayal of his country, at others, should fortune fail him in thatundertaking, to desertion. He was a young man of vigorous mind, and atthat time enjoying the greatest renown of almost any of the alliedcavalry. Found at Cannae half dead amid a heap of slain, Hannibal hadsent him home, after having had him cured, with the kindest attention, and even with presents. In gratitude for this favour, he had conceiveda wish to put Nola under the power and dominion of the Carthaginian;but his anxiety and solicitude for effecting a change did not escapethe notice of the praetor. However, as it was necessary that he shouldbe either restrained by penal inflictions or conciliated by favours, he preferred attaching to himself a brave and strenuous ally, todepriving the enemy of him; and summoning him into his presence, inthe kindest manner said, "that the fact that he had many among hiscountrymen who were jealous of him, might be easily collected from thecircumstance that not one citizen of Nola had informed him how manywere his splendid military exploits. But that it was impossible forthe valour of one who served in the Roman camp to remain in obscurity;that many who had served with him had reported to him how brave a manhe was, how often and what dangers he had encountered for the safetyand honour of the Roman people; and how in the battle of Cannae he hadnot given over fighting till, almost bloodless, he was buried under aheap of men, horses, and arms which fell upon him. Go on then, " sayshe, "and prosper in your career of valour, with me you shall receiveevery honour and every reward, and the oftener you be with me, themore you shall find it will be to your honour and emolument. " Hepresented the young man, delighted with these promises, with a horseof distinguished beauty, ordered the quaestor to give him five hundreddenarii, and commanded the lictors to allow him to approach himwhenever he might please. 

16. The violent spirit of the youth was so much soothed by thecourteous treatment of Marcellus, that thenceforward no one of theallies displayed greater courage or fidelity in aiding the Romancause. Hannibal being now at the gates, for he had moved his camp backagain from Nuceria to Nola, and the commons beginning to turn theirattention to revolt afresh, Marcellus, on the approach of the enemy, retired within the walls; not from apprehension for his camp, but lesthe should give an opportunity for betraying the city, which too manywere anxiously watching for. The troops on both sides then began to bedrawn up; the Romans before the walls of Nola, the Carthaginiansbefore their own camp. Hence arose several battles of small accountbetween the city and the camp, with varying success, as the generalswere neither willing to check the small parties who inconsideratelychallenged the enemy, nor to give the signal for a general engagement. While the two armies continued to be thus stationed day after day, thechief men of the Nolans informed Marcellus, that conferences were heldby night between the commons of Nola and the Carthaginians; and thatit was fixed, that, when the Roman army had gone out at the gates, they should make plunder of their baggage and packages, then close thegates and post themselves upon the walls, in order that when inpossession of the government and the city, they might then receive theCarthaginian instead of the Roman. On receiving this intelligenceMarcellus, having bestowed the highest commendations on the senators, resolved to hazard the issue of a battle before any commotion shouldarise within the city. He drew up his troops in three divisions at thethree gates which faced the enemy; he gave orders that the baggageshould follow close by, that the servants, suttlers' boys, andinvalids should carry palisades; at the centre gate he stationed thechoicest of the legionary troops and the Roman cavalry, at the twogates on either side, the recruits, the light-armed, and the alliedcavalry. The Nolans were forbidden to approach the walls and gates, and the troops designed for a reserve were set over the baggage, lestwhile the legions were engaged in the battle an attack should be madeupon it. Thus arranged they were standing within the gates. Hannibal, who had waited with his troops drawn up in battle-array, as he haddone for several days, till the day was far advanced, at first wasamazed that neither the Roman army marched out of the gates, nor anyarmed man was to be seen on the walls, but afterwards concluding thatthe conferences had been discovered, and that they were quiet throughfear, he sent back a portion of his troops into the camp, with ordersto bring into the front line, with speed, every thing requisite forassaulting the city; satisfied that if he urged them vigorously whilethey were indisposed to action, the populace would excite somecommotion in the city. While, in the van, the troops were running upand down in a hurried manner in discharge of their several duties, andthe line was advancing up to the gates, suddenly throwing open thegate, Marcellus ordered that the signal should be given, and a shoutraised, and that first the infantry and after them the cavalry shouldburst forth upon the enemy with all possible impetuosity. They hadoccasioned abundant terror and confusion in the centre of the enemy'sline, when, at the two side gates, the lieutenant-generals, PubliusValerius Flaccus and Caius Aurelius, sallied forth upon the wings. Theservants, suttlers' boys, and the other multitude appointed to guardthe baggage, joined in the shout, so that they suddenly exhibited theappearance of a vast army to the Carthaginians, who despised chieflytheir paucity of numbers. For my own part I would not take upon me toassert what some authors have declared, that two thousand eighthundred of the enemy were slain, and that the Romans lost not morethan five hundred. Whether the victory was so great or not; it iscertain that a very important advantage, and perhaps the greatestduring the war, was gained on that day: for not to be vanquished byHannibal was then a more difficult task to the victorious troops, thanto conquer him afterwards. 

17. When Hannibal, all hope of getting possession of Nola being lost, had retired to Acerrae, Marcellus, having closed the gates and postedguards in different quarters to prevent any one from going out, immediately instituted a judicial inquiry in the forum, into theconduct of those who had been secretly in communication with theenemy. He beheaded more than seventy who were convicted of treason, and ordered their foods to be confiscated to the Roman state; and thencommitting the government to the senate, set out with all his forces, and, pitching a camp, took up a position above Suessula. TheCarthaginian, having at first endeavoured to win over the people ofAcerrae to a voluntary surrender, but finding them resolved, makespreparations for a siege and assault. But the people of Acerrae hadmore spirit than power. Despairing therefore, of the defence of thecity, when they saw their walls being circumvallated, before the linesof the enemy were completed, they stole off in the dead of nightthrough the opening in the works, and where the watches had beenneglected; and pursuing their course through roads and pathlessregions, accordingly as design or mistake directed each, made theirescape to those towns of Campania which they knew had not renouncedtheir fidelity. After Acerrae was plundered and burnt, Hannibal, having received intelligence that the Roman dictator with thenew-raised legions was seen at some distance from Casilinum, andfearing lest, the camp of the enemy being so near, something mightoccur at Capua, marched his army to Casilinum. At that time Casilinumwas occupied by five hundred Praenestines, with a few Romans andLatins, whom the news of the defeat at Cannae had brought to the sameplace. These men setting out from home too late, in consequence of thelevy at Praeneste not being completed at the appointed day, andarriving at Casilinum before the defeat was known there, where theyunited themselves with other troops, Romans and allies, wereproceeding thence in a tolerably large body, but the news of thebattle at Cannae them back to Casilinum. Having spent several daysthere in evading and concerting plots, in fear themselves andsuspected by the Campanians, and having now received certaininformation that the revolt of Capua and the reception of Hannibalwere in agitation, they put the townsmen to the sword by night, andseized upon the part of the town on this side the Vulturnus, for it isdivided by that river. Such was the garrison the Romans had atCasilinum; to these was added a cohort of Perusians, in number fourhundred and sixty, who had been driven to Casilinum by the sameintelligence which had brought the Praenestines a few days before. They formed a sufficient number of armed men for the defence of wallsof so limited extent, and protected on one side by the river. Thescarcity of corn made them even appear too numerous. 

18. Hannibal having now advanced within a short distance of the place, sent forward a body of Getulians under a commander named Isalca, andorders them in the first place, if an opportunity of parley should begiven, to win them over by fair words, to open the gates, and admit agarrison; but, if they persisted in obstinate opposition, to proceedto action, and try if in any part he could force an entrance into thecity. When they had approached the walls, because silence prevailedthere appeared a solitude; and the barbarian, supposing that they hadretired through fear, made preparation for forcing the gates andbreaking away the bars, when, the gates being suddenly thrown open, two cohorts, drawn up within for that very purpose, rushed forth withgreat tumult, and made a slaughter of the enemy. The first party beingthus repulsed, Maharbal was sent with a more powerful body of troops;but neither could even he sustain the sally of the cohorts. Lastly, Hannibal, fixing his camp directly before the walls, prepared toassault this paltry city and garrison, with every effort and all hisforces, and having completely surrounded the city with a line oftroops, lost a considerable number of men, including all the mostforward, who were shot from the walls and turrets, while he pressed onand provoked the enemy. Once he was very near cutting them off, bythrowing in a line of elephants, when aggressively sallying forth, anddrove them in the utmost confusion into the town; a good many, out ofso small a number, having been slain. More would have fallen had notnight interrupted the battle. On the following day, the minds of allwere possessed with an ardent desire to commence the assault, especially after a golden mural crown had been promised, and thegeneral himself had reproached the conquerors of Saguntum with theslowness of their siege of a little fort situated on level ground;reminding them, each and all, of Cannae, Trasimenus, and Trebia. Theythen began to apply the vineae and to spring mines: nor was anymeasure, whether of open force or stratagem, unemployed against thevarious attempts of the enemy. These allies of the Romans erectedbulwarks against the vineae, cut off the mines of the enemy bycross-mines, and met their efforts both covertly and openly, till, atlast, shame compelled Hannibal to desist from his undertaking; and, fortifying a camp in which he placed a small guard, that the affairmight not appear to have been abandoned, he retired into winterquarters to Capua. There he kept, under cover, for the greater part ofthe winter, that army, which, though fortified by frequent andcontinued hardships against every human ill, had yet never experiencedor been habituated to prosperity. Accordingly, excess of good fortuneand unrestrained indulgence were the ruin of men whom no severity ofdistress had subdued; and so much the more completely, in proportionto the avidity with which they plunged into pleasures to which theywere unaccustomed. For sleep, wine, feasting, women, baths, and ease, which custom rendered more seductive day by day, so completelyunnerved both mind and body, that from henceforth their past victoriesrather than their present strength protected them; and in this thegeneral is considered by those who are skilled in the art of war tohave committed a greater error than in not having marched his troopsto Rome forthwith from the field of Cannae: for his delay on thatoccasion might be considered as only to have postponed his victory, but this mistake to have bereaved him of the power of conquering. Accordingly, by Hercules, as though he marched out of Capua withanother army, it retained in no respect any of its former discipline;for most of the troops returned in the embrace of harlots; and as soonas they began to live under tents, and the fatigue of marching andother military labours tried them, like raw troops, they failed bothin bodily strength and spirit. From that time, during the whole periodof the summer campaign, a great number of them slunk away from thestandards without furloughs, while Capua was the only retreat of thedeserters. 

19. However, when the rigour of winter began to abate, marching histroops out of their winter quarters he returned to Casilinum; where, although there had been an intermission of the assault, thecontinuance of the siege had reduced the inhabitants and the garrisonto the extremity of want. Titus Sempronius commanded the Roman camp, the dictator having gone to Rome to renew the auspices. The swollenstate of the Vulturnus and the entreaties of the people of Nola andAcerrae, who feared the Campanians if the Roman troops should leavethem, kept Marcellus in his place; although desirous himself also tobring assistance to the besieged. Gracchus, only maintaining his postnear Casilinum, because he had been enjoined by the dictator not totake any active steps during his absence, did not stir; althoughintelligence was brought from Casilinum which might easily overcomeevery degree of patience. For it appeared that some had precipitatedthemselves from the walls through famine and that they were standingunarmed upon the walls, exposing their undefended bodies to the blowsof the missile weapons. Gracchus, grieved at the intelligence, but notdaring to fight contrary to the injunctions of the dictator, and yetaware that he must fight if he openly attempted to convey inprovisions, and having no hope of introducing them clandestinely, collected corn from all parts of the surrounding country, and fillingseveral casks sent a message to the magistrate to Casilinum, directingthat they might catch the casks which the river would bring down. Thefollowing night, while all were intent upon the river, and the hopesexcited by the message from the Romans, the casks sent came floatingdown the centre of the stream, and the corn was equally distributedamong them all. This was repeated the second and third day; they weresent off and arrived during the same night; and hence they escaped thenotice of the enemy's guards. But afterwards, the river, rendered morethan ordinarily rapid by continual rains, drove the casks by a crosscurrent to the bank which the enemy were guarding; there they werediscovered sticking among the osiers which grew along the banks; and, it being reported to Hannibal, from that time the watches were keptmore strictly, that nothing sent to the city by the Vulturnus mightescape notice. However, nuts poured out at the Roman camp floated downthe centre of the river to Casilinum, and were caught with hurdles. Atlength they were reduced to such a degree of want, that theyendeavoured to chew the thongs and skins which they tore from theirshields, after softening them in warm water; nor did they abstain frommice or any other kind of animals. They even dug up every kind of herband root from the lowest mounds of their wall; and when the enemy hadploughed over all the ground producing herbage which was without thewall, they threw in turnip seed, so that Hannibal exclaimed, Must Isit here at Casilinum even till these spring up? and he, who up tothat time had not lent an ear to any terms, then at length allowedhimself to be treated with respecting the ransom of the free persons. Seven ounces of gold for each person were agreed upon as the price;and then, under a promise of protection, they surrendered themselves. They were kept in chains till the whole of the gold was paid, afterwhich they were sent back to Cumae, in fulfilment of the promise. Thisaccount is more credible than that they were slain by a body ofcavalry, which was sent to attack them as they were going away. Theywere for the most part Praenestines. Out of the five hundred andseventy who formed the garrison, almost one half were destroyed bysword or famine; the rest returned safe to Praeneste with theirpraetor Manicius, who had formerly been a scribe. His statue placed inthe forum at Praeneste, clad in a coat of mail, with a gown on, andwith the head covered, formed an evidence of this account; as did alsothree images with this legend inscribed on a brazen plate, "Maniciusvowed these in behalf of the soldiers who were in the garrison atCasilinum. " The same legend was inscribed under three images placed inthe temple of Fortune. 

20. The town of Casilinum was restored to the Campanians, strengthenedby a garrison of seven hundred soldiers from the army of Hannibal, lest on the departure of the Carthaginian from it, the Romans shouldassault it. To the Praenestine soldiers the Roman senate voted doublepay and exemption from military service for five years. On beingoffered the freedom of the state, in consideration of their valor, they would not make the exchange. The account of the fate of thePerusians is less clear, as no light is thrown upon it by any monumentof their own, or any decree of the Romans. At the same time thePetelini, the only Bruttian state which had continued in the Romanalliance, were attacked not only by the Carthaginians, who were inpossession of the surrounding country, but also by the rest of theBruttian states, on account of their having adopted a separate policy. The Petelini, unable to bear up against these distresses, sentambassadors to Rome to solicit aid, whose prayers and entreaties (foron being told that they must themselves take measures for their ownsafety, they gave themselves up to piteous lamentations in thevestibule of the senate-house) excited the deepest commiseration inthe fathers and the people. On the question being proposed a secondtime to the fathers by Manius Pomponius, the praetor, after examiningall the resources of the empire, they were compelled to confess thatthey had no longer any protection for their distant allies, and bidthem return home, and having done every thing which could be expectedfrom faithful allies, as to what remained to take measures for theirown security in the present state of fortune. On the result of thisembassy being reported to the Petelini, their senate was suddenlyseized with such violent grief and dismay, that some advised that theyshould run away wherever each man could find an asylum, and abandonthe city. Some advised, that as they were deserted by their ancientallies, they should unite themselves with the rest of the Bruttianstates, and through them surrender themselves to Hannibal. The opinionhowever which prevailed was that of those who thought that nothingshould be done in haste and rashly, and that they should take thewhole matter into their consideration again. The next day, when theyhad cooled upon it, and their trepidation had somewhat subsided, theprincipal men carried their point that they should collect all theirproperty out of the fields, and fortify the city and the walls. 

21. Much about the same time letters were brought from Sicily andSardinia. That of Titus Otacilius the propraetor was first read in thesenate. It stated that Lucius Furius the praetor had arrived atLilybaeum from Africa with his fleet. That he himself, having beenseverely wounded, was in imminent danger of his life; that neither paynor corn was punctually furnished to the soldiers or the marines; norwere there any resources from which they could be furnished. That heearnestly advised that such supplies should be sent with all possibleexpedition; and that, if it was thought proper, they should send oneof the new praetors to succeed him. 

Nearly the same intelligence respecting corn and pay was conveyed in aletter from Aulus Cornelius Mammula, the propraetor, from Sardinia. The answer to both was, that there were no resources from whence theycould be supplied, and orders were given to them that they shouldthemselves provide for their fleets and armies. Titus Otacilius havingsent ambassadors to Hiero, the only source of assistance the Romanshad, received as much money as was wanting to pay the troops and asupply of corn for six months. In Sardinia, the allied statescontributed liberally to Cornelius. The scarcity of money at Rome alsowas so great, that on the proposal of Marcus Minucius, plebeiantribune, a financial triumvirate was appointed, consisting of LuciusAemilius Papus, who had been consul and censor, Marcus AtiliusRegulus, who had been twice consul, and Lucius Scribonius Libo, whowas then plebeian tribune. Marcus and Caius Atilius were also createda duumvirate for dedicating the temple of Concord, which LuciusManlius had vowed when praetor. Three pontiffs were also created, Quintus Caecilius Metellus, Quintus Fabius Maximus, and QuintusFulvius Flaccus, in the room of Publius Scantinius deceased, and ofLucius Aemilius Paulus the consul, and of Quintus Aelius Paetus, whohad fallen in the battle of Cannae. 

22. The fathers having repaired, as far as human counsels could effectit, the other losses from a continued series of unfortunate events, atlength turned their attention on themselves, on the emptiness of thesenate-house, and the paucity of those who assembled for publicdeliberation. For the senate-roll had not been reviewed since thecensorship of Lucius Aemilius and C. Flaminius, though unfortunatebattles, during a period of five years, as well as the privatecasualties of each, had carried off so many senators. ManiusPomponius, the praetor, as the dictator was now gone to the army afterthe loss of Casilinum, at the earnest request of all, brought in abill upon the subject. When Spurius Carvilius, after having lamentedin a long speech not only the scantiness of the senate, but thefewness of citizens who were eligible into that body, with the designof making up the numbers of the senate and uniting more closely theRomans and the Latin confederacy, declared that he strongly advisedthat the freedom of the state should be conferred upon two senatorsfrom each of the Latin states, if the Roman fathers thought proper, who might be chosen into the senate to supply the places of thedeceased senators. This proposition the fathers listened to with nomore equanimity than formerly to the request when made by the Latinsthemselves. A loud and violent expression of disapprobation ranthrough the whole senate-house. In particular, Manlius reminded themthat there was still existing a man of that stock, from which thatconsul was descended who formerly threatened in the Capitol that hewould with his own hand put to death any Latin senator he saw in thathouse. Upon which Quintus Fabius Maximus said, "that never was anysubject introduced into the senate at a juncture more unseasonablethan the present, when a question had been touched upon which wouldstill further irritate the minds of the allies, who were alreadyhesitating and wavering in their allegiance. That that rash suggestionof one individual ought to be annihilated by the silence of the wholebody; and that if there ever was a declaration in that house whichought to be buried in profound and inviolable silence, surely thatabove all others was one which deserved to be covered and consigned todarkness and oblivion, and looked upon as if it had never been made. "This put a stop to the mention of the subject. They determined that adictator should be created for the purpose of reviewing the senate, and that he should be one who had been a censor, and was the oldestliving of those who had held that office. They likewise gave ordersthat Caius Terentius, the consul, should be called home to nominate adictator; who, leaving his troops in Apulia, returned to Rome withgreat expedition; and, according to custom, on the following nightnominated Marcus Fabius Buteo dictator, for six months, without amaster of the horse, in pursuance of the decree of the senate. 

23. He having mounted the rostrum attended by the lictors, declared, that he neither approved of there being two dictators at one time, which had never been done before, nor of his being appointed dictatorwithout a master of the horse; nor of the censorian authority beingcommitted to one person, and to the same person a second time; northat command should be given to a dictator for six months, unless hewas created for active operations. That he would himself restrainwithin proper bounds those irregularities which chance, the exigenciesof the times, and necessity had occasioned. For he would not removeany of those whom the censors Flaminius and Aemilius had elected intothe senate; but would merely order that their names should betranscribed and read over, that one man might not exercise the powerof deciding and determining on the character and morals of a senator;and would so elect in place of deceased members, that one rank shouldappear to be preferred to another, and not man to man. The oldsenate-roll having been read, he chose as successors to the deceased, first those who had filled a curule office since the censorship ofFlaminius and Aemilius, but had not yet been elected into the senate, as each had been earliest created. He next chose those who had beenaediles, plebeian tribunes, or quaestors; then of those who had neverfilled the office of magistrate, he selected such as had spoils takenfrom an enemy fixed up at their homes, or had received a civic crown. Having thus elected one hundred and seventy-seven senators, with theentire approbation of his countrymen, he instantly abdicated hisoffice, and, bidding the lictors depart, he descended from the rostrumas a private citizen, and mingled with the crowd of persons who wereengaged in their private affairs, designedly wearing away this time, lest he should draw off the people from the forum for the purpose ofescorting him home. Their zeal, however, did not subside by the delay, for they escorted him to his house in great numbers. The consulreturned to the army the ensuing night, without acquainting thesenate, lest he should be detained in the city on account of theelections. 

24. The next day, on the proposition of Manius Pomponius the praetor, the senate decreed that a letter should be written to the dictator, tothe effect, that if he thought it for the interest of the state, heshould come, together with the master of the horse and the praetor, Marcus Marcellus, to hold the election for the succeeding consuls, inorder that the fathers might learn from them in person in whatcondition the state was, and take measures according to circumstances. All who were summoned came, leaving lieutenant-generals to holdcommand of the legions. The dictator, speaking briefly and modestly ofhimself, attributed much of the glory Of the campaign to the master ofthe horse, Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus. He then gave out the day forthe comitia, at which the consuls created were Lucius Posthumius inhis absence, being then employed in the government of the province ofGaul, for the third time, and Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, who wasthen master of the horse and curule aedile. Marcus Valerius Laevinus, Appius Claudius Pulcher, Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, and Quintus MuciusScaevola, were then created praetors. After the election of themagistrates, the dictator returned to his army, which was in winterquarters at Teanum, leaving his master of the horse at Rome, to takethe sense of the fathers relative to the armies to be enlisted andembodied for the service of the year, as he was about to enter uponthe magistracy after a few days. While busily occupied with thesematters, intelligence arrived of a fresh disaster--fortune crowdinginto this year one calamity after another--that Lucius Posthumius, consul elect, himself with all his army was destroyed in Gaul. He wasto march his troops through a vast wood, which the Gauls calledLitana. On the right and left of his route, the natives had sawed thetrees in such a manner that they continued standing upright, but wouldfall when impelled by a slight force. Posthumius had with him twoRoman legions, and besides had levied so great a number of alliesalong the Adriatic Sea, that he led into the enemy's countrytwenty-five thousand men. As soon as this army entered the wood, theGauls, who were posted around its extreme skirts, pushed down theoutermost of the sawn trees, which falling on those next them, andthese again on others which of themselves stood tottering and scarcelymaintained their position, crushed arms, men, and horses in anindiscriminate manner, so that scarcely ten men escaped. For, most ofthem being killed by the trunks and broken boughs of trees, the Gauls, who beset the wood on all sides in arms killed the rest, panic-struckby so unexpected a disaster. A very small number, who attempted toescape by a bridge, were taken prisoners, being intercepted by theenemy who had taken possession of it before them. Here Posthumiusfell, fighting with all his might to prevent his being taken. The Boiihaving cut off his head, carried it and the spoils they stole off hisbody, in triumph into the most sacred temple they had. Afterwards theycleansed the head according to their custom, and having covered theskull with chased gold, used it as a cup for libations in their solemnfestivals, and a drinking cup for their high priests and otherministers of the temple. The spoils taken by the Gauls were not lessthan the victory. For though great numbers of the beasts were crushedby the falling trees, yet as nothing was scattered by flight, everything else was found strewed along the whole line of the prostrateband. 

25. The news of this disaster arriving, when the state had been in sogreat a panic for many days, that the shops were shut up as if thesolitude of night reigned through the city; the senate gave it incharge to the aediles to go round the city, cause the shops to beopened, and this appearance of public affliction to be removed. ThenTitus Sempronius, having assembled the senate, consoled and encouragedthe fathers, requesting, "that they who had sustained the defeat atCannae with so much magnanimity would not now be cast down with lesscalamities. That if their arms should prosper, as he hoped they would, against Hannibal and the Carthaginians, the war with the Gauls mightbe suspended and deferred without hazard. The gods and the Romanpeople would have it in their power to revenge the treachery of theGauls another time. That they should now deliberate about theCarthaginian foe, and the forces with which the war was to beprosecuted. " He first laid before them the number of foot and horse, as well citizens as allies, that were in the dictator's army. ThenMarcellus gave an account of the amount in his. Those who knew wereasked what troops were in Apulia with Caius Terentius Varro theconsul. But no practicable plan could be devised for raising consulararmies sufficient to support so important a war. For this reason, notwithstanding a just resentment irritated them, they determined thatGaul should be passed over for that year. The dictator's army wasassigned to the consul; and they ordered such of the troops ofMarcellus's army as had fled from Cannae, to be transported intoSicily, to serve there as long as the war continued in Italy. Thither, likewise, were ordered to be sent as unfit to serve with him, theweakest of the dictator's troops, no time of service being appointed, but the legal number of campaigns. The two legions in the city werevoted to the other consul who should be elected in the room ofPosthumius; and they resolved that he should be elected as soon as theauspices would permit. Besides, two legions were immediately to berecalled from Sicily, out of which the consul, to whom the citylegions fell, might take what number of men he should have occasionfor. The consul Caius Terentius Varro was continued in his command forone year, without lessening the army he had for the defence of Apulia. 

26. During these transactions and preparations in Italy, the war inSpain was prosecuted with no less vigour; but hitherto more favourablyto the Romans. The two generals had divided their troops, so thatCneius acted by land, and Publius by sea. Hasdrubal, general of theCarthaginians, sufficiently trusting to neither branch of his forces, kept himself at a distance from the enemy, secured by the interveningspace and the strength of his fortifications, until, after muchsolicitation, four thousand foot and five hundred horse were sent himout of Africa as a reinforcement. At length, inspired with freshhopes, he moved nearer the enemy; and himself also ordered a fleet tobe equipped and prepared for the protection of the islands andsea-coasts. In the very onset of renewing the war, he was greatlyembarrassed by the desertion of the captains of his ships, who hadceased to entertain a sincere attachment towards the general and theCarthaginian cause, ever since they were severely reprimanded forabandoning the fleet in a cowardly manner at the Iberus. Thesedeserters had raised an insurrection among the Tartessians, and attheir instigation some cities had revolted; they had even taken one byforce. The war was now turned from the Romans into that country, whichhe entered in a hostile manner, and resolved to attack Galbus, adistinguished general of the Tartessians, who with a powerful armykept close within his camp, before the walls of a city which had beencaptured but a few days before. Accordingly, he sent his light-armedtroops in advance to provoke the enemy to battle, and part of hisinfantry to ravage the country throughout in every direction, and tocut off stragglers. There was a skirmish before the camp, at the sametime that many were killed and put to flight in the fields. But havingby different routes returned to their camp, they so quickly shook offall fear, that they had courage not only to defend their lines, butchallenge the enemy to fight. They sallied out, therefore, in a bodyfrom the camp, dancing according to their custom. Their suddenboldness terrified the enemy, who a little before had been theassailants. Hasdrubal therefore drew off his troops to a tolerablysteep eminence, and secured further by having a river between it andthe enemy. Here the parties of light-armed troops which had been sentin advance, and the horse which had been dispersed about, he called into join him. But not thinking himself sufficiently secured by theeminence or the river, he fortified his camp completely with arampart. While thus fearing and feared alternately, several skirmishesoccurred, in which the Numidian cavalry were not so good as theSpanish, nor the Moorish darters so good as the Spanish targetteers, who equalled them in swiftness, but were superior to them in strengthand courage. 

27. The enemy seeing they could not, by coming up to Hasdrubal's camp, draw him out to a battle, nor assault it without great difficulty, stormed Asena, whither Hasdrubal, on entering their territories, hadlaid up his corn and other stores. By this they became masters of allthe surrounding country. But now they became quite ungovernable, bothwhen on march and within their camp. 

Hasdrubal, therefore, perceiving their negligence, which, as usual, was the consequence of success, after having exhorted his troops toattack them while they were straggling and without their standards, came down the hill, and advanced to their camp in order of battle. Onhis approach being announced in a tumultuous manner, by men who fledfrom the watchposts and advanced guards, they shouted to arms; and aseach could get his arms, they rushed precipitately to battle, withoutwaiting for the word, without standards, without order, and withoutranks. The foremost of them were already engaged, while some wererunning up in parties, and others had not got out of their camp. However, at first, the very boldness of their attack terrified theenemy. But when they charged their close ranks with their own whichwere thin, and were not able to defend themselves for want of numbers, each began to look out for others to support him; and being repulsedin all quarters they collected themselves in form of a circle, wherebeing so closely crowded together, body to body, armour to armour, that they had not room to wield their arms, they were surrounded bythe enemy, who continued to slaughter them till late in the day. Asmall number, having forced a passage, made for the woods and hills. With like consternation, their camp was abandoned, and next day thewhole nation submitted. But they did not continue long quiet, forimmediately upon this, Hasdrubal received orders from Carthage tomarch into Italy with all expedition. The report of which, spreadingover Spain, made almost all the states declare for the Romans. Accordingly he wrote immediately to Carthage, to inform them how muchmischief the report of his march had produced. "That if he really didleave Spain, the Romans would be masters of it all before he couldpass the Iberus. For, besides that he had neither an army nor ageneral whom he could leave to supply his place, so great were theabilities of the Roman generals who commanded there, that they couldscarcely be opposed with equal forces. If, therefore, they had anyconcern for preserving Spain, they ought to send a general with apowerful army to succeed him. To whom, however prosperous all thingsmight prove, yet the province would not be a position of ease. "

28. Though this letter made at first a great impression on the senate, yet, as their interest in Italy was first and most important, they didnot at all alter their resolution in relation to Hasdrubal and histroops. However, they despatched Himilco with a complete army, and anaugmented fleet, to preserve and defend Spain both by sea and land. When he had conveyed over his land and naval forces, he fortified acamp; and having drawn his ships upon dry land, and surrounded themwith a rampart, he marched with a chosen body of cavalry, with allpossible expedition; using the same caution when passing throughpeople who were wavering, and those who were actually enemies; andcame up with Hasdrubal. As soon as he had informed him of theresolutions and orders of the senate, and in his turn been thoroughlyinstructed in what manner to prosecute the war in Spain, he returnedto his camp; his expedition more than any thing else saving him, forhe quitted every place before the people could conspire. BeforeHasdrubal quitted his position he laid all the states in subjection tohim under contribution. He knew well that Hannibal purchased a passagethrough some nations; that he had no Gallic auxiliaries but such aswere hired; and that if he had undertaken so arduous a march withoutmoney, he would scarcely have penetrated so far as the Alps. For thisreason, having exacted the contributions with great haste, he marcheddown to the Iberus. As soon as the Roman generals got notice of theCarthaginian senate's resolution, and Hasdrubal's march, they gave upevery other concern, and uniting their forces, determined to meet himand oppose his attempt. They reflected, that when it was already sodifficult to make head against Hannibal alone in Italy, there would bean end of the Roman empire in Spain, should Hasdrubal join him with aSpanish army. Full of anxiety and care on these accounts, theyassembled their forces at the Iberus, and crossed the river; and afterdeliberating for some time whether they should encamp opposite to theenemy, or be satisfied with impeding his intended march by attackingthe allies of the Carthaginians, they made preparations for besieginga city called Ibera, from its contiguity to the river, which was atthat time the wealthiest in that quarter. When Hasdrubal perceivedthis, instead of carrying assistance to his allies, he proceededhimself to besiege a city which had lately placed itself under theprotection of the Romans; and thus the siege which was now commencedwas given up by them, and the operations of the war turned againstHasdrubal himself. 

29. For a few days they remained encamped at a distance of five milesfrom each other, not without skirmishes, but without going out to aregular engagement. At length the signal for battle was given out onboth sides on one and the same day, as though by concert, and theymarched down into the plain with all their forces. The Roman armystood in triple line; a part of the light troops were stationed amongthe first line, the other half were received behind the standards, thecavalry covering the wings. Hasdrubal formed his centre strong withSpaniards, and placed the Carthaginians in the right wing, theAfricans and hired auxiliaries in the left. His cavalry he placedbefore the wings, attaching the Numidians to the Carthaginianinfantry, and the rest to the Africans. Nor were all the Numidiansplaced in the right wing, but such as taking two horses each into thefield are accustomed frequently to leap full armed, when the battle isat the hottest, from a tired horse upon a fresh one, after the mannerof vaulters: such was their own agility, and so docile their breed ofhorses. While they stood thus drawn up, the hopes entertained by thegenerals on both sides were pretty much upon an equality; for neitherpossessed any great superiority, either in point of the number orquality of the troops. The feelings of the soldiers were widelydifferent. Their generals had, without difficulty, induced the Romansto believe, that although they fought at a distance from theircountry, it was Italy and the city of Rome that they were defending. Accordingly, they had brought their minds to a settled resolution toconquer or die; as if their return to their country had hinged uponthe issue of that battle. The other army consisted of less determinedmen; for they were principally Spaniards, who would rather bevanquished in Spain, than be victorious to be dragged into Italy. Onthe first onset, therefore, ere their javelins had scarcely beenthrown, their centre gave ground, and the Romans pressing on withgreat impetuosity, turned their backs. In the wings the battleproceeded with no less activity; on one side the Carthaginians, on theother the Africans, charged vigorously, while the Romans, in a mannersurrounded, were exposed to a twofold attack. But when the whole ofthe Roman troops had united in the centre, they possessed sufficientstrength to compel the wings of the enemy to retire in differentdirections; and thus there were two separate battles, in both of whichthe Romans were decidedly superior, as after the defeat of the enemy'scentre they had the advantage both in the number and strength of theirtroops. Vast numbers were slain on this occasion; and had not theSpaniards fled precipitately from the field ere the battle had scarcebegun, very few out of the whole army would have survived. There wasvery little fighting of the cavalry, for as soon as the Moors andNumidians perceived that the centre gave way, they fled immediatelywith the utmost precipitation, leaving the wings uncovered, and alsodriving the elephants before them. Hasdrubal, after waiting the issueof the battle to the very last, fled from the midst of the carnagewith a few attendants. The Romans took and plundered the camp. Thisvictory united with the Romans whatever states of Spain were wavering, and left Hasdrubal no hope, not only of leading an army over intoItaly, but even of remaining very safely in Spain. When these eventswere made generally known at Rome by letters from the Scipios, thegreatest joy was felt, not so much for the victory, as for the stopwhich was put to the passage of Hasdrubal into Italy. 

30. While these transactions were going on in Spain, Petilia, inBruttium, was taken by Himilco, an officer of Hannibal's, severalmonths after the siege of it began. This victory cost theCarthaginians much blood and many wounds, nor did any power moresubdue the besieged than that of famine; for after having consumedtheir means of subsistence, derived from fruits and the flesh of everykind of quadrupeds, they were at last compelled to live upon skinsfound in shoemakers' shops, on herbs and roots, the tender barks oftrees, and berries gathered from brambles: nor were they subdued untilthey wanted strength to stand upon the walls and support their arms. After gaining Petilia, the Carthaginian marched his forces toConsentia, which being less obstinately defended, he compelled tosurrender within a few days. Nearly about the same time, an army ofBruttians invested Croton, a Greek city, formerly powerful in men andarms, but at the present time reduced so low by many and greatmisfortunes, that less than twenty thousand inhabitants of all agesremained. The enemy, therefore, easily got possession of a citydestitute of defenders: of the citadel alone possession was retained, into which some of the inhabitants fled from the midst of the carnageduring the confusion created by the capture of the city. The Locrianstoo revolted to the Bruttians and Carthaginians, the populace havingbeen betrayed by the nobles. The Rhegians were the only people in thatquarter who continued to the last in faithful attachment to theRomans, and in the enjoyment of their independence. The samealteration of feeing extended itself into Sicily also; and not eventhe family of Hiero altogether abstained from defection; for Gelo, hisoldest son, conceiving a contempt for his father's old age, and, afterthe defeat of Cannae, for the alliance with Rome, went over to theCarthaginians; and he would have created a disturbance in Sicily, hadhe not been carried off, when engaged as arming the people andsoliciting the allies, by a death so seasonable that it threw somedegree of suspicion even upon his father. Such, with various result, were the transactions in Italy, Africa, Sicily, and Spain during thisyear. At the close of the year, Quintus Fabius Maximus requested ofthe senate, that he might be allowed to dedicate the temple of VenusErycina, which he had vowed when dictator. The senate decreed, thatTiberius Sempronius, the consul elect, as soon as ever he had enteredupon his office, should propose to the people, that they should createQuintus Fabius duumvir, for the purpose of dedicating the temple. Also, in honour of Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, who had been consul twiceand augur, his three sons, Lucius, Marcus, and Quintus exhibitedfuneral games and twenty-two pairs of gladiators for three days in theforum. The curule aediles, Caius Laetorius, and Tiberius SemproniusGracchus consul elect, who during his aedileship had been master ofthe horse, celebrated the Roman games, which were repeated for threedays. The plebeian games of the aediles, Marcus Aurelius Cotta andMarcus Claudius Marcellus, were thrice repeated. At the conclusion ofthe third year of the Punic war, Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus theconsul entered upon his office on the ides of March. Of the praetors, Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, who had before been consul and censor, had bylot the city jurisdiction; Marcus Valerius Laevinus, the foreign. Sicily fell to the lot of Appius Claudius Pulcher; Sardinia to QuintusMucius Scaevola. The people ordered that Marcus Marcellus should be incommand as proconsul, because he was the only Roman general who hadbeen successful in his operations in Italy since the defeat at Cannae. 

31. The senate decreed, the first day they deliberated in the Capitol, that double taxes should be imposed for that year, one moiety of whichshould be immediately levied, as a fund from which pay might be givenforthwith to all the soldiers, except those who had been at Cannae. With regard to the armies they decreed, that Tiberius Sempronius theconsul should appoint a day for the two city legions to meet at Cales, whence these legions should be conveyed into the Claudian camp aboveSuenula. That the legions which were there, and they consistedprincipally of the troops which had fought at Cannae, Appius ClaudiusPulcher, the praetor, should transport into Sicily; and that those inSicily should be removed to Rome. Marcus Claudius Marcellus was sentto the army, which had been ordered to meet at Cales on a certain day, with orders to march the city legions thence to the Claudian camp. Titus Metilius Croto, lieutenant-general, was sent by Appius ClaudiusPulcher to receive the old army and remove it into Sicily. People atfirst had expected in silence that the consul would hold an assemblyfor the election of a colleague, but afterwards perceiving that MarcusMarcellus, whom they wished above all others to be consul this year, on account of his brilliant success during his praetorship, wasremoved to a distant quarter, as it were on purpose, a murmuring arosein the senate-house, which the consul perceiving, said "Conscriptfathers, it was conducive to the interest of the state, both thatMarcus Marcellus should go into Campania to make the exchange of thearmies, and that the assembly should not be proclaimed before he hadreturned thence after completing the business with which he wascharged, in order that you might have him as consul whom the situationof the republic required and yourselves prefer. " Thus nothing was saidabout the assembly till Marcellus returned. Meanwhile Quintus FabiusMaximus and Titus Otacilius Crassus were created duumvirs fordedicating temples, Otacilius to Mens, Fabius to Venus Erycina. Bothare situated in the Capitol, and separated by one channel. It wasafterwards proposed to the people, to make Roman citizens of the threehundred Campanian horsemen who had returned to Rome after havingfaithfully served their period, and also that they should beconsidered to have been citizens of Cumae from the day before that onwhich the Campanians had revolted from the Roman people. It had been aprincipal inducement to this proposition, that they themselves saidthey knew not to what people they belonged, having left their formercountry, and being not yet admitted into that to which they hadreturned. After Marcellus returned from the army, an assembly wasproclaimed for electing one consul in the room of Lucius Posthumius. Marcellus was elected with the greatest unanimity, and was immediatelyto enter upon his office, but as it thundered while he entered uponit, the augurs were summoned, who pronounced that they considered thecreation formal, and the fathers spread a report that the gods weredispleased, because on that occasion, for the first time, twoplebeians had been elected consuls. Upon Marcellus's abdicating hisoffice, Fabius Maximus, for the third time, was elected in his room. This year the sea appeared on fire; at Sinuessa a cow brought forth ahorse foal; the statues in the temple of Juno Sospita Lanuvium floweddown with blood; and a shower of stones fell in the neighbourhood ofthat temple: on account of which shower the nine days' sacred rite wascelebrated, as is usual on such occasions, and the other prodigieswere carefully expiated. 

32. The consuls divided the armies between them. The army which MarcusJunius the dictator had commanded fell to the lot of Fabius. To thatof Sempronius fell the volunteer slaves, with twenty-five thousand ofthe allies. To Marcus Valerius the praetor were assigned the legionswhich had returned from Sicily. Marcus Claudius, proconsul, was sentto that army which lay above Suessula for the protection of Nola. Thepraetors set out for Sicily and Sardinia. The consuls issued aproclamation, that as often as they summoned a senate, the senatorsand those who had a right to give their opinion in the senate, shouldassemble at the Capuan gate. The praetors who were charged with theadministration of justice, fixed their tribunals in the public fishmarket; there they ordered sureties to be entered into, and herejustice was administered this year. Meanwhile news was brought toCarthage, from which place Mago, Hannibal's brother, was on the pointof carrying over into Italy twelve thousand foot, fifteen hundredhorse, twenty elephants, and a thousand talents of silver, under aconvoy of sixty men of war, that the operations of the war had notsucceeded in Spain, and that almost all the people in that provincehad gone over to the Romans. There were some who were for sending Magowith that fleet and those forces into Spain, neglecting Italy, when anunexpected prospect of regaining Sardinia broke upon them. They wereinformed, that "the Roman army there was small, that Aulus Cornelius, who had been praetor there, and was well acquainted with the province, was quitting it, and that a new one was expected. Moreover, that theminds of the Sardinians were now wearied with the long continuance ofrule; and that during the last year it had been exercised withseverity and rapacity. That the people were weighed down with heavytaxes, and an oppressive contribution of corn: that there was nothingwanting but a leader to whom they might revolt. " This secret embassyhad been sent by the nobles, Hampsicora being the chief contriver ofthe measure, who at that time was first by far in wealth andinfluence. Disconcerted and elated almost at the same time by theseaccounts, they sent Mago with his fleet and forces into Spain, andselecting Hasdrubal as general for Sardinia, assigned to him about aslarge a force as to Mago. At Rome, the consuls, after transacting whatwas necessary to be done in the city now prepared themselves for thewar. Tiberius Sempronius appointed a day for his soldiers to assembleat Sinuessa; and Quintus Fabius also, having first consulted thesenate, issued a proclamation, that all persons should convey cornfrom the fields into fortified towns, before the calends of June nextensuing: if any neglected to do so he would lay waste his lands, sellhis slaves by auction, and burn his farm-houses. Not even thepraetors, who were created for the purpose of administering justice, were allowed an exemption from military employments. It was resolvedthat Valerius the praetor should go into Apulia, to receive the armyfrom Terentius, and that, when the legions from Sicily had arrived, heshould employ them principally for the protection of that quarter. That the army of Terentius should be sent into Sicily, with some oneof the lieutenant-generals. Twenty-five ships were given to MarcusValerius, to protect the sea-coast between Brundusium and Tarentum. Anequal number was given to Quintus Fulvius, the city praetor, toprotect the coasts in the neighbourhood of the city. To CaiusTerentius, the proconsul, it was given in charge to press soldiers inthe Picenian territory, and to protect that part of the country; andTitus Otacilius Crassus, after he had dedicated the temple of Mens inthe Capitol, was invested with command, and sent into Sicily to takethe conduct of the fleet. 

33. On this contest, between the two most powerful people in theworld, all kings and nations had fixed their attention. Among themPhilip, king of the Macedonians, regarded it with greater anxiety, inproportion as he was nearer to Italy, and because he was separatedfrom it only by the Ionian Sea. When he first heard that Hannibal hadcrossed the Alps, as he was rejoiced that a war had arisen between theRomans and the Carthaginians, so while their strength was yetundetermined, he felt doubtful which he should rather wish to bevictorious. But after the third battle had been fought and the thirdvictory had been on the side of the Carthaginians, he inclined tofortune, and sent ambassadors to Hannibal. These, avoiding theharbours of Brundusium and Tarentum, because they were occupied byguards of Roman ships, landed at the temple of Juno Lacinia. Thencepassing through Apulia, on their way to Capua, they fell in with theRoman troops stationed to protect the country, and were conveyed toMarcus Valerius Laevinus, the praetor, who lay encamped in theneighbourhood of Luceria. Here Xenophanes, who was at the head of theembassy, fearlessly stated, that he was sent by King Philip toconclude a treaty of alliance and friendship with the Roman people, and that he had commissions to the Roman consuls, senate, and people. The praetor, highly delighted with this new alliance with adistinguished potentate, amidst the desertions of her old allies, courteously entertained these enemies as guests, and furnished themwith persons to accompany them carefully to point out the roads, andinform them what places, and what passes, the Romans or the enemyoccupied. Xenophanes passing through the Roman troops came intoCampania, whence, by the shortest way, he entered the camp ofHannibal, and concluded a treaty of alliance and friendship with himon the following terms: That "King Philip, with as large a fleet as hecould, (and it was thought he could make one of two hundred ships, )should pass over into Italy, and lay waste the sea-coast, that heshould carry on the war by land and sea with all his might; when thewar was concluded, that all Italy, with the city of Rome itself, should be the property of the Carthaginians and Hannibal, and that allthe booty should be given up to Hannibal. That when Italy wascompletely subdued they should sail into Greece, and carry on war withsuch nations as the king pleased. That the cities on the continent andthe islands which border on Macedonia, should belong to Philip, andhis dominions. "

34. A treaty was concluded between the Carthaginian general and theambassadors, upon nearly these terms; and Gisgo, Bostar, and Mago weresent as ambassadors with them to receive the ratification of the kingin person. They arrived at the same place, near the temple of JunoLacinia, where the vessel lay concealed in a creek. Setting outthence, when they had got into the open sea, they were descried by theRoman fleet, which was guarding the coasts of Calabria. PubliusValerius Flaccus having sent fly-boats to pursue and bring back theship, the king's party at first attempted to fly; but afterwards, finding that they were overmatched in swiftness, they deliveredthemselves up to the Romans, and were brought to the commander of thefleet. Upon being asked by him who they were, whence they came, andwhither they were going, Xenophanes, having once been prettysuccessful, made up a fictitious story and said, "that he was sentfrom Philip to the Romans; that he had succeeded in reaching MarcusValerius, to whom alone he had safe access; that he was unable to makehis way through Campania, which was beset with the troops of theenemy. " But afterwards the Carthaginian dress and manners excitedsuspicions of the messengers of Hannibal, and when interrogated, theirspeech betrayed them; then on their companions being removed toseparate places, and intimidated by threats, even a letter fromHannibal to Philip was discovered, and the agreement made between theking of the Macedonians and the Carthaginian. These points having beenascertained, the best course appeared to be, to convey the prisonersand their companions as soon as possible to the senate at Rome, or tothe consuls, wheresoever they might be; for this service five of thefastest sailing vessels were selected, and Lucius Valerius Antias sentin command of them, with orders to distribute the ambassadors throughall the ships separately, and take particular care that they shouldhold no conversation or consultation with each other. About the sametime Aulus Cornelius Mammula, on his return from the province ofSardinia, made a report of the state of affairs in the island; thatevery body contemplated war and revolt; that Quintus Mucius whosucceeded him, being on his arrival affected by the unwholesomeness ofthe air and water, had fallen into a disorder rather lingering thandangerous, and would for a long time be incapable of sustaining theviolent exertion of the war; that the army there, though strong enoughfor the protection of a province in a state of tranquillity, was, nevertheless, not adequate to the maintenance of the war which seemedto be about to break out. Upon which the fathers decreed, that QuintusFulvius Flaccus should enlist five thousand foot and four hundredhorse, and take care that the legion thus formed should be transportedas soon as possible into Sardinia, and send invested with commandwhomsoever he thought fit to conduct the business of the war untilMucius had recovered. For this service Titus Manlius Torquatus wassent; he had been twice consul and censor, and had subdued theSardinians during his consulate. Nearly about the same time a fleetsent from Carthage to Sardinia under the conduct of Hasdrubal, surnamed the Bald, having suffered from a violent tempest, was drivenupon the Balearian islands, where a good deal of time was lost inrefitting the ships, which were hauled on shore, so much were theydamaged, not only in their rigging but also in their hulls. 

35. As the war was carried on in Italy with less vigour since thebattle of Cannae, the strength of one party having been broken, andthe energy of the other relaxed, the Campanians of themselves made anattempt to subjugate Cumae, at first by soliciting them to revolt fromthe Romans, and when that plan did not succeed, they contrived anartifice by which to entrap them. All the Campanians had a statedsacrifice at Hamae. They informed the Cumans that the Campanian senatewould come there, and requested that the Cuman senate should also bepresent to deliberate in concert, in order that both people might havethe same allies and the same enemies; they said that they would havean armed force there for their protection, that there might be nodanger from the Romans or Carthaginians. The Cumans, although theysuspected treachery, made no objection, concluding that thus thedeception they meditated might be concealed. Meanwhile TiberiusSempronius, the Roman consul, having purified his army at Sinuessa, where he had appointed a day for their meeting, crossed the Vulturnus, and pitched his camp in the neighbourhood of Liternum. As his troopswere stationed here without any employment, he compelled themfrequently to go through their exercise, that the recruits, whichconsisted principally of volunteer slaves, might accustom themselvesto follow the standards, and know their own centuries in battle Whilethus engaged, the general was particularly anxious for concord, andtherefore enjoined the lieutenant-generals and the tribunes that "nodisunion should be engendered among the different orders, by castingreproaches on any one on account of his former condition. That theveteran soldier should be content be placed on an equal footing withthe tiro, the free-man with the volunteer slave; that all shouldconsider those men sufficiently respectable in point of character andbirth, to whom the Roman people had intrusted their arms andstandards; that the measures which circumstances made it necessary toadopt, the same circumstances also made it necessary to support whenadopted. " This was not more carefully prescribed by the generals thanobserved by the soldiers; and in a short time the minds of all wereunited in such perfect harmony, that the condition from which eachbecame a soldier was almost forgotten. While Gracchus was thusemployed, ambassadors from Cumas brought him information of theembassy which had come to them from the Campanians, a few days before, and the answer they had given them; that the festival would take placein three days from that time; that not only the whole body of theirsenate, but that the camp and the army of the Campanians would bethere. Gracchus having directed the Cumans to convey every thing outof their fields into the town, and to remain within their walls, marched himself to Cumae, on the day before that on which theCampanians were to attend the sacrifice. Hamae was three miles distantfrom his position. The Campanians had by this time assembled there ingreat numbers according to the plan concerted; and not far off MariusAlfius, Medixtuticus, which is the name of the chief magistrate of theCampanians, lay encamped in a retired spot with fourteen thousandarmed men, considerably more occupied in making preparation for thesacrifice and in concerting the stratagem to be executed during it, than in fortifying his camp or any other military work. The sacrificeat Hamae lasted for three days. It was a nocturnal rite, so arrangedas to be completed before midnight. Gracchus, thinking this the propertime for executing his plot, placed guards at the gates to prevent anyone from carrying out intelligence of his intentions; and havingcompelled his men to employ the time from the tenth hour in takingrefreshment and sleep, in order that they might be able to assemble ona signal given as soon as it was dark. He ordered the standards to beraised about the first watch, and marching in silence, reached Hamaeat midnight; where, finding the Campanian camp in a neglected state, as might be expected during a festival, he assaulted it at every gateat once; some he butchered while stretched on the ground asleep, others as they were returning unarmed after finishing the sacrifice. In the tumultuous action of this night more than two thousand men wereslain, together with the general himself, Marius Alfius, andthirty-four military standards were captured. 

36. Gracchus, having made himself master of the enemy's camp with theloss of less than a hundred men, hastily returned to Cumae, fearful ofan attack from Hannibal, who lay encamped above Capua on Tifata; nordid his provident anticipation of the future deceive him; for as soonas intelligence was brought to Capua of this loss, Hannibal, concluding that he should find at Hamae this army, which consisted forthe most part of recruits and slaves, extravagantly elated with itssuccess, despoiling the vanquished and collecting booty, marched byCapua at a rapid pace, ordering those Campanians whom he met in theirflight to be conducted to Capua under an escort, and the wounded to beconveyed in carriages. He found at Hamae the camp abandoned by theenemy, where there was nothing to be seen but the traces of the recentcarnage, and the bodies of his allies strewed in every part. Someadvised him to lead his troops immediately thence to Cumae, andassault the town. Though Hannibal desired, in no ordinary degree, toget possession of Cumae at least, as a maritime town, since he couldnot gain Neapolis; yet as his soldiers had brought out with themnothing besides their arms on their hasty march, he retired to hiscamp on Tifata. But, wearied with the entreaties of the Campanians, hereturned thence to Cumae the following day, with every thing requisitefor besieging the town; and having thoroughly wasted the lands ofCumae, pitched, his camp a mile from the town, in which Gracchus hadstayed more because he was ashamed to abandon, in such an emergency, allies who implored his protection and that of the Roman people, thanbecause he felt confidence in his army. Nor dared the other consul, Fabius, who was encamped at Cales, lead his troops across theVulturnus, being employed at first in taking new auspices, andafterwards with the prodigies which were reported one after another;and while expiating these, the aruspices answered that they were noteasily atoned. 

37. While these causes detained Fabius, Sempronius was besieged, andnow works were employed in the attack. Against a very large woodentower which was brought up to the town, the Roman consul raised upanother considerably higher from the wall itself; for he had made useof the wall, which was pretty high of itself, as a platform, placingstrong piles as supports. From this the besieged at first defendedtheir walls and city, with stones, javelins, and other missiles; butlastly, when they perceived the tower advanced into contact with thewall they threw upon it a large quantity of fire, making use ofblazing fire-brands; and while the armed men were throwing themselvesdown from the tower in great numbers, in consequence of the flamesthus occasioned, the troops sallying out of the town at two gates atonce, routed the enemy, and drove them back to their camp; so that theCarthaginians that day were more like persons besieged than besiegers. As many as one thousand three hundred of the Carthaginians were slain, and fifty-nine made prisoners, having been unexpectedly overpowered, while standing careless and unconcerned near the walls and on theoutposts, fearing any thing rather than a sally. Gracchus sounded aretreat, and withdrew his men within the walls, before the enemy couldrecover themselves from the effects of this sudden terror. The nextday Hannibal, supposing that the consul, elated with his success, would engage him in a regular battle, drew up his troops inbattle-array between the camp and the city; but finding that not aman was removed from the customary guard of the town, and that nothingwas hazarded upon rash hopes, he returned to Tifata withoutaccomplishing any thing. At the same time that Cumae was relieved fromsiege, Tiberius Sempronius, surnamed Longus, fought successfully withthe Carthaginian general, Hanno, at Grumentum in Lucania. He slewabove two thousand of the enemy, losing two hundred and eighty of hisown men. He took as many as forty-one military standards. Hanno, driven out of the Lucanian territory, drew back among the Bruttii. Three towns belonging to the Hirpinians, which had revolted from theRomans, were regained by force by the praetor, Marcus Valerius, Vercellius and Sicilius, the authors of the revolt, were beheaded;above a thousand prisoners sold by auction; and the rest of the bootyhaving been given up to the soldiery, the army was marched back toLuceria. 

38. While these things were taking place in Lucania and Hirpinia, thefive ships, which were conveying to Rome the captured ambassadors ofthe Macedonians and Carthaginians, after passing round the whole coastof Italy from the upper to the lower sea, were sailing by Cumae, when, it not being known whether they belonged to enemies or allies, Gracchus despatched some ships from his fleet to meet them. When itwas ascertained, in the course of their mutual inquiries that theconsul was at Cumae, the ships put in there, the captives were broughtbefore the consul, and their letters placed in his hands. The consul, after he had read the letters of Philip and Hannibal, sent them all, sealed up, to the senate by land, ordering that the ambassadors shouldbe conveyed thither by sea. The ambassadors and the letters arrivingat Rome nearly on the same day, and on examination the answers of theambassadors corresponding with the contents of the letters, at firstintense anxiety oppressed the fathers, on seeing what a formidable warwith Macedonia threatened them, when with difficulty bearing upagainst the Punic war; yet so far were they from sinking under theircalamities, that they immediately began to consider how they mightdivert the enemy from Italy, by commencing hostilities themselves. After ordering the prisoners to be confined in chains, and sellingtheir attendants by public auction, they decreed, that twenty moreships should be got ready, in addition to the twenty-five ships whichPublius Valerius Flaccus had been appointed to command. These beingprovided and launched, and augmented by the five ships which hadconveyed the captive ambassadors to Rome, a fleet of fifty ships setsail from Ostia to Tarentum. Publius Valerius was ordered to put onboard the soldiers of Varro, which Lucius Apustius, lieutenant-general, commanded at Tarentum; and, with this fleet offifty ships, not only to protect the coast of Italy, but also to makeinquiry respecting the Macedonian war. If the plans of Philipcorresponded with his letter, and the discoveries made by hisambassadors, he was directed to acquaint the praetor, Marcus Valerius, with it, who, leaving Lucius Apustius, lieutenant-general, in commandof the army, and going to Tarentum to the fleet, was to cross over toMacedonia with all speed, and endeavour to detain Philip in his owndominions. The money which had been sent into Sicily to AppiusClaudius, to be repaid to Hiero, was assigned for the support of thefleet and the maintenance of the Macedonian war. This money wasconveyed to Tarentum, by Lucius Apustius, lieutenant-general, and withit Hiero sent two hundred thousand pecks of wheat, and a hundredthousand of barley. 

39. While the Romans were engaged in these preparations andtransactions, the captured ship, which formed one of those which hadbeen sent to Rome, made its escape on the voyage and returned toPhilip; from which source it became known that the ambassadors withtheir letters had been made prisoners. Not knowing, therefore, whathad been agreed upon between Hannibal and his ambassadors, or whatproposals they were to have brought back to him, he sent anotherembassy with the same instructions. The ambassadors sent to Hannibalwere Heraclitus, surnamed Scotinus, Crito of Beraea, and Sositheus ofMagnesia; these successfully took and brought back their commissions, but the summer had passed before the king could take any step or makeany attempt. Such an influence had the capture of one vessel, togetherwith the ambassadors, in deferring a war which threatened the Romans. Fabius crossed the Vulturnus, after having at length expiated theprodigies, and both the consuls prosecuted the war in theneighbourhood of Capua. Fabius regained by force the townsCompulteria, Trebula, and Saticula, which had revolted to theCarthaginians; and in them were captured the garrisons of Hannibal anda great number of Campanians. At Nola, as had been the case thepreceding year, the senate sided with the Romans, the commons withHannibal; and deliberations were held clandestinely on the subject ofmassacring the nobles and betraying the city; but to prevent theirsucceeding in their designs, Fabius marched his army between Capua andthe camp of Hannibal on Tifata, and sat down in the Claudian campabove Suessula, whence he sent Marcus Marcellus, the proconsul, withthose forces which he had under him, to Nola for its protection. 

40. In Sardinia also the operations of the war, which had beenintermitted from the time that Quintus Mucius, the praetor, had beenseized with a serious illness, began to be conducted by Titus Manlius, the praetor. Having hauled the ships of war on shore at Carale, andarmed his mariners, in order that he might prosecute the war by land, and received the army from the praetor, he made up the number oftwenty-two thousand foot and twelve hundred horse. Setting out for theterritory of the enemy with these forces of foot and horse, he pitchedhis camp not far from the camp of Hamsicora. It happened thatHampsicora was then gone among the Sardinians, called Pelliti, inorder to arm their youth, whereby he might augment his forces. Hisson, named Hiostus, had the command of the camp, who coming to anengagement, with the presumption of youth, was routed and put toflight. In that battle as many as three thousand of the Sardinianswere slain, and about eight hundred taken alive. The rest of the armyat first wandered in their flight through the fields and woods, butafterwards all fled to a city named Cornus, the capital of thatdistrict, whither there was a report that their general had fled; andthe war in Sardinia would have been brought to a termination by thatbattle, had not the Carthaginian fleet under the command of Hasdrubal, which had been driven by a storm upon the Balearian islands, come inseasonably for inspiring a hope of renewing the war. Manlius, afterhearing of the arrival of the Punic fleet, returned to Carale, whichafforded Hampsicora an opportunity of forming a junction with theCarthaginian. Hasdrubal, having landed his forces and sent back hisfleet to Carthage, set out under the guidance of Hampsicora, to laywaste the lands of the allies of the Romans; and he would haveproceeded to Carale, had not Manlius, meeting him with his army, restrained him from this wide-spread depredation. At first their campswere pitched opposite to each other, at a small distance; afterwardsskirmishes and slight encounters took place with varying success;lastly, they came down into the field and fought a regular pitchedbattle for four hours. The Carthaginians caused the battle to continuelong doubtful, for the Sardinians were accustomed to yield easily; butat last, when the Sardinians fell and fled on all sides around them, the Carthaginians themselves were routed. But as they were turningtheir backs, the Roman general, wheeling round that wing with which hehad driven back the Sardinians, intercepted them, after which it wasrather a carnage than a battle. Two thousand of the enemy, Sardiniansand Carthaginians together, were slain, about three thousand sevenhundred captured, with twenty-seven military standards. 

41. Above all, the general, Hasdrubal, and two other nobleCarthaginians having been made prisoners, rendered the battle gloriousand memorable; Mago, who was of the Barcine family, and nearly relatedto Hannibal, and Hanno, the author of the revolt of the Sardinians, and without doubt the instigator of this war. Nor less did theSardinian generals render that battle distinguished by theirdisasters; for not only was Hiostus, son of Hampsicora, slain in thebattle, but Hampsicora himself flying with a few horse, having heardof the death of his son in addition to his unfortunate state, committed suicide by night, lest the interference of any person shouldprevent the accomplishment of his design. To the other fugitives thecity of Cornus afforded a refuge, as it had done before; but Manlius, having assaulted it with his victorious troops, regained it in a fewdays. Then other cities also which had gone over to Hampsicora and theCarthaginians, surrendered themselves and gave hostages, on whichhaving imposed a contribution of money and corn, proportioned to themeans and delinquency of each, he led back his troops to Carale. Therelaunching his ships of war, and putting the soldiers he had broughtwith him on board, he sailed to Rome, reported to the fathers thetotal subjugation of Sardinia, and handed over the contribution ofmoney to the quaestors, of corn to the aediles, and the prisoners tothe praetor Fulvius. During the same time, as Titus Otacilius thepraetor, who had sailed over with a fleet of fifty ships fromLilybaeum to Africa, and laid waste the Carthaginian territory, wasreturning thence to Sardinia, to which place it was reported thatHasdrubal had recently crossed over from the Baleares, he fell in withhis fleet on its return to Africa; and after a slight engagement inthe open sea, captured seven ships with their crews. Fear dispersedthe rest far and wide, not less effectually than a storm. It happenedalso, at the same time, that Bomilcar arrived at Locri with soldierssent from Carthage as a reinforcement, bringing with him alsoelephants and provisions. In order to surprise and overpower him, Appius Claudius, having hastily led his troops to Messana, underpretext of making the circuit of the province, crossed over to Locri, the tide being favourable. Bomilcar had by this time left the place, having set out for Bruttium to join Hanno. The Locrians closed theirgates against the Romans, and Appius Claudius returned to Rome withoutachieving any thing, by his strenuous efforts. The same summerMarcellus made frequent excursions from Nola, which he was occupyingwith a garrison, into the lands of the Hirpini and Caudine Samnites, and so destroyed all before him with fire and sword, that he renewedin Samnium the memory of her ancient disasters. 

42. Ambassadors were therefore despatched from both nations at thesame time to Hannibal, who thus addressed the Carthaginian: "Hannibal, we carried on hostilities with the Roman people, by ourselves and fromour own resources, as long as our own arms and our own strength couldprotect us. Our confidence in these failing, we attached ourselves toking Pyrrhus. Abandoned by him, we accepted of a peace, dictated bynecessity, which we continued to observe up to the period when youarrived in Italy, through a period of almost fifty years. Your valourand good fortune, not more than your unexampled humanity and kindnessdisplayed towards our countrymen, whom, when made prisoners, yourestored to us, so attached us to you, that while you our friend werein health and safety, we not only feared not the Romans, but not eventhe anger of the gods, if it were lawful so to express ourselves. Andyet, by Hercules, you not only being in safety and victorious, but onthe spot, (when you could almost hear the shrieks of our wives andchildren, and see our buildings in flames, ) we have suffered, duringthis summer, such repeated devastations, that Marcellus, and notHannibal, would appear to have been the conqueror at Cannae; while theRomans boast that you had strength only to inflict a single blow; andhaving as it were left your sting, now lie torpid. For near a centurywe waged war with the Romans, unaided by any foreign general or army;except that for two years Pyrrhus rather augmented his own strength bythe addition of our troops, than defended us by his. I will not boastof our successes, that two consuls and two consular armies were sentunder the yoke by us, nor of any other joyful and glorious eventswhich have happened to us. We can tell of the difficulties anddistresses we then experienced, with less indignation than those whichare now occurring. Dictators, those officers of high authority, withtheir masters of horse, two consuls with two consular armies, enteredour borders, and, after having reconnoitred and posted reserves, ledon their troops in regular array to devastate our country. Now we arethe prey of a single propraetor, and of one little garrison, for thedefence of Nola. Now they do not even confine themselves to plunderingin companies, but, like marauders, range through our country from oneend to the other, more unconcernedly than if they were ramblingthrough the Roman territory. And the reason is this, you do notprotect us yourself, and the whole of our youth, which, if at home, would keep us in safety, is serving under your banners. We knownothing either of you or your army, but we know that it would be easyfor the man who has routed and dispersed so many Roman armies, to putdown these rambling freebooters of ours, who roam about in disorder towhatsoever quarter the hope of booty, however groundless, attractsthem. They indeed will be the prey of a few Numidians, and a garrisonsent to us will also dislodge that at Nola, provided you do not thinkthose men undeserving that you should protect them as allies, whom youhave esteemed worthy of your alliance. "

43. To this Hannibal replied, "that the Hirpini and Samnites did everything at once: that they both represented their sufferings, solicitedsuccours, and complained that they were undefended and neglected. Whereas, they ought first to have represented their sufferings, thento have solicited succours; and lastly, if those succours were notobtained, then, at length, to make complaint that assistance had beenimplored without effect. That he would lead his troops not into thefields of the Hirpini and Samnites, lest he too should be a burthen tothem, but into the parts immediately contiguous, and belonging to theallies of the Roman people, by plundering which, he would enrich hisown soldiers, and cause the enemy to retire from them through fear. With regard to the Roman war, if the battle of Trasimenus was moreglorious than that at Trebia, and the battle of Cannae than that ofTrasimenus, that he would eclipse the fame of the battle of Cannae bya greater and more brilliant victory. " With this answer, and withmunificent presents, he dismissed the ambassadors. Having left apretty large garrison in Tifata, he set out with the rest of histroops to go to Nola. Thither came Hanno from the Bruttii withrecruits and elephants brought from Carthage. Having encamped not farfrom the place, every thing, upon examination, was found to be widelydifferent from what he had heard from the ambassadors of the allies. For Marcellus was doing nothing, in such a way that he could be saidto have committed himself rashly either to fortune or to the enemy. Hehad gone out on plundering expeditions, having previouslyreconnoitred, planted strong guards, and secured a retreat; the samecaution was observed and the same provisions made, as if Hannibal werepresent. At this time, when he perceived the enemy on the approach, hekept his forces within the walls, ordered the senators of Nola topatrol the walls, and explore on all hands what was doing among theenemy. Of these Herennius Bassus and Herius Petrius, having beeninvited by Hanno, who had come up to the wall, to a conference, andgone out with the permission of Marcellus, were thus addressed by him, through an interpreter. After extolling the valour and good fortune ofHannibal, and vilifying the majesty of the Roman people, which herepresented as sinking into decrepitude with their strength; he said, "but though they were on an equality in these respects, as onceperhaps they were, yet they who had experienced how oppressive thegovernment of Rome was towards its allies, and how great the clemencyof Hannibal, even towards all his prisoners of the Italian name, werebound to prefer the friendship and alliance of the Carthaginians tothose of the Romans. " If both the consuls with their armies were atNola, still they would no more be a match for Hannibal than they hadbeen at Cannae, much less would one praetor with a few raw soldiers beable to defend it. It was a question which concerned themselves morethan Hannibal whether he should take possession of Nola as captured orsurrendered, for that he would certainly make himself master of it, ashe had done with regard to Capua and Nuceria, and what differencethere was between the fate of Capua and Nuceria, the Nolansthemselves, situated as they were nearly midway between them, werewell aware. He said he was unwilling to presage the evils which wouldresult to the city if taken by force, but would in preference pledgehimself that if they would deliver up Nola, together with Marcellusand his garrison, no other person than themselves should dictate theconditions on which they should come into the friendship and allianceof Hannibal. 

44. To this Herennius Bassus replied, that, "a friendship hadsubsisted now for many years between the Romans and the Nolans, whichneither party up to that day regretted; and even had they beendisposed to change their friends upon a change of fortune, it was nowtoo late to change; had they intended to surrender themselves toHannibal, they should not have called a Roman garrison to their aid:that all fortunes both were now and should to the last be shared withthose who had come to their protection. " This conference deprivedHannibal of the hope of gaining Nola by treachery; he thereforecompletely invested the city, in order that he might attack the wallsin every part at once. Marcellus, when he perceived that he had comenear to the walls, having drawn up his troops within the gate, salliedforth with great impetuosity; several were knocked down and slain onthe first charge: afterwards the troops running up to those who wereengaged, and their forces being thus placed on an equality? the battlebegan to be fierce; nor would there have been many actions equallymemorable, had not the combatants been separated by a shower of rainattended with a tremendous storm. On that day, after having engaged ina slight contest, and with inflamed minds, they retired, the Romans tothe city, the Carthaginians to their camp. Of the Carthaginians, however, there fell from the shock of the first sally not more thanthirty, of the Romans not one. The rain continued without intermissionthrough the whole night, until the third hour of the following day, and therefore, though both parties were eager for the contest, theynevertheless kept themselves within their works for that day. On thethird day Hannibal sent a portion of his troops into the lands of theNolans to plunder. Marcellus perceiving this, immediately led out histroops and formed for battle, nor did Hannibal decline fighting. Theinterval between the city and the camp was about a mile. In thatspace, and all the country round Nola consists of level ground, thearmies met. The shout which was raised on both sides, called back tothe battle, which had now commenced, the nearest of those cohortswhich had gone out into the fields to plunder. The Nolans too joinedthe Roman line. Marcellus having highly commended them, desired themto station themselves in reserve, and to carry the wounded out of thefield but not take part in the battle, unless they should receive asignal from him. 

45. It was a doubtful battle; the generals exerting themselves to theutmost in exhorting, and the soldiers in fighting Marcellus urged histroops to press vigorously on men who had been vanquished but threedays before, who had been put to flight at Cumae only a few days ago, and who had been driven from Nola the preceding year by himself, asgeneral, though with different troops. He said, "that all the forcesof the enemy were not in the field; that they were rambling about thecountry in plundering parties, and that even those who were engaged, were enfeebled with Campanian luxury, and worn out with drunkenness, lust, and every kind of debauchery, which they had been indulging inthrough the whole winter. That the energy and vigour had left them, that the strength of mind and body had vanished, by which the Pyreneesand the tops of the Alps had been passed. That those now engaged werethe remains of those men, with scarcely strength to support their armsand limbs. That Capua had been a Cannae to Hannibal; that there hiscourage in battle, his military discipline, the fame he had alreadyacquired, and his hopes of future glory, were extinguished. " WhileMarcellus was raising the spirits of his troops by thus inveighingagainst the enemy, Hannibal assailed them with still heavierreproaches. He said, "he recognised the arms and standards which hehad seen and employed at Trebia and Trasimenus, and lastly at Cannae;but that he had indeed led one sort of troops into winter quarters atCapua, and brought another out. Do you, whom two consular armies couldnever withstand, with difficulty maintain your ground against a Romanlieutenant-general, and a single legion with a body of auxiliaries?Does Marcellus now a second time with impunity assail us with a bandof raw recruits and Nolan auxiliaries? Where is that soldier of mine, who took off the head of Caius Flaminius, the consul, after dragginghim from his horse? Where is the man who slew Lucius Paulus at Cannae?Is it that the steel hath lost its edge? or that your right hands arebenumbed? or what other miracle is it? You who, when few, have beenaccustomed to conquer numbers, now scarce maintain your ground, themany against the few. Brave in speech only, you were wont to boastthat you would take Rome by storm if you could find a general to leadyou. Lo! here is a task of less difficulty. I would have you try yourstrength and courage here. Take Nola, a town situated on a plain, protected neither by river nor sea; after that, when you have enrichedyourselves with the plunder and spoils of that wealthy town, I willeither lead or follow you whithersoever you have a mind. "

46. Neither praises nor reproaches had any effect in confirming theircourage. Driven from their ground in every quarter, while the Romansderived fresh spirits, not only from the exhortations of theirgeneral, but from the Nolans, who, by their acclamations in token oftheir good wishes, fed the flame of battle, the Carthaginians turnedtheir backs, and were driven to their camp, which the Roman soldierswere eager to attack; but Marcellus led them back to Nola, amidst thegreat joy and congratulations even from the commons, who hitherto hadbeen more favourable to the Carthaginians. Of the enemy more than fivethousand were slain on that day, six hundred made prisoners, withnineteen military standards and two elephants. Four elephants werekilled in the battle. Of the Romans less than a thousand were killed. The next day was employed by both parties in burying their dead, undera tacit truce. Marcellus burnt the spoils of the enemy, in fulfilmentof a vow to Vulcan. On the third day after, on account of some pique, I suppose, or in the hope of more advantageous service, one thousandtwo hundred and seventy-two horsemen, Numidians and Spaniards, deserted to Marcellus. The Romans had frequently availed themselves oftheir brave and faithful service in that war. After the conclusion ofthe war, portions of land were given to the Spaniards in Spain, to theNumidians in Africa, in consideration of their valour. Having sentHanno back from Nola to the Bruttians with the troops with which hehad come, Hannibal went himself into winter quarters in Apulia, andtook up a position in the neighbourhood of Arpi. Quintus Fabius, assoon as he heard that Hannibal was set out into Apulia, conveyed corn, collected from Nola and Naples, into the camp above Suessula; andhaving strengthened the fortifications and left a garrison sufficientfor the protection of the place during the winter, moved his campnearer to Capua, and laid waste the Campanian lands with fire andsword; so that at length the Campanians, though not very confident intheir strength, were obliged to go out of their gates and fortify acamp in the open space before the city. They had six thousand armedmen, the infantry, unfit for action. In their cavalry they had morestrength. They therefore harassed the enemy by attacking them withthese. Among the many distinguished persons who served in theCampanian cavalry was one Cerrinus Jubellius, surnamed Taurea. Thoughof that extraction, he was a Roman citizen, and by far the bravesthorseman of all the Campanians, insomuch that when he served under theRoman banners, there was but one man, Claudius Asellus, a Roman, whorivalled him in his reputation as a horseman. Taurea having for a longtime diligently sought for this man, riding up to the squadrons of theenemy, at length having obtained silence, inquired where ClaudiusAsellus was, and asked why, since he had been accustomed to disputeabout their merit in words, he would not decide the matter with thesword, and if vanquished give him _spolia opima_, or ifvictorious take them. 

47. Asellus, who was in the camp, having been informed of this, waitedonly to ask the consul leave to depart from the ordinary course andfight an enemy who had challenged him. By his permission, heimmediately put on his arms, and riding out beyond the advanced guardscalled on Taurea by name, and bid him come to the encounter when hepleased. By this time the Romans had gone out in large bodies towitness the contest, and the Campanians had crowded not only therampart of the camp, but the walls of the city to get a view of it. After a flourish of expressions of mutual defiance, they spurred ontheir horses with their spears pointed. Then evading each other'sattacks, for they had free space to move in, they protracted thebattle without a wound. Upon this the Campanian observed to the Roman, "This will be only a trial of skill between our horses and not betweenhorsemen, unless we ride them down from the plain into this hollowway. There, as there will be no room for retiring, we shall come toclose quarters. " Almost quicker than the word, Claudius leaped intothe hollow way. Taurea, bold in words more than in reality, said, "Never be the ass in the ditch;" an expression which from thiscircumstance became a common proverb among rustics. Claudius havingrode up and down the way to a considerable distance, and again come upinto the plain without meeting his antagonist, after reflecting inreproachful terms on the cowardice of the enemy, returned in triumphto the camp, amidst great rejoicing and congratulation. To the accountof this equestrian contest, some histories add a circumstance which iscertainly astonishing, how true it is, is an open matter of opinionthat Claudius, when in pursuit of Taurea, who fled back to the city, rode in at one of the gates of the enemy which stood open and made hisescape unhurt through another, the enemy being thunderstruck at thestrangeness of the circumstance. 

48. The camps were then undisturbed, the consul even moved his campback, that the Campanians might complete their sowing, nor did he doany injury to the lands till the blades in the corn-fields were grownsufficiently high to be useful for forage. This he conveyed into theClaudian camp above Suessula, and there erected winter quarters. Heordered Marcus Claudius, the proconsul, to retain at Nola a sufficientforce for the protection of the place, and send the rest to Rome, thatthey might not be a burthen to their allies nor an expense to therepublic. Tiberius Gracchus also, having led his legions from Cumae toLuceria in Apulia, sent Marcus Valerius, the praetor, thence toBrundusium with the troops which he had commanded at Luceria, withorders to protect the coast of the Sallentine territory, and makeprovisions with regard to Philip and the Macedonian war. At the closeof the summer, the events of which I have described, letters arrivedfrom Publius and Cneius Scipio, stating the magnitude and success oftheir operations in Spain, but that the army was in want of money, clothing, and corn, and that then crews were in want of every thing. With regard to the pay, they said, that if the treasury was low, theywould adopt some plan by which they might procure it from theSpaniards, but that the other supplies must certainly be sent fromRome, for otherwise neither the army could be kept together nor theprovince preserved. When the letters were read, all to a man admittedthat the statement was correct, and the request reasonable, but itoccurred to their minds, what great forces they were maintaining byland and sea, and how large a fleet must soon be equipped if a warwith Macedon should break out, that Sicily and Sardinia, which beforethe war had wielded a revenue, were scarcely able to maintain thetroops which protected those provinces, that the expenses weresupplied by a tax, that both the number of the persons who contributedthis tax was diminished by the great havoc made in their armies at theTrasimenus and Cannae, and the few who survived, if they wereoppressed with multiplied impositions, would perish by a calamity of adifferent kind. That, therefore, if the republic could not subsist bycredit, it could not stand by its own resources. It was resolved, therefore, that Fulvius, the praetor, should present himself to thepublic assembly of the people, point out the necessities of the state, and exhort those persons who had increased their patrimonies byfarming the public revenues, to furnish temporary loans for theservice of that state, from which they had derived their wealth, andcontract to supply what was necessary for the army in Spain, on thecondition of being paid the first when there was money in thetreasury. These things the praetor laid before the assembly, and fixeda day on which he would let on contract the furnishing the army inSpain with clothes and corn, and with such other things as werenecessary for the crews. 

49. When the day arrived, three companies, of nineteen persons, cameforward to enter into the contract; but they made two requests: onewas, that they should be exempt from military service while employedin that revenue business; the second was, that the state should bearall losses of the goods they shipped, which might arise either fromthe attacks of the enemy or from storms. Having obtained both theirrequests, they entered into the contract, and the affairs of the statewere conducted by private funds. This character and love of countryuniformly pervaded all ranks. As all the engagements were entered intowith magnanimity, so were they fulfilled with the strictest fidelity;and the supplies were furnished in the same manner as formerly, froman abundant treasury. At the time when these supplies arrived, thetown of Illiturgi was being besieged by Hasdrubal, Mago, and Hamilcarthe son of Bomilcar, on account of its having gone over to the Romans. Between these three camps of the enemy, the Scipios effected anentrance into the town of their allies, after a violent contest andgreat slaughter of their opponents, and introduced some corn, of whichthere was a scarcity; and after exhorting the townsmen to defend theirwalls with the same spirit which they had seen displayed by the Romanarmy fighting in their behalf, led on their troops to attack thelargest of the camps, in which Hasdrubal had the command. To this campthe two other generals of the Carthaginians with their armies came, seeing that the great business was to be done there. They thereforesallied from the camp and fought. Of the enemy engaged there weresixty thousand; of the Romans about sixteen; the victory, however, wasso decisive, that the Romans slew more than their own number of theenemy, and captured more than three thousand, with nearly a thousandhorses and fifty-nine military standards, five elephants having beenslain in the battle. They made themselves masters of the three campson that day. The siege of Illiturgi having been raised, theCarthaginian armies were led away to the siege of Intibili; the forceshaving been recruited out of that province, which was, above allothers, fond of war, provided there was any plunder or pay to beobtained, and at that time had an abundance of young men. A secondregular engagement took place, attended with the same fortune to bothparties; in which above three thousand of the enemy were slain, morethan two thousand captured, together with forty-two standards and nineelephants. Then, indeed, almost all the people of Spain came over tothe Romans, and the achievements in Spain during that summer were muchmore important than those in Italy. 

BOOK XXIV. 

_Hieronymus, king of Syracuse, whose grandfather Hiero had been afaithful ally of Rome, revolts to the Carthaginians, and for histyranny is put to death by his subjects. Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, the proconsul, defeats the Carthaginians under Hanno at Beneventumchiefly by the services of the slaves in his army, whom hesubsequently liberated. Claudius Marcellus, the consul, besiegesSyracuse. War is declared against Philip, king of Macedon, he isrouted by night at Apollonia and retreats into Macedonia. This war isintrusted to Valerius the praetor. Operations of the Scipios againstthe Carthaginians in Spain. Syphax, king of the Numidians, is receivedinto alliance by the Romans, and is defeated by Masinissa, king of theMassillians, who fought on the side of the Carthaginians. TheCeltiberians joined the Romans, and their troops having been takeninto pay, mercenary soldiers for the first time served in a Romancamp. _

 * * * * *

1. On his return from Campania into Bruttium, Hanno, with theassistance and under the guidance of the Bruttians, made an attemptupon the Greek cities; which were the more disposed to continue inalliance with the Romans, because they perceived that the Bruttians, whom they feared and hated, had taken part with the Carthaginians. Thefirst place attempted was Rhegium, where several days were spentwithout effect. Meanwhile the Locrians hastily conveyed from thecountry into the city, corn, wood, and other things necessary fortheir use, as also that no booty might be left for the enemy. Thenumber of persons which poured out of every gate increased daily, tillat length those only were left in the city whose duty it was to repairthe walls and gates, and to collect weapons in the fortresses. Againstthis mixed multitude, composed of persons of all ages and ranks, whilerambling through the country, and for the most part unarmed, Hamilcar, the Carthaginian, sent out his cavalry, who, having been forbidden tohurt any one, only interposed their squadrons, so as to cut them offfrom the city when dispersed in flight. The general himself, havingposted himself upon an eminence which commanded a view of the countryand the city, ordered a cohort of Bruttians to approach the walls, call out the leaders of the Locrians to a conference, and promisingthem the friendship of Hannibal, exhort them to deliver up the city. At first the Bruttians were not believed in any thing they stated inthe conference, but afterwards, when the Carthaginian appeared on thehills, and a few who had fled back to the city brought intelligencethat all the rest of the multitude were in the power of the enemy, overcome with fear, they said they would consult the people. Anassembly of the people was immediately called, when, as all the mostfickle of the inhabitants were desirous of a change of measures and anew alliance, and those whose friends were cut off by the enemywithout the city, had their minds bound as if they had given hostages, while a few rather silently approved of a constant fidelity thanventured to support the opinion they approved, the city wassurrendered to the Carthaginians, with an appearance of perfectunanimity. Lucius Atilius, the captain of the garrison, together withthe Roman soldiers who were with him, having been privately led downto the port, and put on board a ship, that they might be conveyed toRhegium, Hamilcar and the Carthaginians were received into the city oncondition that an alliance should be formed on equal terms; whichcondition, when they had surrendered, the Carthaginian had very nearlynot performed, as he accused them of having sent away the Romanfraudulently, while the Locrians alleged that he had spontaneouslyfled. A body of cavalry went in pursuit of the fugitives, in case thetide might happen to detain them in the strait, or might carry theships to land. The persons whom they were in pursuit of they did notovertake, but they descried some ships passing over the strait fromMessana to Rhegium. These contained Roman troops sent by the praetor, Claudius, to occupy the city with a garrison. The enemy thereforeimmediately retired from Rhegium. At the command of Hannibal, peacewas concluded with the Locrians on these terms: that "they should livefree under their own laws; that the city should be open to theCarthaginians, the harbour in the power of the Locrians. That theiralliance should rest on the principle, that the Carthaginian shouldhelp the Locrian and the Locrian the Carthaginian in peace and war. "

2. Thus the Carthaginian troops were led back from the strait, whilethe Bruttians loudly complained that Locri and Rhegium, cities whichthey had fixed in their minds that they should have the plundering of, they had left untouched. Having therefore levied and armed fifteenthousand of their own youth, they set out by themselves to lay siegeto Croto, which was also a Greek city, and on the coast, believingthat they would obtain a great accession to their power, if they couldget possession of a city upon the sea-coast, which had a port and wasstrongly defended by walls. This consideration annoyed them, that theyneither could venture on the business without calling in theCarthaginians to their assistance, lest they should appear to havedone any thing in a manner unbecoming allies, and on the other hand, lest, if the Carthaginian general should again show himself to havebeen rather an umpire of peace than an auxiliary in war, they shouldfight in vain against the liberty of Croto, as before in the affair ofthe Locrians. The most advisable course, therefore, appeared to be, that ambassadors should be sent to Hannibal, and that a stipulationshould be obtained from him that Croto, when reduced, should be inpossession of the Bruttians. Hannibal replied, that it was a questionwhich should be determined by persons on the spot, and referred themto Hanno, from whom they could obtain no decisive answer. For theywere unwilling that so celebrated and opulent a city should beplundered, and were in hopes that if the Bruttians should attack it, while the Carthaginians did not ostensibly approve or assist in theattack, the inhabitants would the more readily come over to them. TheCrotonians were not united either in their measures or wishes. All thestates of Italy were infected with one disease, as it were, thecommons dissented from the nobles, the senate favouring the Romans, while the commons endeavoured to draw the states over to theCarthaginians. A deserter announced to the Bruttii that such adissension prevailed in the city, that Aristomachus was the leader ofthe commons, and the adviser of the surrender of the city, that thecity was of wide extent and thinly inhabited, that the walls in everypart were in ruins, that it was only here and there that the guardsand watches were kept by senators, and that wherever the commons keptguard, there an entrance lay open. Under the direction and guidance ofthe deserter, the Bruttians completely invested the city, and beingreceived into it by the commons, got possession of every part, exceptthe citadel, on the first assault. The nobles held the citadel, whichthey had taken care beforehand to have ready as a refuge against suchan event. In the same place Aristomachus took refuge, as though he hadadvised the surrender of the city to the Carthaginians, and not to theBruttians. 

3. The wall of the city of Croto in circuit extended through a spaceof twelve miles, before the arrival of Pyrrhus in Italy. After thedevastation occasioned by that war, scarcely half the city wasinhabited. The river which had flowed through the middle of the town, now ran on the outside of the parts which were occupied by buildings, and the citadel was at a distance from the inhabited parts. Six milesfrom this celebrated city stood the temple of Juno Lacinia, morecelebrated even than the city itself, and venerated by all thesurrounding states. Here was a grove fenced with a dense wood and tallfir trees, with rich pastures in its centre, in which cattle of everykind, sacred to the goddess, fed without any keeper; the flocks ofevery kind going out separately and returning to their folds, neverbeing injured, either from the lying in wait of wild beasts, or thedishonesty of men. These flocks were, therefore, a source of greatrevenue, from which a column of solid gold was formed and consecrated;and the temple became distinguished for its wealth also, and not onlyfor its sanctity. Some miracles are attributed to it, as is generallythe case with regard to such remarkable places. Rumour says that thereis an altar in the vestibule of the temple, the ashes of which arenever moved by any wind. But the citadel of Croto, overhanging the seaon one side, on the other, which looks towards the land, was protectedformerly by its natural situation only, but was afterwards surroundedby a wall. It was in this part that Dionysius, the tyrant of Sicily, took it by stratagem, approaching by way of some rocks which facedfrom it. This citadel, which was considered sufficiently secure, wasnow occupied by the nobles of Croto, the Bruttians, in conjunctioneven with their own commons, besieging them. The Bruttians, however, perceiving at length that it was impossible to take the citadel bytheir own efforts, compelled by necessity, implored the aid of Hanno. He endeavoured to bring the Crotonians to surrender, under anagreement that they should allow a colony of Bruttians to settlethere; so that their city, desolate and depopulated by wars, mightrecover its former populousness: but not a man besides Aristomachusdid he move; they affirmed, that "they would die sooner than, mixingwith Bruttians, be turned to the rites, manners, and laws, and soonthe language also of others. " Aristomachus alone, since he was neitherable to persuade them to surrender, nor could obtain an opportunityfor betraying the citadel as he had betrayed the city, deserted toHanno. A short time afterwards ambassadors of Locri, entering thecitadel with the permission of Hanno, persuaded them to allowthemselves to be removed to Locri, and not resolve to hazardextremities. They had already obtained leave from Hannibal to do this, by ambassadors sent for this purpose. Accordingly, Croto wasevacuated, and the inhabitants were conducted to the sea, where theyembarked; and the whole multitude removed to Locri. In Apulia, Hannibal and the Romans did not rest even during the winter. Theconsul Sempronius wintered at Luceria, Hannibal not far from Arpi. Slight engagements took place between them, accordingly as either sidehad an opportunity or advantage; by which the Roman soldiery wereimproved, and became daily more guarded and more secure againststratagems. 

4. In Sicily, the death of Hiero, and the transfer of the governmentto his grandson, Hieronymus, had completely altered all things withregard to the Romans. Hieronymus was but a boy, as yet scarcely ableto bear liberty, still less sovereign power. His guardians and friendsgladly observed in him a disposition which might be easily plungedinto every kind of vice; which Hiero foreseeing, is said to haveformed an intention, in the latter part of his long life, of leavingSyracuse free, lest the sovereignty which had been acquired andestablished by honourable means, should be made a sport of and fallinto ruin, under the administration of a boy. This plan of his hisdaughters strenuously opposed, who anticipated that the boy wouldenjoy the name of royalty, but that the administration of all affairswould be conducted by themselves and their husbands, Andranodorus andZoippus, for these were left the principal of his guardians. It wasnot an easy task for a man in his ninetieth year, beset night and dayby the winning artifices of women, to disenthral his judgment, and toconsult only the good of the state in his domestic affairs. Accordingly, all he did was to leave fifteen guardians over his son, whom he entreated, on his death-bed, to preserve inviolate thatalliance with the Romans, which he had himself cultivated for fiftyyears, and to take care that the young king should, above all things, tread in the steps of his father, and in that course of conduct inwhich he had been educated. Such were his injunctions. On the death ofthe king, the will was brought forward by the guardians, and the youngking, who was now about fifteen, introduced into the public assembly, where a few persons, who had been placed in different parts on purposeto raise acclamations, expressed their approbation of the will; whileall the rest were overwhelmed with apprehensions, in the destitutecondition of the state, which had lost as it were its parent. Thefuneral of the king was then performed, which was honoured more by thelove and affection of his citizens than the attentions of his kindred. Andranodorus next effected the removal of the other guardians, givingout that Hieronymus had now attained the years of manhood, and wascompetent to assume the government; and thus, by voluntarily resigningthe guardianship which he shared with several others, united thepowers of all in himself. 

5. It would scarcely have been easy even for any good and moderateking, succeeding one so deeply rooted in their affections as Hierowas, to obtain the favour of the Syracusans. But Hieronymus, forsooth, as if he was desirous of exciting regret for the loss of hisgrandfather by his own vices, showed, immediately on his firstappearance, how completely every thing was changed. For those who forso many years had seen Hiero and his son Gelon differing from the restof the citizens neither in the fashion of their dress nor any othermark of distinction, now beheld the purple, the diadem, and armedguards, and their king sometimes proceeding from his palace in achariot drawn by four white horses, according to the custom of thetyrant Dionysius. This costliness in equipage and appearance wasaccompanied by corresponding contempt of everybody, capricious airs, insulting expressions, difficulty of access, not to strangers only, but even to his guardians also, unheard of lusts, inhuman cruelty. Terror so great took possession of every body therefore, that some ofhis guardians, either by a voluntary death, or by exile, anticipatedthe tenor of his inflictions. Three of those persons to whom alonebelonged a more familiar access to the palace, Andranodorus andZoippus, sons-in-law of Hiero, and one Thraso, were not much attendedto upon other subjects, but the two former exerting themselves infavour of the Carthaginians, while Thraso argued for the Romanalliance, they sometimes engaged the attention of the young king bytheir zeal and earnestness. It was at this time that a conspiracyformed against the life of the tyrant was discovered by a certainservant, of the same age as Hieronymus, who from his very childhoodhad associated with him on entirely familiar terms. The informer wasable to name one of the conspirators, Theodotus, by whom he himselfhad been solicited. He was immediately seized, and delivered toAndranodorus to be subjected to torture, when, without hesitation, heconfessed as to himself, but concealed his accomplices. At last, whenracked with every species of torture, beyond the power of humanity tobear, pretending to be overcome by his sufferings, he turned hisaccusation from the guilty to the innocent, and feigned that Thrasowas the originator of the plot, without whose able guidance, he said, they never would have been bold enough to attempt so daring a deed, hethrew the guilt upon such innocent men, near the king's person, asappeared to him to be the most worthless, while fabricating his storyamid groans and agonies. The naming of Thraso gave the highest degreeof credibility to the story in the mind of the tyrant. Accordingly hewas immediately given up to punishment, and others were added who wereequally innocent. Not one of the conspirators, though their associatein the plot was for a long time subjected to torture, either concealedhimself or fled, so great was their confidence in the fortitude andfidelity of Theodotus, and so great was his firmness in concealingtheir secret. 

6. Thus on the removal of Thraso, who formed the only bond which heldtogether the alliance with the Romans, immediately affairs clearlyindicated defection. Ambassadors were sent to Hannibal, who sent backin company with a young man of noble birth named Hannibal, Hippocratesand Epicydes, natives of Carthage, and of Carthaginian extraction ontheir mother's side, but whose grandfather was an exile from Syracuse. Through their means an alliance was formed between Hannibal and thetyrant of Syracuse; and, with the consent of Hannibal, they remainedwith the tyrant. As soon as Appius Claudius, the praetor, whoseprovince Sicily was, had received information of these events, he sentambassadors to Hieronymus; who, upon stating that the object of theirmission was to renew the alliance which had subsisted between theRomans and his grandfather, were heard and dismissed in an insultingmanner, Hieronymus asking them sneeringly, "how they had fared at thebattle of Cannae? for that the ambassadors of Hannibal stated whatcould hardly be credited. " He said, "he wished to know the truth, inorder that before he made up his mind, he might determine which heshould espouse as offering the better prospect. " The Romans replied, that they would return to him when he had learned to receive embassieswith seriousness; and, after having cautioned, rather than requestedhim, not rashly to change his alliance, they withdrew. Hieronymus sentambassadors to Carthage, to conclude a league in conformity with thealliance with Hannibal. It was settled in the compact, that after theyhad expelled the Romans from Sicily, (which would speedily be effectedif the Carthaginians sent ships and troops, ) the river Himera, whichdivides the island in nearly equal portions, should be the limit ofthe Carthaginian and Syracusan dominions. Afterwards, puffed up by theflattery of those persons who bid him be mindful, not of Hiero only, but of king Pyrrhus, his maternal grandfather, he sent anotherembassy, in which he expressed his opinion that equity required thatthe whole of Sicily should be conceded to him, and that the dominionof Italy should be acquired as the peculiar possession of theCarthaginians. This levity and inconstancy of purpose in a hot-headedyouth, did not excite their surprise, nor did they reprove it, anxiousonly to detach him from the Romans. 

7. But every thing conspired to hurry him into perdition. For havingsent before him Hippocrates and Epicydes with two thousand armed men, to make an attempt upon those cities which were occupied by Romangarrisons, he himself also proceeded to Leontium with all theremaining troops, which amounted to fifteen thousand foot and horse, when the conspirators (who all happened to be in the army) tookpossession of an uninhabited house, which commanded a narrow way, bywhich the king was accustomed to go to the forum. The rest stood hereprepared and armed, waiting for the king to pass by. One of them, byname Dinomenes, as he was one of the body-guards, had the taskassigned him of keeping back the crowd behind in the narrow way, uponsome pretext, when the king approached the door. All was doneaccording to the arrangement. Dinomenes having delayed the crowd, bypretending to lift up his foot and loosen a knot which was too tight, occasioned such an interval, that an attack being made upon the king, as he passed by unattended by his guards, he was pierced with severalwounds before any assistance could be brought. When the shout andtumult was heard, some weapons were discharged on Dinomenes, who nowopenly opposed them; he escaped from them, however, with only twowounds. The body-guard, as soon as they saw the king prostrate, betookthemselves to flight. Of the assassins, some proceeded to the forum tothe populace, who were rejoiced at the recovery of their liberty;others to Syracuse to anticipate the measures of Andranodorus and therest of the royal party. Affairs being in this uncertain state, AppiusClaudius perceiving a war commencing in his neighbourhood, informedthe senate by letter, that Sicily had become reconciled to theCarthaginians and Hannibal. For his own part, in order to frustratethe designs of the Syracusans, he collected all his forces on theboundary of the province and the kingdom. At the close of this year, Quintus Fabius, by the authority of the senate, fortified andgarrisoned Puteoli, which, during the war, had begun to be frequentedas an emporium. Coming thence to Rome to hold the election, heappointed the first day for it which could be employed for thatpurpose, and, while on his march, passed by the city and descendedinto the Campus Martius. On that day, the right of voting first havingfallen by lot on the junior century of the Anien tribe, they appointedTitus Otacilius and Marcus Aemilius Regillus, consuls, when QuintusFabius, having obtained silence, delivered the following speech:

8. "If we had either peace in Italy, or had war with such an enemythat the necessity to be careful was less urgent than it is, I shouldconsider that man as wanting in respect for your liberty, who would atall impede that zealous desire which you bring with you into theCampus Martius, of conferring honours on whom you please. But sinceduring the present war, and with the enemy we have now to encounter, none of our generals have ever committed an error which has not beenattended with most disastrous consequences to us, it behoves you touse the same circumspection in giving your suffrages for the creationof consuls, which you would exert were you going armed into the fieldof battle. Every man ought thus to say to himself I am nominating aconsul who is to cope with the general Hannibal. In the present year, at Capua, when Jubellius Taurea, the most expert horseman of theCampanians, gave a challenge, Claudius Asellus, the most expert amongthe Roman horsemen, was pitted against him. Against the Gaul who at aformer period gave a challenge on the bridge of the Amo, our ancestorssent Titus Manlius, a man of resolute courage and great strength. Itwas for the same reason, I cannot deny it, that confidence was placedin Marcus Valerius, not many years ago, when he took arms against aGaul who challenged him to combat in a similar manner. In the samemanner as we wish to have our foot and horse more powerful, but ifthat is impracticable, equal in strength to the enemy, so let us findout a commander who is a match for the general of the enemy. Though weshould select the man as general whose abilities are greater thanthose of any other in the nation, yet still he is chosen at a moment'swarning, his office is only annual; whereas he will have to cope witha veteran general who has continued in command without interruption, unfettered by any restrictions either of duration or of authority, which might prevent him from executing or planning every thingaccording as the exigencies of the war shall require. But with us theyear is gone merely in making preparations, and when we are onlycommencing our operations. Having said enough as to what sort ofpersons you ought to elect as consuls, it remains that I shouldbriefly express my opinion of those on whom the choice of theprerogative century has fallen. Marcus Aemilius Regillus is flamen ofQuirinus, whom we can neither send abroad nor retain at home withoutneglecting the gods or the war. Otacilius is married to my sister'sdaughter, and has children by her, but the favours you have conferredupon me and my ancestors, are not such as that I should prefer privaterelationship to the public weal. Any sailor or passenger can steer thevessel in a calm sea, but when a furious storm has arisen, and thevessel is hurried by the tempest along the troubled deep, then thereis need of a man and pilot We are not sailing on a tranquil sea, buthave already well nigh sunk with repeated storms, you must thereforeemploy the utmost caution and foresight in determining who shall sitat the helm Of you, Titus Otacilius, we have had experience in abusiness of less magnitude, and, certainly you have not given us anyproof that we ought to confide to you affairs of greater moment Thefleet which you commanded this year we fitted out for three objects:to lay waste the coast of Africa, to protect the shores of Italy, but, above all, to prevent the conveyance of reinforcements with pay andprovisions from Carthage to Hannibal. Now if Titus Otacilius hasperformed for the state, I say not all, but any one of these services, make him consul But if, while you had the command of the fleetsupplies of whatever sort were conveyed safe and untouched toHannibal, even as though he had no enemy on the sea, if the coast ofItaly has been more infested this year than that of Africa, what canyou have to urge why you should be preferred before all others as theantagonist of Hannibal? Were you consul, we should give it as ouropinion that a dictator should be appointed in obedience to theexample of our ancestors Nor could you feel offended that some one inthe Roman nation was deemed superior to you in war It concernsyourself more than any one else, Titus Otacilius, that there be notlaid upon your shoulders a burthen under which you would fall Iearnestly exhort you, that with the same feelings which wouldinfluence you if standing armed for battle, you were called uponsuddenly to elect two generals, under whose conduct and auspices youwere to fight, you would this day elect your consuls, to whom yourchildren are to swear allegiance, at whose command they are toassemble, and under whose protection and care they are to serve. TheTrasimene Lake and Cannae are melancholy precedents to look back upon, but form useful warnings to guard against similar disasters Crier, call back the younger century of the Amen tribe to give their votesagain"

9. Titus Otacilius, vociferating in the most furious manner, that hisobject was to continue in the consulship, the consul ordered thelictors to go to him, and as he had not entered the city, but hadproceeded directly without halting from his march to the CampusMartius, admonished him that the axes were in the fasces which werecarried before him. The prerogative century proceeded to vote a secondtime, when Quintus Fabius Maximus for the fourth time, and MarcusMarcellus for the third time, were created consuls. The othercenturies voted for the same persons without any variation. Onepraetor, likewise, Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, was re-elected; the othernew ones who were chosen, were Titus Otacilius Crassus a second time, Quintus Fabius, son of the consul, who was at that time curule aedile, and Publius Cornelius Lentulus. The election of the praetorscompleted, a decree of the senate was passed, that Quintus Fulviusshould have the city department out of the ordinary course, and thathe in preference to any other should command in the city while theconsuls were absent in the war. Great floods happened twice duringthis year, and the Tiber overflowed the fields, with great demolitionof houses and destruction of men and cattle. In the fifth year of thesecond Punic war Quintus Fabius Maximus for the fourth time, andMarcus Claudius Marcellus for the third time, entering upon theiroffice, drew the attention of the state upon them in a more thanordinary degree, for there had not been two such consuls now for manyyears. The old men observed, that thus Maximus Rullus and PubliusDecius were declared consuls for conducting the Gallic war; that thusafterwards Papirius and Carvilius were appointed to that officeagainst the Samnites, the Bruttians, and the Lucanian with theTarentine people. Marcellus, who was with the army, was created consulin his absence; to Fabius, who was present and held the electionhimself, the office was continued. The critical state of affairs, theexigencies of the war, and the danger which threatened the state, prevented any one from looking narrowly into the precedent, orsuspecting that the consul was actuated by an excessive love ofcommand; on the contrary, they applauded his magnanimity in that whenhe knew the state was in want of a general of the greatest ability, and that he was himself confessedly such an one, he thought less ofthe personal odium which might arise out of the transaction, than ofthe good of the state. 

10. On the day on which the consuls entered on their office, thesenate was assembled in the Capitol, and in the first place a decreewas passed to the effect that the consuls should draw lots, and settlebetween themselves which should hold the election for the creation ofcensors, before they proceeded to join the army. Next, all those whohad the command of armies were continued in their offices, and orderedto remain in their provinces; Tiberius Gracchus at Luceria, where hewas with an army of volunteer slaves; Caius Terentius Varro in thePicenian, and Manius Pomponius in the Gallic territory. Of thepraetors of the former year, it was settled that Quintus Mucius shouldhave the government of Sardinia as propraetor, Marcus Valerius thecommand of the sea-coast near Brundusium, watchful against all themovements of Philip, king of the Macedonians. To Publius CorneliusLentulus, the praetor, the province of Sicily was assigned. TitusOtacilius received the same fleet which he had employed the yearbefore against the Carthaginians. Many prodigies were reported to havehappened this year, which increased in proportion as they werebelieved by the credulous and superstitious. That crows had built anest within the temple of Juno Sospita at Lanuvium; that a greenpalm-tree had taken fire in Apulia; that a pool at Mantua, formed bythe overflowing of the river Mincius, had assumed the appearance ofblood; that it had rained chalk at Cales, and blood at Rome in thecattle market; that a fountain under ground in the Istrian street haddischarged so violent a stream of water, that rolling along with theimpetuosity of a torrent, it carried away the butts and casks whichwere near it; that the public court in the Capitol had been struck bylightning; also the temple of Vulcan in the Campus Martius, a nut-treein the Sabine territory, a wall and gate at Gabii. Now other miracleswere published: that the spear of Mars at Praeneste moved forward ofits own accord; that in Sicily an ox had spoken; that a child in thewomb of its mother cried out Io Triumphe! in the country of theMarrucinians; at Spoletum, that a woman was transformed into a man; atHadria, that an altar, with appearances as of men surrounding it inwhite clothing, was seen in the heavens. Nay, even in the city of Romeitself, after a swarm of bees had been seen in the forum, some personsroused the citizens to arms, affirming that they saw armed legions onthe Janiculum; but those who were on the Janiculum at the time, declared that they had seen no person there besides the usualcultivators of the hill. These prodigies were expiated by victims ofthe larger kind, according to the response of the aruspices; and asupplication was ordered to all the deities who had shrines at Rome. 

11. The ceremonies which were intended to propitiate the gods beingcompleted, the consuls took the sense of the senate on the state ofthe nation, the conduct of the war, what troops should be employed, and where they were severally to act. It was resolved that eighteenlegions should be engaged in the war; that the consuls should take twoeach; that two should be employed in each of the provinces of Gaul, Sicily, and Sardinia; that Quintus Fabius, the praetor, should havethe command of two in Apulia, and Tiberius Gracchus of two legions ofvolunteer slaves in the neighbourhood of Luceria; that one each shouldbe left for Caius Terentius, the proconsul, for Picenum, and to MarcusValerius for the fleet off Brundusium, and two for the protection ofthe city. To complete this number of legions six fresh ones were to beenlisted, which the consuls were ordered to raise as soon as possible;and also to prepare the fleet, so that, together with the ships whichwere stationed off the coasts of Calabria, it might amount that yearto one hundred and fifty men of war. The levy completed, and thehundred new ships launched, Quintus Fabius held the election for thecreation of censors, when Marcus Atilius Regulus and Publius FuriusPhilus were chosen. A rumour prevailing that war had broken out inSicily, Titus Otacilius was ordered to proceed thither with his fleet;but as there was a deficiency of sailors, the consuls, in conformitywith a decree of the senate, published an order that those persons whothemselves or whose fathers had been rated in the censorship of LuciusAemilius and Caius Flaminius, at from fifty to one hundred thousand_asses_, or whose property had since reached that amount, shouldfurnish one sailor and six months' pay; from one to three hundredthousand, three sailors with a year's pay; from three hundred thousandto a million, five sailors; above one million, seven sailors; thatsenators should furnish eight sailors with a year's pay. The sailorsfurnished according to this proclamation being armed and equipped bytheir masters, embarked with cooked provisions for thirty days. Thenfirst it happened that the Roman fleet was manned at the expense ofindividuals. 

12. These unusually great preparations alarmed the Campaniansparticularly, lest the Romans should commence the year's campaign withthe siege of Capua. They therefore sent ambassadors to Hannibal, toimplore him to bring his army to Capua, and tell him that new armieswere levying at Rome for the purpose of besieging it; and that therewas not any city the defection of which had excited more hostilefeelings. As they announced this with so much fear, Hannibal concludedhe must make haste lest the Romans should get there before him; andsetting out from Arpi, took up his position in his old camp at Tifata, above Capua. Leaving his Numidians and Spaniards for the protectionboth of the camp and Capua, he went down thence with the rest of histroops to the lake Avernus on the pretence of performing sacrifice, but in reality to make an attempt upon Puteoli and the garrison in it. Maximus, on receiving intelligence that Hannibal had set out fromArpi, and was returning to Campania, went back to his army, pursuinghis journey without intermission by night or by day. He also orderedTiberius Gracchus to bring up his troops from Luceria to Beneventum, and Quintus Fabius the praetor, the son of the consul, to go toLuceria in the room of Gracchus. At the same time the two praetors setout for Sicily, Publius Cornelius to join his army, Otacilius to takethe command of the sea-coast and the fleet; the rest also proceeded totheir respective provinces, and those who were continued in commandremained in the same countries as in the former year. 

13. While Hannibal was at the lake Avernus, five noble youths came tohim from Tarentum. They had been made prisoners partly at the lakeTrasimenus, and partly at Cannae, and had been sent home by theCarthaginian with the same civility which he had shown towards all theRoman allies. They stated to him that, impressed with gratitude forhis favours, they had succeeded in inducing a large portion of theTarentine youth to prefer his alliance and friendship to that of theRomans; and that they were sent by their countrymen as ambassadors torequest Hannibal to bring his forces nearer to Tarentum; that if hisstandards and camp were within sight of Tarentum, that city would bedelivered into his hands without delay; that the commons were underthe influence of the youth, and the state of Tarentum in the hands ofthe commons. Hannibal after bestowing the highest commendations uponthem, and loading them with immense promises, bid them return home tomature their plans, saying that he would be there in due time. Withthese hopes, the Tarentines were dismissed. Hannibal had himselfconceived the strongest desire of getting possession of Tarentum. Hesaw that it was a city opulent and celebrated, on the coast, and lyingconveniently over against Macedonia. And that as the Romans were inpossession of Brundusium, king Philip would make for this port if hecrossed over into Italy. Having completed the sacrifice for which hecame, and during his stay there laid waste the territory of Cumae asfar as the promontory of Misenum, he suddenly marched his troopsthence to Puteoli to surprise the Roman garrison there. It consistedof six thousand men, and the place was secured not only by its naturalsituation, but by works also. The Carthaginian having waited therethree days, and attempted the garrison in every quarter, without anysuccess, proceeded thence to devastate the territory of Naples, influenced by resentment more than the hope of getting possession ofthe place. The commons of Nola, who had been long disaffected to theRomans and at enmity with their own senate, moved into theneighbouring fields on his approach; and in conformity with thismovement ambassadors came to invite Hannibal to join them, bringingwith them a positive assurance that the city would be surrendered tohim. The consul, Marcellus, who had been called in by the nobles, anticipated their attempt. In one day he had reached Suessula fromCales, though the river Vulturnus had delayed him crossing; and fromthence the ensuing night introduced into Nola for the protection ofthe senate, six thousand foot and three hundred horse. Thedilatoriness of Hannibal was in proportion to the expedition which theconsul used in every thing he did in order to preoccupy Nola. Havingtwice already made the attempt unsuccessfully, he was slower to placeconfidence in the Nolans. 

14. During the same time, the consul, Fabius, came to attemptCasilinum, which was occupied by a Carthaginian garrison; and, as ifby concert, Hanno approached Beneventum on one side from theBruttians, with a large body of foot and horse, while on the otherside Gracchus approached it from Luceria. The latter entered the townfirst. Then, hearing that Hanno had pitched his camp three miles fromthe city, at the river Calor, and from thence was laying waste thecountry, he himself marched without the walls, and pitching his campabout a mile from the enemy, harangued his soldiers. The legions hehad consisted for the most part of volunteer slaves, who chose ratherto earn their liberty silently by another year's service, than demandit openly. The general, however, on quitting his winter quarters, hadperceived that the troops murmured, asking when the time would arrivethat they should serve as free citizens. He had written to the senate, stating not so much what they wanted as what they had deserved; hesaid they had served him with fidelity and courage up to that day, andthat they wanted nothing but liberty, to bring them up to the model ofcomplete soldiers. Permission was given him to act in the business ashe thought for the interest of the state, and, accordingly, before heengaged with the enemy, he declared that the time was now arrived forobtaining that liberty which they had so long hoped for; that on thefollowing day he should fight a pitched battle on a level and openplain, in which the contest would be decided by valour only, withoutany fear of ambuscade. The man who should bring back the head of anenemy, he would instantly order to be set free; but that he wouldpunish, in a manner suited to a slave, the man who should quit hispost; that every man's fortune was in his own hands; that not hehimself alone would authorize their enfranchisement, but the consul, Marcus Marcellus, and the whole body of the fathers, who, on beingconsulted by him on the subject, had left the matter to his disposal. He then read the letter of the consul and the decree of the senate, onwhich they raised a general shout of approbation, demanded to be ledto battle, and vehemently urged him to give the signal forthwith. Gracchus broke up the assembly, after proclaiming the battle for thefollowing day. The soldiers, highly delighted, particularly thosewhose enfranchisement was to be the reward of one day's prowess, employed the remaining time in getting ready their arms. 

15. The next day, as soon as the trumpets began to sound, they werethe first to assemble at the general's tent, armed and ready foraction. When the sun had risen, Gracchus led out his troops to thefield of battle; nor did the enemy delay to engage him. His troopsconsisted of seventeen thousand infantry, principally Bruttians andLucanians, with twelve hundred horse, among which were very fewItalians, almost all the rest being Numidians and Moors. The contestwas fierce and protracted. For four hours neither side had theadvantage, nor did any other circumstance more impede the Romans, thanthat the heads of their enemies were made the price of their liberty. For when each man had gallantly slain his enemy, first, he lost timein cutting off his head, which was done with difficulty amid the crowdand confusion, and secondly, all the bravest troops ceased to beengaged in fight, as their right hands were employed in holding theheads; and thus the battle was left to be sustained by the inactiveand cowardly. But when the military tribunes reported to Gracchus thatthe soldiers were employed not in wounding any of the enemy who werestanding, but in mangling those who were prostrate, their right handsbeing occupied in holding the heads of men instead of their swords, hepromptly ordered a signal to be given that they should throw down theheads and charge the enemy; that they had given evident and signalproofs of valour, and that the liberty of such brave men was certain. Then the fight was revived, and the cavalry also were sent out againstthe enemy. The Numidians engaging them with great bravery, and thecontest between the cavalry being carried on with no less spirit thanthat between the infantry, the victory again became doubtful; when, the generals on both sides vilifying their opponents, the Romansaying, that their enemies were Bruttians and Lucanians, who had beenso often vanquished and subjugated by their ancestors; theCarthaginian, that the troops opposed to them were Roman slaves, soldiers taken out of a workhouse; at last Gracchus exclaimed, thathis men had no ground to hope for liberty unless the enemy were routedand put to flight that day. 

16. These words at length kindled their courage so effectually, andrenewing the shout, as if suddenly changed into other men, they boredown upon the enemy with such impetuosity that they could not longerbe withstood. First, of the Carthaginians who stood before thestandards; then the standards were thrown into disorder; and lastlythe whole line was compelled to give way. They then turned their backsdownright, and fled precipitately to their camp with such terror andconsternation, that not a man made stand in the gates or on therampart; while the Romans, who pursued them so close as to form almosta part of their body commenced the battle anew, enclosed within therampart of the enemy. Here the battle was more bloody as thecombatants had less room to move, from the narrowness of the place inwhich they fought. The prisoners too assisted; for snatching up swordsin the confusion, and forming themselves into a body, they slew theCarthaginians in the rear and prevented their flight. Thus less thantwo thousand men out of so large an army, and those principallycavalry, effected their escape with their commander, all the rest wereslain or taken prisoners. Thirty-eight standards were taken. Of thevictors about two thousand fell. All the booty except that of theprisoners was given up to the soldiery. Such cattle also as the ownersshould identify within thirty days was excepted. When they returned totheir camp loaded with spoil, about four thousand of the volunteerslaves who had fought with less spirit, and had not joined in breakinginto the enemy's camp, through fear of punishment, took possession ofa hill not far from the camp. Being brought down thence the next dayby a military tribune, it happened that they arrived during anassembly of the soldiers which Gracchus had called. At this assemblythe proconsul, having first rewarded the veteran soldiers withmilitary presents, according to the valour displayed, and the servicerendered by each man in the engagement, then observed, with respect tothe volunteer slaves, that he would rather that all should be praisedby him whether deserving it or not, than that any one should bechastised on that day. I bid you, said he, all be free, and may theevent be attended with advantage, happiness, and prosperity to thestate and to yourselves. These words were followed by the most cordialacclamations, the soldiers sometimes embracing and congratulating oneanother, at other times lifting up their hands to heaven, and prayingthat every blessing might attend the Roman people, and Gracchus inparticular; when Gracchus addressed them thus: "Before I had placedyou all on an equal footing with respect to the enjoyment of liberty, I was unwilling to affix any marks by which the brave and dastardlysoldier might be distinguished. But now the pledge given by the statebeing redeemed, lest all distinction between courage and cowardiceshould disappear, I shall order that the names of those persons belaid before me, who, conscious of their dastardly conduct in thebattle, have lately seceded. I shall have them cited before me, when Ishall bind them by an oath, that none of them, except such as shallhave the plea of sickness, will, so long as they serve, take eithermeat or drink in any other posture than standing. This penalty youwill bear with patience when you reflect that it is impossible yourcowardice could be marked with a slighter stigma. " He then gave thesignal for packing up the baggage; and the soldiers, sporting andjesting as they drove and carried their booty, returned to Beneventumin so playful a mood, that they appeared to be returning, not from thefield of battle, but from a feast celebrated on some remarkableholiday. All the Beneventans pouring out in crowds to meet them at thegate, embraced, congratulated, and invited the troops toentertainments. They had all prepared banquets in the courts of theirhouses, to which they invited the soldiers, and of which theyentreated Gracchus to allow them to partake. Gracchus gave permission, with the proviso that they should feast in the public street. Eachperson brought every thing out before his door. The volunteers feastedwith caps of liberty on their heads, or filletted with white wool;some reclining at the tables, others standing, who at once partook ofthe repast, and waited upon the rest. It even seemed a fittingoccasion that Gracchus, on his return to Rome, should order a picturerepresenting the festivities of that day to be executed in the templeof Liberty, which his father caused to be built on the Aventine out ofmoney arising from fines, and which his father also dedicated. 

17. While these events occurred at Beneventum, Hannibal having laidwaste the territory of Naples, moved his camp to Nola. The consul, assoon as he was aware of his approach, sent for Pemponius thepropraetor, with the troops he had in the camp above Suessula; andthen prepared to meet the enemy and to make no delay in fighting. Hesent out Caius Claudius Nero in the dead of night with the mainstrength of the cavalry, through the gate which was farthest removedfrom the enemy, with orders to make a circuit so as not to beobserved, and then slowly to follow the enemy as they moved along, andas soon as he perceived the battle begun, to charge them on the rear. Whether Nero was prevented from executing these orders by mistakingthe route, or from the shortness of the time, is doubtful. Though hewas absent when the battle was fought, the Romans had unquestionablythe advantage; but as the cavalry did not come up in time, the plan ofthe battle which had been agreed upon was disconcerted and Marcellus, not daring to follow the retiring enemy, gave the signal for retreatwhen his soldiers were conquering More than two thousand of the enemyare said, however, to have fallen on that day; of the Romans, lessthan four hundred. Nero, after having fruitlessly wearied both men andhorses, through the day and night, without even having seen the enemy, returned about sunset; when the consul went so far in reprimanding himas to assert, that he had been the only obstacle to their retorting onthe enemy the disaster sustained at Cannae. The following day theRoman came into the field, but the Carthaginian, beaten even by hisown tacit confession, kept within his camp. Giving up all hope ofgetting possession of Nola, a thing never attempted without loss, during the silence of the night of the third day he set out forTarentum, which he had better hopes of having betrayed to him. 

18. Nor were the Roman affairs administered with less spirit at homethan in the field. The censors being freed from the care of lettingout the erection of public works, from the low state of the treasury, turned their attention to the regulation of men's morals, and thechastisement of vices which sprung up during the war, in the samemanner as constitutions broken down by protracted disease, generateother maladies. In the first place, they cited those persons who, after the battle of Cannae, were said to have formed a design ofabandoning the commonwealth, and leaving Italy. The chief of these wasLucius Caecilius Metellus, who happened to be then quaestor. In thenext place, as neither he nor the other persons concerned were able toexculpate themselves on being ordered to make their defence, theypronounced them guilty of having used words and discourse prejudicialto the state, that a conspiracy might be formed for the abandonment ofItaly. After them were cited those persons who showed too muchingenuity in inventing a method of discharging the obligation of theiroath, namely, such of the prisoners as concluded that the oath whichthey had sworn to return, would be fulfilled by their going backprivately to Hannibal's camp, after setting out on their journey. Suchof these and of the above-mentioned as had horses at the publicexpense were deprived of them, and all were degraded from their tribesand disfranchised. Nor was the attention of the censors confined tothe regulation of the senate and the equestrian order. They erasedfrom the lists of the junior centuries the names of all who had notserved during the last four years, unless they were regularlyexempted, or were prevented by sickness. Those too, amounting to morethan two thousand names, were numbered among the disfranchised, andwere all degraded. To this more gentle stigma affixed by the censors, a severe decree of the senate was added, to the effect that all thosewhom the censor had stigmatized, should serve on foot, and be sentinto Sicily to join the remains of the army of Cannae, a class ofsoldiers whose time of service was not to terminate till the enemy wasdriven out of Italy. The censors, in consequence of the poverty of thetreasury, having abstained from receiving contracts for the repairs ofthe sacred edifices, the furnishing of curule horses, and similarmatters, the persons who had been accustomed to attend auctions ofthis description, came to the censors in great numbers, and exhortedthem to "transact all their business and let out the contracts in thesame manner as if there were money in the treasury. That none of themwould ask for money out of the treasury before the war was concluded. "Afterwards the owners of those slaves whom Tiberius Sempronius hadmanumitted at Beneventum, came to them, stating that they were sentfor by the public bankers, to receive the price of their slaves, butthat they would not accept of it till the war was concluded. Thisdisposition on the part of the commons to sustain the impoverishedtreasury having manifested itself, the property of minors first, andthen the portions of widows, began to be brought in; the persons whobrought them being persuaded, that their deposit would no where bemore secure and inviolable than under the public faith. If any thingwas bought or laid in for the widows and minors, an order upon thequaestor was given for it. This liberality in individuals flowed fromthe city into the camp also, insomuch that no horseman or centurionwould accept of his pay, and those who would accept it were reproachedwith the appellation of mercenary men. 

19. Quintus Fabius, the consul, was encamped before Casilinum, whichwas occupied by a garrison of two thousand Campanians and sevenhundred of the soldiers of Hannibal. The commander was Statius Metius, who was sent there by Cneius Magius Atellanus, who was that yearMedixtuticus and was arming the slaves and people without distinction, in order to assault the Roman camp, while the consul was intentlyoccupied in the siege of Casilinum. None of these things escapedFabius. He therefore sent to his colleague at Nola, "That another armywas requisite, which might be opposed to the Campanians, while thesiege of Casilinum was going on; that either he should come himself, leaving a force sufficient for the protection of Nola, or if the stateof Nola required him to stay there, in consequence of its not beingyet secure against the attempts of Hannibal, that he should summonTiberius Gracchus, the proconsul, from Beneventum. " On this message, Marcellus, leaving two thousand troops in garrison at Nola, came toCasilinum with the rest of his forces; and at his arrival theCampanians, who were already in motion, desisted from theiroperations. Thus the siege of Casilinum was commenced by the twoconsuls. But as the Roman soldiers received many wounds as they rashlyapproached the walls, and as they did not succeed satisfactorily intheir attempts. Fabius gave it as his opinion that this, which was asmall matter, though as difficult as more important ones, should beabandoned, and that they should retire from the place, as affairs ofgreater moment were pressing. Marcellus, however, succeeded inpersuading him that they should not go away with their objectunaccomplished, observing that as there were many objects which greatgenerals should not attempt, so when once attempted they should not beabandoned, because the mere report in either case would have importantconsequences. Upon this the vineae and all kinds of military works andengines were applied; in consequence of which, the Campaniansentreated Fabius to allow them to retire to Capua in safety; when afew of them having come out of the town, Marcellus took possessionof the gate through which they passed, and first slew allindiscriminately who were near the gate, and then rushing in, theslaughter commenced in the town also. About fifty of the Campanians, who at first came out of the city, having fled for refuge to Fabius, arrived safe at Capua under his protection. Thus Casilinum wascaptured on an accidental opportunity which occurred during theconferences and delay of those who were soliciting protection. Theprisoners, both those who were Campanians and those who wereHannibal's soldiers, were sent to Rome, where they were shut up in aprison. The crowd of townsmen was distributed among the neighbouringpeople to be kept in custody. 

20. At the same time that the consuls retired from Casilinum, theirobject having been accomplished, Gracchus, who was in Lucania, sent, under a prefect of the allies, some cohorts which he had levied inthat country to ravage the lands of the enemy. These, as they werestraggling in a careless manner, Hanno surprising, retorted upon hisenemy a defeat not much less disastrous than he had himself receivedat Beneventum, and then hastily retired to the territory of theBruttians, lest Gracchus should overtake him. Of the consuls, Marcellus returned to Nola, whence he had come, Fabius proceeded toSamnium to waste the lands, and recover by force the cities which hadrevolted. The Samnites of Caudium suffered the severest devastation;their fields were laid waste by fire for a wide extent, and both menand cattle were conveyed away as booty. The towns of Compulteria, Telesia, Compsa, Melae, Fulfulae, and Orbitanium, were taken by storm. Blandae, belonging to the Lucanians, and Aecae to the Apulians, weretaken after a siege. Twenty-five thousand of the enemy were capturedor slain in these towns, and three hundred and seventy desertersrecovered; who, being sent to Rome by the consul, were all of thembeaten with rods in the comitium, and thrown down from the rock. Suchwere the achievements of Fabius within the space of a few days. Illhealth detained Marcellus from active operations at Nola. The town ofAccua also was taken by storm, during the same period, by the praetorQuintus Fabius, whose province was the neighbourhood of Luceria; healso fortified a stationary camp at Ardonea. While the Romans werethus employed in different quarters, Hannibal had reached Tarentum, utterly destroying every thing whichsoever way he went. In theterritory of Tarentum, the troops at length began to march in apeaceable manner. There nothing was violated, nor did they ever go outof the road; it was evident that this was done not from the moderationof the soldiery, or their general, but to conciliate the affections ofthe Tarentines. However, on advancing almost close to the wallswithout perceiving any movement, which he expected would occur on thesight of his vanguard, he pitched his camp about a mile off the city. Three days before the arrival of Hannibal, Marcus Livius, who had beensent by Marcus Valerius, the propraetor, commanding the fleet atBrundusium, had enlisted the young nobility of Tarentum, andstationing guards at every gate, and round the walls, wherevercircumstances made it necessary, had kept such a strict watch both byday and night, as to give no opportunity for making any attempt eitherto the enemy or doubtful allies. On this account several days wereconsumed there to no purpose, when Hannibal, as none of those who hadcome to him at the lake Avernus, either came themselves or sent anyletter or message, perceiving that he had carelessly followed delusivepromises, moved his camp thence. Even after this he did not offer anyviolence to the Tarentine territory, not quitting the hope of shakingtheir allegiance to the Romans, though his simulated lenity hadhitherto been of no advantage to him; but as soon as he came toSalapia he collected stores of corn there from the Metapontine andHeraclean lands; for midsummer was now past, and the situation pleasedhim as a place for winter quarters. From hence the Moors and Numidianswere detached to plunder the territory of Sallentum, and theneighbouring woods of Apulia, from which not much booty of any othersort was obtained, but principally droves of horses, four thousand ofwhich were distributed among his horsemen to be broken. 

21. The Romans, since a war by no means to be despised was springingup in Sicily, and the death of the tyrant had furnished the Syracusanswith more enterprising leaders, rather than changed their attachmentto the Carthaginian cause, or the state of their minds, decreed thatprovince to Marcus Marcellus, one of their consuls. After theassassination of Hieronymus, at first a tumult had taken place amongthe soldiery in the territory of the Leontines. They exclaimedfuriously that the manes of the king should be appeased with the bloodof the conspirators. Afterwards the frequent repetition of the wordliberty, which was restored to them, a word so delightful to the ear, the hopes they had conceived of largesses from the royal treasury, andof serving in future under better generals, the relation of the horridcrimes and more horrid lusts of the tyrant, effected such analteration in their sentiments, that they suffered to lie unburied thecorpse of the king, whom a little before they regretted. As the restof the conspirators remained behind, in order to keep the army ontheir side, Theodotus and Sosis, mounted on the king's horses, rodeoff to Syracuse with all possible speed, that they might surprise theking's party, while unacquainted with all that had occurred. But theywere anticipated not only by report, than which nothing is swifter insuch affairs, but also by a messenger who was one of the royalservants. In consequence, Andranodorus had occupied with stronggarrisons the Insula and the citadel, and every other convenient partwhich he could. After sunset, when it was now growing dark, Theodotusand Sosis rode in by the Hexapylum, and displayed the royal veststained with blood, and the ornament of the king's head; then passingthrough the Tycha, and calling the people at once to liberty and arms, bid them assemble in the Achradina. Some of the multitude ran out intothe streets, some stood in the porches of their houses, while otherslooked out from the roofs and windows, and inquired what was thematter. Every part of the city was filled with lights and noises ofvarious kinds. Assemblies of armed men were formed in the open spaces. Those who had no arms tore down from the temple of the OlympianJupiter the spoils of the Gauls and Illyrians, which had beenpresented to Hiero by the Roman people, and hung up there by him; atthe same time offering up prayers to Jupiter, that he would willingly, and without feeling offence, lend those consecrated weapons to thosewho were arming themselves in defence of their country, of the templesof their gods, and their liberty. This multitude was also joined bythe watches which were stationed through the principal quarters of thecity. In the island, Andranodorus, among other places, secured thepublic granaries by a garrison. This place, which was enclosed by awall of stones hewn square, and built up on high, after the manner ofa citadel, was occupied by a body of youth, who had been appointed togarrison it, and these sent messengers to the Achradina, to giveinformation that the granaries and the corn were in the power of thesenate. 

22. At break of day the whole populace, armed and unarmed, assembledat the senate-house in the Achradina: where from the altar of Concord, which stood there, one of the nobles, named Polyaenus, delivered aliberal and temperate address. He said, that "men who had experiencedservitude and contumely, were enraged against an evil which was wellknown, but that the Syracusans had rather heard from their fathersthan seen with their own eyes the disasters which civil discordintroduces. " He said, "he commended them for the alacrity with whichthey had taken arms; but that he should commend them more if theyshould abstain from using them unless compelled by extreme necessity. At present he advised that ambassadors should be sent to Andranodorus, to charge him to submit to the direction of the senate and the people, to throw open the gates of the island, and withdraw the garrison. Ifhe resolved to usurp the sovereignty of which he had been appointedguardian, that he would recommend that their liberty be recovered moreenergetically from Andranodorus than it had been from Hieronymus. "From this assembly ambassadors were despatched. The senate began nowto meet, which though during the reign of Hiero it had continued to bethe public council of the state, from the time of his death up to thepresent had never been assembled or consulted upon any subject. Whenthe ambassadors came to Andranodorus, he was himself moved by theunanimous opinion of his countrymen, by their having possession ofother parts of the city, and by the fact that the strongest part ofthe island was betrayed and placed in the hands of others; but hiswife, Demarata, the daughter of Hiero, still swelling with the prideof royalty and female presumption, called him out from the presence ofthe ambassadors, and reminded him of the expression so often repeatedby the tyrant Dionysius, "that a man ought only to relinquishsovereign power when dragged by the feet, and not while sitting onhorseback. That it was an easy thing, at any moment one pleased, togive up possession of grandeur, but that to create and obtain them wasdifficult and arduous. That he should obtain from the ambassadors alittle time to deliberate, and to employ it in fetching the soldiersfrom the Leontines; to whom, if he promised the royal treasure, everything would be at his disposal. " This advice, suggested by a woman, Andranodorus neither entirely rejected nor immediately adopted, considering it the safer way to the attainment of power to temporizefor the present. Accordingly he told the ambassadors to carry wordback, that he should act subserviently to the senate and the people. The next day, as soon as it was light, he threw open the gates of theisland, and came into the forum of the Achradina; then mounting thealtar of Concord, from which Polyaenus had delivered his harangue theday before, he commenced a speech by soliciting pardon for his delay. "He had kept the gates closed, " he said, "not as separating his ownfrom the public interest, but from fear as to where the carnage wouldstop when once the sword was drawn; whether they would be satisfiedwith the blood of the tyrant, which was sufficient for their liberty, or whether all who were connected with the court, by consanguinity, affinity, or any offices, would, as implicated in another's guilt, bebutchered. After he perceived that those who had liberated theircountry were desirous of preserving it when liberated, and that thecounsels of all were directed towards the public good, he had nothesitated to restore to his country his own person and every thingelse which had been committed to his honour and guardianship, sincethe person who had intrusted him with them had fallen a victim to hisown madness. " Then turning to the persons who had killed the tyrant, and calling on Theodotus and Sosis by name, he said, "You haveperformed a memorable deed, but believe me, your glory is onlybeginning, not yet perfected; and there still remains great dangerlest the enfranchised state should be destroyed, if you do not providefor its tranquillity and harmony. "

23. At the conclusion of this speech, he laid the keys of the gatesand of the royal treasure at their feet; and on that day, retiringfrom the assembly in the highest spirits, they made supplication withtheir wives and children at all the temples of the gods. On thefollowing day an assembly was held for the election of praetors. Andranodorus was created among the first; the rest consisted for themost part of the destroyers of the tyrant; two of these, Sopater andDinomenes, they appointed in their absence. These, on hearing of whathad passed at Syracuse, conveyed thither the royal treasure which wasat Leontini, and put it into the hands of quaestors appointed for thatpurpose. The treasure also in the island and the Achradina wasdelivered to them, and that part of the wall which formed too strong aseparation between the island and the other parts of the city, wasdemolished by general consent. Every thing else which was done was inconformity with this inclination of their minds to liberty. Hippocrates and Epicydes, on hearing of the death of the tyrant, whichHippocrates had wished to conceal even by putting the messenger todeath, being deserted by the soldiery, returned to Syracuse, as thatappeared the safest course under present circumstances; but lest ifthey appeared there in common they should become objects of suspicion, and looked upon as persons who were seeking an opportunity ofeffecting some change, they in the first place addressed themselves tothe praetors and then through them to the senate. They declared, that"they were sent by Hannibal to Hieronymus, as to a friend and ally;that they had obeyed the orders of that man whom their general wishedthem to obey; that they desired to return to Hannibal; but as thejourney would not be safe, as armed Romans were ranging at largethrough the whole of Sicily, that they requested to be furnished withsome escort which might convey them in safety to Locri in Italy; andthat thus they would confer a great obligation upon Hannibal, withlittle trouble. " The request was easily obtained, for they weredesirous of getting rid of these generals of the king, who wereskilled in war, and at once necessitous and enterprising. But they didnot exert themselves so as to effect what they desired with therequisite speed. Meanwhile these young men, who were of a militaryturn and accustomed to the soldiers, employed themselves incirculating charges against the senate and nobles, sometimes in theminds of the soldiers themselves, sometimes of the deserters, of whichthe greater part were Roman sailors, at other times of men belongingto the lowest order of the populace, insinuating, that "what they weresecretly labouring and contriving to effect, was to place Syracuseunder the dominion of the Romans with the pretence of a renewedalliance, and then that faction and the few promoters of the alliancewould be supreme. "

24. The crowds of persons disposed to hear and credit theseinsinuations which flowed into Syracuse from every quarter increaseddaily, and afforded hopes, not only to Epicydes but to Andranodorusalso, of effecting a revolution. The latter, wearied at length by theimportunities of his wife, who warned him, "that now was thefavourable time for seizing the government, while every thing was inconfusion in consequence of liberty being recent and not yet regularlyestablished; while a soldiery supported by the royal pay was to be metwith, and while generals sent by Hannibal and accustomed to thesoldiery might forward the attempt;" he communicated his design withThemistus, who had married the daughter of Gelon, and a few daysafterwards incautiously disclosed it to a certain tragic actor, namedAriston, to whom he was in the habit of committing other secrets. Hewas a man of reputable birth and fortune, nor did his professiondisgrace them, for among the Greeks no pursuit of that kind wasconsidered dishonourable. He therefore discovered the plot to thepraetors, from a conviction that his country had a superior claim uponhis fidelity. These having satisfied themselves that his statement wasnot false by indubitable proofs, took the advice of the eldersenators, and with their sanction, having placed a guard at the doors, slew Themistus and Andranodorus as soon as they had entered thesenate-house. A disturbance arising in consequence of this act, which, as none but the praetors knew the cause of it, wore an appearance ofatrocity, the praetors, having at length procured silence, introducedthe informer into the senate-house; and after he had in a regularmanner detailed to the senate every particular, showing that theconspiracy owed its origin to the marriage of Harmonia, the daughterof Gelon, with Themistus; that the African and Spanish auxiliaries hadbeen prepared to murder the praetors and others of the nobility; thatit had been given out that their goods were to be the booty of theassassins; that already a band of mercenaries accustomed to obey thecommand of Andranodorus had been procured for the reoccupation of theisland; and having then distinctly represented to them the severalparts which the persons implicated in the transaction were performing, and having brought under their view the entire plot prepared forexecution with men and arms; it seemed to the senate that they hadfallen as justly as Hieronymus had. A shout was raised before thesenate-house by a crowd of people variously disposed and uncertain ofthe facts; but as they were conducting themselves in a furious andmenacing manner, the bodies of the conspirators in the vestibule ofthe senate-house restrained them with such alarm, that they silentlyfollowed the more discreet part of the commons to an assembly. Sopaterwas the person commissioned by the senate and his colleague to explainthe affair. 

25. Treating them as if they stood upon their trial, he began withtheir past lives; and insisted that Andranodorus and Themistus werethe authors of every act of iniquity and impiety which had beenperpetrated since the death of Hiero. "For what, " said he, "did theboy Hieronymus ever do of his own accord? What could he do who hadscarce as yet arrived at puberty? His tutors and guardians had ruled, while the odium rested on another. Therefore they ought to have beenput to death either before Hieronymus or with him. Nevertheless thosemen, deservedly marked out for death, had attempted fresh crimes afterthe decease of the tyrant; first openly, when, closing the gates ofthe island, Andranodorus declared himself heir to the throne, and keptthat as proprietor which he had held only in the capacity of guardian;afterwards, when betrayed by those who were in the island andblockaded by the whole body of the citizens who held the Achradina, heendeavoured to obtain, by secret and artful means, that sovereigntywhich he had in vain attempted openly; whom not even benefits andhonorary distinction could move, for even this conspirator against theliberty of his country was created praetor among her liberators. Butthat wives of royal blood had infected them with this thirst forroyalty, one having married the daughter of Hiero, the other thedaughter of Gelon. " On hearing these words, a shout arose from everypart of the assembly, that "none of these women ought to live, andthat not one of the royal family should be left alive. " Such is thenature of the populace; they are either cringing slaves or haughtytyrants. They know not how with moderation to spurn or to enjoy thatliberty which holds the middle place; nor are there generally wantingministers, the panders to their resentment, who incite their eager andintemperate minds to blood and carnage. Thus, on the present occasion, the praetors instantly proposed the passing of a decree, which wasconsented to almost before it was proposed, that all the royal familyshould be put to death; and persons despatched for the purpose by thepraetors, put to death Demarata, the daughter of Hiero, and Harmonia, the daughter of Gelon, the wives of Andranodorus and Themistus. 

26. There was a daughter of Hiero, named Heraclea, the wife ofZoippus, who, having been sent by Hieronymus as ambassador to kingPtolemy, had become a voluntary exile. As soon as she was apprizedthat they were coming to her also, she fled for refuge into the chapelto the household gods, accompanied by her two virgin daughters, withdishevelled hair, and other marks of wretchedness. In addition tothis, she had recourse to prayers also; she implored them "by thememory of her father, Hiero, and her brother, Gelon, that they wouldnot suffer her, a guiltless person, to be consumed by their hatred ofHieronymus. That all that she had derived from his reign was the exileof her husband. That neither did she enjoy the same advantages as hersister while Hieronymus was alive, nor was her cause the same as hersnow he was dead. What? Though her sister would have shared the thronewith Andranodorus, had he succeeded in his designs, she must have beenin servitude with the rest. Can any one doubt, that if informationshould be conveyed to Zoippus that Hieronymus had been put to death, and that Syracuse was free, he would instantly embark and return tohis native land. But how are all human hopes deceived! His wife andchildren are struggling for their lives in his native land, nowblessed with liberty! In what manner standing in the way of liberty orthe laws? What danger could arise to any one from them, from asolitary, and in a manner, widowed woman and girls living in a stateof orphanage? But perhaps it will be granted that no danger is to beapprehended from them, but alleged that the whole royal family isdetested. If this were the case, she entreated that they would banishthem far from Syracuse and Sicily, and order them to be conveyed toAlexandria, the wife to her husband, the daughters to their father. "Seeing that their ears and minds were unimpressed, and that certain ofthem were drawing their swords to prevent a fruitless consumption oftime, she gave over entreating for herself, and began to implore themto "spare, at least, her daughters, at an age which even exasperatedenemies spared. " She entreated them "that they would not, in theirrevenge on tyrants, themselves imitate the crimes which were odious tothem. " While thus employed, they dragged her from the sanctuary andmurdered her; and after that they fell upon the virgins, who weresprinkled with the blood of their mother; who, distracted alike byfear and grief, and as if seized with madness, rushed out of thechapel with such rapidity, that had there been an opening by whichthey might have escaped into the street, they would have filled thecity with confusion. As it was, they several times made their escapethrough the midst of so many armed men with their persons uninjured inthe contracted space which the house afforded, and extricatedthemselves from their grasp, though they had to disengage themselvesfrom so many and such strong hands; but at length enfeebled by wounds, and after covering every place with blood, they fell down lifeless. This murder, piteous as it was in itself, was rendered still more soby its happening that a short time after it a message arrived thatthey should not be killed, as the minds of the people were now turnedto compassion. This compassion then gave rise to a feeling of anger, because so much haste had been shown in carrying the punishment intoeffect, and because no opportunity was left for relenting or retracingthe steps of their passion. The multitude therefore gave vent to theirindignation, and demanded an election to supply the places ofAndranodorus and Themistus, for both of them had been praetors; anelection by no means likely to be agreeable to the praetors. 

27. The day was fixed for the election, when, to the surprise of all, one person from the extremity of the crowd nominated Epicydes, andthen another from the same quarter nominated Hippocrates. Afterwardsthe voices in favour of these persons increased with the manifestapprobation of the multitude. The assembly was one of a heterogeneouscharacter, consisting not only of the commons, but a crowd ofsoldiers, with a large admixture even of deserters, who were desirousof innovation in every thing. The praetors, at first, concealed theirfeelings, and were for protracting the business; but at length, overcome by the general opinion, and apprehensive of a sedition, theydeclared them the praetors. These did not, however, immediately openlyavow their sentiments, though they were chagrined that ambassadors hadbeen sent to Appius Claudius to negotiate a ten days' truce, and thaton obtaining this, others were sent to treat for the renewal of theold alliance. The Romans, with a fleet of a hundred ships, were thenstationed at Murgantia, waiting the issue of the commotion raised atSyracuse by the death of the tyrants, and to what their recentacquisition of liberty would impel the people. Meanwhile, theSyracusan ambassadors were sent by Appius Claudius to Marcellus on hiscoming into Sicily, and Marcellus having heard the conditions ofpeace, and being of opinion that matters might be brought to asettlement, himself also sent ambassadors to Syracuse to treat withthe praetors in person on the renewal of the alliance. But now by nomeans the same state of quiet and tranquillity existed there. Hippocrates and Epicydes, their fears being removed, after thatintelligence had arrived that a Carthaginian fleet had put in atPachynum, complained sometimes to the mercenary soldiers, at othertimes to the deserters, that Syracuse was being betrayed to theRomans. And when Appius began to station his ships at the mouth of theport, in order to inspire the other party with courage, their falseinsinuations appeared to receive great corroboration; and on the firstimpulse, the populace had even run down in a disorderly manner toprevent them from disembarking. 

28. While affairs were in this unsettled state, it was resolved tocall an assembly; in which, when some leaned to one side and some tothe other, and an insurrection being on the point of breaking out, Apollonides, one of the nobles, delivered a speech fraught withsalutary advice, considering the critical state of affairs: "Never, "he said, "had a state a nearer prospect of safety and annihilation. For if they would all unanimously espouse the cause either of theRomans or the Carthaginians, there could be no state whose conditionwould be more prosperous and happy; but if they pulled different ways, the war between the Romans and Carthaginians would not be more bloodythan that which would take place between the Syracusans themselves, inwhich both the contending parties would have their forces, theirtroops, and their generals, within the same walls. Every exertionought therefore to be made that all might think alike. Which alliancewould be productive of the greater advantages, was a question of quitea secondary nature, and of less moment; though the authority of Hieroought to be followed in preference to that of Hieronymus in theselection of allies, and a friendship of which they had had a happyexperience through a space of fifty years, ought to be chosen ratherthan one now untried and formerly unfaithful. That it ought also tohave some weight in their deliberations, that peace with theCarthaginians might be refused in such a manner as not immediately, atleast, to have a war with them, while with the Romans they mustforthwith have either peace or war. " The less of party spirit andwarmth appeared in this speech the greater weight it had. A militarycouncil also was united with the praetors and a chosen body ofsenators; the commanders of companies also, and the praefects of theallies, were ordered to consult conjointly. After the question hadbeen agitated with great warmth, at length, as there appeared to be nomeans of carrying on a war with the Romans, it was resolved that atreaty of peace should be formed, and that ambassadors should be sentwith those from Rome to ratify the same. 

29. Not many days intervened before ambassadors came from theLeontines, requesting troops to protect their frontiers; an embassywhich appeared to afford a very favourable opportunity fordisencumbering the city of a turbulent and disorderly rabble, and forremoving their leaders to a distance. The praetor, Hippocrates, wasordered to lead the deserters thither. Many of the mercenaryauxiliaries accompanying them made them number four thousand armedmen. This expedition gave great delight both to those who were sentand those who sent them, for to the former an opportunity was affordedof change which they had long desired, while the latter were rejoicedbecause they considered that a kind of sink of the city had beendrained off. But they had, as it were, only relieved a sick body for atime, that it might afterwards fall into a more aggravated disease. For Hippocrates began to ravage the adjoining parts of the Romanprovince, at first by stealthy excursions, but afterwards, when Appieshad sent a body of troops to protect the lands of the allies, he madean attack with all his forces upon the guard posted over against him, and slew many. Marcellus, when informed of this, immediately sentambassadors to Syracuse, who said that the faith of the treaty hadbeen broken, and that there would never be wanting a cause forhostilities, unless Hippocrates and Epicydes were removed not onlyfrom Syracuse, but far from all Sicily. Epicydes, lest by beingpresent he should be arraigned for the offence committed by his absentbrother, or should be wanting on his own part in stirring up a war, proceeded himself also to the Leontines; and seeing that they werealready sufficiently exasperated against the Romans, he endeavoured todetach them from the Syracusans also. His argument was, that the termson which they had formed a treaty of peace with the Romans were, thatwhatever people had been subject to their kings should be placed undertheir dominion; and that now they were not satisfied with libertyunless they could also exercise kingly power and dominion over others. The answer, therefore, he said, which they ought to send back was, that the Leontines also considered themselves entitled to liberty, either on the ground that the tyrant fell in the streets of theircity, or that there the shout was first raised for liberty; and thatthey were the persons who, abandoning the king's generals, flocked toSyracuse. That, therefore, either that article must be expunged fromthe treaty, or that that term of it would not be admitted. They easilypersuaded the multitude; and when the ambassadors of Syracusecomplained of the slaughter of the Roman guard, and ordered thatHippocrates and Epicydes should depart either to Locri or any otherplace they pleased, provided they quitted Sicily, a reply was made tothem in a haughty manner, "that they had neither placed themselves atthe disposal of the Syracusans to make a peace for them with theRomans, nor were they bound by the treaties of other people. " Thisanswer the Syracusans laid before the Romans, declaring at the sametime that "the Leontines were not under their control, and that, therefore, the Romans might make war on them without violating thetreaty subsisting between them; that they would also not be wanting inthe war, provided that when brought again under subjection, theyshould form a part of their dominion, agreeably to the conditions ofthe peace. "

30. Marcellus marched with his entire forces against Leontini, havingsent for Appius also, in order that he might attack it in anotherquarter; when, such was the ardour of the troops in consequence of theindignation they felt at the Roman guards being put to the swordduring the negotiations for a peace, that they took the town by stormon the first assault. Hippocrates and Epicydes, perceiving that theenemy were getting possession of the walls and breaking open thegates, retired with a few others into the citadel, from which theyfled unobserved during the night to Herbessus. The Syracusans, who hadmarched from home with eight thousand troops, were met at the riverMyla by a messenger, who informed them that the city was taken. Therest which he stated was a mixture of truth and falsehood; he saidthat there had been an indiscriminate massacre of the soldiers and thetownsmen, and that he did not think that one person who had arrived atpuberty had survived; that the town had been pillaged, and theproperty of the rich men given to the troops. On receiving suchdireful news the army halted; and while all were under violentexcitement, the generals, Sosis and Dinomenes, consulted together asto the course to be taken. The scourging and beheading of two thousanddeserters had given to this false statement a plausibility whichexcited alarm; but no violence was offered to any of the Leontine orother soldiers after the city was taken; and every man's property wasrestored to him, with the exception only of such as was destroyed inthe first confusion which attended the capture of the city. Thetroops, who complained of their fellow-soldiers having been betrayedand butchered, could neither be induced to proceed to Leontini, norwait where they were for more certain intelligence. The praetors, perceiving their minds disposed to mutiny, but concluding that theirviolence would not be of long continuance, if those who had led themon to such folly were removed, led the troops to Megara, whence theythemselves with a few horsemen proceeded to Herbessus, under theexpectation of having the city betrayed to them in the generalconsternation; but being disappointed in this attempt, they resolvedto resort to force, and moved their camp from Megara on the followingday, in order to attack Herbessus with all their forces. Hippocratesand Epicydes having formed the design of putting themselves into thehands of the soldiers, who were for the most part accustomed to them, and were now incensed at the report of the massacre of their comrades, not so much as a safe measure on the first view of it as that it wastheir only course, now that all hope was cut off, went out to meet thearmy. It happened that the troops which marched in the van were sixhundred Cretans, who had been engaged in the service of Hieronymusunder their command, and were under obligation to Hannibal, havingbeen captured at the Trasimenus among the Roman auxiliaries, anddismissed by him. Hippocrates and Epicydes, recognising them by theirstandards and the fashion of their armour, held out olive branches, and the fillets usually worn by suppliants, and implored them toreceive them into their ranks, protect them when received, and notbetray them to the Syracusans, by whom they themselves would soon bedelivered up to the Romans to be butchered. 

31. But the Cretans with one accord called out to them to be of goodcourage; that they would share every fortune with them. During thisconversation, the vanguard had halted, and the march was delayed; norhad the cause of the delay as yet reached the generals. After thereport had spread that Hippocrates and Epicydes were there, and avoice was heard through the whole army, which showed evidently thatthe troops were pleased at their arrival, the praetors immediatelygallopped to the front, and earnestly asked "what was the meaning ofthat violation of discipline, which the Cretans had committed inholding conference with the enemy, and allowing them to mingle withtheir ranks without the authority of the praetors. " They orderedHippocrates to be seized and thrown into chains. On hearing which sucha clamour was raised, first by the Cretans and then by the rest, thatit was quite evident if they proceeded farther that they would havecause to fear. In this state of anxiety and perplexity, they gaveorders to march back to Megara, whence they had set out, and sentmessengers to Syracuse, to give information of their presentcondition. Hippocrates added a deception, seeing that the minds of thetroops were disposed to entertain every suspicion. Having sent someCretans to lie in wait in the roads, he read a letter he pretended hadbeen intercepted, but which he had written himself. The address was:"The praetors of Syracuse to the consul Marcellus. " After thecustomary wishing of health, it stated "that he had acted duly andproperly in sparing none of the Leontines, but that the cause of allthe mercenary troops was the same, and that Syracuse would never betranquil while there were any foreign auxiliaries in the city or inthe army. That it was therefore necessary that he should endeavour toget into his power those who were encamped at Megara, with theirpraetors, and by punishing them, at length restore Syracuse toliberty. " After this letter had been read, they ran to seize theirarms in every direction, with so great a clamour, that the praetors, in the utmost consternation, rode away to Syracuse during theconfusion. The mutiny, however, was not quelled even by their flight, but an attack was made upon the Syracusan soldiers; nor would any onehave escaped their violence, had not Hippocrates and Epicydes opposedthe resentment of the multitude, not from pity or any humane motive, but lest they should cut off all hope of effecting their return; andthat they might have the soldiers, both as faithful supporters oftheir cause, and as hostages, and conciliate to themselves theirrelatives and friends, in the first place by so great an obligation, and in the next by reason of the pledge. Having also experienced thatthe populace could be excited by any cause, however groundless ortrifling, they procured a soldier of the number of those who werebesieged at Leontini, whom they suborned to carry a report toSyracuse, corresponding with that which had been falsely told at theMyla; and by vouching for what he stated, and relating as matterswhich he had seen, those things of which doubts were entertained, tokindle the resentment of the people. 

32. This man not only obtained credit with the commons, but beingintroduced into the senate-house, produced an impression upon thesenate also. Some men of no small authority openly declared, that itwas very fortunate that the rapacity and cruelty of the Romans hadbeen made apparent in the case of the Leontines; that if they hadentered Syracuse, they would have committed the same or even morehorrible acts, as there the temptations to rapacity would have beengreater. All, therefore, advised that the gates should be closed andthe city guarded, but not the same persons were objects of fear orhatred to all alike. Among the soldiers of every kind, and a greatpart of the people, the Roman name was hated. The praetors, and a fewof the nobles, though enraged by the fictitious intelligence, ratherdirected their cautions against a nearer and more immediate evil. Hippocrates and Epicycles were now at the Hexapylum; and conversationswere taking place, fomented by the relatives of the native soldierswho were in the army, touching the opening of the gates, and theallowing their common country to be defended from the violence of theRomans. One of the doors of the Hexapylum was now thrown open, and thetroops began to be taken in at it, when the praetors interposed; andfirst by commands and menaces, then by advice, they endeavoured todeter them from their purpose, and last of all, every other meansproving ineffectual, forgetful of their dignity, they tried to movethem by prayers, imploring them not to betray their country to menheretofore the satellites of the tyrant, and now the corrupters of thearmy. But the ears of the excited multitude were deaf to all thesearguments, and the exertions made from within to break open the gates, were not less than those without; the gates were all broken open, andthe whole army received into the Hexapylum. The praetors, with theyouth of the city, fled into the Achradina; the mercenary soldiers anddeserters, with all the soldiers of the late king who were atSyracuse, joined the forces of the enemy. The Achradina also wastherefore taken on the first assault, and all the praetors, exceptsuch as escaped in the confusion, were put to the sword. Night put anend to the carnage. On the following day the slaves were invited toliberty, and those bound in prison were released; after which thismixed rabble created Hippocrates and Epicydes their praetors, and thusSyracuse, when for a brief period the light of liberty had shone onit, relapsed into her former state of servitude. 

33. The Romans, on receiving information of these events, immediatelymoved their camp from Leontini to Syracuse. It happened at this timethat ambassadors were sent by Appius in a quinquereme, to make theirway through the harbour. A quadrireme was sent in advance, which wascaptured as soon as it entered the mouth of the harbour, and theambassadors with difficulty made their escape. And now not only thelaws of peace but of war also were not regarded, when the Roman armypitched their camp at Olympium, a temple of Jupiter, a mile and a halffrom the city. From which place also it was thought proper thatambassadors should be sent forward; these were met by Hippocrates andEpicydes with their friends without the gate, to prevent theirentering the city. The Roman, who was appointed to speak, said that"he did not bring war, but aid and assistance to the Syracusans, notonly to such as, escaping from the midst of the carnage, fled to theRomans for protection, but to those also, who, overpowered by fear, were submitting to a servitude more shocking, not only than exile, butthan death. Nor would the Romans suffer the horrid murder of theirfriends to go unavenged. If, therefore, those who had taken refugewith them were allowed to return to their country with safety, theauthors of the massacre delivered up, and the Syracusans reinstated inthe enjoyment of their liberty and laws, there would be no necessityfor arms; but if these things were not done, they would direct theirarms unceasingly against those who delayed them, whoever they mightbe. " Epicydes replied, that "if they had been commissioned with anymessage for them, they would have given them an answer; and when thegovernment of Syracuse was in the hands of those persons to whom theywere come, they might visit Syracuse again. If they should commencehostilities, they would learn by actual experience that it was by nomeans the same thing to besiege Syracuse and Leontini. " With this heleft the ambassadors and closed the gate. The siege of Syracuse thencommenced by sea and land at the same time; by land on the side of theHexapylum; by sea on the side of the Achradina, the wall of which iswashed by its waves; and as the Romans felt a confidence that as theyhad taken Leontini by the terror they occasioned on the first assault, they should be able in some quarter to effect an entrance into a cityso desert, and diffused over so large an extent of ground, theybrought up to the walls every kind of engine for besieging cities. 

34. And an attempt made with so much energy would have succeeded, hadit not been for one person then at Syracuse. That person wasArchimedes, a man of unrivalled skill in observing the heavens and thestars, but more deserving of admiration as the inventor andconstructor of warlike engines and works, by means of which, with avery slight effort, he turned to ridicule what the enemy effected withgreat difficulty. The wall which ran along unequal eminences, most ofwhich were high and difficult of access, some low and open to approachalong level vales, he furnished with every kind of warlike engine, asseemed suitable to each particular place. Marcellus attacked from thequinqueremes the wall of the Achradina, which, as before stated, waswashed by the sea. From the other ships the archers and slingers andlight infantry, whose weapon is difficult to be thrown back by theunskilful, allowed scarce any person to remain upon the wallunwounded. These, as they required room for the discharge of theirmissiles, kept their ships at a distance from the wall. Eight morequinqueremes joined together in pairs, the oars on their inner sidesbeing removed, so that side might be placed to side, and which formingas it were ships, were worked by means of the oars on the outer sides, carried turrets built up in stories, and other engines employed inbattering walls. Against this naval armament, Archimedes placed ondifferent parts of the walls engines of various dimensions. Againstthe ships which were at a distance he discharged stones of immenseweight. Those which were nearer he assailed with lighter, andtherefore more numerous missiles. Lastly, in order that his own menmight heap their weapons upon the enemy, without receiving any woundsthemselves, he perforated the wall from the top to the bottom with agreat number of loop-holes, about a cubit in diameter, through whichsome with arrows, others with scorpions of moderate size, assailed theenemy without being seen. Certain ships which came nearer to the wallsin order to get within the range of the engines, he placed upon theirsterns, raising up their prows by throwing upon them an iron grapple, attached to a strong chain, by means of a tolleno which projected fromthe wall, and overhung them, having a heavy counterpoise of lead whichforced back the lever to the ground; then the grapple being suddenlydisengaged, the ship falling as it were from the wall, was, by thesemeans, to the utter consternation of the mariners, dashed in such amanner against the water, that even if it fell back in an erectposition it took in a great quantity of water. Thus the attack by seawas foiled, and their whole efforts were directed to an attack by landwith all their forces. But on this side also the place was furnishedwith a similar array of engines of every kind, procured at the expenseof Hiero, who had given his attention to this object through a courseof many years, and constructed by the unrivalled abilities ofArchimedes. The nature of the place also assisted them; for the rockwhich formed the foundation of the wall was for the most part sosteep, that not only materials discharged from engines, but such aswere rolled down by their own gravity, fell upon the enemy with greatforce; the same cause rendered the approach to the city difficult, andthe footing unsteady. Wherefore, a council being held, it wasresolved, since every attempt was frustrated, to abstain fromassaulting the place, and keeping up a blockade, only to cut off theprovisions of the enemy by sea and land. 

35. Meanwhile, Marcellus, who had set out with about a third part ofthe army, to recover the towns which, during the commotion, had goneover to the Carthaginians, regained Helorus and Herbessus by voluntarysurrender. Megara, which he took by storm, he demolished andplundered, in order to terrify the rest, but particularly theSyracusans. Much about the same time, Himilco, who had kept his fleetfor a long time at the promontory of Pachynus, landed twenty-fivethousand infantry, three thousand horse, and twelve elephants, atHeraclea, which they call Minoa. This force was much greater than thatwhich he had before on board his fleet at Pachynus. But after Syracusewas seized by Hippocrates, he proceeded to Carthage, where, beingaided by ambassadors from Hippocrates, and a letter from Hannibal, whosaid that now was the time to recover Sicily with the highest honour, while his own advice given in person had no small influence, he hadprevailed upon the Carthaginians to transport into Sicily as large aforce as possible, both of foot and horse. Immediately on his arrivalhe retook Heraclea, and within a few days after Agrigentum; and in theother states which sided with the Carthaginians, such confident hopeswere kindled of driving the Romans out of Sicily, that at last eventhose who were besieged at Syracuse took courage; and thinking thathalf their forces would be sufficient for the defence of the city, they divided the business of the war between them in such a manner, that Epicydes superintended the defence of the city, whileHippocrates, in conjunction with Himilco, prosecuted the war againstthe Roman consul. The latter, having passed by night through theintervals between the posts, with ten thousand foot and five hundredhorse, was pitching a camp near the city Acrillae, when Marcellus cameupon them, while engaged in raising the fortifications, on his returnfrom Agrigentum, which was already occupied by the enemy, havingfailed in his attempt to get there before the enemy by expeditiousmarching, Marcellus calculated upon any thing rather than meeting witha Syracusan army at that time and place; but still through fear ofHimilco and the Carthaginians, for whom he was by no means a matchwith the forces he had with him, he was marching with all possiblecircumspection, and with his troops so arranged, as to be prepared forany thing which might occur. 

36. It happened that the caution he had observed with intent to guardhim against the Carthaginians, proved useful against the Sicilians. Having caught them in disorder and dispersed, employed in formingtheir camp, and for the most part unarmed, he cut off all theirinfantry. Their cavalry, having commenced a slight engagement, fled toAcrae with Hippocrates. This battle having checked the Sicilians intheir purpose of revolting from the Romans, Marcellus returned toSyracuse, and a few days after Himilco, being joined by Hippocrates, encamped on the river Anapus, about eight miles distant from thatplace. Nearly about the same time, fifty-five ships of war of theCarthaginians, with Bomilcar as commander of the fleet, put into thegreat harbour of Syracuse from the sea, and a Roman fleet of thirtyquinqueremes landed the first legion at Panormus; and so intent wereboth the contending powers upon Sicily, that the seat of war mightseem to have been removed from Italy. Himilco, who thought that theRoman legion which had been landed at Panormus, would doubtless fall aprey to him on its way to Syracuse, was mistaken in his road; for theCarthaginian marched through the inland parts of the country, whilethe legion, keeping along the coast, and attended by the fleet, cameup with Appius Claudius, who had advanced to Pachynum with a part ofhis forces to meet it. Nor did the Carthaginians delay longer atSyracuse. Bomilcar, who at the same time that he did not feelsufficient confidence in his naval strength, as the Romans had a fleetmore than double his number, was aware that delay which could beattended with no good effect, would only increase the scarcity ofprovisions among the allies by the presence of his troops, sailed outinto the deep, and crossed over into Africa. Himilco, who had in vainfollowed Marcellus to Syracuse, to see if he could get any opportunityof engaging him before he was joined by larger forces, failing in thisobject, and seeing that the enemy were secured at Syracuse, both bytheir fortifications and the strength of their forces, to avoidwasting time in sitting by as an idle spectator of the siege of hisallies, without being able to do any good, marched his troops away, inorder to bring them up wherever the prospect of revolt from the Romansmight invite him, and wherever by his presence he might inspireadditional courage in those who espoused his interest. He first gotpossession of Murgantia, the Roman garrison having been betrayed bythe inhabitants themselves. Here a great quantity of corn andprovisions of every kind had been laid up by the Romans. 

37. To this revolt the minds of other states also were stimulated; andthe Roman garrisons were now either driven out of the citadels, ortreacherously given up and overpowered. Enna, which stood on aneminence lofty and of difficult ascent on all sides, was impregnableon account of its situation, and had besides in its citadel a stronggarrison commanded by one who was very unlikely to be overreached bytreachery, Lucius Pinarius, a man of vigorous mind, who relied more onthe measures he took to prevent treachery, than on the fidelity of theSicilians; and at that time particularly the intelligence he hadreceived of so many cities being betrayed, and revolting, and of themassacre of the garrisons, had made him solicitous to use everyprecaution. Accordingly, by day and night equally, every thing waskept in readiness, and every place furnished with guards and watches, the soldiery being continually under arms and at their posts. But whenthe principal men in Enna, who had already entered into a covenantwith Himilco to betray the garrison, found that they could get noopportunity of circumventing the Roman, they resolved to act openly. They urged, that "the city and the citadel ought to be under theircontrol, as they had formed an alliance with the Romans on theunderstanding that they were to be free, and had not been deliveredinto their custody as slaves. That they therefore thought it just thatthe keys of the gates should be restored to them. That their honourformed the strongest tie upon good allies, and that the people andsenate of Rome would entertain feelings of gratitude towards them ifthey continued in friendship with them of their own free will, and notby compulsion. " The Roman replied, that "he was placed there by hisgeneral to protect the place; that from him he had received the keysof the gates and the custody of the citadel, trusts which he held notsubject to his own will, nor that of the inhabitants of Enna, but tohis who committed them to him. That among the Romans, for a man toquit his post was a capital offence, and that parents had sanctionedthat law by the death even of their own children. That the consulMarcellus was not far off; that they might send ambassadors to him, who possessed the right and liberty of deciding. " But they said, theywould certainly not send to him, and solemnly declared, that as theycould not obtain their object by argument, they would seek some meansof asserting their liberty. Pinarius upon this observed, "that if theythought it too much to send to the consul, still they would, at least, grant him an assembly of the people, that it might be ascertainedwhether these denunciations came from a few, or from the whole state. "An assembly of the people was proclaimed for the next day, with thegeneral consent. 

38. After this conference, he returned into the citadel, andassembling his soldiers, thus addressed them: "Soldiers, I suppose youhave heard in what manner the Roman garrisons have been betrayed andcut off by the Sicilians of late. You have escaped the same treachery, first by the kindness of the gods, and secondly by your own goodconduct, in unremittingly standing and watching under arms. I wish therest of our time may be passed without suffering or committingdreadful things. This caution, which we have hitherto employed, hasbeen directed against covert treachery, but not succeeding in this asthey wished, they now publicly and openly demand back the keys of thegates; but as soon as we shall have delivered them up, Enna will beinstantly in the hands of the Carthaginians, and we shall be butcheredunder circumstances more horrid than those with which the garrison ofMurgantia were massacred. I have with difficulty procured a delay ofone night for deliberation, that I might employ it in acquainting youwith the danger which threatens you. At daybreak they intend holding ageneral assembly for the purpose of criminating me, and stirring upthe people against you; to-morrow, therefore, Enna will be inundatedeither with your blood, or that of its own inhabitants. If they arebeforehand with you, you will have no hope left, but if you anticipatetheir proceedings, you will have no danger. Victory will belong tothat side which shall have drawn the sword first. You shall all, therefore, full armed, attentively wait the signal. I shall be in theassembly, and by talking and disputing will spin out the time tillevery thing shall be ready. When I shall have given the signal with mygown, then, mind me raising a shout on all sides rush upon themultitude, and fell all before you with the sword, taking care that noone survive from whom either force or fraud can be apprehended. You, mother Ceres and Proserpine, I entreat, and all ye other gods, celestial and infernal, who frequent this city and these consecratedlakes and groves, that you would lend us your friendly and propitiousaid, as we adopt this measure not for the purpose of inflicting, butaverting injury. I should exhort you at greater length my soldiers, ifyou were about to fight with armed men, men unarmed and off theirguard, you will slay to satiety. The consul's camp too is near, sothat nothing can be apprehended from Himilco and the Carthaginians'. "

39. Being allowed to retire immediately after this exhortation, theyemployed themselves in taking refreshment. The next day they stationedthemselves some in one place and others in another, to block up thestreets, and shut up the ways by which the townsmen might escape, thegreater part of them stationing themselves upon and round the theatre, as they had been accustomed before also to be spectators of theassemblies. When the Roman praefect, having been brought into thepresence of the people by the magistrates, said, that the power andauthority of deciding the question appertained to the consul, and notto him, repeating for the most part what he had urged the day before, first of all a small number, and then more, desired him to give up thekeys, but afterwards all with one consent demanded it, and when hehesitated and delayed, threatened him furiously, and seemed as thoughthey would not further delay violent extremities then the praefectgave the signal agreed upon with his gown and the soldiers, who hadbeen long anxiously waiting the signal, and in readiness, raising ashout, ran down, some of them from the higher ground, upon the rear ofthe assembly while others blocked up the passages leading out of thecrowded theatre. The people of Enna thus shut up in the pit were putto the sword, being heaped one upon another not only in consequence ofthe slaughter, but also from their own efforts to escape, for somescrambling over the heads of others, and those that were unhurtfalling upon the wounded, and the living upon the dead, they wereaccumulated together. Thence they ran in every direction throughoutthe city, when nothing was any where to be seen but flight andbloodshed, as though the city had been captured, for the rage of thesoldiery was not less excited in putting to the sword an unarmedrabble, than it would have been had the heat of battle and an equalityof danger stimulated it. Thus possession of Enna was retained, by anact which was either atrocious or unavoidable. Marcellus did notdisapprove of the deed, and gave up the plunder of the place to thesoldiery, concluding that the Sicilians, deterred by this example, would refrain from betraying their garrisons. As this city wassituated in the heart of Sicily, and was distinguished both on accountof the remarkable strength of its natural situation, and because everypart of it was rendered sacred by the traces it contained of the rapeof Proserpine of old, the news of its disaster spread though the wholeof Sicily in nearly one day, and as people considered that by thishorrid massacre violence had been done not only to the habitations ofmen, but even of the gods, then indeed those who even before thisevent were in doubt which side they should take, revolted to theCarthaginians Hippocrates and Himilco, who had in vain brought uptheir troops to Enna at the invitation of the traitors, retiredthence, the former to Murgantia, the latter to Agrigentum. Marcellusretrograded into the territory of Leontium, and after collecting aquantity of corn and other provisions in his camp there, left a smallbody of troops to protect it, and then went to carry on the siege ofSyracuse. Appius Claudius having been allowed to go from thence toRome to put up for the consulship, he appointed Titus QuintusCrispinus to command the fleet and the old camp in his room. Hehimself fortified his camp, and built huts for his troops at adistance of five miles from Hexapylum, at a place called Leon. Thesewere the transactions in Sicily up to the beginning of the winter. 

40. The same summer the war with king Philip, as had been beforesuspected, broke out. Ambassadors from Oricum came to Marcus Valerius, the praetor, who was directing his fleet around Brundusium and theneighbouring coasts of Calabria, with intelligence, that Philip hadfirst made an attempt upon Apollonia, having approached it by sailingup the river with a hundred and twenty barks with two banks of oars;after that, not succeeding so speedily as he had hoped, that he hadbrought up his army secretly to Oricum by night; which city, as it wassituated on a plain, and was not secured either by fortifications orby men and arms, was overpowered at the first assault. At the sametime that they delivered this intelligence, they entreated him tobring them succour, and repel that decided enemy of the Romans by landor by a naval force, since they were attacked for no other cause thanthat they lay over against Italy. Marcus Valerius, leaving PubliusValerius lieutenant-general charged with the protection of thatquarter, set sail with his fleet equipped and prepared, having put onboard of ships of burthen such soldiers as there was not room for inthe men of war, and reached Oricum on the second day; and as that citywas occupied by a slight garrison, which Philip had left on hisdeparture thence, he retook it without much opposition. Hereambassadors came to him from Apollonia, stating that they weresubjected to a siege because they were unwilling to revolt from theRomans, and that they would not be able any longer to resist the powerof the Macedonians, unless a Roman force were sent for theirprotection. Having undertaken to perform what they wished, he sent twothousand chosen armed men in ships of war to the mouth of the river, under the command of Quintus Naevius Crista, praefect of the allies, aman of enterprise, and experienced in military affairs. Having landedhis troops, and sent back the ships to join the rest of the fleet atOricum, whence he had come, he marched his troops at a distance fromthe river, by a way not guarded at all by the king's party, andentered the city by night, so that none of the enemy perceived him. During the following day they remained quiet, to afford time for thepraefect to inspect the youth of Apollonia, together with the arms andresources of the city. Having derived considerable confidence from areview and inspection of these, and at the same time discovering fromscouts the supineness and negligence which prevailed among the enemy, he marched out of the city during the dead of night without any noise, and entered the camp of the enemy, which was in such a neglected andexposed state, that it was quite clear that a thousand men had passedthe rampart before any one perceived them, and that had they abstainedfrom putting them to the sword, they might have penetrated to theroyal pavilion. The killing of those who were nearest the gate arousedthe enemy; and in consequence, they were all seized with such alarmand dismay, that not only none of the rest attempted to take arms orendeavour to expel the enemy from the camp, but even the king himself, betaking himself to flight, in a manner half naked and just as he waswhen roused from his sleep, hurried away to the river and his ships ina garb scarcely decent for a private soldier, much less for a king. Thither also the rest of the multitude fled with the utmostprecipitation. Little less than three thousand men were slain or madeprisoners in the camp; considerably more, however, were captured thanslain. The camp having been plundered, the Apollonians removed intotheir city the catapults, ballistas, and other engines which had beengot together for the purpose of assaulting their city, for theprotection of their walls, in case at any time a similar conjunctureshould arise; all the rest of the plunder which the camp afforded wasgiven up to the Romans. Intelligence of these events having beencarried to Oricum, Marcus Valerius immediately brought his fleet tothe mouth of the river, that the king might not attempt to make hisescape by ship. Thus Philip, having lost all hope of being able tocope with his enemies by land or sea, and having either hauled onshore or burnt his ships, made for Macedonia by land, his troops beingfor the most part unarmed and despoiled of their baggage. The Romanfleet, with Marcus Valerius, wintered at Oricum. 

41. The same year the war was prosecuted in Spain with varioussuccess; for before the Romans crossed the Iberus, Mago and Hasdrubalhad routed an immense army of Spaniards; and the farther Spain wouldhave revolted from the Romans, had not Publius Cornelius, hastilycrossing the Iberus with his army, given a seasonable stimulus to thewavering resolutions of his allies by his arrival among them. TheRomans first encamped at a place called the High Camp, which isremarkable for the death of the great Hamilcar. It was a fortressstrongly defended by works, and thither they had previously conveyedcorn; but as the whole circumjacent country was full of enemy'stroops, and the Roman army on its march had been charged by thecavalry of the enemy without being able to take revenge upon them, twothousand men, who either loitered behind or had strayed through thefields, having been slain, the Romans quitted this place to get nearerto a friendly country, and fortified a camp at the mount of Victory. To this place came Cneius Scipio with all his forces, and Hasdrubal, son of Gisgo, and a third Carthaginian general, with a complete army, all of whom took up a position opposite the Roman camp and on theother side the river. Publius Scipio, going out with some light troopsto take a view of the surrounding country, was observed by the enemy;and he would have been overpowered in the open plain, had he notseized an eminence near him. Here too he was closely invested, but wasrescued from the troops which environed him by the arrival of hisbrother. Castulo, a city of Spain, so strong and celebrated, and soclosely connected with the Carthaginians, that Hannibal had taken awife from it, revolted to the Romans. The Carthaginians commenced thesiege of Illiturgi, because there was a Roman garrison in it; and itseemed that they would carry the place, chiefly in consequence of alack of provisions. Cneius Scipio, setting out with a legion lightlyequipped, in order to bring succour to his allies and the garrison, entered the city, passing between the two camps of the enemy, andslaying a great number of them. The next day also he sallied out andfought with equal success. Above twelve thousand were slain in the twobattles, more than a thousand made prisoners, and thirty-six militarystandards captured. In consequence of this they retired fromIlliturgi. After this the siege of Bigerra, a city which was also inalliance with the Romans, was commenced by the Carthaginians; butScipio coming up, raised the siege without experiencing anyopposition. 

42. The Carthaginians then removed their camp to Munda, whither theRomans speedily followed them. Here a pitched battle was fought, whichlasted almost four hours; and while the Romans were carrying allbefore them in the most glorious manner, the signal for retreat wassounded, because the thigh of Cneius Scipio had been transfixed with ajavelin. The soldiers round about him were thrown into a state ofgreat alarm, lest the wound should be mortal. However, there was nodoubt but that if they had not been prevented by the intervention ofthis accident, they might have taken the Carthaginian camp that day. By this time, not only the men, but the elephants, were driven quiteup to the rampart; and even upon the top of it nine and thirtyelephants were pierced with spears. In this battle, too, as many astwelve thousand are said to have been slain, nearly three thousandcaptured, with fifty-seven military standards. The Carthaginiansretired thence to the city Auringis, whither the Romans followed them, in order to take advantage of their terror. Here Scipio again foughtthem, having been carried into the field in a small litter; thevictory was decisive; but not half so many of the enemy were slain asbefore, because fewer survived to fight. But this family, whichpossessed a natural talent at renewing war and restoring its effects, in a short time recruited their army, Mago having been sent by hisbrother to press soldiers, and assumed courage to try the issue of afresh struggle. Though the soldiers were for the most part different, yet as they fought in a cause which had so often been unsuccessfulwithin the space of a few days, they carried into the field the samestate of mind as those which had been engaged before, and the issue ofthe battle was similar. More than eight thousand were slain, not muchless than a thousand captured, with fifty-eight military standards. The greater part of the spoils had belonged to the Gauls, consistingof golden chains and bracelets in great numbers. Also twodistinguished Gallic petty princes, whose names were Moenicaptus andCivismarus, fell in this battle. Eight elephants were captured andthree slain. When affairs went on so prosperously in Spain, the Romansbegan to feel ashamed that Saguntum, on account of which the war hadoriginated, should continue for now the eighth year in the power ofthe enemy. Accordingly, having expelled by force the Carthaginiangarrison, they retook that town, and restored it to such of theancient inhabitants as had survived the fury of the war. TheTurditanians also, who had been the cause of the war between thatpeople and the Carthaginians, they reduced under their power, soldthem as slaves, and razed their city. 

43. Such were the achievements in Spain during the consulate ofQuintus Fabius and Marcus Claudius. At Rome, as soon as the newplebeian tribunes entered upon their office, Lucius Metellus, aplebeian tribune, immediately appointed a day for impleading thecensors, Publius Furius and Marcus Atilius, before the people. In thepreceding year, when he was quaestor, they had deprived him of hishorse, removed him from his tribe, and disfranchised him, on accountof the conspiracy entered into at Cannae to abandon Italy. But beingaided by the other nine tribunes, they were forbidden to answer whilein office, and were discharged. The death of Publius Furius preventedtheir completing the lustrum. Marcus Atilius abdicated his office. Anassembly for the election of consuls was held by Quintus FabiusMaximus. The consuls elected were Quintus Fabius Maximus, son of theconsul, and Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus a second time, both beingabsent. The praetors appointed were Marcus Atilius, and the two curuleaediles, Publius Sempronius Tuditanus and Cneius Fulvius Centumalus, together with Marcus Aemilius Lepidus. It is recorded, that the scenicgames were this year, for the first time, celebrated for four days bythe curule aediles. The aedile Tuditanus was the man who made his waythrough the midst of the enemy at Cannae when all the rest wereparalysed with fear, in consequence of that dreadful calamity. As soonas the elections were completed, the consuls elect having beensummoned to Rome, at the instance of Quintus Fabius, the consul, entered upon their office, and took the sense of the senate respectingthe war, their own provinces as well as those of the praetors, andalso respecting the armies to be employed, and which each of them wasto command. 

44. The provinces and armies were thus distributed: the prosecution ofthe war with Hannibal was given to the consuls, and of the armies, onewhich Sempronius himself had commanded, and another which the consulFabius had commanded, each consisting of two legions. Marcus Aemilius, the praetor, who had the foreign jurisdiction, was to have Luceria ashis province, with the two legions which Quintus Fabius, then consul, had commanded as praetor, his colleague, Marcus Atilius, the citypraetor, undertaking the duties of his office. The province ofAriminum fell to the lot of Publius Sempronius, that of Suessula toCneius Fulvius, with two legions each likewise; Fulvius taking withhim the city legions; Tuditanus receiving his from Manius Pomponius. The following generals were continued in command, and their provincesassigned to them thus: to Marcus Claudius, so much of Sicily as laywithin the limits of the kingdom of Hiero; to Lentulus, thepropraetor, the old province in that island; to Titus Otacilius, thefleet; no additional troops were assigned to them. Marcus Valerius hadGreece and Macedonia, with the legion and the fleet which he hadthere; Quintus Mucius had Sardinia, with his old army, consisting oftwo legions; Caius Terentius, Picenum, with one legion which he thencommanded. Besides, orders were given to enlist two legions for thecity, and twenty thousand men from the allies. With these leaders andthese forces did they fortify the Roman empire against the many warswhich had either actually broken out, or were suspected at one and thesame time. After enlisting the city legions and raising troops to makeup the numbers of the others, the consuls, before they quitted thecity, expiated the prodigies which were reported. A wall and a gatehad been struck by lightning; and at Aricia even the temple of Jupiterhad been struck by lightning. Other illusions of the eyes and earswere credited as realities. An appearance as of ships had been seen inthe river at Tarracina, when there were none there. A clashing of armswas heard in the temple of Jupiter Vicilinus, in the territory ofCompsa; and a river at Amiternum had flowed bloody. These prodigieshaving been expiated according to a decree of the pontiffs, theconsuls set out, Sempronius for Lucania, Fabius for Apulia. The fatherof the latter came into the camp at Suessula, as hislieutenant-general; and when the son advanced to meet him, thelictors, out of respect for his dignity, went on in silence. The oldman rode past eleven of the fasces, when the consul ordered the lictornearest to him to take care and he called to him to dismount; then atlength dismounting, he exclaimed, "I wished to try, my son, whetheryou were duly sensible that you are a consul. "

45. To this camp came Dasias Altinius of Arpi privately and by night, attended by three slaves, with a promise that if he should receive areward for it, he would engage to betray Arpi to them. Fabius havinglaid the matter before a council, some were of opinion that "he oughtto be scourged and put to death as a deserter, as a man of unstablemind, and a common enemy to both sides; who, after the defeat atCannae, had gone over to Hannibal and drawn Arpi into revolt, as if itwere right that a man's fidelity should vary according to thefluctuations of fortune; and who now, when the Roman cause, contraryto his hopes and wishes, was as it were rising up again, would seem toaggravate his baseness by recompensing those whom he had formerlybetrayed, by fresh betrayal. That a man whose custom it was to espouseone side, while his heart was on another, was unworthy of confidenceas an ally, and contemptible as an enemy; that he ought to be made athird example to deserters, in addition to the betrayers of Faleriiand Pyrrhus. " On the other hand, Fabius, the father of the consul, observed, that, "forgetful of circumstances, men were apt to exercisea free judgment on every question in the heat of war, as in time ofpeace; for though in the present instance that which ought rather toform the object of their endeavours and to occupy their thoughts, isby what means it may be brought about that none of the allies mayrevolt from the Roman people, yet that they never think of; but, onthe contrary, they urge that an example ought to be made of any whomight repent and look back upon their former alliance. But if it isallowable to forsake the Romans, and not allowable to return to them, who can doubt but that in a short time the Romans, deserted by theirallies, will see every state in Italy united in leagues with theCarthaginians. Not, however, that he was of opinion that anyconfidence was to be reposed in Altinius, but he would invent somemiddle course of proceeding. Treating him neither as an enemy nor as afriend for the present, his wish was, that he should be kept duringthe war in some city whose fidelity could be relied on, at a shortdistance from the camp, in a state of easy restraint; and that whenthe war was concluded, they should then deliberate whether he moredeserved to be punished for his former defection, or pardoned for hispresent return. " The opinion of Fabius was approved of. Altinius wasbound in chains and given into custody, together with his companions, and a large quantity of gold which he brought with him was ordered tobe kept for him. He was kept at Cales, where, during the day, he wasunconfined, but attended by guards who locked him up at night. He wasfirst missed and inquired for at his house at Arpi. But afterwards, when the report of his absence had spread through the city, a violentsensation was excited, as if they had lost their leader, and, from theapprehension of some attempt to alter the present state of things, messengers were immediately despatched to Hannibal. With this theCarthaginian was far from being displeased, both because he had longregarded the man himself with suspicion, as one of doubtful fidelity, and because he had now been lucky enough to get a pretext forpossessing himself of the property of so wealthy a person. But thatthe world might suppose that he had yielded to resentment more than toavarice, he added cruelty to rapacity; for he summoned his wife andchildren to the camp, and after having made inquiry, first, respectingthe flight of Altinius, and then, touching the quantity of gold andsilver which was left at his house, and informed himself on all thesepoints, he burned them alive. 

46. Fabius, setting out from Suessula, first set about the siege ofArpi; and having pitched his camp about half a mile from it, he took anear view of the site and walls of the city, and resolved to attackit, in preference, in that quarter where it was most secured by works, and where the least care was taken in guarding it. After getting allthings together which could be of use in besieging a city, he selectedthe most efficient of the centurions out of the whole army, placingthem under the command of tribunes of approved valour, and giving themsix hundred soldiers, a number which was thought sufficient for thepurpose. These he ordered to bring the scaling ladders to the placewhich he had marked out, as soon as the signal of the fourth watch hadsounded. In this part there was a low and narrow gate, opening into astreet which was little frequented, and which led through a desertedpart of the city. He ordered them, after scaling the wall, to proceedto this gate, and break down the bars on the inside by force, and whenthey were in possession of that part of the city, to give a signalwith a cornet, that the rest of the troops might be brought up, observing that he would have every thing prepared and ready. Theseorders were executed promptly, and that which seemed likely to impedetheir operations, served more than any thing to conceal them. A showerof rain, which came on suddenly at midnight, compelled the guards andwatches to slip away from their posts and take shelter in the houses;and the noise of the shower, which was somewhat copious, at firstprevented their hearing that which was made by the men in breakingopen the gate. Afterwards, when it fell upon the ear more gently anduniformly, it lulled a great number of the men to sleep. After theyhad secured possession of the gate, they placed cornet-players in thestreet at equal distances, and desired them to sound, in order to callthe consul. This being done according to the plan previously agreedupon, the consul ordered the troops to march, and a little beforedaylight entered the city through the broken gate. 

47. Then at length the enemy were roused, the shower was nowsubsiding, and daylight coming on. Hannibal had a garrison of aboutfive thousand armed men in the city, and the inhabitants themselveshad three thousand men in arms; these the Carthaginians placed infront against the enemy, to guard against any treachery on their rear. The fight was carried on at first in the dark, and in the narrowstreets, the Romans having seized not only the streets, but the housesalso nearest the gate, that they might not be struck or wounded by anything discharged at them from above. Some of the Arpinians and Romansrecognised each other, which led to conversations, in which the Romansasked them, what it was they meant? for what offence on the part ofthe Romans, or what service on that of the Carthaginians, they, whowere Italians, made war in favour of foreigners and barbarians, against their ancient allies the Romans, and endeavoured to renderItaly tributary and stipendiary to Africa? The Arpinians urged inexcuse of themselves, that in ignorance of all the circumstances, theyhad been sold to the Carthaginians by their nobility, and that theywere kept in a state of thraldom and oppression by the few. Abeginning having been made, greater numbers on both sides entered intoconversation; and at length the praetor of Arpi was brought by hiscountrymen before the consul, and after exchanging assurances in themidst of the standards and the troops, the Arpinians suddenly turnedtheir arms against the Carthaginians, in favour of the Romans. SomeSpaniards also, little less than a thousand in number, after onlystipulating with the consul that the Carthaginian garrison might beallowed to march out unhurt, passed over to the consul. The gates weretherefore thrown open for the Carthaginians; and being allowed to goout unmolested, in conformity with the stipulation, they joinedHannibal in Salapia. Thus was Arpi restored to the Romans, without theloss of a life, except that of one man, who was formerly a traitor, and recently a deserter. The Spaniards were ordered to receive adouble allowance of provisions, and on very many occasions therepublic availed itself of their brave and faithful services. Whileone of the consuls was in Apulia, and the other in Lucania, a hundredand twelve Campanian noblemen, having gone out of Capua, with thepermission of the magistrates, under pretence of collecting booty fromthe enemy's lands, came into the Roman camp, which lay above Suessula. They told the soldiers, forming the vanguard, that they wished tospeak with the praetor. Cneius Fulvius commanded the camp; who, onbeing informed of the circumstance, ordered ten of them to be broughtinto his presence unarmed; and after hearing their request, (and allthey asked was, that when the Romans should recover Capua, theirproperty might be restored to them, ) they were all received under hisprotection. The other praetor, Sempronius Tuditanus, took by force thetown of Aternum; more than seven thousand were captured, with aconsiderable quantity of coined brass and silver. A dreadful firehappened at Rome, which continued for two nights and a day; everything was burnt to the ground between the Salinae and the Carmentalgate, with the Aequimaelium and the Jugarian street. In the temples ofFortune, Mater Matuta, and Hope, which latter stood without the gate, the fire, spreading to a wide extent, consumed much both sacred andprofane. 

48. The same year, the two Cornelii, Publius and Cneius, as affairswere now in a prosperous state in Spain, and they had recovered manyancient allies, and attached fresh ones to them, extended their viewseven to Africa. Syphax was a king of the Numidians, who had suddenlybecome hostile to the Carthaginians; to him they sent three centurionsas ambassadors, to form a treaty of friendship and alliance with him;and to promise, that, if he persevered in pressing the war against theCarthaginians, he would render an acceptable service to the senate andpeople of Rome, and they would endeavour to requite the favour withlarge additions, and at a seasonable time. This embassy was gratifyingto the barbarian; and when conversing with the ambassadors on the artof war he heard the observations of those experienced soldiers, bycomparing his own practice with so regular a system of discipline, hebecame sensible of how many things he himself was ignorant. Then heentreated them to give the first proof of their being good andfaithful allies, "by letting two of them carry back the result oftheir embassy to their generals, while one remained with him as hisinstructor in military science, observing that the Numidian nationwere unacquainted with the method of carrying on war with foot forces, being useful only as mounted soldiers. That it was in this manner thattheir ancestors had carried on war even from the first origin of theirnation, and to this they were habituated from their childhood. Butthat they had to contend with an enemy who relied upon the prowess oftheir infantry; with whom, if they wished to be placed upon anequality in respect of efficient strength, they must also furnishthemselves with infantry. That his dominions abounded with a largequantity of men fit for the purpose, but that he was unacquainted withthe art of arming, equipping, and marshalling them; that all hisinfantry were unwieldy and unmanageable, like a rabble collectedtogether by chance. " The ambassadors answered, that they would complywith his request for the present, on his engaging to send him backimmediately, if their generals did not approve of what they had done. The name of the person who staid behind with the king was QuintusStatorius. With the two other Romans, the Numidian sent ambassadorsinto Spain, to receive the ratification of the alliance from the Romangenerals. He gave it in charge to the same persons, forthwith toinduce the Numidians, who were serving as auxiliaries among theCarthaginian troops, to go over to the other side. Statorius raised abody of infantry for the king out of the large number of young menwhich he found; and having formed them into companies, in closeimitation of the Roman method, taught them to follow their standardsand keep their ranks when being marshalled, and when performing theirevolutions; and he so habituated them to military works and othermilitary duties, that in a short time the king relied not more on hiscavalry than on his infantry; and in a regular and pitched battle, fought on a level plain, he overcame his enemies, the Carthaginians. In Spain also the arrival of the king's ambassadors was of thegreatest advantage to the Romans, for at the news thereof theNumidians began rapidly to pass over. Thus the Romans and Syphax wereunited in friendship, which the Carthaginians hearing of, immediatelysent ambassadors to Gala, who reigned in another part of Numidia, overa nation called Massylians. 

49. Gala had a son named Masinissa, seventeen years of age, but ayouth of such talents, that even at that time it was evident that hewould render the kingdom more extensive and powerful than when hereceived it. The ambassadors represented that, "since Syphax hadunited himself with the Romans, that by their alliance he mightstrengthen his hands against the kings and nations of Africa, it wouldbe better for Gala also to unite with the Carthaginians as soon aspossible, before Syphax crossed over into Spain, or the Romans intoAfrica; that Syphax might be overpowered, while as yet he derivednothing from his league with the Romans but the name of it. " Gala, hisson claiming to be intrusted with the conduct of the war, was easilyprevailed upon to send an army, which, joined by the legions of theCarthaginians, totally defeated Syphax in a great battle. In thisthirty thousand men are said to have been slain. Syphax, with a fewhorsemen, fled from the field, and took refuge among the MaurusianNumidians, a nation dwelling at the extremity of Africa, near theocean, and over against Gades. But the barbarians flocking to hisstandard from all sides, in consequence of his great renown, hespeedily armed a very large force. Before he passed over with theseforces into Spain, which was separated only by a narrow strait, Masinissa came up with his victorious army; and here he acquired greatglory in the prosecution of the war with Syphax, in which he actedalone and unsupported by any aid from the Carthaginians. In Spainnothing worth mentioning was performed, except that the Romans drewover to their side the Celtiberian youth, by giving them the same paywhich they had stipulated with the Carthaginians to pay them. Theyalso sent above three hundred Spaniards of the greatest distinctioninto Italy, to bring over their countrymen, who served among theauxiliary troops of Hannibal. The only memorable circumstance of thisyear in Spain was, that the Romans then, for the first time, employedmercenary troops in their camp, namely, the Celtiberians. 

BOOK XXV. 

_Publius Cornelius Scipio, afterwards called Africanus, electedaedile before he had attained the age required by the law. The citadelof Tarentum, in which the Roman garrison had taken refuge, betrayed toHannibal. Games instituted in honour of Apollo, called Apollinarian. Quintus Fulvius and Appius Claudius, consuls, defeat Hanno theCarthaginian general. Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus betrayed by aLucanian to Mago, and slain. Centenius Penula, who had been acenturion, asks the senate for the command of an army, promising toengage and vanquish Hannibal, is cut off with eight thousand men. Cneius Fulvius engages Hannibal, and is beaten, with the loss ofsixteen thousand men slain, he himself escapes with only two hundredhorsemen. Quintus Fulvius and Appius Claudius, consuls, lay siege toCapua. Syracuse taken by Claudius Marcellus after a siege of threeyears. In the tumult occasioned by taking the city, Archimedes iskilled while intently occupied on some figures which he had drawn inthe sand. Publius and Cornelius Scipio, after having performed manyeminent services in Spain, are slain, together with nearly the wholeof their armies, eight years after their arrival in that country; andthe possession of that province would have been entirely lost, but forthe valour and activity of Lucius Marcius, a Roman knight, who, collecting the scattered remains of the vanquished armies, utterlydefeats the enemy, storming their two camps, killing thirty-seventhousand of them, and taking eighteen hundred together with an immensebooty. _

 * * * * *

1. Hannibal passed the summer during which these events occurred inAfrica and Italy, in the Tarentine territory, with the hope of havingthe city of the Tarentines betrayed to him. Meanwhile someinconsiderable towns belonging to them, and to the Sallentines, revolted to him. At the same time, of the twelve states of theBruttians, which had in a former year gone over to the Carthaginians, the Consentians and Thurians returned to the protection of the Romanpeople. And more would have done the same, had not Titus PomponiusVeientanus, praefect of the allies, having acquired the appearance ofa regular general, in consequence of several successful predatoryexpeditions in the Bruttian territory, got together a tumultuary band, and fought a battle with Hanno. In that battle, a great number of men, consisting, however, of a disorderly rabble of slaves and rustics, were slain or captured. The least part of the loss was, that thepraefect himself was taken prisoner; for he was not only in thepresent instance guilty of having rashly engaged the enemy, butpreviously, in the capacity of farmer of the revenue, by iniquitouspractices of every description, had shown himself faithless andinjurious to the state, as well as the companies. Among the Lucanians, the consul, Sempronius, fought several small battles, but none worthyof being recorded, he also took several inconsiderable towns. Inproportion as the war was protracted, and the sentiments no less thanthe circumstances of men fluctuated accordingly as events flowedprosperously or otherwise, the citizens were seized with such apassion for superstitious observances, and those for the most partintroduced from foreign countries, that either the people or the godsappeared to have undergone a sudden change. And now the Roman riteswere growing into disuse, not only in private, and within doors, butin public also; in the forum and Capitol there were crowds of womensacrificing, and offering up prayers to the gods, in modes unusual inthat country. A low order of sacrificers and soothsayers had enslavedmen's understandings, and the numbers of these were increased by thecountry people, whom want and terror had driven into the city, fromthe fields which were lain uncultivated during a protracted war, andhad suffered from the incursions of the enemy, and by the profitablecheating in the ignorance of others which they carried on like anallowed and customary trade. At first, good men gave protest inprivate to the indignation they felt at these proceedings, butafterwards the thing came before the fathers, and formed a matter ofpublic complaint. The aediles and triumviri, appointed for theexecution of criminals, were severely reprimanded by the senate fornot preventing these irregularities, but when they attempted to removethe crowd of persons thus employed from the forum, and to overthrowthe preparations for their sacred rites, they narrowly escapedpersonal injury. It being now evident, that the evil was too powerfulto be checked by inferior magistrates, the senate commissioned MarcusAtilius, the city praetor, to rid the people of these superstitions. He called an assembly, in which he read the decree of the senate, andgave notice, that all persons who had any books of divination, orforms of prayer, or any written system of sacrificing, should lay allthe aforesaid books and writings before him before the calends ofApril; and that no person should sacrifice in any public orconsecrated place according to new or foreign rites. 

2. Several of the public priests too died this year: Lucius CorneliusLentulus, chief pontiff, Caius Papirius Maso, son of Caius, a pontiff, Publius Furius Philo, an augur, and Caius Papirius Maso, son ofLucius, a decemvir for the superintendence of sacred rites. In lieu ofLentulus, Marcus Cornelius Cethegus, in lieu of Papirius Cnaeius, Servilius Caepio, were created pontiffs. Lucius Quinctius Flaminiuswas created augur, and Lucius Cornelius Lentulus decemvir for thesuperintendence of sacred rites. The time for the election of consulswas now approaching; but as it was not thought proper to call theconsuls away from the war with which they were intently occupied, Tiberius Sempronius, the consul, nominated Caius Claudius Centho asdictator to hold the election. He appointed Quintus Fulvius Flaccus ashis master of the horse. On the first day on which the election couldbe held, the dictator appointed as consuls, Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, his master of the horse, and Appius Claudius Pulcher, who had held thegovernment of Sicily as praetor. The praetors created were CneiusFulvius Flaccus, Caius Claudius Nero, Marcus Junius Silanus, PubliusCornelius Sulla. The election completed, the dictator retired from hisoffice. This year, Publius Cornelius Scipio, afterwards surnamedAfricanus, held the office of curule aedile, with Marcus CorneliusCethegus; and when the tribunes of the people opposed his pretensionsto the aedileship, alleging, that no notice ought to be taken of him, because he had not attained the legal age for candidateship, heobserved, "if the citizens in general are desirous of appointing meaedile, I am old enough. " Upon this the people ran to their respectivetribes to give their votes, with feelings so strongly disposed in hisfavour, that the tribunes on a sudden abandoned their attempt. Thelargesses bestowed by the aediles were the following: the Roman gameswere sumptuously exhibited, considering the present state of theirresources; they were repeated during one day, and a gallon of oil wasgiven to each street. Lucius Villius Tapulus, and Marcus FundaniusFundulus, the plebeian aediles, accused some matrons of misconductbefore the people, and some of them they convicted and sent intoexile. The plebeian games were repeated during two days, and a feastin honour of Jupiter was celebrated on occasion of the games. 

3. Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, for the third time, and Appius Claudiusentered upon the office of consuls. The praetors determined theirprovinces by lot. Publius Cornelius Sulla received both the city andthe foreign jurisdiction, formerly allotted to two persons, CneiusFulvius Flaccus, Apulia, Caius Claudius Nero, Suessula, and MarcusJunius Silanus, Tuscany. To the consuls the conduct of the war withHannibal was decreed with two legions each, one taking the troops ofQuintus Fabius, the consul of the former year, the other those ofFulvius Centumalus. Of the praetors, Fulvius Flaccus was to have thelegions which were in Luceria under Aemilius the praetor, NeroClaudius those in Picenum under Caius Terentius, each raising recruitsfor himself to fill up the number of his troops. To Marcus Junius thecity legions of the former year were assigned, to be employed againstthe Tuscans. Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus and Publius SemproniusTuditanus were continued in command in their provinces of Lucania andGaul with the armies they had, as was also Publius Lentulus in thatpart of Sicily which formed the ancient Roman province. MarcusMarcellus had Syracuse, and that which was the kingdom of Hiero. TitusOtacilius was continued in the command of the fleet, Marcus Valeriusin that of Greece, Quintus Mucius Scaevola in that of Sardinia. TheCornelii, Publius and Cneius, were continued in the command of Spain. In addition to the armies already existing, two legions for theservice of the city were levied by the consuls, and a total oftwenty-three legions was made up this year. The levy of the consulswas impeded by the conduct of Marcus Posthumius Pyrgensis, almostaccompanied with a serious disturbance. Posthumius was a farmer of therevenue, who, for knavery and rapacity, practised through a course ofmany years, had no equal except Titus Pomponius Veientanus, who hadbeen taken prisoner the former year by the Carthaginians under theconduct of Hanno, while carelessly ravaging the lands in Lucania. Asthe state had taken upon itself the risk of any loss which might arisefrom storms to the commodities conveyed to the armies, not only hadthese two men fabricated false accounts of shipwrecks, but even thosewhich had really occurred were occasioned by their own knavery, andnot by accident. Their plan was to put a few goods of little valueinto old and shattered vessels, which they sank in the deep, taking upthe sailors in boats prepared for the purpose, and then returningfalsely the cargo as many times more valuable than it was. Thisfraudulent practice had been pointed out to Marcus Atilius, thepraetor in a former year, who had communicated it to the senate; nodecree, however, had been passed censuring it, because the fatherswere unwilling that any offence should be given to the order ofrevenue farmers while affairs were in such a state. The people wereseverer avengers of the fraud; and at length two tribunes of thepeople, Spurius and Lucius Carvilius, being moved to take some activemeasure, as they saw that this conduct excited universal disgust, andhad become notorious, proposed that a fine of two hundred thousandasses should be imposed on Marcus Posthumius. When the day arrived forarguing the question, the people assembled in such numbers, that thearea of the Capitol could scarcely contain them; and the cause havingbeen gone through, the only hope of safety which presented itself was, that Caius Servilius Casca, a tribune of the people, a connexion andrelation of Posthumius, should interpose his protest before the tribeswere called to give their votes. The witnesses having been produced, the tribunes caused the people to withdraw, and the urn was brought, in order that the tribes should draw lots which should give the votefirst. Meanwhile, the farmers of the revenue urged Casca to stop theproceedings for that day. The people, however, loudly opposed it; andCasca happened to be sitting on the most prominent part of therostrum, whose mind fear and shame were jointly agitating. Seeing thatno dependence was to be placed in him for protection, the farmers ofthe revenue, forming themselves into a wedge, rushed into the voidspace occasioned by the removal of the people for the purpose ofcausing disturbance, wrangling at the same time with the people andthe tribunes. The affair had now almost proceeded to violence, whenFulvius Flaccus, the consul, addressing the tribunes, said, "Do younot see that you are degraded to the common rank, and that aninsurrection will be the result, unless you speedily dismiss theassembly of the commons. "

4. The commons being dismissed, the senate was assembled, when theconsuls proposed the consideration of the interruption experienced bythe assembly of the commons, in consequence of the violence andaudacity of the farmers of the revenue. They said, that "Marcus FuriusCamillus, whose banishment was followed by the downfall of the city, had suffered himself to be condemned by his exasperated countrymen. That before him, the decemviri, according to whose laws they lived upto the present day, and afterwards many men of the first rank in thestate, had submitted to have sentence passed upon them by the people. But Posthumius Pyrgensis had wrested from the Roman people their rightof suffrage, had dissolved the assembly of the commons, had set atnought the authority of the tribunes, had drawn up a body of men inbattle-array against the Roman people; and seized upon a post, inorder to cut off the tribunes from the commons, and prevent the tribesbeing called to give their votes. That the only thing which hadrestrained the people from bloodshed and violence, was the forbearanceof the magistrates in giving way for the moment to the fury andaudacity of a few individuals, and suffering themselves and the Romanpeople to be overcome; and that no opportunity might be afforded thosewho were seeking an occasion of violence, in dissolving, agreeably tothe wish of the defendant himself, that assembly which he was about tointerrupt by force of arms. " Observations of this kind having beenurged with a warmth proportioned to the atrocity of the conduct whichcalled them forth, by all the most respectable persons, and the senatehaving passed a decree to the effect that the violence offered wasprejudicial to the state, and a precedent of pernicious tendency, immediately the Carvilii, tribunes of the people, giving up the actionfor a fine, appointed a day on which Posthumius should be triedcapitally, and ordered, that unless he gave bail, he should beapprehended by the beadle, and carried to prison. Posthumius gavebail, but did not appear. The tribunes then proposed to the commons, and the commons resolved, that if Marcus Posthumius did not appearbefore the calends of May, and if on being cited on that day he didnot answer, and sufficient cause were not shown why he did not, hewould be adjudged an exile, his goods would be sold, and himselfinterdicted from water and fire. They then proceeded to indictcapitally, and demand bail of each of the persons who had been thepromoters of the disorder and riot. At first they threw into prisonthose who did not give bail, and afterwards even such as could; uponwhich the greater part of them went into exile, to avoid the danger towhich this proceeding exposed them. 

5. The knavery of the revenue farmers, and their subsequent audaciousconduct to screen themselves from its effects, thus terminated. Anassembly was then held for the creation of a chief pontiff. The newpontiff, Marcus Cornelius Cethegus, presided. The election wascontested with the greatest obstinacy by three candidates, QuintusFulvius Flaccus, the consul, who had been twice consul before andcensor, Titus Manhus Torquatus, who had himself also beendistinguished by two consulships and the censorship, and PubliusLicinius Ciassus, who was about to stand for the office of curuleaedile. In this contest, the last-mentioned candidate, though a youngman, beat the others, who were his superiors in years, and had filledoffices of honour. Before him there had not been a man for a hundredand twenty years, except Publius Cornelius Calussa, who had beencreated chief pontiff without having sat in the curule chair. Thoughthe consuls found great difficulty in completing the levy, for inconsequence of the scarcity of young men, it was not easy to procureenough for the two purposes of forming the new city legions, andrecruiting the old ones, the senate forbade them to desist from theattempt, and ordered two triumvirates to be appointed, one of whichwithin, the other without the fiftieth mile from the city, mightascertain the utmost number of free-born men which were to be found inthe villages, and market towns, and hamlets, and enlist whom theythought strong enough to bear arms, though they had not attained themilitary age. That the tribunes of the people, if they thought proper, should propose to the people, that such as should take the militaryoath being under seventeen years, should be allowed to reckon theirperiod of service in the same manner as if they had enlisted atseventeen or older. The two triumvirates, created agreeably to thisdecree of the senate, enlisted free-born men throughout the country. At the same time a letter from Marcellus from Sicily, respecting thepetition of the troops who served with Publius Lentulus, was read inthe senate. These troops were the relics of the disaster at Cannae, and had been sent out of the way into Sicily, as has been mentionedbefore, on an understanding that they should not be brought homebefore the conclusion of the Carthaginian war. 

6. With the permission of Lentulus, these men sent the mostdistinguished of the cavalry and centurions, and a select body of thelegionary infantry, as ambassadors to Marcellus, to his winterquarters. Having obtained leave to speak, one of them thus addressedhim: "We should have approached you, Marcus Marcellus, when consul inItaly, as soon as that decree of the senate was passed respecting us, which, though not unjust, was certainly severe, had we not hoped, thatbeing sent into a province which was in a state of disorder inconsequence of the death of its kings, to carry on an arduous waragainst the Sicilians and Carthaginians together, we should makeatonement to the state by our blood and wounds, in the same manner as, within the memory of our fathers, those who were taken prisoners byPyrrhus at Heraclea, made atonement by fighting against the samePyrrhus. And yet, for what fault of ours, conscript fathers, did youthen, or do you now, feel displeasure towards us; for when I look uponyou, Marcus Marcellus, I seem to behold both the consuls and the wholebody of the senate; and had you been our consul at Cannae, a betterfate would have attended the state as well as ourselves. Permit me, Ientreat you, before I complain of the hardship of our situation, toclear ourselves of the guilt with which we are charged. If it wasneither by the anger of the gods, nor by fate, according to whose lawsthe course of human affairs is unalterably fixed, but by misconductthat we were undone at Cannae; but whose was that misconduct; thesoldiers', or that of their generals? For my own part, I, as asoldier, will never say a word of my commander, particularly when Iknow that he received the thanks of the senate for not havingdespaired of the state; and who has been continued in command throughevery year since his flight from Cannae. We have heard that othersalso who survived that disaster, who were military tribunes, solicitand fill offices of honour, and have the command of provinces. Do youthen, conscript fathers, pardon yourselves and your children, whileyou exercise severity towards such insignificant persons as we are? Itwas no disgrace to a consul and other leading persons in the state, tofly when no other hope remained; and did you send your soldiers intothe field as persons who must of necessity die there? At the Allianearly the whole army fled; at the Caudine Forks the troops deliveredup their arms to the enemy, without even making an effort; not tomention other disgraceful defeats of our armies. Yet, so far from anymark of infamy being sought for, which might be fixed upon thesetroops, the city of Rome was recovered by means of those very troopswho had fled to Veii from the Allia; and the Caudine legions, whichhad returned to Rome without their arms, being sent back armed toSamnium, brought under the yoke that very enemy who had exulted in thedisgrace which, in this instance, attached to them. But is there a manwho can bring a charge of cowardice or running away against the armywhich fought at Cannae, where more than fifty thousand men fell; fromwhence the consul fled with only seventy horsemen; where not a mansurvived, except perchance those whom the enemy left, being weariedwith killing? When the proposal to ransom the prisoners was negatived, we were the objects of general commendation, because we reservedourselves for the service of the state; because we returned to theconsul to Venusia, and exhibited an appearance of a regular army. Nowwe are in a worse condition than those who were taken prisoners in thetime of our fathers; for they only had their arms, the nature of theirservice, and the place where they might pitch their tents in the campaltered; all which, however, they got restored by one service renderedto the state, and by one successful battle. Not one of them was sentaway into banishment; not one was deprived of the hope of completingthe period of his service; in short, an enemy was assigned to them, fighting with whom they might at once terminate their life or theirdisgrace. We, to whom nothing can be objected, except that it is owingto us that any Roman soldier has survived the battle of Cannae, areremoved far away, not only from our country and Italy, but even froman enemy; where we may grow old in exile, where we can have no hope oropportunity of obliterating our disgrace, of appeasing the indignationof our countrymen, or, in short, of obtaining an honourable death. Weseek neither to have our ignominy terminated, nor our virtue rewarded, we only ask to be allowed to make trial of our courage, and toexercise our virtue. We seek for labour and danger that we maydischarge the duty of men and soldiers. A war is carrying on inSicily, now for the second year, with the utmost vigour on both sides. The Carthaginians are storming some cities, the Romans others, armiesof infantry and horse are engaging in battle, at Syracuse the war isprosecuted by sea and by land. We hear distinctly the shout of thecombatants, and the din of arms, while we ourselves lie inactive andunemployed, as if we had neither hands nor arms. The consul, Sempronius has now fought many pitched battles with the enemy withlegions of slaves. They receive as the fruits of their exertion theirliberty, and the rights of citizens. Let us at least be employed byyou as slaves purchased for the service of this war, let us be allowedto combat with the enemy and acquire our freedom by fighting. Do youwish to make trial of our valour by sea, by land, in a pitched battle, or in the assault of towns? We ask as our portion all thoseenterprises which present the greatest difficulty and danger, thatwhat ought to have been done at Cannae may be done as soon aspossible, for the whole of our subsequent lives has been doomed toignominy. "

7. At the conclusion of this speech they prostrated themselves at theknees of Marcellus. Marcellus replied, that the question was neitherwithin his authority nor his power, that he would, however, write tothe senate, and be guided in every thing he did by the judgment of thefathers. This letter was brought to the new consuls, and by them readin the senate, and, on the question being put relative to this letter, they decreed, "that the senate saw no reason why the interests of therepublic should be intrusted to the hands of soldiers who had desertedthen comrades, in battle, at Cannae. If Marcus Marcellus, theproconsul, thought otherwise, that he should act as he deemedconsistent with the good of the republic and his own honour, with thisproviso, however, that none of these men should be exempt fromservice, nor be presented with any military reward in consideration ofvalour, or be conveyed back to Italy, while the enemy was in thatcountry. " After this, agreeably to the decree of the senate, and theorder of the people, an election was held by the city praetor, atwhich five commissioners were created for the purpose of repairing thewalls and turrets, and two sets of triumviri, one to search for theproperty belonging to the temples, and to register the offerings, theother for repairing the temples of Fortune and Mother Matuta withinthe Carmental gate, and also that of Hope without the gate, which hadbeen destroyed by fire the year before. Dreadful storms occurred atthis time. It rained stones for two days without intermission in theAlban mount. Many places were struck by lightning; two buildings inthe Capitol, the rampart in the camp above Suessula in many places, and two of the men on guard were killed. A wall and certain towers atCannae were not only struck with lightning, but demolished. At Reate, a vast rock was seen to fly about; the sun appeared unusually red andblood-like. On account of these prodigies there was a supplication forone day, and the consuls employed themselves for several days insacred rites; at the same time there was a sacred rite performedthrough nine days. An accidental circumstance which occurred at adistance, hastened the revolt of Tarentum, which had now for a longtime been the object of the hopes of Hannibal and of the suspicion ofthe Romans. Phileas, a native of Tarentum, who had been a long time atRome under the pretence of an embassy, being a man of a restless mind, and ill brooking that inactive state in which he considered that hispowers had been for too long a time sinking into imbecility, discovered for himself a means of access to the Tarentine hostages. They were kept in the court of the temple of Liberty, and guarded withless care, because it was neither the interest of themselves nor oftheir state to escape from the Romans. By corrupting two of thekeepers of the temple, he was enabled to hold frequent conferenceswith them, at which he solicited them to come into this design; andhaving brought them out of their place of confinement as soon as itwas dark, he became the companion of their clandestine flight, and gotclear away. As soon as day dawned, the news of their escape spreadthrough the city, and a party sent in pursuit, having seized them allat Tarracina, brought them back. They were led into the Comitium, andafter being scourged with rods, with the approbation of the people, were thrown down from the rock. 

8. The severity of this punishment exasperated the inhabitants of twoof the most distinguished Greek states in Italy, not only publicly ascommunities, but privately as individuals, according as each wasconnected, either by relationship or friendship, with those who hadbeen so disgracefully put to death. Of these about thirteen nobleTarentine youths formed a conspiracy, the chief of whom were Nico andPhilemenus. Concluding that it would be right to confer with Hannibalbefore they took any step, they went to him, having been allowed to goout of the city by night on pretence of hunting. When they were nownot far from the camp, all the rest hid themselves in a wood by theroad side; but Nico and Philemenus, proceeding to the advanced guard, were seized, and at their own request brought before Hannibal. Havinglaid before him the motives of their plan, and the object they had inview, they received the highest commendation, and were loaded withpromises; and that their countrymen might believe that they had goneout of the city to obtain plunder, they were desired to drive to thecity some cattle of the Carthaginians which had been sent out tograze. A promise was given them that they might do this without dangeror interruption. The booty of the young men attracted notice, and lessastonishment was therefore felt that they should frequently repeat theattempt. At a second meeting with Hannibal they entered into a solemnengagement, that the Tarentines should be free, enjoying their ownlaws, and all their rights uninterfered with; that they should neitherpay any tribute to the Carthaginians, nor receive a garrison againsttheir will; that their present garrison should be delivered up to theCarthaginians. These points being agreed upon, Philemenus then beganto repeat more frequently his customary practice of going out andreturning to the city followed by his dogs, and furnished with theother requisites for hunting; for he was remarkable for his fondnessof hunting; and generally bringing home something which he hadcaptured or taken away from the enemy, who had purposely placed it inhis way he presented it to the commander or the guards of the gates. They supposed that he preferred going and returning by night throughfear of the enemy. After this practice had become so familiar, that atwhatever time of the night he gave a signal, by whistling, the gatewas opened, Hannibal thought that it was now time to put the plan inexecution. He was at the distance of three days' journey, and todiminish the wonder which would be felt at his keeping his camp fixedin one and the same place so long, he feigned himself ill. Even to theRomans who formed the garrison of Tarentum, his protracted inactivityhad ceased to be an object of suspicion. 

9. But after he determined to proceed to Tarentum, selecting from hisinfantry and cavalry ten thousand men, whom, from activity of body, and lightness of arms, he judged best adapted for the expedition, hebegan his march in the fourth watch of the night; and sending inadvance about eighty Numidian horsemen, ordered them to scour thecountry on each side of the road, and narrowly examine every place, lest any of the rustics who might have observed his army at a distanceshould escape; to bring back those who were got before, and kill thosewhom they met, that they might appear to the neighbouring inhabitantsto be a plundering party, rather than a regular army. Hannibalhimself, marching at a rapid pace, pitched his camp about fifteenmiles from Tarentum; and without telling his soldiers even there, whatwas their destination, he only called them together and admonishedthem to march all of them in the road, and not to suffer any one toturn aside or deviate from the line; and above all, that they would beon the watch, so as to catch the word of command, and not do any thingwithout the order of their leaders; that in due time he would issuehis commands as to what he wished to be done. About the same hour arumour reached Tarentum, that a few Numidian horsemen were devastatingthe fields, and had terrified the rustics through a wide extent ofcountry; at which intelligence the Roman praefect took no further stepthan to order a division of his cavalry to go out the following day atsunrise to check the depredations of the enemy; and so far was he fromdirecting his attention to any thing else on this account, that on thecontrary, this excursion of the Numidians was a proof to him thatHannibal and his army had not moved from his camp. Early in the nightHannibal put his troops in motion, and Philemenus, with his customaryburden of prey taken in hunting, was his guide. The rest of theconspirators waited the accomplishment of what had been concerted; andthe agreement was, that Philemenus, while bringing in his prey throughthe small gate by which he was accustomed to pass, should introducesome armed men, while Hannibal in another quarter approached the gatecalled Temenis, which faced the east, in that quarter which wastowards the continent, near the tombs which were within the walls. When he drew near to the gate, Hannibal raised a fire according toagreement, which made a blaze; the same signal was returned by Nico, and the fires were extinguished on both sides. Hannibal led his troopson in silence to the gate. Nico suddenly fell upon the guards whileasleep, slew them in their beds, and opened the gate. Hannibal thenentered with his infantry, ordering his cavalry to stay behind, thatthey might be able to bring their assistance wherever it was requiredwithout obstruction. Philemenus also in another quarter approached thesmall gate by which he was accustomed to pass and re-pass. His voice, which was well known, for he said he could scarcely bear the weight ofthe huge beast he had gotten, and his signal, which had now becomefamiliar, having roused the guard, the small gate was opened. Twoyouths carrying in a boar, Philemenus himself followed, with ahuntsman, unencumbered, and while the attention of the guard wasincautiously turned upon those who carried the boar, in consequence ofits astonishing size, he transfixed him with a hunting spear. Aboutthirty armed men then entering, slew the rest of the guards, and brokeopen the adjoining gate, when a body of troops, in regular array, instantly rushed in. Being conducted hence in silence to the forum, they joined Hannibal. The Carthaginian then sent the Tarentines, withtwo thousand Gauls formed into three divisions, in differentdirections through the city, with orders to occupy the most frequentedstreets. A confusion arising, the Romans were put to the sword on allhands. The townsmen were spared; but in order to insure this, heinstructed the Tarentine youths, when they saw any of their friends ata distance, to bid them be quiet and silent, and be of good courage. 

10. The tumult and clamour was now such as usually takes place in acaptured city, but no man knew for certain what was the occasion. TheTarentines supposed that the Romans had suddenly risen to plunder thecity. To the Romans it appeared, that some commotion had been set onfoot by the townsmen with a treacherous design. The praefect, who wasawakened at the first alarm, escaped to the port, whence getting intoa boat he was conveyed round to the citadel. The sound of a trumpetalso from the theatre excited alarm; for it was a Roman trumpet, prepared by the conspirators for this very purpose; and as it wasblown unskilfully by a Grecian, it could not be ascertained who gavethe signal, or to whom it was given. At dawn of the day, the Romansrecognised the Carthaginian and Gallic arms, which removed all doubt;and the Greeks, seeing the bodies of slain Romans spread about in alldirections, perceived that the city had been taken by Hannibal. Whenthe light had increased, so that they could discriminate with greatercertainty, and the Romans who survived the carnage had taken refuge inthe citadel, the tumult now beginning to subside a little, Hannibalgave orders to assemble the Tarentines without their arms. All of themattended the assembly, except those who had accompanied the Romans intheir retreat to the citadel, to share every fortune with them. HereHannibal having addressed the Tarentines in terms of kindness, andappealed to the services he had rendered to those of their countrymenwhom he had captured at the Trasimenus and at Cannae, and having atthe same time inveighed against the haughty domination of the Romans, desired that they would every one of them retire to their respectivehouses, and inscribe their names upon their doors; declaring, that heshould give orders that those houses which had not the names writtenupon them should be plundered. That if any man should write his nameupon the house of a Roman, (and the Romans occupied houses bythemselves, ) he should treat him as an enemy. Having dismissed theassembly, and the names inscribed upon the doors having made it easyto distinguish the house of an enemy from that of a friend, on asignal given, the troops ran in every direction to plunder thelodgings of the Romans, and a considerable booty was found. 

11. The next day he led his troops to assault the citadel; but seeingthat it was protected by very high rocks towards the sea, which washedthe greater part of it, and formed it into a sort of peninsula, andtowards the city by a wall and ditch, and consequently that it couldnot be taken by assault or by works; lest the design to protect theTarentines should detain him from the prosecution of more importantobjects, and lest the Romans should have the power of sallying fromthe citadel whenever they pleased against the Tarentines, if leftwithout a strong protecting force, he resolved to cut off thecommunication between the citadel and city by a rampart; not without ahope that he might have an opportunity of fighting with the Romans, when attempting to obstruct the work; and if they should sally forthtoo eagerly, that by killing many of them the strength of the garrisonwould be so far reduced, that the Tarentines alone would be easilyable to defend themselves from them. After they had begun, the Romans, suddenly throwing open the gate, rushed in upon the workmen. The guardstationed before the works allowed itself to be driven back, in orderthat their boldness might be increased by success, and that they mightpursue them when driven back, in greater numbers, and to a greaterdistance. Then on a signal given, the Carthaginians, whom Hannibalkept in readiness for this purpose, sprang up on all sides; nor couldthe Romans sustain the attack, but were prevented from precipitateflight by the narrowness of the ground, by impediments occasioned insome places by the works already commenced, in others by thepreparations for the work. Most of them were driven headlong into theditch, and more were killed in the flight than in the battle. Afterthis the work was commenced without any attempt to obstruct it. Alarge ditch was formed, within which a rampart was thrown up. Heprepared also to add a wall at a small distance, and on the same side, that they might defend themselves from the Romans even without agarrison. He, however, left them a small force, at once for theirprotection and to assist in building the wall. The general himself, setting out with the rest of his forces, pitched his camp at the riverGalaesus, five miles from the city. Returning from this position toinspect the work, which had gone on somewhat faster than he hadanticipated, he conceived a hope that the citadel might even be takenby storm; for it was not protected by an elevated situation as theother parts were, but placed upon a plain, and separated from the cityonly by a wall and ditch. While subjected to an attack from every kindof military engine and work, a reinforcement sent from Metapontuminspired the Romans with courage to assault the works of the enemy, bya sudden attack, under cover of the night. Some of them they threwdown, others they destroyed by fire, and thus there was an end toHannibal's attempts against the citadel in that quarter. His onlyremaining hope was in a siege; nor did that afford a good prospect ofsuccess, because, occupying a citadel which was placed on a peninsulaand commanded the entrance of the harbour, they had the sea open tothem, while the city, on the contrary, was deprived of any supplies bysea: and thus the besiegers were in greater danger of want than thebesieged. Hannibal assembled the chief men of the Tarentines, and laidbefore them all the present difficulties. He said, "That he couldneither discover any method by which a citadel so well fortified couldbe taken, nor could he hope for any favourable result from a siege, while the enemy was master of the sea; but that if ships could beobtained, by which the introduction of supplies might be prevented, the enemy would either immediately evacuate it, or surrenderthemselves. " The Tarentines agreed with him; but were of opinion, that"he who gave the advice ought also to assist in carrying it intoexecution; for if the Carthaginian ships were brought there fromSicily, they would be able to effect it; but by what means could theirown ships, shut up as they were in a confined harbour, the mouth ofwhich was in the command of the enemy, be brought out into the opensea. " "They shall be brought out, " said Hannibal. "Many things whichare difficult in themselves, are easily effected by contrivance. Youhave a city situated upon a plain; you have level and sufficientlywide roads extending in every direction. By the road which runsthrough the midst of the city from the harbour to the sea I willconvey your ships in waggons without any great difficulty, and the seawill be ours which the enemy now commands. We will invest the citadelon one side by sea, on the other by land; nay, rather, in a shorttime, we will take it either abandoned by the enemy, or with the enemyin it. " This speech not only inspired hopes of accomplishing theobject, but excited the greatest admiration of the general. Waggonswere immediately collected from every quarter and joined together;machines were employed to haul the ships on shore, and the road wasprepared, in order that the waggons might run more easily, and thusthe difficulty of passing be diminished. Beasts of burden and men werenext collected, and the work was actively commenced. After the lapseof a few days, the fleet, equipped and ready for action, sailed roundthe citadel, and cast anchor just before the mouth of the harbour. Such was the state of things at Tarentum, when Hannibal left it andreturned to his winter quarters. Authors, however, are divided as towhether the defection of the Tarentines took place in the present orformer year. The greater number, and those who, from their age, weremore able to recollect these events, represent it to have occurred inthe present year. 

12. The Latin holidays detained the consuls and praetors at Rome tillthe fifth of the calends of May; on which day, having completed thesolemnities on the mount, they proceeded to their respectiveprovinces. Afterwards a new difficulty respecting religious mattersarose out of the prophetic verses of Marcius, who had been adistinguished soothsayer; and on a search being made the year before, for books of this description, agreeably to a decree of the senate, these verses had fallen into the hands of Marcus Atilius, the citypraetor, who had the management of that business, and he hadimmediately handed them over to the new praetor, Sulla. The importanceattached to one of the two predictions of Marcius, which was broughtto light after the event to which it related had occurred, and thetruth of which was confirmed by the event, attached credence to theother, the time of whose fulfilment had not yet arrived. In the formerprophecy, the disaster at Cannae was predicted in nearly these words:"Roman of Trojan descent, fly the river Canna, lest foreigners shouldcompel thee to fight in the plain of Diomede. But thou wilt notbelieve me until thou shalt have filled the plain with blood, and theriver carries into the great sea, from the fruitful land, manythousands of your slain countrymen, and thy flesh becomes a prey forfishes, birds, and beasts inhabiting the earth. For thus hath Jupiterdeclared to me. " Those who had served in that quarter recognised thecorrespondence with respect to the plains of the Argive Diomede andthe river Canna, as well as the defeat itself. The other prophecy wasthen read, which was more obscure, not only because future events aremore uncertain than past, but also from being more perplexed in itsstyle of composition. "Romans, if you wish to expel the enemy and theulcer which has come from afar, I advise, that games should be vowed, which may be performed in a cheerful manner annually to Apollo; whenthe people shall have given a portion of money from the publiccoffers, that private individuals then contribute, each according tohis ability. That the praetor shall preside in the celebration ofthese games, who holds the supreme administration of justice to thepeople and commons. Let the decemviri perform sacrifice with victimsafter the Grecian fashion. If you do these things properly you willever rejoice, and your affairs will be more prosperous, for that deitywill destroy your enemies who now, composedly, feed upon your plains. "They took one day to explain this prophecy. The next day a decree ofthe senate was passed, that the decemviri should inspect the booksrelating to the celebration of games and sacred rites in honour ofApollo. After they had been consulted, and a report made to thesenate, the fathers voted, that "games should be vowed to Apollo andcelebrated; and that when the games were concluded, twelve thousand_asses_ should be given to the praetor to defray the expense ofsacred ceremonies, and also two victims of the larger sort. " A seconddecree was passed, that "the decemviri should perform sacrifice in theGrecian mode, and with the following victims: to Apollo, with a gildedox, and two white goats gilded; to Latona, with a gilded heifer. " Whenthe praetor was about to celebrate the games in the Circus Maximus, heissued an order, that during the celebration of the games, the peopleshould pay a contribution, as large as was convenient, for the serviceof Apollo. This is the origin of the Apollinarian games, which werevowed and celebrated in order to victory, and not restoration tohealth, as is commonly supposed. The people viewed the spectacle ingarlands; the matrons made supplications; the people in generalfeasted in the courts of their houses, throwing the doors open; andthe day was distinguished by every description of ceremony. 

13. While Hannibal was in the neighbourhood of Tarentum, and both theconsuls in Samnium, though they seemed as if they were about tobesiege Capua, the Campanians were experiencing famine, that calamitywhich is the usual attendant of a protracted siege. It was occasionedby the Roman armies' having prevented the sowing of the lands. Theytherefore sent ambassadors to Hannibal, imploring him to give ordersthat corn should be conveyed to Capua from the neighbouring places, before both the consuls led their legions into their fields, and allthe roads were blocked up by the troops of the enemy. Hannibal orderedHanno to pass with his army from Bruttium into Campania, and to takecare that the Campanians were supplied with corn. Hanno, setting outfrom Bruttium with his army, and carefully avoiding the camp of theenemy and the consuls who were in Samnium, when he drew near toBeneventum, pitched his camp on an eminence three miles from the city. He next ordered that the corn which had been collected during thesummer, should be brought from the neighbouring people in alliancewith him, into his camp, assigning a guard to escort those supplies. He then sent a messenger to the Capuans, fixing a day when they shouldattend at his camp to receive the corn, bringing with them vehiclesand beasts of every description, collected from every part of theircountry. The Campanians executed this business with their usualindolence and carelessness. Somewhat more than four hundred vehicles, with a few beasts of burden besides, were sent. After receiving areproof from Hanno for this conduct, who told them, that not evenhunger, which excited dumb animals to exertion, could stimulate themto diligence, another day was named when they were to fetch the cornafter better preparation. All these transactions being reported to theBeneventans, just as they occurred, they lost no time in sending tenambassadors to the Roman consuls, who were encamped in theneighbourhood of Bovianum. The consuls, hearing what was going on atCapua, arranged it so that one of them should lead an army intoCampania; and Fulvius, to whose lot that province had fallen, settingout by night, entered the walls of Beneventum. Being now near theenemy, he obtained information that Hanno had gone out to forage witha portion of his troops; that the Campanians were supplied with cornby a quaestor; that two thousand waggons had arrived together with anundisciplined and unarmed rabble; that every thing was done in adisorderly and hurried manner; and that the form of a camp, and allmilitary subordination, were destroyed by the intermixture of rusticsout of the neighbourhood. This intelligence being sufficientlyauthenticated, the consul ordered his soldiers to get ready only theirstandards and arms against the next night, as he must attack theCarthaginian camp. They set out at the fourth watch of the night, leaving all their packages and baggage of every description atBeneventum; and arriving a little before daylight at the camp, theyoccasioned such a panic, that, had the camp been situated on levelground, it might doubtlessly have been taken on the first assault. Theheight of its situation and the works defended it; for they could notbe approached on any side except by a steep and difficult ascent. Atbreak of day a hot engagement commenced, when the Carthaginians notonly defended their rampart, but having more even ground, threw downthe enemy as they attempted to ascend the steep. 

14. Persevering courage, however, at length prevailed over everyimpediment, and they made their way up to the ditch and rampart inseveral parts at the same time, but with many wounds and much loss ofsoldiers. The consul, therefore assembling the military tribunes, saidthey must desist from this inconsiderate enterprise; and that itappeared to him to be the safer course, that the troops should be ledback to Beneventum for that day, and then on the following day topitch his camp close to that of the enemy, so that the Campanianscould not quit it, nor Hanno return to it; and in order that thatobject might be attained with the greater ease, that he should sendfor his colleague and his army; and that they would direct their wholeforce on that point. This plan of the general was disconcerted, afterthe signal began to sound for a retreat, by the clamours of thesoldiery, who despised so pusillanimous an order. Nearest to the gateof the enemy's camp was a Pelignian cohort, whose commander, VibiusAccuaeus, seizing the standard, threw it over the rampart. Thenpronouncing a curse upon himself and his cohort, if the enemy gotpossession of that standard, he rushed forward before the rest, andcrossing the ditch and rampart, burst into the camp of the enemy. ThePelignians were now fighting within the rampart, when in anotherquarter Valerius Flaccus, a military tribune of the third legion, taunting the Romans with cowardice for conceding to allies the honourof taking the camp. Titus Pedanius, first centurion of the firstcentury, snatched the standard out of the hands of thestandard-bearer, and cried out, "Soon shall this standard, and thiscenturion, be within the rampart of the enemy; let those follow whowould prevent the standard's being captured by the enemy. " Crossingthe ditch, he was followed first by the men of his own maniple, andthen by the whole legion. By this time the consul also, changing hisplan on seeing them crossing the rampart, began to incite andencourage his soldiers, instead of calling them off; representing tothem, how critical and perilous was the situation of the bravestcohort of their allies and a legion of their countrymen. All, therefore, severally exerting themselves to the utmost, regardlesswhether the ground were even or uneven, while showers of weapons werethrown against them from all sides, the enemy opposing their arms andtheir persons to obstruct them, made their way and burst in. Many whowere wounded, even those whose blood and strength failed them, pressedforward, that they might fall within the rampart of the enemy. Thecamp, therefore, was taken in an instant, as if it had been situatedupon level ground, and not completely fortified. What followed was acarnage rather than a battle. The troops of both sides being huddledtogether within the rampart, above six thousand of the enemy wereslain; above seven thousand, together with the Campanians who fetchedthe corn, and the whole collection of waggons and beasts of burden, were captured. There was also a great booty, which Hanno in hispredatory excursions, which he had been careful to make in everyquarter, had drawn together from the lands of the allies of theRomans. After throwing down the camp of the enemy, they returnedthence to Beneventum; and there both the consuls (for Appius Claudiuscame thither a few days after) sold the booty and distributed it, making presents to those by whose exertions the camp of the enemy hadbeen captured; above all, to Accuaeus the Pelignian, and TitusPedanius, first centurion of the third legion. Hanno, setting off fromCominium in the territory of Cere, whither intelligence of the loss ofthe camp had reached him, with a small party of foragers, whom hehappened to have with him, returned to Bruttium, more after the mannerof a flight than a march. 

15. The Campanians, when informed of the disaster which had befallenthemselves and their allies, sent ambassadors to Hannibal to informhim, that "the two consuls were at Beneventum, which was a day's marchfrom Capua; that the war was all but at their gates and their walls;and that if he did not hasten to their assistance, Capua would fallinto the power of the enemy sooner than Arpi had; that not evenTarentum itself, much less its citadel, ought to be considered of somuch consequence as to induce him to deliver up to the Roman people, abandoned and undefended, Capua, which he used to place on an equalfooting with Carthage. " Hannibal, promising that he would not neglectthe interest of the Campanians, sent, for the present, two thousandhorse, with the ambassadors, aided by which, they might secure theirlands from devastation. The Romans, meanwhile, among the other thingswhich engaged their attention, had an eye to the citadel of Tarentum, and the garrison besieged therein. Caius Servilius, lieutenant-general, having been sent, according to the advice of thefathers, by Publius Cornelius, the praetor, to purchase corn inEtruria, made his way into the harbour of Tarentum, through theguard-ships of the enemy, with some ships of burden. At his arrival, those who before, having very slight hopes of holding out, werefrequently invited by the enemy, in conferences, to pass over to them, now, on the contrary, were the persons to invite and solicit the enemyto come over to them; and now, as the soldiers who were at Metapontumhad been brought to assist in guarding the citadel of Tarentum, thegarrison was sufficiently powerful. In consequence of this measure, the Metapontines, being freed from the fears which had influencedthem, immediately revolted to Hannibal. The people of Thurium, situated on the same coast, did the same. They were influenced notmore by the defection of the Metapontines and Tarentines, with whomthey were connected, being sprung from the same country, Achaia, thanby resentment towards the Romans, in consequence of the recentexecution of the hostages. The friends and relations of these hostagessent a letter and a message to Hanno and Mago, who were not far offamong the Bruttii, to the effect, that if they brought their troops upto the walls, they would deliver the city into their hands. MarcusAtinius was in command at Thurium, with a small garrison, who theythought might easily be induced to engage rashly in a battle, not fromany confidence which he reposed in his troops, of which he had veryfew, but in the youth of Thurium, whom he had purposely formed intocenturies, and armed against emergencies of this kind. The generals, after dividing their forces between them, entered the territory ofThurium; and Hanno, with a body of infantry, proceeded towards thecity in hostile array. Hanno staid behind with the cavalry, under thecover of some hills, conveniently placed for the concealment of anambush. Atinius, having by his scouts discovered only the body ofinfantry, led his troops into the field, ignorant both of the domestictreachery and of the stratagem of the enemy. The engagement with theinfantry was particularly dull, a few Romans in the first rankengaging while the Thurians rather waited than helped on the issue. The Carthaginian line retreated, on purpose that they might draw theincautious enemy to the back of the hill, where their cavalry werelying in ambush; and when they had come there, the cavalry rising upon a sudden with a shout, immediately put to flight the almostundisciplined rabble of the Thurians, not firmly attached to the sideon which they fought. The Romans, notwithstanding they were surroundedand hard pressed on one side by the infantry, on the other by thecavalry, yet prolonged the battle for a considerable time; but atlength even they were compelled to turn their backs, and fled towardsthe city. There the conspirators, forming themselves into a densebody, received the multitude of their countrymen with open gates; butwhen they perceived that the routed Romans were hurrying towards thecity, they exclaimed that the Carthaginian was close at hand, and thatthe enemy would enter the city mingled with them, unless they speedilyclosed the gates. Thus they shut out the Romans, and left them to becut up by the enemy. Atinius, however, and a few others were taken in. After this for a short time there was a division between them, somebeing of opinion that they ought to defend the city, others that theyought, after all that had happened, to yield to fortune, and deliverup the city to the conquerors; but, as it generally happens, fortuneand evil counsels prevailed. Having conveyed Atinius and his party tothe sea and the ships, more because they wished that care should betaken of him, in consequence of the mildness and justice of hiscommand, than from regard to the Romans, they received theCarthaginians into the city. The consuls led their legions fromBeneventum into the Campanian territory, with the intention not onlyof destroying the corn, which was in the blade, but of laying siege toCapua; considering that they would render their consulate illustriousby the destruction of so opulent a city, and that they would wipe awaythe foul disgrace of the empire, from the defection of a city so nearremaining unpunished for three years. Lest, however, Beneventum shouldbe left without protection, and that in case of any sudden emergency, if Hannibal should come to Capua, in order to bring assistance to hisfriends, which they doubted not he would do, the cavalry might be ableto sustain his attack, they ordered Tiberius Gracchus to come fromLucania to Beneventum with his cavalry and light-armed troops and toappoint some person to take the command of the legions and stationarycamp, for the defence of Lucania. 

16. An unlucky prodigy occurred to Gracchus, while sacrificing, previous to his departure from Lucania. Two snakes gliding from asecret place to the entrails, after the sacrifice was completed, atethe liver; and after having been observed, suddenly vanished out ofsight. The sacrifice having been repeated according to the admonitionof the aruspices, and the vessel containing the entrails being watchedwith increased attention, it is reported that the snakes came asecond, and a third time, and, after tasting the liver, went awayuntouched. Though the aruspices forewarned him that the portent hadreference to the general, and that he ought to be on his guard againstsecret enemies and machinations, yet no foresight could avert thedestiny which awaited him. There was a Lucanian, named Flavius, theleader of that party which adhered to the Romans when the others wentover to Hannibal; he was this year in the magistracy, having beencreated praetor by the same party. Suddenly changing his mind, andseeking to ingratiate himself with the Carthaginians, he did not thinkit enough that he himself should pass over to them, or that he shouldinduce the Lucanians to revolt with him, unless he ratified his leaguewith the enemy with the head and blood of the general, betrayed tothem, though his guest. He entered into a secret conference with Mago, who had the command in Bruttium, and receiving a solemn promise fromhim, that he would take the Lucanians into his friendship, withoutinterfering with their laws, if he should betray the Roman general tothe Carthaginians, he conducted Mago to a place to which he was aboutto bring Gracchus with a few attendants. He then directed Mago to armhis infantry and cavalry, and to occupy the retired places there, inwhich he might conceal a very large number of troops. After thoroughlyinspecting and exploring the place on all sides, a day was agreed uponfor the execution of the affair. Flavius came to the Roman general, and said, that "he had begun a business of great importance, for thecompletion of which, it was necessary to have the assistance ofGracchus himself. That he had persuaded the praetors of all the stateswhich had revolted to the Carthaginians in the general defection ofItaly, to return into the friendship of the Romans, since now theRoman power too, which had almost come to ruin by the disaster atCannae. Was daily improving and increasing, while the strength ofHannibal was sinking into decay, and was almost reduced to nothing. Hehad told them that the Romans would be disposed to accept an atonementfor their former offence; that there never was any state more easy tobe entreated, or more ready to grant pardon; how often, he hadobserved to them, had they forgiven rebellion even in their ownancestors! These considerations, " he said, "he had himself urged, butthat they would rather hear the same from Gracchus himself in person, and touching his right hand, carry with them that pledge of faith. That he had agreed upon a place with those who were privy to thetransaction, out of the way of observation, and at no great distancefrom the Roman camp; that there the business might be settled in fewwords, so that all the Lucanian states might be in the alliance andfriendship of the Romans. " Gracchus, not suspecting any treacheryeither from his words or the nature of the proposal, and being caughtby the probability of the thing, set out from the camp with hislictors and a troop of horse, under the guidance of his host, and fellheadlong into the snare. The enemy suddenly arose from theirlurking-place, and Flavius joined them; which made the treacheryobvious. A shower of weapons was poured from all sides on Gracchus andhis troop. He immediately leaped from his horse, and ordering the restto do the same, exhorted them, that "as fortune had left them only onecourse, they would render it glorious by their valour. And what isthere left, " said he, "to a handful of men, surrounded by a multitude, in a valley hemmed in by a wood and mountains, except death? The onlyquestion was, whether, tamely exposing themselves to be butchered likecattle, they should die unavenged; or whether, drawing the mind offfrom the idea of suffering and anticipation of the event, and givingfull scope to fury and resentment, they should fall while doing anddaring, covered with hostile blood, amid heaps of arms and bodies oftheir expiring foes. " He desired that "all would aim at the Lucaniantraitor and deserter;" adding, that "the man who should send thatvictim to the shades before him, would acquire the most distinguishedglory, and furnish the highest consolation for his own death. " Whilethus speaking, he wound his cloak round his left arm, for they had noteven brought their shields out with them, and then rushed upon theenemy. The exertion made in the fight was greater than could beexpected from the smallness of the number. The bodies of the Romanswere most exposed to the javelins, with which, as they were thrown onall sides from higher ground into a deep valley, they were transfixed. The Carthaginians seeing Gracchus now bereft of support, endeavouredto take him alive; but he having descried his Lucanian host among theenemy, rushed with such fury into their dense body that it becameimpossible to save his life without a great loss. Mago immediatelysent his corpse to Hannibal, ordering it to be placed, with the fasceswhich were taken at the same time, before the tribunal of the general. This is the true account; Gracchus fell in Lucania, near the placecalled the Old Plains. 

17. There are some who have put forth an account, stating, that whenin the territory of Beneventum, near the river Calor, having gone outfrom his camp with his lictors and three servants, for the purpose ofbathing, he was slain while naked and unarmed, and endeavouring todefend himself with the stones which the river brought down, by aparty of the enemy which happened to be concealed among the osierswhich grew upon the banks. Others state, that having gone out fivehundred paces from the camp, at the instance of the aruspices, inorder to expiate the prodigies before mentioned on unpolluted ground, he was cut off by two troops of Numidians who happened to be lying inambush there. So different are the accounts respecting the place andmanner of the death of so illustrious and distinguished a man. Variousalso are the accounts of the funeral of Gracchus. Some say that he wasburied by his own friends in the Roman camp; others relate, and thisis the more generally received account, that a funeral pile waserected by Hannibal, in the entrance of the Carthaginian camp; thatthe troops under arms performed evolutions, with the dances of theSpaniards, and motions of the arms and body, which were customary withthe several nations; while Hannibal himself celebrated his obsequieswith every mark of respect, both in word and deed. Such is the accountof those who assert that the affair occurred in Lucania. If you aredisposed to credit the statement of those who relate that he was slainat the river Calor, the enemy got possession only of the head ofGracchus; which being brought to Hannibal, he immediately despatchedCarthalo to convey it into the Roman camp to Cneius Cornelius, thequaestor, who buried the general in the camp, the Beneventans joiningthe army in the celebration. 

18. The consuls having entered the Campanian territory, whiledevastating the country on all sides, were alarmed, and thrown intoconfusion, by an eruption of the townsmen and Mago with his cavalry. They called in their troops to their standards from the severalquarters to which they were dispersed, but having been routed whenthey had scarcely formed their line, they lost above fifteen hundredmen. The confidence of the Campanians, who were naturallypresumptuous, became excessive in consequence of this event, and inmany battles they challenged the Romans; but this one battle, whichthey had been incautiously and imprudently drawn into, had increasedthe vigilance of the consuls. Their spirits were restored, while thepresumption of the other party was diminished, by one triflingoccurrence; but in war nothing is so inconsiderable as not to becapable, sometimes, of producing important consequences. TitusQuinctius Crispinus was a guest of Badius, a Campanian, united withhim by the greatest intimacy. Their acquaintance had increased fromthe circumstance of Badius having received the most liberal and kindattentions at the house of Crispinus, in a fit of illness, at Rome, before the Campanian revolt. On the present occasion, Badius, advancing in front of the guards, which were stationed before thegate, desired Crispinus to be called; and Crispinus, on being informedof this, thinking that a friendly and familiar interview wasrequested, and the memory of their private connexion remaining evenamidst the disruption of public ties, advanced a little from the rest. When they had come within view of each other, Badius exclaimed, "Ichallenge you to combat, Crispinus; let us mount our horses, andmaking the rest withdraw, let us try which is the better soldier. " Inreply, Crispinus said, that "neither of them were in want of enemiesto display their valour upon; for his own part, even if he should meethim in the field he would turn aside, lest he should pollute hisright-hand with the blood of a guest;" and then turning round, wasgoing away. But the Campanian, with increased presumption, began tocharge him with cowardice and effeminacy, and cast upon him reproacheswhich he deserved himself, calling him "an enemy who sheltered himselfunder the title of host, and one who pretended to spare him for whomhe knew himself not to be a match. If he considered; that when publictreaties were broken, the ties of private connexion were not severedwith them, then Badius the Campanian openly, and in the hearing ofboth armies, renounced his connexion of hospitality with TitusQuinctius Crispinus the Roman. He said, that there could exist nofellowship or alliance with him and an enemy whose country andtutelary gods, both public and private, he had come to fight against. If he was a man, he would meet him. " Crispinus hesitated for a longtime; but the men of his troop at length prevailed upon him not toallow the Campanian to insult him with impunity. Waiting, therefore, only to ask his generals whether they would allow him to fight, contrary to rule, with an enemy who had challenged him; havingobtained their permission, he mounted his horse, and addressing Badiusby name, called him out to the combat. The Campanian made no delay. They engaged with their horses excited to hostility. Crispinustransfixed Badius with his spear in the left shoulder, over hisshield. He fell from his horse in consequence of the wound; andCrispinus leaped down to despatch him as he lay, on foot. But Badius, before his enemy was upon him, ran off to his friends, leaving hishorse and buckler. Crispinus, decorated with the spoils, anddisplaying the horse and arms which he had seized together with thebloody spear, was conducted amid the loud plaudits and congratulationsof the soldiery into the presence of the consuls, where he was highlycommended, and was presented with gifts. 

19. Hannibal, having moved his camp from the territory of Beneventumto Capua, drew out his troops in order of battle the third day afterhis arrival; not entertaining the least doubt but that, as theCampanians had fought successfully a few days ago when he was absent, the Romans would be still less able to withstand him and his army, which had been so often victorious. After the battle had commenced, the Roman line was distressed chiefly from the attack of the cavalry, being overwhelmed with their darts, till the signal was given to theRoman cavalry to direct their horses against the enemy; thus it was abattle of the cavalry. But at this time the Sempronian army, commandedby Cneius Cornelius the quaestor, being descried at a distance, excited alarm in both parties equally, lest those who were approachingshould be fresh enemies. As if by concert, therefore, both sounded aretreat; and the troops were withdrawn from the field to their camps, in an equal condition; a greater number, however, of the Romans fellin the first charge of the cavalry. The consuls, to divert theattention of Hannibal from Capua, departed thence on the followingnight in different directions, Fulvius into the territory of Cuma, Claudius into Lucania. The next day Hannibal, having receivedintelligence that the camp of the Romans was deserted, and that theyhad gone off in different directions in two divisions, doubtful atfirst which he should follow, commenced the pursuit of Appius; who, after leading him about whichever way he pleased, returned by anotherroute to Capua. Hannibal, while in this quarter, had anotheropportunity of gaining an advantage. Marcus Centenius, surnamedPenula, was distinguished among the centurions of the first rank bythe size of his person, and his courage. Having gone through hisperiod of service, he was introduced to the senate by PubliusCornelius Sulla, when he requested of the fathers that five thousandmen might be placed at his disposal. He said, that "as he wasacquainted with the character of the enemy, and the nature of thecountry, he should speedily perform some service; and that he wouldemploy those arts by which our generals and armies had been hithertoensnared against the inventor of them. " This was not promised morefoolishly than it was believed; as if the qualifications of a soldierand a general were the same. Instead of five, eight thousand men weregiven him, half Romans, half allies. He himself also got together aconsiderable number of volunteers, in the country, on his march; andhaving almost doubled his force, arrived in Lucania, where Hannibalhad halted after having in vain pursued Claudius. No doubt could beentertained of the issue of a contest which was to take place betweenHannibal, as general on one side, and a centurion on the other;between armies, one of which had grown old in victory, the otherentirely inexperienced, and for the most part even tumultuary andhalf-armed. As soon as the troops came within sight of each other, and neither of them declined an engagement, the lines were formed. Thebattle, notwithstanding the utter disparity of the contending parties, lasted more than two hours, the Roman troops acting with the greatestspirit as long as their general survived. But after that he hadfallen, for he continually exposed himself to the weapons of theenemy, not only from regard to his former character, but through fearof the disgrace which would attach to him if he survived a disasteroccasioned by his own temerity, the Roman line was immediately routed. But so completely were they prevented from flying, every way beingbeset by the cavalry, that scarcely a thousand men escaped out of solarge an army; the rest were destroyed on all hands, in one way orother. 

20. The siege of Capua was now resumed by the consuls with the utmostenergy. Every thing requisite for the business was conveyed thitherand got in readiness. A store of corn was collected at Casilinum; atthe mouth of the Vulturnus, where a town now stands, a strong post wasfortified; and a garrison was stationed in Puteoli, which Fabius hadformerly fortified, in order to have the command of the neighbouringsea and the river. Into these two maritime forts, the corn recentlysent from Sicily, with that which Marcus Junius, the praetor, hadbought up in Etruria, was conveyed from Ostia, to supply the armyduring the winter. But, in addition to the disaster sustained inLucania, the army also of volunteer slaves, who had served during thelife of Gracchus with the greatest fidelity, as if discharged fromservice by the death of their general, left their standards. Hannibalwas not willing that Capua should be neglected, or his alliesdeserted, at so critical a juncture; but, having obtained such successfrom the temerity of one Roman general, his attention was fixed on theopportunity which presented itself of crushing the other general andhis army. Ambassadors from Apulia reported that Cneius Fulvius, thepraetor, had at first conducted his measures with caution, whileengaged in besieging certain towns of Apulia, which had revolted toHannibal; but that afterwards, in consequence of extraordinarysuccess, both himself and his soldiers, being glutted with booty, hadso given themselves up to licentiousness and indolence, that allmilitary discipline was disregarded. Having frequently on otheroccasions, as well as but a few days ago, experienced what an army wasgood for, when conducted by an unskilful commander, he moved his campinto Apulia. 

21. The Roman legions, and the praetor, Fulvius, were in theneighbourhood of Herdonia, where, receiving intelligence of theapproach of the enemy, they had nearly torn up the standards and goneout to battle without the praetor's orders; nor did any thing tendmore to prevent it than the assured hope they entertained that theycould do so whenever they pleased, consulting only their own will. Thefollowing night, Hannibal having obtained information that the campwas in a state of tumult, and that most of the troops were in adisorderly manner urging the general to give the signal, and callingout to arms, and therefore feeling convinced that an opportunitypresented itself for a successful battle, distributed three thousandlight troops in the houses in the neighbourhood, and among the thornsand woods. These, on a signal being given, were to rise up from theirlurking-place with one accord; and Mago, with about two thousandhorse, was ordered to occupy all the roads in the direction in whichhe supposed their flight would be directed. Having made thesepreparations during the night, he led his troops into the field atbreak of day. Nor did Fulvius decline the challenge; not so much fromany hope of success entertained by himself, as drawn by the blindimpetuosity of his soldiers. Accordingly, the line itself was formedwith the same want of caution with which they entered the field, agreeably to the whim of the soldiers, who came up as chance directed, and took their stations just where they pleased; which they afterwardsabandoned, as fear or caprice suggested. The first legion and the leftwing of the allied troops were drawn up in front. The line wasextended to a great length, the tribunes remonstrating, that there wasno strength in it, and that wherever the enemy made the charge theywould break through it: but no salutary advice reached their minds, nor even their ears. Hannibal was now come up, a general of a totallydifferent character, with an army neither similar in its nature, norsimilarly marshalled. The consequence was, that the Romans did not somuch as sustain their shout and first attack. Their general, equal toCentenius in folly and temerity, but by no means to be compared withhim in courage, when he saw things going against him, and his troopsin confusion, hastily mounting his horse, fled from the field withabout two hundred horsemen. The rest of the troops, beaten in front, and surrounded on the flank and rear, were slaughtered to such adegree, that out of eighteen thousand men, not more than two thousandescaped. The enemy got possession of the camp. 

22. When these disastrous defeats, happening one upon another, werereported at Rome, great grief and consternation seized the city. Butstill, as the consuls had been hitherto successful when it was mostimportant, they were the less affected by these disasters. CaiusLastorius and Marcus Metilius were sent as ambassadors to the consuls, with directions carefully to collect the remains of the two armies, and use every endeavour to prevent their surrendering themselves tothe enemy, through fear or despair, (which was the case after thebattle of Cannae, ) and to search for the deserters from the army ofvolunteer slaves. Publius Cornelius was charged with the samebusiness; to him also the levy was intrusted. He caused an order to beissued throughout the market and smaller towns, that search should bemade for the volunteer slaves, and that they should be brought back totheir standards. All these things were executed with the most vigilantcare. The consul, Appius Claudius, having placed Decius Junius incommand at the mouth of the Vulturnus, and Marcus Aurelius Cotta atPuteoli, with directions to send off the corn immediately to the camp, as each of the ships from Etruria and Sardinia arrived with it, returned himself to Capua, and found his colleague Quintus Fulvius atCasilinum, conveying every requisite thence, and making everypreparation for the siege of Capua. Both of them then joined inbesieging the city, summoning Claudius Nero, the praetor, from theClaudian camp at Suessula; who, leaving a small garrison there, marched down to Capua with all the rest of his forces. Thus there werethree generals' tents erected round Capua; and three armies, applyingthemselves to the work in different parts, proceeded to surround thecity with a ditch and rampart, erecting forts at moderate intervals. The Campanians attempting to obstruct the work, a battle was fought inseveral places at once; the consequence of which was, that at lengththe Campanians confined themselves within their gates and walls. Before, however, these works were carried quite round, ambassadorswere sent to Hannibal to complain that Capua was abandoned, and almostgiven up to the Romans, and to implore him, that he would now, atleast, bring them assistance, when they were not only besieged, butsurrounded by a rampart. A letter was sent to the consuls from PubliusCornelius, the praetor, directing that before they completely enclosedCapua with their works, they should grant permission to such of theCampanians as chose to quit Capua, and take their property with them. That those should retain their liberty, and all their possessions, whoquitted it before the ides of March, but that those who quitted itafter that day, as well as those who continued there, would beconsidered as enemies. Proclamation was made to the Campanians to thiseffect, but it was received with such scorn, that they spontaneouslyused insulting language and menaces. Hannibal had marched his legionsfrom Herdonea to Tarentum, with the hope of getting possession of thecitadel of that place, by force or stratagem. But not succeedingthere, he turned his course to Brundusium, thinking that town would bebetrayed to him, but, while fruitlessly spending time there also, theCampanian ambassadors came to him with complaints and entreaties. Hannibal answered them in a proud manner, that he had before raisedthe siege of Capua, and that now the consuls would not sustain hisapproach. The ambassadors, dismissed with these hopes, with difficultyeffected their return to Capua, which was by this time surrounded by adouble trench and rampart. 

23. At the time when the circumvallation of Capua was carrying on withthe greatest activity, the siege of Syracuse, which had been forwardedby intestine treachery, in addition to the efforts and bravery of thegeneral and his army, was brought to a conclusion. For in thebeginning of spring, Marcellus being in doubt whether he should directthe operations of the war against Himilco and Hippocrates atAgrigentum, or press the siege of Syracuse, though he saw that it wasimpossible to take the city by force, which, from its situation, bothwith respect to sea and land, was impregnable, nor by famine, as itwas supported by an uninterrupted supply of provisions from Carthage, yet that he might leave no course untried, directed the Syracusandeserters (and there were in the Roman camp some men in this situationof the highest rank, who had been driven out of the city during thedefection from the Romans, because they were averse to a change ofmeasures) to sound the feelings of those who were of the same party inconferences, and to promise them, that if Syracuse was delivered up, they should have their liberty, and be governed by their own laws. There was no opportunity however, of having a conference; for as manywere suspected of disaffection, the attention and observation of allwere exerted, lest any thing of the kind should occur unknown to them. One of the exiles, who was a servant, having been allowed to enter thecity in the character of a deserter, assembled a few persons, andopened a conversation upon the subject. After this, certain persons, covering themselves with nets in a fishing smack, were in this wayconveyed round to the Roman camp, and conferred with the fugitives. The same was frequently repeated by different parties, one afteranother; and at last they amounted to eighty. But after every thinghad been concerted for betraying the city, the plot was reported toEpicydes, by one Attalus, who felt hurt that he had not been intrustedwith the secret; and they were all put to death with torture. Thisattempt having miscarried, another hope was immediately raised. OneDamippus, a Lacedaemonian, who had been sent from Syracuse to kingPhilip, had been taken prisoner by the Roman fleet. Epicydes wasparticularly anxious to ransom this man above any other; nor wasMarcellus disinclined to grant it; the Romans, even at this time, being desirous of gaining the friendship of the Aetolians, with whomthe Lacedaemonians were in alliance. Some persons having been sent totreat respecting his ransom, the most central and convenient place toboth parties for this purpose appeared to be at the Trogilian port, near the tower called Galeagra. As they went there several times, oneof the Romans, having a near view of the wall, and having determinedits height, as nearly as it could be done by conjecture, from countingthe stones, and by forming an estimate, in his own mind, what was theheight of each stone in the face of the work; and having come to theconclusion that it was considerably lower than he himself and all therest had supposed it, and that it was capable of being scaled withladders of moderate size, laid the matter before Marcellus. Itappeared a thing not to be neglected; but as the spot could not beapproached, being on this very account guarded with extraordinarycare, a favourable opportunity of doing it was sought for. This adeserter suggested, who brought intelligence that the Syracusans werecelebrating the festival of Diana; that it was to last three days, andthat as there was a deficiency of other things during the siege, thefeasts would be more profusely celebrated with wine, which wasfurnished by Epicydes to the people in general, and distributedthrough the tribes by persons of distinction. When Marcellus hadreceived this intelligence, he communicated it to a few of themilitary tribunes; then having selected, through their means, suchcenturions and soldiers as had courage and energy enough for soimportant an enterprise, and having privately gotten together a numberof scaling-ladders, he directed that a signal should be given to therest of the troops to take their refreshment, and go to rest early, for they were to go upon an expedition that night. Then the time, asit was supposed, having arrived, when, after having feasted from themiddle of the day, they would have had their fill of wine, and havebegun to sleep, he ordered the soldiers of one company to proceed withthe ladders, while about a thousand armed men were in silence marchedto the spot in a slender column. The foremost having mounted the wall, without noise or confusion, the others followed in order; the boldnessof the former inspiring even the irresolute with courage. 

24. The thousand armed men had now taken a part of the city, when therest, applying a greater number of ladders, mounted the wall on asignal given from the Hexapylos. To this place the former party hadarrived in entire solitude; as the greater part of them, havingfeasted in the towers, were either asleep from the effects of wine, orelse, half asleep, were still drinking. A few of them, however, theysurprised in their beds, and put to the sword. They began then tobreak open a postern gate near the Hexapylos, which required greatforce; and a signal was given from the wall by sounding a trumpet, ashad been agreed upon. After this, the attack was carried on in everyquarter, not secretly, but by open force; for they had now reachedEpipolae, a place protected by numerous guards, where the business wasto terrify the enemy, and not to escape their notice. In effect theywere terrified; for as soon as the sound of the trumpets was heard, and the shouts of the men who had got possession of the walls and apart of the city, the guards concluded that every part was taken, andsome of them fled along the wall, others leaped down from it, or werethrown down headlong by a crowd of the terrified townsmen. A greatpart of the inhabitants, however, were ignorant of this disastrousevent, all of them being overpowered with wine and sleep; and because, in a city of so wide extent, what was perceived in one quarter was notreadily made known through the whole city. A little before day, Marcellus having entered the city with all his forces, through theHexapylos, which was forced open roused all the townsmen; who ran toarms, in order, if possible, by their efforts, to afford succour tothe city, which was now almost taken. Epicydes advanced with a body oftroops at a rapid pace from the Insula, which the Syracusansthemselves call Nasos, not doubting but that he should be able todrive out what he supposed a small party, which had got over the wallthrough the negligence of the guards. He earnestly represented to theterrified inhabitants who met him, that they were increasing theconfusion, and that in their accounts they made things greater andmore important than they really were. But when he perceived that everyplace around Epipolae was filled with armed men, after just teasingthe enemy with the discharge of a few missiles, he marched back to theAchradina, not so much through fear of the number and strength of theenemy, as that some intestine treachery might show itself, takingadvantage of the opportunity, and he might find the gates of theAchradina and island closed upon him in the confusion. When Marcellus, having entered the walls, beheld this city as it lay subjected to hisview from the high ground on which he stood, a city the mostbeautiful, perhaps, of any at that time, he is said to have shed tearsover it; partly from the inward satisfaction he felt at havingaccomplished so important an enterprise, and partly in considerationof its ancient renown. The fleets of the Athenians sunk there, and twovast armies destroyed, with two generals of the highest reputation, aswell as the many wars waged with the Carthaginians with so much perilarose before his mind; the many and powerful tyrants and kings; butabove all Hiero, a king who was not only fresh in his memory, but whowas distinguished for the signal services he had rendered the Romanpeople, and more than all by the endowments which his own virtues andgood fortune had conferred. All these considerations presentingthemselves at once to his recollection, and reflecting, that in aninstant every thing before him would be in flames, and reduced toashes; before he marched his troops to the Achradina, he sent beforehim some Syracusans, who, as was before observed, were among the Romantroops, to induce the enemy, by a persuasive address, to surrender thecity. 

25. The gates and walls of the Achradina were occupied principally bydeserters, who had no hopes of pardon in case of capitulation. Thesemen would neither suffer those who were sent to approach the walls, nor to address them. Marcellus, therefore, on the failure of thisattempt, gave orders to retire to the Euryalus, which is an eminenceat the extremity of the city, at the farthest point from the sea, andcommanding the road leading into the fields and the interior of theisland, and is conveniently situated for the introduction of supplies. This fort was commanded by Philodemus, an Argive, who was placed inthis situation by Epicydes. Marcellus sent Sosis, one of theregicides, to him. After a long conversation, being put off for thepurpose of frustrating him, he brought back word to Marcellus, thatPhilodemus had taken time to deliberate. This man postponing hisanswer day after day, till Hippocrates and Himilco should quit theirpresent position, and come up with their legions; not doubting butthat if he should receive them into the fort, the Roman army, shut upas it was within the walls, might be annihilated, Marcellus, who sawthat the Euryalus would neither be delivered up to him, nor could betaken by force, pitched his camp between Neapolis and Tycha, which arenames of divisions of the city, and are in themselves like cities;fearful lest if he entered populous parts of the city, he should notbe able to restrain his soldiers, greedy of plunder, from running upand down after it. When three ambassadors came to him from Tycha andNeapolis with fillets and other badges of supplicants, imploring himto abstain from fire and slaughter, Marcellus, having held a councilrespecting these entreaties, for so they were, rather than demands, ordered his soldiers, according to the unanimous opinion of thecouncil, not to offer violence to any free person, but told them thatevery thing else might be their booty. The walls of the houses forminga protection for his camp, he posted guards and parties of troops atthe gates, which were exposed, as they faced the streets, lest anyattack should be made upon his camp while the soldiers were dispersedin pursuit of plunder. After these arrangements, on a signal given, the soldiers dispersed for that purpose; and though they broke opendoors and every place resounded in consequence of the alarm andconfusion created, they nevertheless refrained from blood. They didnot desist from plunder till they had gutted the houses of all theproperty which had been accumulated during a long period ofprosperity. Meanwhile, Philodemus also, who despaired of obtainingassistance, having received a pledge that he might return to Epicydesin safety, withdrew the garrison, and delivered up the fortress to theRomans. While the attention of all was engaged by the tumultoccasioned in that part of the city which was captured, Bomilcar, taking advantage of the night, when, from the violence of the weatherthe Roman fleet was unable to ride at anchor in the deep, set out fromthe bay of Syracuse, with thirty-five ships, and sailed away into themain without interruption; leaving fifty-five ships for Epicydes andthe Syracusans; and having informed the Carthaginians in what acritical situation Syracuse was placed, returned, after a few days, with a hundred ships; having, as report says, received many presentsfrom Epicydes out of the treasure of Hiero. 

26. Marcellus, by gaining possession of the Euryalus, and placing agarrison in it, was freed from one cause of anxiety; which was, lestany hostile force received into that fortress on his rear might annoyhis troops, shut up and confined as they were within the walls. Henext invested the Achradina, erecting three camps in convenientsituations, with the hope of reducing those enclosed within it to thewant of every necessary. The outposts of both sides had remainedinactive for several days, when the arrival of Hippocrates and Himilcosuddenly caused the Romans to be attacked aggressively on all sides;for Hippocrates, having fortified a camp at the great harbour, andgiven a signal to those who occupied the Achradina, attacked the oldcamp of the Romans, in which Crispinus had the command; and Epicydessallied out against the outposts of Marcellus, the Carthaginian fleetcoming up to that part of the shore which lay between the city and theRoman camp, so that no succour could be sent by Marcellus toCrispinus. The enemy, however, produced more tumult than conflict; forCrispinus not only drove back Hippocrates from his works, but pursuedhim as he fled with precipitation, while Marcellus drove Epicydes intothe city; and it was considered that enough was now done even toprevent any danger arising in future from their sudden sallies. Theywere visited too by a plague; a calamity extending to both sides, andone which might well divert their attention from schemes of war. Foras the season of the year was autumn, and the situation naturallyunwholesome, though this was much more the case without than withinthe city, the intolerable intensity of the heat had an effect upon theconstitution of almost every man in both the camps. At first theysickened and died from the unhealthiness of the season and climate;but afterwards the disease was spread merely by attending upon, andcoming in contact with, those affected; so that those who were seizedwith it either perished neglected and deserted, or else drew with themthose who sat by them and attended them, by infecting them with thesame violence of disease. Daily funerals and death were before theeye; and lamentations were heard from all sides, day and night. Atlast, their feelings had become so completely brutalized by beinghabituated to these miseries, that they not only did not follow theirdead with tears and decent lamentations, but they did not even carrythem out and bury them; so that the bodies of the dead lay strewedabout, exposed to the view of those who were awaiting a similar fate;and thus the dead were the means of destroying the sick, and the sickthose who were in health, both by fear and by the filthy state and thenoisome stench of their bodies. Some preferring to die by the sword, even rushed alone upon the outposts of the enemy. The violence of theplague, however, was much greater in the Carthaginian than the Romanarmy; for the latter, from having been a long time before Syracuse, had become more habituated to the climate and the water. Of the armyof the enemy, the Sicilians, as soon as they perceived that diseaseshad become very common from the unwholesomeness of the situation, dispersed to their respective cities in the neighbourhood; but theCarthaginians, who had no place to retire to, perished, together withtheir generals, Hippocrates and Himilco, to a man. Marcellus, onseeing the violence with which the disease was raging, had removed histroops into the city, where their debilitated frames were recruited inhouses and shade. Many however, of the Roman army were cut off by thispestilence. 

27. The land forces of the Carthaginians being thus destroyed, theSicilians, who had served under Hippocrates retired to two towns of nogreat size, but well secured by natural situation and fortifications;one was three miles, the other fifteen, from Syracuse. Here theycollected a store of provisions from their own states, and sent forreinforcements. Meanwhile, Bomilcar, who had gone a second time toCarthage, by so stating the condition of their allies as to inspire ahope that they might not only render them effectual aid, but also thatthe Romans might in a manner be made prisoners in the city which theyhad captured, induced the Carthaginians to send with him as many shipsof burden as possible, laden with every kind of provisions, and toaugment the number of his ships. Setting sail, therefore, fromCarthage with a hundred and thirty men of war and seven hundredtransports, he had tolerably fair winds for crossing over to Sicily, but was prevented by the same wind from doubling Cape Pachynum. Thenews of the approach of Bomilcar, and afterwards his unexpected delay, excited alternate fear and joy in the Romans and Syracusans. Epicydes, apprehensive lest if the same wind which now detained him shouldcontinue to blow from the east for several days, the Carthaginianfleet would return to Africa, put the Achradina in the hands of thegenerals of the mercenary troops, and sailed to Bomilcar; whom he atlength prevailed upon to try the issue of a naval battle, though hefound him with his fleet stationed in the direction of Africa, andafraid of fighting, not so much because he was unequal in the strengthor the number of his ships, for he had more than the Romans, asbecause the wind was more favourable to the Roman fleet than to hisown. Marcellus also seeing that an army of Sicilians was assemblingfrom every part of the island, and that the Carthaginian fleet wasapproaching with a great want of supplies, though inferior in thenumber of his ships, resolved to prevent Bomilcar from coming toSyracuse, lest, blocked up in the city of his enemies, he should bepressed both by sea and land. The two hostile fleets were stationednear the promontory of Pachynum, ready to engage as soon as the seashould become calm enough to admit of their sailing out into the deep. Accordingly, the east wind, which had blown violently for severaldays, now subsiding, Bomilcar got under sail first, his van seeming tomake for the main sea, in order to double the promontory with greaterease; but seeing the Roman ships bearing down upon him, terrified bysome unexpected occurrence, it is not known what, he sailed away intothe main sea; and sending messengers to Heraclea, to order thetransports to return to Africa, he passed along the coast of Sicilyand made for Tarentum. Epicydes, thus suddenly disappointed in suchgreat expectations, to avoid returning to endeavour to raise the siegeof a city, a great part of which was already in the hands of theenemy, sailed to Agrigentum, intending to wait the issue of thecontest, rather than take any new measures when there. 

28. Intelligence of these events having been carried into the camp ofthe Sicilians, that Epicydes had departed from Syracuse, that theisland was deserted by the Carthaginians, and almost again deliveredup to the Romans; after sounding the inclinations of the besieged inconferences, they sent ambassadors to Marcellus, to treat about termsof capitulation. They had not much difficulty in coming to anagreement, that all the parts of the island which had been under thedominion of their kings should be ceded to the Romans; that the rest, with their liberty and their own laws, should be preserved to theSicilians. They then invited to a conference the persons who had beenintrusted with the management of affairs by Epicydes; to whom theysaid, that they were sent from the army of the Sicilians, at once toMarcellus and to them, that both those who were besieged and those whowere not might share the same fortune; and that neither of them mightstipulate any thing for themselves separately. They were then allowedto enter, in order to converse with their relations and friends; when, laying before them the terms which they had made with Marcellus, andholding out to them a hope of safety, they induced them to join withthem in an attack upon the prefects of Epicydes, Polyclitus, Philistion, and Epicydes, surnamed Sindon. Having put them to death, they summoned the multitude to an assembly; and after complaining ofthe famine, at which they had been accustomed to express theirdissatisfaction to each other in secret, they said, that "althoughthey were pressed by so many calamities, they had no right to accuseFortune, because it was at their own option how long they shouldcontinue to suffer them. That the motive which the Romans had inbesieging Syracuse was affection for the Syracusans, and not hatred;for when they heard that the government was usurped by Hippocrates andEpicydes, the creatures first of Hannibal and then of Hieronymus, theytook arms and began to besiege the city, in order to reduce not thecity itself, but its cruel tyrants. But now that Hippocrates is slain, Epicydes shut out of Syracuse, his praefects put to death, and theCarthaginians driven from the entire possession of Sicily by sea andland, what reason can the Romans have left why they should not desirethe preservation of Syracuse, in the same manner as they would ifHiero were still lining, who cultivated the friendship of Rome withunequalled fidelity? That, therefore, neither the city nor itsinhabitants were in any danger, except from themselves, if theyneglected an opportunity of restoring themselves to the favour of theRomans; and that no so favourable a one would ever occur as that whichpresented itself at the present instant, immediately upon itsappearing that they were delivered from their insolent tyrants. "

29. This speech was received with the most unqualified approbation ofall present. It was resolved, however, that praetors should be electedbefore the nomination of deputies; which being done, some of thepraetors themselves were sent as deputies to Marcellus, the chief ofwhom thus addressed him: "Neither in the first instance did weSyracusans revolt from you, but Hieronymus, whose impiety towards youwas by no means so great as towards us; nor afterwards was it anySyracusan who disturbed the peace established by the death of thetyrant, but Hippocrates and Epicydes, creatures of the tyrant; whilewe were overpowered, on the one hand by fear, and on the other bytreachery. Nor can any one say that there ever was a time when we werein possession of our liberty, when we were not also at peace with you. In the present instance, manifestly, as soon as ever we became our ownmasters, by the death of those persons who held Syracuse insubjection, we lost no time in coming to deliver up our arms, tosurrender ourselves, our city, and our walls, and to refuse noconditions which you shall impose upon us. To you, Marcellus, the godshave given the glory of having captured the most renowned andbeautiful of the Grecian cities. Every memorable exploit which we haveat any time achieved by land or sea accrues to the splendour of yourtriumph. Would you wish that it should be known only by fame, howgreat a city has been captured by you, rather than that she shouldstand as a monument even to posterity; so that to every one who visitsher by sea or land, she may point out at one time our trophies gainedfrom the Athenians and Carthaginians, at another time those which youhave gained from us; and that you should transmit Syracuse unimpairedto your family, to be kept under the protection and patronage of therace of the Marcelli? Let not the memory of Hieronymus have greaterweight with you than that of Hiero. The latter was your friend for amuch longer period than the former was your enemy. From the latter youhave realized even benefits, while the frenzy of Hieronymus onlybrought ruin upon himself. " At the hands of the Romans all things wereobtainable and secure. There was a greater disposition to war, andmore danger to be apprehended among themselves; for the deserters, thinking that they were delivered up to the Romans, induced themercenary auxiliaries to entertain the same apprehension; and hastilyseizing their arms, they first put the praetors to death, and then ranthrough the city to massacre the Syracusans. In their rage they slewall whom chance threw in their way, and plundered every thing whichpresented itself; and then, lest they should have no leaders, theyelected six praetors, so that three might have the command in theAchradina, and three in the island. At length, the tumult havingsubsided, and the mercenary troops having ascertained, by inquiry, what had been negotiated with the Romans, it began to appear, as wasreally the case, that their cause and that of the deserters weredifferent. 

30. The ambassadors returned from Marcellus very opportunely. Theyinformed them that they had been influenced by groundless suspicions, and that the Romans saw no reason why they should inflict punishmentupon them. Of the three praefects of the Achradina one was a Spaniard, named Mericus. To him one of the Spanish auxiliaries was designedlysent, among those who accompanied the ambassadors. Having obtained aninterview with Mericus in the absence of witnesses, he first explainedto him the state in which he had left Spain, from which he had latelyreturned: "That there every thing was in subjection to the Roman arms;that it was in his power, by doing the Romans a service, to become thefirst man among his countrymen, whether he might be inclined to servewith the Romans, or to return to his country. On the other hand, if hepersisted in preferring to hold out against the siege, what hope couldhe have, shut up as he was by sea and land?" Mericus was moved bythese suggestions, and when it was resolved upon to send ambassadorsto Marcellus, he sent his brother among them; who, being brought intothe presence of Marcellus, apart from the rest, by means of the sameSpaniard, after receiving an assurance of protection, arranged themethod of carrying their object into effect, and then returned to theAchradina. Mericus then, in order to prevent any one from conceiving asuspicion of treachery, declared, that he did not like that deputiesshould be passing to and fro; he thought that they should neitheradmit nor send any; and in order that the guards might be kept morestrictly, that such parts as were most exposed should be distributedamong the prefects, each being made responsible for the safety of hisown quarter. All approved of the distribution of the posts. Thedistrict which fell to the lot of Mericus himself extended from thefountain Arethusa to the mouth of the large harbour, of which hecaused the Romans to be informed. Accordingly, Marcellus ordered atransport with armed men to be towed by a quadrireme to the Achradinaduring the night, and the soldiers to be landed in the vicinity ofthat gate which is near the fountain of Arethusa. This order havingbeen executed at the fourth watch, and Mericus having received thesoldiers when landed at the gate, according to the agreement, Marcellus assaulted the walls of the Achradina with all his forces atbreak of day, so that he not only engaged the attention of those whooccupied the Achradina, but also bands of armed men, quitting theirown posts ran to the spot from the island, in order to repel thefurious attack of the Romans. During this confusion, some light shipswhich had been prepared beforehand, and had sailed round, landed abody of armed men at the island; these suddenly attacking thehalf-manned stations and the opened door of the gate at which thetroops had a little before run out, got possession of the islandwithout much opposition, abandoned as it was, in consequence of theflight and trepidation of its guards. Nor were there any who renderedless service, or showed less firmness in maintaining their posts, thanthe deserters; for as they did not repose much confidence even inthose of their own party, they fled in the middle of the contest. WhenMarcellus learnt that the island was taken, one quarter of theAchradina in the hands of his troops, and that Mericus, with the menunder his command, had joined them, he sounded a retreat, lest theroyal treasure, the fame of which was greater than the reality, shouldbe plundered. 

31. The impetuosity of the soldiers having been checked, time andopportunity to escape were given to the deserters in the Achradina;and the Syracusans, at length delivered from their fears, threw openthe gates of the Achradina, and sent deputies to Marcellus, requestingonly safety for themselves and children. Having summoned a council, towhich the Syracusans were invited who were among the Roman troops, having been driven from home during the disturbances, Marcellusreplied, "that the services rendered by Hiero through a period offifty years, were not more in number than the injuries committedagainst the Roman people in these few years by those who had hadpossession of Syracuse; but that most of these injuries had justlyrecoiled upon their authors, and that they had inflicted much moresevere punishment upon themselves for the violation of treaties, thanthe Roman people desired. That he was indeed now besieging Syracusefor the third year, but not that the Romans might hold that state in acondition of slavery, but that the ringleaders of the deserters mightnot keep it in a state of thraldom and oppression. What the Syracusanscould do was exemplified, either by the conduct of those Syracusanswho were among the Roman troops, or that of the Spanish general, Mericus, who had delivered up the post which he was appointed tocommand, or, lastly, by the late but bold measure adopted by theSyracusans themselves. That the greatest possible recompence for allthe evils and dangers which he had for so long a time undergone, bothby sea and land, around the walls of Syracuse, was the reflection, that he had been able to take that city. " The quaestor was then sentwith a guard to the island, to receive and protect the royal treasure. The city was given up to be plundered by the soldiery, after guardshad been placed at each of the houses of those who had been with theRoman troops. While many acts exhibited horrid examples of rage andrapacity, it is recorded that Archimedes, while intent on some figureswhich he had described in the dust, although the confusion was asgreat as could possibly exist in a captured city, in which soldierswere running up and down in search of plunder, was put to death by asoldier, who did not know who he was; that Marcellus was grieved atthis event, and that pains were taken about his funeral, while hisrelations also for whom diligent inquiry was made, derived honour andprotection from his name and memory. Such, for the most part, was themanner in which Syracuse was captured. The quantity of booty was sogreat, that had Carthage itself, which was carrying on a contest onequal terms, been captured, it would scarcely have afforded so much. Afew days before the taking of Syracuse, Titus Otacilius passed overfrom Lilybaeum to Utica with eighty quinqueremes, and entering theharbour before it was light, took some transports laden with corn;then landing, he laid waste a considerable portion of the countryaround Utica, and brought back to his ships booty of everydescription. He returned to Lilybaeum, the third day after he set out, with a hundred and thirty transports laden with corn and booty. Thecorn he sent immediately to Syracuse; and had it not been for the veryseasonable arrival of this supply, a destructive famine threatenedalike the victors and the vanquished. 

32. Nothing very memorable had been done in Spain for about two years, the operations of the war consisting more in laying plans than infighting; but during the same summer in which the events aboverecorded took place, the Roman generals, quitting their winterquarters, united their forces; then a council was summoned; and theopinions of all accorded, that since their only object hitherto hadbeen to prevent Hasdrubal from pursuing his march into Italy, it wasnow time that an effort should be made to bring the war in Spain to atermination; and they thought that the twenty thousand Celtiberians, who had been induced to take arms that winter, formed a sufficientaccession to their strength. There were three armies of the enemy. Hasdrubal, son of Gisgo, and Mago, who had united their forces, wereabout a five days' journey from the Romans. Hasdrubal, son ofHamilcar, who was the old commander in Spain, was nearer to them: hewas with his army near the city Anitorgis. The Roman generals weredesirous that he should be overpowered first; and they hoped that theyhad enough and more than enough strength for the purpose. Their onlysource of anxiety was, lest the other Hasdrubal and Mago, terrified athis discomfiture, should protract the war by withdrawing intotrackless forests and mountains. Thinking it, therefore, the wisestcourse to divide their forces and embrace the whole Spanish war, theyarranged it so that Publius Cornelius should lead two-thirds of theRoman and allied troops against Mago and Hasdrubal, and that CneiusCornelius, with the remaining third of the original army, and with theCeltiberians added to them, should carry on the war with the BarcineHasdrubal. The two generals and their armies, setting out together, preceded by the Celtiberians, pitched their camp near the cityAnitorgis, within sight of the enemy, the river only separating them. Here Cneius Scipio, with the forces above mentioned, halted, butPublius Scipio proceeded to the portion of the war assigned to him. 

33. Hasdrubal perceiving that there were but few Roman troops in thecamp, and that their whole dependence was on the Celtiberianauxiliaries; and having had experience of the perfidy of the barbariannations in general, and particularly of all those nations among whichhe had served for so many years; as there was every facility ofintercourse, for both camps were full of Spaniards, by secretconferences with the chiefs of the Celtiberians, he agreed with them, for a large consideration, to take their forces away. Nor did theyconceive it to be any great crime; for the object was not that theyshould turn their arms against the Romans, while the reward which theywere to receive to abstain from the war was large enough to remuneratethem for their service in it. At the same time the mere rest fromlabour, the return to their homes, with the pleasure of seeing theirfriends and property, were pleasing to the generality. Accordingly, the multitude were prevailed upon as easily as their leaders. Theyhad, moreover, nothing to fear from the Romans, in consequence of thesmallness of their numbers, should they endeavour to detain them byforce. It will indeed be the duty of all Roman generals to take care, and the instances here recorded should be considered as strongarguments, never to place so much confidence in foreign auxiliaries, as not to retain in their camps a preponderance of their own strengthand of that force which is properly their own. The Celtiberians, suddenly taking up their standards, marched away, replying only to theRomans, who asked the cause of their departure and entreated them tostay, that they were called away by a war at home. Scipio seeing thathis allies could be detained neither by prayers nor force, and that hewas neither a match for his enemy without them, nor could again effecta junction with his brother, no other course which promised safetyoffering itself, resolved to retire as far as possible, carefullyusing every caution not to encounter the enemy any where on levelground. On his departing, the enemy, crossing the river, pursued himalmost in his footsteps. 

34. During the same period an equal terror and a greater dangerpressed upon Publius Scipio. Masinissa was a young man at that time anally of the Carthaginians, whom afterwards the friendship of theRomans rendered illustrious and powerful. He not only opposed himselfwith his Numidian cavalry to Scipio on his approach, but afterwardsharassed him incessantly day and night, so as both to cut off hisstragglers, who had gone out to a distance from the camp in search ofwood and forage, and riding up to the very gates of his camp, andcharging into the midst of his advanced guards, to fill every quarterwith the utmost confusion. By night also alarm was frequentlyoccasioned in the gates and rampart by his sudden attacks. Nor wasthere any time or place at which the Romans were exempt from fear andanxiety; and driven within their rampart, and deprived of everynecessary, they suffered in a manner a regular siege; and it appearedthat it would have been still straiter, if Indibilis, who it wasreported was approaching with seven thousand five hundred Suessetani, should form a junction with the Carthaginians. Scipio, though a waryand provident general, overpowered by difficulties, adopted the rashmeasure of going to meet Indibilis by night, with the intention offighting him wherever he should meet him. Leaving, therefore, a smallforce in his camp, under the command of Titus Fonteius, lieutenant-general, he set out at midnight, and meeting with theenemy, came to battle with him. The troops fought in the order ofmarch rather than of battle. The Romans, however, had the advantage, though in an irregular fight; but the Numidian cavalry, whoseobservation the general supposed that he had escaped, suddenlyspreading themselves round his flanks, occasioned great terror. Aftera new contest had been entered into with the Numidians, a third enemycame up in addition to the rest, the Carthaginian generals having comeup with their rear when they were now engaged in fighting. Thus theRomans were surrounded on every side by enemies; nor could they makeup their minds which they should attack first, or in what part, forming themselves into a close body, they should force their waythrough. The general, while fighting and encouraging his men, exposinghimself wherever the strife was the hottest, was run through the rightside with a lance; and when the party of the enemy, which, formed intoa wedge, had charged the troops collected round the general, perceivedScipio falling lifeless from his horse, elated with joy, they ranshouting through the whole line with the news that the Roman generalhad fallen. These words spreading in every direction, caused the enemyto be considered as victors, and the Romans as vanquished. On the lossof the general the troops immediately began to fly from the field; butthough it was not difficult to force their way through the Numidiansand the other light-armed auxiliaries, yet it was scarcely possiblefor them to escape so large a body of cavalry, and infantry equal tohorses in speed. Almost more were slain in the flight than in thebattle; nor would a man have survived, had not night put a stop to thecarnage, the day by this time rapidly drawing to a close. 

35. After this, the Carthaginian generals, who were not slow infollowing up their victory, immediately after the battle, scarcelygiving their soldiers necessary rest, hurry their army to Hasdrubal, son of Hamilcar; confidently hoping, that after uniting their forceswith his, the war might be brought to a conclusion. On their arrival, the warmest congratulations passed between the troops and theirgenerals, who were delighted with their recent victory; for they hadnot only destroyed one distinguished general and all his men, butlooked forward to another victory of equal magnitude as a matter ofcertainty. The intelligence of this great disaster had not yet reachedthe Romans; but there prevailed a kind of melancholy silence and muteforeboding, such as is usually found in minds which have apresentiment of impending calamity. The general himself, besidesfeeling that he was deserted by his allies, and that the forces of theenemy were so much augmented, was disposed from conjecture andreasoning rather to a suspicion that some defeat had been sustained, than to any favourable hopes. "For how could Hasdrubal and Mago bringup their troops without opposition, unless they had terminated theirpart of the war? How was it that his brother had not opposed hisprogress or followed on his rear? in order that if he could notprevent the armies and generals of the enemy from forming a junction, he might himself join his forces with his brother's. " Disturbed withthese cares, he believed that the only safe policy for the present wasto retire as far as possible; and, accordingly, he marched aconsiderable distance thence in one night, the enemy not being awareof it, and on that account continuing quiet. At dawn, perceiving thattheir enemy had decamped, they sent the Numidians in advance, andbegan to pursue them as rapidly as possible. The Numidians overtookthem before night, and charged; sometimes their rear, at other timestheir flanks. They then began to halt and defend themselves as well asthey could; but Scipio exhorted them at once to fight so as not toexpose themselves, and march at the same time, lest the infantryshould overtake them. 

36. But having made but little progress for a long time, inconsequence of his making his troops sometimes advance and at othershalt, and night now drawing on, Scipio recalled his troops from thebattle, and collecting them, withdrew to a certain eminence, not verysafe, indeed, particularly for dispirited troops, but higher than anyof the surrounding places. There, at first, his infantry, drawn uparound his baggage and cavalry, which were placed in their centre, hadno difficulty in repelling the attacks of the charging Numidians; butafterwards, when three generals with three regular armies marched upin one entire body, and it was evident that his men would not be ableto do much by arms in defending the position without fortifications, the general began to look about, and consider whether he could by anymeans throw a rampart around; but the hill was so bare, and the soilso rough, that neither could a bush be found for cutting a palisade, nor earth for making a mound, nor the requisites for making a trenchor any other work; nor was the place naturally steep or abrupt enoughto render the approach and ascent difficult to the enemy, as it roseon every side with a gentle acclivity. However, that they might raiseup against them some semblance of a rampart, they placed around themthe panniers tied to the burdens, building them up as it were to theusual height, and when there was a deficiency of panniers for raisingit, they presented against the enemy a heap of baggage of every kind. The Carthaginian armies coming up, very easily marched up theeminence, but were stopped by the novel appearance of thefortification, as by something miraculous, when their leaders calledout from all sides, asking "what they stopped at? and why they did nottear down and demolish that mockery, which was scarcely strong enoughto impede the progress of women and children; that the enemy, who wereskulking behind their baggage, were, in fact, captured and in theirhands. " Such were the contemptuous reproofs of their leaders. But itwas not an easy task either to leap over or remove the burdens raisedup against them, or to cut through the panniers, closely packedtogether and covered completely with baggage. When the removal of theburdens had opened a way to the troops, who were detained by them fora long time, and the same had been done in several quarters, the campwas now captured on all sides; the Romans were cut to pieces on allhands, the few by the many, the dispirited by the victorious. A greatnumber of the men, however, having fled for refuge into theneighbouring woods, effected their escape to the camp of PubliusScipio, which Titus Fonteius commanded. Some authors relate thatCneius Scipio was slain on the eminence on the first assault of theenemy; others that he escaped with a few attendants to a castle nearthe camp; this, they say, was surrounded with fire, by which means thedoors which they could not force were consumed; that it was thustaken, and all within, together with the general himself, put todeath. Cneius Scipio was slain in the eighth year after his arrival inSpain, and on the twenty-ninth day after the death of his brother. AtRome the grief occasioned by their death was not more intense thanthat which was felt throughout Spain. The sorrow of the citizens, however, was partly distracted by the loss of the armies, thealienation of the province, and the public disaster, while in Spainthey mourned and regretted the generals themselves, Cneius, however, the more, because he had been longer in command of them, had firstengaged their affections, and first exhibited a specimen of Romanjustice and forbearance. 

37. When it seemed that the Roman armies were annihilated, and Spainlost, one man recovered this desperate state of affairs. There was inthe army one Lucius Marcius, the son of Septimus, a Roman knight, anenterprising youth, and possessing a mind and genius far superior tothe condition in which he had been born. To his high talents had beenadded the discipline of Cneius Scipio, under which he had beenthoroughly instructed during a course of so many years in all thequalifications of a soldier. This man, having collected the troopswhich had been dispersed in the flight, and drafted some from thegarrisons, had formed an army not to be despised, and united it withTitus Tonteius, the lieutenant-general of Publius Scipio. But sotranscendent was the Roman knight in authority and honour among thetroops, that when, after fortifying a camp on this side of the Iberus, it had been resolved that a general of the two armies should beelected in an assembly of the soldiers, relieving each other in theguard of the rampart, and in keeping the outposts until every one hadgiven his vote, they unanimously conferred the supreme command uponLucius Marcius. All the intervening time, which was but short, wasoccupied in fortifying their camp and collecting provisions, and thesoldiers executed every order not only with vigour, but with feelingsby no means depressed. But when intelligence was brought them thatHasdrubal, son of Gisgo, who was coming to put the finishing stroke tothe war, had crossed the Iberus and was drawing near, and when theysaw the signal for battle displayed by a new commander, then callingto mind whom they had had for their leaders a little while ago, relying on what leaders and what forces they used to go out to fight, they all suddenly burst into tears and beat their heads, some raisingtheir hands to heaven and arraigning the gods, others prostratingthemselves upon the ground and invoking by name each his own formercommander. Nor could their lamentations be restrained, though thecenturions endeavoured to animate their companies, and though Marciushimself soothed and remonstrated with them, asking them "why they hadgiven themselves up to womanish and unavailing lamentations ratherthan summon up all their courage to protect themselves and thecommonwealth together, and not suffer their generals to lieunavenged?" But suddenly a shout and the sound of trumpets were heard;for by this time the enemy were near the rampart. Upon this, theirgrief being suddenly converted into rage, they hastily ran to arms, and, as it were, burning with fury, rushed to the gates and chargedthe enemy, while advancing in a careless and disorderly manner. Thisunexpected event instantly struck terror into the Carthaginians, whowondering whence so many enemies could have sprung up so suddenly, asthe army had been almost annihilated; what could have inspired men whohad been vanquished and routed with such boldness and confidence inthemselves; what general could have arisen now that the two Scipioswere slain; who could command the camp, and who had given the signalfor battle; in consequence of these so many and so unexpectedcircumstances, at first, being in a state of complete uncertainty andamazement, they gave ground; but afterwards, discomfited by theviolence of the charge, they turned their backs; and either therewould have been a dreadful slaughter of the flying enemy, or a rashand dangerous effort on the part of the pursuers, had not Marciuspromptly given the signal for retreat, and by throwing himself in theway of the front rank, and even holding some back with his own hands, repressed the infuriated troops. He then led them back to the camp, still eager for blood and slaughter. When the Carthaginians, who wereat first compelled to fly with precipitation from the rampart of theirenemy, saw that no one pursued them, concluding that they had stoppedfrom fear, now on the other hand went away to their camp at an easypace, with feelings of contempt for the enemy. There was acorresponding want of care in guarding their camp; for though theenemy were near, yet it seemed that they were but the remains of thetwo armies which had been cut to pieces a few days before. As inconsequence of this all things were neglected in the enemy's camp, Marcius having ascertained this, addressed his mind to a measure whichon the first view of it might appear rather rash than bold: it was, aggressively to assault the enemy's camp, concluding that the camp ofHasdrubal, while alone, might be carried with less difficulty than hisown could be defended, if the three armies and as many generals shouldagain unite; taking into consideration also that either if hesucceeded he would retrieve their prostrate fortune, or if repulsed, still, by making the attack himself, he would rescue himself fromcontempt. 

38. Lest, however, the suddenness of the affair, and the fear ofnight, should frustrate a measure which was in itself ill adapted tohis condition, he thought it right that his soldiers should beaddressed and exhorted; and having called an assembly, he discoursedas follows: "Soldiers, either my veneration for our late commanders, both living and dead, or our present situation, may impress on everyone the belief that this command, as it is highly honourable to me, conferred by your suffrages, so is it in its nature a heavy andanxious charge. For at a time when I should be scarcely so far masterof myself as to be able to find any solace for my afflicted mind, didnot fear deaden the sense of sorrow, I am compelled to take uponmyself alone the task of consulting for the good of you all; a task ofthe greatest difficulty when under the influence of grief. And noteven at that critical moment, when I ought to be considering in whatmanner I may be enabled to keep together for my country these remainsof two armies, can I divert my mind from the affliction whichincessantly preys upon me. For bitter recollection is ever present, and the Scipios ever disturb me with anxious cares by day and dreamsby night, frequently rousing me from my sleep, and imploring me not tosuffer themselves nor their soldiers, your companions in war, who hadbeen victorious in this country for eight years, nor the commonwealthto remain unrevenged; enjoining me also to follow their discipline andtheir plans; and desiring that as there was no one more obedient totheir commands while they were alive than I, so after their death Iwould consider that conduct as best, which I might have the strongestreason for believing they would have adopted in each case. I couldwish also that you, my soldiers, should not show your respect for themby lamentations and tears, as if they were dead; (for they still liveand flourish in the fame of their achievements;) but that whenever thememory of those men shall occur to you, you would go into battle asthough you saw them encouraging you and giving you the signal. Norcertainly could anything else than their image presenting itselfyesterday to your eyes and minds, have enabled you to fight thatmemorable battle, in which you proved to the enemy that the Roman namehad not become extinct with the Scipios; and that the energy andvalour of that people, which had not been overwhelmed by the disasterat Cannae, would, doubtlessly, emerge from the severest storms offortune. Now since you have dared so much of your own accord, I have amind to try how much you will dare when authorized by your general:for yesterday, when I gave the signal for retreat while you werepursuing the routed enemy with precipitation, I did not wish to breakyour spirit, but to reserve it for greater glory and more advantageousopportunities; that you might afterwards, when prepared and armed, seize an occasion of attacking your enemy while off their guard, unarmed, and even buried in sleep. Nor do I entertain the hope ofgaining an opportunity of this kind rashly, but from the actual stateof things. Doubtless, if any one should ask even himself, by whatmeans, though few in number and disheartened by defeat, you defendedyour camp against troops superior in number and victorious, you wouldgive no other answer than that, as this was the very thing you wereafraid of, you had kept every place secured by works and yourselvesready and equipped. And so it generally happens: men are least secureagainst that which fortune causes not to be feared; because you leaveunguarded and exposed what you think is not necessary to be caredabout. There is nothing whatever which the enemy fear less at thepresent time, than lest we, who were a little while ago besieged andassaulted, should aggressively assault their camp ourselves. Let usdare, then, to do that which it is incredible we should have thecourage to attempt; it will be most easy from the very fact of itsappearing most difficult. At the third watch of the night I will leadyou thither in silence. I have ascertained by means of scouts thatthey have no regular succession of watches, no proper outposts. Ourshout at their gates, when heard, and the first assault, will carrytheir camp. Then let that carnage be made among men, torpid withsleep, terrified at the unexpected tumult, and overpowered while lyingdefenceless in their beds, from which you were so grieved to berecalled yesterday. I know that the measure appears to you a daringone; but in difficult and almost desperate circumstances the boldestcounsels are always the safest. For if when the critical moment hasarrived, the opportunity of seizing which is of a fleeting nature, youdelay ever so little, in vain do you seek for it afterwards when ithas been neglected. One army is near us; two more are not far off. Wehave some hopes if we make an attack now; and you have already madetrial of your own and their strength. If we postpone the time andcease to be despised in consequence of the fame of yesterday'sirruption, there is danger lest all the generals and all the forcesshould unite. Shall we be able then to withstand three generals andthree armies, whom Cneius Scipio with his army unimpaired could notwithstand? As our generals have perished by dividing their forces, sothe enemy may be overpowered while separated and divided. There is noother mode of maintaining the war; let us, therefore, wait for nothingbut the opportunity of the ensuing night. Now depart, with the favourof the gods, and refresh yourselves, that, unfatigued and vigorous, you may burst into the enemy's camp with the same spirit with whichyou have defended your own. " This new enterprise, proposed by theirnew general, they received with joy; and the more daring it was themore it pleased them. The remainder of the day was spent in gettingtheir arms in readiness and recruiting their strength, the greaterpart of the night was given to rest, and at the fourth watch they werein motion. 

39. At a distance of six miles beyond their nearest camp lay otherforces of the Carthaginians. A deep valley, thickly planted withtrees, intervened. Near about the middle of this wood a Roman cohortand some cavalry were placed in concealment with Punic craft. Thecommunication between the two armies being thus cut off, the rest ofthe forces were marched in silence to the nearest body of the enemy;and as there were no outposts before the gates, and no guards on therampart, they entered quite into the camp, as though it had been theirown, no one any where opposing them. The signals were then sounded anda shout raised. Some put the enemy to the sword when half asleep;others threw fire upon the huts, which were covered in with dry straw;others blocked up the gates to intercept their escape. The enemy, whowere assailed at once with fire, shouting, and the sword, were in amanner bereaved of their senses, and could neither hear each other, nor take any measures for their security. Unarmed, they fell into themidst of troops of armed men: some hastened to the gates; others, asthe passes were flocked up, leaped over the rampart, and as eachescaped they fled directly towards the other camp, where they were cutoff by the cohort and cavalry rushing forward from their concealment, and were all slain to a man. And even had any escaped from thatcarnage, the Romans, after taking the nearer camp, ran over to theother with such rapidity, that no one could have arrived before themwith news of the disaster. In this camp, as they were far distant fromthe enemy, and as some had gone off just before daylight for forage, wood, and plunder, they found every thing in a still more neglectedand careless state. Their arms only were placed at the outposts, themen being unarmed, and either sitting and reclining upon the ground, or else walking up and down before the rampart and the gates. On thesemen, thus at their ease and unguarded, the Romans, still hot from therecent battle, and flushed with victory, commenced an attack; noeffectual opposition therefore could be made to them in the gates. Within the gates, the troops having rushed together from every part ofthe camp at the first shout and alarm, a furious conflict arose; whichwould have continued for a long time, had not the bloody appearance ofthe Roman shields discovered to the Carthaginians the defeat of theother forces, and consequently struck them with dismay. This alarmproduced a general flight; and all except those who were overtakenwith the sword, rushing out precipitately wherever they could find apassage, abandoned their camp. Thus, in a night and a day, two campsof the enemy were carried, under the conduct of Lucius Marcius. Claudius, who translated the annals of Acilius out of Greek intoLatin, states that as many as thirty-seven thousand men were slain, one thousand eight hundred and thirty made prisoners, and a greatbooty obtained; among which was a silver shield of a hundred andthirty-eight pounds' weight, with an image upon it of the BarcineHasdrubal. Valerius Antias states, that the camp Of Mago only wascaptured, and seven thousand of the enemy slain; and that in the otherbattle, when the Romans sallied out and fought with Hasdrubal, tenthousand were slain, and four thousand three hundred captured. Pisowrites, that five thousand were slain in an ambuscade when Magoincautiously pursued our troops who retired. With all, the name of thegeneral, Marcius, is mentioned with great honour, and to his realglory they add even miracles. They say, that while he was haranguinghis men a stream of fire poured from his head without his perceivingit, to the great terror of the surrounding soldiers; and that ashield, called the Marcian, with an image of Hasdrubal upon it, remained in the temple up to the time of the burning of the Capitol, amonument of his victory over the Carthaginians. After this, affairscontinued for a considerable time in a tranquil state in Spain, asboth parties, after giving and receiving such important defeats, hesitated to run the hazard of a general battle. 

40. During these transactions in Spain, Marcellus, after the captureof Syracuse, having settled the other affairs in Sicily with so muchhonour and integrity as not only to add to his own renown, but also tothe majesty of the Roman people, conveyed to Rome the ornaments of thecity, together with the statues and pictures with which Syracuseabounded. These were certainly spoils taken from enemies, and acquiredaccording to the laws of war; but hence was the origin of theadmiration of the products of Grecian art, and to that freedom withwhich at present all places, both sacred and profane, are despoiled;which at last recoiled upon the Roman gods, and first upon that verytemple which was so choicely adorned by Marcellus. For foreigners werein the habit of visiting the temples dedicated by Marcellus near theCapuan gate, on account of their splendid ornaments of thisdescription, of which a very small portion can be found. Embassiesfrom almost all the states of Sicily came to him. As their cases weredifferent, so were also the terms granted to them. Those who hadeither not revolted or had returned to the alliance before the captureof Syracuse, were received and honoured as faithful allies. Those whohad been induced to submit through fear after the capture of Syracuse, as vanquished, received laws from the conqueror. The Romans, however, had still remaining a war of no small magnitude at Agrigentum, headedby Epicydes and Hanno, generals in the late war, and a third new onesent by Hannibal in the room of Hippocrates, a Libyphoenician bynation, and a native of Hippo, called by his countrymen Mutines; anenergetic man, and thoroughly instructed in all the arts of war underthe tuition of Hannibal. To this man the Numidian auxiliaries wereassigned by Epicydes and Hanno. With these he so thoroughly overranthe lands of his enemies, and visited his allies with such activity, in order to retain them in their allegiance, and for the purpose ofbringing them seasonable aid as each required it, that in a short timehe filled all Sicily with his fame, nor was greater confidence placedin any one else by those who favoured the Carthaginian interest. Accordingly the Carthaginian and Syracusan generals, who had beenhitherto compelled to keep within the walls of Agrigentum, not more atthe advice of Mutines than from the confidence they reposed in him, had the courage to go out from the walls, and pitched a camp near theriver Himera. When this was announced to Marcellus, he immediatelyadvanced and sat down at a distance of about four miles from theenemy, with the intention of waiting to see what steps they took, andwhat they meditated. But Mutines allowed no room or time for delay ordeliberation, but crossed the river, and, charging the outposts of hisenemy, created the greatest terror and confusion. The next day, in anengagement which might almost be called regular, he compelled hisenemy to retire within their works. Being called away by a mutiny ofthe Numidians, which had broken out in the camp, and in which aboutthree hundred of them had retired to Heraclea Minoa, he set out toappease them and bring them back; and is said to have earnestly warnedthe generals not to engage with the enemy during his absence. Both thegenerals were indignant at this conduct, but particularly Hanno, whowas before disturbed at his reputation. "Is it to be borne, " said he, "that a mongrel African should impose restraints upon me, aCarthaginian general, commissioned by the senate and people?"Epicydes, who wished to wait, was prevailed upon by him to agree totheir crossing the river and offering battle; for, said he, if theyshould wait for Mutines, and the battle should terminate successfully, Mutines would certainly have the credit of it. 

41. But Marcellus, highly indignant that he who had repulsed Hannibalfrom Nola, when rendered confident by his victory at Cannae, shouldsuccumb to enemies whom he had vanquished by sea and land, ordered hissoldiers immediately to take arms and raise the standards. Whilemarshalling his army, ten Numidians rode up rapidly from the enemy'sline with information that their countrymen, first induced by the samecauses which brought on the mutiny, in which three hundred of theirnumber retired to Heraclea, and secondly, because they saw theircommander, just on the approach of a battle, sent out of the way bygenerals who wished to detract from his glory, would not take any partin the battle. This deceitful nation made good their promise in thisinstance. Accordingly the spirits of the Romans were increased by theintelligence, which was speedily conveyed through the lines, that theenemy were abandoned by the cavalry, which the Romans principallyfeared; while at the same time the enemy were dispirited, not onlybecause they were deprived of the principal part of their strength, but further, because they were afraid lest they should themselves beattacked by their own cavalry. Accordingly, there was no greatresistance made: the first shout and onset determined the business. The Numidians who stood quiet in the wings during the action, whenthey saw their party turning their backs, accompanied them in theirflight only for a short time; but when they perceived that they wereall making for Agrigentum with the most violent haste, they turned offto the neighbouring towns round about, through fear of a siege. Manythousand men were slain and captured, together with eight elephants. This was the last battle which Marcellus fought in Sicily, after whichhe returned victorious to Syracuse. The year was now about closing;the senate therefore decreed that Publius Cornelius, the praetor, should send a letter to Capua to the consuls, with directions thatwhile Hannibal was at a distance, and nothing of any great importancewas going on at Capua, one of them, if they thought fit, should cometo Rome to elect new magistrates. On the receipt of the letter, theconsuls arranged it between themselves, that Claudius should hold theelection, and Fulvius remain at Capua. The consuls created by Claudiuswere Cneius Fulvius Centumalus, and Publius Sulpicius Galba, the sonof Servius, who had never exercised any curule magistracy. After thisLucius Cornelius Lentulus, Marcus Cornelius Cethegus, Caius Sulpicius, and Caius Calpurnius Piso, were created praetors. Piso had the cityjurisdiction; Sulpicius, Sicily; Cethegus, Apulia; Lentulus, Sardinia. The consuls were continued in command for a year longer. 

BOOK XXVI. 

_Hannibal encamps on the banks of the Amo, within three miles ofRome. Attended by two thousand horsemen, he advances close to theColline gate to take a view of the walls and situation of the city. Ontwo successive days the hostile armies are hindered from engaging bythe severity of the weather. Capua taken by Quintus Fulvius and AppiusClaudius, the chief nobles die, voluntarily, by poison. QuintusFulvius having condemned the principal senators to death, at themoment they are actually tied to the stakes, receives despatches fromRome, commanding him to spare their lives, which he postpones readinguntil the sentence is executed. Publius Scipio, offering himself forthe service, is sent to command in Spain, takes New Carthage in oneday. Successes in Sicily. Treaty of friendship with the Aetolians. Warwith Philip, king of Macedonia, and the Acarnanians. _

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1. The consuls, Cneius Fulvius Centumalus and Publius Sulpicius Galba, having entered on their office on the ides of March, assembled thesenate in the Capitol, and took the opinion of the fathers on thestate of the republic, the manner of conducting the war, and on whatrelated to the provinces and the armies. Quintus Fulvius and AppiusClaudius, the consuls of the former year, were continued in command;and the armies which they before had were assigned to them, it beingadded that they should not withdraw from Capua, which they werebesieging, till they had taken it. The Romans were now solicitouslyintent upon this object, not from resentment so much, which was neverjuster against any city, as from the consideration that as this city, so celebrated and powerful, had by its defection drawn away severalstates, so when reduced it would bring back their minds to respect forthe former supreme government. Two praetors also of the former year, Marcus Junius and Publius Sempronius, were each continued in commandof the two legions which they had under them, the former in Etruria, the latter in Gaul. Marcus Marcellus also was continued in command, that he might, as proconsul, finish the war in Sicily with the army hehad there. If he wanted recruits he was to take them from the legionswhich Publius Cornelius, the propraetor, commanded in Sicily, providedhe did not choose any soldier who was of the number of those whom thesenate had refused to allow to be discharged, or to return home tillthe war was put an end to. To Caius Sulpicius, to whose lot Sicily hadfallen, the two legions which Publius Cornelius had commanded wereassigned, to be recruited from the army of Cneius Fulvius, which hadbeen shamefully beaten, and had experienced a dreadful loss the yearbefore in Apulia. To soldiers of this description the senate hadassigned the same period of service as to those who fought at Cannae;and as an additional mark of ignominy upon both, they were not allowedto winter in towns, or to build huts for wintering within the distanceof ten miles from any town. To Lucius Cornelius, in Sardinia, the twolegions which Quintus Mucius had commanded were assigned; if recruitswere wanted, the consuls were ordered to enlist them. To TitusOtacilius and Marcus Valerius was allotted the protection of thecoasts of Sicily and Greece, with the legions and fleets which theyhad commanded. The Greek coast had fifty ships with one legion; theSicilian, a hundred ships with two legions. Twenty-three legions wereemployed by the Romans in carrying on the war this year by land andsea. 

2. In the beginning of the year, on a letter from Lucius Marcius beinglaid before the senate, they considered his achievements as mostglorious; but the title of honour which he assumed (for though he wasneither invested with the command by the order of the people, nor bythe direction of the fathers, his letter ran in this form, "Thepropraetor to the senate") gave offence to a great many. It wasconsidered as an injurious precedent for generals to be chosen by thearmies, and for the solemn ceremony of elections, held under auspices, to be transferred to camps and provinces, and (far from the control ofthe laws and magistrates) to military thoughtlessness. And though somegave it as their opinion, that the sense of the senate should be takenon the matter, yet it was thought more advisable that the discussionshould be postponed till after the departure of the horsemen whobrought the letter from Marcius. It was resolved, that an answershould be returned respecting the corn and clothing of the army, stating, that the senate would direct its attention to both thosematters; but that the letter should not be addressed to LuciusMarcius, propraetor, lest he should consider that as alreadydetermined which was the very point they reserved for discussion. After the horsemen were dismissed, it was the first thing the consulsbrought before the senate; and the opinions of all to a man coincided, that the plebeian tribunes should be instructed to consult the commonswith all possible speed, as to whom they might resolve to send intoSpain to take the command of that army which had been under theconduct of Cneius Scipio. The plebeian tribunes were instructedaccordingly, and the question was published. But another contest hadpre-engaged the minds of the people: Caius Sempronius Blaesus, havingbrought Cneius Fulvius to trial for the loss of the army in Apulia, harassed him with invectives in the public assemblies: "Manygenerals, " he reiterated, "had by indiscretion and ignorance broughttheir armies into most perilous situations, but none, save CneiusFulvius, had corrupted his legions by every species of excess beforehe betrayed them to the enemy; it might therefore with truth be said, that they were lost before they saw the enemy, and that they weredefeated, not by Hannibal, but by their own general. No man, when hegave his vote, took sufficient pains in ascertaining who it was towhom he was intrusting an army. What a difference was there betweenthis man and Tiberius Sempronius! The latter having been intrustedwith an army of slaves, had in a short time brought it to pass, bydiscipline and authority, that not one of them in the field of battleremembered his condition and birth, but they became a protection toour allies and a terror to our enemies. They had snatched, as it were, from the very jaws of Hannibal, and restored to the Roman people, Cumae, Beneventum, and other towns. But Cneius Fulvius had infectedwith the vices peculiar to slaves, an army of Roman citizens, ofhonourable parentage and liberal education; and had thus made theminsolent and turbulent among their allies, inefficient and dastardlyamong their enemies, unable to sustain, not only the charge, but theshout of the Carthaginians. But, by Hercules, it was no wonder thatthe troops did not stand their ground in the battle, when theirgeneral was the first to fly; with him, the greater wonder was thatany had fallen at their posts, and that they were not all thecompanions of Cneius Fulvius in his consternation and his flight. Caius Flaminius, Lucius Paullus, Lucius Posthumius, Cneius and PubliusScipio, had preferred falling in the battle to abandoning their armieswhen in the power of the enemy. But Cneius Fulvius was almost the onlyman who returned to Rome to report the annihilation of his army. Itwas a shameful crime that the army of Cannae should be transportedinto Sicily, because they fled from the field of battle, and not beallowed to return till the enemy has quitted Italy; that the samedecree should have been lately passed with respect to the legions ofCneius Fulvius; while Cneius Fulvius himself has no punishmentinflicted upon him for running away, in a battle brought about by hisown indiscretion; that he himself should be permitted to pass his oldage in stews and brothels, where he passed his youth, while histroops, whose only crime was that they resembled their general, shouldbe sent away in a manner into banishment, and suffer an ignominiousservice. So unequally, " he said, "was liberty shared at Rome by therich and the poor, by the ennobled and the common people. "

3. The accused shifted the blame from himself to his soldiers; hesaid, "that in consequence of their having in the most turbulentmanner demanded battle, they were led into the field, not on the daythey desired, for it was then evening, but on the following; that theywere drawn up at a suitable time and on favourable ground; but eitherthe reputation or the strength of the enemy was such, that they wereunable to stand their ground. When they all fled precipitately, hehimself also was carried away with the crowd, as had happened to Varroat the battle of Cannae, and to many other generals. How could he, byhis sole resistance, benefit the republic, unless his death wouldremedy the public disasters? that he was not defeated in consequenceof a failure in his provisions; that he had not, from want of caution, been drawn into a disadvantageous position; that he had not been cutoff by an ambuscade in consequence of not having explored his route, but had been vanquished by open force, and by arms, in a regularengagement. He had not in his power the minds of his own troops, orthose of the enemy. Courage and cowardice were the result of eachman's natural constitution. " He was twice accused, and the penalty waslaid at a fine. On the third accusation, at which witnesses wereproduced, he was not only overwhelmed with an infinity of disgracefulcharges, but a great many asserted on oath, that the flight and paniccommenced with the praetor, that the troops being deserted by him, andconcluding that the fears of their general were not unfounded, turnedtheir backs; when so strong a feeling of indignation was excited, thatthe assembly clamorously rejoined that he ought to be tried capitally. This gave rise to a new controversy; for when the tribune, who hadtwice prosecuted him as for a finable offence, now, on the thirdoccasion, declared that he prosecuted him capitally; the tribunes ofthe commons being appealed to, said, "they would not prevent theircolleague from proceeding, as he was permitted according to the customof their ancestors, in the manner he himself preferred, whetheraccording to the laws or to custom, until he had obtained judgmentagainst a private individual, convicting him either of a capital orfinable offence. " Upon this, Sempronius said, that he charged CneiusFulvius with the crime of treason; and requested Caius Calpurnius, thecity praetor, to appoint a day for the comitia. Another ground of hopewas then tried by the accused, viz. If his brother, Quintus Fulvius, could be present at his trial, who was at that time flourishing in thefame of his past achievements and in the near expectation of takingCapua. Fulvius wrote to the senate, requesting the favour in termscalculated to excite compassion, in order to save the life of hisbrother; but the fathers replied, that the interest of the state wouldnot admit of his leaving Capua. Cneius Fulvius, therefore, before theday appointed for the comitia arrived, went into exile to Tarquinii, and the commons resolved that it was a legal exile. 

4. Meanwhile all the strength of the war was directed against Capua. It was, however, more strictly blockaded than besieged. The slaves andpopulace could neither endure the famine, nor send messengers toHannibal through guards so closely stationed. A Numidian was at lengthfound, who, on undertaking to make his way with it, was charged with aletter; and going out by night, through the midst of the Roman camp, in order to fulfil his promise, he inspired the Campanians withconfidence to try the effect of a sally from every quarter, while theyhad any strength remaining. In the many encounters which followed, their cavalry were generally successful, but their infantry werebeaten: however, it was by no means so joyful to conquer, as it wasmiserable to be worsted in any respect by a besieged and almostsubdued enemy. A plan was at length adopted, by which their deficiencyin strength might be compensated by stratagem. Young men were selectedfrom all the legions, who, from the vigour and activity of theirbodies, excelled in swiftness; these were supplied with bucklersshorter than those worn by horsemen, and seven javelins each, fourfeet in length, and pointed with steel in the same manner as thespears used by light-armed troops. The cavalry taking one of theseeach upon their horses, accustomed them to ride behind them, and toleap down nimbly when the signal was given. When, by daily practice, they appeared to be able to do this in an orderly manner, theyadvanced into the plain between the camp and the walls, against thecavalry of the Campanians, who stood there prepared for action. Assoon as they came within a dart's cast, on a signal given, the lighttroops leaped down, when a line of infantry formed out of the body ofhorse suddenly rushed upon the cavalry of the enemy, and dischargedtheir javelins one after another with great rapidity; which beingthrown in great numbers upon men and horses indiscriminately, woundeda great many. The sudden and unsuspected nature of the attack, however, occasioned still greater terror; and the cavalry chargingthem, thus panic-struck, chased them with great slaughter as far astheir gates. From that time the Roman cavalry had the superiority; andit was established that there should be velites in the legions. It issaid that Quintus Navius was the person who advised the mixing ofinfantry with cavalry, and that he received honour from the general onthat account. 

5. While affairs were in this state at Capua, Hannibal was perplexedbetween two objects, the gaining possession of the citadel ofTarentum, and the retaining of Capua. His concern for Capua, however, prevailed, on which he saw that the attention of every body, alliesand enemies, was fixed; and whose fate would be regarded as a proof ofthe consequences resulting from defection from the Romans. Leavingtherefore, a great part of his baggage among the Bruttians, and allhis heavier armed troops, he took with him a body of infantry andcavalry, the best he could select for marching expeditiously, and benthis course into Campania. Rapidly as he marched he was followed bythirty-three elephants. He took up his position in a retired valleybehind Mount Tifata, which overhung Capua. Having at his coming takenpossession of fort Galatia, the garrison of which he dislodged byforce, he then directed his efforts against those who were besiegingCapua. Having sent forward messengers to Capua stating the time atwhich he would attack the Roman camp, in order that they also, havinggotten themselves in readiness for a sally, might at the same timepour forth from all their gates, he occasioned the greatest possibleterror; for on one side he himself attacked them suddenly, and on theother side all the Campanians sallied forth, both foot and horse, joined by the Carthaginian garrison under the command of Bostar andHanno. The Romans, lest in so perilous an affair they should leave anypart unprotected, by running together to any one place, thus dividedtheir forces: Appius Claudius was opposed to the Campanians; Fulviusto Hannibal; Caius Nero, the propraetor, with the cavalry of the sixthlegion, placed himself in the road leading to Suessula; and CaiusFulvius Flaccus, the lieutenant-general, with the allied cavalry, onthe side opposite the river Vulturnus. The battle commenced not onlywith the usual clamour and tumult, but in addition to the din of men, horses, and arms, a multitude of Campanians, unable to bear arms, being distributed along the walls, raised such a shout together withthe clangour of brazen vessels, similar to that which is usually madein the dead of night when the moon is eclipsed, that it diverted theattention even of the combatants. Appius easily repulsed theCampanians from the rampart. On the other side Hannibal and theCarthaginians, forming a larger force, pressed hard on Fulvius. Therethe sixth legion gave way; being repulsed, a cohort of Spaniards withthree elephants made their way up to the rampart. They had brokenthrough the centre of the Roman line, and were in a state of anxiousand perilous suspense, whether to force their way into the camp, or becut off from their own army. When Fulvius saw the disorder of thelegion, and the danger the camp was in, he exhorted Quintus Navius, and the other principal centurions, to charge the cohort of the enemywhich was fighting under the rampart; he said, "that the state ofthings was most critical; that either they must retire before them, inwhich case they would burst into the camp with less difficulty thanthey had experienced in breaking through a dense line of troops, orthey must cut them to pieces under the rampart: nor would it require agreat effort; for they were few, and cut off from their own troops, and if the line which appeared broken, now while the Romans weredispirited, should turn upon the enemy on both sides, they wouldbecome enclosed in the midst, and exposed to a twofold attack. "Navius, on hearing these words of the general, snatched the standardof the second company of spearmen from the standard-bearer, andadvanced with it against the enemy, threatening that he would throw itinto the midst of them unless the soldiers promptly followed him andtook part in the fight. He was of gigantic stature, and his arms sethim off; the standard also, raised aloft, attracted the gaze both ofhis countrymen and the enemy. When, however, he had reached thestandards of the Spaniards, javelins were poured upon him from allsides, and almost the whole line was turned against him; but neitherthe number of his enemies nor the force of the weapons could repel theonset of this hero. 

6. Marcus Atilius, the lieutenant-general, also caused the standard ofthe first company of principes of the same legion to be borne againsta cohort of the Spaniards. Lucius Portius Licinus and Titus Popilius, the lieutenant-generals, who had the command of the camp, foughtvaliantly in defence of the rampart, and slew the elephants while inthe very act of crossing it. The carcasses of these filling up theditch, afforded a passage for the enemy as effectually as if earth hadbeen thrown in, or a bridge erected over it; and a horrid carnage tookplace amid the carcasses of the elephants which lay prostrate. On theother side of the camp, the Campanians, with the Carthaginiangarrison, had by this time been repulsed, and the battle was carriedon immediately under the gate of Capua leading to Vulturnus. Nor didthe armed men contribute so much in resisting the Romans, whoendeavoured to force their way in, as the gate itself, which, beingfurnished with ballistas and scorpions, kept the enemy at bay by themissiles discharged from it. The ardour of the Romans was also clampedby the general, Appius Claudius, receiving a wound; he was struck by ajavelin in the upper part of his breast, beneath the left shoulder, while encouraging his men before the front line. A great number, however, of the enemy were slain before the gate, and the rest weredriven in disorder into the city. When Hannibal saw the destruction ofthe cohort of Spaniards, and that the camp of the enemy was defendedwith the utmost vigour, giving up the assault, he began to withdrawhis standards, making his infantry face about, but throwing out hiscavalry in the rear lest the enemy should pursue them closely. Theardour of the legions to pursue the enemy was excessive, but Flaccusordered a retreat to be sounded, considering that enough had beenachieved to convince the Campanians, and Hannibal himself, how unablehe was to afford them protection. Some who have undertaken to giveaccounts of this battle, record that eight thousand of the army ofHannibal, and three thousand Campanians, were slain; that fifteenmilitary standards were taken from the Carthaginians, and eighteenfrom the Campanians. In other authors I find the battle to have beenby no means so important, and that there was more of panic thanfighting; that a party of Numidians and Spaniards suddenly burstinginto the Roman camp with some elephants, the elephants, as they madetheir way through the midst of the camp, threw down their tents with agreat noise, and caused the beasts of burden to break their haltersand run away. That in addition to the confusion occasioned, astratagem was employed; Hannibal having sent in some personsacquainted with the Latin language, for he had some such with him, whomight command the soldiers, in the name of the consuls, to escapeevery one as fast as he could to the neighbouring mountains, since thecamp was lost; but that the imposture was soon discovered, andfrustrated with a great slaughter of the enemy; that the elephantswere driven out of the camp by fire. However commenced, and howeverterminated, this was the last battle which was fought before thesurrender of Capua. Seppius Lesius was Medixtuticus, or chiefmagistrate of Capua, that year, a man of obscure origin and slenderfortune. It is reported that his mother, when formerly expiating aprodigy which had occurred in the family in behalf of this boy, whowas an orphan, received an answer from the aruspex, stating, that "thehighest office would come to him;" and that not recognising, at Capua, any ground for such a hope, exclaimed, "the state of the Campaniansmust be desperate indeed, when the highest office shall come to myson. " But even this expression, in which the response was turned intoridicule, turned to be true, for those persons whose birth allowedthem to aspire to high offices, refusing to accept them when the citywas oppressed by sword and famine, and when all hope was lost, Lesius, who complained that Capua was deserted and betrayed by its nobles, accepted the office of chief magistrate, being the last Campanian whoheld it. 

7. But Hannibal, when he saw that the enemy could not be drawn intoanother engagement, nor a passage be forced through their camp intoCapua, resolved to remove his camp from that place and leave theattempt unaccomplished, fearful lest the new consuls might cut off hissupplies of provision. While anxiously deliberating on the point towhich he should next direct his course, an impulse suddenly enteredhis mind to make an attack on Rome, the very source of the war. Thatthe opportunity of accomplishing this ever coveted object, whichoccurred after the battle of Cannae, had been neglected, and wasgenerally censured by others, he himself did not deny. He thought thatthere was some hope that he might be able to get possession of somepart of the city, in consequence of the panic and confusion which hisunexpected approach would occasion, and that if Rome were in danger, either both the Roman generals, or at least one of them, wouldimmediately leave Capua; and if they divided their forces, bothgenerals being thus rendered weaker, would afford a favourableopportunity either to himself or the Campanians of gaining someadvantage. One consideration only disquieted him, and that was, leston his departure the Campanians should immediately surrender. By meansof presents he induced a Numidian, who was ready to attempt any thing, however daring, to take charge of a letter; and, entering the Romancamp under the disguise of a deserter, to pass out privately on theother side and go to Capua. As to the letter, it was full ofencouragement. It stated, that "his departure, which would bebeneficial to them, would have the effect of drawing off the Romangenerals and armies from the siege of Capua to the defence of Rome. That they must not allow their spirits to sink; that by a few days'patience they would rid themselves entirely of the siege. " He thenordered the ships on the Vulturnus to be seized, and rowed up to thefort which he had before erected for his protection. And when he wasinformed that there were as many as were necessary to convey his armyacross in one night, after providing a stock of provisions for tendays, he led his legions down to the river by night, and passed themover before daylight. 

8. Fulvius Flaccus, who had discovered from deserters that this wouldhappen, before it took place, having written to Rome to the senate toapprize them of it, men's minds were variously affected by itaccording to the disposition of each. As might be expected in soalarming an emergency, the senate was immediately assembled, whenPublius Cornelius, surnamed Asina, was for recalling all the generalsand armies from every part of Italy to protect the city, disregardingCapua and every other concern. Fabius Maximus thought that it would behighly disgraceful to retire from Capua, and allow themselves to beterrified and driven about at the nod and menaces of Hannibal. "Was itprobable that he, who, though victorious at Cannae, nevertheless darednot approach the city, now, after having been repulsed from Capua, hadconceived hopes of making himself master of Rome? It was not tobesiege Rome, but to raise the siege of Capua that he was coming. Jupiter, the witness of treaties violated by Hannibal, and the otherdeities, would defend the city of Rome with that army which is now atthe city. " To these opposite opinions, that of Publius ValeriusFlaccus, which recommended a middle course, was preferred. Regardfulof both objects, he thought that a letter should be written to thegenerals at Capua, informing them of the force they had at the cityfor its protection, and stating, that as to the number of forces whichHannibal was bringing with him, or how large an army was necessary tocarry on the siege of Capua, they themselves knew. If one of thegenerals and a part of the army could be sent to Rome, and at the sametime Capua could be efficiently besieged by the remaining general andarmy, that then Claudius and Fulvius should settle between themselveswhich should continue the siege of Capua, and which should come toRome to protect their capital from being besieged. This decree of thesenate having been conveyed to Capua, Quintus Fulvius, the proconsul, who was to go to Rome, as his colleague was ill from his wound, crossed the Vulturnus with a body of troops, to the number of fifteenthousand infantry and a thousand horse, selected from the threearmies. Then having ascertained that Hannibal intended to proceedalong the Latin road, he sent persons before him to the towns on andnear the Appian way, Setia, Cora, and Lanuvium, with directions thatthey should not only have provisions ready in their towns, but shouldbring them down to the road from the fields which lay out of the way, and that they should draw together into their towns troops for theirdefence, in order that each state might be under its own protection. 

9. On the day he crossed the Vulturnus, Hannibal pitched his camp at asmall distance from the river. The next day, passing by Cales, hereached the Sidicinian territory, and having spent a day there indevastating the country, he led his troops along the Latin way throughthe territory of Suessa, Allifae, and Casinum. Under the walls ofCasinum he remained encamped for two days, ravaging the country allaround; thence passing by Interamna and Aquinum, he came into theFregellan territory, to the river Liris, where he found the bridgebroken down by the Fregellans in order to impede his progress. Fulviusalso was detained at the Vulturnus, in consequence of Hannibal'shaving burnt the ships, and the difficulty he had in procuring raftsto convey his troops across that river from the great scarcity ofmaterials. The army having been conveyed across by rafts, theremainder of the march of Fulvius was uninterrupted, a liberal supplyof provisions having been prepared for him, not only in all the towns, but also on the sides of the road; while his men, who were allactivity, exhorted each other to quicken their pace, remembering thatthey were going to defend their country. A messenger from Fregella, who had travelled a day and a night without intermission, arriving atRome, caused the greatest consternation; and the whole city was throwninto a state of alarm by the running up and down of persons who madevague additions to what they heard, and thus increased the confusionwhich the original intelligence created. The lamentations of womenwere not only heard from private houses, but the matrons from everyquarter, rushing into the public streets, ran up and down around theshrines of the gods, sweeping the altars with their dishevelled hair, throwing themselves upon their knees and stretching their upliftedhands to heaven and the gods, imploring them to rescue the city ofRome out of the hands of their enemies, and preserve the Roman mothersand their children from harm. The senate sat in the forum near themagistrates, in case they should wish to consult them. Some werereceiving orders and departing to their own department of duty; otherswere offering themselves wherever there might be occasion for theiraid. Troops were posted in the citadel, in the Capitol, upon the wallsaround the city, and also on the Alban mount, and the fort of Aesula. During this confusion, intelligence was brought that Quintus Fulvius, the proconsul, had set out from Capua with an army; when the senatedecreed that Quintus Fulvius should have equal authority with theconsuls, lest on entering the city his power should cease. Hannibal, having most destructively ravaged the Fregellan territory, on accountof the bridge having been broken down, came into the territory of theLavici, passing through those of Frusino, Ferentinum, and Anagnia;thence passing through Algidum he directed his course to Tusculum; butnot being received within the walls, he went down to the right belowTusculum to Gabii; and marching his army down thence into theterritory of the Pupinian tribe, he pitched his camp eight miles fromthe city. The nearer the enemy came, the greater was the number offugitives slain by the Numidians who preceded him, and the greater thenumber of prisoners made of every rank and age. 

10. During this confusion, Fulvius Flaccus entered the city with histroops through the Capuan gate, passed through the midst of the city, and through Carinae, to Esquiliae; and going out thence, pitched hiscamp between the Esquiline and Colline gates. The plebeian aedilesbrought a supply of provisions there. The consuls and the senate cameto the camp, and a consultation was held on the state of the republic. It was resolved that the consuls should encamp in the neighbourhood ofthe Colline and Esquiline gates; that Caius Calpurnius, the citypraetor, should have the command of the Capitol and the citadel; andthat a full senate should be continually assembled in the forum, incase it should be necessary to consult them amidst such suddenemergencies. Meanwhile, Hannibal advanced his camp to the Anio, threemiles from the city, and fixing his position there, he advanced withtwo thousand horse from the Colline gate as far as the temple ofHercules, and riding up, took as near a view as he could of the wallsand site of the city. Flaccus, indignant that he should do this sofreely, and so much at his ease, sent out a party of cavalry, withorders to displace and drive back to their camp the cavalry of theenemy. After the fight had begun, the consuls ordered the Numidiandeserters who were on the Aventine, to the number of twelve hundred, to march through the midst of the city to the Esquiliae, judging thatno troops were better calculated to fight among the hollows, thegarden walls, and tombs, or in the enclosed roads which were on allsides. But some persons, seeing them from the citadel and Capitol asthey filed off on horseback down the Publician hill, cried out thatthe Aventine was taken. This circumstance occasioned such confusionand terror, that if the Carthaginian camp had not been without thecity, the whole multitude, such was their alarm, would have rushedout. They then fled for refuge into their houses and upon the roofs, where they threw stones and weapons on their own soldiers as theypassed along the streets, taking them for enemies. Nor could thetumult be repressed, or the mistake explained, as the streets werethronged with crowds of rustics and cattle, which the sudden alarm haddriven into the city. The battle between the cavalry was successful, and the enemy were driven away; and as it was necessary to repress thetumults which were arising in several quarters without any cause, itwas resolved that all who had been dictators, consuls, or censors, should be invested with authority till such time as the enemy hadretired from the walls. During the remainder of the day and thefollowing night, several tumults arose without any foundation, andwere repressed. 

11. The next day Hannibal, crossing the Anio, drew out all his forcesin order of battle; nor did Flaccus and the consuls decline to fight. When the troops on both sides were drawn up to try the issue of abattle, in which Rome was to be the prize of the victors, a violentshower of rain mingled with hail created such disorder in both thelines, that the troops, scarcely able to hold their arms, retired totheir camps, less through fear of the enemy than of any thing else. Onthe following day, likewise, a similar tempest separated the armiesmarshalled on the same ground; but after they had retired to theircamps the weather became wonderfully serene and tranquil. TheCarthaginians considered this circumstance as a Divine interposition, and it is reported that Hannibal was heard to say, "That sometimes hewanted the will to make himself master of Rome, at other times theopportunity. " Two other circumstances also, one inconsiderable, theother important, diminished his hopes. The important one was, thatwhile he lay with his armed troops near the walls of the city, he wasinformed that troops had marched out of it with colours flying, as areinforcement for Spain; that of less importance was, that he wasinformed by one of his prisoners, that the very ground on which hiscamp stood was sold at this very time, without any diminution in itsprice. Indeed, so great an insult and indignity did it appear to himthat a purchaser should be found at Rome for the very soil which heheld and possessed by right of conquest, that he immediately called acrier, and ordered that the silversmiths' shops, which at that timestood around the Roman forum, should be put up for sale. Induced bythese circumstances he retired to the river Tutia, six miles from thecity, whence he proceeded to the grove of Feronia, where was a templeat that time celebrated for its riches. The Capenatians and otherstates in the neighbourhood, by bringing here their first-fruits andother offerings according to their abilities, kept it decorated withabundance of gold and silver. Of all these offerings the temple wasnow despoiled. After the departure of Hannibal, vast heaps of brasswere found there, as the soldiers, from a religious feeling, hadthrown in pieces of uncoined brass. The spoliation of this temple isundoubted by historians; but Caelius asserts, that Hannibal, in hisprogress to Rome, turned out of his way to it from Eretum. Accordingto him his route commenced with Amiternum, Caetilii, and Reate. Hecame from Campania into Samnium, and thence into Pelignia; thenpassing the town Sulmio, he entered the territory of the Marrucini;thence through the Alban territory he came to that of the Marsi, fromwhich he came to Amiternum and the village of Foruli. Nor is thisdiversity of opinion a proof that the traces of so great an army couldbe confounded in the lapse of so brief a period. That he went that wayis evident. The only question is, whether he took this route to thecity, or returned by it from the city into Campania?

12. With regard to Capua, Hannibal did not evince such obstinateperseverance in raising the siege of it as the Romans did in pressingit; for quitting Lucania, he came into the Bruttian territory, andmarched to the strait and Rhegium with such rapidity, that he was verynear taking the place by surprise, in consequence of the suddenness ofhis arrival. Though the siege had been urged with undiminished vigourduring his absence, yet Capua felt the return of Flaccus; andastonishment was excited that Hannibal had not returned with him. Afterwards they learnt, by conversations, that they were abandoned anddeserted, and that the Carthaginians had given up all hopes ofretaining Capua. In addition to this a proclamation was made by theproconsul, agreeably to a decree of the senate, and published amongthe enemy, that any Campanian citizen who came over before a statedday should be indemnified. No one, however, came over, as they wereheld together by fear more than fidelity; for the crimes they hadcommitted during their revolt were too great to admit of pardon. Asnone of them passed over to the enemy, consulting their own individualinterest, so no measure of safety was taken with regard to the generalbody. The nobility had deserted the state, nor could they be inducedto meet in the senate, while the office of chief magistrate was filledby a man who had not derived honour to himself from his office, butstripped the office of its influence and authority by his ownunworthiness. Now none of the nobles made their appearance even in theforum, or any public place, but shut themselves up in their houses, indaily expectation of the downfall of their city, and their owndestruction together. The chief responsibility in every thing devolvedupon Bostar and Hanno, the praefects of the Punic garrison, who wereanxious on account of their own danger, and not that of their allies. They addressed a letter to Hannibal, in terms, not only of freedom, but severity, charging him with "delivering, not only Capua into thehands of the enemy, but with treacherously abandoning themselves also, and their troops, to every species of torture;" they told him "he hadgone off to the Bruttians, in order to get out of the way, as it were, lest Capua should be taken before his eyes; while, by Hercules, theRomans, on the contrary, could not be drawn off from the siege ofCapua, even by an attack upon their city. So much more constant werethe Romans in their enmity than the Carthaginians in their friendship. If he would return to Capua and direct the whole operations of the warto that point, that both themselves and the Campanians would beprepared for a sally. That they had crossed the Alps not to carry on awar with the people of Rhegium nor Tarentum. That where the Romanlegions were, there the armies of the Carthaginians ought to be. Thusit was that victories had been gained at Cannae and Trasimenus; byuniting, by pitching their camp close to that of the enemy, by tryingtheir fortune. " A letter to this effect was given to some Numidianswho had already engaged to render their services for a stated reward. These men came into the camp to Flaccus under pretence of beingdeserters, with the intention of quitting it by seizing anopportunity, and the famine, which had so long existed at Capua, afforded a pretext for desertion which no one could suspect. But aCampanian woman, the paramour of one of the deserters, unexpectedlyentered the camp, and informed the Roman general that the Numidianshad come over according to a preconcerted plan of treachery, and werethe bearers of letters to Hannibal; that she was prepared to convictone of the party of that fact, as he had discovered it to her. Onbeing brought forward, he at first pretended, with considerablepertinacity, that he did not know the woman; but afterwards, graduallysuccumbing to the force of truth, when he saw the instruments oftorture called for and preparing, he confessed that it was so. Theletters were produced, and a discovery was made of an additional fact, before concealed, that other Numidians were strolling about in theRoman camp, under pretence of being deserters. Above seventy of thesewere arrested, and, with the late deserters, scourged with rods; andafter their hands had been cut off, were driven back to Capua. Thesight of so severe a punishment broke the spirit of the Campanians. 

13. The people, rushing in crowds to the senate-house, compelledLesius to assemble a senate, and openly threatened the nobles, who hadnow for a long time absented themselves from the public deliberations, that unless they attended the meeting of the senate, they would goround to their houses and drag them all before the public by force. The fear of this procured the magistrate a full senate. Here, whilethe rest contended for sending ambassadors to the Roman generals, Vibius Virrius, who had been the instigator of the revolt from theRomans, on being asked his opinion, observed, that "those persons whospoke of sending ambassadors, and of peace, and a surrender, did notbear in mind either what they would do if they had the Romans in theirpower, or what they themselves must expect to suffer. What! do youthink, " says he, "that your surrender will be like that in whichformerly we placed ourselves and every thing belonging to us at thedisposal of the Romans, in order that we might obtain assistance fromthem against the Samnites? Have you already forgotten at what ajuncture we revolted from the Romans, and what were theircircumstances? Have you forgotten how at the time of the revolt we putto death, with torture and indignity, their garrison, which might havebeen sent out? How often, and with determined hostility, we havesallied out against them when besieging us, and assaulted their camp?How we invited Hannibal to come and cut them off? And how mostrecently we sent him hence to lay siege to Rome? But come, retrace onthe other hand what they have done in hostility towards us, that youmay learn therefrom what you have to hope for. When a foreign enemywas in Italy, and that enemy Hannibal; when the flame of war waskindled in every quarter; disregarding every other object, disregarding even Hannibal himself, they sent two consuls with twoconsular armies to lay siege to Capua. This is the second year, that, surrounded with lines and shut up within our walls, they consume us byfamine, having suffered in like manner with ourselves the extremestdangers and the severest hardships, having frequently had their troopsslain near their rampart and trenches, and at last having been almostdeprived of their camp. But I pass over these matters. It has beenusual, even from of old, to suffer dangers and hardships in besiegingan enemy's city. The following is a proof of their animosity andbitter hatred. Hannibal assaulted their camp with an immense force ofhorse and foot, and took a part of it. By so great a danger they werenot in the least diverted from the siege. Crossing the Vulturnus, helaid waste the territory of Cales with fire. Such calamities inflictedupon their allies had no effect in calling them off. He ordered histroops to march in hostile array to the very city of Rome. Theydespised the tempest which threatened them in this case also. Crossingthe Anio, he pitched his camp three miles from the city, and lastly, came up to the very walls and gates. He gave them to understand thathe would take their city from them, unless they gave up Capua. Butthey did not give it up. Wild beasts, impelled by headlong fury andrage, you may divert from their object to bring assistance to thosebelonging to them, if you attempt to approach their dens and theiryoung. The Romans could not be diverted from Capua by the blockade ofRome, by their wives and children, whose lamentations could almost beheard from this place, by their altars, their hearths, the temples oftheir gods, and the sepulchres of their ancestors profaned andviolated. So great was their avidity to bring us to punishment, soinsatiable their thirst for drinking our blood. Nor, perhaps, withoutreason. We too would have done the same had the opportunity beenafforded us. Since, however, the gods have thought proper to determineit otherwise, though I ought not to shrink from death, while I amfree, while I am master of myself, I have it in my power, by a deathnot only honourable but mild, to escape the tortures and indignitieswhich the enemy hope to inflict upon me. I will not see AppiusClaudius and Quintus Fulvius in the pride and insolence of victory, nor will I be dragged in chains through Rome as a spectacle in atriumph, that afterwards in a dungeon, or tied to a stake, after myback has been lacerated with stripes, I may place my neck under aRoman axe. I will neither see my native city demolished and burnt, northe matrons, virgins, and free-born youths of Campania dragged toconstupration. Alba, from which they themselves derived their origin, they demolished from her foundations, that there might remain no traceof their rise and extraction, much less can I believe they will spareCapua, towards which they bear a more rancorous hatred than towardsCarthage. For such of you, therefore, as have a mind to yield to fate, before they behold such horrors, a banquet is furnished and preparedat my house. When satiated with wine and food, the same cup whichshall have been given to me shall be handed round to them. That potionwill rescue our bodies from torture, our minds from insult, our eyesand ears from seeing and hearing all those cruelties and indignitieswhich await the vanquished. There will be persons in readiness whowill throw our lifeless bodies upon a large pile kindled in thecourt-yard of the house. This is the only free and honourable way todeath. Our very enemies will admire our courage, and Hannibal willlearn that those whom he deserted and betrayed were brave allies. "

14. More of those who heard this speech of Virrius approved of theproposal contained in it, than had strength of mind to execute whatthey approved. The greater part of the senate being not without hopesthat the Romans, whose clemency they had frequently had proof of inmany wars, would be exorable by them also, decreed and sentambassadors to surrender Capua to the Romans. About twenty-sevensenators, following Vibius Virrius to his home, partook of the banquetwith him; and after having, as far as they could, withdrawn theirminds, by means of wine, from the perception of the impending evil, all took the poison. They then rose from the banquet, after givingeach other their right hands, and taking a last embrace, minglingtheir tears for their own and their country's fate; some of themremained, that they might be burned upon the same pile, and the restretired to their homes. Their veins being filled in consequence ofwhat they had eaten, and the wine they drank, rendered the poison lessefficacious in expediting death; and accordingly, though the greaterpart of them languished the whole of that night and part of thefollowing day, all of them, however, breathed their last before thegates were opened to the enemy. The following day the gate of Jupiter, which faced the Roman camp, was opened by order of the proconsul, whenone legion and two squadrons of allies marched in at it, under thecommand of Caius Fulvius, lieutenant-general. When he had taken carethat all the arms and weapons to be found in Capua should be broughtto him; having placed guards at all the gates to prevent any one'sgoing or being sent out, he seized the Carthaginian garrison, andordered the Campanian senators to go into the camp to the Romangenerals. On their arrival they were all immediately thrown intochains, and ordered to lay before the quaestor an account of all thegold and silver they had. There were seventy pounds of gold, and threethousand two hundred of silver. Twenty-five of the senators were sentto Cales, to be kept in custody, and twenty-eight to Teanum; thesebeing the persons by whose advice principally it appeared that therevolt from the Romans had taken place. 

15. Fulvius and Claudius were far from being agreed as to thepunishment of the Campanian senators. Claudius was disposed to granttheir prayer for pardon, but Fulvius was more inclined to severity. Appius, therefore, was for referring the entire disposal of thequestion to the Roman senate. He thought it right also, that thefathers should have the opportunity of asking them whether any of theLatin confederates, or of the municipal towns, had taken part in thesedesigns, and whether they had derived any assistance from them in thewar. Fulvius, on the contrary, urged that they ought by no means torun the hazard of having the minds of faithful allies harassed bydoubtful accusations, and subjected to informers who never cared atall what they did or what they said. For this reason he said that heshould prevent and put a stop to any such inquiry. After thisconversation they separated; Appius not doubting but that hiscolleague, though he expressed himself so warmly, would, nevertheless, wait for a letter from Rome, in an affair of such magnitude. ButFulvius, fearing that his designs would be frustrated by that verymeans, dismissed his council, and commanded the military tribunes andthe praefects of the allies to give notice to two thousand chosenhorsemen to be in readiness at the third trumpet. Setting out forTeanum with this body of cavalry, he entered the gate at break of day, and proceeded direct to the forum; and a number of people havingflocked together at the first entrance of the horsemen, he ordered theSidicinian magistrate to be summoned; when he desired him to bringforth the Campanians whom he had in custody. These were allaccordingly brought forth, scourged, and beheaded. He then proceededat full speed to Cales; where, when he had taken his seat on thetribunal, and while the Campanians, who had been brought forth, werebeing bound to the stake, an express arrived from Rome, and deliveredto him a letter from Caius Calpurnius, the praetor, and a decree ofthe senate. A murmur immediately pervaded the whole assembly, beginning at the tribunal, that the entire question respecting theCampanians was referred to the decision of the fathers, and Fulvius, suspecting this to be the case, took the letter, and without openingit put it into his bosom, and then commanded the crier to order thelictor to do his duty. Thus punishment was inflicted on those also whowere at Cales. The letter was then read, together with the decree ofthe senate, when it was too late to prevent the business which wasalready executed, and which had been accelerated by every means toprevent its being obstructed. When Fulvius was now rising from hisseat, Jubellius Taurea, a Campanian making his way through the middleof the city and the crowd, called upon him by name, and when Flaccus, who wondered greatly what he could want, had resumed his seat, hesaid, "Order me also to be put to death, that you may be able toboast, that a much braver man than yourself has been put to death byyou. " Fulvius at first said, that the man could not certainly be inhis senses, then, that he was restrained by a decree of the senate, even though he might wish it, when Jubellius exclaimed "Since, afterthe capture of my country, and the loss of my relations and friends, after having killed, with my own hand, my wife and children to preventtheir suffering any indignity, I am not allowed even to die in thesame manner as these my countrymen, let a rescue be sought in couragefrom this hated existence. " So saying, he thrust a sword, which he hadconcealed under his garment, right through his breast, and felllifeless at the general's feet. 

16. Because not only what related to the punishment of the Campanians, but most of the other particulars of this affair, were transactedaccording to the judgment of Flaccus alone, some authors affirm thatAppius Claudius died about the time of the surrender of Capua, andthat this same Taurea neither came to Cales voluntarily nor died byhis own hand, but that while he was being tied to the stake among therest, Flaccus, who could not distinctly hear what he vociferated fromthe noise which was made, ordered silence, when Taurea said the thingswhich have been before related "that he, a man of the greatestcourage, was being put to death by one who was by no means his equalin respect to valour. " That immediately on his saying this, theherald, by command of the proconsul, pronounced this order. "Lictor, apply the rods to this man of courage, and execute the law upon himfirst. " Some authors also relate, that he read the decree of thesenate before he beheaded them, but that as there was a clause in it, to the effect, that if he thought proper he should refer the entirequestion to the senate, he construed it that the decision as to whatwas most for the interest of the state was left to himself. Hereturned from Cales to Capua. Atella and Calatia surrenderedthemselves, and were received. Here also the principal promoters ofthe revolt were punished. Thus eighty principal members of the senatewere put to death, and about three hundred of the Campanian noblesthrown into prison. The rest were distributed through the severalcities of the Latin confederacy, to be kept in custody, where theyperished in various ways. The rest of the Campanian citizens weresold. The remaining subject of deliberation related to the city andits territory. Some were of opinion that a city so eminently powerful, so near, and so hostile, ought to be demolished. But immediate utilityprevailed, for on account of the land, which was evidently superior toany in Italy from the variety and exuberance of its produce, the citywas preserved that it might become a settlement of husbandmen. For thepurpose of peopling the city, a number of sojourners, freed-men, dealers, and artificers, were retained, but all the land and buildingswere made the property of the Roman state. It was resolved, however, that Capua should only be inhabited and peopled as a city, that thereshould be no body-politic, nor assembly of the senate or people, normagistrates. For it was thought that a multitude not possessing anypublic council, without a ruling power, and unconnected by theparticipation of any common rights, would be incapable of combination. They resolved to send a praefect annually from Rome to administerjustice. Thus were matters adjusted at Capua, upon a plan in everyrespect worthy of commendation. Punishment was inflicted upon the mostguilty with rigour and despatch, the populace dispersed beyond allhope of return, no rage vented in fire and ruins upon the unoffendinghouses and walls. Together also with advantage, a reputation forclemency was obtained among the allies, by the preservation of a cityof the greatest celebrity and opulence, the demolition of which, allCampania, and all the people dwelling in the neighbourhood ofCampania, would have bewailed, while their enemies were compelled toadmit the ability of the Romans to punish their faithless allies, andhow little assistance could be derived from Hannibal towards thedefence of those whom he had taken under his protection. 

17. The Roman senate having gone through every thing which requiredtheir attention relative to Capua, decreed to Caius Nero six thousandfoot and three hundred horse, whichever he should himself choose outof those two legions which he had commanded at Capua, with an equalnumber of infantry, and eight hundred horse of the Latin confederacy. This army Nero embarked at Puteoli, and conveyed over into Spain. Having arrived at Tarraco with his ships, landed his troops, hauledhis ships ashore, and armed his mariners to augment his numbers, heproceeded to the river Iberus, and received the army from TitusFonteius and Lucius Marcius. He then marched towards the enemy. Hasdrubal, son of Hamilcar, was encamped at the black stones inAusetania, a place situated between the towns Illiturgi and Mentissa. The entrance of this defile Nero seized, and Hasdrubal, to prevent hisbeing shut up in it, sent a herald to engage that, if he were allowedto depart thence, he would convey the whole of his army out of Spain. The Roman general having received this proposition gladly, Hasdrubalrequested the next day for a conference, when the Romans might draw upconditions relative to the surrender of the citadels of the towns, andthe appointment of a day on which the garrisons might be withdrawn, and the Carthaginians might remove every thing belonging to themwithout imposition. Having obtained his point in this respect, Hasdrubal gave orders that as soon as it was dark, and during thewhole of the night afterwards, the heaviest part of his force shouldget out of the defile by whatever way they could. The strictest carewas taken that many should not go out that night, that the veryfewness of their numbers might both be more adapted to elude thenotice of the enemy from their silence, and to an escape throughconfined and rugged paths. Next day they met for the conference; butthat day having been spent, on purpose, in speaking and writing abouta variety of subjects, which were not to this point, the conferencewas put off to the next day. The addition of the following night gavehim time to send still more out; nor was the business concluded thenext day. Thus several days were spent in openly discussingconditions, and as many nights in privately sending the Carthaginiantroops out of their camp; and after the greater part of the army hadbeen sent out, he did not even keep to those terms which he hadhimself proposed; and his sincerity decreasing with his fears, theybecame less and less agreed. By this time nearly all the infantry hadcleared the defile, when at daybreak a dense mist enveloped the wholedefile and the neighbouring plains; which Hasdrubal perceiving, sentto Nero to put off the conference to the following day, as theCarthaginians held that day sacred from the transaction of any seriousbusiness. Not even then was the cheat suspected. Hasdrubal havinggained the indulgence he sought for that day also, immediately quittedhis camp with his cavalry and elephants, and without creating anyalarm escaped to a place of safety. About the fourth hour the mist, being dispelled by the sun, left the atmosphere clear, when the Romanssaw that the camp of the enemy was deserted. Then at length Claudius, recognising the Carthaginian perfidy, and perceiving that he had beencaught by trickery, immediately began to pursue the enemy as theymoved off, prepared to give battle; but they declined fighting. Someskirmishes, however, took place between the rear of the Carthaginiansand the advanced guard of the Romans. 

18. During the time in which these events occurred, neither did thosestates of Spain which had revolted after the defeat that wassustained, return to the Romans, nor did any others desert them. AtRome, the attention of the senate and people, after the recovery ofCapua, was not fixed in a greater degree upon Italy than upon Spain. They resolved that the army there should be augmented and a generalsent. They were not, however, so clear as to the person whom theyshould send, as that, where two generals had fallen within the spaceof thirty days, he who was to supply the place of them should beselected with unusual care. Some naming one person, and othersanother, they at length came to the resolution that the people shouldassemble for the purpose of electing a proconsul for Spain, and theconsuls fixed a day for the election. At first they waited inexpectation that those persons who might think themselves qualifiedfor so momentous a command would give in their names, but thisexpectation being disappointed, their grief was renewed for thecalamity they had suffered, and then regret for the generals they hadlost. The people thus afflicted, and almost at their wits' end, camedown, however, to the Campus Martius on the day of the election, where, turning towards the magistrates, they looked round at thecountenances of their most eminent men, who were earnestly gazing ateach other, and murmured bitterly, that their affairs were in soruinous a state, and the condition of the commonwealth so desperate, that no one dared undertake the command in Spain. When suddenlyPublius Cornelius, son of Publius who had fallen in Spain, who wasabout twenty-four years of age, declaring himself a candidate, tookhis station on an eminence from which he could be seen by all. Theeyes of the whole assembly were directed towards him, and byacclamations and expressions of approbation, a prosperous and happycommand were at once augured to him. Orders were then given that theyshould proceed to vote, when not only every century, but everyindividual to a man, decided that Publius Scipio should be investedwith the command in Spain. But after the business had been concluded, and the ardour and impetuosity of their zeal had subsided, a suddensilence ensued, and a secret reflection on what they had done, whethertheir partiality had not got the better of their judgment? Theychiefly regretted his youth, but some were terrified at the fortunewhich attended his house and his name, for while the two families towhich he belonged were in mourning, he was going into a province wherehe must carry on his operations between the tombs of his father andhis uncle. 

19. Perceiving the solicitude and anxiety which people felt, afterperforming the business with so much ardour, he summoned an assembly, in which he discoursed in so noble and high minded a manner, on hisyears, the command intrusted to him, and the war which he had to carryon, as to rekindle and renew the ardour which had subsided, andinspire the people with more confident hopes than the reliance placedon human professions, or reasoning on the promising appearance ofaffairs, usually engenders. For Scipio was not only deserving ofadmiration for his real virtues, but also for his peculiar address indisplaying them, to which he had been formed from his earliestyears;--effecting many things with the multitude, either by feigningnocturnal visions or as with a mind divinely inspired; whether it wasthat he was himself, too, endued with a superstitious turn of mind, orthat they might execute his commands and adopt his plans withouthesitation, as if they proceeded from the responses of an oracle. Withthe intention of preparing men's minds for this from the beginning, henever at any time from his first assumption of the manly gowntransacted any business, public or private, without first going to theCapitol, entering the temple, and taking his seat there; where hegenerally passed a considerable time in secret and alone. Thispractice, which was adhered to through the whole of his life, occasioned in some persons a belief in a notion which generallyprevailed, whether designedly or undesignedly propagated, that he wasa man of divine extraction; and revived a report equally absurd andfabulous with that formerly spread respecting Alexander the Great, that he was begotten by a huge serpent, whose monstrous form wasfrequently observed in the bedchamber of his mother, but which, on anyone's coming in, suddenly unfolding his coils, glided out of sight. The belief in these miraculous accounts was never ridiculed by him, but rather increased by his address; neither positively denying anysuch thing nor openly affirming it. There were also many other things, some real and others counterfeit, which exceeded in the case of thisyoung man the usual measure of human admiration, in reliance on whichthe state intrusted him with an affair of so much difficulty, and withso important a command, at an age by no means ripe for it. To theforces in Spain, consisting of the remains of the old army, and thosewhich had been conveyed over from Puteoli by Claudius Nero, tenthousand infantry and a thousand horse were added; and Marcus JuniusSilanus, the propraetor, was sent to assist in the management ofaffairs. Thus with a fleet of thirty ships, all of which werequinqueremes, he set sail from the mouth of the Tiber, and coastingalong the shore of the Tuscan Sea, the Alps, and the Gallic Gulf, andthen doubling the promontory of the Pyrenees, landed his troops atEmporiae, a Greek city, which also derived its origin from Phocaea. Ordering his ships to attend him, he marched by land to Tarraco; wherehe held a congress of deputies from all the allies; for embassies hadpoured forth from every province on the news of his arrival. Here heordered his ships to be hauled on shore, having sent back the fourtriremes of the Massilians which had, in compliment to him, attendedhim from their home. After that, he began to give answers to theembassies of the several states, which had been in suspense on accountof the many vicissitudes of the war; and this with so great dignity, arising from the great confidence he had in his own talents, that nopresumptuous expression ever escaped him; and in every thing he saidthere appeared at once the greatest majesty and sincerity. 

20. Setting out from Tarraco, he visited the states of his allies andthe winter quarters of his army; and bestowed the highestcommendations upon the soldiers, because, though they had received twosuch disastrous blows in succession, they had retained possession ofthe province, and not allowing the enemy to reap any advantage fromtheir successes, had excluded them entirely from the territory on thisside of the Iberus, and honourably protected their allies. Marcius hekept with him, and treated him with such respect, that it wasperfectly evident there was nothing he feared less than lest any oneshould stand in the way of his own glory. Silanus then took the placeof Nero, and the fresh troops were led into winter quarters. Scipiohaving in good time visited every place where his presence wasnecessary, and completed every thing which was to be done, returned toTarraco. The reputation of Scipio among his enemies was not inferiorto that which he enjoyed among his allies and countrymen. They feltalso a kind of presentiment of what was to come, which occasioned thegreater apprehension, the less they could account for their fears, which had arisen without any cause. They had retired to their winterquarters in different directions. Hasdrubal, son of Gisgo, had gonequite to the ocean and Gades; Mago into the midland parts chieflyabove the forest of Castulo; Hasdrubal, son of Hamilcar, wintered inthe neighbourhood of Saguntum, close upon the Iberus. At the close ofthe summer in which Capua was recovered and Scipio entered Spain, aCarthaginian fleet, which had been fetched from Sicily to Tarentum, tocut off the supplies of the Roman garrison in the citadel of thatplace, had blocked up all the approaches to the citadel from the sea;but by lying there too long, they caused a greater scarcity ofprovisions to their friends than to their enemies. For so much corncould not be brought in for the townsmen, along the coasts which werefriendly to them, and through the ports which were kept open throughthe protection afforded by the Carthaginian fleet, as the fleet itselfconsumed, which had on board a crowd made up of every description ofpersons. So that the garrison of the citadel, which was small innumber, could be supported from the stock they had previously laid inwithout importing any, while that which they imported was notsufficient for the supply of the Tarentines and the fleet. At lengththe fleet was sent away with greater satisfaction than it wasreceived. The scarcity of provisions, however, was not much relievedby it; because when the protection by sea was removed corn could notbe brought in. 

21. At the close of the same summer, Marcus Marcellus arriving at thecity from his province of Sicily, an audience of the senate was givenhim by Caius Calpurnius, the praetor, in the temple of Bellona. Here, after discoursing on the services he had performed, and complaining ingentle terms, not on his own account more than that of his soldiers, that after having completely reduced the province, he had not beenallowed to bring home his army, he requested that he might be allowedto enter the city in triumph; this he did not obtain. A long debatetook place on the question, whether it was less consistent to deny atriumph on his return to him, in whose name, when absent, asupplication had been decreed and honours paid to the immortal gods, for successes obtained under his conduct; or, when they had orderedhim to deliver over his army to a successor, which would not have beendecreed unless there were still war in the province, to allow him totriumph, as if the war had been terminated, when the army, theevidence of the triumph being deserved or undeserved, were absent. Asa middle course between the two opinions, it was resolved that heshould enter the city in ovation. The plebeian tribunes, by directionof the senate, proposed to the people, that Marcus Marcellus should beinvested with command during the day on which he should enter the cityin ovation. The day before he entered the city he triumphed on theAlban mount; after which he entered the city in ovation, having agreat quantity of spoils carried before him, together with a model ofthe capture of Syracuse. The catapultas and ballistas, and every otherinstrument of war were carried; likewise the rich ornaments laid up byits kings during a long continuance of peace; a quantity of wroughtsilver and brass, and other articles, with precious garments, and anumber of celebrated statues, with which Syracuse had been adorned insuch a manner as to rank among the chief Grecian cities in thatrespect. Eight elephants were also led as an emblem of victory overthe Carthaginians. Sosis, the Syracusan, and Mericus, the Spaniard, who preceded him with golden crowns, formed not the least interestingpart of the spectacle; under the guidance of one of whom the Romanshad entered Syracuse by night, while the other had betrayed to themthe island and the garrison in it. To both of them the freedom of thecity was given, and five hundred acres of land each. Sosis was to havehis portion in the Syracusan territory, out of the lands which hadbelonged either to the kings or the enemies of the Roman people, together with a house at Syracuse, which had belonged to any one ofthose persons who had been punished according to the laws of war. Mericus and the Spaniards who had come over with him were ordered tohave a city and lands assigned to them in Sicily, which had belongedto some of those who had revolted from the Romans. It was given incharge to Marcus Cornelius to assign them the city and lands whereverhe thought proper. In the same country, four hundred acres of landwere decreed to Belligenes, by whose means Mericus had been persuadedto come over. After the departure of Marcellus from Sicily, aCarthaginian fleet landed eight thousand infantry and three thousandNumidian cavalry. To these the Murgantian territories revolted; Hybla, Macella, and certain other towns of less note followed theirdefection. The Numidians also, headed by Mutines, ranging withoutrestraint through the whole of Sicily, ravaged with fire the lands ofthe allies of the Romans. In addition to these unfortunatecircumstances, the Roman soldiers, incensed partly because they hadnot been taken from the province with their general, and partlybecause they had been forbidden to winter in towns, discharged theirduties negligently, and wanted a a leader more than inclination for amutiny. Amid these difficulties Marcus Cornelius, the praetor, sometimes by soothing, at other times by reproving them, pacified theminds of the soldiers; and reduced to obedience all the states whichhad revolted; out of which he gave Murgantia to those Spaniards whowere entitled to a city and land, in conformity with the decree of thesenate. 

22. As both the consuls had Apulia for their province, and as therewas now less to be apprehended from Hannibal and the Carthaginians, they were directed to draw lots for the provinces of Apulia andMacedonia. Macedonia fell to the lot of Sulpicius, who succeededLaevinus. Fulvius having been called to Rome on account of theelection, held an assembly to elect new consuls; when the juniorVeturian century, which had the right of voting first, named TitusManlius Torquatus and Titus Otacilius. A crowd collecting roundManlius, who was present, to congratulate him, and it being certainthat the people would concur in his election, he went, surrounded ashe was with a multitude of persons, to the tribunal of the consul, andrequested that he would listen to a few words from him; and that hewould order the century which had voted to be recalled. While allpresent were waiting impatiently to hear what it was he was going toask, he alleged as an excuse the weakness of his eyes; observing, that"a pilot or a general might fairly be charged with presumption whoshould request that the lives and fortunes of others might beintrusted to him, when in every thing which was to be done he mustmake use of other people's eyes. Therefore he requested, that, if itseemed good to him, he would order the junior Veturian century to comeand vote again; and to recollect, while electing consuls, the warwhich they had in Italy, and the present exigencies of the state. Thattheir ears had scarcely yet ceased to ring with the noise and tumultraised by the enemy, when but a few months ago they nearly scaled thewalls of Rome. " This speech was followed by the century's shoutingout, one and all, that "they would not in the least alter their vote, but would name the same persons for consuls;" when Torquatus replied, "neither shall I as consul be able to put up with your conduct, norwill you be satisfied with my government. Go back and vote again, andconsider that you have a Punic war in Italy, and that the leader ofyour enemies is Hannibal. " Upon this the century, moved by theauthority of the man and the shouts of admirers around, besought theconsul to summon the elder Veturian century; for they were desirous ofconferring with persons older than themselves, and to name the consulsin accordance with their advice. The elder Veturian century havingbeen summoned, time was allowed them to confer with the others bythemselves in the _ovile_. The elders said that there were threepersons whom they ought to deliberate about electing, two of themhaving already served all the offices of honour, namely, QuintusFabius and Marcus Marcellus; and if they wished so particularly toelect some fresh person as consul to act against the Carthaginians, that Marcus Valerius Laevinus had carried on operations against kingPhilip by sea and land with signal success. Thus, three persons havingbeen proposed to them to deliberate about, the seniors were dismissed, and the juniors proceeded to vote. They named as consuls, MarcusClaudius Marcellus, then glorious with the conquest of Sicily, andMarcus Valerius, both in their absence. All the centuries followed therecommendation of that which voted first. Let men now ridicule theadmirers of antiquity. Even if there existed a republic of wise men, which the learned rather imagine than know of; for my own part Icannot persuade myself that there could possibly be a nobility ofsounder judgment, and more moderate in their desire of power, or apeople better moralled. Indeed that a century of juniors should havebeen willing to consult their elders, as to the persons to whom theyshould intrust a command by their vote, is rendered scarcely probableby the contempt and levity with which the parental authority istreated by children in the present age. 

23. The assembly for the election of praetors was then held, at whichPublius Manlius Vulso, Lucius Manlius Acidinus, Caius Laetorius, andLucius Cincius Alimentus were elected. It happened that just as theelections were concluded, news was brought that Titus Otacilius, whomit seemed the people would have made consul in his absence, with TitusManlius, had not the course of the elections been interrupted, haddied in Sicily. The games in honour of Apollo had been performed thepreceding year, and on the motion of Calpurnius, the praetor, thatthey should be performed this year also, the senate decreed that theyshould be vowed every year for the time to come. The same year severalprodigies were seen and reported. At the temple of Concord, a statueof Victory, which stood on the roof, having been struck by lightningand thrown down, stuck among the figures of Victory, which were amongthe ornaments under the eaves, and did not fall to the ground fromthence. Both from Anagnia and Fregellae it was reported that a walland some gates had been struck by lightning. That in the forum ofSudertum streams of blood had continued flowing through a whole day;at Eretum, that there had been a shower of stones; and at Reate, thata mule had brought forth. These prodigies were expiated with victimsof the larger sort, the people were commanded to offer up prayers forone day, and perform the nine days' sacred rite. Several of the publicpriests died off this year, and fresh ones were appointed. In the roomof Manius Aemilius Numida, decemvir for sacred rites, Marcus AemiliusLepidus was appointed; in the room of Manius Pomponius Matho, thepontiff, Caius Livius; in the room of Spurius Carvilius Maximus, theaugur, Marcus Servilius. As Titus Otacilius Crassus, a pontiff, diedafter the year was concluded, no person was nominated to succeed him. Caius Claudius, flamen of Jupiter, retired from his office, because hehad distributed the entrails improperly. 

24. During the same time Marcus Valerius Laevinus, having firstsounded the intentions of the leading men by means of secretconferences, came with some light ships to a council of the Aetolians, which had been previously appointed to meet for this very purpose. Here having proudly pointed to the capture of Syracuse and Capua, asproofs of the success of the Roman arms in Sicily and Italy, he added, that "it was a custom with the Romans, handed down to them from theirancestors, to respect their allies; some of whom they had receivedinto their state, and had admitted to the same privileges they enjoyedthemselves, while others they treated so favourably that they choserather to be allies than citizens. That the Aetolians would behonoured by them so much the more, because they were the first of thenations across the sea which had entered into friendship with them. That Philip and the Macedonians were troublesome neighbours to them, but that he had broken their strength and spirits already, and wouldstill further reduce them to that degree, that they should not onlyevacuate the cities which they had violently taken from the Aetolians, but have Macedonia itself disturbed with war. And that as to theAcarnanians, whose separation from their body was a source of grief tothe Aetolians, he would place them again under their ancient system ofjurisdiction and dominion. " These assertions and promises of the Romangeneral, Scopas, who was at that time praetor of the nation, andDorymachus, a leading man among the Aetolians, confirmed on their ownauthority, extolling the power and greatness of the Roman people withless reserve, and with greater force of conviction. However, the hopeof recovering Acarnania principally moved them. The terms, therefore, were reduced to writing, on which they should enter into alliance andfriendship with the Roman people, and it was added, that "if it wereagreeable to them and they wished it, the Eleans and Lacedaemonians, with Attalus, Pleuratus, and Scerdilaedas, should be included on thesame conditions. " Attalus was king of Asia; the latter, kings of theThracians and Illyrians. The conditions were, that "the Aetoliansshould immediately make war on Philip by land, in which the Romansshould assist, with not less than twenty quinqueremes. That the siteand buildings, together with the walls and lands, of all the cities asfar as Corcyra, should become the property of the Aetolians, everyother kind of booty, of the Romans. That the Romans should endeavourto put the Aetolians in possession of Acarnania. If the Aetoliansshould make peace with Philip, they should insert a stipulation thatthe peace should stand good only on condition that they abstained fromhostilities against the Romans, their allies, and the states subjectto them. In like manner, if the Romans should form an alliance withthe king, that they should provide that he should not have liberty tomake war upon the Aetolians and their allies. " Such were the termsagreed upon; and copies of them having been made, they were laid uptwo years afterwards by the Aetolians at Olympia, and by the Romans inthe Capitol, that they might be attested by these consecrated records. The delay had been occasioned by the Aetolian ambassadors' having beendetained at Rome. This, however, did not form an impediment to thewar's proceeding. Both the Aetolians immediately commenced war againstPhilip, and Laevinus taking, all but the citadel, Zacynthus, a smallisland near to Aetolia, and having one city of the same name with theisland; and also taking Aeniadae and Nasus from the Acarnanians, annexed them to the Aetolians; and also considering that Philip wassufficiently engaged in war with his neighbours to prevent histhinking of Italy, the Carthaginians, and his compact with Hannibal, he retired to Corcyra. 

25. To Philip intelligence of the defection of the Aetolians wasbrought while in winter quarters at Pella. As he was about to march anarmy into Greece at the beginning of the spring, he undertook a suddenexpedition into the territories of Oricum and Apollonia, in order thatMacedonia might not be molested by the Illyrians, and the citiesbordering upon them, in consequence of the terror he would thus strikethem with in turn. The Apollonians came out to oppose him, but hedrove them, terrified and dismayed, within their walls. Afterdevastating the adjacent parts of Illyricum he turned his course intoPelagonia, with the same expedition. He then took Sintia, a town ofthe Dardanians, which would have afforded them a passage intoMacedonia. Having with the greatest despatch performed theseachievements, not forgetting the war made upon him by the Aetoliansand Romans in conjunction, he marched down into Thessaly throughPelagonia, Lyncus, and Bottiaea. He trusted that people might beinduced to take part with him in the war against the Aetolians, and, therefore, leaving Perseus with four thousand armed men at the gorge, which formed the entrance into Thessaly, to prevent the Aetolians frompassing it, before he should be occupied with more important business, he marched his army into Macedonia, and thence into Thrace andMaedica. This nation had been accustomed to make incursions intoMacedonia when they perceived the king engaged in a foreign war, andthe kingdom left unprotected. Accordingly, he began to devastate thelands in the neighbourhood of Phragandae, and to lay siege to the cityJamphorina, the capital and chief fortress of Maedica. Scopas, onhearing that the king had gone into Thrace, and was engaged in a warthere, armed all the Aetolian youths, and prepared to invadeAcarnania. The Acarnanian nation, unequal to their enemy in point ofstrength, and seeing that they had lost Aeniadae and Nasus, andmoreover that the Roman arms were threatening them, prepare the warrather with rage than prudence. Having sent their wives, children, andthose who were above sixty years old into the neighbouring parts ofEpirus, all who were between the ages of fifteen and sixty, bound eachother by an oath not to return unless victorious. That no one mightreceive into his city or house, or admit to his table or hearth, suchas should retire from the field vanquished, they drew up a form ofdireful execration against their countrymen who should do so; and themost solemn entreaty they could devise, to friendly states. At thesame time they entreated the Epirotes to bury in one tomb such oftheir men as should fall in the encounter, adding this inscriptionover their remains: HERE LIE THE ACARNANIANS, WHO DIED WHILE FIGHTINGIN DEFENCE OF THEIR COUNTRY, AGAINST THE VIOLENCE AND INJUSTICE OF THEAETOLIANS. Having worked up their courage to the highest pitch bythese means, they fixed their camp at the extreme borders of theircountry in the way of the enemy; and sending messengers to Philip toinform him of the critical situation in which they stood, they obligedhim to suspend the war in which he was engaged, though he had gainedpossession of Jamphorina by surrender, and had succeeded in otherrespects. The ardour of the Aetolians was damped, in the firstinstance, by the news of the combination formed by the Acarnanians;but afterwards the intelligence of Philip's approach compelled themeven to retreat into the interior of the country. Nor did Philipproceed farther than Dium, though he had marched with great expeditionto prevent the Acarnanians being overpowered; and when he had receivedinformation that the Aetolians had returned out of Acarnania, he alsoreturned to Pella. 

26. Laevinus set sail from Corcyra in the beginning of the spring, anddoubling the promontory Leucate, arrived at Naupactus; when he gavenotice that he should go thence to Anticyra, in order that Scopas andthe Aetolians might be ready there to join him. Anticyra is situatedin Locris, on the left hand as you enter the Corinthian Gulf. Thedistance between Naupactus and this place is short both by sea andland. In about three days after, the attack upon this place commencedon both elements. The attack from the sea produced the greatesteffect, because there were on board the ships engines and machines ofevery description, and because the Romans besieged from that quarter. In a few days, therefore, the town surrendered, and was delivered overto the Aetolians, the booty, according to compact, was given up to theRomans. Laevinus then received a letter informing him, that he hadbeen elected consul in his absence, and that Publius Sulpicius wascoming as his successor. He arrived at Rome later than he wasgenerally expected, being detained by a lingering illness. MarcusMarcellus, having entered upon the consulship on the ides of March, assembled the senate on that day merely for form's sake He declared, that "in the absence of his colleague he would not enter into anyquestion relative to the state or the provinces. " He said, "he wellknew there were crowds of Sicilians in the neighbourhood of the cityat the country-houses of those who maligned him, whom he was so farfrom wishing to prevent from openly publishing, at Rome, the chargeswhich had been circulated and got up against him by his enemies, thatdid they not pretend that they entertained some fear of speaking of aconsul in the absence of his colleague, he would forthwith have giventhem a hearing of the senate. That when his colleague had arrived, hewould not allow any business to be transacted before the Sicilianswere brought before the senate. That Marcus Cornelius had in a mannerheld a levy throughout all Sicily, in order that as many as possiblemight come to Rome to prefer complaints against him, that the sameperson had filled the city with letters containing falserepresentations that there was still war in Sicily, in order todetract from his merit. " The consul, having acquired on that day thereputation of having a well-regulated mind, dismissed the senate, andit appeared that there would be almost a total suspension of everykind of business till the other consul returned to the city. The wantof employment, as usual, produced expressions of discontent among thepeople. They complained of the length of the war, that the landsaround the city were devastated wherever Hannibal had marched hishostile troops; that Italy was exhausted by levies, and that almostevery year their armies were cut to pieces, that the consuls electedwere both of them fond of war, men over-enterprising and impetuous, who would probably stir up war in a time of profound peace, andtherefore were the less likely to allow the state to breathe in timeof war. 

27. A fire which broke out in several places at once in theneighbourhood of the forum, on the night before the festival ofMinerva, interrupted these discourses. Seven shops, where five wereafterwards erected, and the banks, which are now called the new banks, were all on fire at once. Afterwards the private dwellings caught, forthere were no public halls there then, the prisons called the Quarry, the fish-market, and the royal palace. The temple of Vesta was withdifficulty saved, principally by the exertions of thirteen slaves, whowere redeemed at the public expense and manumitted. The fire continuedfor a day and a night. It was evident to every body that it was causedby human contrivance, because the flames burst forth in several placesat once, and those at a distance from each other. The consul, therefore, on the recommendation of the senate, publicly notified, that whoever should make known by whose act the conflagration waskindled, should rewarded, if a free-man, with money, if a slave, withliberty. Induced by this reward, a slave of the Campanian family, theCalavii, named Mannus, gave information that "his masters, with fivenoble Campanian youths, whose parents had been executed by Fulvius, were the authors of the fire, and that they would commit various otheracts of the same kind if they were not seized. " Upon this they wereseized, as well as their slaves. At first, the informer and hisevidence were disparaged, for that "he had run away from his mastersthe day before in consequence of a whipping, and that from an eventwhich had happened by mere chance, he had fabricated this charge, fromresentment and wantonness. " But when they were charged by theiraccusers face to face, and the ministers of their villanies begin tobe examined in the middle of the forum, they all confessed, andpunishment was inflicted upon the masters and their accessory slaves. The informer received his liberty and twenty thousand _asses_. The consul Laevinus, while passing by Capua, was surrounded by amultitude of Campanians, who besought him, with tears, that they mightbe permitted to go to Rome to the senate, so that if they could atlength be in any degree moved by compassion, they might not carrytheir resentment so far as to destroy them utterly, nor suffer thevery name of the Campanian nation to be obliterated by QuintusFlaccus. Flaccus declared, that "he had individually no quarrel withthe Campanians, but that he did entertain an enmity towards them onpublic grounds and because they were foes, and should continue to doso as long as he felt assured that they had the same feelings towardsthe Roman people; for that there was no nation or people on earth moreinveterate against the Roman name. That his reason for keeping themshut up within their walls was, that if any of these got out any wherethey roamed through the country like wild beasts, tearing andmassacring whatever fell in their way. That some of them had desertedto Hannibal, others had gone and set fire to Rome; that the consulwould find the traces of the villany of the Campanians in thehalf-burnt forum. That the temple of Vesta, the eternal fire, and thefatal pledge for the continuance of the Roman empire deposited in theshrine, had been the objects of their attack. That in his opinion itwas extremely unsafe for any Campanians to be allowed to enter thewalls of Rome. " Laevinus ordered the Campanians to follow him to Rome, after Flaccus had bound them by an oath to return to Capua on thefifth day after receiving an answer from the senate. Surrounded bythis crowd, and followed also by the Sicilians and Aeolians, who cameout to meet him, he went to Rome; taking with him into the city asaccusers of two men who had acquired the greatest celebrity by theoverthrow of two most renowned cities, those whom they had vanquishedin war. Both the consuls, however, first proposed to the senate theconsideration of the state of the commonwealth, and the arrangementsrespecting the provinces. 

28. On this occasion Laevinus reported the state of Macedonia andGreece, of the Aetolians, Acarnanians, and Locrians, and the serviceshe had himself performed there on sea and land. That "Philip, who wasbringing an army against the Aetolians, had been driven back by himinto Macedonia, and compelled to retire into the heart of his kingdom. That the legion might therefore be withdrawn from that quarter, andthat the fleet was sufficient to keep the king out of Italy. " Thusmuch he said respecting himself and the province where he hadcommanded. The consuls jointly proposed the consideration of theprovinces, when the senate decreed, that, "Italy and the war withHannibal should form the province of one of the consuls; that theother should have the command of the fleet which Titus Otacilius hadcommanded, and the province of Sicily, in conjunction with LuciusCincius, the praetor. " The two armies decreed to them were those inEtruria and Gaul, consisting of four legions. That the two citylegions of the former year should be sent into Etruria and the twowhich Sulpicius, the consul, had commanded, into Gaul; that he shouldhave the command of Gaul, and the legions there whom the consul, whohad the province of Italy, should appoint. Caius Calpurnius, havinghis command continued to him for a year after the expiration of hispraetorship, was sent into Etruria. To Quintus Fulvius also theprovince of Capua was decreed, with his command continued for a year. The army of citizens and allies was ordered to be reduced, so that, out of two, one legion should be formed consisting of five thousandfoot and three hundred horse, those being discharged who had servedthe greatest number of campaigns. That of the allies there should beleft seven thousand infantry and three hundred horse, the same rulebeing observed with regard to the periods of their service indischarging the old soldiers. With Cneius Fulvius, the consul of theformer year, no change was made touching his province of Apulia norhis army; only he was continued in command for a year. PubliusSulpicius, his colleague, was ordered to discharge the whole of hisarmy excepting the marines. It was ordered also, that the army whichMarcus Cornelius had commanded, should be sent out of Sicily as soonas the consul arrived in his province. The soldiers which had foughtat Cannae, amounting to two legions, were assigned to Lucius Cincius, the praetor, for the occupation of Sicily. As many legions wereassigned to Publius Manlius Vulso, the praetor, for Sardinia, beingthose which Lucius Cornelius had commanded in that province the formeryear. The consuls were directed so to raise legions for the service ofthe city, as not to enlist any one who had served in the armies ofMarcus Claudius, Marcus Valerius, or Quintus Fulvius, so that theRoman legions might not exceed twenty-one that year. 

29. After the senate had passed these decrees, the consuls drew lotsfor their provinces. Sicily and the fleet fell to the lot ofMarcellus; Italy, with the war against Hannibal, to Laevinus. Thisresult so terrified the Sicilians, who were standing in sight of theconsuls waiting the determination of the lots, that their bitterlamentations and mournful cries both drew upon them the eyes of all atthe time, and afterwards furnished matter for conversation. For theywent round to the several senators in mourning garments, affirming, that "they would not only abandon, each of them, his native country, but all Sicily, if Marcellus should again go thither with command. That he had formerly been implacable toward them for no demerit oftheirs, what would he do now, when exasperated that they had come toRome to complain of him? That it would be better for that island to beoverwhelmed with the fires of Aetna, or sunk in the sea, than to bedelivered up, as it were, for execution to an enemy. " These complaintsof the Sicilians, having been carried round to the houses of thenobility, and frequently canvassed in conversations, which wereprompted partly by compassion for the Sicilians and partly by dislikefor Marcellus, at length reached the senate also. The consuls wererequested to take the sense of the senate on an exchange of provinces. Marcellus said, that "if the Sicilians had already had an audience ofthe senate, his opinion perhaps might have been different, but as thecase now stood, lest any one should be able to say that they wereprevented by fear from freely venting their complaints respecting him, to whose power they were presently about to be subject, he waswilling, if it made no difference to his colleague, to exchangeprovinces with him. That he deprecated a premature decision on thepart of the senate, for since it would be unjust that his colleagueshould have the power of selecting his province without drawing lots, how much greater injustice would it be, nay, rather indignity, for hislot to be transferred to him. " Accordingly the senate, having rathershown than decreed what they wished, adjourned. An exchange ofprovinces was made by the consuls of themselves, fate hurrying onMarcellus to encounter Hannibal, that he might be the last of theRoman generals, who, by his fall, when the affairs of the war weremost prosperous, might add to the glory of that man, from whom hederived the reputation of having been the first Roman general whodefeated him. 

30. After the provinces had been exchanged, the Sicilians, on beingintroduced into the senate, discoursed largely on the constantfidelity of king Hiero to the Roman people, converting it into apublic merit. They said, "that the tyrants, Hieronymus, and, afterhim, Hippocrates and Epicydes, had been objects of detestation tothem, both on other accounts and especially on account of thendeserting the Romans to take part with Hannibal. For this causeHieronymus was put to death by the principal young men among them, almost with the public concurrence, and a conspiracy was formed tomurder Epicydes and Hippocrates, by seventy of the most distinguishedof their youth; but being left without support in consequence of thedelay of Marcellus, who neglected to bring up his troops to Syracuseat the time agreed upon, they were all, on an indictment that wasmade, put to death by the tyrants. That Marcellus, by the crueltyexercised in the sacking of Leontini, had given occasion to thetyranny of Hippocrates and Epicydes. From that time the leading menamong the Syracusans never ceased going over to Marcellus, andpromising him that they would deliver the city to him whenever hepleased; but that he, in the first instance, was disposed rather totake it by force, and afterwards, finding it impossible to effect hisobject by sea or land, after trying every means, he preferred havingSyracuse delivered to him by Sosis, a brazier, and Mericus, aSpaniard, to receiving it from the principal men of Syracuse, who hadso often offered it to him voluntarily to no purpose; doubtless inorder that he might with a fairer pretext butcher and plunder the mostancient allies of the Roman people. If it had not been Hieronymus whorevolted to Hannibal, but the people and senate of Syracuse; if thebody of the Syracusan people, and not their tyrants, Hippocrates andEpicydes, who held them in thraldom, had closed the gates againstMarcellus; if they had carried on war with the Roman people with theanimosity of Carthaginians, what more could Marcellus have done inhostility than he did, without levelling Syracuse with the ground?Nothing indeed was left at Syracuse except the walls and gutted housesof her city, the temples of her gods broken open and plundered; hervery gods and their ornaments having been carried away. From manytheir possessions also were taken away, so that they were unable tosupport themselves and their families, even from the naked soil, theonly remains of their plundered property. They entreated the conscriptfathers, that they would order, if not all, at least such of theirproperty as could be found and identified, to be restored to theowners. " After they had made these complaints, Laevinus ordered themto withdraw from the senate-house, that the senate might deliberate ontheir requests, when Marcellus exclaimed, "Nay, rather let them stayhere, that I may reply to their charges in their presence, since weconduct your wars for you, conscript fathers, on the condition ofhaving as our accusers those whom we have conquered with our arms. Ofthe two cities which have been captured this year, let Capua arraignFulvius, and Syracuse Marcellus. "

31. The deputies having been brought back into the senate-house, theconsul said: "I am not so unmindful of the dignity of the Roman peopleand of the office I fill as consul, conscript fathers, as to make adefence against charges brought by Greeks, had the inquiry relatedonly to my own delinquency. But it is not so much what I have done, aswhat they deserved to suffer, which comes into dispute. For if theywere not our enemies, there was no difference between sacking Syracusethen, and when Hiero was alive. But if, on the other hand, they haverenounced their connexion with us, attacked our ambassadors sword inhand, shut us out of their city and walls, and defended themselvesagainst us with an army of Carthaginians, who can feel indignant thatthey should suffer the hostilities they have offered? I turned awayfrom the leading men of the Syracusans, when they were desirous ofdelivering up the city to me, and esteemed Sosis and Mericus as moreproper persons for so important an affair. Now you are not the meanestof the Syracusans, who reproach others with the meanness of theircondition. But who is there among you, who has promised that he wouldopen the gates to me, and receive my armed troops within the city? Youhate and execrate those who did so; and not even here can you abstainfrom speaking with insult of them; so far is it from being the casethat you would yourselves have done any thing of the kind. The verymeanness of the condition of those persons, conscript fathers, withwhich these men reproach them, forms the strongest proof that I didnot turn away from any man who was willing to render a service to ourstate. Before I began the siege of Syracuse I attempted a peace, atone time by sending ambassadors, at another time by going to conferwith them; and after that they refrained not from laying violent handson my ambassadors, nor would give me an answer when I held aninterview with their chief men at their gates, then, at length, aftersuffering many hardships by sea and land, I took Syracuse by force ofarms. Of what befell them after their city was captured they wouldcomplain with more justice to Hannibal, the Carthaginians, and thosewho were vanquished with them, than to the senate of the victoriouspeople. If, conscript fathers, I had intended to conceal the fact thatI had despoiled Syracuse, I should never have decorated the city ofRome with her spoils. As to what things I either took from individualsor bestowed upon them, as conqueror, I feel assured that I have actedagreeably to the laws of war, and the deserts of each. That you shouldconfirm what I have done, conscript fathers, certainly concerns thecommonwealth more than myself, since I have discharged my dutyfaithfully; but it is the duty of the state to take care, lest, byrescinding my acts, they should render other commanders for the timeto come less zealous. And since, conscript fathers, you have heardboth what the Sicilians and I had to say, in the presence of eachother, we will go out of the senate-house together, in order that inmy absence the senate may deliberate more freely. " Accordingly, theSicilians having been dismissed, he himself also went away to theCapitol to levy soldiers. 

32. The other consul then proposed to the fathers the consideration ofthe requests of the Sicilians, when a long debate took place. A greatpart of the senate acquiesced in an opinion which originated withTitus Manlius Torquatus, "that the war ought to have been carried onagainst the tyrants, the enemies both of the Syracusans and the Romanpeople; that the city ought to have been recovered, not captured; and, when recovered, should have been firmly established under its ancientlaws and liberty, and not distressed by war, when worn out with awretched state of bondage. That in the contest between the tyrants andthe Roman general, that most beautiful and celebrated city, formerlythe granary and treasury of the Roman people, which was held up as thereward of the victor, had been destroyed; a city by whose munificenceand bounty the commonwealth had been assisted and adorned on manyoccasions, and lastly, during this very Punic war. Should king Hiero, that most faithful friend of the Roman empire, rise from the shades, with what face could either Syracuse or Rome be shown to him, when, after beholding his half-demolished and plundered native city, heshould see, on entering Rome, the spoils of his country in thevestibule, as it were, of the city, and almost in the very gates?"Although these and other similar things were said, to throw odium uponthe consul and excite compassion for the Sicilians, yet the fathers, out of regard for Marcellus, passed a milder decree, to the effect, "that what Marcellus had done while prosecuting the war, and whenvictorious, should be confirmed. That for the time to come, the senatewould look to the affairs of Syracuse, and would give it in charge tothe consul Laevinus, to consult the interest of that state, so far asit could be done without detriment to the commonwealth. " Two senatorshaving been sent to the Capitol to request the consul to return to thesenate-house, and the Sicilians having been called in, the decree ofthe senate was read. The deputies were addressed in terms of kindness, and dismissed, when they threw themselves at the knees of the consul, Marcellus, beseeching him to pardon them for what they had said forthe purpose of exciting compassion, and procuring relief from theircalamities, and to receive themselves and the city of Syracuse underhis protection and patronage; after which, the consul addressed themkindly and dismissed them. 

33. An audience of the senate was then granted to the Campanians. Their speech was more calculated to excite compassion, but their caseless favourable, for neither could they deny that they deserved thepunishment they had suffered, nor were there any tyrants to whom theycould transfer their guilt. But they trusted that sufficient atonementhad been made by the death of so many of their senators by poison andthe hands of the executioner. They said, "that a few only of theirnobles remained, being such as were not induced by the consciousnessof their demerit to adopt any desperate measure respecting themselves, and had not been condemned to death through the resentment of theirconquerors. That these implored the restoration of their liberty, andsome portion of their goods for themselves and families, beingcitizens of Rome, and most of them connected with the Romans byaffinity and now too near relationship, in consequence ofintermarriages which had taken place for a long period. " After thisthey were removed from the senate-house, when for a short time doubtswere entertained whether it would be right or not to send for QuintusFulvius from Capua, (for Claudius, the proconsul, died after thecapture of that place, ) that the question might be canvassed in thepresence of the general who had been concerned, as was done in theaffair between Marcellus and the Sicilians. But afterwards, when theysaw in the senate Marcus Atilius, and Caius Fulvius, the brother ofFlaccus, his lieutenant-generals, and Quintus Minucius, and LuciusVeturius Philo, who were also his lieutenant-generals, who had beenpresent at every transaction; and being unwilling that Fulvius shouldbe recalled from Capua, or the Campanians put off, Marcus AtiliusRegulus, who possessed the greatest weight of any of those present whohad been at Capua, being asked his opinion, thus spoke: "I believe Iassisted at the council held by the consuls after the capture ofCapua, when inquiry was made whether any of the Campanians haddeserved well of our state; and it was found that two women had doneso; Vestia Oppia, a native of Atella and an inhabitant of Capua, andFaucula Cluvia, formerly a common woman. The former had daily offeredsacrifice for the safety and success of the Roman people, and thelatter had clandestinely supplied the starving prisoners with food. The sentiments of all the rest of the Campanians towards us had beenthe same, " he said, "as those of the Carthaginians; and those who hadbeen decapitated by Fulvius, were the most conspicuous in rank, butnot in guilt. I do not see, " said he, "how the senate can deciderespecting the Campanians who are Roman citizens, without an order ofthe people. And the course adopted by our ancestors, in the case ofthe Satricani when they had revolted, was, that Marcus Antistius, theplebeian tribune, should first propose and the commons make an order, that the senate should have the power of pronouncing judgment upon theSatricani. I therefore give it as my opinion, that application shouldbe made to the plebeian tribunes, that one or more of them shouldpropose to the people a bill, by which we may be empowered todetermine in the case of the Campanians. " Lucius Atilius, plebeiantribune, proposed to the people, on the recommendation of the senate, a bill to the following effect: "Concerning all the Campanians, Atellanians, Calatinians, and Sabatinians, who have surrenderedthemselves to the proconsul Fulvius, and have placed themselves underthe authority and dominion of the Roman people; also concerning whatthings they have surrendered, together with their persons, both landsand city, divine or human, together with their utensils and whatsoeverelse they have surrendered; concerning these things, Roman citizens, Iask you what it is your pleasure should be done. " The commons thusordered: "Whatsoever the senate on oath, or the majority of thosepresent, may determine, that we will and order. "

34. The senate having taken the matter into their consideration inconformity with this order of the people, first restored to Oppia andCluvia their goods and liberty; directing, that if they wished tosolicit any other rewards from the senate, they should come to Rome. Separate decrees were passed respecting each of the Campanianfamilies, all of which it is not worth while to enumerate. The goodsof some were to be confiscated; themselves, their children, and theirwives were to be sold, excepting such of their daughters as hadmarried before they came into the power of the Roman people. Otherswere ordered to be thrown into chains, and their cases to beconsidered at a future time. They made the amount of income the groundon which they decided, whether the goods of the rest of the Campaniansshould be confiscated or not. They voted, that all the cattle takenexcept the horses, all the slaves except adult males, and every thingwhich did not belong to the soil, should be restored to the owners. They ordered that all the Campanians, Atellanians, Calatinians, andSabatinians, except such as were themselves, or whose parents were, among the enemy, should be free, with a proviso, that none of themshould become a Roman citizen or a Latin confederate; and that none ofthose who had been at Capua while the gates were shut should remain inthe city or territory of Capua after a certain day. That a placeshould be assigned to them to inhabit beyond the Tiber, but notcontiguous to it. That those who had neither been in Capua nor in anyCampanian city which had revolted from the Romans during the war, should inhabit a place on this side the river Liris towards Rome; andthat those who had come over to the Romans before Hannibal arrived atCapua, should be removed to a place on this side the Vulturnus, with aproviso, that none of them should have either land or house withinfifteen miles of the sea. That such of them as were removed to a placebeyond the Tiber, should neither themselves nor their posterityacquire or possess any property any where, except in the Veientian, Sutrian, or Nepetian territories; and, except on condition, that noone should possess a greater extent of land than fifty acres. That thegoods of all the senators, and such as had been magistrates at Capua, Calatia, and Atella, should be sold at Capua; but that the freepersons who were decreed to be exposed to sale, should be sent to Romeand sold there. As to the images and brazen statues, which were saidto have been taken from the enemy, whether sacred or profane, theyreferred them to the college of pontiffs. They sent the Campaniansaway, considerably more grieved than they were when they came, inconsequence of these decrees; and now they no longer complained of theseverity of Quintus Fulvius towards them, but of the malignity of thegods and their own accursed fortune. 

35. After the Sicilians and Campanians were dismissed, a levy wasmade; and after the troops had been enlisted for the army, they thenbegan to consider about making up the number of rowers; but as therewas neither a sufficient supply of men for that purpose, nor any moneyat that time in the treasury by which they might be purchased or paid, the consuls issued an edict, that private persons should furnishrowers in proportion to their income and rank, as had been donebefore, with pay and provisions for thirty days. So great was themurmuring and indignation of the people, on account of this edict, that a leader, rather than matter, was wanting for an insurrection. Itwas said, that "the consuls, after having ruined the Sicilians andCampanians, had undertaken to destroy and lacerate the Roman commons;that, drained as they had been for so many years by taxes, they hadnothing left but wasted and naked lands. That the enemy had burnedtheir houses, and the state had taken away their slaves, who were thecultivators of their lands, at one time by purchasing them at a lowrate for soldiers, at another by commanding a supply of rowers. If anyone had any silver or brass it was taken away from him, for thepayment of rowers or for annual taxes. That no force could compel andno command oblige them to give what they had not got. That they mightsell their goods and then vent their cruelty on their persons, whichwere all that remained to them. That they had nothing even left fromwhich they could be redeemed. " These complaints were uttered not insecret, but publicly in the forum, and before the eyes of the consulsthemselves, by an immense crowd which surrounded them; nor could theconsuls appease them now by coercing nor by soothing them. Upon thisthey said that three days should be allowed them to consider of thematter; which interval the consuls employed in examining and planning. The following day they assembled the senate to consider of raising asupply of rowers; and after arguing at great length that the people'srefusal was fair, they brought their discourse to this point, thatwhether it were just or unjust, this burden must be borne by privateindividuals. For from what source could they procure rowers, whenthere was no money in the treasury? and how, without fleets, couldSicily be kept in subjection, or Philip be prevented from enteringItaly, or the shores of Italy be protected?

36. In this perplexing state of affairs, when all deliberation was ata stand, and a kind of torpor had seized on men's minds, Laevinus, theconsul, observed, that "as the magistrates were more honoured than thesenators, and the senators than the people, so also ought they to bethe first in taking upon themselves every thing that was burdensomeand arduous. If you would enjoin any duty on an inferior, and wouldfirst submit yourself and those belonging to you to the obligation, you will find everybody else more ready to obey; nor is an expensethought heavy, when the people see every one of their principal mentaking upon himself more than his proportion of it. Are we thendesirous that the Roman people should have and equip a fleet? thatprivate individuals should without repugnance furnish rowers? Let usfirst execute the command ourselves. Let us, senators, bring into thetreasury to-morrow all our gold, silver, and coined brass, eachreserving rings for himself, his wife, and children, and a bulla forhis son; and he who has a wife or daughters, an ounce weight of goldfor each. Let those who have sat in a curule chair have the ornamentsof a horse, and a pound weight of silver, that they may have asalt-cellar and a dish for the service of the gods. Let the rest ofus, senators, reserve for each father of a family, a pound weight onlyof silver and five thousand coined _asses_. All the rest of ourgold, silver, and coined brass, let us immediately carry to thetriumviri for banking affairs, no decree of the senate having beenpreviously made; that our voluntary contributions, and our emulationin assisting the state, may excite the minds, first, of the equestrianorder to emulate us, and after them of the rest of the community. Thisis the only course which we, your consuls, after much conversation onthe subject, have been able to discover. Adopt it, then, and may thegods prosper the measure. If the state is preserved, she can easilysecure the property of her individual members, but by betraying thepublic interests you would in vain preserve your own. " Thisproposition was received with such entire approbation, that thankswere spontaneously returned to the consuls. The senate was thenadjourned, when every one of the members brought his gold, silver, andbrass into the treasury, with such emulation excited, that they weredesirous that their names should appear among the first on the publictables; so that neither the triumviri were sufficient for receivingnor the notaries for entering them. The unanimity displayed by thesenate was imitated by the equestrian order, and that of theequestrian order by the commons. Thus, without any edict, or coercionof the magistrates, the state neither wanted rowers to make up thenumbers, nor money to pay them; and after every thing had been got inreadiness for the war, the consuls set out for their provinces. 

37. Nor was there ever any period of the war, when both theCarthaginians and the Romans, plunged alike in vicissitudes, were in astate of more anxious suspense between hope and fear. For on the sideof the Romans, with respect to their provinces, their failure in Spainon the one hand, and their successes in Sicily on the other, hadblended joy and sorrow; and in Italy, the loss of Tarentum was aninjury and a source of grief to them, while the unexpectedpreservation of the citadel with the garrison was matter of joy tothem. The sudden terror and panic occasioned by the siege and attackof Rome, was turned into joy by the capture of Capua, a few daysafter. Their affairs beyond sea also were equalized by a kind ofcompensation. Philip had become their enemy at a juncture somewhatunseasonable; but then the Aetolians, and Attalus, king of Asia, wereadded to their allies; fortune now, in a manner, promising to theRomans the empire of the east. The Carthaginians also set the loss ofCapua against the capture of Tarentum; and as they considered it asglorious to them to have reached the walls of Rome without opposition, so they were chagrined at the failure of their attempt, and they feltashamed that they had been held in such contempt, that while they layunder the walls of Rome, a Roman army was marched out for Spain at anopposite gate. With regard also to Spain itself, the greater thereason was to hope that the war there was terminated, and that theRomans were driven from the country, after the destruction of two suchrenowned generals and their armies, so much the greater was theindignation felt, that the victory had been rendered void andfruitless by Lucius Marcius, a general irregularly appointed. Thusfortune balancing events against each other, all was suspense anduncertainty on both sides, their hopes and their fears being as strongas though they were now first commencing the war. 

38. What grieved Hannibal more than any thing was the fact, that Capuahaving been more perseveringly besieged by the Romans than defended byhim, had turned from him the regard of many of the states of Italy, and it was not only impossible for him to retain possession of allthese by means of garrisons, unless he could make up his mind to tearhis army into a number of small portions, which at that time was mostinexpedient, but he could not, by withdrawing the garrisons, leave thefidelity of his allies open to the influence of hope, or subject tothat of fear. His disposition, which was strongly inclined to avariceand cruelty, induced him to plunder the places he could not keeppossession of, that they might be left for the enemy in a state ofdesolation. This resolution was equally horrid in principle and in itsissue, for not only were the affections of those who suffered suchharsh treatment alienated from him, but also of the other states, forthe warning affected a greater number than did the calamity. Nor didthe Roman consul fail to sound the inclinations of the cities, whenever any prospect of success presented itself. Dasius and Blasiuswere the principal men in Salapia, Dasius was the friend of Hannibal, Blasius, as far as he could do it with safety, promoted the Romaninterest, and, by means of secret messengers, had given Marcellushopes of having the place betrayed to him, but the business could notbe accomplished without the assistance of Dasius. After much and longhesitation and even then more for the want of a better plan than fromany hope of success, he addressed himself to Dasius; but he, beingboth adverse to the measure and also hostile to his rival in thegovernment, discovered the affair to Hannibal. Both parties weresummoned, and while Hannibal was transacting some business on histribunal, intending presently to take cognizance of the case ofBlasius, and the accuser and the accused were standing apart from thecrowd, which was put back, Blasius solicited Dasius on the subject ofsurrendering the city; when he exclaimed, as if the case were nowclearly proved, that he was being treated with about the betrayal ofthe city, even before the eyes of Hannibal. The more audacious theproceeding was, the less probable did it appear to Hannibal and thosewho were present. They considered that the charge was undoubtedly amatter of rivalry and animosity, and that it had been brought becauseit was of such a nature that, not admitting of being proved bywitnesses, it could the more easily be fabricated. Accordingly theparties were dismissed. But Blasius, notwithstanding, desisted notfrom his bold undertaking, till by continually harping upon the samesubject, and proving how conducive such a measure would be tothemselves and their country, he carried his point that the Punicgarrison, consisting of five hundred Numidians, and Salapia, should bedelivered up to Marcellus. Nor could it be betrayed without muchbloodshed, consisting of the bravest of the cavalry in the whole Punicarmy. Accordingly, though the event was unexpected, and their horseswere of no use to them in the city, yet hastily taking arms, duringthe confusion, they endeavoured to force their way out; and not beingable to escape, they fell fighting to the last, not more than fifty ofthem falling into the hands of the enemy alive. The loss of this bodyof cavalry was considerably more detrimental to Hannibal than that ofSalapia, for the Carthaginian was never afterwards superior incavalry, in which he had before been most effective. 

39. During this time the scarcity of provisions in the citadel ofTarentum was almost intolerable; the Roman garrison there, and MarcusLivius, the praefect of the garrison and the citadel, placing alltheir dependence in the supplies sent from Sicily; that these mightsafely pass along the coast of Italy, a fleet of about twenty shipswas stationed at Rhegium. Decius Quinctius, a man of obscure birth, but who had acquired great renown as a soldier, on account of manyacts of bravery, had charge of the fleet and the convoys. At first hehad five ships, the largest of which were two triremes, given to himby Marcellus, but afterwards, in consequence of his spirited conducton many occasions, three quinqueremes were added to his number, atlast, by exacting from the allied states of Rhegium, Velia, andPaestum, the ships they were bound to furnish according to treaty, hemade up a fleet of twenty ships, as was before stated. This fleetsetting out from Rhegium, was met at Sacriportus, about fifteen milesfrom the city by Democrates, with an equal number of Tarentine ships. It happened that the Roman was then coming with his sails up, notexpecting an approaching contest, but in the neighbourhood of Crotoand Sybaris, he had supplied his ships with rowers, and had his fleetexcellently equipped and armed for the size of his vessels, and italso happened, that just at the time when the enemy were in sight, thewind completely fell, so that there was sufficient time to furl theirsails, and get their rowers and soldiers in readiness for theapproaching action. Rarely elsewhere have regular fleets engaged withso much spirit, for they fought for what was of greater importancethan the fleets themselves. The Tarentines, in order that, havingrecovered their city from the Romans after the lapse of almost acentury, they might also rescue their citadel, hoping also to cut offthe supplies of their enemy, if by a naval battle they could deprivethem of the dominion of the sea. The Romans, that, by keepingpossession of the citadel, they might prove that Tarentum was lost notby the strength and valour of their enemies, but by treachery andstealth. Accordingly, the signal having been given on both sides, theycharged each other with the beaks of their ships, and neither did theydraw back their own, nor allow the ships of the enemy with which theywere engaged to separate from them, having thrown then grapplingirons, and thus the battle was carried on in such close quarters, thatthey fought not only with missile weapons, but in a manner foot tofoot even with their swords. The prows joined together remainedstationary, while the sterns were moved round by the force of theiradversaries' oars. The ships were crowded together in so small acompass, that scarcely one weapon fell into the sea without takingeffect. They pressed front against front like lines of troops engagingon land, and the combatants could pass from one ship to another. Butthe contest between two ships which had engaged each other in the van, was remarkable above the rest. In the Roman ship was Quinctiushimself, in the Tarentine, Nico, surnamed Perco, who hated, and washated by, the Romans, not only on public grounds, but also personally, for he belonged to that faction which had betrayed Tarentum toHannibal. This man transfixed Quinctius with a spear while off hisguard, and engaged at once in fighting and encouraging his men, and heimmediately fell headlong with his arms over the prow. The victoriousTarentine promptly boarded the ship, which was all in confusion fromthe loss of the commander, and when he had driven the enemy back, andthe Tarentines had got possession of the prow, the Romans, who hadformed themselves into a compact body, with difficulty defending thestern, suddenly another trireme of the enemy appeared at the stern. Thus the Roman ship, enclosed between the two, was captured. Upon thisa panic spread among the rest, seeing the commander's ship captured, and flying in every direction, some were sunk in the deep and somerowed hastily to land, where, shortly after, they became a prey to theThurians and Metapontines. Of the storeships which followed, ladenwith provisions, a very few fell into the hands of the enemy; therest, shifting their sails from one side to another with the changingwinds, escaped into the open sea. An affair took place at Tarentum atthis time, which was attended with widely different success; for aparty of four thousand men had gone out to forage, and while they weredispersed, and roaming through the country, Livius, the commander ofthe citadel and the Roman garrison, who was anxious to seize everyopportunity of striking a blow, sent out of the citadel Caius Persius, an active officer, with two thousand soldiers, who attacked themsuddenly when widely dispersed and straggling about the fields; andafter slaying them for a long time on all hands, drove the few thatremained of so many into the city, to which they fled in alarm andconfusion, and where they rushed in at the doors of the gates, whichwere half-opened that the city might not be taken in the same attack. In this manner affairs were equally balanced at Tarentum, the Romansbeing victorious by land, and the Tarentines by sea. Both parties wereequally disappointed in their hope of receiving provisions after theywere within sight. 

40. While these events were occurring, the consul, Laevinus, after agreat part of the year had elapsed, having arrived in Sicily, where hehad been expected by both the old and new allies, considered it hisfirst and principal duty to adjust the affairs of Syracuse, which werestill in a state of disorder, the peace being but recent. He thenmarched his legions to Agrigentum, the seat of the remaining part ofthe war, which was occupied by a strong garrison of Carthaginians; andhere fortune favoured his attempt. Hanno was commander-in-chief ofthe Carthaginians, but their whole reliance was placed upon Mutinesand the Numidians. Mutines, scouring the whole of Sicily, employedhimself in carrying off spoil from the allies of the Romans; nor couldhe by force or stratagem be cut off from Agrigentum, or prevented fromsallying from it whenever he pleased. The renown which he gained bythis conduct, as it began now to eclipse the fame of thecommander-in-chief, was at last converted into a source of jealousy;so that even now his successes were not as acceptable as they ought tohave been, on account of the person who gained them. For these reasonsHanno at last gave his commission to his own son, concluding that bytaking away his command he should also deprive him of the influence hepossessed with the Numidians. But the result was very different; fortheir former attachment to him was increased by the envy incurred byhim. Nor did he brook the affront put upon him by this injurioustreatment, but immediately sent secret messengers to Laevinus, totreat about delivering up Agrigentum. After an agreement had beenentered into by means of these persons, and the mode of carrying itinto execution concerted, the Numidians seized on a gate which leadstowards the sea, having driven the guards from it, or put them to thesword, and then received into the city a party of Romans sent for thatpurpose; and when these troops were now marching into the heart of thecity and the forum with a great noise, Hanno, concluding that it wasnothing more than a disturbance and secession of the Numidians, suchas had happened before, advanced to quell the mutiny; but observing ata distance that the numbers were greater than those of the Numidians, and hearing the Roman shout, which was far from being new to him, hebetook himself to flight before he came within reach of their weapons. Passing out of the town at a gate in the opposite quarter, and takingEpicydes to accompany him, he reached the sea with a few attendants;and having very seasonably met with a small vessel, they abandoned tothe enemy Sicily, for which they had contended for so many years, andcrossed over into Africa. The remaining multitude of Carthaginians andSicilians fled with headlong haste, but as every passage by which theycould escape was blockaded up, they were cut to pieces near the gates. On gaining possession of the town, Laevinus scourged and beheadedthose who took the lead in the affairs of Agrigentum. The rest, together with the booty, he sold. All the money he sent to Rome. Accounts of the sufferings of the Agrigentines spreading through allSicily, all the states suddenly turned to the Romans. In a short timetwenty towns were betrayed to them, and six taken by storm. As many asforty put themselves under their protection, by voluntary surrender. The consul having rewarded and punished the leading men of thesestates, according to their several deserts, and compelled theSicilians, now that they had at length laid aside arms, to turn theirattention to the cultivation of their lands, in order that the islandmight by its produce not only maintain its inhabitants, but, as it hadfrequently done on many former occasions, add to the supplies of Romeand Italy, he returned into Italy, taking with him a disorderlymultitude from Agathyrna. These were as many as four thousand men, made up of a mixed assemblage of every description of persons, exiles, bankrupts, the greater part of them felons, who had supportedthemselves by rapine and robbery, both when they lived in their nativetowns, under the restraint of the laws, and also after that acoincidence in their fortunes, brought about by causes different ineach case, had congregated them at Agathyrna. These men Laevinusthought it hardly safe to leave in the island, when an unwontedtranquillity was growing up, as the materials of fresh disturbances;and besides, they were likely to be useful to the Rhegians, who werein want of a band of men habituated to robbery, for the purpose ofcommitting depredations upon the Bruttian territory. Thus, so far asrelated to Sicily, the war was this year terminated. 

41. In Spain, in the beginning of spring, Publius Scipio, havinglaunched his ships, and summoned the auxiliary troops of his allies toTarraco by an edict, ordered his fleet and transports to proceedthence to the mouth of the Iberus. He also ordered his legions to quittheir winter quarters, and meet at the same place; and then set outfrom Tarraco, with five thousand of the allies, to join the army. Onhis arrival at the camp he considered it right to harangue hissoldiers, particularly the old ones who had survived such dreadfuldisasters; and therefore, calling an assembly, he thus addressed them:"Never was there a new commander before myself who could, with justiceand good reason, give thanks to his soldiers before he had availedhimself of their services. Fortune laid me under obligations to youbefore I set eyes on my province or your camp; first, on account ofthe respect you have shown to my father and uncle, both in theirlifetime and since their death; and secondly, because by your valouryou have recovered and preserved entire, for the Roman people, and metheir successor, the possession of the province which had been lost inconsequence of so dreadful a calamity. But since, now, by the favourof the gods, our purpose and endeavour is not that we may remain inSpain ourselves, but that the Carthaginians may not; and not to standon the bank of the Iberus, and hinder the enemy from crossing thatriver, but cross it first ourselves, and carry the war to the otherside, I fear lest to some among you the enterprise should appear tooimportant and daring, considering your late misfortunes, which arefresh in your recollection, and my years. There is no person fromwhose mind the memory of the defeats sustained in Spain could beobliterated with more difficulty than from mine; inasmuch as there myfather and uncle were both slain within the space of thirty days, sothat one death after another was accumulated on my family. But as theorphanhood and desolation of my own family depresses my mind, so boththe good fortune and valour of our nation forbid me to despair of thesafety of the state. It has happened to us by a kind of fatality, thatin all important wars we have been victorious, after having beendefeated. I pass over those wars of ancient date with Porsena, theGauls, and Samnites. I will begin with the Punic wars. How manyfleets, generals, and armies were lost in the former war? Why should Imention what has occurred in this present war? I have either beenmyself present at all the defeats sustained, or have felt more thanany other those from which I was absent. What else are the Trebia, theTrasimenus, and Cannae, but monuments of Roman armies and consulsslain? Add to these the defection of Italy, of the greater part ofSicily and Sardinia, and the last terror and panic, the Carthaginiancamp pitched between the Anio and the walls of Rome, and thevictorious Hannibal seen almost in our gates. Amid this general ruin, the courage of the Roman people alone stood unabated and unshaken. When every thing lay prostrate on the ground, it was this that raisedand supported the state. You, first of all, my soldiers, under theconduct and auspices of my father, opposed Hasdrubal on his way to theAlps and Italy, after the defeat of Cannae, who, had he formed ajunction with his brother, the Roman name would now have been extinct. These successes formed a counterpoise to those defeats. Now, by thefavour of the gods, every thing in Italy and Sicily is going onprosperously and successfully, every day affording matter of freshjoy, and presenting things in a better light. In Sicily, Syracuse andAgrigentum have been captured, the enemy entirely expelled the island, and the province placed again under the dominion of the Romans. InItaly, Arpi has been recovered and Capua taken. Hannibal has beendriven into the remotest corner of Bruttium, having fled thither allthe way from Rome, in the utmost confusion; and now he asks the godsno greater boon than that he might be allowed to retire in safety, andquit the territory of his enemy. What then, my soldiers, could be morepreposterous than that you, who here supported the tottering fortuneof the Roman people, together with my parents, (for they may beequally associated in the honour of that epithet, ) when calamitiescrowded one upon another in quick succession, and even the godsthemselves, in a manner, took part with Hannibal, should now sink inspirits when every thing is going on happily and prosperously? Evenwith regard to the events which have recently occurred, I could wishthat they had passed with as little grief to me as to you. At thepresent time the immortal gods who preside over the destinies of theRoman empire, who inspired all the centuries to order the command tobe given to me, those same gods, I say, by auguries and auspices, andeven by nightly visions, portend entire success and joy. My own mindalso, which has hitherto been to me the truest prophet, presages thatSpain will be ours; that the whole Carthaginian name will in a shorttime be banished from this land, and will fill both sea and land withignominious flight. What my mind presages spontaneously, is alsosupported by sound reasoning. Their allies, annoyed by them, are byambassadors imploring our protection; their three generals, havingdiffered so far as almost to have abandoned each other, have dividedtheir army into three parts, which they have drawn off into regions asremote as possible from each other. The same fortune now threatensthem which lately afflicted us; for they are both deserted by theirallies, as formerly we were by the Celtiberians, and they have dividedtheir forces, which occasioned the ruin of my father and uncle. Neither will their intestine differences allow them to unite, nor willthey be able to cope with us singly. Only do you, my soldiers, favourthe name of the Scipios, favour the offspring of your generals, ascion springing up from the trunks which have been cut down. Comethen, veterans, lead your new commander and your new army across theIberus, lead us across into a country which you have often traversed, with many a deed of valour. I will soon bring it to pass that, as younow trace in me a likeness to my father and uncle in my features, countenance, and figure, I will so restore a copy of their genius, honour, and courage, to you, that every man of you shall say that hiscommander, Scipio, has either returned to life, or has been bornagain. "

42. Having animated his troops with this harangue, and leaving MarcusSilanus with three thousand infantry and three hundred horse, for theprotection of that district, he crossed the Iberus with all the restof his troops, consisting of twenty-five thousand infantry and twothousand five hundred horse. Though certain persons there endeavouredto persuade him that, as the Carthaginian armies had retired from eachother into three such distant quarters, he should attack the nearestof them; yet concluding that if he did so there was danger lest heshould cause them to concentrate all their forces, and he alone shouldnot be a match for so many, he determined for the present to make anattack upon New Carthage, a city not only possessing great wealth ofits own, but also full of every kind of military store belonging tothe enemy; there were their arms, their money, and the hostages fromevery part of Spain. It was, besides, conveniently situated, not onlyfor a passage into Africa, but also near a port sufficiently capaciousfor a fleet of any magnitude, and, for aught I know, the only one onthe coast of Spain which is washed by our sea. No one but CaiusLaelius knew whither he was going. He was sent round with the fleet, and ordered so to regulate the sailing of his ships, that the armymight come in view and the fleet enter the harbour at the same time. Both the fleet and army arrived at the same time at New Carthage, onthe seventh day after leaving the Iberus. The camp was pitched overagainst that part of the city which looks to the north. A rampart wasthrown up as a defence on the rear of it, for the front was secured bythe nature of the ground. Now the situation of New Carthage is asfollows: at about the middle of the coast of Spain is a bay facing forthe most part the south-west, about two thousand five hundred paces indepth, and a little more in breadth. In the mouth of this bay is asmall island forming a barrier towards the sea, and protecting theharbour from every wind except the south-west. From the bottom of thebay there runs out a peninsula, which forms the eminence on which thecity is built; which is washed in the east and south by the sea, andon the west is enclosed by a lake which extends a little way alsotowards the north, of variable depth according as the sea overflows orebbs. An isthmus of about two hundred paces broad connects the citywith the continent, on which, though it would have been a work of solittle labour, the Roman general did not raise a rampart; whether hisobject was to make a display of his confidence to the enemy frommotives of pride, or that he might have free regress when frequentlyadvancing to the walls of the city. 

43. Having completed the other requisite works, he drew up his shipsin the harbour, that he might exhibit to the enemy the appearance of ablockade by sea also; he then went round the fleet, and having warnedthe commanders of the ships to be particularly careful in keeping thenight-watches, because an enemy, when besieged, usually tried everyeffort and in every quarter at first, he returned into his camp; andin order to explain to his soldiers the reason why he had adopted theplan of commencing the war with the siege of a city, in preference toany other, and also by exhortations to inspire them with hopes ofmaking themselves masters of it, he summoned them to an assembly, andthus addressed them: "Soldiers, if any one among you suppose that youhave been brought here to attack a single city, that man takes a moreexact account of your present labour than of its profitable resultfrom it. For you will in truth attack the walls of a single city, butin that single city you will have made yourselves masters of allSpain. Here are the hostages of all her most distinguished kings andstates; and as soon as you shall have gained possession of these, theywill immediately deliver into your hands every thing which is nowsubject to the Carthaginians. Here is the whole of the enemy'streasure, without which they cannot carry on the war, as they arekeeping mercenary troops, and which will be most serviceable to us inconciliating the affections of the barbarians. Here are their engines, their arms, their tackle, and every requisite in war; which will atonce supply you, and leave the enemy destitute. Besides, we shall gainpossession of a city, not only of the greatest beauty and wealth, butalso most convenient as having an excellent harbour, by means of whichwe may be supplied with every requisite for carrying on the war bothby sea and land. Great as are the advantages we shall thus gain, weshall deprive our enemies of much greater. This is their citadel, their granary, their treasury, their magazine, their receptacle forevery thing. Hence there is a direct passage into Africa; this is theonly station for a fleet between the Pyrenees and Gades; this gives toAfrica the command of all Spain. But as I perceive you are arrayed andmarshalled, let us pass on to the assault of New Carthage, with ourwhole strength, and with undaunted courage. " Upon this, they all with, one accord cried out that it should be done; and he led them toCarthage, and ordered that the assault should be made both by sea andland. 

44. On the other side, Mago, the Carthaginian general, perceiving thata siege was being prepared for both by sea and land, himself alsodisposed his forces thus: he placed two thousand of the townsmen tooppose the enemy, on the side facing the Roman camp; he occupied thecitadel with five hundred soldiers, and stationed five hundred on arising ground, facing the east; the rest of his troops he ordered, intent on every thing that occurred, to hasten with assistancewherever the shout, or any sudden emergency, might call them. Then, throwing open the gate, he sent out those he had drawn up in thestreet leading to the camp of the enemy. The Romans, according to thedirection of their general, retired a little, in order that they mightbe nearer to the reserved troops which were to be sent to theirassistance during the engagement. At first they stood with prettyequal force, but afterwards the reserved troops, sent from time totime from the camp, not only obliged the enemy to turn their backs, but followed them up so close when flying in disorder, that had not aretreat been sounded, they seemed as though they would have rushedinto the city together with the fugitives. The consternation in thefield was not greater than in every part of the city; many of theoutposts were abandoned in panic and flight; and the walls weredeserted, as they leaped down each in the part nearest him. Scipio, who had gone out to an eminence called Mercury's hill, perceiving thatthe walls were abandoned by their defenders in many parts, ordered allhis men to be called out of his camp and advance to take the city, andorders them to bring the scaling-ladders. The general himself, coveredby the shields of three stout young men, (for now an immense number ofmissiles of every description were let fly from the walls, ) came up tothe city, cheered them on, and gave the requisite orders; and, whatwas of the utmost importance in exciting the courage of his men, heappeared among them a witness and spectator of the valour or cowardiceof each. Accordingly, they rushed forward, amidst wounds and weapons;nor could the walls, or the armed troops which stood upon them, repelthem from eagerly mounting them. At the same time an attack wascommenced by the fleet upon that part of the city which was washed bythe sea. But here the alarm occasioned was greater than the forcewhich could be employed; for while they were bringing the boats toshore, and hastily landing the ladders and the men, each man pressingforward to gain the land the shortest way, they hindered one anotherby their very haste and eagerness. 

45. In the mean time, the Carthaginians had now filled the walls againwith armed men, who were supplied with a great quantity of missilesfrom the immense stores which they had laid up. But neither men normissiles, nor any thing else, so effectually defended them as thewalls themselves, for very few of the ladders were equal to the heightof them, and all those which were longer than the rest wereproportionably weaker. Accordingly, those who were highest beingunable to mount from them, and being followed, nevertheless, byothers, they broke from the mere weight upon them. Some, though theladders stood, a dizziness having come over their eyes in consequenceof the height, fell to the ground. And as men and ladders were everywhere tumbling down, while the boldness and alacrity of the enemy wereincreased by the mere success, the signal for retreat was sounded, which afforded hopes to the besieged, not only of present rest aftersuch a laborious contest, but also for the future, as it appearedtheir city could not be taken by scalade and siege. To raise worksthey considered would be attended with difficulty, and would give timeto their generals to bring them assistance. Scarcely had the firsttumult subsided, when Scipio ordered other fresh and unfatigued troopsto take the ladders from those who were tired and wounded and assaultthe city with increased vigour. Having received intelligence that thetide was ebbing, and having before been informed by some fishermen ofTarraco who used to pass through the lake, sometimes in light boats, and, when these ran aground, by wading, that it afforded an easypassage to the wall for footmen, he led some armed men thither inperson. It was about mid-day, and besides that the water was beingdrawn off naturally, in consequence of the tide receding, a brisknorth wind rising impelled the water in the lake, which was already inmotion, in the same direction as the tide, and rendered it so shallow, that in some parts the water reached only to the navel, while inothers it scarcely rose above the knees. Scipio, referring thisdiscovery, which he had made by his own diligence and penetration, tothe gods and to miracle, which had turned the course of the sea, withdrawn it from the lake, and opened ways never before trodden byhuman feet to afford a passage to the Romans, ordered them to followNeptune as their guide, and passing through the middle of the lake, make good their way to the walls. 

46. Those who renewed the assault by land experienced greatdifficulty; for they were baffled not only by the height of the walls, but also because they exposed the Romans, as they approached them, tothe missiles of the enemy from different quarters, so that their sideswere endangered more than the fronts of their bodies. But in the otherquarter five hundred passed without difficulty through the lake, andthen mounted the wall, for neither was it defended by anyfortifications, because there they thought the city was sufficientlyprotected by the nature of the place and the lake, nor were there anyoutposts or guards stationed there, because all were engaged inbringing succour to that quarter in which the danger appeared. Havingentered the city without opposition, they proceeded direct, with allpossible speed, to that gate near which the contest was concentrated;and so intently occupied with this were not only the minds, but theeyes and ears of all, both of those who were engaged in fighting, andof those who were looking on and encouraging the combatants, that noone perceived that the city had been captured in their rear till theweapons fell upon their backs, and they had an enemy on both sides ofthem. Then, the defenders having been thrown into confusion throughfear, both the walls were captured, and the gate began to be brokenopen both from within and from without; and presently, the doorshaving been broken to pieces by blows, in order that the way might notbe obstructed, the troops rushed in. A great number had also got overthe walls, but these employed themselves in putting the townsmen tothe sword; those which entered by the gate, forming a regular body, with officers and in ranks, advanced through the midst of the cityinto the forum. Scipio then perceiving that the enemy fled in twodifferent directions, some to the eminence which lay eastward, whichwas occupied by a garrison of five hundred men, others to the citadel, into which Mago himself also had fled for refuge, together with almostall the troops which had been driven from the walls, sent part of hisforces to storm the hill, and part he led in person against thecitadel. Not only was the hill captured at the first assault, but Magoalso, after making an effort to defend it, when he saw every placefilled with the enemy, and that there was no hope, surrendered himselfand the citadel, with the garrison. Until the citadel was surrendered, the massacre was continued in every quarter throughout the city; nordid they spare any one they met who had arrived at puberty: but afterthat, on a signal given, a stop was put to the carnage, and thevictors turned their attention to the plunder, of which there was animmense quantity of every description. 

47. Of males of free condition, as many as ten thousand were captured. Of these he allowed to depart such as were citizens of New Carthage;and restored to them their city, and all their property which the warhad left them. The artisans amounted to two thousand, whom he assignedto the Roman people as their property; holding out to them a hope ofspeedy emancipation, provided they should address themselvesstrenuously to the service of the war. Of the rest of the mass ofinhabitants, the young men and able-bodied slaves he assigned for theservice of the fleet, to fill up the numbers of the rowers. He hadalso augmented his fleet with five ships which he had captured. Besides this multitude, there remained the Spanish hostages, to whomas much attention was paid as if they had been children of allies. Animmense quantity of military stores was also taken; one hundred andtwenty catapultae of the larger size, two hundred and eighty-one ofthe smaller; twenty-three ballistae of the larger size, fifty-two ofthe smaller; an immense number of scorpions of the larger and smallersize, and also of arms and missile weapons; and seventy-four militarystandards. Of gold and silver, an immense quantity was brought to thegeneral; there were two hundred and seventy-six golden bowls, almostall of them weighing a pound; of silver, wrought and coined, eighteenthousand three hundred pounds' weight; and of silver vessels animmense number. All these were weighed and reckoned to the quaestor, Caius Flaminius. There were twenty thousand pecks of wheat, and twohundred and seventy of barley. One hundred and thirteen ships ofburden were boarded and captured in the harbour, some of them withtheir cargoes, consisting of corn and arms, besides brass, iron, sails, spartum, and other naval materials, of use in equipping afleet; so that amid such large military stores which were captured, Carthage itself was of the least consideration. 

48. Having ordered Caius Laelius with the marines to guard the city, Scipio led back his legions to the camp the same day in person; and ashis soldiers were tired, as they had in one day gone through everykind of military labour; for they had engaged the enemy in the field, and had undergone very great fatigue and danger in taking the city;and after they had taken it had fought, and that on disadvantageousground, with those who had fled to the citadel, he ordered them toattend to themselves. The next day, having assembled the land andnaval forces, he, in the first place, ascribed praise and thanks tothe immortal gods, who had not only in one day made him master of thewealthiest city in Spain, but had previously collected in it theriches of almost all Africa and Spain; so that while his enemy hadnothing left, he and his army had a superabundance of every thing. Hethen commended in the highest terms the valour of his soldiers, because that neither the sally of the enemy, nor the height of thewalls, nor the unexplored fords of the lake, nor the fort standingupon a high hill, nor the citadel, though most strongly fortified, haddeterred them from surmounting and breaking through every thing. Therefore, though all credit was due to them all, he said that the manwho first mounted the wall ought to be distinguished above the rest, by being honoured with a mural crown; and he desired that he whothought himself worthy of that reward would claim it. Two persons laidclaim to it, Quintus Trebellius, a centurion of the fourth legion, andSextus Digitius, a marine. Nor did these contest so fiercely as eachexcited the zeal of his own body of men. Caius Laelius, admiral of thefleet, patronized the marines, and Marcus Sempronius Tuditanus, thelegionary troops. As this contest began almost to assume the characterof a mutiny, Scipio having notified that he should appoint threedelegates, who, after making themselves acquainted with the case, andexamining the witnesses, might decide which had been the first toscale the wall and enter the town, added Publius Cornelius Caudinus, amiddle party, to Laelius and Sempronius, the advocates of the twoparties, and ordered these three delegates to sit and determine thecause. But as the contest was now carried on with increased warmth, because those high characters, who had acted more as moderators of thezeal of both than as advocates of any particular party, werewithdrawn, Caius Laelius, leaving the council, went up to the tribunalof Scipio and informed him, "that the contest was proceeding withoutbounds or moderation, and that they had almost come to blows. Butstill, though no violence should take place, that the proceedingsformed a most hateful precedent, for that the honours due to valourwere being sought by fraud and perjury. That on one side stood thelegionary troops, on the other the marines, ready to swear by all thegods what they wished, rather than what they knew, to be true, and toinvolve in the guilt of perjury not only themselves and their ownpersons, but the military standards, the eagles, and their solemn oathof allegiance. That he laid these matters before him, in accordancewith the opinion of Publius Cornelius and Marcus Sempronius. " Scipio, after highly praising Laelius, summoned an assembly, and thendeclared, "that he had ascertained satisfactorily that QuintusTrebellius and Sextus Digitius had mounted the wall at the same time, and that he presented them both with mural crowns in consideration oftheir valour. " He then gave presents to the rest, according to themerit and valour of each. Above all he honoured Caius Laelius, theadmiral of the fleet, by the placing him upon an equality withhimself, and bestowing upon him every kind of commendation, and alsoby presenting him with a golden crown and thirty oxen. 

49. He then ordered the Spanish hostages to be summoned. What thenumber of these was I feel reluctant to state, because in some authorsI find that it was about three hundred, in others seven hundred andtwenty-five. There is the same difference between authors with regardto the other particulars. One writes that the Punic garrison consistedof ten thousand, another of seven, a third of not more than twothousand. In some you may find that ten thousand persons werecaptured, in others above twenty-five thousand. I should have statedthe number of scorpions captured, both of the greater and smallersize, at sixty, if I had followed the Greek author, Silenus, ifValerius Antius, of the larger at six thousand, of the smaller atthirteen, so great is the extent of falsehood. Nor are they agreedeven respecting the commanders, most say that Laelius commanded thefleet, but some say Marcus Junius Silanus. Valerius Antius says, thatArines commanded the Punic garrison, and was given up to the Romans;other writers say it was Mago. They are not agreed respecting thenumber of the ships taken, respecting the weight of gold and silver, and of the money brought into the public treasury. If we must assentto some of their statements, the medium is nearest to the truth. However, Scipio having summoned the hostages, first bid them all keepup their spirits observing, "that they had fallen into the hands ofthe Roman people, who chose to bind men to them by benefits ratherthan by fear, and keep foreign nations attached to them by honour andfriendship, rather than subject them to a gloomy servitude. " Thenreceiving the names of the states to which they belonged, he took anaccount of the captives, distinguishing the number belonging to eachpeople, and sent messengers to their homes, to desire that they wouldcome and take back their respective friends. If ambassadors from anyof the states happened to be present, he delivered their countrymen tothem in person, and assigned to them the quaestor, Caius Flaminius, the charge of kindly taking care of the rest. Meanwhile, thereadvanced from the midst of the crowd of hostages a woman in years, thewife of Mandonius, who was the brother of Indibilis, the chieftain ofthe Illergetians; she threw herself weeping at the general's feet, andbegan to implore him to give particularly strict injunctions to theirguardians with respect to the care and treatment of females. Scipioreplied, that nothing certainly should be wanting; when the womanrejoined: "We do not much value such things, for what is not goodenough for such a condition? A care of a different kind disquiets me, when beholding the age of these females; for I am myself no longerexposed to the danger peculiar to females. " Around her stood thedaughters of Indibilis, in the bloom of youth and beauty, with othersof equal rank, all of whom looked up to her as a parent. Scipio thensaid: "Out of regard for that discipline which I myself and the Romannation maintain, I should take care that nothing, which is any whereheld sacred, should be violated among us. In the present case, yourvirtue and your rank cause me to observe it more strictly; for noteven in the midst of misfortunes have you forgotten the delicacybecoming matrons. " He then delivered them over to a man of triedvirtue, ordering him to treat them with no less respect and modestythan the wives and mothers of guests. 

50. The soldiers then brought to him a female captive, a grown-upvirgin, of such exquisite beauty, that whichever way she walked sheattracted the eyes of every body. Scipio, on making inquiries as toher country and parentage, heard, among other particulars, that shewas betrothed to a young prince of the Celtiberians, named Allucius. He immediately, therefore, summoned from their abode her parents andlover, and having heard in the mean time that the latter wasdesperately enamoured of her, as soon as he arrived he addressed himin a more studied manner than her parents. "A young man myself, " saidhe, "I address myself to a young man, and therefore there need be theless reserve in this conversation. As soon as your intended bride, having been captured by my soldiers, was brought into my presence, andI was informed that she was endeared to you, which her beauty renderedprobable, considering that I should myself wish that my affection formy intended bride, though excessive, should meet with indulgence, could I enjoy the pleasures suited to my age, (particularly in anhonourable and lawful love, ) and were not my mind engrossed by publicaffairs, I indulge as far as I can your passion. Your mistress, whileunder my protection, has received as much respect as under the roof ofher own parents, your father-in-law and mother-in-law. She has beenkept in perfect safety for you, that she might be presented to youpure, a gift worthy of me and of you. This only reward I bargain forin return for the service I have rendered you, that you would be afriend to the Roman people, and if you believe that I am a true man, as these nations knew my father and uncle to have been heretofore, that you would feel assured that in the Roman state there are manylike us, and that no nation in the world at the present time can bementioned, with which you ought to be less disposed that you, or thosebelonging to you, should be at enmity, or with which you would ratherbe in friendship. " The young man, overcome at once with joy andmodesty, clung to Scipio's right hand, and invoked all the gods torecompense him in his behalf, since he himself was far from possessingmeans proportioned either to his own wishes or Scipio's deserts. Hethen addressed himself to the parents and relatives of the damsel, who, on receiving her back without any reward, whom they had brought avery large weight of gold to redeem, entreated Scipio to accept itfrom them as a present to himself; affirming, that if he would do so, they should feel as grateful for it as they did for the restoration oftheir daughter inviolate. As they were so earnest in their entreaties, Scipio promised to accept it, and ordered it to be laid at his feet. Then calling Allucius to him, he said: "To the dowry which you areabout to receive from your father-in-law, let these marriage presentsalso from me be added;" bidding him take away the gold and keep it forhimself. Delighted with these presents and honours, he was dismissedto his home, where he inspired his countrymen with the deservedpraises of Scipio, observing, "that a most godlike youth had comeamong them, who conquered every thing, not only by arms, but bykindness and generosity. " Accordingly, making a levy among hisdependants, he returned to Scipio after a few days, with fourteenhundred chosen horsemen. 

51. Scipio kept Laelius with him until he had disposed of thecaptives, hostages, and booty, in accordance with his advice; but whenall these matters were satisfactorily arranged, he gave him aquinquereme; and selecting from the captives Mago, and about fifteensenators who had been made prisoners at the same time with him, putthem on board, and sent him to Rome with the news of his victory. Hehimself employed the few days he had resolved to stay at Carthage, inexercising his naval and land forces. On the first day the legionsunder arms performed evolutions through a space of four miles; on thesecond day he ordered them to repair and clean their arms before theirtents; on the third day they engaged in imitation of a regular battlewith wooden swords, throwing javelins with the points covered withballs; on the fourth day they rested; on the fifth they againperformed evolutions under arms. This succession of exercise and restthey kept up as long as they staid at Carthage. The rowers andmariners, pushing out to sea when the weather was calm, made trial ofthe manageableness of their ships by mock sea-fights. Such exercises, both by sea and land, without the city prepared their minds and bodiesfor war. The city itself was all bustle with warlike preparations, artificers of every description being collected together in a publicworkshop. The general went round to all the works with equalattention. At one time he was employed in the dock-yard with hisfleet, at another he exercised with the legions; sometimes he woulddevote his time to the inspection of the works, which were every daycarried on with the greatest eagerness by a multitude of artificersboth in the workshops, and in the armoury and docks. Having put thesepreparations in a train, repaired the walls in a part where they hadbeen shattered, and placed bodies of troops to guard the city, he setout for Tarraco; and on his way thither was visited by a number ofembassies, some of which he dismissed, having given them answers onhis journey, others he postponed till his arrival at Tarraco; at whichplace he had appointed a meeting of all his new and old allies. Hereambassadors from almost all the people dwelling on this side theIberus, and from many dwelling in the further Spain, met. TheCarthaginian generals at first industriously suppressed the rumour ofthe capture of Carthage; but afterwards, when it became too notoriousto be concealed or dissembled, they disparaged its importance by theirlanguage. They said, that "by an unexpected attack, and in a manner bystealth, in one day, one city of Spain had been snatched out of theirhands; that a presumptuous youth, elated with the acquisition of this, so inconsiderable an advantage, had, by the extravagance of his joy, given it the air of an important victory; but that as soon as heshould hear that three generals and three victorious armies of hisenemies were approaching, the deaths which had taken place in hisfamily would occur to his recollection. " Such was the tone in whichthey spoke of this affair to the people, though they were, at the sametime, far from ignorant how much their strength had been diminished, in every respect, by the loss of Carthage. 

END OF VOL. II