THE HISTORY OF MARY PRINCE, A WEST INDIAN SLAVE. 

 RELATED BY HERSELF. 

 WITH A SUPPLEMENT BY THE EDITOR. 

 To which is added, THE NARRATIVE OF ASA-ASA, A CAPTURED AFRICAN. 

 "By our sufferings, since ye brought us To the man-degrading mart, -- All sustain'd by patience, taught us Only by a broken heart, -- Deem our nation brutes no longer, Till some reason ye shall find Worthier of regard, and stronger Than the colour of our kind. " COWPER. 

 LONDON: PUBLISHED BY F. WESTLEY AND A. H. DAVIS, STATIONERS' HALL COURT; AND BY WAUGH & INNES, EDINBURGH. 

 1831. 

PREFACE. 

The idea of writing Mary Prince's history was first suggested by herself. She wished it to be done, she said, that good people in England might hearfrom a slave what a slave had felt and suffered; and a letter of her latemaster's, which will be found in the Supplement, induced me to accede toher wish without farther delay. The more immediate object of thepublication will afterwards appear. 

The narrative was taken down from Mary's own lips by a lady who happenedto be at the time residing in my family as a visitor. It was written outfully, with all the narrator's repetitions and prolixities, and afterwardspruned into its present shape; retaining, as far as was practicable, Mary's exact expressions and peculiar phraseology. No fact of importancehas been omitted, and not a single circumstance or sentiment has beenadded. It is essentially her own, without any material alteration fartherthan was requisite to exclude redundancies and gross grammatical errors, so as to render it clearly intelligible. 

After it had been thus written out, I went over the whole, carefullyexamining her on every fact and circumstance detailed; and in all thatrelates to her residence in Antigua I had the advantage of being assistedin this scrutiny by Mr. Joseph Phillips, who was a resident in that colonyduring the same period, and had known her there. 

The names of all the persons mentioned by the narrator have been printedin full, except those of Capt. I---- and his wife, and that of Mr. D----, to whom conduct of peculiar atrocity is ascribed. These three individualsare now gone to answer at a far more awful tribunal than that of publicopinion, for the deeds of which their former bondwoman accuses them; andto hold them up more openly to human reprobation could no longer affectthemselves, while it might deeply lacerate the feelings of their survivingand perhaps innocent relatives, without any commensurate public advantage. 

Without detaining the reader with remarks on other points which will beadverted to more conveniently in the Supplement, I shall here merelynotice farther, that the Anti-Slavery Society have no concern whateverwith this publication, nor are they in any degree responsible for thestatements it contains. I have published the tract, not as theirSecretary, but in my private capacity; and any profits that may arise fromthe sale will be exclusively appropriated to the benefit of Mary Princeherself. 

THO. PRINGLE. 

_7, Solly Terrace, Claremont Square_, _January 25, 1831. _

P. S. Since writing the above, I have been furnished by my friend Mr. George Stephen, with the interesting narrative of Asa-Asa, a capturedAfrican, now under his protection; and have printed it as a suitableappendix to this little history. 

T. P. 

THE HISTORY OF MARY PRINCE, A WEST INDIAN SLAVE. 

(Related by herself. )

I was born at Brackish-Pond, in Bermuda, on a farm belonging to Mr. Charles Myners. My mother was a household slave; and my father, whose namewas Prince, was a sawyer belonging to Mr. Trimmingham, a ship-builder atCrow-Lane. When I was an infant, old Mr. Myners died, and there was adivision of the slaves and other property among the family. I was boughtalong with my mother by old Captain Darrel, and given to his grandchild, little Miss Betsey Williams. Captain Williams, Mr. Darrel's son-in-law, was master of a vessel which traded to several places in America and theWest Indies, and he was seldom at home long together. 

Mrs. Williams was a kind-hearted good woman, and she treated all herslaves well. She had only one daughter, Miss Betsey, for whom I waspurchased, and who was about my own age. I was made quite a pet of by MissBetsey, and loved her very much. She used to lead me about by the hand, and call me her little nigger. This was the happiest period of my life;for I was too young to understand rightly my condition as a slave, and toothoughtless and full of spirits to look forward to the days of toil andsorrow. 

My mother was a household slave in the same family. I was under her owncare, and my little brothers and sisters were my play-fellows andcompanions. My mother had several fine children after she came to Mrs. Williams, --three girls and two boys. The tasks given out to us childrenwere light, and we used to play together with Miss Betsey, with as muchfreedom almost as if she had been our sister. 

My master, however, was a very harsh, selfish man; and we always dreadedhis return from sea. His wife was herself much afraid of him; and, duringhis stay at home, seldom dared to shew her usual kindness to the slaves. He often left her, in the most distressed circumstances, to reside inother female society, at some place in the West Indies of which I haveforgot the name. My poor mistress bore his ill-treatment with greatpatience, and all her slaves loved and pitied her. I was truly attached toher, and, next to my own mother, loved her better than any creature in theworld. My obedience to her commands was cheerfully given: it sprungsolely from the affection I felt for her, and not from fear of the powerwhich the white people's law had given her over me. 

I had scarcely reached my twelfth year when my mistress became too poor tokeep so many of us at home; and she hired me out to Mrs. Pruden, a ladywho lived about five miles off, in the adjoining parish, in a large housenear the sea. I cried bitterly at parting with my dear mistress and MissBetsey, and when I kissed my mother and brothers and sisters, I thought myyoung heart would break, it pained me so. But there was no help; I wasforced to go. Good Mrs. Williams comforted me by saying that I shouldstill be near the home I was about to quit, and might come over and seeher and my kindred whenever I could obtain leave of absence from Mrs. Pruden. A few hours after this I was taken to a strange house, and foundmyself among strange people. This separation seemed a sore trial to methen; but oh! 'twas light, light to the trials I have sinceendured!--'twas nothing--nothing to be mentioned with them; but I was achild then, and it was according to my strength. 

I knew that Mrs. Williams could no longer maintain me; that she was fainto part with me for my food and clothing; and I tried to submit myself tothe change. My new mistress was a passionate woman; but yet she did nottreat me very unkindly. I do not remember her striking me but once, andthat was for going to see Mrs. Williams when I heard she was sick, andstaying longer than she had given me leave to do. All my employment atthis time was nursing a sweet baby, little Master Daniel; and I grew sofond of my nursling that it was my greatest delight to walk out with himby the sea-shore, accompanied by his brother and sister, Miss Fanny andMaster James. --Dear Miss Fanny! She was a sweet, kind young lady, and sofond of me that she wished me to learn all that she knew herself; and hermethod of teaching me was as follows:--Directly she had said her lessonsto her grandmamma, she used to come running to me, and make me repeat themone by one after her; and in a few months I was able not only to say myletters but to spell many small words. But this happy state was not tolast long. Those days were too pleasant to last. My heart always softenswhen I think of them. 

At this time Mrs. Williams died. I was told suddenly of her death, and mygrief was so great that, forgetting I had the baby in my arms, I ran awaydirectly to my poor mistress's house; but reached it only in time to seethe corpse carried out. Oh, that was a day of sorrow, --a heavy day! Allthe slaves cried. My mother cried and lamented her sore; and I (foolishcreature!) vainly entreated them to bring my dear mistress back to life. Iknew nothing rightly about death then, and it seemed a hard thing to bear. When I thought about my mistress I felt as if the world was all gonewrong; and for many days and weeks I could think of nothing else. Ireturned to Mrs. Pruden's; but my sorrow was too great to be comforted, for my own dear mistress was always in my mind. Whether in the house orabroad, my thoughts were always talking to me about her. 

I staid at Mrs. Pruden's about three months after this; I was then sentback to Mr. Williams to be sold. Oh, that was a sad sad time! I recollectthe day well. Mrs. Pruden came to me and said, "Mary, you will have to gohome directly; your master is going to be married, and he means to sellyou and two of your sisters to raise money for the wedding. " Hearing thisI burst out a crying, --though I was then far from being sensible of thefull weight of my misfortune, or of the misery that waited for me. Besides, I did not like to leave Mrs. Pruden, and the dear baby, who hadgrown very fond of me. For some time I could scarcely believe that Mrs. Pruden was in earnest, till I received orders for my immediatereturn. --Dear Miss Fanny! how she cried at parting with me, whilst Ikissed and hugged the baby, thinking I should never see him again. I leftMrs. Pruden's, and walked home with a heart full of sorrow. The idea ofbeing sold away from my mother and Miss Betsey was so frightful, that Idared not trust myself to think about it. We had been bought of Mr. Myners, as I have mentioned, by Miss Betsey's grandfather, and given toher, so that we were by right _her_ property, and I never thought weshould be separated or sold away from her. 

When I reached the house, I went in directly to Miss Betsey. I found herin great distress; and she cried out as soon as she saw me, "Oh, Mary! myfather is going to sell you all to raise money to marry that wicked woman. You are _my_ slaves, and he has no right to sell you; but it is all toplease her. " She then told me that my mother was living with her father'ssister at a house close by, and I went there to see her. It was asorrowful meeting; and we lamented with a great and sore crying ourunfortunate situation. "Here comes one of my poor picaninnies!" she said, the moment I came in, "one of the poor slave-brood who are to be soldto-morrow. "

Oh dear! I cannot bear to think of that day, --it is too much. --It recallsthe great grief that filled my heart, and the woeful thoughts that passedto and fro through my mind, whilst listening to the pitiful words of mypoor mother, weeping for the loss of her children. I wish I could findwords to tell you all I then felt and suffered. The great God above aloneknows the thoughts of the poor slave's heart, and the bitter pains whichfollow such separations as these. All that we love taken away from us--Oh, it is sad, sad! and sore to be borne!--I got no sleep that night forthinking of the morrow; and dear Miss Betsey was scarcely less distressed. She could not bear to part with her old playmates, and she cried sore andwould not be pacified. 

The black morning at length came; it came too soon for my poor mother andus. Whilst she was putting on us the new osnaburgs in which we were to besold, she said, in a sorrowful voice, (I shall never forget it!) "See, Iam _shrouding_ my poor children; what a task for a mother!"--She thencalled Miss Betsey to take leave of us. "I am going to carry my littlechickens to market, " (these were her very words, ) "take your last look ofthem; may be you will see them no more. " "Oh, my poor slaves! my ownslaves!" said dear Miss Betsey, "you belong to me; and it grieves my heartto part with you. "--Miss Betsey kissed us all, and, when she left us, mymother called the rest of the slaves to bid us good bye. One of them, awoman named Moll, came with her infant in her arms. "Ay!" said my mother, seeing her turn away and look at her child with the tears in her eyes, "your turn will come next. " The slaves could say nothing to comfort us;they could only weep and lament with us. When I left my dear littlebrothers and the house in which I had been brought up, I thought my heartwould burst. 

Our mother, weeping as she went, called me away with the children Hannahand Dinah, and we took the road that led to Hamble Town, which we reachedabout four o'clock in the afternoon. We followed my mother to themarket-place, where she placed us in a row against a large house, with ourbacks to the wall and our arms folded across our breasts. I, as theeldest, stood first, Hannah next to me, then Dinah; and our mother stoodbeside, crying over us. My heart throbbed with grief and terror soviolently, that I pressed my hands quite tightly across my breast, but Icould not keep it still, and it continued to leap as though it would burstout of my body. But who cared for that? Did one of the many by-standers, who were looking at us so carelessly, think of the pain that wrung thehearts of the negro woman and her young ones? No, no! They were not allbad, I dare say; but slavery hardens white people's hearts towards theblacks; and many of them were not slow to make their remarks upon usaloud, without regard to our grief--though their light words fell likecayenne on the fresh wounds of our hearts. Oh those white people havesmall hearts who can only feel for themselves. 

At length the vendue master, who was to offer us for sale like sheep orcattle, arrived, and asked my mother which was the eldest. She saidnothing, but pointed to me. He took me by the hand, and led me out intothe middle of the street, and, turning me slowly round, exposed me to theview of those who attended the vendue. I was soon surrounded by strangemen, who examined and handled me in the same manner that a butcher would acalf or a lamb he was about to purchase, and who talked about my shape andsize in like words--as if I could no more understand their meaning thanthe dumb beasts. I was then put up to sale. The bidding commenced at a fewpounds, and gradually rose to fifty-seven, [1] when I was knocked down tothe highest bidder; and the people who stood by said that I had fetched agreat sum for so young a slave. 

[Footnote 1: Bermuda currency; about £38 sterling. ]

I then saw my sisters led forth, and sold to different owners; so that wehad not the sad satisfaction of being partners in bondage. When the salewas over, my mother hugged and kissed us, and mourned over us, begging ofus to keep up a good heart, and do our duty to our new masters. It was asad parting; one went one way, one another, and our poor mammy went homewith nothing. [2]

[Footnote 2: Let the reader compare the above affecting account, takendown from the mouth of this negro woman, with the following description ofa vendue of slaves at the Cape of Good Hope, published by me in 1826, fromthe letter of a friend, --and mark their similarity in severalcharacteristic circumstances. The resemblance is easily accounted for:slavery wherever it prevails produces similar effects. --"Having heard thatthere was to be a sale of cattle, farm stock, &c. By auction, at aVeld-Cornet's in the vicinity, we halted our waggon one day for thepurpose of procuring a fresh spann of oxen. Among the stock of the farmsold, was a female slave and her three children. The two eldest childrenwere girls, the one about thirteen years of age, and the other abouteleven; the youngest was a boy. The whole family were exhibited together, but they were sold separately, and to different purchasers. The farmersexamined them as if they had been so many head of cattle. While the salewas going on, the mother and her children were exhibited on a table, thatthey might be seen by the company, which was very large. There could nothave been a finer subject for an able painter than this unhappy group. Thetears, the anxiety, the anguish of the mother, while she met the gaze ofthe multitude, eyed the different countenances of the bidders, or cast aheart-rending look upon the children; and the simplicity and touchingsorrow of the young ones, while they clung to their distracted parent, wiping their eyes, and half concealing their faces, --contrasted with themarked insensibility and jocular countenances of the spectators andpurchasers, --furnished a striking commentary on the miseries of slavery, and its debasing effects upon the hearts of its abettors. While the womanwas in this distressed situation she was asked, 'Can you feed sheep?' Herreply was so indistinct that it escaped me; but it was probably in thenegative, for her purchaser rejoined, in a loud and harsh voice, 'Then Iwill teach you with the sjamboc, ' (a whip made of the rhinoceros' hide. )The mother and her three children were sold to three separate purchasers;and they were literally torn from each other. "--_Ed. _]

My new master was a Captain I----, who lived at Spanish Point. Afterparting with my mother and sisters, I followed him to his store, and hegave me into the charge of his son, a lad about my own age, Master Benjy, who took me to my new home. I did not know where I was going, or what mynew master would do with me. My heart was quite broken with grief, and mythoughts went back continually to those from whom I had been so suddenlyparted. "Oh, my mother! my mother!" I kept saying to myself, "Oh, my mammyand my sisters and my brothers, shall I never see you again!"

Oh, the trials! the trials! they make the salt water come into my eyeswhen I think of the days in which I was afflicted--the times that aregone; when I mourned and grieved with a young heart for those whom Iloved. 

It was night when I reached my new home. The house was large, and built atthe bottom of a very high hill; but I could not see much of it that night. I saw too much of it afterwards. The stones and the timber were the bestthings in it; they were not so hard as the hearts of the owners. [3]

[Footnote 3: These strong expressions, and all of a similar character inthis little narrative, are given verbatim as uttered by MaryPrince. --_Ed. _]

Before I entered the house, two slave women, hired from another owner, whowere at work in the yard, spoke to me, and asked who I belonged to? Ireplied, "I am come to live here. " "Poor child, poor child!" they bothsaid; "you must keep a good heart, if you are to live here. "--When I wentin, I stood up crying in a corner. Mrs. I---- came and took off my hat, alittle black silk hat Miss Pruden made for me, and said in a rough voice, "You are not come here to stand up in corners and cry, you are come hereto work. " She then put a child into my arms, and, tired as I was, I wasforced instantly to take up my old occupation of a nurse. --I could notbear to look at my mistress, her countenance was so stern. She was a stouttall woman with a very dark complexion, and her brows were always drawntogether into a frown. I thought of the words of the two slave women whenI saw Mrs. I----, and heard the harsh sound of her voice. 

The person I took the most notice of that night was a French Black calledHetty, whom my master took in privateering from another vessel, and madehis slave. She was the most active woman I ever saw, and she was tasked toher utmost. A few minutes after my arrival she came in from milking thecows, and put the sweet-potatoes on for supper. She then fetched home thesheep, and penned them in the fold; drove home the cattle, and staked themabout the pond side;[4] fed and rubbed down my master's horse, and gavethe hog and the fed cow[5] their suppers; prepared the beds, and undressedthe children, and laid them to sleep. I liked to look at her and watch allher doings, for hers was the only friendly face I had as yet seen, and Ifelt glad that she was there. She gave me my supper of potatoes and milk, and a blanket to sleep upon, which she spread for me in the passage beforethe door of Mrs. I----'s chamber. 

[Footnote 4: The cattle on a small plantation in Bermuda are, it seems, often thus staked or tethered, both night and day, in situations wheregrass abounds. ]

[Footnote 5: A cow fed for slaughter. ]

I got a sad fright, that night. I was just going to sleep, when I heard anoise in my mistress's room; and she presently called out to inquire ifsome work was finished that she had ordered Hetty to do. "No, Ma'am, notyet, " was Hetty's answer from below. On hearing this, my master started upfrom his bed, and just as he was, in his shirt, ran down stairs with along cow-skin[6] in his hand. I heard immediately after, the cracking ofthe thong, and the house rang to the shrieks of poor Hetty, who keptcrying out, "Oh, Massa! Massa! me dead. Massa! have mercy upon me--don'tkill me outright. "--This was a sad beginning for me. I sat up upon myblanket, trembling with terror, like a frightened hound, and thinking thatmy turn would come next. At length the house became still, and I forgotfor a little while all my sorrows by falling fast asleep. 

[Footnote 6: A thong of hard twisted hide, known by this name in the WestIndies. ]

The next morning my mistress set about instructing me in my tasks. Shetaught me to do all sorts of household work; to wash and bake, pick cottonand wool, and wash floors, and cook. And she taught me (how can I everforget it!) more things than these; she caused me to know the exactdifference between the smart of the rope, the cart-whip, and the cow-skin, when applied to my naked body by her own cruel hand. And there wasscarcely any punishment more dreadful than the blows I received on my faceand head from her hard heavy fist. She was a fearful woman, and a savagemistress to her slaves. 

There were two little slave boys in the house, on whom she vented her badtemper in a special manner. One of these children was a mulatto, calledCyrus, who had been bought while an infant in his mother's arms; theother, Jack, was an African from the coast of Guinea, whom a sailor hadgiven or sold to my master. Seldom a day passed without these boysreceiving the most severe treatment, and often for no fault at all. Bothmy master and mistress seemed to think that they had a right to ill-usethem at their pleasure; and very often accompanied their commands withblows, whether the children were behaving well or ill. I have seen theirflesh ragged and raw with licks. --Lick--lick--they were never secure onemoment from a blow, and their lives were passed in continual fear. Mymistress was not contented with using the whip, but often pinched theircheeks and arms in the most cruel manner. My pity for these poor boys wassoon transferred to myself; for I was licked, and flogged, and pinched byher pitiless fingers in the neck and arms, exactly as they were. To stripme naked--to hang me up by the wrists and lay my flesh open with thecow-skin, was an ordinary punishment for even a slight offence. Mymistress often robbed me too of the hours that belong to sleep. She usedto sit up very late, frequently even until morning; and I had then tostand at a bench and wash during the greater part of the night, or pickwool and cotton; and often I have dropped down overcome by sleep andfatigue, till roused from a state of stupor by the whip, and forced tostart up to my tasks. 

Poor Hetty, my fellow slave, was very kind to me, and I used to call hermy Aunt; but she led a most miserable life, and her death was hastened (atleast the slaves all believed and said so, ) by the dreadful chastisementshe received from my master during her pregnancy. It happened as follows. One of the cows had dragged the rope away from the stake to which Hettyhad fastened it, and got loose. My master flew into a terrible passion, and ordered the poor creature to be stripped quite naked, notwithstandingher pregnancy, and to be tied up to a tree in the yard. He then floggedher as hard as he could lick, both with the whip and cow-skin, till shewas all over streaming with blood. He rested, and then beat her again andagain. Her shrieks were terrible. The consequence was that poor Hetty wasbrought to bed before her time, and was delivered after severe labour of adead child. She appeared to recover after her confinement, so far that shewas repeatedly flogged by both master and mistress afterwards; but herformer strength never returned to her. Ere long her body and limbs swelledto a great size; and she lay on a mat in the kitchen, till the water burstout of her body and she died. All the slaves said that death was a goodthing for poor Hetty; but I cried very much for her death. The manner ofit filled me with horror. I could not bear to think about it; yet it wasalways present to my mind for many a day. 

After Hetty died all her labours fell upon me, in addition to my own. Ihad now to milk eleven cows every morning before sunrise, sitting amongthe damp weeds; to take care of the cattle as well as the children; and todo the work of the house. There was no end to my toils--no end to myblows. I lay down at night and rose up in the morning in fear and sorrow;and often wished that like poor Hetty I could escape from this cruelbondage and be at rest in the grave. But the hand of that God whom then Iknew not, was stretched over me; and I was mercifully preserved for betterthings. It was then, however, my heavy lot to weep, weep, weep, and thatfor years; to pass from one misery to another, and from one cruel masterto a worse. But I must go on with the thread of my story. 

One day a heavy squall of wind and rain came on suddenly, and my mistresssent me round the corner of the house to empty a large earthen jar. Thejar was already cracked with an old deep crack that divided it in themiddle, and in turning it upside down to empty it, it parted in my hand. Icould not help the accident, but I was dreadfully frightened, lookingforward to a severe punishment. I ran crying to my mistress, "O mistress, the jar has come in two. " "You have broken it, have you?" she replied;"come directly here to me. " I came trembling; she stripped and flogged melong and severely with the cow-skin; as long as she had strength to usethe lash, for she did not give over till she was quite tired. --When mymaster came home at night, she told him of my fault; and oh, frightful!how he fell a swearing. After abusing me with every ill name he couldthink of, (too, too bad to speak in England, ) and giving me several heavyblows with his hand, he said, "I shall come home to-morrow morning attwelve, on purpose to give you a round hundred. " He kept his word--Oh sadfor me! I cannot easily forget it. He tied me up upon a ladder, and gaveme a hundred lashes with his own hand, and master Benjy stood by to countthem for him. When he had licked me for some time he sat down to takebreath; then after resting, he beat me again and again, until he was quitewearied, and so hot (for the weather was very sultry), that he sank backin his chair, almost like to faint. While my mistress went to bring himdrink, there was a dreadful earthquake. Part of the roof fell down, andevery thing in the house went--clatter, clatter, clatter. Oh I thought theend of all things near at hand; and I was so sore with the flogging, thatI scarcely cared whether I lived or died. The earth was groaning andshaking; every thing tumbling about; and my mistress and the slaves wereshrieking and crying out, "The earthquake! the earthquake!" It was anawful day for us all. 

During the confusion I crawled away on my hands and knees, and laid myselfdown under the steps of the piazza, in front of the house. I was in adreadful state--my body all blood and bruises, and I could not helpmoaning piteously. The other slaves, when they saw me, shook their headsand said, "Poor child! poor child!"--I lay there till the morning, careless of what might happen, for life was very weak in me, and I wishedmore than ever to die. But when we are very young, death always seems agreat way off, and it would not come that night to me. The next morning Iwas forced by my master to rise and go about my usual work, though my bodyand limbs were so stiff and sore, that I could not move without thegreatest pain. --Nevertheless, even after all this severe punishment, Inever heard the last of that jar; my mistress was always throwing it in myface. 

Some little time after this, one of the cows got loose from the stake, andeat one of the sweet-potatoe slips. I was milking when my master found itout. He came to me, and without any more ado, stooped down, and taking offhis heavy boot, he struck me such a severe blow in the small of my back, that I shrieked with agony, and thought I was killed; and I feel aweakness in that part to this day. The cow was frightened at hisviolence, and kicked down the pail and spilt the milk all about. My masterknew that this accident was his own fault, but he was so enraged that heseemed glad of an excuse to go on with his ill usage. I cannot rememberhow many licks he gave me then, but he beat me till I was unable to stand, and till he himself was weary. 

After this I ran away and went to my mother, who was living with Mr. Richard Darrel. My poor mother was both grieved and glad to see me;grieved because I had been so ill used, and glad because she had not seenme for a long, long while. She dared not receive me into the house, butshe hid me up in a hole in the rocks near, and brought me food at night, after every body was asleep. My father, who lived at Crow-Lane, over thesalt-water channel, at last heard of my being hid up in the cavern, and hecame and took me back to my master. Oh I was loth, loth to go back; but asthere was no remedy, I was obliged to submit. 

When we got home, my poor father said to Capt. I----, "Sir, I am sorrythat my child should be forced to run away from her owner; but thetreatment she has received is enough to break her heart. The sight of herwounds has nearly broke mine. --I entreat you, for the love of God, toforgive her for running away, and that you will be a kind master to her infuture. " Capt. I---- said I was used as well as I deserved, and that Iought to be punished for running away. I then took courage and said that Icould stand the floggings no longer; that I was weary of my life, andtherefore I had run away to my mother; but mothers could only weep andmourn over their children, they could not save them from cruelmasters--from the whip, the rope, and the cow-skin. He told me to hold mytongue and go about my work, or he would find a way to settle me. He didnot, however, flog me that day. 

For five years after this I remained in his house, and almost dailyreceived the same harsh treatment. At length he put me on board a sloop, and to my great joy sent me away to Turk's Island. I was not permitted tosee my mother or father, or poor sisters and brothers, to say good bye, though going away to a strange land, and might never see them again. Ohthe Buckra people who keep slaves think that black people are like cattle, without natural affection. But my heart tells me it is far otherwise. 

We were nearly four weeks on the voyage, which was unusually long. Sometimes we had a light breeze, sometimes a great calm, and the ship madeno way; so that our provisions and water ran very low, and we were putupon short allowance. I should almost have been starved had it not beenfor the kindness of a black man called Anthony, and his wife, who hadbrought their own victuals, and shared them with me. 

When we went ashore at the Grand Quay, the captain sent me to the house ofmy new master, Mr. D----, to whom Captain I----had sold me. Grand Quay isa small town upon a sandbank; the houses low and built of wood. Such wasmy new master's. The first person I saw, on my arrival, was Mr. D----, astout sulky looking man, who carried me through the hall to show me to hiswife and children. Next day I was put up by the vendue master to know howmuch I was worth, and I was valued at one hundred pounds currency. 

My new master was one of the owners or holders of the salt ponds, and hereceived a certain sum for every slave that worked upon his premises, whether they were young or old. This sum was allowed him out of theprofits arising from the salt works. I was immediately sent to work in thesalt water with the rest of the slaves. This work was perfectly new to me. I was given a half barrel and a shovel, and had to stand up to my knees inthe water, from four o'clock in the morning till nine, when we were givensome Indian corn boiled in water, which we were obliged to swallow as fastas we could for fear the rain should come on and melt the salt. We werethen called again to our tasks, and worked through the heat of the day;the sun flaming upon our heads like fire, and raising salt blisters inthose parts which were not completely covered. Our feet and legs, fromstanding in the salt water for so many hours, soon became full of dreadfulboils, which eat down in some cases to the very bone, afflicting thesufferers with great torment. We came home at twelve; ate our corn soup, called _blawly_, as fast as we could, and went back to our employment tilldark at night. We then shovelled up the salt in large heaps, and went downto the sea, where we washed the pickle from our limbs, and cleaned thebarrows and shovels from the salt. When we returned to the house, ourmaster gave us each our allowance of raw Indian corn, which we pounded ina mortar and boiled in water for our suppers. 

We slept in a long shed, divided into narrow slips, like the stalls usedfor cattle. Boards fixed upon stakes driven into the ground, without mator covering, were our only beds. On Sundays, after we had washed the saltbags, and done other work required of us, we went into the bush and cutthe long soft grass, of which we made trusses for our legs and feet torest upon, for they were so full of the salt boils that we could get norest lying upon the bare boards. 

Though we worked from morning till night, there was no satisfying Mr. D----. I hoped, when I left Capt. I----, that I should have been betteroff, but I found it was but going from one butcher to another. There wasthis difference between them: my former master used to beat me whileraging and foaming with passion; Mr. D---- was usually quite calm. Hewould stand by and give orders for a slave to be cruelly whipped, andassist in the punishment, without moving a muscle of his face; walkingabout and taking snuff with the greatest composure. Nothing could touchhis hard heart--neither sighs, nor tears, nor prayers, nor streamingblood; he was deaf to our cries, and careless of our sufferings. Mr. D----has often stripped me naked, hung me up by the wrists, and beat me withthe cow-skin, with his own hand, till my body was raw with gashes. Yetthere was nothing very remarkable in this; for it might serve as a sampleof the common usage of the slaves on that horrible island. 

Owing to the boils in my feet, I was unable to wheel the barrow fastthrough the sand, which got into the sores, and made me stumble at everystep; and my master, having no pity for my sufferings from this cause, rendered them far more intolerable, by chastising me for not being able tomove so fast as he wished me. Another of our employments was to row alittle way off from the shore in a boat, and dive for large stones tobuild a wall round our master's house. This was very hard work; and thegreat waves breaking over us continually, made us often so giddy that welost our footing, and were in danger of being drowned. 

Ah, poor me!--my tasks were never ended. Sick or well, it waswork--work--work!--After the diving season was over, we were sent to theSouth Creek, with large bills, to cut up mangoes to burn lime with. Whilstone party of slaves were thus employed, another were sent to the otherside of the island to break up coral out of the sea. 

When we were ill, let our complaint be what it might, the only medicinegiven to us was a great bowl of hot salt water, with salt mixed with it, which made us very sick. If we could not keep up with the rest of the gangof slaves, we were put in the stocks, and severely flogged the nextmorning. Yet, not the less, our master expected, after we had thus beenkept from our rest, and our limbs rendered stiff and sore with ill usage, that we should still go through the ordinary tasks of the day all thesame. --Sometimes we had to work all night, measuring salt to load avessel; or turning a machine to draw water out of the sea for thesalt-making. Then we had no sleep--no rest--but were forced to work asfast as we could, and go on again all next day the same as usual. Work--work--work--Oh that Turk's Island was a horrible place! The peoplein England, I am sure, have never found out what is carried on there. Cruel, horrible place!

Mr. D---- had a slave called old Daniel, whom he used to treat in the mostcruel manner. Poor Daniel was lame in the hip, and could not keep up withthe rest of the slaves; and our master would order him to be stripped andlaid down on the ground, and have him beaten with a rod of rough briartill his skin was quite red and raw. He would then call for a bucket ofsalt, and fling upon the raw flesh till the man writhed on the ground likea worm, and screamed aloud with agony. This poor man's wounds were neverhealed, and I have often seen them full of maggots, which increased historments to an intolerable degree. He was an object of pity and terror tothe whole gang of slaves, and in his wretched case we saw, each of us, ourown lot, if we should live to be as old. 

Oh the horrors of slavery!--How the thought of it pains my heart! But thetruth ought to be told of it; and what my eyes have seen I think it is myduty to relate; for few people in England know what slavery is. I havebeen a slave--I have felt what a slave feels, and I know what a slaveknows; and I would have all the good people in England to know it too, that they may break our chains, and set us free. 

Mr. D---- had another slave called Ben. He being very hungry, stole alittle rice one night after he came in from work, and cooked it for hissupper. But his master soon discovered the theft; locked him up all night;and kept him without food till one o'clock the next day. He then hung Benup by his hands, and beat him from time to time till the slaves came in atnight. We found the poor creature hung up when we came home; with a poolof blood beneath him, and our master still licking him. But this was notthe worst. My master's son was in the habit of stealing the rice and rum. Ben had seen him do this, and thought he might do the same, and whenmaster found out that Ben had stolen the rice and swore to punish him, hetried to excuse himself by saying that Master Dickey did the same thingevery night. The lad denied it to his father, and was so angry with Benfor informing against him, that out of revenge he ran and got a bayonet, and whilst the poor wretch was suspended by his hands and writhing underhis wounds, he run it quite through his foot. I was not by when he did it, but I saw the wound when I came home, and heard Ben tell the manner inwhich it was done. 

I must say something more about this cruel son of a cruel father. --He hadno heart--no fear of God; he had been brought up by a bad father in a badpath, and he delighted to follow in the same steps. There was a little oldwoman among the slaves called Sarah, who was nearly past work; and, MasterDickey being the overseer of the slaves just then, this poor creature, whowas subject to several bodily infirmities, and was not quite right in herhead, did not wheel the barrow fast enough to please him. He threw herdown on the ground, and after beating her severely, he took her up in hisarms and flung her among the prickly-pear bushes, which are all coveredover with sharp venomous prickles. By this her naked flesh was sogrievously wounded, that her body swelled and festered all over, and shedied a few days after. In telling my own sorrows, I cannot pass by thoseof my fellow-slaves--for when I think of my own griefs, I remember theirs. 

I think it was about ten years I had worked in the salt ponds at Turk'sIsland, when my master left off business, and retired to a house he had inBermuda, leaving his son to succeed him in the island. He took me with himto wait upon his daughters; and I was joyful, for I was sick, sick ofTurk's Island, and my heart yearned to see my native place again, mymother, and my kindred. 

I had seen my poor mother during the time I was a slave in Turk's Island. One Sunday morning I was on the beach with some of the slaves, and we sawa sloop come in loaded with slaves to work in the salt water. We got aboat and went aboard. When I came upon the deck I asked the black people, "Is there any one here for me?" "Yes, " they said, "your mother. " I thoughtthey said this in jest--I could scarcely believe them for joy; but when Isaw my poor mammy my joy was turned to sorrow, for she had gone from hersenses. "Mammy, " I said, "is this you?" She did not know me. "Mammy, " Isaid, "what's the matter?" She began to talk foolishly, and said that shehad been under the vessel's bottom. They had been overtaken by a violentstorm at sea. My poor mother had never been on the sea before, and she wasso ill, that she lost her senses, and it was long before she came quite toherself again. She had a sweet child with her--a little sister I had neverseen, about four years of age, called Rebecca. I took her on shore withme, for I felt I should love her directly; and I kept her with me a week. Poor little thing! her's has been a sad life, and continues so to thisday. My mother worked for some years on the island, but was taken back toBermuda some time before my master carried me again thither. [7]

[Footnote 7: Of the subsequent lot of her relatives she can tell butlittle. She says, her father died while she and her mother were at Turk'sIsland; and that he had been long dead and buried before any of hischildren in Bermuda knew of it, they being slaves on other estates. Hermother died after Mary went to Antigua. Of the fate of the rest of herkindred, seven brothers and three sisters, she knows nothing further thanthis--that the eldest sister, who had several children to her master, wastaken by him to Trinidad; and that the youngest, Rebecca, is still alive, and in slavery in Bermuda. Mary herself is now about forty-three years ofage. --_Ed. _]

After I left Turk's Island, I was told by some negroes that came over fromit, that the poor slaves had built up a place with boughs and leaves, where they might meet for prayers, but the white people pulled it downtwice, and would not allow them even a shed for prayers. A flood came downsoon after and washed away many houses, filled the place with sand, andoverflowed the ponds: and I do think that this was for their wickedness;for the Buckra men[8] there were very wicked. I saw and heard much thatwas very very bad at that place. 

[Footnote 8: Negro term for white people. ]

I was several years the slave of Mr. D---- after I returned to my nativeplace. Here I worked in the grounds. My work was planting and hoeingsweet-potatoes, Indian corn, plantains, bananas, cabbages, pumpkins, onions, &c. I did all the household work, and attended upon a horse andcow besides, --going also upon all errands. I had to curry the horse--toclean and feed him--and sometimes to ride him a little. I had more thanenough to do--but still it was not so very bad as Turk's Island. 

My old master often got drunk, and then he would get in a fury with hisdaughter, and beat her till she was not fit to be seen. I remember on oneoccasion, I had gone to fetch water, and when I Was coming up the hill Iheard a great screaming; I ran as fast as I could to the house, put downthe water, and went into the chamber, where I found my master beating MissD---- dreadfully. I strove with all my strength to get her away from him;for she was all black and blue with bruises. He had beat her with hisfist, and almost killed her. The people gave me credit for getting heraway. He turned round and began to lick me. Then I said, "Sir, this is notTurk's Island. " I can't repeat his answer, the words were too wicked--toobad to say. He wanted to treat me the same in Bermuda as he had done inTurk's Island. 

He had an ugly fashion of stripping himself quite naked, and ordering methen to wash him in a tub of water. This was worse to me than all thelicks. Sometimes when he called me to wash him I would not come, my eyeswere so full of shame. He would then come to beat me. One time I hadplates and knives in my hand, and I dropped both plates and knives, andsome of the plates were broken. He struck me so severely for this, that atlast I defended myself, for I thought it was high time to do so. I thentold him I would not live longer with him, for he was a very indecentman--very spiteful, and too indecent; with no shame for his servants, noshame for his own flesh. So I went away to a neighbouring house and satdown and cried till the next morning, when I went home again, not knowingwhat else to do. 

After that I was hired to work at Cedar Hills, and every Saturday night Ipaid the money to my master. I had plenty of work to do there--plenty ofwashing; but yet I made myself pretty comfortable. I earned two dollarsand a quarter a week, which is twenty pence a day. 

During the time I worked there, I heard that Mr. John Wood was going toAntigua. I felt a great wish to go there, and I went to Mr. D----, andasked him to let me go in Mr. Wood's service. Mr. Wood did not then wantto purchase me; it was my own fault that I came under him, I was soanxious to go. It was ordained to be, I suppose; God led me there. Thetruth is, I did not wish to be any longer the slave of my indecent master. 

Mr. Wood took me with him to Antigua, to the town of St. John's, where helived. This was about fifteen years ago. He did not then know whether Iwas to be sold; but Mrs. Wood found that I could work, and she wanted tobuy me. Her husband then wrote to my master to inquire whether I was to besold? Mr. D---- wrote in reply, "that I should not be sold to any one thatwould treat me ill. " It was strange he should say this, when he hadtreated me so ill himself. So I was purchased by Mr. Wood for 300 dollars, (or £100 Bermuda currency. )[9]

[Footnote 9: About £67. 10s. Sterling. ]

My work there was to attend the chambers and nurse the child, and to godown to the pond and wash clothes. But I soon fell ill of the rheumatism, and grew so very lame that I was forced to walk with a stick. I got theSaint Anthony's fire, also, in my left leg, and became quite a cripple. Noone cared much to come near me, and I was ill a long long time; forseveral months I could not lift the limb. I had to lie in a little oldout-house, that was swarming with bugs and other vermin, which tormentedme greatly; but I had no other place to lie in. I got the rheumatism bycatching cold at the pond side, from washing in the fresh water; in thesalt water I never got cold. The person who lived in next yard, (a Mrs. Greene, ) could not bear to hear my cries and groans. She was kind, andused to send an old slave woman to help me, who sometimes brought me alittle soup. When the doctor found I was so ill, he said I must be putinto a bath of hot water. The old slave got the bark of some bush that wasgood for the pains, which she boiled in the hot water, and every night shecame and put me into the bath, and did what she could for me: I don't knowwhat I should have done, or what would have become of me, had it not beenfor her. --My mistress, it is true, did send me a little food; but no onefrom our family came near me but the cook, who used to shove my food in atthe door, and say, "Molly, Molly, there's your dinner. " My mistress did notcare to take any trouble about me; and if the Lord had not put it into thehearts of the neighbours to be kind to me, I must, I really think, havelain and died. 

It was a long time before I got well enough to work in the house. Mrs. Wood, in the meanwhile, hired a mulatto woman to nurse the child; but shewas such a fine lady she wanted to be mistress over me. I thought it veryhard for a coloured woman to have rule over me because I was a slave andshe was free. Her name was Martha Wilcox; she was a saucy woman, verysaucy; and she went and complained of me, without cause, to my mistress, and made her angry with me. Mrs. Wood told me that if I did not mind whatI was about, she would get my master to strip me and give me fifty lashes:"You have been used to the whip, " she said, "and you shall have it here. "This was the first time she threatened to have me flogged; and she gave methe threatening so strong of what she would have done to me, that Ithought I should have fallen down at her feet, I was so vexed and hurt byher words. The mulatto woman was rejoiced to have power to keep me down. She was constantly making mischief; there was no living for the slaves--nopeace after she came. 

I was also sent by Mrs. Wood to be put in the Cage one night, and was nextmorning flogged, by the magistrate's order, at her desire; and this allfor a quarrel I had about a pig with another slave woman. I was flogged onmy naked back on this occasion: although I was in no fault after all; forold Justice Dyett, when we came before him, said that I was in the right, and ordered the pig to be given to me. This was about two or three yearsafter I came to Antigua. 

When we moved from the middle of the town to the Point, I used to be inthe house and do all the work and mind the children, though still very illwith the rheumatism. Every week I had to wash two large bundles ofclothes, as much as a boy could help me to lift; but I could give nosatisfaction. My mistress was always abusing and fretting after me. It isnot possible to tell all her ill language. --One day she followed me footafter foot scolding and rating me. I bore in silence a great deal of illwords: at last my heart was quite full, and I told her that she ought notto use me so;--that when I was ill I might have lain and died for what shecared; and no one would then come near me to nurse me, because they wereafraid of my mistress. This was a great affront. She called her husbandand told him what I had said. He flew into a passion: but did not beat methen; he only abused and swore at me; and then gave me a note and bade mego and look for an owner. Not that he meant to sell me; but he did this toplease his wife and to frighten me. I went to Adam White, a cooper, a freeblack, who had money, and asked him to buy me. He went directly to Mr. Wood, but was informed that I was not to be sold. The next day my masterwhipped me. 

Another time (about five years ago) my mistress got vexed with me, becauseI fell sick and I could not keep on with my work. She complained to herhusband, and he sent me off again to look for an owner. I went to a Mr. Burchell, showed him the note, and asked him to buy me for my own benefit;for I had saved about 100 dollars, and hoped, with a little help, topurchase my freedom. He accordingly went to my master:--"Mr. Wood, " hesaid, "Molly has brought me a note that she wants an owner. If you intendto sell her, I may as well buy her as another. " My master put him off andsaid that he did not mean to sell me. I was very sorry at this, for I hadno comfort with Mrs. Wood, and I wished greatly to get my freedom. 

The way in which I made my money was this. --When my master and mistresswent from home, as they sometimes did, and left me to take care of thehouse and premises, I had a good deal of time to myself, and made the mostof it. I took in washing, and sold coffee and yams and other provisionsto the captains of ships. I did not sit still idling during the absence ofmy owners; for I wanted, by all honest means, to earn money to buy myfreedom. Sometimes I bought a hog cheap on board ship, and sold it fordouble the money on shore; and I also earned a good deal by sellingcoffee. By this means I by degrees acquired a little cash. A gentlemanalso lent me some to help to buy my freedom--but when I could not get freehe got it back again. His name was Captain Abbot. 

My master and mistress went on one occasion into the country, to DateHill, for change of air, and carried me with them to take charge of thechildren, and to do the work of the house. While I was in the country, Isaw how the field negroes are worked in Antigua. They are worked very hardand fed but scantily. They are called out to work before daybreak, andcome home after dark; and then each has to heave his bundle of grass forthe cattle in the pen. Then, on Sunday morning, each slave has to go outand gather a large bundle of grass; and, when they bring it home, theyhave all to sit at the manager's door and wait till he come out: oftenhave they to wait there till past eleven o'clock, without any breakfast. After that, those that have yams or potatoes, or fire-wood to sell, hastento market to buy a dog's worth[10] of salt fish, or pork, which is a greattreat for them. Some of them buy a little pickle out of the shad barrels, which they call sauce, to season their yams and Indian corn. It is verywrong, I know, to work on Sunday or go to market; but will not God callthe Buckra men to answer for this on the great day of judgment--since theywill give the slaves no other day?

[Footnote 10: A dog is the 72nd part of a dollar. ]

While we were at Date Hill Christmas came; and the slave woman who had thecare of the place (which then belonged to Mr. Roberts the marshal), askedme to go with her to her husband's house, to a Methodist meeting forprayer, at a plantation called Winthorps. I went; and they were the firstprayers I ever understood. One woman prayed; and then they all sung ahymn; then there was another prayer and another hymn; and then they allspoke by turns of their own griefs as sinners. The husband of the woman Iwent with was a black driver. His name was Henry. He confessed that he hadtreated the slaves very cruelly; but said that he was compelled to obeythe orders of his master. He prayed them all to forgive him, and he prayedthat God would forgive him. He said it was a horrid thing for a ranger[11]to have sometimes to beat his own wife or sister; but he must do so ifordered by his master. 

[Footnote 11: The head negro of an estate--a person who has the chiefsuperintendence under the manager. ]

I felt sorry for my sins also. I cried the whole night, but I was too muchashamed to speak. I prayed God to forgive me. This meeting had a greatimpression on my mind, and led my spirit to the Moravian church; so thatwhen I got back to town, I went and prayed to have my name put down in theMissionaries' book; and I followed the church earnestly every opportunity. I did not then tell my mistress about it; for I knew that she would notgive me leave to go. But I felt I _must_ go. Whenever I carried thechildren their lunch at school, I ran round and went to hear the teachers. 

The Moravian ladies (Mrs. Richter, Mrs. Olufsen, and Mrs. Sauter) taughtme to read in the class; and I got on very fast. In this class there wereall sorts of people, old and young, grey headed folks and children; butmost of them were free people. After we had done spelling, we tried toread in the Bible. After the reading was over, the missionary gave out ahymn for us to sing. I dearly loved to go to the church, it was so solemn. I never knew rightly that I had much sin till I went there. When I foundout that I was a great sinner, I was very sorely grieved, and very muchfrightened. I used to pray God to pardon my sins for Christ's sake, andforgive me for every thing I had done amiss; and when I went home to mywork, I always thought about what I had heard from the missionaries, andwished to be good that I might go to heaven. After a while I was admitteda candidate for the holy Communion. --I had been baptized long before this, in August 1817, by the Rev. Mr. Curtin, of the English Church, after I hadbeen taught to repeat the Creed and the Lord's Prayer. I wished at thattime to attend a Sunday School taught by Mr. Curtin, but he would notreceive me without a written note from my master, granting his permission. I did not ask my owner's permission, from the belief that it would berefused; so that I got no farther instruction at that time from theEnglish Church. [12]

[Footnote 12: She possesses a copy of Mrs. Trimmer's "Charity SchoolSpelling Book, " presented to her by the Rev. Mr. Curtin, and dated August30, 1817. In this book her name is written "Mary, Princess of Wales"--anappellation which, she says, was given her by her owners. It is a commonpractice with the colonists to give ridiculous names of this descriptionto their slaves; being, in fact, one of the numberless modes of expressingthe habitual contempt with which they regard the negro race. --In printingthis narrative we have retained Mary's paternal name of Prince. --_Ed. _]

Some time after I began to attend the Moravian Church, I met with DanielJames, afterwards my dear husband. He was a carpenter and cooper to histrade; an honest, hard-working, decent black man, and a widower. He hadpurchased his freedom of his mistress, old Mrs. Baker, with money he hadearned whilst a slave. When he asked me to marry him, I took time toconsider the matter over with myself, and would not say yes till he wentto church with me and joined the Moravians. He was very industrious afterhe bought his freedom; and he had hired a comfortable house, and hadconvenient things about him. We were joined in marriage, about Christmas1826, in the Moravian Chapel at Spring Gardens, by the Rev. Mr. Olufsen. We could not be married in the English Church. English marriage is notallowed to slaves; and no free man can marry a slave woman. 

When Mr. Wood heard of my marriage, he flew into a great rage, and sentfor Daniel, who was helping to build a house for his old mistress. Mr. Wood asked him who gave him a right to marry a slave of his? My husbandsaid, "Sir, I am a free man, and thought I had a right to choose a wife;but if I had known Molly was not allowed to have a husband, I should nothave asked her to marry me. " Mrs. Wood was more vexed about my marriagethan her husband. She could not forgive me for getting married, butstirred up Mr. Wood to flog me dreadfully with the horsewhip. I thought itvery hard to be whipped at my time of life for getting a husband--I toldher so. She said that she would not have nigger men about the yards andpremises, or allow a nigger man's clothes to be washed in the same tubwhere hers were washed. She was fearful, I think, that I should lose hertime, in order to wash and do things for my husband: but I had then notime to wash for myself; I was obliged to put out my own clothes, though Iwas always at the wash-tub. 

I had not much happiness in my marriage, owing to my being a slave. Itmade my husband sad to see me so ill-treated. Mrs. Wood was always abusingme about him. She did not lick me herself, but she got her husband to doit for her, whilst she fretted the flesh off my bones. Yet for all thisshe would not sell me. She sold five slaves whilst I was with her; butthough she was always finding fault with me, she would not part with me. However, Mr. Wood afterwards allowed Daniel to have a place to live in ouryard, which we were very thankful for. 

After this, I fell ill again with the rheumatism, and was sick a longtime; but whether sick or well, I had my work to do. About this time Iasked my master and mistress to let me buy my own freedom. With the helpof Mr. Burchell, I could have found the means to pay Mr. Wood; for it wasagreed that I should afterwards, serve Mr. Burchell a while, for the cashhe was to advance for me. I was earnest in the request to my owners; buttheir hearts were hard--too hard to consent. Mrs. Wood was very angry--shegrew quite outrageous--she called me a black devil, and asked me who hadput freedom into my head. "To be free is very sweet, " I said: but she tookgood care to keep me a slave. I saw her change colour, and I left theroom. 

About this time my master and mistress were going to England to put theirson to school, and bring their daughters home; and they took me with themto take care of the child. I was willing to come to England: I thoughtthat by going there I should probably get cured of my rheumatism, andshould return with my master and mistress, quite well, to my husband. Myhusband was willing for me to come away, for he had heard that my masterwould free me, --and I also hoped this might prove true; but it was all afalse report. 

The steward of the ship was very kind to me. He and my husband were in thesame class in the Moravian Church. I was thankful that he was so friendly, for my mistress was not kind to me on the passage; and she told me, whenshe was angry, that she did not intend to treat me any better in Englandthan in the West Indies--that I need not expect it. And she was as good asher word. 

When we drew near to England, the rheumatism seized all my limbs worsethan ever, and my body was dreadfully swelled. When we landed at theTower, I shewed my flesh to my mistress, but she took no great notice ofit. We were obliged to stop at the tavern till my master got a house; anda day or two after, my mistress sent me down into the wash-house to learnto wash in the English way. In the West Indies we wash with cold water--inEngland with hot. I told my mistress I was afraid that putting my handsfirst into the hot water and then into the cold, would increase the painin my limbs. The doctor had told my mistress long before I came from theWest Indies, that I was a sickly body and the washing did not agree withme. But Mrs. Wood would not release me from the tub, so I was forced to doas I could. I grew worse, and could not stand to wash. I was then forcedto sit down with the tub before me, and often through pain and weaknesswas reduced to kneel or to sit down on the floor, to finish my task. WhenI complained to my mistress of this, she only got into a passion as usual, and said washing in hot water could not hurt any one;--that I was lazy andinsolent, and wanted to be free of my work; but that she would make me doit. I thought her very hard on me, and my heart rose up within me. HoweverI kept still at that time, and went down again to wash the child's things;but the English washerwomen who were at work there, when they saw that Iwas so ill, had pity upon me and washed them for me. 

After that, when we came up to live in Leigh Street, Mrs. Wood sorted outfive bags of clothes which we had used at sea, and also such as had beenworn since we came on shore, for me and the cook to wash. Elizabeth thecook told her, that she did not think that I was able to stand to the tub, and that she had better hire a woman. I also said myself, that I had comeover to nurse the child, and that I was sorry I had come from Antigua, since mistress would work me so hard, without compassion for myrheumatism. Mr. And Mrs. Wood, when they heard this, rose up in a passionagainst me. They opened the door and bade me get out. But I was astranger, and did not know one door in the street from another, and wasunwilling to go away. They made a dreadful uproar, and from that day theyconstantly kept cursing and abusing me. I was obliged to wash, though Iwas very ill. Mrs. Wood, indeed once hired a washerwoman, but she was notwell treated, and would come no more. 

My master quarrelled with me another time, about one of our greatwashings, his wife having stirred him up to do so. He said he would compelme to do the whole of the washing given out to me, or if I again refused, he would take a short course with me: he would either send me down to thebrig in the river, to carry me back to Antigua, or he would turn me atonce out of doors, and let me provide for myself. I said I would willinglygo back, if he would let me purchase my own freedom. But this enraged himmore than all the rest: he cursed and swore at me dreadfully, and said hewould never sell my freedom--if I wished to be free, I was free inEngland, and I might go and try what freedom would do for me, and bed----d. My heart was very sore with this treatment, but I had to go on. Icontinued to do my work, and did all I could to give satisfaction, but allwould not do. 

Shortly after, the cook left them, and then matters went on ten timesworse. I always washed the child's clothes without being commanded to doit, and any thing else that was wanted in the family; though still I wasvery sick--very sick indeed. When the great washing came round, which wasevery two months, my mistress got together again a great many heavythings, such as bed-ticks, bed-coverlets, &c. For me to wash. I told her Iwas too ill to wash such heavy things that day. She said, she supposed Ithought myself a free woman, but I was not; and if I did not do itdirectly I should be instantly turned out of doors. I stood a long timebefore I could answer, for I did not know well what to do. I knew that Iwas free in England, but I did not know where to go, or how to get myliving; and therefore, I did not like to leave the house. But Mr. Woodsaid he would send for a constable to thrust me out; and at last I tookcourage and resolved that I would not be longer thus treated, but would goand trust to Providence. This was the fourth time they had threatened turnme out, and, go where I might, I was determined now to take them at theirword; though I thought it very hard, after I had lived with them forthirteen years, and worked for them like a horse, to be driven out in thisway, like a beggar. My only fault was being sick, and therefore unable toplease my mistress, who thought she never could get work enough out of herslaves; and I told them so: but they only abused me and drove me out. Thistook place from two to three months, I think, after we came to England. 

When I came away, I went to the man (one Mash) who used to black the shoesof the family, and asked his wife to get somebody to go with me to HattonGarden to the Moravian Missionaries: these were the only persons I knew inEngland. The woman sent a young girl with me to the mission house, and Isaw there a gentleman called Mr. Moore. I told him my whole story, and howmy owners had treated me, and asked him to take in my trunk with what fewclothes I had. The missionaries were very kind to me--they were sorry formy destitute situation, and gave me leave to bring my things to be placedunder their care. They were very good people, and they told me to come tothe church. 

When I went back to Mr. Wood's to get my trunk, I saw a lady, Mrs. Pell, who was on a visit to my mistress. When Mr. And Mrs. Wood heard me comein, they set this lady to stop me, finding that they had gone too far withme. Mrs. Pell came out to me, and said, "Are you really going to leave, Molly? Don't leave, but come into the country with me. " I believe she saidthis because she thought Mrs. Wood would easily get me back again. Ireplied to her, "Ma'am, this is the fourth time my master and mistresshave driven me out, or threatened to drive me--and I will give them nomore occasion to bid me go. I was not willing to leave them, for I am astranger in this country, but now I must go--I can stay no longer to be soused. " Mrs. Pell then went up stairs to my mistress, and told that I wouldgo, and that she could not stop me. Mrs. Wood was very much hurt andfrightened when she found I was determined to go out that day. She said, "If she goes the people will rob her, and then turn her adrift. " She didnot say this to me, but she spoke it loud enough for me to hear; that itmight induce me not to go, I suppose. Mr. Wood also asked me where I wasgoing to. I told him where I had been, and that I should never have goneaway had I not been driven out by my owners. He had given me a writtenpaper some time before, which said that I had come with them to England bymy own desire; and that was true. It said also that I left them of my ownfree will, because I was a free woman in England; and that I was idle andwould not do my work--which was not true. I gave this paper afterwards toa gentleman who inquired into my case. [13]

[Footnote 13: See page 24. ]

I went into the kitchen and got my clothes out. The nurse and the servantgirl were there, and I said to the man who was going to take out my trunk, "Stop, before you take up this trunk, and hear what I have to say beforethese people. I am going out of this house, as I was ordered; but I havedone no wrong at all to my owners, neither here nor in the West Indies. Ialways worked very hard to please them, both by night and day; but therewas no giving satisfaction, for my mistress could never be satisfied withreasonable service. I told my mistress I was sick, and yet she has orderedme out of doors. This is the fourth time; and now I am going out. "

And so I came out, and went and carried my trunk to the Moravians. I thenreturned back to Mash the shoe-black's house, and begged his wife to takeme in. I had a little West Indian money in my trunk; and they got itchanged for me. This helped to support me for a little while. The man'swife was very kind to me. I was very sick, and she boiled nourishingthings up for me. She also sent for a doctor to see me, and he sent memedicine, which did me good, though I was ill for a long time with therheumatic pains. I lived a good many months with these poor people, andthey nursed me, and did all that lay in their power to serve me. The manwas well acquainted with my situation, as he used to go to and fro to Mr. Wood's house to clean shoes and knives; and he and his wife were sorry forme. 

About this time, a woman of the name of Hill told me of the Anti-SlaverySociety, and went with me to their office, to inquire if they could do anything to get me my freedom, and send me back to the West Indies. Thegentlemen of the Society took me to a lawyer, who examined very strictlyinto my case; but told me that the laws of England could do nothing tomake me free in Antigua[14]. However they did all they could for me: theygave me a little money from time to time to keep me from want; and some ofthem went to Mr. Wood to try to persuade him to let me return a free womanto my husband; but though they offered him, as I have heard, a large sumfor my freedom, he was sulky and obstinate, and would not consent to letme go free. 

[Footnote 14: She came first to the Anti-Slavery Office in Aldermanbury, about the latter end of November 1828; and her case was referred to Mr. George Stephen to be investigated. More of this hereafter. --ED. ]

This was the first winter I spent in England, and I suffered much from thesevere cold, and from the rheumatic pains, which still at times tormentme. However, Providence was very good to me, and I got manyfriends--especially some Quaker ladies, who hearing of my case, came andsought me out, and gave me good warm clothing and money. Thus I had greatcause to bless God in my affliction. 

When I got better I was anxious to get some work to do, as I was unwillingto eat the bread of idleness. Mrs. Mash, who was a laundress, recommendedme to a lady for a charwoman. She paid me very handsomely for what work Idid, and I divided the money with Mrs. Mash; for though very poor, theygave me food when my own money was done, and never suffered me to want. 

In the spring, I got into service with a lady, who saw me at the housewhere I sometimes worked as a charwoman. This lady's name was Mrs. Forsyth. She had been in the West Indies, and was accustomed to Blacks, and liked them. I was with her six months, and went with her to Margate. She treated me well, and gave me a good character when she left London. [15]

[Footnote 15: She refers to a written certificate which will be insertedafterwards. ]

After Mrs. Forsyth went away, I was again out of place, and went tolodgings, for which I paid two shillings a week, and found coals andcandle. After eleven weeks, the money I had saved in service was all gone, and I was forced to go back to the Anti-Slavery office to ask a supply, till I could get another situation. I did not like to go back--I did notlike to be idle. I would rather work for my living than get it fornothing. They were very good to give me a supply, but I felt shame atbeing obliged to apply for relief whilst I had strength to work. 

At last I went into the service of Mr. And Mrs. Pringle, where I have beenever since, and am as comfortable as I can be while separated from my dearhusband, and away from my own country and all old friends and connections. My dear mistress teaches me daily to read the word of God, and takes greatpains to make me understand it. I enjoy the great privilege of beingenabled to attend church three times on the Sunday; and I have met withmany kind friends since I have been here, both clergymen and others. TheRev. Mr. Young, who lives in the next house, has shown me much kindness, and taken much pains to instruct me, particularly while my master andmistress were absent in Scotland. Nor must I forget, among my friends, theRev. Mr. Mortimer, the good clergyman of the parish, under whose ministryI have now sat for upwards of twelve months. I trust in God I haveprofited by what I have heard from him. He never keeps back the truth, andI think he has been the means of opening my eyes and ears much better tounderstand the word of God. Mr. Mortimer tells me that he cannot open theeyes of my heart, but that I must pray to God to change my heart, and makeme to know the truth, and the truth will make me free. 

I still live in the hope that God will find a way to give me my liberty, and give me back to my husband. I endeavour to keep down my fretting, andto leave all to Him, for he knows what is good for me better than I knowmyself. Yet, I must confess, I find it a hard and heavy task to do so. 

I am often much vexed, and I feel great sorrow when I hear some people inthis country say, that the slaves do not need better usage, and do notwant to be free. [16] They believe the foreign people, [17] who deceive them, and say slaves are happy. I say, Not so. How can slaves be happy when theyhave the halter round their neck and the whip upon their back? and aredisgraced and thought no more of than beasts?--and are separated fromtheir mothers, and husbands, and children, and sisters, just as cattle aresold and separated? Is it happiness for a driver in the field to take downhis wife or sister or child, and strip them, and whip them in such adisgraceful manner?--women that have had children exposed in the openfield to shame! There is no modesty or decency shown by the owner to hisslaves; men, women, and children are exposed alike. Since I have been hereI have often wondered how English people can go out into the West Indiesand act in such a beastly manner. But when they go to the West Indies, they forget God and all feeling of shame, I think, since they can see anddo such things. They tie up slaves like hogs--moor[18] them up like cattle, and they lick them, so as hogs, or cattle, or horses never wereflogged;--and yet they come home and say, and make some good peoplebelieve, that slaves don't want to get out of slavery. But they put acloak about the truth. It is not so. All slaves want to be free--to befree is very sweet. I will say the truth to English people who may readthis history that my good friend, Miss S----, is now writing down for me. I have been a slave myself--I know what slaves feel--I can tell by myselfwhat other slaves feel, and by what they have told me. The man that saysslaves be quite happy in slavery--that they don't want to be free--thatman is either ignorant or a lying person. I never heard a slave say so. Inever heard a Buckra man say so, till I heard tell of it in England. Suchpeople ought to be ashamed of themselves. They can't do without slaves, they say. What's the reason they can't do without slaves as well as inEngland? No slaves here--no whips--no stocks--no punishment, except forwicked people. They hire servants in England; and if they don't like them, they send them away: they can't lick them. Let them work ever so hard inEngland, they are far better off than slaves. If they get a bad master, they give warning and go hire to another. They have their liberty. That'sjust what we want. We don't mind hard work, if we had proper treatment, and proper wages like English servants, and proper time given in the weekto keep us from breaking the Sabbath. But they won't give it: they willhave work--work--work, night and day, sick or well, till we are quite doneup; and we must not speak up nor look amiss, however much we be abused. And then when we are quite done up, who cares for us, more than for a lamehorse? This is slavery. I tell it, to let English people know the truth;and I hope they will never leave off to pray God, and call loud to thegreat King of England, till all the poor blacks be given free, and slaverydone up for evermore. 

[Footnote 16: The whole of this paragraph especially, is given as nearly aswas possible in Mary's precise words. ]

[Footnote 17: She means West Indians. ]

[Footnote 18: A West Indian phrase: to fasten or tie up. ]

SUPPLEMENT

TO THE

HISTORY OF MARY PRINCE. 

BY THE EDITOR. 

Leaving Mary's narrative, for the present, without comment to the reader'sreflections, I proceed to state some circumstances connected with her casewhich have fallen more particularly under my own notice, and which Iconsider it incumbent now to lay fully before the public. 

About the latter end of November, 1828, this poor woman found her way tothe office of the Anti-Slavery Society in Aldermanbury, by the aid of aperson who had become acquainted with her situation, and had advised herto apply there for advice and assistance. After some preliminaryexamination into the accuracy of the circumstances related by her, I wentalong with her to Mr. George Stephen, solicitor, and requested him toinvestigate and draw up a statement of her case, and have it submitted tocounsel, in order to ascertain whether or not, under the circumstances, her freedom could be legally established on her return to Antigua. On thisoccasion, in Mr. Stephen's presence and mine, she expressed, in verystrong terms, her anxiety to return thither if she could go as a freeperson, and, at the same time, her extreme apprehensions of the fate thatwould probably await her if she returned as a slave. Her words were, "Iwould rather go into my grave than go back a slave to Antigua, though Iwish to go back to my husband very much--very much--very much! I am muchafraid my owners would separate me from my husband, and use me very hard, or perhaps sell me for a field negro;--and slavery is too too bad. I wouldrather go into my grave!"

The paper which Mr. Wood had given her before she left his house, wasplaced by her in Mr. Stephen's hands. It was expressed in the followingterms:--

 "I have already told Molly, and now give it her in writing, in order that there may be no misunderstanding on her part, that as I brought her from Antigua at her own request and entreaty, and that she is consequently now free, she is of course at liberty to take her baggage and go where she pleases. And, in consequence of her late conduct, she must do one of two things--either quit the house, or return to Antigua by the earliest opportunity, as she does not evince a disposition to make herself useful. As she is a stranger in London, I do not wish to turn her out, or would do so, as two female servants are sufficient for my establishment. If after this she does remain, it will be only during her good behaviour: but on no consideration will I allow her wages or any other remuneration for her services. 

 "JOHN A. WOOD. "

 "London, August 18, 1828. "

This paper, though not devoid of inconsistencies, which will be apparentto any attentive reader, is craftily expressed; and was well devised toserve the purpose which the writer had obviously in view, namely, tofrustrate any appeal which the friendless black woman might make to thesympathy of strangers, and thus prevent her from obtaining an asylum, ifshe left his house, from any respectable family. As she had no one torefer to for a character in this country except himself, he doubtlesscalculated securely on her being speedily driven back, as soon as theslender fund she had in her possession was expended, to throw herselfunconditionally upon his tender mercies; and his disappointment in thisexpectation appears to have exasperated his feelings of resentment towardsthe poor woman, to a degree which few persons alive to the claims ofcommon justice, not to speak of christianity or common humanity, couldeasily have anticipated. Such, at least, seems the only intelligibleinference that can be drawn from his subsequent conduct. 

The case having been submitted, by desire of the Anti-Slavery Committee, to the consideration of Dr. Lushington and Mr. Sergeant Stephen, it wasfound that there existed no legal means of compelling Mary's master togrant her manumission; and that if she returned to Antigua, she wouldinevitably fall again under his power, or that of his attorneys, as aslave. It was, however, resolved to try what could be effected for her byamicable negotiation; and with this view Mr. Ravenscroft, a solicitor, (Mr. Stephen's relative, ) called upon Mr. Wood, in order to ascertainwhether he would consent to Mary's manumission on any reasonable terms, and to refer, if required, the amount of compensation for her value toarbitration. Mr. Ravenscroft with some difficulty obtained one or twointerviews, but found Mr. Wood so full of animosity against the woman, andso firmly bent against any arrangement having her freedom for its object, that the negotiation was soon broken off as hopeless. The angryslave-owner declared "that he would not move a finger about her in thiscountry, or grant her manumission on any terms whatever; and that if shewent back to the West Indies, she must take the consequences. "

This unreasonable conduct of Mr. Wood, induced the Anti-Slavery Committee, after several other abortive attempts to effect a compromise, to think ofbringing the case under the notice of Parliament. The heads of Mary'sstatement were accordingly engrossed in a Petition, which Dr. Lushingtonoffered to present, and to give notice at the same time of his intentionto bring in a Bill to provide for the entire emancipation of all slavesbrought to England with the owner's consent. But before this step wastaken, Dr. Lushington again had recourse to negotiation with the master;and, partly through the friendly intervention of Mr. Manning, partly bypersonal conference, used every persuasion in his power to induce Mr. Woodto relent and let the bondwoman go free. Seeing the matter thus seriouslytaken up, Mr. Wood became at length alarmed, --not relishing, it appears, the idea of having the case publicly discussed in the House of Commons;and to avert this result he submitted to temporize--assumed a demeanour ofunwonted civility, and even hinted to Mr. Manning (as I was given tounderstand) that if he was not driven to utter hostility by the threatenedexposure, he would probably meet our wishes "in his own time and way. "Having gained time by these manoeuvres, he adroitly endeavoured to coolthe ardour of Mary's new friends, in her cause, by representing her as anabandoned and worthless woman, ungrateful towards him, and undeserving ofsympathy from others; allegations which he supported by the readyaffirmation of some of his West India friends, and by one or two plausibleletters procured from Antigua. By these and like artifices he appearscompletely to have imposed on Mr. Manning, the respectable West Indiamerchant whom Dr. Lushington had asked to negotiate with him; and heprevailed so far as to induce Dr. Lushington himself (actuated by thebenevolent view of thereby best serving Mary's cause, ) to abstain from anyremarks upon his conduct when the petition was at last presented inParliament. In this way he dextrously contrived to neutralize all ourefforts, until the close of the Session of 1829; soon after which heembarked with his family for the West Indies. 

Every exertion for Mary's relief having thus failed; and being fullyconvinced from a twelvemonth's observation of her conduct, that she wasreally a well-disposed and respectable woman; I engaged her, in December1829, as a domestic servant in my own family. In this capacity she hasremained ever since; and I am thus enabled to speak of her conduct andcharacter with a degree of confidence I could not have otherwise done. Theimportance of this circumstance will appear in the sequel. 

From the time of Mr. Wood's departure to Antigua, in 1829, till June orJuly last, no farther effort was attempted for Mary's relief. Some fainthope was still cherished that this unconscionable man would at lengthrelent, and "in his own time and way, " grant the prayer of the exilednegro woman. After waiting, however, nearly twelve months longer, andseeing the poor woman's spirits daily sinking under the sickeninginfluence of hope deferred, I resolved on a final attempt in her behalf, through the intervention of the Moravian Missionaries, and of the Governorof Antigua. At my request, Mr. Edward Moore, agent of the MoravianBrethren in London, wrote to the Rev. Joseph Newby, their Missionary inthat island, empowering him to negotiate in his own name with Mr. Wood forMary's manumission, and to procure his consent, if possible, upon terms ofample pecuniary compensation. At the same time the excellent andbenevolent William Allen, of the Society of Friends, wrote to Sir PatrickRoss, the Governor of the Colony, with whom he was on terms of friendship, soliciting him to use his influence in persuading Mr. Wood to consent: andI confess I was sanguine enough to flatter myself that we should thus atlength prevail. The result proved, however, that I had not yet fullyappreciated the character of the man we had to deal with. 

Mr. Newby's answer arrived early in November last, mentioning that he haddone all in his power to accomplish our purpose, but in vain; and that ifMary's manumission could not be obtained without Mr. Wood's consent, hebelieved there was no prospect of its ever being effected. 

A few weeks afterwards I was informed by Mr. Allen, that he had received aletter from Sir Patrick Ross, stating that he also had used his bestendeavours in the affair, but equally without effect. Sir Patrick at thesame time inclosed a letter, addressed by Mr. Wood to his Secretary, Mr. Taylor, assigning his reasons for persisting in this extraordinary course. This letter requires our special attention. Its tenor is as follows:--

 "My dear Sir, "In reply to your note relative to the woman Molly, I beg you will have the kindness to oblige me by assuring his Excellency that I regret exceedingly my inability to comply with his request, which under other circumstances would afford me very great pleasure. 

 "There are many and powerful reasons for inducing me to refuse my sanction to her returning here in the way she seems to wish. It would be to reward the worst species of ingratitude, and subject myself to insult whenever she came in my way. Her moral character is very bad, as the police records will shew; and she would be a very troublesome character should she come here without any restraint. She is not a native of this country, and I know of no relation she has here. I induced her to take a husband, a short time before she left this, by providing a comfortable house in my yard for them, and prohibiting her going out after 10 to 12 o'clock (our bed-time) without special leave. This she considered the greatest, and indeed the only, grievance she ever complained of, and all my efforts could not prevent it. In hopes of inducing her to be steady to her husband, who was a free man, I gave him the house to occupy during our absence; but it appears the attachment was too loose to bind her, and he has taken another wife: so on that score I do her no injury. --In England she made her election, and quitted my family. This I had no right to object to; and I should have thought no more of it, but not satisfied to leave quietly, she gave every trouble and annoyance in her power, and endeavoured to injure the character of my family by the most vile and infamous falsehoods, which was embodied in a petition to the House of Commons, and would have been presented, had not my friends from this island, particularly the Hon. Mr. Byam and Dr. Coull, come forward, and disproved what she had asserted. 

 "It would be beyond the limits of an ordinary letter to detail her baseness, though I will do so should his Excellency wish it; but you may judge of her depravity by one circumstance, which came out before Mr. Justice Dyett, in a quarrel with another female. 

 * * * * *

 "Such a thing I could not have believed possible. [19]

 [Footnote 19: I omit the circumstance here mentioned, because it is too indecent to appear in a publication likely to be perused by females. It is, in all probability, a vile calumny; but even if it were perfectly true, it would not serve Mr. Wood's case one straw. --Any reader who wishes it, may see the passage referred to, in the autograph letter in my possession. T. P. ]

 "Losing her value as a slave in a pecuniary point of view I consider of no consequence; for it was our intention, had she conducted herself properly and returned with us, to have given her freedom. She has taken her freedom; and all I wish is, that she would enjoy it without meddling with me. 

 "Let me again repeat, if his Excellency wishes it, it will afford me great pleasure to state such particulars of her, and which will be incontestably proved by numbers here, that I am sure will acquit me in his opinion of acting unkind or ungenerous towards her. I'll say nothing of the liability I should incur, under the Consolidated Slave Law, of dealing with a free person as a slave. 

 "My only excuse for entering so much into detail must be that of my anxious wish to stand justified in his Excellency's opinion. 

 "I am, my dear Sir, Yours very truly, JOHN A. WOOD. "_20th Oct. 1830_. "

 "_Charles Taylor, Esq. _ _&c. &c. &c. _

 "I forgot to mention that it was at her own special request that she accompanied me to England--and also that she had a considerable sum of money with her, which she had saved in my service. I knew of £36 to £40, at least, for I had some trouble to recover it from a white man, to whom she had lent it. 

 "J. A. W. "

Such is Mr. Wood's justification of his conduct in thus obstinatelyrefusing manumission to the Negro-woman who had escaped from his "house ofbondage. "

Let us now endeavour to estimate the validity of the excuses assigned, andthe allegations advanced by him, for the information of Governor SirPatrick Ross, in this deliberate statement of his case. 

1. To allow the woman to return home free, would, he affirms "be to rewardthe worst species of ingratitude. "

He assumes, it seems, the sovereign power of pronouncing a virtualsentence of banishment, for the alleged crime of ingratitude. Is this thena power which any man ought to possess over his fellow-mortal? or whichany good man would ever wish to exercise? And, besides, there is noevidence whatever, beyond Mr. Wood's mere assertion, that Mary Prince owedhim or his family the slightest mark of gratitude. Her account of thetreatment she received in his service, _may_ be incorrect; but her simplestatement is at least supported by minute and feasible details, and, unless rebutted by positive facts, will certainly command credence fromimpartial minds more readily than his angry accusation, which hassomething absurd and improbable in its very front. Moreover, is it notabsurd to term the assertion of her _natural rights_ by a slave, --evensupposing her to have been kindly dealt with by her "owners, " and treatedin every respect the reverse of what Mary affirms to have been hertreatment by Mr. Wood and his wife, --"the _worst_ species of ingratitude?"This may be West Indian ethics, but it will scarcely be received as sounddoctrine in Europe. 

2. To permit her return would be "to subject himself to insult whenevershe came in his way. "

This is a most extraordinary assertion. Are the laws of Antigua then sofavourable to the free blacks, or the colonial police so feeblyadministered, that there are no sufficient restraints to protect a richcolonist like Mr. Wood, --a man who counts among his familiar friends theHonourable Mr. Byam, and Mr. Taylor the Government Secretary, --from beinginsulted by a poor Negro-woman? It is preposterous. 

3. Her moral character is so bad, that she would prove very troublesomeshould she come to the colony "without any restraint. "

"Any restraint?" Are there no restraints (supposing them necessary) shortof absolute slavery to keep "troublesome characters" in order? But this, Isuppose, is the _argumentum ad gubernatorem_--to frighten the governor. She is such a termagant, it seems, that if she once gets back to thecolony _free_, she will not only make it too hot for poor Mr. Wood, butthe police and courts of justice will scarce be a match for her! SirPatrick Ross, no doubt, will take care how he intercedes farther for soformidable a virago! How can one treat such arguments seriously?

4. She is not a native of the colony, and he knows of no relation she hasthere. 

True: But was it not her home (so far as a slave can have a home) forthirteen or fourteen years? Were not the connexions, friendships, andassociations of her mature life formed there? Was it not there she hopedto spend her latter years in domestic tranquillity with her husband, freefrom the lash of the taskmaster? These considerations may appear light toMr. Wood, but they are every thing to this poor woman. 

5. He induced her, he says, to take a husband, a short time before sheleft Antigua, and gave them a comfortable house in his yard, &c. &c. 

This paragraph merits attention. He "_induced her to take a husband_?" Ifthe fact were true, what brutality of mind and manners does it notindicate among these slave-holders? They refuse to legalize the marriagesof their slaves, but _induce_ them to form such temporary connexions asmay suit the owner's conveniency, just as they would pair the loweranimals; and this man has the effrontery to tell us so! Mary, however, tells a very different story, (see page 17;) and her assertion, independently of other proof, is at least as credible as Mr. Wood's. Thereader will judge for himself as to the preponderance of internal evidencein the conflicting statements. 

6. He alleges that she was, before marriage, licentious, and even depravedin her conduct, and unfaithful to her husband afterwards. 

These are serious charges. But if true, or even partially true, how comesit that a person so correct in his family hours and arrangements as Mr. Wood professes to be, and who expresses so edifying a horror oflicentiousness, could reconcile it to his conscience to keep in the bosomof his family so _depraved_, as well as so _troublesome_ a character forat least thirteen years, and confide to her for long periods too thecharge of his house and the care of his children--for such I shall shew tohave been the facts? How can he account for not having rid himself withall speed, of so disreputable an inmate--he who values her loss so little"in a pecuniary point of view?" How can he account for having sold _fiveother slaves_ in that period, and yet have retained this shockingwoman--nay, even have refused to sell her, on more than one occasion, whenoffered her full value? It could not be from ignorance of her character, for the circumstance which he adduces as a proof of her shamelessdepravity, and which I have omitted on account of its indecency, occurred, it would appear, not less than _ten years ago_. Yet, notwithstanding heralleged ill qualities and habits of gross immorality, he has not onlyconstantly refused to part with her; but after thirteen long years, bringsher to England as an attendant on his wife and children, with the avowedintention of carrying her back along with his maiden daughter, a younglady returning from school! Such are the extraordinary facts; and untilMr. Wood shall reconcile these singular inconsistencies between hisactions and his allegations, he must not be surprised if we in Englandprefer giving credit to the former rather than the latter; although atpresent it appears somewhat difficult to say which side of the alternativeis the more creditable to his own character. 

7. Her husband, he says, has taken another wife; "so that on that score, "he adds, "he does her no injury. "

Supposing this fact be true, (which I doubt, as I doubt every mereassertion from so questionable a quarter, ) I shall take leave to put aquestion or two to Mr. Wood's conscience. Did he not write from England tohis friend Mr. Darrel, soon after Mary left his house, directing him toturn her husband, Daniel James, off his premises, on account of heroffence; telling him to inform James at the same time that his wife had_taken up_ with another man, who had robbed her of all she had--a calumnyas groundless as it was cruel? I further ask if the person who inventedthis story (whoever he may be, ) was not likely enough to impose similarfabrications on the poor negro man's credulity, until he may have beeninduced to prove false to his marriage vows, and to "take another wife, "as Mr. Wood coolly expresses it? But withal, I strongly doubt the fact ofDaniel James' infidelity; for there is now before me a letter from himselfto Mary, dated in April 1830, couched in strong terms of conjugalaffection; expressing his anxiety for her speedy return, and stating thathe had lately "received a grace" (a token of religious advancement) in theMoravian church, a circumstance altogether incredible if the man wereliving in open adultery, as Mr. Wood's assertion implies. 

8. Mary, he says, endeavoured to injure the character of his family byinfamous falsehoods, which were embodied in a petition to the House ofCommons, and would have been presented, had not his friends from Antigua, the Hon. Mr. Byam, and Dr. Coull, disproved her assertions. 

I can say something on this point from my own knowledge. Mary's petitioncontained simply a brief statement of her case, and, among other things, mentioned the treatment she had received from Mr. And Mrs. Wood. Now theprincipal facts are corroborated by other evidence, and Mr. Wood mustbring forward very different testimony from that of Dr. Coull beforewell-informed persons will give credit to his contradiction. The value ofthat person's evidence in such cases will be noticed presently. Of theHon. Mr. Byam I know nothing, and shall only at present remark that it isnot likely to redound greatly to his credit to appear in such company. Furthermore, Mary's petition _was_ presented, as Mr. Wood ought to know;though it was not discussed, nor his conduct exposed as it ought to havebeen. 

9. He speaks of the liability he should incur, under the ConsolidatedSlave Law, of dealing with a free person as a slave. 

Is not this pretext hypocritical in the extreme? What liability could hepossibly incur by voluntarily resigning the power, conferred on him by aniniquitous colonial law, of re-imposing the shackles of slavery on thebondwoman from whose limbs they had fallen when she touched the free soilof England?--There exists no liability from which he might not have beeneasily secured, or for which he would not have been fully compensated. 

He adds in a postscript that Mary had a considerable sum of money withher, --from £36 to £40 at least, which she had saved in his service. Thefact is, that she had at one time 113 dollars in cash; but only a verysmall portion of that sum appears to have been brought by her to England, the rest having been partly advanced, as she states, to assist herhusband, and partly lost by being lodged in unfaithful custody. 

Finally, Mr. Wood repeats twice that it will afford him great pleasure tostate for the governor's satisfaction, if required, such particulars of"the woman Molly, " upon incontestable evidence, as he is sure will acquithim in his Excellency's opinion "of acting unkind or ungenerous towardsher. "

This is well: and I now call upon Mr. Wood to redeem his pledge;--to bringforward facts and proofs fully to elucidate the subject;--to reconcile, ifhe can, the extraordinary discrepancies which I have pointed out betweenhis assertions and the actual facts, and especially between his account ofMary Prince's character and his own conduct in regard to her. He has nowto produce such a statement as will acquit him not only in the opinion ofSir Patrick Ross, but of the British public. And in this position he hasspontaneously placed himself, in attempting to destroy, by his deliberatecriminatory letter, the poor woman's fair fame and reputation, --an attemptbut for which the present publication would probably never have appeared. 

 * * * * *

Here perhaps we might safely leave the case to the judgment of the public;but as this negro woman's character, not the less valuable to her becauseher condition is so humble, has been so unscrupulously blackened by herlate master, a party so much interested and inclined to place her in theworst point of view, --it is incumbent on me, as her advocate with thepublic, to state such additional testimony in her behalf as I can fairlyand conscientiously adduce. 

My first evidence is Mr. Joseph Phillips, of Antigua. Having submitted tohis inspection Mr. Wood's letter and Mary Prince's narrative, andrequested his candid and deliberate sentiments in regard to the actualfacts of the case, I have been favoured with the following letter from himon the subject:--

 "London, January 18, 1831. 

 "Dear Sir, "In giving you my opinion of Mary Prince's narrative, and of Mr. Wood's letter respecting her, addressed to Mr. Taylor, I shall first mention my opportunities of forming a proper estimate of the conduct and character of both parties. 

 "I have known Mr. Wood since his first arrival in Antigua in 1803. He was then a poor young man, who had been brought up as a ship carpenter in Bermuda. He was afterwards raised to be a clerk in the Commissariat department, and realised sufficient capital to commence business as a merchant. This last profession he has followed successfully for a good many years, and is understood to have accumulated very considerable wealth. After he entered into trade, I had constant intercourse with him in the way of business; and in 1824 and 1825, I was regularly employed on his premises as his clerk; consequently, I had opportunities of seeing a good deal of his character both as a merchant, and as a master of slaves. The former topic I pass over as irrelevant to the present subject: in reference to the latter, I shall merely observe that he was not, in regard to ordinary matters, more severe than the ordinary run of slave owners; but, if seriously offended, he was not of a disposition to be easily appeased, and would spare no cost or sacrifice to gratify his vindictive feelings. As regards the exaction of work from domestic slaves, his wife was probably more severe than himself--it was almost impossible for the slaves ever to give her entire satisfaction. 

 "Of their slave Molly (or Mary) I know less than of Mr. And Mrs. Wood; but I saw and heard enough of her, both while I was constantly employed on Mr. Wood's premises, and while I was there occasionally on business, to be quite certain that she was viewed by her owners as their most respectable and trustworthy female slave. It is within my personal knowledge that she had usually the charge of the house in their absence, was entrusted with the keys, &c. ; and was always considered by the neighbours and visitors as their confidential household servant, and as a person in whose integrity they placed unlimited confidence, --although when Mrs. Wood was at home, she was no doubt kept pretty closely at washing and other hard work. A decided proof of the estimation in which she was held by her owners exists in the fact that Mr. Wood uniformly refused to part with her, whereas he sold five other slaves while she was with them. Indeed, she always appeared to me to be a slave of superior intelligence and respectability; and I always understood such to be her general character in the place. 

 "As to what Mr. Wood alleges about her being frequently before the police, &c. I can only say I never heard of the circumstance before; and as I lived for twenty years in the same small town, and in the vicinity of their residence, I think I could scarcely have failed to become acquainted with it, had such been the fact. She might, however, have been occasionally before the magistrate in consequence of little disputes among the slaves, without any serious imputation on her general respectability. She says she was twice summoned to appear as a witness on such occasions; and that she was once sent by her mistress to be confined in the Cage, and was afterwards flogged by her desire. This cruel practice is very common in Antigua; and, in my opinion, is but little creditable to the slave owners and magistrates by whom such arbitrary punishments are inflicted, frequently for very trifling faults. Mr. James Scotland is the only magistrate in the colony who invariably refuses to sanction this reprehensible practice. 

 "Of the immoral conduct ascribed to Molly by Mr. Wood, I can say nothing further than this--that I have heard she had at a former period (previous to her marriage) a connexion with a white person, a Capt. ----, which I have no doubt was broken off when she became seriously impressed with religion. But, at any rate, such connexions are so common, I might almost say universal, in our slave colonies, that except by the missionaries and a few serious persons, they are considered, if faults at all, so very venial as scarcely to deserve the name of immorality. Mr. Wood knows this colonial estimate of such connexions as well as I do; and, however false such an estimate must be allowed to be, especially When applied to their own conduct by persons of education, pretending to adhere to the pure Christian rule of morals, --yet when he ascribes to a negro slave, to whom legal marriage was denied, such great criminality for laxity of this sort, and professes to be so exceedingly shocked and amazed at the tale he himself relates, he must, I am confident, have had a farther object in view than the information of Mr. Taylor or Sir Patrick Ross. He must, it is evident, have been aware that his letter would be sent to Mr. Allen, and accordingly adapted it, as more important documents from the colonies are often adapted, _for effect in England_. The tale of the slave Molly's immoralities, be assured, was not intended for Antigua so much as for Stoke Newington, and Peckham, and Aldermanbury. 

 "In regard to Mary's narrative generally, although I cannot speak to the accuracy of the details, except in a few recent particulars, I can with safety declare that I see no reason to question the truth of a single fact stated by her, or even to suspect her in any instance of intentional exaggeration. It bears in my judgment the genuine stamp of truth and nature. Such is my unhesitating opinion, after a residence of twenty-seven years in the West Indies. 

 "I remain, &c. "JOSEPH PHILLIPS. "

 _To T. Pringle, Esq. _

 "P. S. As Mr. Wood refers to the evidence of Dr. T. Coull in opposition to Mary's assertions, it may be proper to enable you justly to estimate the worth of that person's evidence in cases connected with the condition and treatment of slaves. You are aware that in 1829, Mr. M'Queen of Glasgow, in noticing a Report of the "Ladies' Society of Birmingham for the relief of British Negro Slaves, " asserted with his characteristic audacity, that the statement which it contained respecting distressed and deserted slaves in Antigua was "an abominable falsehood. " Not contented with this, and with insinuating that I, as agent of the society in the distribution of their charity in Antigua, had fraudulently duped them out of their money by a fabricated tale of distress, Mr. M'Queen proceeded to libel me in the most opprobrious terms, as "a man of the most worthless and abandoned character. "[20] Now I know from good authority that it was _upon Dr. Coull's information_ that Mr. M'Queen founded this impudent contradiction of notorious facts, and this audacious libel of my personal character. From this single circumstance you may judge of the value of his evidence in the case of Mary Prince. I can furnish further information respecting Dr. Coull's colonial proceedings, both private and judicial, should circumstances require it. " "J. P. "

 [Footnote 20: In elucidation of the circumstances above referred to, I subjoin the following extracts from the Report of the Birmingham Ladies' Society for 1830:--

 "As a portion of the funds of this association has been appropriated to assist the benevolent efforts of a society which has for fifteen years afforded relief to distressed and deserted slaves in Antigua, it may not be uninteresting to our friends to learn the manner in which the agent of this society has been treated for simply obeying the command of our Saviour, by ministering, like the good Samaritan, to the distresses of the helpless and the desolate. The society's proceedings being adverted to by a friend of Africa, at one of the public meetings held in this country, a West Indian planter, who was present, wrote over to his friends in Antigua, and represented the conduct of the distributors of this charity in such a light, that it was deemed worthy of the cognizance of the House of Assembly. Mr. Joseph Phillips, a resident of the island, who had most kindly and disinterestedly exerted himself in the distribution of the money from England among the poor deserted slaves, was brought before the Assembly, and most severely interrogated: on his refusing to deliver up his private correspondence with his friends in England, he was thrown into a loathsome jail, where he was kept for nearly five months; while his loss of business, and the oppressive proceedings instituted against him, were involving him in poverty and ruin. On his discharge by the House of Assembly, he was seized in their lobby for debt, and again imprisoned. "

 "In our report for the year 1826, we quoted a passage from the 13th Report of the Society for the relief of deserted Slaves in the island of Antigua, in reference to a case of great distress. This statement fell into the hands of Mr. M'Queen, the Editor of the Glasgow Courier. Of the consequences resulting from this circumstance we only gained information through the Leicester Chronicle, which had copied an article from the Weekly Register of Antigua, dated St. John's, September 22, 1829. We find from this that Mr. M'Queen affirms, that 'with the exception of the fact that the society is, as it deserves to be, duped out of its money, the whole tale' (of the distress above referred to) 'is an abominable falsehood. ' This statement, which we are informed has appeared in many of the public papers, is COMPLETELY REFUTED in our Appendix, No. 4, to which we refer our readers. Mr. M'Queen's statements, we regret to say, would lead many to believe that there are no deserted Negroes to assist; and that the case mentioned was a perfect fabrication. He also distinctly avers, that the disinterested and humane agent of the society, Mr. Joseph Phillips, is 'a man of the most worthless and abandoned character. ' In opposition to this statement, we learn the good character of Mr. Phillips from those who have long been acquainted with his laudable exertions in the cause of humanity, and from the Editor of the Weekly Register of Antigua, who speaks, on his own knowledge, of more than twenty years back; confidently appealing at the same time to the inhabitants of the colony in which he resides for the truth of his averments, and producing a testimonial to Mr. Phillips's good character signed by two members of the Antigua House of Assembly, and by Mr. Wyke, the collector of his Majesty's customs, and by Antigua merchants, as follows--'that they have been acquainted with him the last four years and upwards, and he has always conducted himself in an upright becoming manner--his character we know to be unimpeached, and his morals unexceptionable. '

 (Signed) "Thomas Saunderson John D. Taylor John A. Wood George Wyke Samuel L. Darrel Giles S. Musson Robert Grant. "

 "St. John's, Antigua, June 28, 1825. "

In addition to the above testimonies, Mr. Phillips has brought over toEngland with him others of a more recent date, from some of the mostrespectable persons in Antigua--sufficient to cover with confusion all hisunprincipled calumniators. See also his account of his own case in theAnti-Slavery Reporter, No. 74, p. 69. ]

I leave the preceding letter to be candidly weighed by the reader inopposition to the inculpatory allegations of Mr. Wood--merely remarkingthat Mr. Wood will find it somewhat difficult to impugn the evidence ofMr. Phillips, whose "upright, " "unimpeached, " and "unexceptionable"character, he has himself vouched for in unqualified terms, by affixinghis signature to the testimonial published in the Weekly Register ofAntigua in 1825. (See Note below. )

The next testimony in Mary's behalf is that of Mrs. Forsyth, a lady inwhose service she spent the summer of 1829. --(See page 21. ) This lady, onleaving London to join her husband, voluntarily presented Mary with acertificate, which, though it relates only to a recent and short period ofher history, is a strong corroboration of the habitual respectability ofher character. It is in the following terms:--

 "Mrs. Forsyth states, that the bearer of this paper (Mary James, ) has been with her for the last six months; that she has found her an excellent character, being honest, industrious, and sober; and that she parts with her on no other account than this--that being obliged to travel with her husband, who has lately come from abroad in bad health, she has no farther need of a servant. Any person Wishing to engage her, can have her character in full from Miss Robson, 4, Keppel Street, Russel Square, whom Mrs. Forsyth has requested to furnish particulars to any one desiring them. 

 "4, Keppel Street, 28th Sept. 1829. "

In the last place, I add my own testimony in behalf of this negro woman. Independently of the scrutiny, which, as Secretary of the Anti-SlaverySociety, I made into her case when she first applied for assistance, at18, Aldermanbury, and the watchful eye I kept upon her conduct for theensuing twelvemonths, while she was the occasional pensioner of theSociety, I have now had the opportunity of closely observing her conductfor fourteen months, in the situation of a domestic servant in my ownfamily; and the following is the deliberate opinion of Mary's character, formed not only by myself, but also by my wife and sister-in-law, afterthis ample period of observation. We have found her perfectly honest andtrustworthy in all respects; so that we have no hesitation in leavingevery thing in the house at her disposal. She had the entire charge of thehouse during our absence in Scotland for three months last autumn, andconducted herself in that charge with the utmost discretion and fidelity. She is not, it is true, a very expert housemaid, nor capable of much hardwork, (for her constitution appears to be a good deal broken, ) but she iscareful, industrious, and anxious to do her duty and to give satisfaction. She is capable of strong attachments, and feels deep, though unobtrusive, gratitude for real kindness shown her. She possesses considerable naturalsense, and has much quickness of observation and discrimination ofcharacter. She is remarkable for _decency_ and _propriety_ of conduct--andher _delicacy_, even in trifling minutiæ, has been a trait of specialremark by the females of my family. This trait, which is obviously quiteunaffected, would be a most inexplicable anomaly, if her former habits hadbeen so indecent and depraved as Mr. Wood alleges. Her chief faults, sofar as we have discovered them, are, a somewhat violent and hasty temper, and a considerable share of natural pride and self-importance; but thesedefects have been but rarely and transiently manifested, and have scarcelyoccasioned an hour's uneasiness at any time in our household. Herreligious knowledge, notwithstanding the pious care of her Moravianinstructors in Antigua, is still but very limited, and her views ofchristianity indistinct; but her profession, whatever it may have ofimperfection, I am convinced, has nothing of insincerity. In short, weconsider her on the whole as respectable and well-behaved a person in herstation, as any domestic, white or black, (and we have had ampleexperience of both colours, ) that we have ever had in our service. 

But after all, Mary's character, important though its exculpation be toher, is not really the point of chief practical interest in this case. Suppose all Mr. Wood's defamatory allegations to be true--suppose him tobe able to rake up against her out of the records of the Antigua police, or from the veracious testimony of his brother colonists, twenty storiesas bad or worse than what he insinuates--suppose the whole of her ownstatement to be false, and even the whole of her conduct since she cameunder our observation here to be a tissue of hypocrisy;--suppose allthis--and leave the negro woman as black in character as incomplexion, [21]--yet it would affect not the main facts--which arethese. --1. Mr. Wood, not daring in England to punish this womanarbitrarily, as he would have done in the West Indies, drove her out ofhis house, or left her, at least, only the alternative of returninginstantly to Antigua, with the certainty of severe treatment there, orsubmitting in silence to what she considered intolerable usage in hishousehold. 2. He has since obstinately persisted in refusing hermanumission, to enable her to return home in security, though repeatedlyoffered more than ample compensation for her value as a slave; and this onvarious frivolous pretexts, but really, and indeed not unavowedly, inorder to _punish_ her for leaving his service in England, though hehimself had professed to give her that option. These unquestionable factsspeak volumes. [22]

[Footnote 21: If it even were so, how strong a plea of palliation might notthe poor negro bring, by adducing the neglect of her various owners toafford religious instruction or moral discipline, and the habitualinfluence of their evil _example_ (to say the very least, ) before hereyes? What moral good could she possibly learn--what moral evil could sheeasily escape, while under the uncontrolled power of such masters as shedescribes Captain I---- and Mr. D---- of Turk's Island? All thingsconsidered, it is indeed wonderful to find her such as she now is. But asshe has herself piously expressed it, "that God whom then she knew notmercifully preserved her for better things. "]

[Footnote 22: Since the preceding pages were printed off, I have beenfavoured with a communication from the Rev. J. Curtin, to whom among otheracquaintances of Mr. Wood's in this country, the entire proof sheets ofthis pamphlet had been sent for inspection. Mr. Curtin corrects someomissions and inaccuracies in Mary Prince's narrative (see page 17, ) bystating, 1. That she was baptized, not in August, but on the 6th of April, 1817; 2. That sometime before her baptism, on her being admitted acatechumen, preparatory to that holy ordinance, she brought a note fromher owner, Mr. Wood, recommending her for religious instruction, &c. ; 3. That it was his usual practice, when any adult slaves came on _week days_to school, to require their owners' permission for their attendance; butthat on _Sundays_ the chapel was open indiscriminately to all. --Mary, after a personal interview with Mr. Curtin, and after hearing his letterread by me, still maintains that Mr. Wood's note recommended her forbaptism merely, and that she never received any religious instructionwhatever from Mr. And Mrs. Wood, or from any one else at that periodbeyond what she has stated in her narrative. In regard to hernon-admission to the Sunday school without permission from her owners, sheadmits that she may possibly have mistaken the clergyman's meaning on thatpoint, but says that such was certainly her impression at the time, andthe actual cause of her non-attendance. 

Mr. Curtin finds in his books some reference to Mary's connection with aCaptain ----, (the individual, I believe, alluded to by Mr. Phillips atpage 32); but he states that when she attended his chapel she was alwaysdecently and becomingly dressed, and appeared to him to be in a situationof trust in her mistress's family. 

Mr. Curtin offers no comment on any other part of Mary's statement; but hespeaks in very favourable, though general terms of the respectability ofMr. Wood, whom he had known for many years in Antigua; and of Mrs. Wood, though she was not personally known to him, he says, that he had "heardher spoken of by those of her acquaintance, as a lady of very mild andamiable manners. "

Another friend of Mr. And Mrs. Wood, a lady who had been their guest bothin Antigua and England, alleges that Mary has grossly misrepresented themin her narrative; and says that she "can vouch for their being the mostbenevolent, kind-hearted people that can possibly live. " She has declined, however, to furnish me with any written correction of themisrepresentations she complains of, although I offered to insert hertestimony in behalf of her friends, if sent to me in time. And havingalready kept back the publication a fortnight waiting for communicationsof this sort, I will not delay it longer. Those who have withheld theirstrictures have only themselves to blame. 

Of the general character of Mr. And Mrs. Wood, I would not designedly giveany _unfair_ impression. Without implicitly adopting either the _ex parte_view of Mary Prince, or the unmeasured encomiums of their friends, I amwilling to believe them to be, on the whole, fair, perhaps favourable, specimens of colonial character. Let them even be rated, if you will, inthe very highest and most benevolent class of slave-holders; and, layingeverything else entirely out of view, let Mr. Wood's conduct in thisaffair be tried exclusively by the facts established beyond dispute, andby his own statement of the case in his letter to Mr. Taylor. But then, Iask, if the very _best_ and _mildest_ of your slave-owners can act as Mr. Wood is proved to have acted, what is to be expected of persons whosemildness, or equity, or common humanity no one will dare to vouch for? Ifsuch things are done in the green tree, what will be done in the dry?--Andwhat else then can Colonial Slavery possibly be, even in its best estate, but a system incurably evil and iniquitous?--I require no other data--Ineed add no further comment. ]

The case affords a most instructive illustration of the true spirit of theslave system, and of the pretensions of the slave-holders to assert, notmerely their claims to a "vested right" in the _labour_ of their bondmen, but to an indefeasible property in them as their "absolute chattels. " Itfurnishes a striking practical comment on the assertions of the WestIndians that self-interest is a sufficient check to the indulgence ofvindictive feelings in the master; for here is a case where a man (a_respectable_ and _benevolent_ man as his friends aver, ) prefers losingentirely the full price of the slave, for the mere satisfaction ofpreventing a poor black woman from returning home to her husband! If thepleasure of thwarting the benevolent wishes of the Anti-Slavery Society inbehalf of the deserted negro, be an additional motive with Mr. Wood, itwill not much mend his wretched plea. 

 * * * * *

I may here add a few words respecting the earlier portion of Mary Prince'snarrative. The facts there stated must necessarily rest entirely, --sincewe have no collateral evidence, --upon their intrinsic claims toprobability, and upon the reliance the reader may feel disposed, afterperusing the foregoing pages, to place on her veracity. To my judgment, the internal evidence of the truth of her narrative appears remarkablystrong. The circumstances are related in a tone of natural sincerity, andare accompanied in almost every case with characteristic and minutedetails, which must, I conceive, carry with them full conviction to everycandid mind that this negro woman has actually seen, felt, and sufferedall that she so impressively describes; and that the picture she has givenof West Indian slavery is not less true than it is revolting. 

But there may be some persons into whose hands this tract may fall, soimperfectly acquainted with the real character of Negro Slavery, as to beshocked into partial, if not absolute incredulity, by the acts of inhumanoppression and brutality related of Capt. I---- and his wife, and of Mr. D----, the salt manufacturer of Turk's Island. Here, at least, suchpersons may be disposed to think, there surely must be _some_exaggeration; the facts are too shocking to be credible. The facts areindeed shocking, but unhappily not the less credible on that account. Slavery is a curse to the oppressor scarcely less than to the oppressed:its natural tendency is to brutalize both. After a residence myself of sixyears in a slave colony, I am inclined to doubt whether, as regards its_demoralizing_ influence, the master is not even a greater object ofcompassion than his bondman. Let those who are disposed to doubt theatrocities related in this narrative, on the testimony of a sufferer, examine the details of many cases of similar barbarity that have latelycome before the public, on unquestionable evidence. Passing over thereports of the Fiscal of Berbice, [23] and the Mauritius horrors recentlyunveiled, [24] let them consider the case of Mr. And Mrs. Moss, of theBahamas, and their slave Kate, so justly denounced by the Secretary forthe Colonies;[25]--the cases of Eleanor Mead, [26]--of HenryWilliams, [27]--and of the Rev. Mr. Bridges and Kitty Hylton, [28] inJamaica. These cases alone might suffice to demonstrate the inevitabletendency of slavery as it exists in our colonies, to brutalize the masterto a truly frightful degree--a degree which would often cast into theshade even the atrocities related in the narrative of Mary Prince; andwhich are sufficient to prove, independently of all other evidence, thatthere is nothing in the revolting character of the facts to affect theircredibility; but that on the contrary, similar deeds are at this very timeof frequent occurrence in almost every one of our slave colonies. Thesystem of coercive labour may vary in different places; it may be moredestructive to human life in the cane culture of Mauritius and Jamaica, than in the predial and domestic bondage of Bermuda or the Bahamas, --butthe spirit and character of slavery are every where the same, and cannotfail to produce similar effects. Wherever slavery prevails, there willinevitably be found cruelty and oppression. Individuals who have preservedhumane, and amiable, and tolerant dispositions towards their blackdependents, may doubtless be found among slave-holders; but even where ahappy instance of this sort occurs, such as Mary's first mistress, thekind-hearted Mrs. Williams, the favoured condition of the slave is stillas precarious as it is rare: it is every moment at the mercy of events;and must always be held by a tenure so proverbially uncertain as that ofhuman prosperity, or human life. Such examples, like a feeble andflickering streak of light in a gloomy picture, only serve by contrast toexhibit the depth of the prevailing shades. Like other exceptions, theyonly prove the general rule: the unquestionable tendency of the system isto vitiate the best tempers, and to harden the most feeling hearts. "Neverbe kind, nor speak kindly to a slave, " said an accomplished English ladyin South Africa to my wife: "I have now, " she added, "been for some time aslave-owner, and have found, from vexatious experience in my ownhousehold, that nothing but harshness and hauteur will do with slaves. "

[Footnote 23: See Anti-Slavery Reporter, Nos. 5 and 16. ]

[Footnote 24: Ibid, No. 44. ]

[Footnote 25: Ibid, No. 47. ]

[Footnote 26: Ibid, No. 64, p. 345; No. 71, p. 481. ]

[Footnote 27: Ibid, No. 65, p. 356; No. 69, p. 431. ]

[Footnote 28: Anti-Slavery Reporter, Nos. 66, 69, and 76. ]

I might perhaps not inappropriately illustrate this point more fully bystating many cases which fell under my own personal observation, or becameknown to me through authentic sources, at the Cape of Good Hope--a colonywhere slavery assumes, as it is averred, a milder aspect than in any otherdependency of the empire where it exists; and I could shew, from thejudicial records of that colony, received by me within these few weeks, cases scarcely inferior in barbarity to the worst of those to which I havejust specially referred; but to do so would lead me too far from theimmediate purpose of this pamphlet, and extend it to an inconvenientlength. I shall therefore content myself with quoting a single shortpassage from the excellent work of my friend Dr. Walsh, entitled "Noticesof Brazil, "--a work which, besides its other merits, has vividlyillustrated the true spirit of Negro Slavery, as it displays itself notmerely in that country, but wherever it has been permitted to open itsPandora's box of misery and crime. 

Let the reader ponder on the following just remarks, and compare the factsstated by the Author in illustration of them, with the circumstancesrelated at pages 6 and 7 of Mary's narrative:--

 "If then we put out of the question the injury inflicted on others, and merely consider the deterioration of feeling and principle with which it operates on ourselves, ought it not to be a sufficient, and, indeed, unanswerable argument, against the permission of Slavery?

 "The exemplary manner in which the paternal duties are performed at home, may mark people as the most fond and affectionate parents; but let them once go abroad, and come within the contagion of slavery, and it seems to alter the very nature of a man; and the father has sold, and still sells, the mother and his children, with as little compunction as he would a sow and her litter of pigs; and he often disposes of them together. 

 "This deterioration of feeling is conspicuous in many ways among the Brazilians. They are naturally a people of a humane and good-natured disposition, and much indisposed to cruelty or severity of any kind. Indeed, the manner in which many of them treat their slaves is a proof of this, as it is really gentle and considerate; but the natural tendency to cruelty and oppression in the human heart, is continually evolved by the impunity and uncontrolled licence in which they are exercised. I never walked through the streets of Rio, that some house did not present to me the semblance of a bridewell, where the moans and the cries of the sufferers, and the sounds of whips and scourges within, announced to me that corporal punishment was being inflicted. Whenever I remarked this to a friend, I was always answered that the refractory nature of the slave rendered it necessary, and no house could properly be conducted unless it was practised. But this is certainly not the case; and the chastisement is constantly applied in the very wantonness of barbarity, and would not, and dared not, be inflicted on the humblest wretch in society, if he was not a slave, and so put out of the pale of pity. 

 "Immediately joining our house was one occupied by a mechanic, from which the most dismal cries and moans constantly proceeded. I entered the shop one day, and found it was occupied by a saddler, who had two negro boys working at his business. He was a tawny, cadaverous-looking man, with a dark aspect; and he had cut from his leather a scourge like a Russian knout, which he held in his hand, and was in the act of exercising on one of the naked children in an inner room: and this was the cause of the moans and cries we heard every day, and almost all day long. 

 "In the rear of our house was another, occupied by some women of bad character, who kept, as usual, several negro slaves. I was awoke early one morning by dismal cries, and looking out of the window, I saw in the back yard of the house, a black girl of about fourteen years old; before her stood her mistress, a white woman, with a large stick in her hand. She was undressed except her petticoat and chemise, which had fallen down and left her shoulders and bosom bare. Her hair was streaming behind, and every fierce and malevolent passion was depicted in her face. She too, like my hostess at Governo [another striking illustration of the _dehumanizing_ effects of Slavery, ] was the very representation of a fury. She was striking the poor girl, whom she had driven up into a corner, where she was on her knees appealing for mercy. She shewed her none, but continued to strike her on the head and thrust the stick into her face, till she was herself exhausted, and her poor victim covered with blood. This scene was renewed every morning, and the cries and moans of the poor suffering blacks, announced that they were enduring the penalty of slavery, in being the objects on which the irritable and malevolent passions of the whites are allowed to vent themselves with impunity; nor could I help deeply deploring that state of society in which the vilest characters in the community are allowed an almost uncontrolled power of life and death, over their innocent, and far more estimable fellow-creatures. "--(Notices of Brazil, vol. Ii. P. 354-356. )

 * * * * *

In conclusion, I may observe that the history of Mary Prince furnishes acorollary to Lord Stowell's decision in the case of the slave Grace, andthat it is most valuable on this account. Whatever opinions may be held bysome readers on the grave question of immediately abolishing ColonialSlavery, nothing assuredly can be more repugnant to the feelings ofEnglishmen than that the system should be permitted to extend its banefulinfluence to this country. Yet such is the case, when the slave landed inEngland still only possesses that qualified degree of freedom, that achange of domicile will determine it. Though born a British subject, andresident within the shores of England, he is cut off from his dearestnatural rights by the sad alternative of regaining them at the expence ofliberty, and the certainty of severe treatment. It is true that he has theoption of returning; but it is a cruel mockery to call it a voluntarychoice, when upon his return depend his means of subsistence and hisre-union with all that makes life valuable. Here he has tasted "the sweetsof freedom, " to quote the words of the unfortunate Mary Prince; but if hedesires to restore himself to his family, or to escape from suffering anddestitution, and the other evils of a climate uncongenial to hisconstitution and habits, he must abandon the enjoyment of hislate-acquired liberty, and again subject himself to the arbitrary power ofa vindictive master. 

The case of Mary Prince is by no means a singular one; many of the samekind are daily occurring: and even if the case were singular, it wouldstill loudly call for the interference of the legislature. In instances ofthis kind no injury can possibly be done to the owner by confirming to theslave his resumption of his natural rights. It is the master's spontaneousact to bring him to this country; he knows when he brings him that hedivests himself of his property; and it is, in fact, a minor species ofslave trading, when he has thus enfranchised his slave, to _re-capture_that slave by the necessities of his condition, or by working upon thebetter feelings of his heart. Abstractedly from all legal technicalities, there is no real difference between thus compelling the return of theenfranchised negro, and trepanning a free native of England by delusivehopes into perpetual slavery. The most ingenious casuist could not pointout any essential distinction between the two cases. Our boasted libertyis the dream of imagination, and no longer the characteristic of ourcountry, if its bulwarks can thus be thrown down by colonial specialpleading. It would well become the character of the present Government tointroduce a Bill into the Legislature making perpetual that freedom whichthe slave has acquired by his passage here, and thus to declare, in themost ample sense of the words, (what indeed we had long fondly believed tobe the fact, though it now appears that we have been mistaken, ) THATNO SLAVE CAN EXIST WITHIN THE SHORES OF GREAT BRITAIN. 

NARRATIVE OF LOUIS ASA-ASA, A CAPTURED AFRICAN. 

The following interesting narrative is a convenient supplement to thehistory of Mary Prince. It is given, like hers, as nearly as possible inthe narrator's words, with only so much correction as was necessary toconnect the story, and render it grammatical. The concluding passage ininverted commas, is entirely his own. 

While Mary's narrative shews the disgusting character of colonial slavery, this little tale explains with equal force the horrors in which itoriginates. 

It is necessary to explain that Louis came to this country about fiveyears ago, in a French vessel called the Pearl. She had lost herreckoning, and was driven by stress of weather into the port of St. Ives, in Cornwall. Louis and his four companions were brought to London upon awrit of Habeas Corpus at the instance of Mr. George Stephen; and, aftersome trifling opposition on the part of the master of the vessel, weredischarged by Lord Wynford. Two of his unfortunate fellow-sufferers diedof the measles at Hampstead; the other two returned to Sierra Leone; butpoor Louis, when offered the choice of going back to Africa, replied, "Meno father, no mother now; me stay with you. " And here he has ever sinceremained; conducting himself in a way to gain the good will and respect ofall who know him. He is remarkably intelligent, understands our languageperfectly, and can read and write well. The last sentences of thefollowing narrative will seem almost too peculiar to be his own; but it isnot the first time that in conversation with Mr. George Stephen, he hasmade similar remarks. On one occasion in particular, he was heard sayingto himself in the kitchen, while sitting by the fire apparently in deepthought, "Me think, --me think----" A fellow-servant inquired what hemeant; and he added, "Me think what a good thing I came to England! Here, I know what God is, and read my Bible; in my country they have no God, noBible. "

How severe and just a reproof to the guilty wretches who visit his countryonly with fire and sword! How deserved a censure upon the not less guiltymen, who dare to vindicate the state of slavery, on the lying pretext, that its victims are of an inferior nature! And scarcely less deserving ofreprobation are those who have it in their power to prevent these crimes, but who remain inactive from indifference, or are dissuaded from throwingthe shield of British power over the victim of oppression, by thesophistry, and the clamour, and the avarice of the oppressor. It is thereproach and the sin of England. May God avert from our country the ruinwhich this national guilt deserves!

We lament to add, that the Pearl which brought these negroes to our shore, was restored to its owners at the instance of the French Government, instead of being condemned as a prize to Lieut. Rye, who, on his ownresponsibility, detained her, with all her manacles and chains and otherdetestable proofs of her piratical occupation on board. We trust it is notyet too late to demand investigation into the reasons for restoring her. 

_The Negro Boy's Narrative. _

My father's name was Clashoquin; mine is Asa-Asa. He lived in a countrycalled Bycla, near Egie, a large town. Egie is as large as Brighton; itwas some way from the sea. I had five brothers and sisters. We all livedtogether with my father and mother; he kept a horse, and was respectable, but not one of the great men. My uncle was one of the great men at Egie:he could make men come and work for him: his name was Otou. He had a greatdeal of land and cattle. My father sometimes worked on his own land, andused to make charcoal. I was too little to work; my eldest brother used towork on the land; and we were all very happy. 

A great many people, whom we called Adinyés, set fire to Egie in themorning before daybreak; there were some thousands of them. They killed agreat many, and burnt all their houses. They staid two days, and thencarried away all the people whom they did not kill. 

They came again every now and then for a month, as long as they could findpeople to carry away. They used to tie them by the feet, except when theywere taking them off, and then they let them loose; but if they offered torun away, they would shoot them. I lost a great many friends and relationsat Egie; about a dozen. They sold all they carried away, to be slaves. Iknow this because I afterwards saw them as slaves on the other side of thesea. They took away brothers, and sisters, and husbands, and wives; theydid not care about this. They were sold for cloth or gunpowder, sometimesfor salt or guns; sometimes they got four or five guns for a man: theywere English guns, made like my master's that I clean for his shooting. The Adinyés burnt a great many places besides Egie. They burnt all thecountry wherever they found villages; they used to shoot men, women, andchildren, if they ran away. 

They came to us about eleven o'clock one day, and directly they came theyset our house on fire. All of us had run away. We kept together, and wentinto the woods, and stopped there two days. The Adinyés then went away, and we returned home and found every thing burnt. We tried to build alittle shed, and were beginning to get comfortable again. We foundseveral of our neighbours lying about wounded; they had been shot. I sawthe bodies of four or five little children whom they had killed with blowson the head. They had carried away their fathers and mothers, but thechildren were too small for slaves, so they killed them. They had killedseveral others, but these were all that I saw. I saw them lying in thestreet like dead dogs. 

In about a week after we got back, the Adinyés returned, and burnt all thesheds and houses they had left standing. We all ran away again; we went tothe woods as we had done before. --They followed us the next day. We wentfarther into the woods, and staid there about four days and nights; wewere half starved; we only got a few potatoes. My uncle Otou was with us. At the end of this time, the Adinyés found us. We ran away. They called myuncle to go to them; but he refused, and they shot him immediately: theykilled him. The rest of us ran on, and they did not get at us till thenext day. I ran up into a tree: they followed me and brought me down. Theytied my feet. I do not know if they found my father and mother, andbrothers and sisters: they had run faster than me, and were half a milefarther when I got up into the tree: I have never seen them since. --Therewas a man who ran up into the tree with me: I believe they shot him, for Inever saw him again. 

They carried away about twenty besides me. They carried us to the sea. They did not beat us: they only killed one man, who was very ill and tooweak to carry his load: they made all of us carry chickens and meat forour food; but this poor man could not carry his load, and they ran himthrough the body with a sword. --He was a neighbour of ours. When we got tothe sea they sold all of us, but not to the same person. They sold us formoney; and I was sold six times over, sometimes for money, sometimes forcloth, and sometimes for a gun. I was about thirteen years old. It wasabout half a year from the time I was taken, before I saw the whitepeople. 

We were taken in a boat from place to place, and sold at every place westopped at. In about six months we got to a ship, in which we first sawwhite people: they were French. They bought us. We found here a great manyother slaves; there were about eighty, including women and children. TheFrenchmen sent away all but five of us into another very large ship. Wefive staid on board till we got to England, which was about five or sixmonths. The slaves we saw on board the ship were chained together by thelegs below deck, so close they could not move. They were flogged verycruelly: I saw one of them flogged till he died; we could not tell whatfor. They gave them enough to eat. The place they were confined in belowdeck was so hot and nasty I could not bear to be in it. A great many ofthe slaves were ill, but they were not attended to. They used to flog mevery bad on board the ship: the captain cut my head very bad one time. 

"I am very happy to be in England, as far as I am very well;--but I haveno friend belonging to me, but God, who will take care of me as he hasdone already. I am very glad I have come to England, to know who God is. Ishould like much to see my friends again, but I do not now wish to go backto them: for if I go back to my own country, I might be taken as a slaveagain. I would rather stay here, where I am free, than go back to mycountry to be sold. I shall stay in England as long as (please God) Ishall live. I wish the King of England could know all I have told you. Iwish it that he may see how cruelly we are used. We had no king in ourcountry, or he would have stopt it. I think the king of England might stopit, and this is why I wish him to know it all. I have heard say he isgood; and if he is, he will stop it if he can. I am well off myself, for Iam well taken care of, and have good bed and good clothes; but I wish myown people to be as comfortable. "

"LOUIS ASA-ASA. "

"_London, January 31, 1831_. "